Preaching Islamic Revival: ‘Amr Khaled, Mass Media and Social Change in Egypt 9780755623846, 9780755627899

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

There are a number of people and institutions that have influenced this book in various ways. First of all, I am very grateful to the people in Egypt who inspired me and took the time to discuss Islamisation in general and ‘Amr Khaled in particular. No names mentioned; they know who they are! I would especially like to thank David Westerlund for his painstaking reading of the manuscript, his illuminating comments on many aspects of my research, and his practical help throughout the publication process. I am also indebted to Göran Larsson, who helped me organise the material and clarify my thinking in many respects. A number of other colleagues read and gave valuable comments on parts or the whole of this work: Gunilla Gunner, Rannveig Haga, Christer Hedin, Catharina Raudvere, Jørgen Bæck Simonsen and David Thurfjell. My thanks go to them and also to Hamdi Hassan, who took the time to read the work and discuss it with me. If it were not for the fantastic time we have spent together in places like Layalina, this book would have turned out very differently. Moreover, Daniel Makar has been an endless source of inspiration and encouragement. I am also very grateful for the encouraging atmosphere at the section for the Study of Religions at Södertörn University. I am also indebted to Everett Thiele for proofreading and enhancing the readability of the text. Needless to say, the responsibility for any errors is entirely mine.

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Acknowledgements

I would also like to thank the Swedish Research Council for its generous financial support of this project and the Helge Ax:son Johnson Foundation for supporting my research on Islamisation, from which this book has benefited. Last but not least, I would like to thank all my friends and family, and above all Lina, Nico and Jens, for putting up with my absentmindedness as the writing of this book unfolded!

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Preaching, as a medium of reaching the masses, is rarely bereft of ideology. There is so much talk about not just heaven and hell but women, poverty, morality, the West, and so on.1 Recently, there has been a global increase in expressions of Islamic piety. There is, for instance, a homiletic tendency that currently attracts an increasingly global audience. The most well known of these ‘new preachers’ is the Egyptian ‘Amr Khaled (b. 1967).2 In some publications, such as The Times, he has been called one of the most influential people in the world. He is ranked as number 62 on a list of people who shape our world in the category of heroes and pioneers.3 In 2009, the Royal Islamic Strategic Studies Centre in Saudi Arabia published a report on the 500 most influential Muslims today, in which ‘Amr Khaled was placed as number 14.4 Another example is that he received an award from the WHO in 2004 for his anti-smoking campaign.5 ‘Amr Khaled is a lay preacher, an accountant by education. Looking at him, you might think he was an ordinary businessman, given that he is dressed in a suit, is well-shaven and has a trimmed moustache. With a smile, and energetically speaking about Islam and contemporary life, he self-consciously takes his place in front of a satellite TV studio audience and begins his lecture on Islam in colloquial Egyptian Arabic. Shows like this triggered my interest in such homiletic activities and thereby led to the writing of this book.

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‘Amr Khaled’s work is also used here as an instance of the ongoing processes of Islamisation in contemporary Egypt which frame the book as a whole and are part of the explanation of the development and focus of his interpretation of Islam. The increasing Islamisation of Egyptian society has spread piety to larger sections of the population. This development is often perceived as apolitical and individualistic, but the analysis in this book intends to show that this is not really the case. Many who are influenced by Islamisation can be characterised as secularised and often westernised, and many are young and female. In particular, more prosperous women have become Islamised.6 This was also a reason for my initial interest in this homiletic tendency. The preponderance of women in pious circles is not unique to Islam but appears in other religious traditions as well. For example, Joy KooiChin Tong and Bryan S. Turner argue that ‘modern piety movements appear to have a very strong attraction to women’.7 Following Anthony Giddens, Asef Bayat writes about a contemporary existential anxiety. In his interpretation, the Islamisation of women is a result of their need to find one authoritarian way in facing multiple choices. Even well-off women had been socially invisible, he argues, but due to Islamisation their lives became structured by piety. This made it easier for them to express individuality and perhaps strengthened their sense of living a life with a clear aim.8 In the words of Bayat: Such assertion of individuality-within-constraints had become the game of the day, a legitimate social norm. Indeed, the more normalized pious behaviour became, the easier it was for newcomers to join in, radically detaching these women from their mothers’ generation, which had lived a life with less pious passion.9

Islamistic and Islamic This book does not explicitly deal with Islamist interpretations. There is a difference between the concepts ‘Islamistic’ and ‘Islamic’. ‘Islamistic’ is an elusive concept that is used in a wide variety of ways.

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Here it is defined as a politically motivated interpretation that explicitly demands the use of ijtihād, thus allowing new interpretations of religious sources based on reasoning. It also holds that the Islamic law, sharīʿah, should be applied at all levels of society, hence also the political. The Muslim Brotherhood is a well-known example of Islamist Islam in Egypt. ‘Islamic’ interpretations differ from Islamistic ones in that active demands to put politics on the agenda are not necessarily made. In some cases, methods of individual reasoning, ijtihād, can nevertheless be promoted, though not necessarily in the realm of politics, but rather in the field of individual behaviour. In the ongoing processes of Islamisation, both Islamic and Islamistic interpretations are present according to this definition. My case study focuses mainly on the Islamic views of ‘Amr Khaled, which have not been explicitly political. However, to describe this phenomenon of Islamisation as apolitical would be misleading, since it has a huge impact on several levels. Thus, not only the level of personal piety, but also the societal and political levels are affected, which will become apparent in the course of this book. It is important that political dimensions or aspects of power are not ignored in the analysis since the ongoing process of Islamisation has consequences that can be regarded as political, and influences, for example, gender relations. Moreover, the widespread advocacy of individual action and responsibility may lead to political engagement, even though that has not been explicitly advocated. There are also political causes behind this Islamisation, since it has developed within a specific political context in Egypt, which is further elaborated in Chapter 2, ‘Post-Islamist Egypt’. Much of this book was written prior to the uprisings in the Middle East in 2011 and portrays the situation in Egypt under the police state of President Mubarak, which suppressed all political opposition. This oppression is an important reason why political topics, or explicit critique, have been missing in ‘Amr Khaled’s message. Following Mubarak’s resignation on 11 February 2011, ‘Amr Khaled posted a question on his website asking for opinions on whether he should get involved in politics.10 During the spring of 2011 he continued this work, relying on his supporters, who previ-

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ously had organised local charity-based or socially engaged groups of ‘Lifemakers’. In early 2011 ‘Amr Khaled gave a number of interviews to the Cairo Review of Global Affairs (American University in Cairo), criticising the Mubarak regime and the censorship he had faced.11 ‘Amr Khaled expressed his hopes for a democratic future for Egypt, to which he had returned in order to assist the democratic development. The interviews circulated widely in the Egyptian and international press. So, what I have read ‘between the lines’, as appears in the discussion below, will most likely become more explicit in the future, at least in terms of political issues.

Modernisation and Globalisation According to Leonard Binder, many researchers have studied specific countries or developments as if they are autonomous.12 Political interpretations of Islam have often been considered a counter-force against modernity and modernism,13 including secularism, in the West.14 However, there are several religious institutions and ideas which continue to exert a strong influence on people, even though governments in predominantly Muslim countries have largely been institutionally secularised. Secularised institutions have almost monopolised the political arena, but this is now being challenged by many who argue in favour of a general Islamisation of society. Secularisation refers to the process by which religion loses influence over several parts of society due to the specialisation of various systems.15 The phrase ‘institutional secularisation’ is used here to describe such change. In this sense, Egypt can be seen as institutionally secularised to a certain degree, but the government has never completely rejected Islam. Rather, it has used Islam as a foundation for legitimating its policies. For example, the second article in the constitution of Egypt states that Islamic law, sharīʿah, is the foundation of all law: ‘Islam is the Religion of the State. Arabic is its official language, and the principal source of legislation is Islamic Jurisprudence (Sharia).’16 Secularism, on the other hand, is a normative idea which includes the opinion that religion should be

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privatised or even rejected. These issues are constantly negotiated in Egypt and appear in ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation as well. It is apparent that religion gains more space in conflicts between the (ideally) open democratic ethos of civil society on the one hand and absolutist (ethical) aspects of religious traditions on the other.17 In the words of Talal Asad, religious interpretations challenge the notion of privatisation and structural differentiation. His discussions show that we need to reconsider the secularisation thesis, which focuses on the decline of religion: [Religion] is not indifferent to debates about how the economy should be run, which scientific projects should be publicly funded, or what the broader aims of [a] national education system should be. The legitimate entry of religion into these debates results in the creation of modern ‘hybrids’: the principle of structural differentiation, according to which religion, economy, education and science are located in autonomous social spaces, no longer holds.18 Ideally speaking, public space is regarded by many as a secular sphere. This is a modernist assumption that sees a public role for religion as a sign of backwardness.19 However, not many would claim that the public space is void of religious voices. We need to consider what implications this has for the transformation of religious traditions as well as what place religion may have – and should have – in public debates. The issues dealt with in this book are all part of a transforming Islamic landscape which is analysed in a discursive and contextualised manner. Each Muslim is in some way a part of a global Muslim community, but also a part of a local and national setting. The analysis of ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation is contextualised partly within the Egyptian local and national context but also in a global context of the conflict concerning ‘sacred authority’.20 My theoretical understanding of globalisation and localisation is influenced by the studies of Roland Robertson, who argues that globalisation is also a part of the local using the term ‘glocalisation’ to describe the

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situation. This means that the global and the local cannot be separated from each other. The local is rather an aspect of globalisation, and glocalisation is a part of globalisation. Hence, globalisation must be understood in the light of local particularities, which is apparent in the case of the preaching and lecturing of ‘Amr Khaled.22 He clearly takes his point of departure in a local and national setting, but his activities have a global context as well. Even though he works in a local environment, his struggle is global in scope. Thus, the local and the global interact, and Robertson’s concept of ‘glocalisation’ can shed some light here. Actors such as ‘Amr Khaled can be seen as part of a ‘global public space’ or a ‘global civil society’. This is a useful approach for understanding the contemporary Islamisation and ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam. It is also an efficient way to approach current religious interpretations in general and to understand how religious traditions are affected by changes in a local–national–global setting as well as to understand what role or what function religion may have for the individual. I analyse ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam as a part of global processes concerned with the production of symbols, the control of space and boundaries, as well as of institutions with a right to interpret and transform the meaning of symbols, for example, the Sunnite al-Azhar University in Cairo.23 As mentioned above, there is a global quest for ‘sacred authority’, which is further discussed in Chapter 3 on contemporary daʿwah.24 Moreover, in order to understand how the state approaches the process of Islamisation, it is necessary to take the global demands on Egypt and its striving to have a friendly relationship with the USA into consideration. The state stands between demands for more Islamisation and more secularisation – or westernisation. The Egyptian political context is further elaborated in Chapter 2 ‘Post-Islamist Egypt’.

Discourse and Power Discourses, such as religious ones, represent or construct a message with truth claims, which are central to questions regarding identity,

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power and change. Vivien Burr notes that what people say or write are not: valid descriptions of things called ‘beliefs’ or ‘opinions’, nor can they be taken to be manifestations of some inner, essentialist condition such as temperament, personality or attitude. They are manifestations of discourses, outcrops of representations of events upon the terrain of social life. They have their origin not in the person’s private experience, but in the discursive culture that those people inhabit.25 Truth claims can be seen as texts and analysed in order to find their meaning. In the discourse analysis presented here, ‘Amr Khaled’s Islamic interpretation will be discussed in the contemporary context of Islamisation in Egypt as well as within the global conflict of sacred authority. This will clarify why he focuses on specific topics as well as particular strategies and sources. From a social constructionist perspective, elements of the context of Islamisation can be understood as attempts to create more space or power for marginalised interpretations. According to Stuart Hall: the most profound cultural revolution in this part of the twentieth century has come about as a consequence of the margins coming into representation. [. . .] Paradoxically, marginality has become a powerful space. [. . .] New subjects, new genders, new ethnicities, new regions, and new communities – all hitherto excluded as decentered or subaltern – have emerged and have acquired through struggle, sometimes in very marginalized ways, the means to speak for themselves for the first time. And the discourses of power in our society, the discourses of the dominant regimes, have been threatened by this decentered cultural empowerment of the marginal and the local.26 miriam cooke employs a post-colonial perspective in her discussions of ‘Islamic feminism’. She shows how women emerge from unexpected places, position themselves in the world, affirm their iden-

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tities and thereby disturb ‘the calculations of power and knowledge, producing other spaces of subaltern signification’.27 ‘As they come into representation from the margins, they are threatening the discourses of the dominant regimes.’28 In my view, the same can be said of ‘Amr Khaled. He comes from the margins and uses specific sources and interpretative strategies in order to produce more space and power, as well as to gain legitimacy for his interpretation.

Religion and Power In this book, religion is perceived as a social construction in a functional manner, and the focus is on what religion does for people or how it is used, in a reductionist sense.29 Moreover, it is important to include power aspects in a study such as this. Power can mean several things and exist on several levels. It pertains to the distribution of political power in a society, but also, on a more foundational level, concerns gender roles, for example, as ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation illustrates. A social constructionist perspective highlights discourses of power involved in religious interpretations. Regarding what could be described as increasing expressions of piety in Egyptian society at the beginning of the present millennium, proponents of these have clearly become involved in power issues, as is discussed in Chapter 4. In a dialectic way, they have affected the governmental policy towards Islam and other Islamic positions, such as so-called Establishment Islam, that represent the juridical principle of taqlīd in the sense of advocating imitation of codified Islamic laws.30 The result has been an increased Islamisation of society. This process of Islamisation is not represented by an organised or uniform movement. Instead, there is a general tendency towards Islamisation in society at large and a wide variety of actors and interpretations are involved. Hence, Islamisation can, rather, be described as a ‘context’ in which people live their lives. Dominant discourses of Establishment Islam and the state have been contested and resisted by other interpreters. Repression is a strategy of the dominant discourses, used when the limits of power are reached. Disciplinary power is a strategy by which representatives

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of the dominant discourses attempt to control society, to create a view of ‘normality’ and punish the subjects.31 Another important issue concerns ideological aspects. No idea in itself is ideological. It is how an idea is used that can be seen as ideological. Thus, if we study ideology, it is rather ‘the ways in which meaning is mobilised in the social world in the interests of powerful groups’ that is of interest.32 This means that a discourse can be used ideologically and, hence, we cannot say that a discourse in itself is repressive or liberating. ‘Discourses can be seen as having the potential to be deployed ideologically, that is in the service of power and in the interests of the relatively powerful groups in society.’33 A social constructionist perspective can also help us to reflect on how interpreters in a general sense attempt to legitimate their privilege of interpretation, as in the case of the above-mentioned conflict of sacred authority.34

Purpose and Research Questions The main purpose of this book is systematically to present and analyse ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam by focusing on some recurring discourses in his televised talks and to understand them in relation to a broader context of Islamisation in Egypt and the global conflict of sacred authority. This contextualisation is necessary to explain the contents of his interpretation and his interpretative strategy, as well as the methods and sources he uses. The contextual approach can also explain the avoidance of explicit discussion of certain topics such as the present political condition in Egypt or elsewhere. In order to break down the main purpose into manageable parts, several questions will be asked. Some are directly related to the larger context of ‘Amr Khaled. I will ask questions such as: What is the context in which ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation ought to be analysed? How does his interpretation relate to Islamism, Establishment Islam and the Egyptian state under Mubarak? How can it be characterised as part of a ‘post-Islamist’ discourse? How can we understand it within the context of Islamisation? How do his methods differ from those of earlier preachers? How can the non-political message be

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explained in relation to the above-mentioned questions? Some of these questions can only be answered in the conclusion of the book, but they will guide the analysis throughout and constitute a context of ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam. These questions are further elaborated in Chapters 2 and 3. Other questions concern ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam as it is presented in his televised shows. The focus on three aspects, namely 1) the view on the individual and the collective; 2) the West and authenticity; and 3) gender issues, led me to ask questions that would elucidate opinions about this topic. These themes are given three separate chapters, which in turn are divided into subsections that pertain to specific fields related to the overarching discursive theme. Each chapter attempts to answer some specific questions that will shed light on the main discourse. Chapter 4, ‘The Individual and the Ummah’, focuses on the ‘core framing tasks’ of ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation that clarify how he views the Muslim ummah and the role of the individual. The chapter will also focus on customs presented as specifically Islamic and how these are legitimised. How Islam is defined is also discussed as it constitutes the foundation for his interpretation. Chapter 5, ‘The Other and Authenticity’, focuses on questions that mainly concern ‘Amr Khaled’s view on the West and Westerners, and how he presents Islam as an authentic model and method for the renaissance of Islam. The chapter will present the sources used and how interpretations are legitimised. There is an emphasis on questions concerning integration and coexistence, as the view on ‘the Other’ is a main theme of the chapter. Moreover, how he perceives westernisation and imitation, for example, as regards his opinions on development of industry and education, is discussed, as a main feature of ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation is to promote an authentic Islam. The following discursive chapter, ‘Gender Issues’, specifically deals with questions that relate to the roles and duties of men and women. A basic question is how ‘Amr Khaled describes the Islamic view of women, as compared to what he defines as the western view of women. Moreover, how he deals with oppression of women in

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relation to what in his opinion is authentic Islam is analysed. His ideas on reinterpreting the main Islamic sources in order to promote a better position for Muslim women will also be focused upon. Since the main purpose of this book is systematically to present and analyse the Islamic interpretation made by ‘Amr Khaled within the context of Islamisation, a selection of TV shows has been made in order to illustrate certain recurring themes. Although the discursive analyses focus on the growing Islamisation of Egypt, following the interpretation by ‘Amr Khaled, they can also be seen as a comment on the growing trend towards piety on a global scale. The choice of ‘Amr Khaled’s production as my empirical material is motivated by his global fame and because his message reflects several important discourses of religious revitalisation movements in general.

A Note on Arabic Several Arabic terms are used in this book, despite my having tried to limit their use. Some are necessary and as a consequence are not translated into English. However, they are explained the first time they occur. Throughout the text, less common terms in Arabic are therefore italicised. In order to make the text accessible to readers, the use of diacritical marks is avoided, but long vowels are used to indicate the pronunciation. Names of groups and individuals are exceptions to the latter rule, as are some words that are commonly used in English, such as the Qur’an, which would usually be transcribed as Qur’ān, or the ummah, which would be given as ummah. Moreover, the letter hamza is transcribed as ’, as in the Qur’an, while the letter ‘ayn is transcribed as ‘, as in sharī‘ah. A brief glossary is included at the end of the book, where the most commonly used Arabic terms are explained.

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CHAPTER 2 POST-ISLAMIST EGYPT

This chapter outlines the contemporary Egyptian situation, with a focus on the processes of secularisation and Islamisation, in order to contextualise ‘Amr Khaled’s Islamic interpretation prior to the popular uprisings in 2011, which led to the resignation of President Mubarak and the initiation of a process of democratisation. This chapter presents the power discourses that were prevalent in Egyptian society prior to the uprisings and the relationship between religious interpretations and state politics. The analysis shows how various interpretations affected each other and how the Egyptian state contributed to this development and, conversely, was affected by it.

A Transforming Islamic Landscape Several significant changes occurred in Egyptian society even before 2011. There are many studies that deal with the growing Islamisation, which mainly in the cities has been visible in, for example, books, music and clothes.1 Charles Hirschkind’s study on preaching in Cairo shows that many people are attracted to the revitalisation of Islam. Hirschkind concludes that: the effects of this movement are evident throughout Egypt but most strikingly and pervasively in the popular quarters of Cairo’s lower-middle and lower classes, where a renewed con-

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cern with Islam is visible in everything from dress styles to mosque attendance to the prevalence of Islamic welfare organisations.2 Saba Mahmood, however, shows that women who support Islamisation have not only come from the lower classes.3 Instead, many of those who are active are women who are well off, highly educated and participate in social and public life. A large group of ‘Amr Khaled’s sympathisers have been such women, who more often have used a veil. There are two apparent trends in contemporary interpretations of Islam that reveal the quest for sacred authority – disintegration and unity. Disintegration can be seen in the wide variety of interpretations of Islam (or other religions), causing a contestation of ‘sacred authority’. A multitude of ‘Islams’ develop with a variety of approaches to, for instance, loyalty and authority. Such developments bring forth new religious authorities. Loyalties may, for example, shift away from Establishment Islam or the state. New types of actors and networks emerge, and new spokespersons appear. In such a context, new religious authorities may gain more power. The opposing trend is the striving for unity. Here the idea of an Islamic ummah (the Muslim community) is elaborated. This may assist in creating an imaginary geography and sense of unity. However, there are no signs of any real progress towards a unified global Muslim ummah, where all think or act alike. However, such ideas or ideals influence many contemporary interpretations, not least the one of ‘Amr Khaled. In recent decades, the transforming Islamic landscape has affected all layers of the population of the Muslim world. A process of democratisation of knowledge, brought about by education as well as new forms of communication, has had several effects in the Muslim world. People have become increasingly aware of their religion and engage in their own studies and discussions of topics related to religion. Authority is not ‘given’. Establishment Islam is increasingly questioned, and this is part of the ongoing debate about Islam, which includes such questions as: Who speaks for true Islam?

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Who has the right to define what Islam is or should be, and how should it influence social and political behaviour? These discussions may make it possible for political demands to be expressed more openly. New technologies are available to spread various or conflicting interpretations of Islam, making the quest for sacred authority a global contest. Dale Eickelman and John W. Anderson refer to this process as a ‘reintellectualization of the Islamic discourse’,4 and it is not only the religiously learned scholars (‘ulamā’) who take part in this process.5 The contemporary agenda is different in this respect. Many have seen representatives of Establishment Islam as collaborators with the government and argued that they are ‘out of date’. Some radical Islamists use violence, while others are more focused on social issues. However, Islamists do not seem to be able to change the everyday life of people on a broader scale. In this ‘vacuum’, other lay preachers and Islamic entrepreneurs may find an empty space to fill. Contemporary religious interpretations are often described by sociologists as commodities, with marketing and ‘salespeople’ possibly playing a significant role and influencing the religious choices of people. Such salespeople can be regarded as religious entrepreneurs. Many of them, like ‘Amr Khaled, are characterised by a nonformal religious education and are taking part in rethinking and reinterpreting Islam, thus contributing to an extension of the conflict regarding ‘sacred authority’. Religious entrepreneurs may be active on a local, national and global level. Their innovative ideas and styles can mobilise people and create a set of common values. Ideas pertaining to motivation and management are common and the aim is often to improve society. All of these aspects are clearly found in ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation and are reflected in the style of his language and his choice of words. This lay tendency focuses on matters relevant for the individual and contemporary lifestyles. There seems to be a focus on spiritual well-being and individual ease. For example, interpretations promoting holistic and organic health care and homeopathy as Islamic are growing in urban areas. As mentioned, ‘Amr Khaled received an award from the World Health Organization in 2004 for his televised anti-smoking campaign, which is an excellent example of this health

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trend. Moreover, the appeals promoting values such as wealth, success, hard work and self-realisation are commonplace. However, ‘Amr Khaled also requires that people who are successful, famous, rich or very religious should always take care to show humility.6 Related to this theme, there was an interesting discussion of beautiful clothing in the TV show Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence). ‘Amr Khaled discussed the jurist Malik’s taste for good food and fine clothing, which caused some criticism. Malik’s answer was that God is beautiful and likes beauty. He was then advised by a man who said that Malik should always fear God, which Malik politely accepted, thanking the man for his advice. ‘Amr Khaled said that we all should accept advice without being arrogant or immoral since that will lead to disputes. Finally, he presents the viewers with the verse from the Qur’an which Malik used as a reply as well:7 Who hath forbidden the adornment of Allah which He hath brought forth for His bondmen, and the good things of His providing? Say: Such, on the Day of Resurrection, will be only for those who believed during the life of the world. Thus do We detail Our revelations for people who have knowledge. (7:32) ‘Amr Khaled then said that Malik could enjoy this life and be pious at the same time. That is probably an answer that ‘Amr Khaled can utilise if criticised for his wearing of expensive suits as well. However, one reason for telling this story is that ‘Amr Khaled does not argue that it is necessary for a pious Muslim to forsake material things such as beautiful clothing. This may very well be an attractive idea for more affluent people as well. At first glance, the topics presented by ‘Amr Khaled and others like him seem to reflect a quite apolitical position. The prophet Muhammad is a favourite topic, for example, and he is depicted as an ordinary human being who is just and well mannered. Political dimensions are not explicitly in focus. The same appears when other prophets and Islamic role models are mentioned. However, ‘Amr Khaled’s message nevertheless has a political impact in a country like Egypt, where the government has also negotiated for religious space

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and authority and tried to control and limit other people’s possibilities to influence the interpretation of Islam. It is not unlikely that many who took part in the uprisings in 2011 were sympathisers of ‘Amr Khaled. In allowing, and to some extent even supporting, a moderate form of Islam, the government struggled to keep Islamists and other opponents, for example leftists, under control. In this way, the government tried to gain legitimacy and spread its nationalist propaganda.8 Moreover, the legitimising force of Establishment Islam has made the Egyptian state use its representatives in order to show that Islamists and others in the opposition are in the wrong. However, Establishment Islam and the governmental attitude towards Islam in politics should not be confused. There is also evidence that representatives of Establishment Islam have looked at Islamists with admiration, since their standards of morality and piety tend to be very high. It is often the state rather than representatives of Establishment Islam that is openly hostile to Islamists.9 In the same way that institutions may have both political and social effects, so do religious values, beliefs, traditions and habits. Piety expressions, such as preaching, have therefore been subject to regulations and control. Another example of control is the nationalisation of mosques. For instance, some preachers may be forced to leave certain mosques and move to smaller, less popular ones.10 Thus, even non-political gatherings have been regarded as potential threats. An illustrative example of how huge a crowd can be is ‘Amr Khaled’s trip to Yemen in March 2005, where an estimated 100,000 people attended his lectures – 40 per cent of whom were women.11 State interventions aimed to curb what is regarded as extremism, and also to spread government policies, such as birth control:12 One key aspect of the reform policies undertaken by Egyptian nationalists from the late nineteenth century to the present has been the state’s legal and administrative intervention in the domain of religion, in order to render it consonant with the secular-liberal and technocratic discourses central to the state’s own legitimacy, functioning, and reformist goals.13

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The state policies under Mubarak promoted this-worldly interpretations of Islam. The governmental version of Islam has encouraged ‘modern virtues of hard work, individual initiative, self-improvement, cooperation, and obedience to state authority’.14 In the view of both Charles Hirschkind and Saba Mahmood, the actions of the state may be regarded as an attempt to provide citizens who prefer a secular nationalistic ideology with a privatised form of religion. Mahmood describes the Egyptian state as secular-liberal. She notices that objections may be raised to this since the state used Islam for its own purposes. However, her argument is that we should not see secularism simply as a western model since it can take various forms. Like Hirschkind, she argues that the state, by creating a ‘modern polity’, has attempted to control religious institutions and practices.15

Introducing the Post-Islamist Discourse In general terms, Islam seems to have functioned as an instrument of security and protection in an insecure and changing situation.16 Islam may also be seen as aggressive and expanding, and different interpretations are spread around the globe.17 Many Muslim interpreters question modernism, asking how they can live in a world where nothing is sacred.18 In many contemporary interpretations of Islam, modernism or westernisation is often considered a cause of moral problems. Many Muslims are now involved in questions concerning piety, purity and simplicity in life with a basis in Islam, and it is in this setting that we find ‘Amr Khaled. ‘Amr Khaled is one of a new kind of preachers whose influence has been tremendous. Reasons for the growth of this Islamic preaching and teaching may partly be the failure of violent Islamism and of Islamist rule in practice, but also a general stagnation of the political and intellectual landscape of Egypt. Islamism appears to be a failure since no Islamist group or individual really succeeded in changing society in accordance with their ideological standpoints. This is a critique which, for example, Olivier Roy presented in the 1990s. He subsequently continued the discussion of the development within

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Islamic discourses, and in The Failure of Political Islam (1996) he argues that Islamists must adjust to the given context and become moderates, or they will become more marginalised and radicalised, a position he calls ‘neofundamentalism’.19 In his book Globalized Islam (2004), Olivier Roy uses the concept ‘post-Islamism’ to characterise the apolitical Islamic tendencies that focus on piety. Roy discusses how globalisation, westernisation and the minority situation that many Muslims experience in the West affect interpretations of Islam. His book focuses on globalised Islam and ‘post-Islamism’, which revolves around deterritorialisation and is oriented towards the social and individual rather than the state. In Roy’s opinion, post-Islamists regard religion and politics as two autonomous spheres.20 This is an understandable position in a setting where Muslims live as minorities. His definition of postIslamism is illuminating, even if it does not well suit the case of Egypt, where the context is different.21 Asef Bayat uses the concept post-Islamism to characterise a specific interpretation of Islam, which conforms to how it is used in this book. According to his definition, ‘post-Islamist piety – [is] an active piety which is thick in rituals and scriptures and thin in politics. It is marked and framed by the taste and style of the rich, in particular, affluent youth and women.’22 In a similar manner, Bayat compares this post-Islamist piety to Islamism in order to clarify the differences. He argues that post-Islamism is ‘[t]hick on ritual and remarkably thin on dissent, they [post-Islamists] signified a shift from Islamism as a political project to one concerned primarily with personal salvation, ethical enhancement, and selfactualization’.23 In this book, the concept of post-Islamism refers to interpretations promoting the ideal of an active piety through personal salvation, emotions and issues of identity in a situation where traditional social norms, often perceived to be Islamic, face a changing society and a rapid technological development. The postIslamist discourse is also perceived as non-political and attractive to the more well-off people as well. This is how ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation could be described.

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As mentioned at the outset, well-off people seem to be attracted to ‘Amr Khaled’s preaching. According to Asef Bayat, ‘the convergence of youth subculture, elitism, and a pietistic Islam produced this genre of daʿwah against a backdrop of political Islam in crisis and a profound stagnation of Egypt’s intellectual and political landscape’.24 Patrick Haenni calls this ‘market Islam’.25 In Bayat’s opinion, it is an accommodation to bourgeois consumer culture in which charity and individual piety are central. It can be interpreted as a form of religiosity that emphasises subjectivity, individual choice and experimentation.26 Bryan S. Turner argues that piety is compatible with the middle classes: ‘Firstly, it is a movement to rationalize the everyday world through adherence to pious norms. Secondly, these movements are closely connected to the rising new middle-class.’27 ‘Piety and revivalism are compatible with modern, urban life styles.’28 Several studies ‘show that piety is not an opiate of the people, but on the contrary these pious norms are highly compatible with the life style of the elite’.29 Hence, as mentioned earlier, it is clearly not only the socially and economically disadvantaged who support the contemporary process of Islamisation. Post-Islamism is a multifaceted phenomenon. It concerns issues related to the problematic issue of how to accommodate or perhaps coexist with changes that many see as part of (western) modernity and still regard oneself as an authentic Muslim by following ‘true Islam’. Many Muslims see a decline of Islamic values in society, but also an increase of values related to consumer culture, and nonIslamic ideals, values and lifestyles. It is visible in the increasing number of shopping centres, American-style coffee shops, international cuisine, designer clothing, pop music and so on. Strategies used by actors within the Islamisation processes to come to terms with such conflicting, but connected, areas are important to analyse. For example, how does ‘Amr Khaled handle the encounter between what is regarded as Islamic tradition and with modernity or westernisation? In the following, this issue will be further explored.

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‘Statisation’ of Religion In various discussions about Islamisation many different aspects, such as social, political and economic, but also psychological issues, have been examined. Discussions about religious resurgence and revitalisation often focus on marginalised groups and on individuals who experience bitterness and alienation; poor or rootless people; those with a sense of alienation who feel a lack of authenticity; the formerly colonised; those segregated in the Western world; those who do not have access to commodity culture; those subjected to political exclusion; and those who are oppressed or know of others who are. This list could be made longer. Explanations often focus on socio-economical problems; lack of political pluralism; censorship; influences from globalisation and modernity – in the sense of commodity and consumer culture; changing lifestyles and values – and resistance to these. Moreover, a question that social constructionists have dealt with is whether individuals have agency. From an outsider perspective, agency is often seen as resistance. Another explanation we often hear is that western ideologies and lifestyles have not met people’s needs and have not resulted in social progress. The differences between income and wealth continue to grow, and there are many socio-economic problems. From an insider perspective, the neglect of Islam is often regarded as the cause of the problems. The outsider, on the other hand, will perhaps speak of alienation and insecurity as explanations. Islamists are often viewed from such a sociological point of view. Asef Bayat is an example of a researcher with this perspective. He stresses how alienation and anomie spread and that secularisation failed to solve the problems in Egypt. There was an increase of cultural repression and political deliberalisation. The state combined religion and cultural nationalism to safeguard morals and social integration. This is what Bayat calls the ‘statisation’ of religion and religiosity of the state, which has had consequences for democracy in Egypt as well as for intellectual thought and political change.30 Bayat critically examines how stagnant intellectual life has become in Egypt. In his view, discussions on heritage (turāth)

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highlight Islam as the authentic heritage, thus limiting the development of intellectual thought, and creating a context where people like ‘Amr Khaled can emerge: The ultimate causalities of this state of affairs were critical voices, independent minds, and innovative thinking. The illfated blend of authoritarian policy, religious morality, and nativist sensibilities progressively constricted the room to entertain democratic ideals, alternative thought, and self-criticism. It was within this paltry intellectual atmosphere that the likes of ‘Amr Khalid rose to stardom and moral authority unintentionally cementing Egypt’s path toward an Islamic passive revolution.31 There is also much research that tries to explain how religious interpretations are motivated from an insider’s point of view, for example how a self-bomber can motivate that suicide is an Islamic action even though a great majority of Muslims would probably argue that it is not. This kind of research focuses largely on comparisons between Establishment Islam and interpretations of texts and belongs mainly to the sphere of the study of religions. An analysis of texts based on a social contextualisation is of crucial importance in order to understand the teaching of someone like ‘Amr Khaled. It is obvious that he relates to the religious and political landscape of Egypt and any analysis must be related to an overall political agenda.

Islams in Egypt Since ‘Amr Khaled is a product of the Egyptian context and the various Islams there, it is necessary to outline some brief developments in order to contextualise his interpretation historically. There is a wide variety of interpretations and practices of Islam in contemporary Egypt. For example, there is a large presence of Sufi fraternities and groups.32 Sufism is largely politically passive in Egypt.33 The Sufis are nevertheless considered a potential destabilising threat

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and therefore the government also attempts to control the Sufi orders. In popular religious practice, celebrations of the birthday of Muhammad are widespread. There is also saint worship and visits to tombs believed to give blessing (barakah) to the visitors. In Cairo, for example, one of the most popular places is the mosque of Sayyidah Zainab, a granddaughter of Muhammad. People travel from all over Egypt to visit her shrine. Another example, the zār, has been described mainly as a female kind of religiosity and is a spiritpossession ritual based on Islam.34 These kinds of Islam are not further discussed in this book but deserve to be mentioned. The main focus here is on the positions of the state, Islamism, Establishment Islam and post-Islamism. ‘Islamism’ is an inclusive concept that concerns different political interpretations of Islam. According to Nazih Ayubi: This ‘religion’ that the militant Islamists are using is not simply a traditional set of beliefs that is being retrieved; rather they are improvising a largely novel religio-political body. ‘Political Islam’ is not an old doctrine that is being resurrected; rather it is a new doctrine that is now being invented.35 Arabic has several terms for Islamism. Islāmiyūn and mu’minūn have positive connotations and emphasise faithfulness. Another term is usūlīya, which literally means ‘fundamentalism’. The term was utilised in classic Islamic theology and jurisprudence and refers to the principles, or roots, of religion and jurisprudence. This would then imply that every Muslim who adheres to the basic tenets of faith can be characterised as a fundamentalist. The term usūlīya is also often used with reference to interpretations advocating violence. Hence, ‘fundamentalists’ are seen as extremists or terrorists. Non-Islamist Muslims have also used other negative terms for Islamists, such as mutaʿassibūn, ‘fanatics’, and mutatarrifūn, ‘extremists’ or ‘radicals’.36 The term islāmīya37 or islāmīyūn is, in my view, the most preferable one in Arabic. In English it can be translated as ‘political Islam’ or ‘Islamism’. Thus, it refers to those Muslims who advocate reinterpretation of Islam and consider Islam to be a political system.

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In western media and scholarship ‘Islamism’ has largely replaced the concept ‘fundamentalism’. Azza M. Karam writes: ‘I have found that the term fundamentalism, coined by non-Islamists to refer to a broad and diverse strata [!], is utterly rejected by its supposed adherents.’38 Writing with reference to this, she remarks that this has occurred because of the negative connotations and the stereotypes it invokes, alienating Islamists as well as their opponents. In line with Karam’s argument, however, we should note how other scholars, such as Peter Antes, have discussed the use of ‘fundamentalism’ as a translation of the Arabic usūlīya.39 Antes argues that it has been adopted by Islamists themselves and is used as a selfdesignation, affecting their self-interpretation as they now see themselves as part of a global protest against certain aspects of modernism. He maintains that studies conducted in the West give Islamists the opportunity to learn about other groups, and he claims that through ‘bibliographical references [. . .] a perfect network is established’ and that those who belong to this network know that they are ‘religious fundamentalists’ and behave accordingly.40 Antes presents this as a reason why Islamists must be studied in more detail in order to clarify their differences in both theory and practice. The concept of fundamentalism, as well as research about it, may well have influenced adherents, but to consider western research as the main factor spreading news and information about Islamists among themselves is misleading. There are many other ways to spread information today, as has already been pointed out. It should be emphasised that there are various kinds of Islamism, although no elaborate typology will be presented here. The differences between different Islamisms lie, for example, in their views on sources of jurisprudence and interpretation as well as on how their visions or goals ought to be implemented. The various types overlap and are not exclusive. Islamism has a long history in Egypt, originating officially with the establishment of the Muslim Brotherhood, which is the most widespread opposition movement in contemporary Egypt. Well-known ideologues associated with the Muslim Brotherhood were, for example, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1839–97),41 Muhammad ‘Abduh (1849–1905)42 and his disciple Rashid Ridá

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(1865–1935), all of whom were regarded as reformist and moderately inclined. More radical Islamism in Egypt has been associated with Hasan al-Banna’ (1906–49)44 and Sayyid Qutb (1906–60),45 often considered to be the leading ideologists of the Muslim Brotherhood. Both al-Banna’ and Qutb influence contemporary Islamists of all sorts. Islamist movements in Egypt that belong to the more radical type are al-jihād,46 al-takfīr wa al-hijrah47 and aljamaʿāt al-islāmīya.48 Asef Bayat argues that Islamism emerged as a result of economic, political and cultural marginalisation of disenchanted people. Religion became a substitute for politics. Islamism gave people selfrespect and confidence as well as increased autonomy.49 Islamists provided people with a way to express discontent as well as with a moral safety net, in facing globalisation and western cultural penetration.50 Islamism criminalised others and focused on ‘a blend of piety and obligation, devotion and duty’.51 It grew within the contradictory frames of opportunity and suppression. Opportunity in education, economic development, social mobility, urbanisation, individuation and transnational flows were followed by political repression and marginalisation, humiliation and inequality.52 The main aim of Islamism was to build an ideological community.53 The impact was seen, for example, in the teacher training college dār alʿUlūm coming to be dominated by Islamist teachers.54 The language used by Islamists was one of moral and cultural purity focusing on identity politics and charity. They did not succeed in going beyond this level of Islamisation – when put into practice it failed, as for instance in Iran, Sudan and Pakistan. Islamists were always repressed or had to revise their views.55 They provided social services and forced Establishment Islam to do the same in order to gain legitimacy.56 In Egypt, Islamic activism mainly took the form of a social movement.57 Islamism was largely oriented towards associational work and social mobilisation in civil society. Its grassroots basis was consolidated, and the Muslim Brotherhood developed into a mass social movement. Islamic sentiments spread as a result, and even people with a more secular outlook had to compromise with Islam. Hence, a revival of Islam followed.58 ‘Yet it

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was a peculiar kind of revivalism, as the infusion of Islamic symbols into everyday life helped produce a somewhat “secularized” religion.’59 Moreover, ‘Egypt experienced a kind of cultural hybridity in which religion remained by and large dominant.’60 Establishment Islam was dependent on the state during the reign of President Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasser, and it was in fact the Muslim Brotherhood that mantled opposition politics.61 After 1967 and the war with Israel, groups that focused on violence increased. Al-jamaʿāt al-islāmīya, the Islamic Student Associations, were permitted during the era of President Anwar Sadat, and members of this group developed into the most active Islamist militants until the end of the 1990s.62 During the 1980s, Islamists changed into a social movement through its daʿwah and associations, aiming at Islamisation from the grassroots. In so doing, they still challenged the state. Their success made al-Azhar intensify its daʿwah activities. Moreover, individuals without a clear belonging to any particular group became more visible in daʿwah work as well.63 The Muslim Brotherhood aimed at representation in parliament and became more moderate, while aljamaʿāt al-islāmīya instead became more militant, controlled university campuses and successfully moved into the poorer districts of Cairo and the southern parts of the country.64 The Muslim Brotherhood of the early 1990s controlled thousands of mosques as well as dominating several syndicates and student unions. Their presence in the public space increased, and they now aimed at state institutions.65 The failed attempt to murder President Mubarak by al-jamaʿāt alislāmīya in 1995 made the state clamp down hard on all Islamists. New laws were passed to prevent Islamist activities, and the Muslim Brotherhood’s journal Liwā’ al-islām was closed down.66 From this time onwards it was difficult to work politically, and Islamism became more oriented towards a general ‘struggle against secular values in order to elevate personal piety, morality, Islamic identity, and ethos’.67 Following this, post-Islamism increasingly began to spread. Social movements, such as the post-Islamist one, generate changes. Such movements pressure the authorities to meet social demands. They are involved in the cultural production of norms and

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values, behaviours, symbols and discourses. Social movements can be said to operate on the fault line between civil society and the state, in that they are engaged in, for example, education and media. They may even challenge the state by taking part in elections. However, to succeed in sharing political power, they need to maintain popular support.68 As mentioned in Chapter 1, ‘Amr Khaled began to discuss his political activism as soon as Mubarak was out of the picture. Once free to participate in the political life in Egypt, his popularity will undoubtedly be tested. Religion and nationalism have been blended in Egypt and supported by the state. This contributed to an Islamisation of the secular state as well. The Islamist movement contributed to this development and influenced the state to become more religious and to appropriate a religious discourse: ‘It socialized the state to the society’s prevailing sensibilities, and by penetrating the state apparatus helped create a kind of “seculareligious” state.’69 This is also expressed by Asef Bayat, who shows how the ‘religiosity’ of the Egyptian state was a result of both the policy of the state authorities and the Islamist mobilisation that socialised the state. Since religious discourse spread in society at large, the state did not have any choice but to act more religiously in order to preserve its legitimacy. At the same time, the state representatives wanted to have a good reputation in the West and therefore developed a dual character. Islam as well as secular global standards had to be accommodated.70 In Egypt, the decline of Islamism did not stop Islamisation; it merely took other routes causing an increase in pietisation. From the beginning of the 1990s and onwards, several groups fought over the interpretation of cultural and moral virtues.71 Islamisation spread but the state was in control, which encouraged a passive Islamisation from the grassroots. Another more recent factor is the so-called war on terrorism, which made many feel that Islam was under siege. This has probably contributed to the increase in Islamisation as well. However, the success of Islamic parties in many countries does not necessarily mean that there is a religio-political revival going on. Rather, it is an expression of increased personal piety. This is what Asef Bayat calls the post-Islamist turn, as discussed above.

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Post-Islamism is defined as a wider political and social movement as well as a conscious project that fuses rights, faith and freedom – rights are in focus, not duties; plurality, not singular authority; historicity, not fixed scripture; and the future, not history.72 ‘It strives to marry Islam with individual choice and freedom, with democracy and modernity (something post-Islamists stress), to achieve what some scholars have termed an “alternative modernity”’.73 Thus, Bayat regards the post-Islamist tendency as quite liberal since it focuses on the rights of citizens: ‘In short, whereas Islamism is defined by the fusion of religion and responsibility, postIslamism emphasizes religiosity and rights.’74 Post-Islamism should not be regarded as the end of Islamism. Rather, Islamism and postIslamism may even grow simultaneously.75 Asef Bayat presents some causes of the development of postIslamism that are relevant to my analysis as well, namely the failure of Islamism, the creation of an educated group of people and the global context: Why did post-Islamism, as a condition, project, and movement, come into existence? At least three factors were broadly responsible: first, the failures and contradictions of the Islamist project that entailed a rethinking of Islamism from within; second, social changes (increasing literacy, urbanization, and an economic shift) that generated actors (educated middle classes, the young, increasingly literate women) who together formed a collective urban consciousness that pushed for social and political transformation; and third, the global context within which these changes were taking place.76 It seems possible to argue that post-Islamists such as ‘Amr Khaled can cause Islamism to lose more ground. However, his kind of postIslamism could also be the first step towards making public space more open to religious demands, which eventually may result in increasing demands for an Islamic state to be formed, thereby – consciously or unconsciously – following in the footsteps of Islamism. Perhaps the truth is a bit of both.

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In conclusion, secularisation and Islamisation have been two major aspects of Egyptian society. Islamist influence has grown in various ways. It seems that many leftist parties no longer appear to be viable alternatives, and religious groups fill that void.77 Protest activities have surfaced. Democratic calls from the more secularoriented group Kifayah and Muslim Brotherhood protests have been heard.78 However, until recently such protest movements have been difficult to uphold in the Egyptian climate, and the state has worked hard to preserve the status quo. In Egypt, a conservative moral ethos has grown and critics have been marginalised. The state appropriated a more conservative interpretation of Islam as well as nationalist sentiments which contributed to a situation where Islamisation spread but the state remained in control: ‘Even though a nascent democracy movement (Kifaya) in 2005 pointed to some change in the political climate, political structure remained authoritarian, religious thought stagnant and exclusive, and political class nativist.’79 Hardly anybody expected that we would see an uprising in Egypt in the near future. However, we now know that the secular and liberal opposition managed to oust Mubarak, and the ‘facebook generation’ was successful in ways Islamists could only dream of. However, the latter took an active part in the protests and the subsequent political liberation. Even Establishment Islam tried in its own way to cope with the changing situation, discussing democratic changes of the old al-Azhar University, and only time will tell what kind of religious landscape we will see in the future.80 In any case, it is within the above-described oppressive religiopolitical context that ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretations prior to 2011 ought to be understood. The next chapter focuses more explicitly on his art of preaching and teaching, and how he differs from earlier interpretative traditions.

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CHAPTER 3 CONTEMPORARY DAʿWAH

A wider framework of this chapter is the so-called conflict of sacred authority and the challenges to the normative interpretation of representatives of Establishment Islam. The chapter discusses the transformation of preaching in the contemporary era in order to contextualise ‘Amr Khaled’s work. It will be shown what kind of preacher he is and how he legitimises his activities, as a leader without formal religious education. The reasons for his popularity are also discussed within the wider context of Islamisation.

Contesting Establishment Islam For several reasons, ‘orthodox’ institutions and representatives of authority are currently facing challenges. One reason for this is the dissolution of ‘place’ caused by processes of globalisation that affect traditional boundaries and networks. This present context of ‘dislocation’ has major effects on how Islam is being interpreted by Muslims today and also on how ‘orthodoxy’ is being formulated. Dislocation, or deterritorialisation, also concerns the growing Muslim ‘diaspora’, for example in the USA and Europe, which sees an increasing number of Muslim interpreters challenging the traditional conglomerations of ‘orthodoxy’. This leads to transnational notions and interpretations of Islam and new, or at least increased, networking. Another important factor of change is the new media that allow many voices of Islam to spread and that contribute to a further

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objectification of Islam and the involvement of more people in negotiations about the definition of ‘true’ Islam, even from outside the traditional ranks of religiously learned scholars or ‘ulamā’.1 However, it is also interesting to note that most interpreters actually do employ interpretative styles and methods of more traditional ‘ulamā’, such as the use of fatāwa (religious verdicts) and writing treatises citing the same sources. In terms of forms of spreading the message, there are more obvious changes. However, new media are sometimes also used by those who are categorised as ‘orthodox’ ‘ulamā’.2 Thus, ‘orthodox’ Islam too needs to respond to the larger context and to others who claim to speak of ‘true’ Islam, even though these ‘ulamā’ would regard the latter as heretical or simply not legitimate interpreters. An interesting point made by Olivier Roy related to contemporary fatāwa is that many committees that issue fatāwa have been formed globally.3 However, they are unable to enforce their counselling, since it is all based on a voluntary approach: ‘In the end the believer decides, not the mufti or the qadi. Asking for a fatwa is a personal issue, as is abiding by it once it has been delivered.’4 This shows that people like ‘Amr Khaled are ‘creating a space of power as they emerge from the margins into representation’.5 In an article regarding formations of ‘orthodoxy’, Richard C. Martin and Abbas Barzegar discuss the term ‘orthodox’ and argue that ‘orthodoxy’ and ‘heresy’ are not mutually exclusive. Instead, they maintain, there is a continuous dialectical relationship, always subject to social and political contexts. This, they argue, also means that ‘orthodoxy’ is in fact about power.6 As scholars of religion, we ought to avoid making value judgements regarding the authenticity of ‘orthodoxy’ or any other religious interpretation. ‘Orthodoxy’ is not static or timeless, nor is it universal. It must be understood in a historical context and as always affected by changes in the surrounding society, local as well as global. Hence, what is regarded as ‘orthodoxy’ or normative Islam differs between various areas and interpretations, for example between Sunni and Shiʿah Islam, but also within each tradition. However, we can at least conclude that the juridical schools have functioned as sources of identity through-

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out history, although they have not been unchallenged. The new context that ‘orthodoxy’ finds itself in ‘forces’ it to adapt and appropriate new interpretations and behaviours in order to preserve legitimacy and authority. As we have often heard, Islam did not and does not have any central authority or council with the authority to decide what ‘true’ Islam is or should be. Therefore, there are several ‘orthodoxies’, which are considered equally ‘orthodox’ – for example, the different juridical schools.7 As Martin and Barzegar show, a historical contextualisation also challenges the notion of an ‘elite’ and a ‘folk’ version of Islam as two separate domains. This, they argue, is an inheritance from the normative Enlightenment view of what religion was, or should be. In their analysis, Martin and Barzegar show how popular versions of Islam in fact have often been sources of ‘orthodoxy’, as for instance in the case of mihnah.8 From a critical theory perspective, ‘orthodoxy’ is what Martin and Barzegar call ‘the exercise of power through the production of knowledge in interpretive institutions, in book publishing, and in local communities that remain connected to the larger Muslim world through specific means of communication’.9 A hypothesis formulated by them is that ‘orthodox religion at any given moment in history is the result of the historical evolution of competing popular religious ideas and practices’.10 It is therefore understandable that interpretations of Islam outside the frames of ‘orthodoxy’ have effects on the Islamic landscape at large, and affect general views on ‘orthodoxy’ as well as ‘orthodoxy’ itself. Contestation of religious authority in Islam is not a new thing. Representatives of ‘orthodoxy’, or what I call Establishment Islam, such as ‘ulamā’, have been challenged throughout history, and questions regarding what religious knowledge actually is and who should control it have been present from the beginning of Islam. Popular preachers and storytellers contributed to the spread of Islamic knowledge in early Islamic history.11 At present new kinds of religious intellectuals and activists are challenging religious authority, often without having a formal religious education. Establishment Islam has also changed throughout the centuries. It

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is sometimes depicted as having been a static tradition throughout history, which of course is not the case. Within it we now find a particularly multifaceted scene, where representatives attempt to assert their authority in various ways, including the use of new media.12 Colonialism undermined the scope of Islamic law (sharīʿah), and many religious scholars thus faced the challenge of upholding this law, the preservation of which was regarded as their most central task. However, this certainly did not mean that Establishment Islam ceased to exist.13 The national and local settings also caused different developments of Establishment Islam, depending to a large extent on the governmental policy and control over religious institutions. In Egypt, the dār al-iftā’, the office issuing fatāwa, was founded in 1895 as an attempt to institutionalise religious authority.14 This certainly did not go unchallenged, but may be seen as a result of the conflict over sacred authority in which many contesters actively took part. Colonial rule caused many changes in society. Secular education formed new generations critical of the authority of Establishment Islam. The end of the nineteenth century witnessed an increasing production of texts by Muslims who did not belong to the religious elite. Since then, mass education and forms of new media have contributed to further undermining the authority of Establishment Islam, causing a further fragmentation of authority, which has been called the ‘objectification’ of Islam. Objectification led to a ‘functionalisation’ of texts. Thus, new interpreters often advocated a more pragmatic use of the juridical sources and hermeneutic methods. In the post-colonial setting, religious authority is challenged from ‘within’, that is, by other Muslim interpreters. At the same time, religious authority is also challenged from ‘without’, by modernity and a global flow of ideas, that influence individual Muslims and their perceptions of Islam.15 The conflict concerning religious authority transforms the contemporary Islamic landscape, making it into an ambiguous and ever-changing field drawing an increasing number of people into it, which further increases the objectification of Islam.

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Conflict of Sacred Authority Another important aspect is that religion seems to be ‘returning’ to the public space in Egypt as a result of increasing Islamisation. The ‘return of religion’ to the public sphere challenges the modernist ideology that holds that religion should be private. There is now a great deal of evidence that religions are being rearticulated in the contemporary globalised context. Research on new religious movements in the West, for example, shows that religion is present in societies regarded as highly modern, on both a private and a public level:16 Public religion, in this sense, is not a relic of a premodern past that should ideally be confined to the private sphere. Instead, it is crucial to acknowledge that – religious claims of ‘returning to the source’ notwithstanding – religions tend to be rearticulated with globalization.17 This return, or resurgence, naturally challenges religious traditions as well in terms of how religion should be mediated, what should be mediated and by whom. This implies the question of who holds ‘sacred authority’ and how it is negotiated.18 This is not only the case in the West, but also in countries where Islam is the majority religion, such as Egypt. In various ways, attempts are being made to reclaim the role of Islam in society by people who refuse to accept being socially marginalised or having their religion confined to the private sphere. The demands for ‘sacred authority’ grow and many claim to be the true spokespersons of Islam, which causes a conflictual situation. As Olivier Roy writes: ‘The religious market – that is, the manipulation of Islamic symbols and legitimacy – also has a political dimension: who will speak for Muslims?’19 The question of authority is one of the major contemporary intellectual issues in the Muslim world. Discussing this may also contribute to an understanding of how religion can function as an instrument to prevent feelings of alienation and bring about a sense of stability in life. The new situation can be regarded as a challenge

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for religious traditions as it causes reinterpretations. Apparently, changes within a religious discourse are more frequent when society is rapidly transforming and new ideas and products are being spread. Theologians and others naturally respond to contexts. In their interpretations, they legitimate or reject new contexts. They try to give meaning to new situations. Hence, we find the striving to reach ‘authenticity’ (asālah), in the sense of defining what Muslim interpreters regard as genuine or true in a religious tradition and how to understand the new situation from that perspective.20 That which Establishment Islam represents, an imitation of the law schools, based on the principle of taqlīd, is not what all Muslims accept. There is, thus, no agreement as to what constitutes the ‘orthodox’ or ‘official’ discourse of Islam, and it is now notoriously difficult to define what it is. Changes in Muslim countries during the last century have created a complex and dynamic situation. This fragmentation is not necessarily related only to content, but is based on the increasing number of voices, often without a formal training, such as ‘Amr Khaled. It is clear that there is no Islamic institution with a recognised leadership: Since there is no worldwide organized religious institution in Islam that can establish what is to be considered ‘official’ Islam, the question arises whether we can speak here of official religion at all and, if so, what may be the criteria of calling something ‘official Islam’ with a recognized leadership.21 John O. Voll concludes that ‘what we are seeing now in this crisis of authoritarianism is the battle for hegemony over discourse. If you can control the words, you can control the polity.’22 How and why, or by whom, a certain discourse of religion is constructed or questioned are all interesting questions. The expression ‘Establishment Islam’ is not representative of a specific opinion. However, most people do have a general idea about the meaning of that type of Islam and that what they say or do differs from or conforms to it. Different actors use theological and juridical concepts and ideas and are aware of how these have changed in comparison to

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what they perceive to be Establishment Islam. This is an apparent trait in, for instance, ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation. It seems that he always has Establishment Islam in mind, and attempts to show that he does not contradict it. Demands for sacred authority seem to be growing, and can be seen, for example, in the emergence of new preachers, new religious satellite channels and religious music. Musicians and singers have started to use nationalist and religious lyrics.23 Music programmes have singers, such as the immensely popular Sami Yusuf with his contemporary version of classical religious music (nashīd). These changes are expressions or signs of a questioning of the religious authority of Establishment Islam, even though the Islamic contents of what critics say to a large extent do not differ from Establishment Islam. It is also a sign of how Islamisation has affected demands for, among other things, Islamic music and clothes. There is an apparent fragmentation of interpretations, and what we see now is a conflict regarding interpretative authority, which is also a reason for this study.

Objectification The objectification of Islam is a result of mass media and the spread of literacy and education. As a consequence, Establishment Islam is not able to monopolise the privilege of interpretation. Objectification includes a broadening engagement with ‘Islamic issues’ and a larger number of laypeople now take part in interpretative activities. In general, more reflection on religious issues seems to take place. However, Saba Mahmood questions this analytical perspective since it seems to depict people as having been devoid of consciousness in their earlier practices: In other words, conscious deliberation is part and parcel of any pedagogical process, and contemporary discussions about it cannot be understood simply as a shift from the unconscious enactment of tradition to a critical reflection upon tradition, as the aforementioned authors suggest.24

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What Saba Mahmood is critical of is that many researchers seem to speak as if, prior to the contemporary era, there was no reflection but only unreflected practices. Her studies have led her to perceive what she calls the women’s mosque movement as a result of the practical need of ordering life according to Islam in a world characterised by secular rationality. The Islamic values sought after were previously part of a social and familial ethos. She holds that it is this need that caused the women she studied to organise lessons in mosques. In her opinion, this does not mean that Islam has become objectified as a result of ‘modern processes’.25 Although her point is well taken, it is nevertheless important to see that the objectification of Islam today is different as a result of globalisation and that the interpretative conflicts are global in scope with more actors participating. Regarding ‘Amr Khaled, one reason for his reinterpretation of Islam is precisely this practical need that Mahmood writes about.

Preachers and Preaching Following the above discussion concerning the conflict of sacred authority, we now turn to how preaching has been transformed within the new setting. The historical context and theoretical foundation based on the Islamic interpretation of sermons constitute the framework of each individual sermon. Therefore, ‘traditional’ views of homiletics must be taken into account if we are to be able to categorise and understand what kind of material we are dealing with. Islamic homiletics give us an insight into what, if anything, is controversial about the new preaching and lecturing tendencies. In Arabic, a sermon is called khutbah and the art of preaching khatābah or fann al-khatābah. Khutbah also means ‘lecture’ and khatābah may refer to ‘the art of rhetoric’. Within Establishment Islam, a khutbah can be described as a norm for preaching. It constitutes the speech presented during the congregational Friday prayer (jumʿah) in a congregation. Prayer is one of the five so-called obligatory Pillars of Islam, but even though it is recommended to perform the Friday prayer in a congregation, it is not compulsory. It then follows that

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listening to the khutbah is not obligatory either. This kind of preaching takes specific forms, while other kinds of preaching do not follow rules in the same way. A khutbah is formalised and divided into two speech sections with a break for prayer in the middle. Usually, the sermon concerns a main topic, and the Qur’an and Sunnah are used as sources. Commentaries (tafsīr) and other sources may also be used. The aim of a khutbah is usually educational. Religious matters are taught with the intention of increasing piety. For example, the khutbah sermon can teach the listeners how to better understand the word of God. It can also discuss historical matters or theological problems. Older preaching manuals seldom concerned more than ethical aspects. Thus, preaching seems to have been primarily ethical.26 When media appeared during the nineteenth century, sermons and lecturing changed as well. Information regarded as pedagogically useful was in focus rather than ‘irrelevant’ virtues and religious issues, such as fearing God (taqwa) and humility (khushūʿ). Sermons were now supposed to focus on ‘topics worthy of the modern citizen’s attention’.27 Hence, the aim of preachers was not – or at least not only – to instil piety in the audience, but rather to make them ‘modern’ Egyptians. Charles Hirschkind notes that this transformation apparently did influence the audience. However, he critically stresses that the listeners are not simply manipulated, or moulded like clay by the preachers representing the state.28 During the twentieth century, an oppositional critique of the traditional state of preaching arose, mainly among Islamists: To summarize, to the extent that Islamic discourses are put to the fundamentally different task of producing a modern citizenry in a national framework, sermon listening loses some of its ethical function. Listeners no longer bear responsibility for the effects of their audition, because the efficacy of the act no longer depends upon the dialogic, agentive activity that characterized the earlier traditions. Like other mass media forms to which it is now compared, the sermon – as an instrument of the state – is to be deployed as a technology of the modern subject,

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a device for the production of modern attitudes, desires, and modes of self-identification.29 Hirschkind relates this change to the fact that religious institutions of contemporary preaching are incorporated into the state. However, sermons can also be a site of contestation and critique. Even though the state controls media, sermons recorded on cassettes, for example, may nevertheless be spread. Therefore, sermons can function as a critical medium.30 Today, satellite channels may circumvent the state control further, since such media cannot easily be controlled by nation states. Moreover, in contemporary preaching, there is a tendency to combine ethical virtues and ‘modern’ aspirations with the aim of creating active and committed citizens, and building an entrepreneurial form of Islam. Preaching has traditionally been conducted in Modern Standard Arabic, but local languages or Arabic dialects are also used today. The World Conference of Mosques in Mecca agreed in 1975 that sermons could be held in local languages. This was not something accepted by all. In 2001 the Grand Mufti of Egypt, Shaykh Nasr Farid Wasil, accepted this decision, but he states that verses from the Qur’an had to be given in Arabic first and then translated into the local language.31 The new preachers have a different tone and style than ‘traditional’ preachers. They appear to be more compassionate and sympathetic. ‘Amr Khaled is an example of a new preacher who speaks colloquial Egyptian Arabic with a touch of Modern Standard Arabic, which to many ears makes him sound well educated.

The Content of Khutbah A sermon constitutes a specific performative instance in time and space. The delivery of a sermon is one thing and the reception of it another. To understand the contents of a sermon, it is necessary to focus on its context. Therefore, in order to understand a khutbah one must focus on the particular circumstances and the surroundings. An analysis of a khutbah should not ignore this contextual connection. A sermon may respond to a particular local event. Both the theological

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and ideological contents of a sermon and the congregation and its contextual situation must be discussed in an analysis. Sermons probably have effects on identity constructions, on the individual as well as collective level. An important question is whether the message of a sermon changes when the composition of the congregation changes. However, it is not easy to define a contemporary congregation if new media are used for the preaching. Such preaching seems to be directed to a global ummah. Therefore, the contexts of various listeners can be very different.32 Moreover, when or if the new preaching contradicts traditional Islamic homiletics, the diverse contexts of various listeners and viewers must be kept in mind. This is also stressed in Hirschkind’s work: Although sermons retain this ethical function within contemporary Muslim societies, listening to them now takes place in a social and political context increasingly shaped by modern structures of secular governance, on the one hand, and by styles of consumption and culture linked to a mass media of global extension, on the other.33 Recorded sermons now exist increasingly detached from mosques. Cassettes can serve as vehicles of political contestation, for example, which can be of great significance in a country like Egypt where until recently the state attempted to monopolise broadcasting media.34 Televised sermons on satellite channels have a particularly great impact since they reach an even wider audience. Famous preachers have often had their sermons copied by minor preachers, thus making them more influential. Sermons may be politically charged and also contribute to spreading specific theological views or interpretations. Throughout history preachers have been influential. In the twelfth century, the Hanbali ibn al-Jawzi (1126–1200) wrote a book, Kitāb al-Qussās wa al-|Mudhakkirīn, in order to influence Muslim preachers, who reached large segments of the population, and remind them that they had a great responsibility.35 Those who functioned more as ‘storytellers’ than as serious preachers were criticised by the famous Egyptian scholar Jalal al-Din

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al-Suyuti (1445–1505) for spreading lies.36 There were authoritative scholars and preachers but many ‘storytellers’ functioned outside the establishment and could have a major impact anyway, which the critical voices indicate.37 Such independent preachers constituted, and still constitute, a challenge to the authority of the religious establishment. While men have preached, many women have also attended mosques to hear, in particular, the more famous preachers.38 Nowadays, the audiences of, for example, ‘Amr Khaled consist of many women, although some sermons may be heard by men only. A common theme in Islamic homiletics is the concept of unity (tawhīd). The idea is that by listening to sermons, and accepting their message, people can become closer to each other as well as to God. A sermon can, thus, be seen as part of building a stronger ummah and Muslim identity. Conflicts and polemics within the community should be avoided. However, in messages about the borders of the ummah, an ‘us–them’ relationship between insiders and outsiders can be created. Homiletics in Islam also often require that a sermon be pertinent to the community. A khutbah is supposed to be relevant for the everyday life of individuals in the congregation. Any governmental attempt to steer the direction of local sermons away from congregational concerns may seem to contradict this homiletic ideal. The contents of sermons today often concern social and political issues. For example, after 11 September 2001, many preachers elaborated on the Islamic view on violence. A sermon can, however, include several different aspects. The first part often deals with more ‘spiritual’ or ritual issues, while the second part is more concerned with issues related to specific local circumstances. An important term in Arabic is dars (pl. durūs) which means ‘lesson’. This word is frequently used by the new preachers. However, unlike khutbah, it is not connected to the congregational prayer. Lecture, muhadrah, is a similar term, and ‘Amr Khaled’s televised episodes are now mostly referred to as dars or muhadrah. However, it is not really possible to make a clear distinction between a lesson and a sermon as used by the new preachers.

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Daʿwah As mentioned earlier, not all who preach or teach Islam are necessarily Islamic scholars with a theological or juridical education. In principle, anyone can be a preacher or function as an imām, and many preachers have other occupations or duties as well. Those usually referred to as ‘ulamā’ have an advanced religious education. Such scholars of Islam may, therefore, be expected to give guidance to preachers with less education. A preacher, khatīb, does not necessarily have any specific religious training. Demands for religious education may vary at different levels and in different contexts. Since at least the 1990s, there has been an increase in the number of women who preach outside the context of mosque services.39 Unlike many preachers of Establishment Islam, ‘Amr Khaled is not called a shaykh. On the cover of some DVDs and in the introduction to his aired shows, he is called ustādh, which is often the title of, for example, university teachers. However, more often he is simply called dāʿiya (pl. duʿāt). There is a tendency to call a preacher trained by state institutions imām or khatīb, while others are referred to as duʿāt. The title is basically open to anyone who calls others to Islam or works for Islam. The title dāʿiya is often used by preachers who are critical of state policies,40 even though many duʿāt have an apolitical outlook. Using the title dāʿiya can also be a way to circumvent critique when talking about Islam without having the ‘right’ position or education. ‘Amr Khaled, by claiming that he is just ‘an average guy’ talking about Islam to others, as a dāʿiya, does not make any claims to be authoritative, and – at least officially – he acknowledges the authority of al-Azhar and the juridical principle of taqlīd. Yet, in his teaching he does in fact comprise a direct challenge to the authority of al-Azhar, as will be further described below. A dāʿiya is someone who calls people to Islam and is expected to live up to high moral standards.41 Daʿwah is sometimes translated as ‘mission’, but the term literally means ‘call’, or ‘inner mission’, since it is mainly directed to other Muslims and focuses on individual piety. In my perspective, the increase of daʿwah activities is connected to societal changes at large. The secularisation of Muslim

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societies has provided fertile ground for daʿwah work. The particular daʿwah dealt with in this book should not only be seen as a rejection of secularisation and liberal economy. Rather, it is an accommodation or Islamisation of parts of it. Daʿwah ‘has increasingly become a space for the articulation of a contestatory Islamic discourse on state and society’.42 It is an individual practice aimed at improving the morality of the wider community. Moral reform is connected to public activism. Daʿwah can, for example, entail social and educational services:43 ‘As conceived by its participants, the daʿwa public constitutes that space of communal reflexivity and action understood as necessary for perfecting and sustaining the totality of practices upon which an Islamic society depends.’44 In Hirschkind’s studies, it appears that even though several of those working with daʿwah focus on issues that are relevant for the nation state in question, there is also a focus on the larger Islamic community and ‘Muslim questions’. Hence, the focus is transnational, and Muslims elsewhere in the world, such as in Bosnia and Palestine, are addressed in sermons.45 Transnational or global Islam does not necessarily appear to be ‘the end of Islam’ to Muslims. On the contrary, there are many who regard the new global situation as an opportunity to renew Islam in the contemporary world and reflect upon and reinterpret Islamic tenets, thus rejecting culturally coloured or limited interpretations, for example. Islamic globalisation does not necessarily mean a sense of loss of an imagined past. As stressed by Talal Asad, rituals are produced in new circumstances, and are not only repetitions of past forms.46 Moreover, daʿwah transgresses the boundaries between public and private. It is found everywhere, not only in mosques, and it intrudes upon the privacy of others. Issues regarded by many as belonging to the private sphere are now being made public by preachers. This can concern dress and gender relations, for instance. The state representatives feel threatened by such attempts to intrude into the private domain as well as into public space. The preachers, so to speak, repoliticise private issues, thereby making them public and discussing

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them as a logical consequence of their wish to establish a society in which Islamic virtues can be practised. The aim appears to be the construction of moral selves: Although the practice of daʿwa does not presuppose the idea of the nation so much as that of the collective of those who practice Islamic virtues, national institutions are a necessary object of the da’iya’s discourse insomuch as they shape the conditions of social existence for Muslims in Egypt.47 This tendency within the daʿwah movement, broadly speaking, makes it incumbent on the state to meet the challenges, and it therefore must create institutions and strategies to meet the growing Islamisation of society: ‘The Egyptian state is anxious about the loyalties and sensibilities of the religious subject being forged within the daʿwa movement and has sought, in response, to establish a network of secular cultural institutions as a prophylaxis.’48 Hirschkind does not consider the daʿwah movement as part of civil society. Instead, he regards it as a counter-public: While in practice daʿwa may entail an oppositional stance regarding the state [. . .], this type of public does not in its present form play a mediatory role between state and society. In other words, the practice of daʿwa does not take place within, nor does it serve to uphold, that domain of associational life referred to as civil society. While the nation inhabits the da’iya’s discourse as a necessary object of reflexive self-identification, it is as an object embedded in (and subordinate to) the broader moral project of an Islamic umma. As performatively enacted within daʿwa discourse, the nation’s claims on loyalty and identity are relativized in light of the demands of this moral project, one understood to be irreducible to the concepts of territory, ethnicity, and collective historical experience upon which the nation is founded.49 Hirschkind also notes that even though the counter-public that he studied encourages debate and argument, this does not entail a move

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towards liberalism.50 The same goes for ‘Amr Khaled, as will be further argued.

The New Media and the Messengers Today many young Egyptians – not only in Cairo – experience an urgent need to think about their religion and relate it to what they experience in everyday life, which is often cosmopolitan and globalised, and thus involves the awareness of a multitude of choices. This cosmopolitan context is of great significance. However, the spokespersons of Islam that the youth turn to do not always take that context into consideration. Contemporary Muslim spokespersons have to be informed about public opinions and events and try to find answers to the changes in opinions and society at large and relate these to Islam. To be able to take part in contemporary debates, they need rhetorical skills and knowledge of new techniques. New techniques also create new audiences, both local and global. That the position of Establishment Islam is not unquestioned is seen in the number of legal statements that al-Azhar officials produce each week. They have even opened a website and a hotline in order to make it easier for people to get questions answered.51 The ideal that Establishment Islam has held an interpretative monopoly throughout history is now increasingly disputed. However, those who nowadays interpret Islam must still relate to Establishment Islam. In order to gain a deeper knowledge and understanding of the contemporary context of Islamisation, this book includes an analysis of televised lectures of ‘Amr Khaled, who has been the most vocal new preacher so far. Before beginning the work on this book, I had personally come across his sermons in Cairo, London and Stockholm.52 Through his televised shows concerning Islam on satellite channels, ‘Amr Khaled has become a major media star. The nation state is not necessarily the main space for imagining identity. New media may bring new links and contacts between people, and new areas of public debate may appear.53 New religious discourses, practices and organisations, which make use of new media, transform the public sphere.54 Religious leaders outside

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Establishment Islam increasingly use these media in order to influence people’s loyalties and identity constructions. The increasing role of religion in public space contributes to a construction of alternative identities and, in this process, religious traditions and their mediation are transformed.55 New media also affect the contents of religious discourses.56 Religion, to a significant degree, is now a practice of mediation and cannot be studied apart from that.57 We need to ask questions such as: Do messages change while being mediated in new media? Do new media create new conflicts? What happens to religious authority when media change?58 Hirschkind has shown that piety is affected by the use of new media. In ‘Amr Khaled’s case, the media used are satellite TV and internet. Sermons and lectures are used in new ways and become more visible in that many preachers, such as ‘Amr Khaled, demand a more explicit Islamic character of society. The critique is often implicitly directed against the secular policies of the state. This cannot simply be seen as tradition versus modernity. Rather, it must be regarded as claims to the public sphere, which ‘modernists’ regard as ideally closed to religious demands and voices.59 Increasing demands for Islamisation and criticism of the privatisation of religion have led to more religious programming on TV and the interruption of programmes for the call for prayer on some channels.60 Several channels with Salafi-oriented preachers have existed in Egypt, for example the channel al-nās.61 In 2010, however, many were closed down by the state, allegedly for violation of contracts. Even though people probably interpreted this as a political move and as censorship, the majority of Egyptians kept silent, perhaps partly because they too were critical of the increasing Islamisation and the growth of Salafi Islam.62 The context of Islamisation and Islamic activism has affected the presentation and practise of Islam. This is apparent in, for example, the wide range of literature and TV shows available. New technology and media are important in the ongoing Islamisation and are therefore subject to censorship. In Egypt, commercially sold recordings must be approved by the Council on Islamic Research, which is a branch of

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al-Azhar. Self-censorship in television has grown.64 Even television officials wish to be perceived as representatives of good Islam and send scripts to al-Azhar for approval.65 Soap operas will not be aired if the government does not approve of them. Moreover, studies show that the government uses soap operas in order to educate the public as well.66 This is, however, likely to change after the fall of the Mubarak regime. Walter Armbrust’s study shows that during Ramadan, televised entertainment used to be, and still is, frequent, and the focus is usually not on any religious discourse of self-denial. After breaking the fast, watching television was common.67 This continues until today, but now there is a large amount of religious programming during Ramadan, where the shows of ‘Amr Khaled are merely one example. Mona Abaza regards the media preaching as ‘a clearcut imported phenomenon from America’.68 In her view, ‘tele-preaching is a one way, passive means of communication’.69 She explicitly writes that she wishes to reduce the media stars to straightforward demagogic populists.70 However, one could argue that, in addition to telepreaching, there are other ways to reach and activate the viewers. ‘Amr Khaled, among others, extensively uses his highly popular webpage, www.amrkhaled.net, and encourages the viewers to be active and create their own groups to continue to work on projects discussed by him in his shows. Mona Abaza and Asef Bayat, among others, seem to have a critical, and rather negative, attitude towards ‘Amr Khaled and those like him. Bayat, for example, regards his methods as manipulative.71 Abaza argues that in ‘Amr Khaled’s preaching ‘a happy marriage between religion and consumer culture’ takes place.72 The new preachers represent a bourgeois version of the Islamic awakening instead of the more political or protest forms of awakenings which we have seen within Islamism. What is new about this preaching is that the audience is global in scope, and is urged to engage actively in religious practice and also talk about it with others (daʿwah). In this way the preaching can be regarded as missionary.73

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Birgit Meyer and Annelies Moors are inspired by Jürgen Habermas, whose ideas they think can be useful for helping us understand the context of the preachers and viewers and how new imagined identities of belonging can develop through the use of media. According to Meyer and Moors, the debates inspired by Habermas’s work highlight a number of issues helpful to: our understanding of the new conditions in which selves and communities are imagined and the politics of identity to which these imaginations give rise. Such debates point to the importance of the media in facilitating new politics of belonging, which are at times separate from and difficult to co-opt by the nation-state.74

Corruption of the Youth I regard Islamisation as a local strategy of negotiation and struggle to face the changes caused by globalisation and discourses concerning ‘Islam’, ‘the West’ and ‘modernity’. Reinterpretations necessarily occur when people live in the midst of competing value systems. In such settings, youth are often stigmatised. This has been the case in Egypt as well. The corruption of the youth is a danger that many fear in Egypt. An example is the well-known case of a group of young people who were accused of being Satanists in 1997. The youngsters explained that they were attracted to the clothing, haircuts and music, that is, issues or symbols of identity. It was a way to be different and to get access to cool parties, dance and meet people of the opposite sex.75 The preaching and lecturing of ‘Amr Khaled take place in a context of powerlessness and are means to come to terms with this situation and gain more influence. His activities can be regarded as part of a subculture. The preaching can be seen as a strategy that attempts to solve problems caused by the rapid transformations of Egypt. Urbanites are often highly westernised and feel the contradictory demands of Islam. This predicament needs a solution.76 The westernisation many seem to fear is countered by Islamisation,

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through which a variety of lifestyles can be given an Islamic legitimation, thus avoiding accusations of imitation, Satanism or westernisation in general. There is an increased awareness of various interpretations meeting both local and global demands; and the preaching attempts to deal directly with current changes while also preserving the relationship and continuity with the Islamic past – at least ideally. Hence, Islamisation does not necessarily mean the refusal of change. Rather, it can simultaneously legitimise continuity and change. Illustrative examples are found in, for example, Linda Herrera’s research. She shows that many young people in Cairo who frequently attend mosque lessons and prayers do not find it problematic to combine this with listening to pop music and going to clubs in the evenings.77 The preaching seems at first glance to be rather liberal in its methods and the topics discussed. However, many interpretations apparently lead to conclusions that are in line with more conservative interpretations. Moreover, that the preachers attempt to avoid politics may be a cause of their popularity. It has not been dangerous to follow ‘Amr Khaled; while joining the secular opposition movement Kifayah or listening to Metallica has been, at least until the changes of 2011.

Previous Research As noted earlier, there has not been much previous research on the Islamic interpretation of the so-called new preachers. However, there are some studies on earlier forms of Islamic preaching as well as Islamic rhetoric. An early study of homiletics is a thesis by Bruce Maynard Borthwick (1965), which focuses on Egyptian preaching.78 Richard T. Antoun carried out ethnological research in Jordan (1989). One of Patrick Gaffney’s books, The Prophet’s Pulpit: Islamic Preaching in Contemporary Egypt (1994), focuses on Egypt with an ethnological perspective. Jakob Skovgaard-Petersen’s book Defining Islam for the Egyptian State (1997) also illustrates changes in the Egyptian context and the struggle for interpretative authority. None of the works mentioned above includes the ‘new preachers’. How-

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ever, there is an unpublished M.Phil. thesis by Lindsay Wise (2003) presenting ‘Amr Khaled and some of his lectures.79 Both Saba Mahmood and Charles Hirschkind have conducted research on preachers in Cairo. These studies have been useful, although their conclusions, as well as theoretical and methodological perspectives, do not always converge with mine. Furthermore, some media reports have brought attention to the new preachers and their adherents. The Cyprus Press weekly magazines Cairo Times and al-Ahram, for example, have contained online articles on their message and activities. Other media are often subject to censorship and therefore difficult to evaluate. Most of the initial background information included here came from magazines and newspapers and from watching video recordings and listening to sermons that caught my interest. There are also a considerable number of blogs focusing on Egypt.80 The bloggers have reported on and shown pictures from demonstrations ignored by the government press. I have also relied on recent studies regarding Egypt from various perspectives in order to gain a deeper and wider perspective on the context with its local, national as well as global dimensions. Many sociologists and anthropologists have carried out studies on Islamisation in general and women’s roles in particular, for example, Charles Hirschkind, Saba Mahmood and Lila Abu-Lughod, whose works are of great importance.

The New Preacher – ‘Amr Khaled People like ‘Amr Khaled can be said to negotiate more space for themselves and others. They preach Islam and gain legitimacy while not explicitly challenging Establishment Islam. However, by doing so, they do in fact influence Establishment Islam as well, and it inevitably has to change. What representatives of Establishment Islam say or do affects large numbers of Muslims at a global level. This can, for instance, concern rules and opinions regarding clothing and participation in religious and public space. It may also affect how Muslims in Europe, or other parts of the world, perceive their

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minority situation. For example, al-Azhar has expressed opinions specifically about problems in Europe. One example is the debate following the news in January 2007 that the Egyptian mufti, Ali Gouma, issued a fatwa in which he forbade women to be heads of state. The reason he gave was that women are not allowed to lead men in prayer, which a president must be able to do. However, Gouma made an additional statement that the fatwa did not apply to the contemporary situation but was rather a statement on the duty of caliphs, who have the dual role of political and religious leadership.81 A contemporary president does not have the same role, and the fatwa is therefore not applicable to, for example, the contemporary Egyptian situation. During the autumn of 2009, there was a controversy regarding the female facial covering niqāb in Egypt, after Shaykh Muhammad Tantawi from al-Azhar University argued that it was not obligatory according to Islamic law.82 In a case like this, al-Azhar may have direct influence on interpretations of Islam and on Muslims in Europe as well. Currently, ‘Amr Khaled appears to be one of the most popular preachers in the Muslim world. In the streets of Cairo, his face can be seen in music shops next to contemporary popular singers such as Haifa and ‘Amr Diab, but also older preachers such as Shaykh Kishk and al-Shaʿrawi. In such shops, cassettes, CDs and DVDs can easily be bought. There is something for every taste and wallet. ‘Amr Khaled’s books were, for example, unparalleled best sellers at the 2002 Book Fair in Cairo.83 ‘Amr Khaled is not a graduate of al-Azhar. He was an accountant before he began spreading his message of Islam on a full-time basis. ‘Amr Khaled dresses and acts informally and he does not issue fatāwa, perhaps because he does not want to challenge the religious establishment openly. The religious discourse that he represents is characterised by passion, clarity, humility, generosity, trust, loyalty, repentance and humour. His style is new and innovative, but his message is old. He does not historicise or use a critical perspective in his interpretation. It appears that what ‘Amr Khaled says is in fact not very different from what representatives of Establishment Islam say. However, the fact that they nevertheless have been critical of his

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activities may have contributed to his popularity. He has left Egypt a few times, travelling back and forth, and, finally, in 2011, after the fall of Mubarak, he returned for good.84 ‘Amr Khaled inspires his viewers to get involved in projects and ‘challenges’ them to do various things, without commanding or forcing anybody. He presents a serious, but not boring, lifestyle. He speaks about the importance of being serious, but counters it with the message that being serious does not mean that people have to be miserable all the time. The listeners are instead encouraged to enjoy themselves but keep in mind what they live for (i.e. Islam) and to activate themselves with that in mind.85 One apparent and significant aspect of ‘Amr Khaled’s message is that viewers are encouraged actively to involve themselves in the community and work for Islam. The focus of his lectures is more often than not ethics and individual behaviour. ‘Amr Khaled has been compared to Christian evangelical television preachers and pop stars.86 He often exhorts viewers to talk to others about Islam. This mission is directed mainly to other Muslims to help them practice more actively. One example is the show al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā, (Lifemakers), which started in 2004 and was recorded in a TV studio with a live audience. This setting is typical of most of ‘Amr Khaled’s TV shows, even though not all episodes have been recorded with a live audience. The studio audiences consist mainly of younger men and women. The two sexes sit in the same room together but usually on different sides, or with the women sitting behind the men. We should also note that not all the women wear a hijāb.87 The purpose of al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā, for example, was to engage young people in various projects for the sake of a better future and to strengthen the ummah. Extensive use of ‘Amr Khaled’s website accompanied each televised episode. He asked viewers about their dreams and written replies were posted on the website with a poll to find out what was most frequent, and later episodes then touched upon these topics. The various episodes also had ‘missions’ that viewers should strive to accomplish each week. For example, sending letters to protest against advertisements exploiting the female body to sell products, working against drugs and smoking, and exercising

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physically. Invited guests and ordinary people alike spoke to the audience about what they had done to inspire others.88

The Spoken Word as Text In this study, a spoken sermon or lecture is regarded as a text. When a speech of some sort has been recorded, when it can be reproduced and brought to a different context and preserved over time, it is considered as text. Hence, for instance, videos are also regarded as texts. ‘Amr Khaled’s sermons/lectures are recorded with the intention of being distributed to a wider audience by the preachers themselves. All texts are contextually bound but may go beyond the limits of a specific context. The texts with which this project is concerned are closely related to their contexts. Therefore, it is important to comment on the form of the sermons/lectures analysed as well. Appearances before a studio audience or on satellite TV have a different form and content than those recorded outside studios or without TV cameras involved. The lessons used as the main material for this book have a global audience. If the lessons instead had been produced for use in a local mosque, their content and style would have been very different.89

Transmitting the Word – the Material Many of ‘Amr Khaled’s lectures can also be found on the internet. He has his own website, www.amrkhaled.net. To some extent he has avoided the censorship of the Egyptian government. However, like other new preachers, ‘Amr Khaled has been closely watched by the authorities. Although his interpretation of religion is not explicitly political, the government has apparently feared its political consequences. Most Arabic speakers understand the Egyptian dialect due to the enormous distribution of films and music from Egypt. The recorded lessons and sermons of ‘Amr Khaled are sometimes produced with English subtitles, which is an indication of their increasing global popularity. Thus, the possible transnational influence should not be

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underestimated, even though this book does not analyse the reception of his teaching.90 The material used consists of recorded lectures by ‘Amr Khaled. Most of the material can be found on the internet, on his website and his YouTube channel. Some products, such as books and booklets, can only be found in the local context, but these are not part of the material in this book even though they have been inspirational and show that the products available are varied. On his own YouTube channel several episodes are easily accessible. There are several groups dedicated to ‘Amr Khaled on Facebook, and many people are fans of his own Facebook page, which has around 2 million ‘friends’. There are also T-shirts and key rings, for example, which are signs of his popularity. It has been claimed that his shows have more viewers than Oprah Winfrey.91 I have also used material found on relevant websites as well as some of ‘Amr Khaled’s books, which are mainly based on the televised shows. The material grows rapidly and takes new forms, which makes the choice more difficult. However, the selection of visual and audio material has been guided by the main purpose of focusing on sermons/lectures concerning the three discursive themes mentioned above. Also, the focus is mainly on content rather than form, even though form is commented upon as well in order to contextualise the material. From the outset the decision was made to focus primarily on the Ramadan shows aired on satellite TV since it could be assumed that these attract the most viewers. A show includes a series of separate episodes, running daily during Ramadan, for example, or in some cases once a week. The episodes are usually 40–60 minutes long. I decided to concentrate on the Ramadan shows during the five-year period of 2005–9. The titles of the shows are ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved, 2005), Bismak Nahya (In Thy Name We Live, 2006), al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā (Paradise in Our Homes, 2007) and Qassas al-Qur’ān (Parables of the Qur’an, 2008 and 2009). There were similar topics in the different shows, and since it was assumed that the Ramadan shows would focus specifically on ‘religious issues’ (‘ibādāt), speaking about the benefits of ritual praxis rather than

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social aspects (muʿamalāt), I decided to compare them with some shows that were not produced for Ramadan. However, I was soon able to conclude that there were more similarities than differences between the two kinds of shows and that social and ritual issues were intertwined. In the case of the non-Ramadan shows, I decided to focus particularly on the show al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers, 2004–5). This show activated people globally in the creation of local ‘Lifemakers projects’ and groups. It was one of the most successful shows in terms of activating viewers. In addition, it provides a thorough introduction to ‘Amr Khaled’s main ideas. This show makes clear what ‘Amr Khaled means by a Muslim ‘lifemaker’ and how such a person should use Islam. Another important show is Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq (An Introduction to Manners, 2005), three episodes of which were selected since they are especially informative for the discourse regarding gender. The show Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence, 2007) was included because it elucidates ‘Amr Khaled’s views on coexistence between Muslims and ‘the West’, as well as between Christians and others in the ‘Muslim world’. Some examples of parts of his production that have not been included are the popular show Kalām min al-Qalb (Words from the Heart, 2000) that made him known globally, and the show Hatta Yaghayyaru mā bī nafsihim (Until They Change Themselves, 2003), as well as individual lectures such as al-Shabāb wa al-Sayf (Youth and the Summer). It appears that the material left out does not contribute substantially to a further understanding of ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation since the topics there are similar or even identical to what is found in the shows that have been studied. By reading this book, one can get the misleading impression that ‘Amr Khaled does not focus very much on the fasting during Ramadan or other rituals. However, that is due to the chosen discourses. There is no focus on how he presents fasting or the merits of fasting since that is outside of this study’s scope. Moreover, it should be underlined that I have not included any material produced after the uprisings in 2011. As mentioned earlier, several but not all shows can be downloaded from ‘Amr Khaled’s website in audio and/or video form. All the

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shows are in Arabic, but some episodes with English subtitles are on the market, and some shows have also been published as books and booklets in Arabic. On ‘Amr Khaled’s website there have been some translations of varying quality into other languages.92 When using these, one should compare the translations to the visual shows as there are omissions and the choice of words is sometimes not very good.93 Several translations have been done by Dar al-Tarjama, ‘House of translation’, which consists of Muslim volunteers across the world who aim to spread knowledge about Islam to both Muslims and non-Muslims by translating from Arabic into other languages. The translators do not seem to be professionally trained, but the standard of the translations is often quite high. In footnotes they provide additional information, for example concerning recurring phrases and words, such as when ‘Amr Khaled uses Islamic phrases praising Muhammad. They also translate material into Arabic in order to increase the knowledge of the Arab-speaking audience. Dar al-Tarjama was founded in 2005 in Egypt and developed to a large extent after translating ‘Amr Khaled’s show alSunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers). Since then they have continued to translate his shows.94 There have also been single lectures and speeches published on ‘Amr Khaled’s website as texts. One example is the so-called Danish cartoon issue, which saw him engage in discussions in order to promote dialogue. Some televised episodes and interviews with ‘Amr Khaled, as well as with people who like and dislike him, are published online, for example on YouTube. This material is quite comprehensive. However, I have not used those parts of the video and audio material that have not been aired on a satellite channel.

‘Amr Khaled’s Production ‘Amr Khaled’s shows were mainly aired by the Arab television and satellite channels, which include for example ART TV and the Arab Radio and Television Channel.95 Some shows were filmed before a live studio audience, some without an audience, and some were

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filmed at outdoor locations without an audience. The studios used are similar to those of popular talk shows in European or American television programmes. ‘Amr Khaled usually wears casual, but stylish clothes. He addresses the audience with a smile and speaks freely about the topic of the episode. He also refers to the Qur’an at which time, usually, a sign is shown on the screen with the reference to the chapter and the verse(s). Usually, he has a manuscript on the desk in front of him, but he does not look at it much, but speaks freely and engaged, looking at the audience or the camera. It appears that the studios as well as ‘Amr Khaled’s style of dress have changed over the years, with the later shows having a more elaborate studio design and more stylish clothes. Al-Sunāʿʿ al-Hayā The first episode of al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers), aired for the first time in February 2004 and has been a long project. Several episodes have been published on ‘Amr Khaled’s website. Al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā was not aired during Ramadan. The weekly episodes are mostly 30–45 minutes but sometimes longer. They are recorded in a wide variety of locations and deal with various issues pertaining to personal and private as well as national matters. The episodes are pedagogically presented and to a large extent are based on the Qur’an and Sunnah (of Muhammad and his companions). Short film clips are shown, and ‘ordinary’ people are invited to talk about their various projects in order to inspire others. The website is extensively used in a variety of ways during al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā, as well as in later shows. Texts and questionnaires are posted, as are letters from viewers, and advice from experts in various areas is discussed, thus making al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā not only a TV show, but also an interactive phenomenon where the viewers take part.96 This is the case with the later shows too. Some competitions are also held, for example, to create slogans or a logotype. Each episode has some sort of project or task that the viewers should try to accomplish. One simple task, for example, is to donate clothes to poor people, thus showing the aims of social commitment and activism.

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‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb The 2005 Ramadan show ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ), presents the biography (sīrah) of Muhammad during this month. The episodes are an hour long, sometimes even longer, and are recorded in a studio where ‘Amr Khaled sits at a red desk with a live audience consisting predominantly of men in ‘traditional’ dress, but also some casually dressed or in suit and tie. The audience does not interact more than in the prayers at the end of the episodes, when they show emotional involvement, cry and pray. Sometimes, pre-recorded film clips are shown in which ‘Amr Khaled visits a location discussed in the episodes. In the show, he relates a wide selection of narratives from the biography of Muhammad and presents his own interpretations.97 ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb is a show which is intended to illustrate how the biography of Muhammad is relevant in all times and places. Bismak Nahya The Ramadan show in 2006, Bismak Nahya (In Thy Name We Live), is filmed in Mecca and focuses on the names of God in the daily episodes of about 60 minutes’ length. The large, white, stylish studio is near the area of Kaʿbah, which can be seen outside through the large windows. ‘Amr Khaled sits at his desk in front of a male audience, as in ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb. The aim of the show is to discuss the names of God and how they influence the lives of Muslims. Each show is dedicated to one or two names of God, focusing on God’s mercy and love for us. In this show, the fast of Ramadan is discussed as well as the performance of rituals and the importance of a this-worldly orientation. ‘Amr Khaled speaks most of the time, but is interrupted by short video clips illustrating the topic of the day. The male audience does not interact apart from taking part in prayers while sitting in their chairs. Some close-ups show how the audience listens carefully and many cry.

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Al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā The Ramadan show in 2007 was al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā (Paradise in Our Homes).98 Sitting on a white sofa with a flowery background at a transparent glass table, ‘Amr Khaled speaks most of the time to a gender-mixed audience in casual clothing sitting in comfortable chairs. The various daily episodes are 30–40 minutes long. The aim of the show is to strengthen family and kinship ties, and ‘Amr Khaled discusses strategies to bring families closer together in various ways. In his view, this topic is of utmost importance in order to unite Muslims and make them strong again. Gender is a recurring theme in this show, and concerns the roles of both men and women. Daʿwah lī al-Taʿʿāish During 2007, apart from the Ramadan show, al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā, ‘Amr Khaled made another series entitled Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence). The daily episodes are usually 45–60 minutes long. The studio is set in a large living room where ‘Amr Khaled sits on a sofa talking to the camera. No audience is present, but guests are invited into a few episodes. Sometimes he sits on a balcony outside the studio. The coexistence discussed is mainly between Muslims and is intended to strengthen the ummah. The strategy is to unify the Muslims, make them proud of their religion, and in this way prevent various forms of imitation and westernisation. Hence, the issue of authenticity is central. Qassas al-Qur’ān Qassas al-Qur’ān (Parables of the Qur’an), was aired during Ramadan both in 2008 and 2009. Qassas al-Qur’ān 1 (2008) The 2008 episodes of Qassas al-Qur’ān all centre on some moral issue, related to individual manners and the restoration of the ummah. It is mostly filmed in a stylish studio with ‘Amr Khaled at a white desk in front of a gender-mixed casually dressed audience.

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Behind him is a big turquoise screen. The episodes are around 45 minutes long. The structure of the daily episodes consists of a parable being retold from the Qur’an, such as Cain and Abel or the People of the Cave, sometimes including ahadīth and stories from the companions of the prophet. The topic can also be a theme or concept, such as being a ‘family with a goal’, ‘justice’ or ‘being a positive person’. Qassas al-Qur’ān 2 (2009) The show Qassas al-Qur’ān from 2009 is filmed in different locations and countries, mainly Jordan. There are some outdoor sessions, for example, by the River Nile or at a location similar to the mountain where Moses is said to have received the commandments. Computer simulations are used, for example, to depict the parting of the Red Sea. However, most episodes show ‘Amr Khaled sitting on a sofa in the middle of a large studio without an audience. The sofa changes throughout the show; he sits on a ‘modern’ white sofa in one episode and a torn chair in another, for example. In the studio, some artefacts, such as a golden cow, are displayed, when referring to the story of Moses in the Sinai. The show focuses on an activist lifestyle and a critique of contemporary injustices. This focus is implicit, but nevertheless quite obvious due to the emphasis on Moses as a role model. Each of the daily episodes is around 45 minutes long. The website is used in a similar manner to earlier shows, for example, a sticker with the message that one should live by the Qur’an can be downloaded there. ‘Amr Khaled urges his viewers to spread this sticker. A project recommended on the show is for people to read the entire Qur’an and then report it on the website, the aim being to achieve 10 million such readings (khatmah) of the entire Qur’an by the end of Ramadan.99 In the show, the main focus is on good manners as a foundation for reforming the ummah. Rituals are again seen as more than merely prayer and fasting. All acts are included in a life of Islam, thus making every aspect of life relevant to view from an Islamic angle.

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CHAPTER 4 THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE UMMAH

Using the Ramadan shows presented in the previous chapter as the main material, this chapter will discuss ‘Amr Khaled’s views on the ideal characteristics of a Muslim individual as well as his conception of the ummah and of the interrelationship between individuals and this wider community of Muslims. A key issue here is the idea of Islam as a holistic system and the implications that this may have. Political issues related to this are explored, such as the proper scope of sharīʿah, and his discussion of Islamic jurisprudence, fiqh, and whether it has implications for his view of the place of religion in public space. In particular, the role of the individual in relation to the collective is analysed and how he justifies various kinds of individual activity and responsibility. What manners are seen as Islamic and what sources are used to justify them? What is the view of the Islamic community, ummah? How does he propose to strengthen the ummah? The discourse on the individual and the ummah illuminates ‘Amr Khaled’s views on issues such as the place of religion in public space, secularisation and Islamisation, and the role of the individual and the ummah.

Core Framing Tasks Quintan Wiktorowicz stresses that most studies on Islamic activism have been descriptive and focus on ideology, structure and goals of

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1

specific actors or the history of a movement. He presents the various perspectives that have dominated the study of Islamic activism and argues that it is important to combine these. Early social movement theory was highly functionalist and explained the development of social movements with a socio-psychological approach based on the assumed existence of anomie and despair. Some scholars highlighted socio-economic factors as principal causes, while others referred to cultural imperialism, which is also a common explanation used by Muslim interpreters themselves. Yet others championed political explanations. Contemporary social movement theory, on the other hand, attempts to combine several perspectives.2 In contrast to earlier socio-psychological approaches, which often saw the subject as irrational, more recent theories regard social movements as rational, organised manifestations of collective action:3 ‘Movements are not seen as irrational outbursts intended to alleviate psychological distress, but rather as organized contention structured through mechanisms of mobilization that provide strategic resources for sustained collective action.’4 So-called core framing tasks for a social movement are held to be important in order to transform people into adherents and activists. A movement constructs frames that: 1) diagnose a condition that needs to be remedied; 2) offer a solution to the problematic condition; and 3) ‘provide a rationale to motivate support and collective action’.5 These frames are important in that they reflect ‘the cultural and ideational components of contentious politics’. They ‘translate grievances and perceived opportunities into the mobilization of resources and movement activism’.6 Using the idea of core framing tasks is helpful in order to clarify from the outset the aims of ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation, since these frame his interpretation as a whole. The fundamental aim, which is illustrated below, is clearly to transform passive people into proactive ones and the core framing tasks have that goal: 1) he diagnoses a condition that needs to be remedied. The condition is the lack of individual Islamic activity and the result is westernisation and imitation, that is a lack of what he regards to be authentic Islam; 2) ‘Amr Khaled offers a solution to the same condition, which is to

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make Muslim individuals become Islamically proactive, responsible, engaged and socially committed. This will strengthen the Muslim ummah; and 3) he motivates the viewers and provides them with a rationale to improve themselves and the Muslim ummah on various levels, guided by his Islamic interpretation. This initial comment will hopefully make this and the following two discursive chapters more easily understood. It should also make it more easily understood why he chooses to focus on certain topics.

The Road to Success In ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ), the biography of Muhammad is summarised. ‘Amr Khaled holds that the title of Muhammad’s biography could have been ‘the message for the revival’ or ‘the victory of good over evil’, which indicate the main goals of the revival advocated by him.7 In summarising the message and methodology that he uncovered in the biography, he reads a long list of important topics, concluding that it was planning rather than miracles that led to the success of the early community, something that is repeated throughout the shows. The topics mentioned as important in the list pertain to a number of aspects, namely: 1) good planning; 2) sacrifice and endurance; 3) spiritual, intellectual, moral and political training; 4) coexistence between civilisations; 5) working for peace as the essence of Islam; 6) citizenship rights, independent of belief; 7) affirming the role of women in the revival; 8) culture and art as tools for good morality; 9) uniting all Muslims, despite differences; 10) using a progressive language and conforming to circumstances when conducting daʿwah; 11) preserving the fundamental values of truthfulness, trustworthiness, faithfulness, diligence and hope; 12) respecting freedom of speech; 13) having a leader and role model; and 14) having strong faith that supports the revival.8 ‘Amr Khaled also asks the viewers to carry out daʿwah in accordance with these topics in order to become companions of Muhammad in paradise.9 These topics come up constantly in his various shows and are intended to

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facilitate individuals becoming proactive in order to develop and strengthen the ummah, thus reflecting his core framing tasks.

Uniting the Ummah Strengthening the ummah is an important task. ‘Amr Khaled mentions that there are many good people who travel in order to study and work as well as to do good deeds. Thus, he is not arguing that all Muslims are passive and morally bad. He rhetorically asks the viewers if they do not love their prophet, who improved so many things, such as in the field of education and for the sake of women,10 two areas in which he is particularly engaged. Answering a question, he states critically that Muslims represent 20 per cent of the world’s population but get their theories and ideas from the remaining 80 per cent. In his view, Muslims have not achieved anything substantial for humanity during the last 200 years.11 This critical attitude concerning imitation and passivity are recurring themes in all of his shows. As we will see below, he aims to develop what he regards as an authentic Islamic method, and rejects imitation, which is mostly defined as a kind of westernisation. Strengthening and uniting the Muslim ummah can be seen as the ultimate aim of ‘Amr Khaled. Throughout the shows, he uses various arguments to convince his audiences that they must change their view of history and of themselves in order to strengthen the ummah. One interesting example of how he uses history appeared in a discussion regarding the battle of Uhud (625 CE), which the Muslims lost. ‘Amr Khaled comments that many Muslims argue that the Muslims did not lose, but rather only experienced some kind of breakdown. He asks if people claim this because they are embarrassed to admit a loss based on a lack of military skills or because Muhammad was still among the Muslims. ‘Amr Khaled says that he himself does not find it embarrassing to admit that the Muslims lost at Uhud. In commenting on this loss, he interprets it as a lesson to make Muslims understand that if they do not obey God and his Prophet, they will surely fail, thus making them personally responsible for the situation. The weakness of the ummah during the last

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200 years is brought up as evidence of this kind of attitude, and he argues that the weakness is caused by the Muslims’ failure to obey God’s will, which also indicates how the problematic situation can be solved.12 A similar discussion, related to the battle of Hunayn (630 CE), follows.13 Historical battles, and the negligence of the Muslims, are thus presented as cause of for the stagnation of the Muslim ummah. However, after some initial harsh words, ‘Amr Khaled adopts a milder tone saying that the companions of Muhammad made mistakes just as contemporary Muslims will do. Thus, mistakes are defined as a human characteristic, but that this characteristic can be changed.14 Reflecting the core framing tasks, ‘Amr Khaled argues that the entire planet is moving in the wrong direction. That is what needs to be remedied – not only the Muslim ummah. He uses the Qur’an and Sunnah to elaborate on how to solve the global problems. Concerning the Muslim ummah, he sees great problems everywhere, to which he returns in various shows. Examples are that the rich are becoming even richer and the poor even poorer and that there is widespread corruption in terms of morals and manners. This can also be read as an example of how he criticises the socio-economic context in the Muslim world, without explicitly stating who is responsible for the situation. In order to explain the problems, and to warn the Muslims, he refers to the Qur’an, the words of which are explicit about what will happen to those living at ease: ‘And when We would destroy a township We send commandment to its folk who live at ease, and afterward they commit abomination therein, and so the Word (of doom) hath effect for it, and We annihilate it with complete annihilation’ (17:16). However, ‘Amr Khaled also refers to a hadīth narrated by Abu Hurairah that shows how God has made a pledge to always let mercy be stronger than his wrath. This hadīth is told in order to show that God will protect and have mercy on the world even though it does not deserve it. This strategy is used by ‘Amr Khaled, who apparently does not wish to instil fear in his audience, but rather hope and proactivity. We saw the same method above when discussing the

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battles of the early Muslims. Such strategies can likely help explain his popularity as well, as will be further discussed below. In presenting the global situation, and more specifically the situation of the Muslim ummah, in this manner, ‘Amr Khaled can encourage the viewers to become active and not to give up hope if they fail. The significance of good planning is also emphasised throughout the shows, since he strives to show that it is not enough to be passive or just observe the pillars of Islam, for example. As seen above, God is presented as merciful, which may be a strategy to inspire trust and hope in the audience. His vision of an ideal Islam is contrasted with the misbehaviour of the Muslims.

Social Commitment as a Strategy ‘Amr Khaled discusses miracles as being real, but not changing the course of things.15 He describes miracles as being performed by God only when such actions were necessary, such as during the time of Moses, when God turned his stick into a snake, in a context where magic was prevalent.16 However, contemporary Muslims must not passively wait for a miracle to change the situation; they must work hard and keep their faith.17 Muhammad is not seen as a miracle, but his exemplary life as a human being made him into a role model for Muslims to imitate. If the Muslims want something to change, they must do it themselves.18 In this sense, ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation brings religion ‘down to earth’. There is a strong call for genuine and personal engagement in order to bring about a change. In ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam, social commitment is demanded. Prayers are clearly not enough for the revival.19 Doing well in science, technology, media and education is also part of the revival, for example.20 One important aim of ‘Amr Khaled’s work is to make everyone a practising Muslim, and as the following will show, a practising Muslim does not only perform rituals. The five daily prayers are described as the only obligatory actions established in heaven during Muhammad’s Night Journey to Jerusalem, which illustrates their particular importance.21 He argues that the first thing the Muslims will be judged for on Judgement Day is whether or not

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they prayed. If some individuals find time to watch TV, socialise with friends or talk on the phone but not to pray, they will eventually find themselves in a problematic situation, such as on Judgement Day.23 Concerning the demand for active engagement, ‘Amr Khaled mentions that people who did not take part in jihād during Muhammad’s time were punished by God for their inactivity. This inactivity is not regarded as a great sin, but the fact that God punished them makes ‘Amr Khaled ask the viewers what they think about their own coming punishment based on the fact that they have ignored ‘the right path’ for years. Confirming his demand for social commitment, he says that people who are passive, who say that there is no point in being socially committed, do not follow ‘the path of the beloved’, while people who give hope to others do follow it.24 ‘Amr Khaled says that he is not merely telling stories. He encourages everyone to listen carefully since his intention is to bring a vital message to the ummah.25 A schedule, or ‘to-do list’, to attain vitalisation is then presented, which includes six things to do each day during Ramadan, following Muhammad’s example: 1) pray in groups; 2) give to charity; 3) do something good for relatives or parents; 4) supplicate; 5) read the entire Qur’an while praying; and 6) do a good deed every day to guide someone or help out in society.26 The motto that is repeated throughout the episodes is: ‘I am going to worship God, as I have never done before.’27 It should be noted that not only rituals are brought up here as a part of this worship, but also working in society and spreading Islam, which shows ‘Amr Khaled’s holistic view of Islam and the social commitment it requires. It is also interesting to note here, as will be further discussed in Chapter 6, that ‘Amr Khaled concludes that it is women who will guarantee that these tasks are fulfilled. In his opinion, this is because if a woman decides she will do it, she will remind her husband and others around her to do it as well.28 Daʿwah is often promoted by ‘Amr Khaled who argues that in order to walk on the path that he describes, Muslims must always work hard to spread the message of Islam.29 He also holds that 22

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preaching may not always be the most effective form of daʿwah, returning to his opinion that good manners can be a more efficient form of daʿwah.30 Piety, which is regularly in focus, is interpreted as something that will shield the Muslims from harm. He argues that provided the Muslims are pious, the ummah will not be harmed if anyone plots against it.31 However, as already stated, rituals and piety are never enough. Good planning is necessary as well and Islam will lead to successful reform if it is practised in the right way – and it will eventually bring Muslims to paradise.32 Faith can do many things, and if the youth can be strengthened by faith then the Muslims will have great potential. He asks rhetorically why they think their countries fear faith and asks them why they do not make faith their slogan in order to bring about a revival.33 He does not elaborate on how the countries feared faith, but it was probably a comment on secularised policies and repression of the Islamic opposition. Returning to the main role model Muhammad, ‘Amr Khaled argues that God in his mercy sent the Prophet and that his life is a model for Muslims.34 The Qur’an is used to show how Muhammad should be perceived: ‘We sent thee not save as a mercy for the peoples’ (21:107). Clearly, a part of the problem of the weakness of the ummah is that the Muslims do not follow Muhammad’s example. ‘Amr Khaled asks the viewers how this divine mercy could spread in society if shamelessness (fawāhish) prevails. He holds that it is only through good manners that a society can develop. Thus, manners are seen as more important than rituals (‘ibadāt), and they can therefore be understood as acts of piety. In fact, ‘Amr Khaled says that the aim of rituals is to preserve manners. He exemplifies by saying that if prayers do not make a Muslim merciful towards other people, then the prayers are meaningless, thus criticising those who perform rituals but otherwise misbehave. He also discusses charity (sadāqah), which he argues can be given without money, for example merely with a smile and following the juridical principle of enjoining the good and forbidding the evil. The main aim of the show Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq (An Introduction to Manners) seems to be to cause the viewers to change from within in

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order to improve their manners. For example, it is not enough that a woman wears a hijāb since that has to be complemented with good manners.35 It is also clear that it is an individual responsibility to take care of and follow the divine message in accordance with the capabilities a person has.36 Thus, it appears that he is critical of exterior traits of religion if they are not accompanied by a change in behaviour as well, and he also acknowledges that people have different capabilities and adapts his interpretation to conform to that in the examples that he gives.

The Nature of Islam Following the above overview of ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation regarding individual responsibility and the main aim to reform the Muslim ummah, which reflect his core framing tasks, I will now present his view on Islam as a natural and universal religion. In general, ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam is legitimised with textual citations from the Qur’an and Sunnah. The Qur’an is described as a universal message, valid for all times and places.37 ‘Amr Khaled refers to verses speaking of God as the Lord of humanity: ‘Say: I seek refuge in the Lord of mankind’ (14:1).38 Moreover, he says that Muhammad is in a way always speaking with them – provided they follow the Sunnah.39 Islam is also presented as a religion that shows mercy to nonMuslims. The discussion about non-Muslims, which will be a particular focus in the next chapter, will be mentioned briefly here as well since it is a central part of what ‘Amr Khaled regards to be Islamic manners, namely respect and tolerance of ‘others’. In ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb, Muhammad is presented as merciful towards nonMuslims,40 and always good mannered and well organised in general, and thus an ideal example for Muslims to follow.41 ‘Amr Khaled often returns to the example of Abu Sufyan, who did not convert until just before the Muslim conquest of Mecca. Muhammad’s patience and how he never humiliated Abu Sufyan are stressed. ‘Amr Khaled concludes that Muhammad’s attitude and actions finally made Abu Sufyan convert, hence setting an example

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for all Muslims regarding their relationship to non-Muslims.42 Qur’anic verses regarding the People of the Book are brought up (3:64).43 Moreover, the verse ‘Lo! we or you assuredly are rightly guided or in error manifest’ (34:24) is cited to show how the Qur’an politely addresses non-Muslims, legitimating that as an ideal behaviour.44 Using the Qur’an, ‘Amr Khaled asks the viewers to think about a verse showing that all people have the same origin, namely: ‘O mankind! Be careful of your duty to your Lord Who created you from a single soul [nafs] and from it created its mate and from them twain hath spread abroad a multitude of men and women’ (4:1). He then speaks about Muhammad’s stress on the need for coexistence, for example, by building mosques, writing a constitution that includes Jews and calling for peaceful coexistence in general.45 In this way, ‘Amr Khaled builds up an idea of Islam as a religion of freedom of belief and coexistence even with non-Muslims, based on the Qur’an and Sunnah. Continuing the discussion on non-Muslims, ‘Amr Khaled argues that God also accepts non-Muslims who have good intentions. From this, he draws the lesson that Muslims must not make non-Muslims enemies merely because of the fact that they are not Muslims. Muhammad treated such people well, and if he had not, they would never have converted to Islam. As we saw, this could be learnt from the example of Abu Sufyan.46 Moreover, he mentions that the early Muslims were actually saved by non-Muslims since they had made an agreement with the people of Madinah who did not turn the Muslims over to the hostile Quraish tribe.47 Even the story of a non-believer who helped Muhammad’s wife Umm Salamah travel to Madinah is presented, to show how an objective attitude is needed when judging people and what they do.48 Another supporting example is that Muhammad met non-Muslims in Mecca in order to conduct daʿwah, an example which supports ‘Amr Khaled’s advocacy of daʿwah as well.49 Role models, such as Muhammad, are described as universal because, as ‘Amr Khaled argues, they concern human experience in general.50 He exclaims that even an illiterate person like Muhammad

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teaches the world political skills since his examples are directed to Muslims and non-Muslims, such as Westerners, alike.51 As a universal religion, Islam is intended for everybody, poor and rich.52 The time in Madinah is also described from such a perspective, showing that rich and poor helped each other, and that the mosque made no distinctions among the people but rather functioned to unite them, regardless of class or other differences. This is an ideal that should apply for today as well. For example, mosques should regain their role of helping to revive the ummah instead of being passively controlled by the state, as in Mubarak’s Egypt.53 This idea may also reflect a critical stance towards the huge class differences in many predominantly Muslim countries and the inability of many states to bring about change. ‘Amr Khaled emphasises that there is no compulsion in religion. Chapter 2 of the Qur’an, until verse 255, presents what he sees as the ‘method’ of Islam. He mentions, for example, the following verse, ‘There is no compulsion in religion’ (2:256), saying that this in fact means that, after presenting the method, the first thing that God says is that nobody is forced to adhere to this method. Another verse from the Qur’an, ‘Then whosoever will, let him believe, and whosoever will, let him disbelieve’ (18:30), is used to prove that freedom of belief is allowed in Islam.54 In this respect, ‘Amr Khaled appears to be much more easy-going than many other Muslim scholars and preachers. This attitude probably contributes to his popularity and appeal, particularly among the younger generations.

A Natural Religion In the show Bismak Nahya (In Thy Name We Live), ‘Amr Khaled not only argues that Islam is a universal religion, but also that humankind has a natural disposition to be faithful, which guides people towards God.55 He describes it as if God has created an alarm system in people through our conscience in order for us to distinguish between good and bad.56 In his interpretation, the laws of nature also teach humanity about God, and the universe was compared to a mosque where we can learn, or understand, the names of God.57

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Hence, in his opinion, we can find guidance in the universe through contemplation.58 What is elsewhere called a scientific commentary on the Qur’an (tafsīr ‘ilmī) also appears in his interpretation, albeit not in a very elaborated way. This is the attempt to show that the Qur’an proves contemporary scientific findings. To ‘Amr Khaled, this demonstrates that the Qur’an must be divine, since people of the seventh century did not have knowledge about such findings.59 The two examples mentioned, which can be understood as a part of tafsīr ‘ilmī, are how God provided rain and the cycle of water, which he explains are referred to in the Qur’an.60 The Gulf Stream is mentioned as an example of how well God planned for all his creatures.61 Day is followed by night through his mercy.62 Gravity and the orbits of planets are mentioned as well.63 Furthermore, he refers to the non-miraculous creation of the foetus.64 He concludes by saying that the whole creation is just.65 Modern inventions are interpreted as imitations of God’s creation. Modern science and technology are good and beneficial, if used in an Islamic manner. For example, the camera imitates the eyes and the computer imitates the memory of God’s creatures.66 In the show Qassas al-Qur’ān 2 (Parables of the Qur’an 2), the topic of free will is discussed. ‘Amr Khaled argues that life consists of choices and that God gave us free will. The divine origin of free will is presented as a reason why people should not be prevented from exercising it. He refers to Muhammad whom he argues commanded the Muslims not to imitate others but to think individually and make their own decisions.67 This can be read as an implicit critique of people who imitate the West, but also of Islamic juridical schools or state policies. Paradoxically, however, he also holds that God has predestined everything and, therefore, that human beings cannot change things68 – an attitude more in line with an ‘Asharite theological position. Moreover, ‘Amr Khaled discusses how Moses learnt that not all Israelites were good people, thus underlining that it is wrong to generalise about people.69 ‘Amr Khaled says that Moses encountered a great variety of people and cultures and that he learnt many languages and gained such wide experience that he did not become

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a racist. His non-racist attitude was manifest, for example, in his marrying an Arab woman, although he was an Israelite.70 When God gave Moses the mission, he was allowed to discuss his problems and use his free will. ‘Amr Khaled uses this as an example to inspire the listeners to give others the freedom to speak openly about problems and ideas, as well as to be open-minded.71 Thus, he connects free will to the demand for freedom of speech. As in many other cases, this example can also be interpreted as a criticism of political oppression and the lack of free speech in countries like Egypt, even though he does not explicitly say so.

Views on Early Theology A discussion about early theological disputes illuminates ‘Amr Khaled’s theological preferences, which he addressed in Qassas alQur’ān 2 (Parables of the Qur’an 2). He speaks about Ahmad ibn Hanbal’s defence of the simplicity of the Islamic creed, which he clearly admires. In support of ibn Hanbal, ‘Amr Khaled refers to the Qur’an: ‘And they are ordered naught else than to serve Allah, keeping religion pure for Him, as men by nature upright, and to establish worship and to pay the poor-due. That is true religion’ (98:5). With this background made clear, he speaks of a group that he dislikes, namely al-Muʿtazilah, whom ibn Hanbal rejected.72 ‘Amr Khaled argues that al-Muʿtazilah forced foreign ideas into Islam. Their most corrupt idea, in his opinion, is that of the creation of the Qur’an. However, he says that he does not want to discuss details, arguing that he finds this discussion very obscure. His brief comment is quite confusing. Following this, he asks if the audience had understood anything. Then he exclaims in his thrilled voice that al-Muʿtazilah wanted Islam to appear to be a complicated religion. Since both Abu Hanifa and Ahmad ibn Hanbal objected to alMuʿtazilah, ‘Amr Khaled claims, they turned to the political powerholders. However, their attempt to gain support from the caliph eventually failed.73 Hence, ‘Amr Khaled supports the mainstream Sunni view on theology and jurisprudence.

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My early, preliminary assumption was that ‘Amr Khaled would appreciate Muʿtazili arguments which could support his own interpretation, especially regarding human free will, responsibility, activism and the use of reason. However, this assumption turned out to be wrong. Among many Muslim intellectuals today, there is a tendency that can be described as neo-Muʿtazili, which has caused some controversial discussions. In Egypt, the most well-known example is Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, who sought to understand the Qur’an as a historical document, which resulted in accusations of apostasy.74 Perhaps this has also led ‘Amr Khaled to openly reject the Muʿtazili creed in order to appear more in line with Establishment Islam.

Non-violent Jihād Islam is presented as a religion rejecting violence, injustice and oppression in general, and in the show ʿAlā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ), this is often the focus.75 It is not a religion promoting terrorism.76 Jihād is spoken of as a word to be proud of rather than ashamed.77 ‘Amr Khaled is careful to point out that jihād does not mean terrorism, and he strongly emphasises that acts of terrorism are unjust and not Islamic. However, he sees such acts as a result of the lack of justice, truth and freedom,78 thus attempting to explain them in a socio-political way. In their proper place, jihād and martyrdom are good. However, they should not be used to encourage destruction.79 Jihād, defined as defence, can be legally used if the Muslims are hindered from spreading their Islamic message in peace, which is held to be their right.80 ‘Amr Khaled calls for those who feel oppressed and humiliated, for example, Muslims in Iraq, Lebanon and Palestine, to seek refuge in God.81 When he asks his viewers not to accept being humiliated, however, he says that he does not mean that they should use violence but rather wisdom and mercy.82 He laments that the Sunnah is not followed today. The Sunnah does not condone murder or suicide. Instead of committing such crimes, Muslims should work for Islamic reform in order to deserve to be a part of the Muslim ummah.83

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To support his case, he presents the moral guidelines that the Muslims followed during the battle of Badr (624 CE) and claims that these ethical principles were only known to the Western world after World War II. In other words, war ethics is depicted as an Islamic invention.84 ‘Amr Khaled further says that Muslims should learn not to pass judgements on others. This is seen as only God’s concern.85 This view is in line with the ‘Ashari theological viewpoint that sinners will be judged by God.86 After presenting a story about how Muhammad treated Jews, ‘Amr Khaled says that many today accuse Muhammad of supporting violence and terrorism. He encourages Muslims to work against this western image and show the world who the prophet really was.87 Such apologetic statements are common in the shows. In another narrative, ‘Amr Khaled speaks of a Muslim held captive by the Meccans (before their conversion) who prior to his execution was allowed to shave with a razor. A maid found him sitting with her son in his lap and a razor in hand. She became terrified. However, the Muslim swore that he would never do such a thing as to harm innocent people and that such people should not be objects of one’s revenge.88 By recounting this narrative, ‘Amr Khaled attempts to counter the idea that Islam is a religion that can be used to support violence and attacks on innocent people. Violence is always rejected by ‘Amr Khaled, and with the example of Moses, he manages to illustrate how Muslims ought to treat enemies in a polite manner, also referring to the Qur’an (24:43–4) to substantiate his claim. Moreover, he uses Moses as a role model to exhort parents and teachers never to humiliate or beat children, warning them that they otherwise will become disgraceful and turn to violence. He argues that conversation is a better way of solving a problem than using violence. In addition, adapting one’s language to the people spoken to is recommended.89 In one episode, ‘Amr Khaled discusses the proper use of language and holds that if you wish to object to someone’s behaviour, you should follow the example of Moses and be polite, not simply publish your objections on the web, for example.90 The prison of Abu Ghraib is mentioned once, after references to a hadīth concerning the battle of the Trench (627 CE), in which ‘Ali

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killed a soldier, but did not take his loot. ‘Amr Khaled explains that ‘Ali was modest (hayā’), and when the soldier’s private parts were exposed, he simply left. The viewers are asked to compare that to what occurred in the prison of Abu Ghraib. ‘Ali’s example is used to show the greatness of Islam.91 This is the only time he mentions Abu Ghraib in the shows studied. It also demonstrates how he compares (western) practice with (Islamic) ideals. Returning to the importance of rituals in general and prayers in particular, ‘Amr Khaled advocates making duʿah (‘supplication’) since God will accept sincere duʿah.92 Moreover, dhikr, remembrance of God, is also encouraged by him.93 He relates a hadīth saying that reading the names of God will make you enter paradise. Such individually practised dhikr is often mentioned in a positive manner.94 However, worship is always seen as much more than formal bodily acts. He argues that it includes both the spirit and jihād, the latter usually being interpreted as striving in a wide sense. The mosque in Mecca is presented as the symbol of worship in the spirit, while the al-Aqsa mosque is a symbol of reformation and jihād. In talking about Jerusalem, he argues that the Muslims are responsible for the city with reference to the Night Journey of Muhammad. Moreover, he holds that al-Aqsa reflects the current state of affairs in the world, considering whether it is the believers or the racists who control it.95 ‘Amr Khaled often mentions places such as Iraq and Jerusalem, but he does not develop his discussions in detail. When he talks about the – worldwide – ummah, it is understandable that he mentions conflict areas where Muslims are involved. He holds every Muslim responsible for the humiliation of Muslims in such areas. However, he does not explicitly challenge the policies of the governments of Muslim or western countries, although he does mention that some areas are occupied.

Being Proactive Following this outline of ‘Amr Khaled’s understanding of Islam, the discussion now turns more specifically to his view on proactivity as

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an Islamic method, which is elaborated in most shows but particularly so in ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ) and some of the episodes of Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq (An Introduction to Manners). This requires that, in order to develop the ummah, Muslim individuals must be committed and cultivate certain manners and attitudes. They must also realise that Islam is a universal and nonviolent religion, which promotes coexistence. As seen above, it is not enough to focus only on the Qur’an or simply to pray, for example. ‘Amr Khaled speaks of the Qur’an as a guidebook, but states that it is not enough to follow its instructions, since patience and planning are also needed in order to achieve reform.96 Using Muhammad as well as other role models as examples, he encourages the audience to get involved in social issues. In his opinion, daʿwah should not only be performed in mosques. The example of Muhammad’s active participation in work and social life is used to support his appeal.97 He explains that Muhammad achieved his success gradually, which shows that he was a man of patience (sabr). Therefore, the young should also be patient and work hard in order to fulfil their dreams and strengthen the ummah.98 People are encouraged to speak to others about Islam – that is, to perform daʿwah. ‘Amr Khaled gives the example of Muhammad who invited people to speak about Islam and asks the viewers to do the same, to gather families and agree to do something together.99 The example of Muhammad giving his first public speech is seen as something that can bring strength and inspiration to Muslims today to never feel ashamed of their religion.100 ‘Amr Khaled’s strategy is often to first present specific problems and then the solutions. The greatest problem, in his view, is that of passivity and negativity, and it can only be solved by being proactive. Being proactive is defined as doing things yourself without showing off. It is noticeable that he does not mention rituals such as prayer and fasting, but rather everyday examples, such as helping to remove rubbish in the streets, fixing leaking taps and teaching someone to read. This also reflects the above-mentioned strategy to make it possible for everyone, regardless of individual capabilities, to work for the revival. Moreover, a nation must have its own specific

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character, according to ‘Amr Khaled, and he sees proactivity as an Islamic trait, based on verses from the Qur’an which show that Muslims follow the principle of enjoining good and forbidding evil: ‘Ye are the best community that hath been raised up for mankind. Ye enjoin right conduct and forbid indecency’ (3:110) and ‘the believers, men and women, are protecting friends one of another; they enjoin the right and forbid the wrong’ (9:71). As examples of proactivity, he listed characteristics one should cultivate, for example, to be responsible, to be culturally rooted, to keep appointments, to preserve natural resources, to be serious and thorough, to enjoy beauty and art, to have a goal and to belong to Islam.101 All these aspects are elaborated in detail throughout the episodes of al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā and they show that Islam is understood to be much more than merely rituals. The examples above show how wide his interpretation of Islam is in that he holds that Muslims ought to contribute to the preservation of nature but also to enjoy beauty and art. It seems that ‘Amr Khaled believes that many people think of religious persons as somewhat strange or ill-behaved, which may be a result of Islamophobic attitudes and Orientalist research in the Western world. One of his main goals is to develop good and well-mannered people and to send a message to others that these well-mannered people actually come from mosques.102 He encourages the viewers and tells them that they should not doubt that every person can change. He tells them that the soul is like the body, and just as we can exercise and eat healthy food, we can do the same with our soul. If the viewers wish to know what their bad manners are, he advises them to ask a good friend who is pious, or an enemy. For example, one could listen to what a jealous girl says. They should also attend lectures such as his own and study the manners of Muhammad. The Prophet is the supreme role model which ‘Amr Khaled substantiates by quoting verses from the Qur’an as well: ‘And lo! thou art of a tremendous nature’ (68:4) and ‘Verily in the messenger of Allah ye have a good example for him who looketh unto Allah and the last Day, and remembereth Allah much’ (33:21). ‘Amr Khaled tells them to study the example of

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Muhammad in order to see how he was humble and patient and how he treated women. This, he holds, is the reason why all the episodes refer to Muhammad. He emphasises that they must love Muhammad, and he uses the Qur’an to prove this: Say: If your fathers, and your sons, and your brethren, and your wives, and your tribe, and the wealth ye have acquired, and merchandise for which ye fear that there will be no sale, and dwellings ye desire are dearer to you than Allah and His messenger and striving in His way: then wait till Allah bringeth His command to pass. Allah guideth not wrongdoing folk (9:24).103 ‘Amr Khaled presents some contemporary, everyday-life examples of bad manners to avoid, such as a woman hanging her wet laundry on the balcony where it will drip on the laundry downstairs and a man parking his car in front of the mosque before going to pray because the parking lot is too far away.104 People throwing rubbish out of the car window or leaving chewing gum on the street are other examples. To remove things from the road is seen an act of faith. He also connects faith (imān) with modesty (hayā’ ). He asks what happened to hayā’ in the case of a female university student who laughs loudly and then in the evening goes humbly to prayer.105 In his opinion, that is apparently a contradiction. ‘Amr Khaled argues that all bad deeds will be recorded, and the reward (thawāb) for the individual will decrease.106 In this way, he tries to show that Islam is involved in every single aspect of life and that it is not enough to pray or go to a lesson in the mosque if one does not have good manners as well. Such manners appear to be the foundation for the revival of the ummah, in his Islamic interpretation, and the examples he gives are concrete and possible for everyone to identify with, regardless of class background, economic situation or education.

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Make the Burden Light I now turn more explicitly to ‘Amr Khaled’s discussions about Islamic jurisprudence, which confirm his view on Islamic law as not being a burden on people. In the show Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence), for example, he refers to the early jurists to a large extent. The jurist Malik is praised for his respect for others and for trying to place himself in other people’s situation before making a judgement, and this is lifted up as an Islamic ideal. ‘Amr Khaled wants the viewers to imagine that they would do the same as Malik, who functions as a role model.107 Another aspect brought up is Malik’s liberal opinion to allow everything that is not forbidden. There are three verses from the Qur’an read which, according to ‘Amr Khaled, Malik used, namely: ‘He hath chosen you and hath not laid upon you in religion any hardship’ (22:78); ‘Allah desireth for you ease; He desireth not hardship for you’ (2:185); and ‘Allah would make the burden light for you, for man was created weak’ (4:28).108 ‘Amr Khaled further refers to a hadīth supporting this opinion where ‘Ayshah reports that Muhammad always chose the easier course in so far as it was not forbidden. In addition, ‘Amr Khaled positively refers to the juridical principle fiqh al-ikhtilāf, which supports the right to have a differing opinion. This is a method that he ascribes to Malik.109 Hence, it appears that ‘Amr Khaled wants to depict Islam as an easy-going religion and thereby suggest that it is not difficult to be a Muslim. This is supported by references to the Qur’an and Sunnah as well as to Malik as a role model. Malik’s school follows the juridical norm of preserving the welfare of society. This norm has five basic intentions: to preserve religion, honour, property, the human soul and the mind. This is supported by ‘Amr Khaled, who argues that, on this basis, all prohibitions can be logically understood. As an example he mentions that fornication is forbidden since honour is harmed, while gambling can harm property. He also tells the viewers that Malik used consensus (ijmāʿ), based on the opinions of the inhabitants of Madinah, as a norm for solving disputes. However, Malik subsequently changed his opinion,

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after realising that there were different needs in different societies and that the opinion of Madinah could not be a universal norm.110 ‘Amr Khaled also mentions a meeting between Malik and Abu Hanifa, who discussed the issue of hypothetical questions, which Abu Hanifa supported and which Malik at first was against. In the end, they both agreed that their respective standpoints were both correct, depending on the local situation.111 With these examples, ‘Amr Khaled can support the view that rules need to be adapted to the context. He apparently wishes to support the view that the sharīʿah must be relative, flexible and adaptable to local settings. An invited guest argues that Malik did not reject local traditions as long as they did not contradict Islamic law. One example that ‘Amr Khaled presents is Mother’s Day, which is allowed.112 Another discussion concerns whether or not a Muslim has to follow only one of the juridical schools, which was rejected. The guest says that a Muslim should ask any learned person for advice regardless of his school.113 They may specialise in one school first and then they can study the others since, in the guest’s opinion, the truth is not found in one of the schools only.114 Thus, he asks them to study and form their own opinion on Islamic matters. This contributes to an objectification of Islam and a rejection of blind imitation of a specific school of law. This also reflects an open attitude to legal matters and a view of Islamic law as a dynamic and flexible system.

Trust in God ‘Amr Khaled often elaborates on the need to be content, not lose hope and trust in God. If we do not immediately get what we ask for that is seen as a test of our sincerity and patience. Some situations may seem problematic, but they may bring something positive. He mentions the example of Joseph who experienced hardships that in the end brought something good. The whole ummah may now be in a situation comparable to Joseph’s.115 ‘Amr Khaled tells the viewers that they should think about how God may do things that seem to be harmful to us but in reality may strengthen us, referring to the Qur’anic verse 2:216.116 In another

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episode, he says that when someone experiences problems, that person should not ask ‘why me?’ but instead turn to God and depend on him.117 Comfort should never be the aim in life. He refers to Ahmad ibn Hanbal, who allegedly was asked when there would be time for rest, and responded that relief would come in Paradise, but not before.118 This story is perhaps commented upon because numerous potential viewers live in difficult socio-economic circumstances. One should be satisfied with what one has, even though it may be little. Muslims should also trust that God has given them what is good for them. If they had more, it would perhaps lead them astray.119 In this way, ‘Amr Khaled tries to make his viewers feel content with what they have and not ask for too much. Moreover, he tells them that they should remember that spiritual blessings may at times be stronger than material ones and that God will comfort the oppressed and punish the unjust.120 Statements such as this may seem to contradict ‘Amr Khaled’s idea that Muslims should become economically well off. He does encourage all Muslims to get an education, to find employment and to strive for a better position in life. However, his message is directed to Muslims of all social classes, and statements such as the above may be consoling to poorer people. As mentioned, he also speaks of rather simple tasks, such as letting wet laundry drip onto the balcony beneath. With such examples he can include all kinds of people. Even though the socio-economic position of well-educated people is not questioned, ‘Amr Khaled requires them to assist the poor as a part of strengthening the ummah.

The Natural Disposition of Justice Proactivity, justice and social engagement are recurring themes in ‘Amr Khaled’s understanding of Islam. He tells the story of Muhammad saying that the Muslims are like one body. If one part suffers, the entire body feels the pain.121 ‘Amr Khaled speaks of the need to awaken what he regards as the natural dispositions that God implanted in humanity, for example, being against violence. Speaking about the biblical story of the killing of newborn Israelite sons,

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he argues that he found it very strange that the people who suffered from this now kill Palestinian children in the same manner, thus comparing Israelites with contemporary Israeli Jews and criticising them. He argues that the people at that time did not try to interfere to stop the soldiers from killing the babies. The viewers are asked to consider this, because they were perhaps thinking in the same passive way. Thus he challenges them not to be passive. ‘Amr Khaled also says that they were perhaps wondering how God could allow the killing of babies to occur, and he argues that God would not interfere in this matter since that would have contradicted the fact that God gave us a natural instinct to strive for justice.122 He does not elaborate in detail on the contemporary situation in Palestine. However, his critical views on Israel are apparent between the lines. A general lesson that ‘Amr Khaled draws in Qassas al-Qur’ān 2, is never to contribute to oppressing the weak and poor and to be faithful and to work for the sake of God only. To trust God and strive one’s utmost is a method to gain victory and ensure God’s protection.123 ‘Amr Khaled retells the story of Joseph, one of his most frequently used role models, showing how he, as a great minister of finance, brought justice to the Egyptians. However, after his death, injustice returned. When speaking about oppression, ‘Amr Khaled argues that those who oppress will become oppressed themselves. This is seen as a consequence of as an eternal law.124 He does not explicitly mention any oppressors in the contemporary era, but it is not farfetched to think that this is also a comment on current oppressive regimes. Moreover, in discussing leadership, he argues that it must be measured by the context of the leader. An example he presents is Muhammad, who experienced several hardships but nevertheless spread his message and managed to transform society for the better.125 Perhaps this is a metaphor for the contemporary situation. This section also shows how the better-off classes should support the weak and the poor, and indicates their responsibility to take action when they see oppression of various sorts. Perhaps the historical dictum that oppressors will become oppressed can function as a solace for those Muslims who live in hardship.

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The Treasure of Youth ‘Amr Khaled approaches the problem of high unemployment in many Muslim countries, but turns it into something positive. The young and unemployed are described as a treasure who can work for the revival. He presents them with stories about how young people have helped Islam in the past. He draws up some frightening images of what unemployment can lead to, namely a weakening of religiosity and an increase of the number of so-called ‘urfī marriages.126 Ending unemployment is explicitly defined by ‘Amr Khaled as daʿwah, which is an example of how wide this Islamic ‘mission’ is in his interpretation. There is a need for national projects and to recruit people instead of exporting jobs, he says. The Arab countries should cooperate better as well, he argues.127 The comments on national and Arab unity may be the result of his wish to strengthen the ummah and limit western influences. Friendship is an important topic, and ‘Amr Khaled argues that since we will become like our friends we should choose them carefully. He presents a list of questions in the episode and also on the website to test one’s friendships. This list, he says, was constructed by psychologists. Therefore, the results should be trusted.128 Here, science rather than the Qur’an or any role model is used in support of Islam. In ‘Amr Khaled’s opinion, a good friend will make you strive for success, respect your family and value your relationship with God. He argues that the brotherhood of Islam is where emotions can be released and where earthly reform can take place. This brotherhood will hold society together. He argues that Satan wants people to release their emotions through adultery and claims that 90 per cent of the songs, videos, films and TV series are about men loving women as if that is the only kind of relationship there is. He asks if this is a plan or merely a coincidence, and it appears that he sees it as a plan. However, he says that being Muslim does not mean that people have to be strict or boring. They can enjoy themselves but must always remember that their purpose is to obey God.129

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Internet and Media In al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā, ‘Amr Khaled seems somewhat disappointed that the number of votes on his website, about what projects to prioritise, was not as high as he had wished. He blames himself for not having explained clearly enough the importance of voting. He tells a story of Muhammad who asked his companions for their opinions, thus trying to show the viewers the need for their participation and that it is an Islamic ideal. Another reason for the lack of votes that ‘Amr Khaled mentions is that many do not know how to use the internet. He also tells the viewers that there are people who, unlike them, cannot afford a satellite channel and television or internet. He wants to know their dreams and wishes for the future too and asked the audience to speak to such people. The dream ‘Amr Khaled speaks about is for everybody, he says. He tells the viewers that the internet is the future and everyone, including women, must learn how to use it.130 This too shows how the more well-off people have an obligation to assist the poor and uneducated. In ‘Amr Khaled’s opinion, there are several negative aspects of the media: women are used in videos to excite men; magazines spread rumours about celebrities; reality shows in which young people compete in singing or dancing are destructive; the use of SMS lines in satellite channels where the channels make profit, which benefits economically but trivialises the young; the lyrics in songs mainly being about love and separation, and so on. Media are criticised with the help of a verse from the Qur’an: ‘Lo! Those who love that slander should be spread concerning those who believe, theirs will be a painful punishment in the world and the Hereafter. Allah knoweth. Ye know not’ (24:19). He claims that the young people look up to their peers who have girlfriends and are stylish. In his view, triviality and preoccupation with material things and flirting are seen as dangerous, and risk diverting attention from Islam and revitalisation. He asks if the viewers think the media in Japan and Germany were that trivial at the time when the situation in those countries rapidly improved. He warns the viewers that they will be held responsible on the Day of Judgement. However, he repeats that the call for

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seriousness does not mean that you have to be depressed and miserable all the time. He tells them to enjoy themselves but asks for a balance.131 ‘Amr Khaled has a positive view of new technology, and the way he talks about it makes it appear as an Islamic custom or obligation to learn how to use it – as well as to teach others – and to use it in the right way, avoiding what he regards as non-Islamic topics. However, he is negative towards superficial material things and criticises those who engage in a consumerist lifestyle rather than in Islam. He does not reject material things or media as such, but he calls for social consciousness and a moderate and Islamic use of such products and technologies.

Islamic Role Models It has been shown above that role models are often used in order to motivate the audience to adopt specific customs or attitudes defined as Islamic. Speaking about the four leading early Sunni jurists, who established the ‘orthodox’ law schools, in the show Daʿwah lī alTaʿāish (A Call for Coexistence) ‘Amr Khaled shows that they had different backgrounds, class-belongings, ethnicities, economic situations, educations, looks and so on.132 He critically compares that to contemporary societies where social classes cannot coexist and classification of people on various grounds are widespread.133 The moral character of the jurists is held up as an ideal. He tells stories to illustrate how they were all able to deal with people of all kinds and treat them alike. They are described as having charisma, as listening to others and as practising what they preached. Sometimes they were even jailed and beaten for their opinions, but stood firm. They were moreover flexible and active in society.134 ‘Amr Khaled takes care to tell the viewers that the jurists were polite and respected each other during discussions. He uses their manners as ideals and argues that if a wife and husband would do the same, many problems would be solved. He says that the same applies to politicians in Iraq, Darfur and Lebanon as well as religious scholars and scientists, in his view. Such manners are held to be important and need to be taught to

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journalists, politicians, media people, scholars, husbands, wives, parents and children.135 Hence, he mentions politicians in general and people in power, as well as ordinary people, and makes everyone responsible. In this strategic way, he can avoid merely pointing out politicians. In ‘Amr Khaled’s opinion, people who isolate themselves and refuse to interact with others will never succeed. For example, he mentions how the jurists studied each others’ jurisprudence.136 Abu Hanifa is credited with being the first to develop his jurisprudence in a group.137 ‘Amr Khaled states that the actual needs of society were the foundation for Abu Hanifa’s fiqh, and since each place had its own needs, he maintains that the sharīʿah ought to be flexible.138 Another aspect which ‘Amr Khaled dwells upon is that Abu Hanifa also discussed fiqh in hypothetical situations, for example, translations of the Qur’an.139 Moreover, Abu Hanifa allowed differences of opinion.140 Abu Hanifa, who developed the idea of deduction from a hadīth narrating that Muhammad asked a companion about his sources of making judgements, is clearly admired by ‘Amr Khaled. Muhammad’s companion answered that the sources were the Qur’an, the Sunnah and his own opinion. If proved wrong, Abu Hanifa would change his opinion.141 ‘Amr Khaled holds that, unlike what Westerners may think, Islamic jurisprudence is not stagnant.142 With his examples he wants to demonstrate that Islamic law is rather flexible and dynamic; and by retelling stories about the leading early jurists, he can promote values such as coexistence, respect and tolerance of different opinions. In a general discussion on jurisprudence, ‘Amr Khaled tells the viewers how it concerns finding answers to an unlimited number of possible things on the basis of a limited source material.143 He holds that the jurists did exactly that, and that even though they differed in opinions, they still respected each other. Many other jurists lived at the time of the founding fathers of the ‘orthodox’ law schools, but the schools they founded did not survive. ‘Amr Khaled explains that the reason is that they were unable to coexist, thus showing the importance of coexistence in his interpretation.144

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Ahmad ibn Hanbal Special guests are occasionally invited to the studio. Saʿd ibn Mattar al-ʿUtaybi, a Hanbali jurist based in Riyadh, was invited to discuss Ahmad ibn Hanbal, whom ‘Amr Khaled supports. One aim of the discussion seems to be to demonstrate that there is no truth to the claim that the development of the Islamic law schools, in particular the Hanbali school, caused stagnation. Rather, the explanation is that the present problem is caused by Muslims who ignore the law schools. Thus, the strategy of self-blame appears here again. The guest from Riyadh speaks about a Harvard professor who had said that Islam has all the necessary means for development but that the problem is that the Muslims do not use them – reflecting the view that Islam is different from Muslim practice. He also mentions how the early jurists even made rules for disagreeing. He refers to the influential Shaykh bin Baz (d. 1999), who in his fatāwa often mentioned that there were other opinions. Today, this is an important issue, he argues, since we have satellite channels which can inform people about different opinions. People must show that they are acquainted with other opinions and justify which one they prefer.145 ‘Amr Khaled defends Ahmad ibn Hanbal, claiming that he was not as hard and strict as some people believe. Instead, Muslims should be proud of him since he collected and preserved the Sunnah.146 ‘Amr Khaled strives to conform to the frames of Establishment Islam, only using sources and stories from that tradition, which legitimises his views on Islamic jurisprudence and interpretation. The present situation is kept in mind, and there are comments on the conflict of sacred authority to which media to a large extent contribute, for instance ‘Amr Khaled himself with his satellite shows. The viewers are told how to approach the contradictory situation with many legal experts expressing different opinions. ‘Amr Khaled’s advice is for people to listen to various opinions and then choose the one they prefer.

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Muhammad – The Ethical Role Model for the Revival Muhammad is the main example of how to live and how to revive the ummah in most of ‘Amr Khaled’s shows. In ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ) he is in focus in every episode. The biography of Muhammad is regarded as one of the most important sources. ‘Amr Khaled mentions the verse ‘We sent thee not save as a mercy for the peoples’ (21:107) to show his respect for Muhammad.147 Three reasons to study the biography of Muhammad are presented: 1) The most efficient experience of revival is held to be that of Muhammad: 2) His example is held to be the most comprehensive since he experienced life both as poor and weak and as rich and powerful. Others are also good examples but not as comprehensive. Jesus, for example, was not married, and Sulaiman was not poor or weak and, therefore, they cannot be examples in these cases; and 3) Muhammad is defined as the greatest person in history and of high morality.148 The spread of Islam is described as following a humane pattern; it should namely take place step by step and peacefully. Breaking idols and using violence is not the way of Islam. Rather, merging with the rest of society, taking part in society, being good examples and doing good deeds are presented as the right way, reflecting the above presentation of ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation. To accomplish a revival, Muslims must wake up from their long slumber and take part in society,149 and Muhammad is held to be the best example to follow.150 ‘Amr Khaled refers to unspecified Orientalists in a sweeping manner and begins apologetically to defend Islam and Muhammad. For example, he argues that Orientalists holds that a Christian man, Waraqa, had taught Muhammad about religion, but ‘Amr Khaled states that the meeting between them lasted only 30 minutes and, in his view, that disproves the Orientalists.151 In another episode he turns to the Orientalist claim that Muhammad married women for lust, showing that the marriage to Khadijah, who was much older than him, would contradict that claim. After her death, he married nine times for the sake of the message, according to ‘Amr Khaled.152

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At another time, he challenges Orientalists to prove that Muhammad was not seeking peace, and argues that each time he waged war it was because he had to do so, since he was not allowed to spread the message otherwise, or that it was the only way to have peace.153 ‘Amr Khaled asks how, after reading the biography of Muhammad, anyone could believe the Orientalist claim that he wanted violence and terrorism.154 The meeting with the people from Madinah is described by ‘Amr Khaled as a modern and organised meeting.155 Note the words used to describe this situation. When speaking about the flight to Madinah (hijrah), he repeatedly mentions what a good planner Muhammad was.156 Muhammad did not betray or lie to anyone. Today however, ‘Amr Khaled argues, this seems to be the only way for some people to gain money and success, which in his view seems to be how politics works today as well. Muhammad gained success by being smart and planning well, according to ‘Amr Khaled.157 This can be read as a direct criticism of contemporary politicians who are targeted in this episode. Refering to the battle of the Trench, ‘Amr Khaled stresses what a good manager Muhammad was in supervising the work, employing team leaders and so on. An incident showing how Muhammad organised meals is mentioned in order to demonstrate what a good planner and organiser he was.158 Moreover, ‘Amr Khaled speaks about how Muhammad, even before coming to Madinah, showed a democratic tendency when asking the delegation from Madinah to appoint 12 leaders to take care of the administration of the city. This, according to ‘Amr Khaled, is proof that Westerners’ accusation that Islam is a despotic religion is false.159 Clearly, he wants to present Islam as a democratic religion. ‘Amr Khaled argues that the cause of passivity today is that people know that nobody will listen to their opinions.160 It seems to be important for him to show that Muhammad used consultation (shūrā) and respected majority opinions. With that in mind, ‘Amr Khaled asks who could say that Islam opposes democracy.161 He tells the viewers that during the battle of Badr, Muhammad consulted the Muslims, and such consultation makes people love their nation and

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gives them a sense of belonging. ‘Amr Khaled says that somebody who does not feel this may take a vow to destroy the country instead.162 This is perhaps an implicit critique of the state, blaming its representatives for the development of groups and individuals using violence, since the people do not have a voice. That Muhammad followed majority opinion even though he knew it would be inefficient, as during the battle of Uhud, is mentioned as well to show how much Muhammad valued democratic principles.163 This can also be read as a critical comment on the contemporary political climate in Egypt, for example. As is often the case nowadays among Muslim interpreters, ‘Amr Khaled speaks about the constitution that was established by Muhammad as being the first in history.164 The story of Muhammad as a political leader focuses the Hudaybiya treaty (628 CE). The story is highlighted by ‘Amr Khaled to show how Muhammad always wanted peace, and that when he had the option, peace was his choice. As already stated, Islam is not about violence, in ‘Amr Khaled’s view.165 The apologetic aspect here seems to be directed at an unspecified West, and he again rejects the idea that Islam is not democratic. Instead, he shows how Islam is democratic, respecting majority opinion and even having produced the first constitution. Moses as a Freedom Fighter ‘Amr Khaled discusses the importance of intention and sincerity.166 Intention (niyyah) is seen as the basis of Islam, and every action has to be preceded by good intentions.167 Niyyah, in the sense of living in accordance with the Qur’an, was chosen as the slogan of the episodes of Qassas al-Qur’ān 2.168 As in earlier shows, ‘Amr Khaled asks the viewers not to be ashamed of their religion.169 He argues that it is not the mere retelling of a story from the Qur’an that is important, but rather to understand its moral purpose. In many shows he asks the viewers to try to imagine how the various persons in Qur’anic stories felt in different situations.170 Other role models are focused on in the two shows Qassas alQur’ān (Parables of the Qur’an). The narratives regarding Moses are

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used to promote values such as freedom and justice as well as the importance of belief, which ‘Amr Khaled regards as most important for reform. He describes society in Moses’ time as divided into classes of rich and poor; with the poor lacking rights and living more or less like slaves. Moses was defending the poor people, and he is therefore described as a hero. ‘Amr Khaled explains that the mission of Moses was to liberate his people.171 He also tells the viewers that, at one point, the Israelites understood that Moses and his companions could not work for liberation alone, but that they too had to engage in the struggle.172 The viewers are encouraged to stand up for justice and assist the poor.173 One does not need much imagination to see the comparison to contemporary Egypt and also to understand that the message of ‘Amr Khaled can certainly be annoying to the state. Moreover, it exhorts the better off in society and demands that they help the poor and weak. Moses’ personality is presented as well, and ‘Amr Khaled tells the viewers that in order to become a leader, the example of Moses is necessary to study. In retelling parts of Moses’ life, he presents his personality. He describes his personality and manners as expressions of someone religious; but being a believer is not enough. A believer should have certain moral qualities. Hence it is important to be merciful and truthful; take care of one’s body; have a good education; be flexible; show dignity; have good friends and companions; have a free and open-minded attitude; and to know the history of as well as be devoted to one’s country. ‘Amr Khaled also stresses the significance of having an explicit goal in life and of being able to coexist with others. These are all traits that have been discussed in earlier shows as well and, according to ‘Amr Khaled, they are summarised in Moses’ life.174 In one of the episodes, the emphasis is on the need to follow all rules and not be selective.175 In retelling the story of Moses, it is described how he experienced many hardships. The reason was that God was preparing him for his mission. ‘Amr Khaled explains that people who find themselves in a difficult situation should understand that God is preparing them for something greater, thus asking them in a way to accept their situation in life.176 It is also argued that a person must

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experience a great deal in order to be capable of leading a nation.177 Moreover, referring to how the Muslims live today, ‘Amr Khaled holds that they cannot blame destiny. They must instead work to be of benefit to Islam and the Muslims.178 An interesting metaphor is used as well, comparing Judgement Day with going to a job interview and presenting a CV in order to show one’s good sides and thus be chosen.179 Note also how he speaks of Yusef as a minister of finance.180 The final sections can also be read as a critical comment on the contemporary political climate, as well as a demand that the better-off must help others in order to promote the revival.

Concluding Discussion As seen in this chapter, one focus of ‘Amr Khaled’s preaching and teaching is to motivate Muslim individuals to become proactive and follow what he defines as Islamic manners. This is intended to result in a strengthening of the Muslim ummah. He elaborates on what Islamic manners are and describes an organised, socially committed lifestyle focused on an active piety, which is not only expressed in prayers but also in good planning and social engagement. This includes motivating people to work for Islam whatever their means. Poor people can pick up rubbish from the street, and rich people can give to charity and help educate others. By using Islamic role models, Qur’anic verses and the Sunnah, as well as the biography of Muhammad, ‘Amr Khaled legitimises his opinions as authentically Islamic and not imitative or westernised. It has been underscored that political issues are not elaborated explicitly. However, ‘Amr Khaled critically mentions politicians in general, and refers to certain conflict areas, such as Palestine, with an implicit critical stance and a call for engagement from his viewers, thus creating an activist Islamic interpretation. Moreover, as shown in the final sections, he interprets Islam as a dynamic and democratic religion, rejecting violence and intolerance, and promoting coexistence and unity. These are all attitudes that clearly reflect post-Islamism.

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Two interpretative tendencies can be mentioned that may be helpful in order to understand contemporary Islamic interpretations in general and ‘Amr Khaled’s in particular, namely the tendency to connect reason to the ‘sacred’ and the tendency to become ‘modern’ by separating the ‘sacred’ from the secular.181 These two tendencies regard the issue of how Islam should be related to reason and secularism. In the case of ‘Amr Khaled, the interpretation connects reason and religion, as is seen in his promotion of science and the importance of forming an independent opinion and not merely imitating others. He also underlines that it is authentic to have a modern lifestyle. Another general question that may illuminate ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation is how these tendencies relate to the past. The Muslim sociologist Ibrahim Abu-Rabiʿ argues that the past is perceived differently depending on the ideological position of the interpreter. The past is used in various ways to promote a specific interpretation of Islam and has effects on how the present and future are understood: To some, the past is a way of life, a model to which the contemporary Arab world must aspire; to others, the past is a reflection of underdevelopment, backwardness, and stagnation that must be overcome. Different ‘pasts’ or ‘heritages’ are invoked, and in them only bits and pieces of Arab and Islamic history are discussed. The past, however, is employed by each ideological camp as a means to interpret and influence the present and a vehicle for shedding light on the future.182 For ‘Amr Khaled, the past is seen as an inspiration for Muslims, but it is a specific past, a golden past, that is evoked. The recent past is rather seen as a time of destruction of the Muslim community which needs to be remedied and reconstructed based on ideals found in the golden past.

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New Forms of Daʿʿwah In recent years, the kind of daʿwah that developed in Egypt, such as that of ‘Amr Khaled, has adopted a very different style in several respects compared to what most Muslims see as typical of Establishment Islam. The style and message of the new preachers, such as ‘Amr Khaled, attract millions of adherents. Their appeal and their success make them attractive to satellite channels as well as to viewers from the affluent classes. This transformation has a transnational dimension. The preaching seems to affect, among other things, the debates that are now spreading across Europe, and can be seen, for example, in attitudes towards the veil and Muslim integration into European secular lifestyles and nation states. ‘Amr Khaled commented on the 2005 Danish ‘cartoon issue’, for instance, by calling for dialogue. There is an ambiguity in the use of terms such as ‘universal’ and ‘local’. It could be argued that, for example, ‘Euroislam’ is as ‘local’ as, for instance, Egyptian Islam, and that ‘universal’ Islam is that variety espoused by those who seek the establishment of a worldwide caliphate. The fact remains, however, that the proponents of ‘Euroislam’ speak of it as universal in the sense that it is adaptable to the conditions of the modern world, just as ‘Amr Khaled does. An example of such a universal view of Islam is that of Tariq Ramadan who discusses the possibility of using Islamic jurisprudence in Europe.183 This is echoed in ‘Amr Khaled’s Islamic interpretation as well, when he talks about the need to integrate and coexist. Islamic movements are involved in the struggle for meaning and values: In fact, most Islamic struggles are waged through society and cultural discourse rather than state institutions or government decision-making bodies. Such efforts challenge dominant cultural codes and create networks of shared meaning about the proper functions of society, groups, and the individual.184 According to Jacques Waardenburg, even if a sociological explanation of empirical reality and perceived chaos is considered to be a

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reason for an interpretation, we cannot ignore the problem of ‘meaning’. He states that ‘it is precisely Islam that is used as an instrument and symbol to express and articulate protest, resistance, and struggle’.185 This concerns the function of religion, and it is important to contextualise interpretations in order to understand why a certain function and meaning is ascribed to ‘Islam’. However, the meaning, it must be admitted, may have a religious meaning for the insider – even though other non-religious meanings can be attached to it from an outsider’s point of view.186 Waardenburg discusses two possible Islamic hermeneutical approaches that may help illuminate the context of Islamisation, which is the focus of this book. He argues that it is necessary: to take Islamic materials as a starting point, and for the sake of interpretation to adapt typically Islamic principles of interpretation as much as possible to cater to needs of the present time. This may go hand in hand with emphasis on the self-sufficiency of Islam. In this case, hermeneutic procedures lead to seeing universal problems in Islamic terms. Another possibility is to take certain universal hermeneutic principles and generally accepted ways of interpreting texts as a starting point and to apply them to Islamic materials. This may be combined with an openness to general problems of humankind and may elucidate the contribution Islamic norms and values could make to a solution of these general problems. The discussion of the interpretation of Islamic texts then forms part of a broader discourse on the explanation and interpretation of Scriptures and other religious texts. In this case, hermeneutic procedures lead to seeing Islamic particularities in universal terms.187 This means that one tendency is to apply Islamic principles of interpretation to universal problems and the other is to take ‘universal’ hermeneutic principles and apply them to Islamic material. In the case of ‘Amr Khaled, his method belongs to the first tendency.188 It is possible to consider the interpretation of ‘Amr Khaled as a part of a universalising tendency. He has viewers all over the world,

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and his interpretation can also be described as universalising. It is supposed to be possible to accommodate the interpretation to any situation anywhere, regardless of context. This issue is not dealt with to any larger extent in this book, but it touches upon how ‘Amr Khaled views Europe and the West, and how he relates to Muslims living outside the Arab countries. The Medium is the Message Following the discussion above, it is understandable that ‘Amr Khaled attracts attention from the stylish youngsters in the big cities. Writing about ‘born-again’ Muslims, Olivier Roy discusses their identity as part of a modernist trend of ‘the culture of the self’. In a sense, these Muslims ‘are staging their own selves, often to the verge of exhibitionism, which is also part of the expression of an exacerbated individualism’.189 In general, the new Islamic preaching shows an openness to modernity and focuses on individual responsibility and purity, and ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation is no exception. Preaching and social commitment are related, as seen, for example, in the non-smoking campaigns. The young and well-situated hear the lectures and realise that they can be both modern and Islamic. They can work, have an education and dress in a fashionable way: More importantly his [‘Amr Khaled’s] words assure the audience that they can be pious while maintaining their power and prestige. Khalid’s message operates within the consumer culture of Egypt’s nouveau riche where piety and privilege are made to cohabit as enduring partners. Analogous to the Methodist church of the well-to-do in the American Bible belt where faith and fortune are happily conjoined, Khalid’s style makes the Egyptian rich feel good about their fortunes.190 This is also reflected upon in a later book by Asef Bayat, as is apparent in the following quotation: The middle layers and well-to-do classes, women in particular, but not the poor, experienced a new religious activism. While

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the middle- and lower-middle-class high achievers had already embraced political Islam during the 1980s, the elite and the new rich inclined toward a piety that could accommodate their privilege and power.191 It is perhaps possible to regard the attraction of ‘Amr Khaled’s Islamic interpretation as lying in its being a solution to a sense of guilt among those who are well off. It can be seen as a way of legitimising one’s social standards, one’s money or educational level, but also one’s choice of clothing, food and music. Seen in this perspective, his conception of Islam can be explained by the need to legitimise the lifestyles and commodities of the well-off people as Islamic and hence be perceived as authentic from an insider perspective. Bryan S. Turner describes piety movements as culturally creative: They involve either a new emphasis on religious practices or the invention of practices that are then claimed to be orthodox, or more exactly orthoprax. Piety tends to have a radical impact on the everyday world of believers by encouraging devotees to change their habits or in the language of modern sociology to transform their habitus or their dispositions and tastes towards the material world. Piety is about the construction of definite and distinctive life styles of new religious tastes and preferences.192 In his discussion on piety, Turner relates it to virtue and argues that an open display of it demonstrates its perceived inauthenticity: ‘To show piety publicly is to destroy it, and hence piety must be subtly insinuated and suggested by indirect comparisons with those lacking in religious virtue.’193 Turner and Kooi-Chin Tong comment: Also, individual acts of piety have to be seen and understood within a wider social context and within a deeper historical framework. For example, the modernisation of the everyday world (or habitus) in Islam is articulated through acts of piety

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that create post-traditional life styles – religious or pious life styles that are in competition with tradition, with the secular habitus of other Muslims and with other religious traditions.194 The style of ‘Amr Khaled reflects that of the audience in the sense that, to a large extent, it is possible to hold that ‘the medium is the message’.195 Asef Bayat speaks of ‘Amr Khaled’s mixing of ‘faith and fun’ and sees his function as that of a ‘“public therapist” in a troubled society which shows little appreciation for professional psychotherapy. Emotional intensity, peace, and release (crying) often symbolize Khaled’s sermons.’196 The Pied Piper is another figure that he has been compared to, since he has magnetised youth.197 On ‘Amr Khaled’s YouTube channel, he describes himself as a ‘Muslim preacher and motivational speaker’.198 However, this is merely one aspect of ‘Amr Khaled’s post-Islamist message. As seen earlier, he addresses all layers of society, rich as well as poor. Even the poorest person can be charitable by having good Islamic manners and setting a good example. People who experience hardships are told that they should be patient and trust in God. Then something good will come out of the problem. The richer people legitimise their situation as well, but are admonished to support the poorer people and to work to improve the ummah by developing a sense of social commitment.

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CHAPTER 5 THE OTHER AND AUTHENTICITY

In ‘Amr Khaled’s discussions of the Other, he usually refers to the West. This chapter outlines what an authentic Islamic renaissance is, in his opinion, and how he motivates the Muslims to reach integration and unity among Muslims. His views on coexistence with nonMuslims were briefly touched upon in the preceding chapter, but they will be the main themes of the present chapter, which will also present an outline of ‘Amr Khaled’s definition of an Islamic civilisation, compared with his view of the West and what he regards to be western ideologies and habits, such as capitalism and smoking, and what he thinks the proper Islamic attitudes should be. The question of how tradition and authenticity are understood reflects views of the Self and the Other and the Muslim or Arab world versus the West. ‘Amr Khaled’s views on what is ‘authentic’ or ‘western’ also illuminate his ideas regarding democracy and consumerism, for example. Here the analysis will show what he rejects or adopts as well as the reasons why. This discourse also explores his views on coexistence with non-Muslims. How he defines certain things as authentically Islamic as opposed to what he sees as imitation or westernisation is not only a question of what is seen as authentic. We should also ask the question ‘what for’, and thus analyse why something is regarded as genuine and how it is authenticated as such.1

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As this chapter illustrates, ‘Amr Khaled strives to legitimate his interpretation as originally and authentically Islamic, and thus not imitative of the West. Most aspects which he regards as positive in the West are connected to his idea of an authentic Islam and defined as originally Islamic. This is apparent with regard to most topics, but particularly the one that is focused upon in this chapter. In the discourse on the Other and authenticity, the shows al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā and Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish are used to a large extent, in addition to the Ramadan shows.

The View on the Other Jacques Waardenburg reflects on insider views in a discussion concerning the problem of defining ‘Islam’ and ‘the West’, and he argues that attitudes to others change due to context, as do definitions. He holds that the antagonism between the two, ‘the West’ and ‘Islam’, is understandable from a Muslim (insider) viewpoint based on the colonial past, which created a strong need for defence of the ‘Muslim self’ against the dominating West.2 Such a perspective can also explain the criticism of westernisation by many Muslim interpreters, including ‘Amr Khaled. Ibrahim Abu-Rabiʿ shows that ‘the West’ has been regarded in different ways by Muslims: 1) the West has been seen as a source of inspiration and of salvation from the problems in society and an identification between the ‘Self’ and the ‘Other’ has then been made; 2) the West has also been apprehended as a political/cultural project aiming at colonisation of the Arab and Muslim world, which indicates that the ‘Self’ is identified in opposition to the ‘Other’; and 3) a third position, which Abu-Rabiʿ presents, is represented by the Arab Left, which takes the approach of analysing the genesis and development of capitalism in the centre and its impact on the periphery and the process of globalisation.3 I would argue that ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation corresponds to the second approach, according to which the West is seen as a threat to what is perceived to be Islamic authenticity. The consuming citizen and the ideal of neoliberal capitalism face challenges from

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leftist critics as well as from many others who strive for Islamic ideals.4 However, there seem to be ways of combining Islamic ideals with a consumerist perspective, as the analysis of ‘Amr Khaled’s production shows. The Self, that is the Muslims, are often opposed to ‘the West’. Sometimes the West is presented as a positive example from which Muslims should learn. However, by arguing that all that is good in the West can be found in Islam, ‘Amr Khaled rejects the idea of imitation and reclaims Islamic authenticity.

Westernisation of Egypt In the Egyptian context, Anwar Sadat’s ‘open-door policies’ caused significant political and economic changes, which contributed to the development of new lifestyles. Consumer culture changed, as did attitudes to religion. Many observers have interpreted the changes as a form of westernisation. Mona Abaza argues that consumerism and developing lifestyles are a much neglected area of research: Gendered spaces, youth and religious activism, the problem of scarcity of, and constant struggle over, space in the metropolis of Cairo are issues that have been under-researched. An understanding of how these gentrified and newly constructed spaces are reshaping life-styles of Egyptians, especially middle-class Egyptians, is crucial. The emerging new lifestyles and consumerism in post-Nasserist Egypt demand attention.5 I too find this field of research important, even though it is only briefly touched upon in this book as a part of the contextual analysis. Consumerism and new lifestyles are indeed an important part of the context for many young people who are attracted to ‘Amr Khaled and other new preachers. Islamisation may be seen as a kind of subculture, but also as a part of ‘mainstream culture’. It is a subculture in the sense that it includes various forms of protest and criticism of the decreased space of religion in the public sphere and of what many see as an inauthentic

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westernisation or imitation of values and lifestyles. As Lila AbuLughod says, there is a: growing hegemony [. . .] of a self-conscious Islamic identity and the practices (prayer, religious lessons, meetings, and antiChristian rhetoric) and paraphernalia (clothing, mosques, books, and cassettes) that enact, embody, and inculcate it. Alongside this has been the strengthening of Islamic organizations, some militant, and the shift in leadership of the professional syndicates (for lawyers and medical doctors, for example) to those with strong convictions about religious identity.6 Many interpreters within the contemporary context of Islamisation focus on ethics and moral reform, and this may be why many regard them as apolitical. The participants may not speak in an explicitly political language, but their messages can nevertheless have political effects, as discussed earlier. Therefore, there is a need to rethink what we mean by politics. In the words of Saba Mahmood: ‘What I am pointing out here is simply that the piety movement does not seek to transform the state or its policies but aims at reforming the social and cultural field.’7 That field affects the political field as well. Mahmood believes that it is the ‘social conservatism’ of contemporary piety tendencies that makes many people feel uncomfortable with it, which is a likely explanation.8 As a part of the growing piety tendencies in society, women’s activities have grown since at least the 1970s, and most neighbourhoods have some sort of activity for women. The underlying reason stated by many of the participants, according to Mahmood, is that these kinds of activities are necessary since secularisation (‘almana or ‘almānīya) or westernisation (tagharrub) has reduced the Islamic influence in society and made it necessary to inform people about how to live in accordance with Islam.9 She claims that it would be wrong to see this as only a movement of piety (taqwa) since it is also political. Hence, the term taqwa is not necessarily only inwardly oriented, but is also practical.10 This is also apparent in ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation, as the previous chapter sought to illustrate.

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Such expressions of piety as the above mentioned are political, and each concept used may have both theological and political implications. Perhaps the misconception that Mahmood mentions is caused by the common understanding of religion among Westerners who see it as something related to faith and as belonging to the private sphere.11 As a consequence, we differentiate religion from politics in a way that can often be misleading. This can lead us to judge political interpretations of religion as being less authentic or even false. This book tries to avoid making such value judgements, and as the analysis relates religion to power and politics, religion and politics are not separate domains in some essential way. Rather, religion is usually very much intertwined with politics and power and should therefore not be separated from its social and historical context.

Authentic Islam ‘Amr Khaled argues in the show al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers) that the Muslim world has everything it needs in order to strengthen the ummah. He mentions that the Muslims have the Qur’an, a proud history and a large percentage of youth. In his opinion, this should enable them to avoid imitation of the West. The perceived danger of imitation strongly influences his discussion and highlights the need for authenticity. Some examples of people who, in his opinion, accomplished change are mentioned, such as Muhammad the Conqueror, the architect Sinan and the hadīth collector Bukhari. He also includes women such as Abu Bakr’s daughter Asma and even a nonMuslim, Thomas Edison. The reason for mentioning Edison becomes apparent when ‘Amr Khaled rhetorically asks why there is no Muslim like Edison. Answering the question, ‘Amr Khaled describes the contemporary level of Muslims as the lowest possible. He also presents many statistics to prove the low literacy and income levels in Muslim countries compared with the West. However, he sums up by saying that this does not mean that Muslims should copy Westerners. That would be dangerous, in his opinion, since Westerners are currently experiencing many problems. They have been

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drained by living materialistic lives. The ‘Muslim model’ is held to be the best, if practised properly.12 From the outset, polemics against the West are an important theme in the shows, and comparisons such as this between the Western world and the Muslim world are frequent throughout the shows. This is an illustrative example of ‘Amr Khaled’s strategy to present the Islamic ideal as something else than how the Muslims in fact live. The present state of the ummah is said to be caused by Muslims who misunderstand or underestimate ‘ibadāt, thinking that it is only about worship and not about making life. This resembles the first discourse discussed in the preceding chapter, where it became clear that prayers and other rituals must be complemented with actions and social commitment. ‘Amr Khaled refers to what he regarded as the most important verse in the Qur’an, namely ‘Thee (alone) we worship; Thee (alone) we ask for help’ (1:4). He interprets this verse as meaning that we must turn to God to help us worship him. However, in ‘Amr Khaled’s opinion, the verse also means that God has made the universe for our benefit and humans are his viceroys on earth. He explains that it is this second aspect that Muslims have lost and which must be remedied. However, as he so often does, he turns to the West and argues that Westerners in fact understood the second aspect and therefore they have succeeded. He then returns to his idea that Westerners do not worship God, and that, therefore, they will eventually fail, thus promoting faith as a necessary foundation of life. With the series al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā, ‘Amr Khaled explicitly states that Muslims should abide by the second aspect in order to become creative and productive.13 Hence, in the first episodes of alSunāʿ al-Hayā, he both diagnoses the problem and defines a solution. He also criticises Westerners for living a materialistic life and begins to outline what true Islam means. ‘Amr Khaled is critical of how the West has affected the Muslim world in so many respects. He is critical of imitation, but acknowledges that it can be difficult to avoid. One example that he presents is the rating of hotels, which follows an international standard. If a Muslim owner refused to serve alcohol in a hotel, it would never be recognised as a five-star establishment, he laments. He says poetically

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that the Muslims must spread their wings and fly and become like the makers of the early Islamic civilisation, who by night were worshippers and by day knights.14 Contemporary societies are described as rigid and inflexible, as compared with the Islamic society at the time of Muhammad, which thus compares the present with an ideal golden age.15 This does not, however, mean that ‘Amr Khaled wishes for society to conform to how life was lived at the time of Muhammad. ‘Amr Khaled is very positive about the use of new ideas and technology. Advocating acceptance of new ideas, he refers to the battle of the Trench, when a Persian presented the idea of digging the trench. He mentions that psychology shows that people who refuse new ideas will fail, thereby advocating an open mind.16 Hence ‘Amr Khaled uses arguments based both on reason and on Islamic history. He supports his view that new ideas can be accepted from ‘others’ by referring to the practice of the Islamic golden age. Authentic Renaissance An Islamic renaissance (nahdah) is what ‘Amr Khaled is striving for, and in the various shows he develops what he defines as an authentic Islamic method in order to bring about such a renaissance. He mentions several instances of earlier renaissances in his shows. Japanese and German examples are presented in order to demonstrate how people, not governments, through strong willpower and effort managed to reconstruct their ruined nations after World War II. Perhaps this is a comparison to the present state of Egypt and implies that the people should not trust the government to implement reform, but instead rely on themselves. ‘Amr Khaled also mentions Muhammad who succeeded in building a strong civilisation based on his faith in God, and who encourages women and youth to join Islam. The trust in God led to a strong Islamic civilisation, which according to ‘Amr Khaled was robust in all areas, including science.17 The solution to the current problems is to have a strong belief in an idea, and a strong sense of hope that arouses determination in people. This, together with available

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resources, will lead to success. The reason why people should choose Islam as a model is that it has proved itself to be durable for hundreds of years. Islam is effective because it builds on an original idea, or root, just like the German and Japanese cases. In short, what the Muslims need is the authentic source of Islam.18 In order to illustrate the idea that several ‘western’ practices are originally Islamic, ‘Amr Khaled tells the viewers that Abu Hanifa, the founder of the Hanafite law school, gave scholarships to poor students long before Europe started to do that. However, ‘Amr Khaled argues that since Muslims do not follow Abu Hanifa’s example today, numerous promising young people migrate to the West.19 Other methods used by Abu Hanifa are what ‘Amr Khaled calls teamwork and brainstorming, making them authentic Islamic methods.20 He mentions that Westerners work in an institutional system and, therefore, are more successful than Muslims.21 He adds, as an Islamic example, that Abu Hanifa had a well-organised seminar system, where people raised their hands to speak, thus making that an authentic Islamic behaviour too. ‘Amr Khaled tells the viewers how one of the participants asked Abu Hanifa how he could accept being contradicted at the seminar. Abu Hanifa then told a story about ‘Umar, who while preaching accepted being corrected by a woman. However, ‘Amr Khaled laments that today many people refuse to be told that they are wrong.22 He is critical of education and organisation among Muslims in general and suggests several methods for improving these areas. He recommends brainstorming and talks about forms of group organisation and the need for effective management of meetings. Since brainstorming is defined as invented by Muslims, it is not imitation of the West.23 ‘Amr Khaled is asked why no foreign books are used by him in the shows. His answer illustrates how he regards ‘western’ practices to be originally Islamic. He claims that what he has found in western books regarding proactivity is already found in Islam, thus avoiding accusations of imitation and also rejecting the need to use western writings on these matters. Proactivity, authentically Islamic in his interpretation, is again held to be important to reforming nations. Good examples, according to him, of proactive people in history are,

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interestingly, Marx and Lenin, Mao and Muhammad. However, he does not elaborate more on why they are good examples. Be Proud of Your Religion The story of the four founders of the Sunni schools of law is narrated in the show Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence), in order to make Muslims proud of their history and identity. ‘Amr Khaled tells his audience that Muslims have a global mission to be open to the world, and must also be proud of their Muslim heritage.25 He focuses on aspects of coexistence in the lives of the jurists in order to make them role models and to show that coexistence is an authentic part of Islam. He asks why Muslims should imitate other cultures when they have their own history. However, he also says that it is not necessarily a problem to use the experience of others but that he wishes to show the truth about Islam and make the Muslims proud of their religion.26 ‘Amr Khaled also states explicitly that the viewers must take care to notice that he does not hold all western opinions to be wrong.27 Issues of continuity and authenticity are at stake here, and the strategy used by ‘Amr Khaled is to show how the Muslims can find support in their own history in order to feel proud of and improve themselves and their religion. He tells the viewers that he chose to speak about the four early jurists because they worked for coexistence and because they lived in an era similar to today, a renaissance era when freedom existed at the same time as many cultures mingled and influenced Islam. Like today, there were also societal conflicts, he argues.28

Integration and Unity In the show Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence), sectarian problems in Iraq, Palestine, Lebanon and Darfur in Sudan are presented as prime symbols of the disunity of the ummah. Discussing foreign domination, ‘Amr Khaled strategically takes the blame and argues that it is caused by the inability of Muslims to live in

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peace with each other.29 He tells the viewers that they may think that this is a political topic but claims that it is not.30 Rather, they should look at their homes and families, where communication may be lacking between family members. This lack is seen as a reason why youth use drugs and become corrupted.31 However, the family situation is not the only problem. He refers to a lack of dialogue in schools and he adds that there are even fights in mosques.32 Hence, the starting point is in the midst of the everyday life of his audience and that is also where the reformation is supposed to start. How can Muslims remedy the situation? Why not have courses in coexistence and communication at school or bring up such topics in Friday sermons, ‘Amr Khaled asks. In his view, one problem is that the idea of teamwork is missing among Muslims today, while it exists in the West.33 In a ‘Euroislamic’ manner, he criticises Muslims living in the West who are isolated and segregated. He says that they should coexist and integrate – without losing their Muslim identity.34 He mentions a hadīth in which Muhammad said that a believer who tolerates others and interacts with them is better than one who lives in an isolated manner.35 He directs himself to Muslims living in the West, asking them rhetorically how they think that Westerners will be able to respect them if they cannot communicate with them.36 A role model used as an example of integration is al-Shafiʿi, who travelled widely and encountered many new people and ideas.37 Al-Shafiʿi was advised to learn well the Arabic of the tribe of Huthayl in order to better understand the Qur’an and to unite the ummah.38 This is also elaborated upon by ‘Amr Khaled who with this story tells Western Muslims they are obliged to learn the language of their country of residence. He says that there are people who use expressions that are strange in the societies where they live and that this may turn people away from or against them. Following al-Shafiʿi, they should rather strive to find ways to integrate.39 ‘Amr Khaled also says that al-Shafiʿi was very eloquent, but when he met with ordinary people, he could adjust his language so that they all would understand him, even the youth.40 This may be a criticism of other Islamic scholars and preachers who speak classical Arabic, which is

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very difficult for many people to understand. As stated earlier, ‘Amr Khaled mainly uses colloquial Egyptian Arabic. ‘Amr Khaled explicitly addresses those who promote isolation and demands that they become flexible.41 Coexistence with others is presented as necessary in order to accomplish reform.42 He illustrates this by showing how Muhammad took part in society.43 Reflection and contemplation were important characteristics of Muhammad.44 However, he also took part in life and only for limited periods did he isolate himself in order to reflect and contemplate.45 This corresponds with ‘Amr Khaled’s calls for both ritual activity and social commitment, as discussed in the previous chapter. Muhammad listened to others in order to understand their points of view, ‘Amr Khaled argues.46 Furthermore, he shows how Muhammad even met enemies with a calm attitude and remarked that this should teach us to listen to others with respect since that may make them listen to us.47 This call for dialogue is a frequent theme and concerns Muslims in the diaspora as well. The method for achieving coexistence is, according to ‘Amr Khaled, to: 1) respect differences; 2) understand that differences are beneficial and that we can learn from them since we complement each other; 3) have dialogue in a peaceful manner, which will create opportunities to see things from different angles; and 4) be well mannered in dialogue.48 He underlines that knowledge is important and facilitates integration, using al-Shafiʿi as a role model.49 Another piece of advice is never to refuse anything without a closer look since some good can be found in almost everything. Here, the example given is poetry and how al-Shafiʿi wrote ethical poetry that enabled others to imitate him.50 ‘Amr Khaled acknowledges differences between people, but argues with references to the Qur’an that God wanted coexistence. The well-known verse ‘We have created you male and female, and have made you nations and tribes that ye may know one another’ (49:13) legitimises ‘Amr Khaled’s standpoint, and the phrase ‘that ye may know one another’ is interpreted as signifying exchange in a wide sense, for example, economical as well as intellectual.51 Another part of a verse is mentioned, which reads ‘help ye one another unto

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righteousness and pious duty’ (5:2). This verse is interpreted as referring to all people, not only Muslims. ‘Amr Khaled mentions concrete and modern problems, such as fighting drugs and bird flu, as examples. The verse continues: ‘Help not one another unto sin and transgression’. To ‘Amr Khaled this means that people must not occupy a land and then ask for coexistence, which he explicitly accuses the West of doing.52 ‘Amr Khaled challenges Westerners to find a phrase in their constitutions that encourages coexistence. He argues that the Qur’an is the only constitution that includes such a phrase. Therefore, he concludes, Westerners ought not to look at Muslims with a condescending attitude and say that Westerners are the ones who invented coexistence. That is simply not true, according to him.53 He mentions two verses from the Qur’an as evidence of the truth of this claim: ‘And if thy Lord had willed, He verily would have made mankind one nation, yet they cease not differing. Save him on whom thy Lord hath mercy; and for that He did create them’ (11:118– 119).54 ‘And of His signs is the creation of the heavens and the earth, and the difference of your languages and colours. Lo! herein indeed are portents for men of knowledge’ (30:22).55 Thus, even coexistence is held to have its origin in Islam. In one episode, ‘Amr Khaled speaks about management science and SWOT analysis, that is the method of measuring strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats, arguing that this is what Muhammad did while negotiating with the delegation from Madinah.56 Those who try to isolate themselves and live in seclusion should be rejected. Blending in and behaving well is held to be better than acting aloof and superior. Emulating the good behaviour of the early Muslims, Islam gained converts.57 Moreover, youth who have an aggressive attitude towards their societies are criticised. This is compared with how patiently Muhammad dealt with the people of Quraysh after the conquest of Mecca.58 ‘Amr Khaled discusses the pilgrimage to Mecca, hajj, and argues that one thing a Muslim can learn from it is how to discipline oneself in crowded areas and to strive to live in coexistence. Hence, he wishes to prove that Islam is a religion that places good behaviours

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first, as the previous chapter outlined. Moreover, Islam is presented as a religion that covers all aspects of life. This is seen as incumbent on the Muslims to understand because otherwise they risk becoming either good mannered but bad worshippers, or vice versa. The ideal situation would be to be good at both. Faith and good manners are strongly connected, which he repeats over and over again during his shows. In his interpretation, manners are at the heart of Islam, and God always places manners before worship, thus stressing that point even further.59 Regarding gender issues, ‘Amr Khaled mentions that one reason why he discusses these is because they relate to social problems. He wants to reduce divorces and misery, to promote dialogue and protect the youth from extremism and drugs.60 A goal is to convince all people about the need to respect Islam. Islam is a religion for everybody since it is a complete way of life.61 Thus, even though ‘Amr Khaled directs his message mainly to other Muslims, he clearly has a larger mission with his work. He claims that the disrespect among Muslims is a reason why Westerners think of Muslims as barbarians and as incompetent in terms of dialogue.62 In the first episode of Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish, ‘Amr Khaled, in a ‘conspiracy’ manner, claims that there are some people who want the Muslims to be at war because those people want to sell weapons and make a profit.63 Thus, it should be clear by now who is the outer ‘enemy’, and Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish aims to deal with the situation that the relationship with the West has caused. In the show, he does not only blame the West for the situation, but argues that the Muslims must take their full responsibility and understand how they have failed, so the aspect of self-blame is retained. The West is criticised by ‘Amr Khaled for not treating others in an equal manner and imposing itself on others. Westerners are blamed first for occupying countries and then asking for coexistence in the sense of expecting Muslims to imitate western culture.64 He argues that if Westerners actually do think of difference as something universal, they should not impose western culture on others.65 In order to have coexistence, they must respect others.66 The ‘West’ is presented as something monolithic and as an outer enemy that has

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caused numerous problems among Muslims, which need to be remedied. ‘Amr Khaled argues that if Muslims are proud of their heritage, they will be able to preserve their identity. By refusing to become westernised and imitative, they will not risk being occupied by or becoming copies of others.67

Avoiding Sectarianism and Racism The show ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ) focuses, for example, on the importance of avoiding sectarianism and racism. In this respect, ‘Amr Khaled speaks about al-isrā’ and al-miʿrāj, that is Muhammad’s Night Journey and Ascent into the heavens, which he argues were made in both soul and body. He notes the importance of keeping good company, mentioning that Gabriel accompanied Muhammad to Jerusalem.68 Both al-isrā’ and al-miʿrāj are interpreted as reminders for Muslims that they are responsible for the al-Aqsa mosque.69 However, he does not elaborate further on this topic. The importance of miʿrāj is said to be that Muhammad led other prophets in prayer, which is interpreted as a symbol of unity, since Islam promotes coexistence among civilisations. ‘Amr Khaled holds that anybody who hears about al-miʿrāj will understand that the Muslims are one nation, one world.70 Interestingly, he does not conclude that the fact that Muhammad led the prayer implies Islamic superiority. Discussions concerning the need for coexistence and avoidance of conflicts between different opinions are commonplace, but are always discussed with historical examples supporting ‘Amr Khaled’s view, and there are no explicit discussions about contemporary conflicts between various interpretations. An example of a historical narrative is when he tells the story of what happened at the end of the battle of the Trench, when the Muslims were to go to the Bani Quraiza tribe, who betrayed them. Muhammad told them to pray in Bani Quraiza. The Muslims did not agree on what he meant, and some of them prayed in Bani Quraiza, while others prayed before going there. Muhammad never blamed anyone for doing wrong, and the groups that differed behaved well and did not argue. This, ‘Amr

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Khaled says, should show scholars today that they should not disagree about the branches of Islam, but emphasise the unity of the ummah.71 In his striving to unite the ummah, ‘Amr Khaled too takes part in the struggle for interpretative authority and here he also comments upon it. ‘Amr Khaled says to those who live in countries where there are different groups of Muslims, especially Iraq, that they should adhere to the example of Muhammad to avoid racism and sectarianism.72 Another time, he shows how Muhammad strived to unite the Muslims but that today there are disputes even regarding small issues of fiqh, which, in his view, is not in accordance with Sunnah.73 Thus, he attempts to unite Muslims and avoid struggles over interpretative differences.

Islamic Civilisation Discussing Islamic civilisation in Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence), ‘Amr Khaled willingly admits that many peoples contributed to it, for example in Andalusia, which was of key significance for the development of the West. Among other things, Europe learnt juridical methods from Islam. ‘Amr Khaled argues that alShafiʿi taught rules about deduction and logical thinking which influenced ibn Rushd in Andalusia. Hence, Europe has indirectly been influenced by al-Shafiʿi. Furthermore, ibn Rushd could, in ‘Amr Khaled’s opinion, have won the Nobel Peace Prize – if it had been awarded in those days.74 By way of comparison with the fact that several peoples contributed to the creation of Islamic civilisation, ‘Amr Khaled mentions the USA and argues that it is what it is today because of the various ethnic groups that came together.75 He adds that in early Muslim history, it was non-Arabs who developed science in Islam since the Arabs were busy with military conquests. This is not presented as something negative but rather in order to show how various peoples complemented each other. The Persian Abu Hanifa is his prime example. ‘Amr Khaled argues that he had a scientific approach to everything, including trade. He modernised his father’s

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business and made it flourish. This is compared to how fathers and sons today disagree on matters of modernisation: fathers tend to preserve things, while sons wish to modernise.76 It is clear that ‘Amr Khaled favours the modernisers. His positive view of science appears here as well. The Western Imitation of Islam The way to reform present-day societies must be to be truthful and just, like the reforms of Muhammad.77 However, ‘Amr Khaled explicitly mentions that his aim is to cooperate with the West, which becomes apparent in the show ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ).78 He speaks about how the Muslims at the time of Muhammad remained in Mecca and respected the society there, including its dominant values, even if they disapproved of them. This leads him to conclude that Muslims living in the West today should respect their rights and duties as citizens there.79 In support of this view, he mentions that Muhammad respected the idea of citizenship.80 There are also comments confirming that it is not a contradiction to support the ummah and be a patriot and love one’s country. Reiterating that, ideally, there is one Muslim ummah, ‘Amr Khaled refers to the following Qur’anic verse: ‘This, your religion, is one religion, and I am your Lord, so worship me’ (21:92).81 However, critical views on the West were voiced as well. ‘Amr Khaled argues that Europe built its renaissance on the exploitation of Arab science and culture. Moreover, Europe learnt about justice and liberty from Islam, which led to the end of slavery and proper rights for women and children.82 Thus, good things in the West are seen as adopted from Islam, or at least can be found in Islam. The Qur’anic verse ‘We sent Thee not save as a mercy for the peoples’ (21:107) is said to refer to the mercy that was brought by the hard work of Muhammad in the hostile and unjust world in which he lived. This is seen as an example to be followed today, and as encouraging people not to despair but to keep the hope.83 Muhammad is said to have been very cheerful, and ‘Amr Khaled claims that the West later realised that cheerfulness is important to

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being successful in business, as Muhammad was too. ‘Amr Khaled criticises contemporary religious people who are easily angered. In order to change, the mentality of Muhammad is needed.85 Explicitly opposing the West, ‘Amr Khaled accuses Westerners of stealing raw materials from Muslims and then selling them back in the form of refined products. He holds that in this way the West became rich and the Muslim youth unemployed. This leads him to ask for justice in global production.86 Another time, he speaks of Muhammad who lived in a tent after conquering Mecca since he no longer had a house there. ‘Amr Khaled compares this to our era, in which countries are conquered and their resources and wealth are taken. The behaviour of Muhammad is held to be a lesson to all great powers.87 84

Industry and Capitalism Several topics that focus on how things are originally Islamic and not imitations of the West are brought up in al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā. In this section, a selection of examples is presented. Industry, which is an important topic in al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā, is said to strengthen the ummah. ‘Amr Khaled talks about how the Muslims were good at industry in the past, but are not so any longer. He encourages people to set up businesses however small in scale. This would contribute to reducing unemployment and increasing the production of local goods – and can be seen as an Islamic action. He speaks of collective duties and argues that all have this responsibility to develop the ummah. Unlike Europeans, he says he wants a revival based on religion, not materialism. Moreover, craftsmen should be respected, such as blacksmiths and carpenters, apparently concluding that they are not as respected today as they should be among Muslims.88 Good relations between the Arab countries is another topic highlighted in al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā. ‘Amr Khaled speaks of the need for a united Arab nation with a common currency and joint Arab defence force and open borders, comparing it to the EU.89 Speaking about the development of industry, he envisions an Arabic trademark of

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international quality, which eventually would be globally well known for its high standard. In order to achieve this, he holds that local products must be improved and that buying local products is important to obtaining a higher level of quality. He presents several examples that could promote progress, for example, building factories to create local toys, medicine, beverages and clothes designed to follow ethical standards. He criticises the export of raw materials and the selling of factories to foreigners. The need to conserve power and to recycle are highlighted as well. He even suggests that Muslims need to revive the idea of the productive family and make their own jam and yoghurt, for example.90 This shows that ‘Amr Khaled is ecologically aware as well as being supportive of regional unity, even though he does not refer to old Islamic sources in this case. Resources are defined as human and natural, and must be preserved. According to ‘Amr Khaled, the Muslims do not use their resources as they should.91 People misuse money to send text messages to vote for Miss Universe or the most popular song. They also spend money on luxuries, cars and fashion. However, although consumerism and capitalism unfortunately prevail at the present time, they will soon fall, as communism did previously. Capitalism is thus seen as something negative, and he blames it for causing desertification, global warming, growing ozone holes and world poverty. He then presents a number of verses in the Qur’an to show that people should not waste their money, thus advocating the responsible handling of money.92 In ‘Amr Khaled’s opinion, there are three kinds of societies: preindustrial, industrial and post-industrial. The Muslims are said to live in pre-industrial societies, and others export their refined products to them, even products that are of no use there. Greed has made some Westerners occupy, colonise and wage war against Muslim countries, in order to take their resources. Nevertheless, mainly Muslims are blamed for all these negative events since they have not been active and responsible. This way of arguing reflects the first discourse of the previous chapter. ‘Amr Khaled claims the Muslims are ‘asleep’ while being robbed.93 Hence, responsibility and activation will solve the present problems of the ummah.

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Authentic Islamic Development Concerning development in general, ‘Amr Khaled strives to show that what he promotes is authentically Islamic. One recurring topic is the promotion of knowledge and the strengthening of the education system. In his opinion, the ummah does not understand that in order to achieve reform, developing the system of education is as vital as rituals. To support his views, he tells the story of Moses’ journey to al-Khidr94 in order to gain knowledge and mentions that the first word of the divine revelation is an imperative: ‘read’.95 ‘Amr Khaled needs to convince the audience that Islam holds all the necessary means for development and that imitation is futile. Features of the West that are deemed good are defined as originally Islamic and may therefore be appropriated since they are not imitations but rather authentically Islamic. However, the western lack of spirituality is rejected, and he takes care to show how Westerners have been wrong because of the focus on materialism. Refuting Plato, he argues that Plato claimed that God created the universe and then forgot about it. The Qur’an proves that God ‘was never forgetful’ (19:64). ‘Amr Khaled also criticises Karl Marx’s ideas. It is alleged that, according to Marx, God wanted to have fun and therefore created humans to toy with. ‘Amr Khaled claims that the Qur’an refutes this idea as well: ‘Deemed ye then that We had created you for naught, and that ye would not be returned unto Us?’ (23:115). ‘Amr Khaled speaks about Islam and how the first revelations concern reading and teaching, thus making those things into ideals which promote development. Islam is said to have solutions to several contemporary problems. He mentions, for instance, that the Qur’an includes passages about the military, industry, civilisation and employment; areas that he wants to improve. Thus, he interprets Islam as a religion that concerns all aspects of society, in other words as a holistic system. He mentions some major thinkers, such as Avicenna, ibn Firdaus and ibn Khaldun, who – like himself – have been inspired in their work by the Qur’an.96 In that way he strengthens his arguments that Islam has much to give and that imitation is not needed.

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‘Amr Khaled makes a distinction between different forms of illiteracy in the show al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers). One form is simply being unable to read. The other form of illiteracy is to know how to read the Qur’an but not being able to apply its knowledge to life.97 One major topic in the show Bismak Nahya (In Thy Name We Live), concerns improving the system of education in Muslim countries, which is criticised. He argues that reading is often understood simply as memorising. However, in his interpretation, reading should mean understanding and analysing the meaning of, for example, the names of God.98 The discussion about God’s names appears to be a strategy to formulate a method for people to live piously and to reform society. ‘Amr Khaled states that his aim is not to preach but rather to create a method of thinking.99 Understanding the divine names would teach Muslims how to restrain themselves inwardly and as a result society would improve too.100 Those who guide people on the straight path will be rewarded, and it can be seen as an act of worship.101 Thus, daʿwah is promoted and, as seen above, it includes a wide variety of actions in addition to rituals and dogma. Many letters that people have sent to ‘Amr Khaled’s website focus on the need to eliminate illiteracy and stress that the teaching method of memorisation must change in order to develop critical thinking. He has a suggestion for the improvement of science teaching in schools. Since all knowledge is knowledge of God’s creation, learning natural sciences is learning about God. In line with his wish to make Muslims proud of their religion, he moreover suggests that the curriculum should show the Muslim influence on science. For example, an algebra textbook could begin with alKhawarizimi, a sociology book with ibn Khaldun and a medical one with ibn Sina and al-Razi. Teachers should be respected and their salaries increased so that they do not need to give private lessons. He presents the vision that in the future American newspapers will write that they wish to follow the educational system of the Arab world since the Nobel Prize winners come from there.102 In order to substantiate his call for engagement and development, ‘Amr Khaled elaborates on the difference between the revelations

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from Mecca and Madinah. The Meccan verses are shorter and more emotional, but that revelation would not be complete, he argues, without the verses from Madinah, which provide more details on how to organise life. The second caliph ‘Umar is mentioned as a person who enforced laws, paved roads, established diwans and conquered new areas. ‘Amr Khaled tells the viewers that nobody complained to Muhammad or ‘Umar that they only wanted the emotional Meccan verses. Worship is more than praying and included the education of others. ‘Amr Khaled then interprets the project of teaching the Muslims internet and computer skills as part of piety. He again refers to the Qur’anic story of Moses consulting al-Khidr for support. Referring to this story, he teaches that Muslims, like Moses, must strive hard to gain and spread knowledge. Just as Moses asked al-Khidr to teach him, the Muslims should not be shy about asking someone else to teach them. They should be patient like Moses and continuously keep searching for knowledge.103 Another interesting aspect that concerns development is the definition of culture. ‘Amr Khaled upholds his view that progress must be based on genuine roots. Culture is defined broadly to include basically everything: faith, art, habits, lifestyles and so on. Essentially it means everything that distinguishes a nation, its features so to speak. He does not elaborate further on this. ‘Amr Khaled talks about culture as the mirror in which a nation can see its features. He asks the viewers what would happen if they looked in the mirror one day and they could no longer recognise their features. What is important here is that the root of the culture he speaks about is considered to be Islam. As seen above, in order to achieve genuine progress, one must base it on one’s roots. He presents historical examples of how Islam conquered new areas and then assimilated and learned from the civilisations there, which is seen as positive.104 The importance of the mind is raised by ‘Amr Khaled, who claims that brain cells die if they are not used. Islam promotes thinking, and he presents several Islamic narratives from the Qur’an and statistics in support of his claim. He also mentions that Muslims discovered and initiated scientific and grammatical innovations and that the

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West merely developed those further. However, he argues self-critically that the West is now the producer, while Muslims are consumers.105 The West is depicted as built on Muslim culture, thus boosting a strong self-image.106 However, he is also critical of the present situation where Muslims imitate and consume and the West is seen as a producer in its own right. As shown in this section, ‘Amr Khaled aims to make people proud of their Islamic heritage. Muslim writers should be included in new curricula, and the teaching profession should be made attractive. In Egypt, the problem of low incomes for teachers as well as other professions is well known. As a result, many pupils and students are forced to take private lessons so that teachers can supplement their incomes.107 Smoking In the show al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers), fighting smoking is presented as a part of a wider battle against irresponsibility, and it also illustrates ‘Amr Khaled’s view on the West.108 As mentioned in the introduction, he was awarded a prize from WHO for his campaign against smoking. The topic shows how he brings different kinds of behaviours into his Islamic model. On Judgement Day each person will be questioned about his or her responsibility. As vicegerents on earth (2:30), all humans are responsible for taking care of it. ‘Amr Khaled argues that China rose after fighting opium and Europe after allowing wine only on weekends and making smoking be seen as old-fashioned.109 He presents statistics and describes a number of diseases that people can get from smoking, as well as how it affects the environment and the economy. ‘Amr Khaled then proceeds to support his claims with legal Islamic opinions that regarded smoking as forbidden, harām. He presents what were seen as western methods to combat smoking and concludes that psychological methods are the most effective. Smokers will feel isolated if smoking in public areas is forbidden.110 The project is to make passive smokers take action. In Egypt there are laws prohibiting smoking cigarettes in public areas, but they are

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seldom, if ever, enforced. ‘Amr Khaled refers to a hadīth, saying that angels are offended by the same things as humans. So, where people smoke water pipes, there will be no angels. He asks why Muslims are so prone to imitating the West, particularly the bad things.111 Smoking is regarded as an example of such imitation. However, it should be noted that he mentions what he saw as western solutions to prevent smoking via a positive manner. Qat, drugs and alcohol are also rejected. There are said to be four reasons why people use drugs: bad friends, broken homes, unemployment and lack of faith.112 These are all problems that he attempts to solve with his interpretation and that he addresses as specific topics in his shows. The way to stop drugs is to prevent the supply, reduce the demand and apply legal sanctions. ‘Amr Khaled thinks it is unfortunate that there are few death sentences imposed for drugs crimes and calls for a stricter and more powerful role for judges in this respect.113 Thus, smoking is a bad example of imitation, which can be solved by following his Islamic method and, as noted, also adopting some western solutions to the problem.

Concluding Discussion In this chapter, ‘Amr Khaled’s view on the Other, that is the ‘West’ or ‘Westerners’, has been discussed. It seems that an underlying fear that Muslims will become westernised makes him focus on what he regards as Islamic authenticity and a rejection of imitation, especially in the sense of westernisation. This does not mean that he rejects ‘modernity’ and all ‘western’ things. He even says that certain things can be learnt from the West or at least be understood as originally Islamic. His discussions about industry, education and organisation show how he argues within an Islamic discourse in order to authenticate the development of such issues. ‘Amr Khaled presents a vision of Islam to be proud of. Islam, in his interpretation, promotes integration and coexistence, while rejecting isolation and violence. Muslims who practise Islam differently than him are held to practise it in the wrong way. He argues that Muslims must become active in order to make progress and engage in well-mannered dialogue with

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each other as well as others. Knowledge and science are promoted and are seen as Islamic. Learning, even from non-Muslims, is important, and learning to use the internet is presented as an Islamic duty. Following the presentation of the above two discursive fields, in the previous chapter and in this one, respectively, it is now more apparent why ‘Amr Khaled attracts young people in particular and the more affluent. Asef Bayat connects this new daʿwah with the increasingly globalised cosmopolitan youth. He argues that young people are attracted to ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation since it is expressed in a new style but also includes a rather conservative discourse, which may be attractive in a setting where they feel the social demands from the older generation. They wish to take part in a ‘modern’ life, going ‘from partying to prayers’, with religiosity being expressed partly through ‘fashion’.114 Hence, the attraction of ‘Amr Khaled’s message can be seen as a result of conflicting value systems and an expression of fashion. Through the new form of religiosity, individuality can be asserted and young people can accommodate change and at the same time conform to collective norms:115 While often referred to as the ‘builders of the future’ by the power elite, the young are also stigmatized and feared as ‘disruptive’ agents who are prone to radicalism and deviation. Although gender, class, and cultural divisions may make it untenable to render youths homogenous as an analytical category, it is equally true that the young do share a certain important habitus, which both the young themselves as well as the political and moral authority recognize.116 Lila Abu-Lughod mentions ‘the rising visibility on the streets of Cairo and provincial cities and towns of a self-conscious Islamic identity and move toward piety, especially among educated youth’.117 Young people are often part of a creative development. They consume new technologies and they are innovative when it comes to new political organisations and social movements.118 This

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aspect may cause us to expect that the young would become secularised in the sense of leaving Islam, but this is not the case. It also becomes clear that the choice is not simply between either being against religion or for secularism/westernisation. The cosmopolitan youth champion a flexible piety that contributes to a pluralisation of religion. In the 1980s, they were expected to be pious and disciplined but many of them resisted this image.119 Asef Bayat argues that this subculture of the pious cosmopolitan youth functions as an outlet that fulfils contradictory tendencies, such as change and adaptation, difference and similarity, and individuality and social norms: ‘Adherence to active piety permits the Egyptian youth to assert their individuality, undertake change, and yet remain committed to collective norms and social equalization.’120 ‘Amr Khaled strives to accommodate both a ‘modern life’ and Islam, not rejecting modern technology or new lifestyles, for example, but defining everything accepted as Islamic. His ideas make it possible to be a trendy ‘modern’ Muslim, coping with demands from various and often conflicting discourses. In the case of ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation, the conflicting discourses are ‘Islam’ and ‘the West’ as well as the need to have both faith and fun. Olivier Roy discusses this as well, albeit in a western context, and it sheds light on ‘Amr Khaled’s context as well. Roy’s discussion can be illustrated by the following quotation, in which he discusses his view that individuals today are transformed into actors, staging themselves: What is reconstructed here is not only religion itself, it is the self itself, in some sort of permanent representation and staging of the self. Believers (and especially converts and born-again Muslims) act in such a way as to stage their own faith: a sort of ‘exhibitionism’ is often manifested among many neofundamentalists, who use deliberate markers of their own religious identity (specific dress and also terms, usually Arabic ones, frequently occur in their speech – brother, jazakallah, bismillah, and so on). This stress on the individual and interest in the self

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is quite modern. Many non-Muslim sects (such as Hare Krishna) transform individuals into actors who perform their faith using the street as a stage. The individual has to be ‘constructed’. This construction is based on a set of markers with little content but with high differentiation value (from beards to toothbrushes). Because it addresses individuals in search of the self, neofundamentalism has a strong appeal for disfranchised youths. It gives sense to generational conflicts.121 For example, deculturalisation of Islam, sacralisation of individual experience and ignorance of traditional authority all focus on a voluntary religiosity – everything is devoted to the ‘promotion of the individual’.122 Islamic revivalism and the modernist trend of the culture of the self go hand in hand.123 Islam is seen as a means to find peace, which can also be ‘mundane’ as can be seen, for instance, in a focus on health issues: The melding of a modern analytical approach with a Koranic moral conception of norms is typical of the synthesis between modern objectivisation of the self (the basis of the concept of psychology) and an ethical and moral lecture on Islamic norms. Web sites also offer ‘Islamic’ goods, fashion, books, perfumes and other products. We are back to Islamo-business, for which there is a demand that fits with a modern consumer society. Ethics are called upon to regulate this fully accepted consumer society. An entire industry is developing to ‘Islamise’ this way of life.124 Roy argues that this is a symptom of the growth of a modern Muslim bourgeoisie who stress family values: ‘Stress on work, family, ethics and modesty goes along with success stories: happiness on earth fits with heavenly salvation. [. . .] In a word, Islamic revival is at ease with modern capitalism.’125 In this way ‘conservative values are reappropriated by pious modern middle-class urbanites, who stress family values over permissiveness’.126 This last aspect, regarding family values, will be the focus of the next chapter.

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CHAPTER 6 GENDER ISSUES

This chapter begins by presenting a contextualisation of so-called gender issues in Egypt in relation to the overall societal development. The scene is the Egyptian coffee shop, not to be confused with the male-dominated street cafeteria. Following this, ‘Amr Khaled’s views on the ‘Islamic’ versus the ‘western’ gender roles are presented. A lengthy discussion on the hijāb is also included. ‘Amr Khaled devotes much time to discussing female dress and he regards the wearing of hijāb as an act of faith. The gender discourse concerns topics specifically related to the relationship between men and women and their respective roles and duties. The strengthening of family values and what that implies – the roles of mothers and fathers, wives and husbands as well as their relationship with children and their upbringing – is an important part of ‘Amr Khaled’s message. His views on family values, as a basis for the reform of the ummah, are also discussed. The chapter intends to give an overview of gender roles in general, including men, but the focus is on issues regarding women. The discussion also ties into the discursive fields of the two preceding chapters, since comparisons are often made between what ‘Amr Khaled regards to be ‘the western view’ and ‘the Islamic view’. Apart from the Ramadan shows, alSunāʿ al-Hayā and Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq will be sources for the present chapter.

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Islamisation as Observed in Coffee Shops I have spent numerous hours in coffee shops around Cairo discussing Islam in general, and ‘Amr Khaled in particular, and noticed how Islamisation is taking new forms and how it is related to gender issues in particular. Primarily, the discussions have concerned gender and how an Islamisation of society may influence gender roles and the position of women more specifically. The discussions reflect the rapid changes that have occurred in Egyptian society during recent decades. A coffee shop is very different from the traditional sidewalk cafeteria, to which mainly men go. The coffee shops may at first sight not seem to be a part of some religious space. However, the term ‘religious space’ will here refer to places for religious activities in a very general sense. These can be mosques but also, for example, coffee shops or cyber space, with discussions taking place concerning – among other things – Islam. In my analytical perspective, coffee shops are places where western ideals encounter local Muslim culture. They are, thus, domains ‘betwixt and between’. This does not mean that the guests ignore norms concerning gender roles that are often taken for granted. The gender separation that exists in Egyptian society is also present in these coffee shops, even though men and women often sit together. Many women who spend leisure time in coffee shops show their respectability by discussing themes that show the others that they are not open to indecent proposals.1 The coffee shops may seem a recent development in Cairo, but they actually have quite a long history. In the 1960s, the bourgeoisie adopted cafe culture. According to Mona Abaza, they serve as places where people show off their position: These spaces were typical beau monde for parading and showing off. Today, the new coffee houses – and they are plenty – offer a mid-way solution for the younger generation of yuppies who can afford to pay for an over-priced drink, croissant, or a sandwich. Middle class Egyptians have in recent years been exposed to the culture of breakfasting on croissants, espresso

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and cappuccinos, just as they have learned to eat Japanese, Italian, Thai, Indian, Iranian, and Lebanese food, thanks to the proliferation of restaurants that serve international cuisine.2 Naturally, all of this is available to more well-off people and it may be a sign of escalating class differences in Egypt.3 Abaza argues that boasting about wealth through consumerism will sharpen class differences. This is further elaborated in her study on the changing nature of consumer cultures in contemporary Cairo, which shows that shifting consumer patterns also change the social life of individuals and make new forms of entertainment and socialising possible.4 The constraints of traditional values and the demands of consumer culture create new settings and strategies. For example, shopping malls are new sites where new forms of dating are possible: Are not Egyptian youth having to cope with very strong pressures stemming from, on the one hand, a glittering consumer culture selling luxury dreams, and of sexual freedom and, on the other hand, the nightmarish reality of inescapable family pressures and the scarcity of appropriate space in which to really get to know a future spouse. This is why the shopping mall becomes an ideal place for encounters and mixing.5 How can this context be understood? New practices and new values spread as a result of, among other things, consumer culture and individualism, which have changed the view on group-belonging. Like men, many women seem to be socially integrated and affected by individualist values and consumer culture. They construct their identities in a continually changing context. For these women, it seems that Islam is a central part of their identity construction and self-apprehension. They have many views concerning the role of religion in their own lives as well as in others’ lives. This is merely one example of the effects of piety on more affluent people. Several of the women whom I have met in coffee shops support ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam.

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Islam and the West In ‘Amr Khaled’s shows, the ‘Islamic view’ of women is usually idealistically presented. In the show al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers) women and men are defined as equal but with different roles based on differences in psychology and biological nature.6 He refers to the Qur’an to confirm his view that each person becomes what he or she deserves: ‘Unto men a fortune from that which they have earned, and unto women a fortune from that which they have earned’ (4:32).7 He also refers to the Qur’an to show that men and women are created from the same ‘soul’ (nafs): ‘O mankind! Be careful of your duty to your Lord Who created you from a single soul’ (4:1), which underlines the equality that is inherent in creation. Turning to the ‘western view’ of women, ‘Amr Khaled presents practices instead of ideals. He claims that the West does not distinguish at all between men and women. In fact, he holds that Westerners completely disregard natural differences. The materialistic western society makes it necessary for women to work like men – even if they are married. He comments that Islam does not forbid a woman to work if that is her choice and if it is a job suitable to her nature. Moreover, he argues that western societies cause women to lose their femininity and natural instinct to be mothers.8 However, the worst problem is said to be the destruction of the family. He appears to be somewhat shocked when he tells the viewers that an unmarried couple can live together in the West in a common-law relationship. He notices that women are often left with the children if the couple separate and, hence, single-parent families grow. The father is not even always known. ‘Amr Khaled continues by informing the audience that women can have children with more than one man. When such women are over 40 years old, they may be single and lonely and have lost what used to attract men, and, therefore, become depressed. By comparison, a Muslim woman will never become depressed because the older she becomes, the more revered she will also be. He confirms this by reporting the hadīth that Paradise is under a mother’s feet and another hadīth which states that Muhammad mentioned three times in a row the mother as the

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most important person to take into consideration. This is illustrative of his view on Islam as an ideal compared to western praxis.

Women’s Associations In talking about the oppression of women ‘Amr Khaled makes it clear that he aims to eliminate it. He claims to have received thousands of letters from people who support this cause. ‘Amr Khaled admits that the oppression of women is widespread among Muslims, but emphasises that it is even worse in the West. He outlines various aspects of oppression and suggested solutions. He is careful to point out that this is a project including both men and women, rejecting women’s associations, which, he claims, try to help women by saying that they are better than men. He does not want to create more difficulties between men and women,10 which he apparently thinks that women’s associations are doing. An essentialist view on gender can be clearly observed. For example, ‘Amr Khaled argues that the disposition to become a mother is already shown in early childhood since girls choose to play with certain toys. He claims that psychologists (unspecified) explain this as a period of preparing for motherhood. The feminist movement, which he claims intended to make men and women equal, is said to have failed because of violations of natural dispositions. The aim of this movement is said to be to make men do women’s duties. God made the differences between men and women, and he even says that this is proved by scans of foetuses,11 thus trying to give scientific evidence for his opinion. His discussion here is probably a rejection of what is seen as an imitation of western feminist associations and a social constructivist view of gender.

Areas of Oppression ‘Amr Khaled outlines women’s problems concerning social, political and economic rights. He also highlights the problem of violence against women. He holds that problems are found in both the West and the Islamic world. While admitting that Muslim women are

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oppressed, he argues that such oppression is sometimes even worse in the West. Besides, the true Islam gives women all the rights they need, in his opinion.12 As we shall see, phenomena that he does not approve of are regarded as false Islam. Honour Crimes and Adultery In order to show that Islam is not to be blamed for violence against women, ‘Amr Khaled discusses what can be called ‘honour crimes’, which he dismisses as being non-Islamic. He argues that men who kill women and are freed by courts rely on a false hadīth, which holds that a man should never be killed for killing a woman. Moreover, ‘Amr Khaled refers to the Qur’an, showing that witnesses are needed in order to accuse someone of adultery. If witnesses are lacking, the accuser should be whipped (24:4). And this is only for false accusations, he exclaims. Interestingly, ‘Amr Khaled admits the possibility of forgiveness if a woman has committed adultery and then repents, again referring to the Qur’an: ‘Save those who afterward repent and make amends. (For such) lo! Allah is Forgiving, Merciful’ (24:5).13 He does not mention, for instance, any hadīth concerning stoning. Rather, he chooses what he needs from the sources to confirm his opinion and leaves out other sources. The story of ‘Ayshah, the prophet’s wife, being wrongly accused of adultery is said to concern social morality, and is directed specifically to people working in the media. ‘Amr Khaled argues that people will learn what morality is by observing events such as that of ‘Ayshah. ‘Amr Khaled tells the viewers that Muhammad could have had the liars killed, but that is not the proper action of a just ruler. Moreover, ‘Amr Khaled compares this to the slandering of women that some young men, according to him, do today for fun, or newspapers lying in order to sell more copies.14 In the show ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ), ‘Amr Khaled argues that women should love Islam since it defends them. The honour and reputation of women are described as a forbidden area. Students are recommended not to speak badly about their female students. Slandered women are advised to do what

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‘Ayshah did and put their trust in God. He stresses the importance of protecting society from slander, especially concerning women, and that the media should take this especially seriously. The punishment of whipping for those who slander and cannot present four witnesses is mentioned, and he asks the viewers what is the purpose of the penalty. ‘Amr Khaled answers that the punishment is for those who lie, since that makes people feel unsafe and, moreover, would make it easier for others to commit this sinful act. This is mentioned in relation to western societies that, he argues, consider the punishment of 100 lashes to be inhumane. ‘Amr Khaled shows that many social values are mentioned in chapter 24 of the Qur’an, such as asking for permission, for instance, before entering someone’s house, the importance of wearing hijāb, the prohibition of prostitution and the importance of men lowering their gaze in front of women. He asks the viewers to read the whole of chapter 24 in the Qur’an. He also claims that there is a hadīth that asks the Muslims to teach women this chapter by heart.15 ‘Amr Khaled expands on his view that God is forgiving in the show Bismak Nahya (In Thy Name We Live). He actually argues that even sins such as adultery will be forgiven if sincerely repented.16 The meaning of repentance is to reform society.17 Nobody is free from sin.18 However, in ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation, God forgives every sin, even the gravest, if they are not performed openly.19 God does not approve of grave sins being displayed or talked about, that is the reason given for the hard punishments for lying about adultery.20 The media is accused of spreading rumours about other peoples’ mistakes in order to stir up interest. ‘Amr Khaled refers to a Qur’anic verse that shows that such people will be punished: ‘Lo! Those who love that slander should be spread concerning those who believe, theirs will be a painful punishment in the world and the Hereafter’ (24:19).21 ‘Amr Khaled sums up the discussion regarding women in five points: 1) that reporters should follow the commands made in chapter 24 of the Qur’an; 2) that women should be happy that Islam protects them from accusations; 3) that he wishes that young people will never speak badly about women; 4) that society should

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see the good in people, have faith in them and never without evidence accuse anyone of anything; and 5) that everyone should read chapter 24 of the Qur’an and apply all the rules it contains, so that society will be radiant with the light of the chapter.22 Physical Violence Circumcision is another form of oppression discussed in the show al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers). Circumcision is not Islamic, according to ‘Amr Khaled, but he does not present any evidence for this. Physical and emotional abuse are also oppressive areas discussed. He exemplifies this with men throwing women out of their homes, threatening them with divorce or marrying another wife. Men who beat their wives refer to the part of 4:34 that allows men to beat their wives, but he argues that they forget the other part of 4:34 that says this should only be done when a man fears rebellion on her part.23 According to him, they all know what rebellion means, but a man can misuse this verse as he pleases, which is regarded as un-Islamic.24 It is not clear what ‘rebellion’ means in his interpretation. However, it is interesting to note that ‘Amr Khaled blames men who use verses as they please, which is described as un-Islamic behaviour. Economic Oppression In the show al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers), ‘Amr Khaled refers to contemporary Muslim countries and states that there is economic oppression there as well. For example, women do not receive their rightful inheritance, and many fathers favour their sons when they are alive. Many men refuse to pay the wife according to the weddingcontract after divorce. He notes here that the reason why the Qur’an states that women should inherit half of what men inherit (4:11) is their differing responsibilities. Moreover, as compared with the West, he argues that in Islam a woman can keep her money to herself. In this way the Muslim woman, according to him, is the winner even over Muslim men who must share and provide for his family.25 He again turns to an Islamic ideal and does not mention praxis.

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Lina al-Hemsy, a fiqh expert from al-Azhar University in Damascus, is invited to discuss gender issues in the show Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence). Inheritance, regarding which the Qur’an gives a woman half as much as a man, is discussed. She claims that if we read the entire verse we will see that a woman can receive the same share and sometimes even more than a man. She simply concludes that women are the winners. ‘Amr Khaled asks her how that can be the case. She responds that a woman does not have to support anybody financially, so she can keep her inheritance. He says that Islam does not differentiate because of gender but because of the circumstances. Al-Hemsy agrees and claims that this is equality. In Europe, she argues, marriages often end in divorce and adultery. In case of divorce, women get half of everything in Europe. The result is that a man will not marry a woman until he is sure that there will be no divorce, she argues. ‘Amr Khaled refers to the book The Death of the West: How Dying Populations and Immigrant Invasions Imperil Our Culture and Civilization, by the conservative writer Patrick Buchanan (2001), who also writes about the bad effects of such equality.26 Al-Hemsy refers to the freedom of women in the West, but states that it is in fact oppression. When the status of women is reformed in the Muslim world, people should follow Islam, she argues. ‘Amr Khaled ends the episode by asking everyone to strive to let women have their right to a life in dignity.27 ‘Amr Khaled also says that mothers are known for being better than fathers at taking control of household expenses. Moreover, he also argues that mothers can do several things at the same time while men cannot.28 Political Oppression When ‘Amr Khaled speaks about political rights of women, he turns to Islamic history to show that many women were active in military battles, which he considers at least partly political. To present such references is a strategy used by Islamic feminists as well, in order to present role models and show that women used to be treated equally and had strong positions.29 In the show ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On

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the Path of the Beloved ) ‘Amr Khaled mentions that the role of women during the early period of Islam is not forgotten, and he talks about how women supported men and Islam in various ways. He asks rhetorically if the viewers believe that their enemies today have marginalised women because they know women can assist the revival.30 ‘Amr Khaled explicitly mentions that women were instructed to fight the enemy from their roofs during Uhud. A woman was also with Muhammad on the battlefield.31 This is only one example that ‘Amr Khaled points to in order to show how Islam, compared to the West, gave women a better position and more rights in society than they had before Islam. He says that the problem with oppression lies with the Muslims, not with Muhammad.32 This means that it is not Islam that causes women to be inferior to men, but the interpretations by Muslim men.33 ‘Amr Khaled says in the show al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers) that Muhammad always brought women to battles and involved them in fighting and planning. Another example given is al-Shifa’ bint Abdullah, who was appointed by the caliph ‘Umar as a kind of administrative minister who controlled the market, which included supervising men. This was not seen as a problem for the men. Hafsah, the daughter of the caliph ‘Umar, kept a copy of the Qur’an. Such examples, ‘Amr Khaled states, prove that women are not inferior to men in terms of maturity or piety.34 In the same episode of al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā, ‘Amr Khaled makes reference to the infamous hadīth found in both Muslim and Bukhari where Muhammad says that he never saw a man as ignorant and irreligious as a woman, and claims that it has been misunderstood. He argues that the hadīth refers to a situation during a religious holiday when everyone should be happy. Therefore, it is not possible, according to ‘Amr Khaled, that Muhammad would have said this except in a teasing way. ‘Amr Khaled claims that many scholars reason similarly, although he does not support this with evidence.35 ‘Amr Khaled’s reinterpretation of the controversial verse, concluding that Muhammad was only ironic, is similar to many Muslim feminist reinterpretations of problematic parts of scriptures.36 In the show ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ), ‘Amr Khaled

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states that what Muhammad meant is that women sometimes let their emotions dominate their intellect and that they are excused from worship for a few days each month because of menstruation.37 A mother is described as the most important source of mercy in the show al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā (Paradise in Our Homes). ‘Amr Khaled argues that the title ‘mother’ is dearer to God than any other title. A woman has the special ability to be pregnant and to take care of the child. He mentions a hadīth saying that a mother’s sin is forgiven at the first contraction. The daily duty of a mother to her child is held to be equal to a man’s fasting and voluntary prayers during the night, thus making such duties as important as rituals. During menstruation, a woman is relieved from some ritual obligations, but that is because she should relax and prepare herself for her mission, which is to have children. In this way, ‘Amr Khaled argues that Islam does not degrade women, contrary to what some people say. Being a mother is described as an honour. Then he speaks about the West and claims that there, people think differently regarding women who suffer because of that.38 As in the other discursive fields, historical role models are referred to in support of manners and views considered authentically Islamic. The first follower of Islam is said to have been Khadijah, Muhammad’s first wife, which ‘Amr Khaled mentions repeatedly.39 This is explained to be something that all women should be proud of. If women today are not treated well, or if there is some misinterpretation of a hadīth indicating that women are less intelligent and pious than men, then the example of Khadijah should be remembered. Men should also encourage women and affirm how important they are to Islam.40 In order to improve women’s situation, there is a need to reject ‘traditional’ interpretations of certain texts.41 By recontextualising the narrative, and speaking of a festive situation, he departs from more traditional interpretations. Historical women are mentioned as role models along with Muhammad in the show ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ), in order to strengthen the position of women today. One example is that the first martyr was a woman.42 ‘Amr Khaled also claims that it was a woman who established the use of the preaching

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pulpit in the mosque.43 Furthermore, a woman killed a Jewish traitor during the battle of the Trench. This showed the Jews that the Muslim women and children were protected even though the man on guard did not dare to kill the traitor.44 Once, while preparing to conquer Mecca, Muhammad first told his wife ‘Ayshah about his plans, ‘Amr Khaled says. He uses this story to make the viewers reflect on how Muhammad trusted her – a woman – with a military secret.45 When telling this story, he also shows how ‘Ayshah did not tell the information to Abu Bakr, who became the first caliph after Muhammad’s death, even though he asked her. This, ‘Amr Khaled says, should teach women today never to tell the secrets of a husband to anybody.46 The guest Lina al-Hemsy, in the show Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence), discusses the issue regarding women as leaders, for example, caliphs or ministers. The early jurists denied women this right, and she refers to scholars today who disagree. There are those who agree with the early jurists, but there are also those who think that women can hold leading positions, except for the presidency.47 As examples of the latter group, al-Qaradawi, al-Bouty, Hassan FadlAllah, Ahmad Diftar and Shaltout as well as Shaykh al-Maraghy are mentioned. She argues that these Muslim scholars hold that there are no clear texts concerning this issue. ‘Amr Khaled claims that he prefers the standpoint of Abu Hanifa, but that the call for coexistence requires that he accept the opinions of others as well.48 Another important issue is testimony, which Lina al-Hemsy criticises Westerners for using in order to blame Islam for oppressing women. She says that the verse 2:282 in the Qur’an, supporting the view that women should be counted as only half a witness compared to a man, is beyond question in matters that are civil or financial. She argues that since women may be overwhelmed by household duties and pregnancy, they may not remember facts precisely. However, the law concerning testimony is said to be irrefutable regarding criminal matters. The issue of women as jurists is addressed as well, and al-Hemsy argues that it can be compared to the issue of women as political leaders. Al-Hemsy refers to analogies made by the early scholars ibn Jarir and al-Tabari, who argued that women can be

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judges where they are allowed to be muftis. She concludes that in such cases selective jurisprudence should be used in order to accommodate the contemporary situation.49 Social Oppression In the show al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers), ‘Amr Khaled describes western women as being treated as consumer goods. To illustrate the extent of the problem, he says that you can even find matchboxes with naked women on the cover. Because of this objectification of women, he says, they will be depressed after 45–50 when they, in his opinion, lose their status as objects. A western woman may even commit suicide when she realises that it was only her looks that had attracted men. However, in the Muslim world, the situation is said to be better, although it is not perfect. For instance, illiteracy is greater among women than men which he holds to be caused by fathers’ focus on sons. He continues by saying that the elimination of illiteracy should be the first project of al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā. In support of his view, he refers to a hadīth in which Muhammad says that anyone who brings up three girls well will enter paradise. Once more, he presents historical role models and mentions that many women around Muhammad taught others, both men and women. He presents statistics to prove his point: for example, ‘Ayshah taught 232 men and 67 women. ‘Amr Khaled thus supports the idea that women could be the teachers of men.50 However, he does not explicitly say what kind of teachers women can be or whether women can be imams. One guest, Osama Refa’i, a Lebanese mufti, discusses Abu Hanifa’s view on women’s freedom to get married and argues that a woman has the right to marry whom she wants as long as it is a respectable man. In that case, her guardian ought not to protest. ‘Amr Khaled takes the opportunity to tell those who argue that Islam denies women this right that this is proof to the contrary.51 The worst injustice is polygamy, according to ‘Amr Khaled. He argues that many today think that polygamy is a restricted right and that the first wife’s feelings should be taken into consideration. He

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says that there is a need to discuss this thoroughly, but he does not do so. He simply states that monogamy is the norm.52 Another form of oppression is to withhold love, which is said to be against Islam. A man should be affectionate and show his care for his wife. ‘Amr Khaled refers to Muhammad’s loving behaviour towards ‘Ayshah and the hadīth in which he says that one should handle glass with care and that women are like glass. ‘Amr Khaled tells the audience that ‘Umar said that until the arrival of Islam, women had had no importance.53 He also mentions ‘Umar, who is usually a person that feminists avoid or blame for several injustices against women.54 ‘Amr Khaled discusses the problem that women are seldom allowed to choose their husbands and thus are forced into marriage. He presents a hadīth according to which a man asked Muhammad whether he should marry his daughter to a rich or a poor man who had both proposed to her. Muhammad asked which man she preferred, and then Muhammad said that he preferred that one as well, focusing on love instead of money. Another hadīth mentions a girl telling Muhammad that she was engaged against her will, and Muhammad replied that she must agree in order for the marriage to be valid. ‘Amr Khaled also mentions an infamous hadīth, which he refutes, that states that women should be asked for an opinion but that this should not be decisive. To support his view, he refers to Muhammad’s wife Umm Salamah, who was asked by Muhammad at Hudaybiya how to solve a problem he had, and he followed her advice on how to do this. ‘Amr Khaled comments that Muhammad always respected women and that the youth today should follow his example.55 Referring to the marriage proposal made by Khadijah, in the show ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ), ‘Amr Khaled says he has no problem with that, but he remarks that it depends on how the proposal is made. He argues that men will cease to respect women who they consider to have dubious morals. He refers to what he regards as human nature, which appreciates more what is attained with difficulty, and claims that it is not a religious issue.56 However, he rejects the ‘urfī marriage, mentioned above, which is becoming

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increasingly common in Egypt, because a woman will eventually be abandoned, he argues.57 Concerning the marriage between Muhammad and Khadijah, ‘Amr Khaled stresses the importance of maturity, but in general he prefers the man to be older. He claims that psychologically women mature earlier than men.58 Another thing that he highlights is that the social status and religious commitment should be similar.59 Speaking about Khadijah’s death, and how she died in Muhammad’s arms, ‘Amr Khaled comments that this illustrates how important marriage is in Islam.60 Another problem discussed in al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers) is unemployment, which is higher among women than among men. ‘Amr Khaled states that a woman should be allowed to choose to be a housewife or to work outside the home. He makes sweeping generalisations, saying, for example, that women love their homes. However, he uses this statement to support his opinion that if a woman works outside her home, it is a sign that she needs to do that. Therefore, ‘Amr Khaled argues, a woman who applies for a job should be chosen ahead of a man. He anticipates criticism on this issue and says that many people will twist the meaning of many verses and ahadīth to prevent this from happening. One hadīth, which he refers to, says that it is best for a woman if nobody sees her and she does not see anyone. In rejecting it, he asks rhetorically how Muhammad then could allow women to join him in jihād.61 Here again his interpretative strategy is very explicit, as compared to other topics, such as politics. He directly opposes views within Establishment Islam on gender issues. ‘Amr Khaled also provides the example of a woman who asked Muhammad if she could continue her employment as a hairdresser, whereupon he told her to continue to make other women beautiful, which would please their husbands. Moreover, the first hospital in the form of a tent was built by Muhammad for Rafidah, a woman whom he asked to give medical care to both men and women.62 However, it is unclear if ‘Amr Khaled thinks women should only work in beauty salons and in health-care roles, and similar jobs, or if he thinks they can have other professions as well.

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The idea that women are not allowed to travel is again related to a misinterpreted hadīth. In the right company, a woman is free to travel, ‘Amr Khaled argues. He tells the audience that Muhammad explicitly asked men not to prevent women from going to the mosques, although that still happens.63 Here we see again how he compares the ideal Islam with the bad practice of Muslims today. Women who were important in the lives of the early jurists are referred to as role models in Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence). The jurists’ mothers are said to have supported them. For example, ‘Amr Khaled says that Ahmad ibn Hanbal’s mother did not want him to travel, but changed her mind when she realised that he needed to in order to gain knowledge.64 Another example is Malik’s daughter who was learned and helped correct the mistakes of male students. Malik also had a woman as a teacher.65 In one episode, ‘Amr Khaled declares that it was no problem to have a woman as a teacher.66 That the jurist al-Shafiʿi studied in Egypt under Nafisah, the granddaughter of the fourth caliph ‘Ali, is mentioned.67 He says that Abu Hanifa accorded women a special position in his group to help him with his fatāwa.68 This most likely also shows that ‘Amr Khaled thinks that women can be teachers and assist with Islamic jurisprudence, even though he never discusses that explicitly. All the above demonstrates that ‘Amr Khaled wishes to improve the situation for women in general, but without questioning an essentialist view on gender. He calls for a reinterpretation of the sources and thus challenges the authority of Establishment Islam.

Reinterpretation Gender issues come up frequently in the various shows of ‘Amr Khaled, who presents women as essential for the revitalisation of Islam. Men are often reminded to treat women well and follow the example of Muhammad. He asks the viewers if they appreciate women enough and concludes that they do not. He states that women work harder than men, and that they have a great respon-

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sibility to bring up the next generation as well as to support their husbands.69 If women do not claim their rights, there will be no revival, he concludes.70 He asks how far the viewers wish for women to advance during the next decades. He argues that many have treated women wrongly and have tried to support that with reference to Islamic law. However, as seen above, in his opinion Islamic law cannot be unjust to women. Therefore, he holds that there is a need to reread the Qur’an and the Sunnah in order to stop unfair treatment of women, which Islam is falsely accused of supporting.71 A main point is his defence of Islam – which should not be blamed for this problem. ‘Amr Khaled states that certain texts have been misinterpreted, or even intentionally misunderstood, and he regards that as a symptom of unjust inclinations on the part of humans. He also says that backward thinking in many countries could be a cause of the problem.72 He takes care to show that women have rights and that many instances of denial of rights are based on a misinterpretation of the sources.73 Hence, he supports reinterpretation (ijtihād), and he is seldom, or never, as explicit about that as compared with gender issues. That religion is seen as something different from culture is also a theme here. Ijtihād ‘Amr Khaled states in Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence) that the aim of discussing gender issues is not to oppose western accusations that Islam is oppressive of women. The aim is rather to show that Islam respects and honours women. Lina al-Hemsy comments that many scholars were hostile towards Taha Hussein when he allowed women into the Faculty of Arts at Cairo University. However, the early jurists allowed women to study, to teach and take part in ijtihād, she says. She also mentions that during the time of Muhammad women were not content to sit at the back during lessons and asked him to give lessons only for women. She claims that women were allowed to take part in politics and social life during early Islam as well. ‘Amr Khaled asks her why the position of women has deteriorated. She explains that since ijtihād is prevented

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many merely imitate and do not use reason. The other cause she presents is that culture has been mistaken for religion. Culture and religion should not be mixed up. For example, when women are not allowed to attend mosque services, this contradicts the way of Muhammad. To prevent women from getting education is another example. According to al-Hemsy, education is an obligation for women. Another belief she disapprovingly relates says that women should only leave their houses twice: when they get married and leave their father’s house for the house of their husband and when they die and are buried.74 Returning to the issue of ijtihād, ‘Amr Khaled asks Lina al-Hemsy to examine this point. She states that there are several contemporary problems that the early jurists did not address and that these are in need of ijtihād. She argues that this is what the early jurists did and that the contemporary ones must follow in their footsteps. The aim is to arrive at a ruling, following the existing books of jurisprudence, for new events. When there is enough evidence in the Qur’an and Sunnah, she rejects the practice of ijtihād. She says that jurisprudence needs to be constructive in order to accommodate new things. However, it must also be selective in order to make it possible to choose between the rules according to what suits different contexts. ‘Amr Khaled concludes that this is exactly what Abu Hanifa said and that it proves that Islam is a religion for all times and places, and that it can adapt to changing circumstances.75 As seen above, ‘Amr Khaled strives to appear supportive of Establishment Islam, and praises, among others, Ahmad ibn Hanbal. However, his advocacy of ijtihād is made explicit. Where the sources are silent, an interpretation is allowed, and it is also described as legitimate to reread of the sources to suit changing contexts. This strategy corresponds to what Charles Kurzman has called the silent sharīʿah approach. This means, according to some interpreters, that interpretations are permitted when no textual sources on the specific matter are available.76 A selective reading of the Islamic sources is explicitly advocated here, and ‘Amr Khaled seemingly agrees with his guest that this is the correct method. Such explicit comments are only found in connection with women’s issues. This is remark-

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able because it is regarded as controversial by many to advocate reinterpretations of family law. Women’s issues are part of family law, the field in which Islamic law has its contemporary stronghold. Surprisingly, however, ‘Amr Khaled has not been much criticised because of his position. Sometimes his answers to some questions are vague, which may be explained by their controversial nature.

Reclaiming the Family The focus above has mainly concerned women, but one of the most important topics in ‘Amr Khaled’s conception of Islam is restoring family values, which is also common among other preachers in the piety movement.77 He stresses that we must respect our parents.78 In support of his view, he refers to Muhammad’s close contact with family members. ‘Amr Khaled uses the example of Muhammad sitting next to his grandfather during meetings to encourage youth to learn from adults.79 Family values are presented as the foundation for the revival of the ummah. If you want to understand a society, you should look at its values, according to ‘Amr Khaled in the show al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā (Paradise in Our Homes).80 He argues that values derive from schools, religious institutions, the family and media. Apparently, something is wrong with all of them, in his opinion. However, the family is said to be of particular importance for preserving values.81 ‘Amr Khaled mentions the aim to revive the ummah, but he argues that, compared to the Muslim community, other parts of the world have developed much more in areas such as agriculture, industry and education. However, he says that there is hope since the ummah still has something that the others lack, namely the family. To preserve the family is therefore equivalent to saving Islam.82 God associates the family with revival, he claims, referring to 25:74: ‘And who say: Our Lord! Vouchsafe us comfort of our wives and of our offspring, and make us patterns for (all) those who ward off (evil).’ This is interpreted as asking God to ‘reclaim’ wives and children so that they will lead the reformation.83

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‘Amr Khaled’s solution to the demise of the ummah is that family members should start solving all disputes within their families and pray to God for guidance. Family members should set a goal together, write it down and place it where everyone can see it. The goal should be revised and changed. This proposal has been inspired by Stephen Covey, an American who writes on leadership and family relationships.84 As an example of ‘Amr Khaled’s interest in new technology, a couple who find their marriage boring are recommended to use their mobile phones and send text messages to each other.85 He dwells on the problem of separations and divorces. Communication is not working in all families. Couples do not share interests. Homes are compared to hotels. People may watch TV together, but they do not discuss the programmes.86 These are all taken as signs that the ummah is in a state of weakness, and his aim is clearly to strengthen it. ‘Amr Khaled speaks about the mercy of God and asks where the mercy among humans can be found. He addresses certain categories of people directly: the absent father, the girl who has a boyfriend and the husband who humiliates his wife and beats her up. When the Qur’an refers to families, the word mercy is always mentioned, he argues.87 He gives the example of 30:21: ‘And of His signs is this: He created for you helpmates from yourselves that ye might find rest in them, and He ordained between you love and mercy. Lo, herein indeed are portents for folk who reflect.’ Another Qur’anic verse, 17:24, is also quoted: ‘And lower unto them the wing of submission through mercy, and say: My Lord! Have mercy on them both as they did care for me when I was little.’88 ‘Amr Khaled says that we need to have mercy on others. He gives concrete examples of what to do or to avoid. For example, we should all avoid being despotic, especially parents. He says critically that there are some men who are tyrants and who insist on having their way at all times. ‘Amr Khaled agrees that even though a ship should only have one captain, consultation is recommended. For example, the Qur’an advises parents to consult each other regarding weaning. He shows how the wife of ‘Umar and the wives of Muhammad objected to their

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husbands. A man confronted ‘Umar with this. ‘Umar answered that the wives put up with them, cleaning and raising their children so should it then not be tolerated if a wife raises her voice? This is an example of mercy, according to ‘Amr Khaled.89 Here, it is noticeable that he does not only address women but also admonishes men about how to behave within the family. The Role of the Father As a part of ‘Amr Khaled’s efforts to strengthen family values, the roles of both men and women are discussed in al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā (Paradise in Our Homes). To respect mothers is held to be important. ‘Amr Khaled again mentions the hadīth that says that paradise is at the feet of mothers. Experiencing paradise on earth is a prerequisite for experiencing it in the hereafter, he says, and it is a responsibility before God to take care of the family. He argues that we are all guardians; the father in his house, the mother in her husband’s house.90 Here, we see that he speaks of the wife as living in her husband’s house. ‘Amr Khaled states that respecting our mothers is the equal of respecting God. A mother should always encourage her children. She should also try to help the children to get to know their father better after the first stage of childhood, when they are around three years old. The future of the ummah depends on mothers fulfilling their role of raising children, he argues.91 The role of the father is addressed explicitly in al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā, and ‘Amr Khaled argues that the last 50 years have seen dramatic changes in this respect. Earlier, fathers supported the family, gave advice and were sources of values and reason, thus balancing the role of the mothers, whom he describes as more emotional. What happened, he says, is that fathers then left to mothers the entire task of bringing up the children, and merely financed the family. This is seen as a mistake. Why should a man have children if he does not take part in their upbringing? A mother cannot do it alone, according to him. He compares it to rowing a boat with just one oar. He criticises the many men who, in his opinion, think it is enough to provide material things.92 ‘Amr

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Khaled states that offering time is more valuable. A husband should be a role model for manhood. However, it is not enough merely to be present. The father must also be actively involved. The prophets are examples to follow in their roles as fathers, he argues.93 To bring up a well-mannered child is held to be better than giving charity, since a well-mannered person benefits many, while charity usually helps only one person. ‘Amr Khaled recalls the story of Joseph who dreamt that the sun and the moon as well as 11 planets prostrated before him. This story is said to emphasise the importance of both mothers and fathers.94 Divorced women are encouraged to find a good father figure for the children. Youth can be proactive and ask their fathers to help them, for example.95 The father should also be a friend. He should share interests with and understand the needs of his children. If a father shares his son’s interests, the son will not be a victim of drug abuse or sexual aberrations, according to ‘Amr Khaled. The father should also admit his own mistakes in order to be a realistic role model. Love should be the way to gain authority over the children. ‘Amr Khaled gives the example of a girl who had a boyfriend and how the father spoke to her, telling her how boys see girls as either for fun or for marriage. He asked her what she would prefer, and as a consequence she ended the relationship.96 ‘Amr Khaled holds that children go through different stages of life and that the mother is most important in the first stage. After that, the father becomes more important, especially for boys.97 He refers to psychologists, as usual without specifying which ones, who say that at this age boys start to form their manhood and to abandon their girlish behaviour.98 The next stage is the teenage years when fathers become especially important for daughters.99 He substantiates this by reminding the viewers that Muhammad always kissed his daughter Fatima’s forehead.100 The father figure is important in ‘Amr Khaled’s solution to the perceived family crisis. He presents some advice on how fathers should behave. A father should play with his child, show love, go on trips and tell bedtime stories.101 The relationship between mother and child is described as natural because of pregnancy. A father

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should not preach but rather be a role model, which the children can imitate. The newborn child is seen as a blank sheet on which the father can write what he wants, and he should take care lest the child turns into a stained sheet. Muhammad is the prime example to follow. Muhammad had the Qur’an to guide him and ‘Amr Khaled describes him as a personification of the Qur’an. Fathers who do not behave well will have ill-behaved children. For example, cheaters will have sons who cheat too. If such people construct buildings, for instance, they may collapse.102 There is good reason to use this example, since there have been several incidents with collapsing buildings in Egypt.103 The father is also instructed to assist the mother in her role of controlling the children. He asks the fathers where they were when their daughter married secretly and when their son started taking drugs. However, he advises the parents that this should be done in an intelligent way so that children maintain their privacy.104 Raising Children Being dutiful towards parents is also held up as important in the show al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā (Paradise in Our Homes). ‘Amr Khaled says that youth today mainly talk or chat with their friends on the internet. Children should pay attention to their parents and ask about them and their friends, even if they are not really interested. He even says that if children do this, their parents will love each other more and the number of divorces will decrease.105 Children have a right to an opinion, for example, in choice of spouse and education, but they should otherwise be obedient to their parents.106 ‘Amr Khaled argues that emotions are more important than reason in sustaining good relationships with children. Criticism is easier to accept if the parent shows the child love. The role model of a tender father is Muhammad. ‘Amr Khaled criticises the fact that the military aspects of Muhammad’s life are primarily focused upon. He asks rhetorically why we do not learn from Muhammad’s great social and communicative skills as well. A story is mentioned according to which the Prophet once interrupted a prayer to take

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care of two of his children who entered the mosque. Muhammad was not ashamed to show his emotions, making that an ideal for Muslims. ‘Amr Khaled then talks about an American survey regarding relationships between parents and children in which parents answered that they loved their children, while the children answered that they thought the parents did so, or that they did not know, or that they were sure their parents loved them but did not show it. ‘Amr Khaled says that people in predominantly Muslim countries are fortunate not to have such problems as the West since they have strong familial relationships, although families need to be strengthened in the Muslim world as well.107 Children should be loved unconditionally, which the parents should tell them and show them, ‘Amr Khaled argues. Admitting one’s own mistakes is another strategy that he recommends, or writing to one’s children about one’s feelings. He holds that daughters especially are in need of hugs because they are more emotional.108 He presents the example of Muhammad who used to carry one of his daughters, Zaynab, while praying.109 Several methods are listed that parents use but which ‘Amr Khaled regards as harmful, namely commanding, blaming or threatening children. To be respectful and obey parents is an important duty of the youth. Family members should respect and appreciate each other. A parent should never raise his or her voice in front of a child, but should instead show respect. A parent should give the children responsibilities, even if they are very childish.110 ‘Amr Khaled is clearly against corporal punishment. He refers to ‘Ayshah, who said that Muhammad never hit a child or a woman. Beating, ‘Amr Khaled says, is bad for children. Again, unnamed psychologists are mentioned in support of his claims. A child who comes from a violent home will misunderstand and think that the strong should abuse the weak, he says. He argues that this may lead such a person to become a police officer who tortures suspects in the police station or even to become a murderer. If a parent uses physical violence as punishment, it is in fact they who should be punished. He tells a story about Muhammad, who said that a strong man is one who can control himself even when he is angry.111 Violence is seen

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as a cause of contemporary family problems as well as the demise of the ummah. Indirectly, the lack of family values can be seen as supporting oppressive state machinery and violent interpretations of Islam. Forgiveness should be practised instead of punishment, ‘Amr Khaled argues. It is better to show that you are sad and disappointed than to blame the child. This is seen as following the example of Muhammad. ‘Amr Khaled advises parents never to humiliate children in front of their friends. He suggests a deal with parents who insist on punishing their children. He recommends that they discuss with the child and agree on a punishment that will be implemented after the child has committed three mistakes. Only three punishments a month, but no physical abuse is allowed. If children are treated with love and respect, then the ummah will surely lead the world, he says. The episode ends with ‘Amr Khaled telling the youth that they should not now run to their parents accusing them of doing the wrong thing. Rather, he advises the children to take the first step to contact their fathers and be their friends.112 Fulfilling Needs in the Family According to ‘Amr Khaled, love is not only a matter of feelings, but must be manifested in action, which is discussed in the episodes of al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā (Paradise in Our Homes). He returns to the issue of the present problems of families and argues that if they are not reformed, then society will be stagnant for another 200 years. As seen in the first discursive field concerning the ummah, he argues that the ummah has serious problems, and one solution is to strengthen family values. A particular problem that society faces, he argues, is the lack of love between spouses, which manifests itself as communication problems, too little time spent together at home, a focus on each other’s faults and a cessation of intimate relations. Following this, one may start to look for love outside the home, he concludes. ‘Amr Khaled makes it clear that he is not only speaking to men. He is sorry to say that women also do this, and he claims this was not the case 30 or 40 years ago.113 Men should not drive their

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wives to do such things, he argues. As a solution, he refers to a hadīth about Muhammad’s return to Madinah after a battle where he ordered the army to wait before entering the cities in order to allow the wives to prepare themselves. The comment on this hadīth is directed to contemporary women who do not care about their appearance in front of their husbands.114 Another example concerns how ‘Ayshah taught women how to treat their husbands. She told in a hadīth that Muhammad asked to be allowed to get out of bed to pray for one hour. She answered that she very much wanted him to stay in bed with her, but that she would prefer what he preferred. Men in their turn are encouraged to show affection to their wives. He relates how Muhammad used to hold Zaynab bint Jahsh’s hands in public without feeling ashamed.115 ‘Amr Khaled tells the story of a companion travelling to do hajj, the pilgrimage to Mecca, who missed his wife and sent her a message. Today, he says, we can send a message in seconds. So, how long would it take to establish a good relationship between spouses, following ‘Amr Khaled’s advice? He says that it would merely take about a month.116 Several of a person’s needs could be fulfilled through the family, such as a feeling of belonging, ‘Amr Khaled argues. In his opinion, that would prevent people from getting involved with drugs and corruption. He says that there are people who claim that the youth are not serious and that they waste their time in coffee shops, though he says that this is not their fault. The reason he presents is that they never had support, and this is why they ended up like that, he argues. He tells the viewers that during the embargo against the Muslims in Madinah, a relative of Khadijah used to smuggle food to them. He compares this to how the rich today treat their poor relatives, thus making their lack of commitment responsible for the situation of the poor.117 ‘Amr Khaled argues that parents should help their children find a spouse. Many unmarried girls are over 30, and who can blame them if they try to find husbands via the internet or date men who do not intend to marry them, he asks. He discusses solutions to this problem. If the extended family gathers more often, this

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problem can be solved since the young people of the family will then meet. A family fund is also recommended to help young men to marry if they cannot afford it. Helping family with such charity doubles the reward, he argues. The practical outcome of the episode is that ‘Amr Khaled tells the families to have monthly meetings in order to look after the family. The second step is to create a family fund. The third is to create a family assembly and establish a common goal. Detailed information about one example of a family assembly was also put on the website for the viewers to look at.118 ‘Amr Khaled reminds the viewers that God has created our homes to be a source of peace and happiness. The idea is that the home should be a paradise on earth. In the real paradise, families will gather once again.119 It is important, he argues, that families worship God together since that will lead to a unification of families. One frequent piece of advice is for the husband to pray with two prostrations together with his wife each day.120 If a family is pious, it will not fight over small issues, and God will bring them happiness, ‘Amr Khaled says, referring to 53:43: ‘He it is Who maketh laugh, and maketh weep.’121 The importance of worshipping God as a family and not only as an individual is repeated.122 ‘Amr Khaled mentions five different acts of worship that families should undertake together, namely read the Qur’an, pray, practise dhikr, supplicate God, even in colloquial Arabic, and provide breakfast for fasting families.123 The Ramadan slogan is ‘I will worship God through my family. I will enter paradise through my family’ or ‘I will assist in reviving the ummah through my family.’124 Thus, we have seen in this chapter the importance of the situation of women and the revival of family values based on ‘Amr Khaled’s Islamic interpretation, which is held to be necessary in order to bring about a revival of the ummah. ‘Amr Khaled has an essentialist view on women, but he advocates reinterpreting the sources in order to improve their situation today, arguing that Muslims have previously interpreted the sources wrongly, which must be remedied. Such a perspective presumably attracts the interest of many women today

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and may cause irritation and attract criticism from representatives of Establishment Islam as well as from other interpreters of Islam.

The Hijāb The final section of this chapter concerns female standards of dress, which is taken up in various shows but is the explicit focus of one of the episodes of Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq (An Introduction to Manners). ‘Amr Khaled argues that some women believe that they will only gain reward (thawāb) for wearing hijāb the first time. However, he states that in fact they gain more thawāb the more people who see them wearing it, since they then remind people of God.125 The hijāb is described as a sign of the kindness of God because women are protected by it. ‘Amr Khaled referred to 33:59 in support of his claim.126 We see how wearing it can be seen as an act of daʿwah in his interpretation. ‘Amr Khaled also argues in favour of wearing the hijāb by referring to 24:31, which concerns modesty in behaviour, such as lowering one’s gaze. The Qur’anic chapter 24 is called ‘the Light’, and he says that it has that name since it teaches social manners that will light up society if they are followed. He also refers to the so-called Light verse (24:35), which states that God is the light of the heavens and earth.127 When it comes to women, modesty and the hijāb are recurring terms and they are also the titles of two episodes in Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq (An Introduction to Manners).128 The etymology of modesty (al-hayā’) is discussed by ‘Amr Khaled. It stems from a root meaning ‘life’ and, therefore, he argues that a person with hayā’ lives without being sinful. Hayā’ is not modesty in the sense of being shy, which ‘Amr Khaled regards as a negative characteristic. To be shy is to be hesitant and cowardly. Hayā’ means the opposite. A person characterised by hayā’ behaves correctly before God, according to ‘Amr Khaled. Such a person does not insult others. Hayā’ and imān (faith) belong together, in his view, and are at the heart of Islam. He presents some ahadīth that show that Muhammad and his companions had hayā’. Today a male with hayā’ can become embarrassed when hearing girls talk. Examples of those who do not have hayā’ are

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boys who play loud music in cars and make passes at girls, and women who wear tight clothes which reveal their bodies. He says that we must primarily think about girls since hayā’ is expected of them more than of boys. However, he laments that today many have lost every trace of hayā’. A sin is also judged according to how much hayā’ you feel after committing it.129 He presents a hadīth about the veil and about the dangers of not following the Islamic dress code. One example is when Ahmad ibn Hanbal happened to see the heel of a woman because her clothes had been moved by the wind. He then hid in his cloak since he felt so guilty.130 ‘Amr Khaled concludes that the hijāb is the first outer sign of a woman’s modesty. A society depends on the modesty of women, which gives them a great responsibility. He says that he does not intend to criticise women but that he wishes to stress their modesty because of its significance. In fact, he argues, it is in the nature of women to be modest, and they can show this modesty through correct dress. He asks the women a question. If they had something valuable like a pearl, would they not protect it? He believes they would and says that the oyster is the protection of a pearl and that an oyster is not beautiful. The same goes for the hijāb, which protects women and their modesty. He asks a rhetorical question: why do men not have to wear hijāb? The answer is that not even a hundred men could infatuate one woman, while one woman could easily infatuate a hundred men. Therefore, the hijāb is seen as an obligation since women are the source of infatuation. Prior to Islam, women were judged according to looks only, but with Islam that changed, and their inner beauty, modesty and manners became the most important thing. He then turns to the question of whether or not it is obligatory to wear the hijāb, which it is in his opinion. He cites the Qur’an (33:59) as evidence, which asks women to ‘draw their cloaks round them’. The word used for cloak is jilbāb, which ‘Amr Khaled says covers the whole body. The Qur’anic admonition is directed to the wives and daughters of Muhammad and is meant for all believing women, he says. Hence, ‘Amr Khaled refutes the often heard comment that this way of dressing was only meant for the wives of Muhammad.131 To wear

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jilbāb is in the Qur’anic verse described as ‘better, so that they may be recognised and not annoyed’, and ‘Amr Khaled claims that this means that it is better for women to wear hijāb because people will then know that they are pious and they will not be harassed. Everybody will respect such women.132 He also briefly mentions that it was decided to make wearing the hijāb a duty during the time Muhammad was in Madinah.133 He says that a woman should only show her face and hands and refers to the Qur’an (24:31), which in his opinion proves that every woman should wear a veil:134 And tell the believing women to lower their gaze and be modest, and to display of their adornment only that which is apparent, and to draw their veils over their bosoms, and not to reveal their adornment save to their own husbands or fathers [. . .] And let them not stamp their feet so as to reveal what they hide of their adornment. And turn unto Allah together, O believers, in order that ye may succeed. (24:31) According to ‘Amr Khaled, a hijāb should be loose and not show body contours, it should not be transparent, and it should cover the entire body. Moreover, it should be different from men’s clothing and not be perfumed. Men should also follow certain rules of modesty. For example, they should lower their gaze, according to the Qur’an (24:30). Lowering one’s gaze means that one is closer to God.135 Moreover, ‘Amr Khaled refers to the verse ‘Bedizen not yourselves with the bedizenment of the Time of Ignorance’ (33:33) to tell women that they are not allowed to display themselves.136 He tells men to order their wives to wear the veil since the husbands will be held accountable for their dress on Judgement Day.137 This seemingly contradicts his view on individual responsibility, as discussed above. ‘Amr Khaled asks a hypothetical woman who is not convinced that she must wear a hijāb if she is a real Muslim. She should know that the word istislām means to submit to God, he says, and if you

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say you are a Muslim, you should submit to God. He refers to the Qur’an: ‘And it becometh not a believing man or a believing woman, when Allah and His messenger have decided an affair (for them), that they should (after that) claim any say in their affair’ (33:36). He says that a second objection may be that a woman may say that what is important is faith, that is, what is in her heart. To this, he says that as a Muslim you must accept everything, referring again to the Qur’an: ‘Believe ye in part of the Scripture and disbelieve ye in part thereof?’ (2:85). A woman who does many good deeds but does not wear a veil commits many sins, he argues. In fact, he states that each time a man looks at her, she sins since she does not fulfil her duties. If somebody blames the men, saying that they should lower their gaze, a woman should still know that it is she who is the source of enticement.138 A third excuse may be that somebody suffers from hair loss because of the veil, but ‘Amr Khaled does not hesitate to urge such a woman to wear a veil. He refers to the Qur’anic verse, ‘The heat of hell is more intense of heat’ (9:81), arguing that suffering in this life will bring reward in the next. Some may say they do not want to wear the veil because many veiled women are ill-behaved, but this is completely disregarded as an excuse. Some women say they will veil themselves when they are older. ‘Amr Khaled responds with the verse saying that God will not change people until they change themselves (11:13) and that if a woman claims that God did not guide her to the straight path, she should consider the following: ‘And as for Thamud, We gave them guidance, but they preferred blindness to the guidance’ (41:17). A woman who does not wear the veil should feel as if that verse was directed at her since God provides guidance to everybody.139 Another argument that some women use, according to ‘Amr Khaled, is that they are too young, and that they will veil themselves after getting married, since they want to find a good husband. However, he argues that nobody is too young to wear the veil, and a religious man who respects veiling is the best choice. Such a man will respect her in marriage, and even if he then were to start to dislike her, he would nevertheless treat her correctly. Besides, nobody is too young for the veil, he says, since we do not know the time of our death.140 Another argument used by some women is

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that hijāb may cause them trouble with family and friends, but ‘Amr Khaled refers to a saying that Muhammad will not intercede for unveiled women. Moreover, he continues by telling families not to prevent daughters from veiling themselves and recommends that they encourage their daughters to wear the veil.141 The early jurist Malik’s relationship with his parents is mentioned as a good example. According to ‘Amr Khaled, Malik’s parents wisely only gave him hints about how to improve, without forcing or insulting him. This can be a message to everyone about how to treat people. This is also a message to Westerners not to force others to imitate the West.142 This message recurs when he states that a woman should be proud of her hijāb just as all Muslims should be proud of Islam. This is said in relation to a comment on the need to coexist with the West without losing the Islamic identity.143 Another topic is fashion, which ‘Amr Khaled criticises. Do we place the rules of fashion above the rules of God, he asks. He says that this priority may be an imitation of the West and declares that the West does not respect women’s rights while Islam does. Westerners show pictures of naked women and allow decadence. Further, the West has the highest levels of rape and homosexuality, according to ‘Amr Khaled. He asks how it is possible that women can prefer western traditions when they are filled with such things. What should women do to become good models of Islam? They should be friends with pious, veiled women, attend lessons about Islam and invoke God.144 The conclusion is that a woman must veil herself. Moreover, she must observe prayers and other Islamic practices. Veiling means that a woman is a true Muslim woman who encourages others and guides them merely by being seen by them. A great reward is granted those who wear the veil; they are the guides of the whole society. In ‘Amr Khaled’s view, they are the radiant light leading others to paradise.145

Concluding Discussion ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam affirms family values and includes an essentialist understanding of gender. Men and women

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are seen as equal, but with different rights and duties. The preservation of the family is seen as highly important for the revival of the ummah. Women are said to be particularly important for the preservation of families. ‘Amr Khaled encourages women to study and work outside the home as well as to take part in societal activities. Much attention is devoted to women as bearers of society, as wives and mothers. Women are oppressed, but that is not because of Islam, which is said to treat them in a just way. The problem, as ‘Amr Khaled sees it, is that Muslims practise Islam wrongly and have misinterpreted the sources. Otherwise, he compares an ideal Islamic image with western practice in order to establish the superiority of Islam when it comes to gender issues. He explicitly advocates ijtihād, for example where there are no explicit rules in the sharīʿah. A selective reading is promoted and a clear differentiation is made between what he regards as true Islam and false cultural praxis and interpretation. In most respects, he attempts to follow Establishment Islam, but regarding the role of women, he opposes it. The distribution of power must be taken into consideration in order to understand the processes of Islamisation today. In Egypt, these processes have made preachers aware of the importance of women in the religious sphere, and they urge women to become more religiously observant. There are also women who have been educated to become preachers and teachers, so-called murshidāt, by private institutions and Islamic voluntary associations. Women without a formal Islamic education preach as well. This involvement of women may increase the legitimacy of a certain kind of interpretation. Considering the processes of Islamisation and conflicts of interpretation, the position of women can be observed and analysed in a fruitful way. Influenced by the recent societal changes, representatives of Establishment Islam now grant women a larger amount of freedom. Thus, a growing number of women can be said to constitute a part of Establishment Islam. Al-Azhar has founded a college that educates women to become teachers and preachers, murshidāt, under the auspices Establishment Islam. Topics are often related to ‘women’s issues’.146 The first Egyptian murshidāt received their diplomas in December 2006. Apparently, members of

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the religious establishment aim to incorporate women who might otherwise turn to the opposition, such as Islamist or post-Islamist groups. Hence, women are brought into the framework of Establishment Islam and are given more freedom than previously, although it is still limited.147 In this way, it is apparent that Islamisation in Egypt challenges the religious establishment. Many active women speak from an elite perspective. However, there are also women who work within the boundaries of Establishment Islam but nevertheless question established views.148 In her writings, Saba Mahmood shows how many women teach other women in mosques, and use ahadīth and verses from the Qur’an to interpret their current situation.149 She shows that the principle of taqlīd is frequently employed. This enables women to choose a minority opinion in debated cases.150 This can be seen as a temporal strategy to negotiate and come to terms with the new situation women face today in the religious sphere. The new situation regarding the position of women may also be a reason why ‘Amr Khaled focuses so much on gender issues. Embodying Morality As is the case in ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam, women are often the focus of wider discussions regarding cultural authenticity. To understand why Egyptian women are attracted to ‘Amr Khaled’s teaching, it is important to consider the context. From my point of view, women are affected by demands of the local Muslim culture, for example, as regards expectations of female behaviour. New impulses and impressions are often seen as westernised by many Muslims. The role and position of women in society, especially regarding power and authority, is, in my view, in itself interesting and important to analyse. An analysis of the place of women and their activities would need to be related to issues regarding power and authority in the religious, private and public spaces. If, for example, a conservative gender interpretation is accepted, subordination will not be questioned or understood in that way, but rather seen as a natural order. Many women may, from this perspective, be

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seen as giving their support to and reproducing subordination. A question that we can ask is if the increasing freedom granted women today will lead to the preservation of traditional gender roles or if it can lead to a liberalisation and to expanded possibilities for women in different positions of power and leadership. The unequal relationships, where the subordinated do not protest, can be explained through the possibility of the dominating class to form faith and behaviour and make it something natural and accepted. An issue brought to the fore by Mahmood is that the women she has studied uphold a discursive tradition that implies subordination not only to God but often also to male authority.151 The question is how to understand why women choose an approach where they internalise patriarchal norms through socialisation when other, emancipatory possibilities are available. Influenced by post-colonial theories, Mahmood sees women as agents and not as passive and submissive instruments. She analyses underlying conceptions of self, moral agency and politics in order to understand what historical projects have caused the women’s subordination to male authority.152 She does not attempt to answer why a system of gender inequality remains but rather to analyse and discuss how some women reason in order to convince themselves of the correctness of such a system and what consequences this has.153 Thus, Mahmood focuses on the women as conscious agents. As Bautista writes: ‘In other words, the anthropological understanding of the body’s agency should focus on the techniques of the body as goal-oriented, reasoned, and calculative decision making.’154 In the process of Islamisation, women are the most visible actors due to, for example, their dress codes. During the 1980s and 1990s, a visible part of Islamisation was, for example, the growing number of mosques where women increasingly took part in prayers and lessons.155 This increased participation was not necessarily politically motivated. The involvement of women constitutes a large part of Islamisation, but it is not always organised. Thus, processes of Islamisation affect women, but women also affect these processes.156 In the changing religious landscape, we see various familiar symbols that have gained new, or at least additional, meaning within the

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context of Islamisation. The veil is the most typical example of political symbols from the 1970s when it became the prime symbolic rejection of westernisation and secular politics. Today, it is also possible to see it as a symbol of consumerism. Walking in a Cairo street, one quickly notices the growing number of fashionable stores displaying colourful and stylish veils (hijāb) designed in Paris in the latest colours and styles of the catwalk. The veil is a garment. Like any garment, it can be subject to rules of fashion. This aspect may attract negative attention from both Islamists and representatives of Establishment Islam. However, it seems that lay preachers such as ‘Amr Khaled have found a way to combine consumerist culture with Islamic symbols. Within this Islamised context it is possible for people to find an opportunity to be both ‘good’ and ‘trendy’ Muslims. Some people’s strategies can be interpreted as ways to unite a consumerist culture with Islam, and in a sense to develop a new lifestyle. The veil is a clear example of a changing religious symbol. In a sense it exemplifies a hybridisation of various cultural influences. The veil is a religious symbol that changes in the encounter with consumerist culture, and it is related to an overarching language of Islamisation: ‘The meaning of a sign resides not intrinsically in that sign itself, but in its relationship to other signs.’157 Many women wear a hijāb, though often with a designer logo and in colourful material. Mona Abaza mentions that 50 years ago it was easier to identify class belonging by clothing. Today, this is difficult. She assumes that many young women who wear a hijāb today have a feeling of superiority as compared to the culture of their parents.158 Moreover, she argues that it can be ‘a statement of being urban and educated’.159 It is apparent that new strategies are used to deal with the issue of gender separation. Such separation is not ignored, but the ways in which it is implemented, in words and in actual physical space, are changing. The separation is not upheld physically. It is partly manifested in clothing, such as the veil, but also in terms of what is discussed and how it is discussed. Women can enter a new space, which suits their lifestyle choices, and they can claim their right to do this and still uphold moral legitimacy.

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It may be rewarding to see these expressions of piety as ‘embodied’, following the ethical dimensions that underline them. The body is not only important to those advocating piety, but also to secularists and others who do not appreciate the role that the body is given. The use of the body, or the felt need to cover it, may be seen as a resistance to secularisation and an expression of support for Islamisation. The veil for women, as well as the beard and prayer mark on the forehead of men, which have become fashionable in Egypt and elsewhere, are typical examples of how the body is in focus. Mahmood focuses upon women in mosques who are not economically affluent and lack higher education. However, most expressions of piety have this political agency in the sense of having political results – no matter their ‘true’ intentions. Ethical and political agency must be regarded as related. Moreover, following Mahmood, agency is an aspect that needs to be taken into account when analysing Islamisation instead of merely seeing its activities as resistance or passivity. People in the Islamisation movement are active and creative,160 for example by not submissively accepting patriarchy but rather negotiating and developing strategies to increase the sphere of autonomy and power.161 This may apply to women in a patriarchal environment. However, it can also apply to others who contribute to the process of Islamisation and who find themselves in the context of a controlling state and several competing interpretations of Islam. Farzaneh Milani argues that a society that veils women is a veiled society. Men are also restricted by codes of masculinity.162 Fataneh Farahani discusses the notions of women’s chastity and virtue, thus widening the scope beyond mere clothing. Not only proper dress is required, but also people’s behaviour is targeted. A woman who does not wear a veil needs to prove her dignity in other ways, through her behaviour, in order not to transgress the social norms. Non-Muslims or unveiled women must relate to veiling and other codes of virtue. Even though the veil is absent, it can still be ‘present’.163 This reasoning may, for instance, apply to the women in the coffee shops, mentioned in the introduction to this chapter. Mahmood shows how many researchers do not take piety into account or disregard the fact that informants speak about piety as a

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reason for veiling themselves. She wants to highlight the significance of piety, although she is not trying to restrict us to using ‘folk categories’ in our analyses. Mahmood does not want to justify a discourse, argue either for essentialism or cultural relativism, but rather wishes to acknowledge and explain ‘the force that a discourse commands’.164 She argues that bodily practices are often discussed superficially by analysts: Even in those instances where bodily practices (like veiling and praying) are considered within political analyses, they are understood as symbols deployed by social movements toward political ends, serving at most as vehicles for the expression of group interests or political differences.165 In the changing religious landscape, we see various familiar symbols that have gained new, or at least additional, meaning. As mentioned, the veil is the most typical example of a political symbol from the 1970s, when it became the prime symbolical rejection of westernisation and secular politics. Today, it is also possible to consider it as a symbol of consumerism. Several studies on veiling have been done. By 2000, 80 per cent of Egyptian women were veiled,166 and there seems to be no sign that it is decreasing. The veil is no longer seen as a sign of being baladī, that is from the countryside, or backward.167 The veil is an evident example of a changing religious symbol. In a sense it exemplifies a hybridisation of various cultural influences. The religious symbol of the veil changes in the encounter with consumerist culture. Islamisation does not entail a total rejection of activities many regard as westernised. Many contemporary interpretations can be analysed as Islamic versions of modernity or even as Islamised forms of economic liberalism: Large sections of the masses, including the most educated, began to rediscover a new meaning of religiosity and reaffirm the notion that traditional ways of behaviour would provide a sense of identity and belonging to a modernization program that had run amok. The bourgeoisie in most Arab countries felt

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betrayed and a good number began to discover the ways of Islam. The mass response to defeat, which even the state tried to exploit, became manifest not just in the increase in public attendance of prayers or the increased number of pilgrims to Saudi Arabia every year, but also in the increase of interest in Islamic literature.168 The ‘sacred’ is important. It is gaining new ground. Well-known singers and artists have adopted the veil and begun to express religiosity in new forms. Individualism, as shown, for example, in art and cinema is influential: ‘It is the dawn of a new era.’169 ‘Repentant artists’ (fannanāt tā’ibāt) is an often used term, and there is a great deal of focus on them in the media.170 ‘Amr Khaled utilises such artists in his own shows to promote veiling. One book, purchased from a street vendor in Cairo, is tellingly entitled Repentant Artists in ‘Amr Khaled’s Gatherings.171 The way ‘Amr Khaled urges the viewers to wear hijāb and perform the daily prayers is effective and arouses emotions. As Mahmood shows, her informants use prayer as a disciplining device, which makes it an embodied practice shaping the self. In this way, ‘traditional’ obligations and rites can be seen not only as external constraints and rules, but also as ways or strategies to shape or realise the self through embodied practice. Mahmood conceives of the body as a tool to reach a moral attitude.172 Style can be understood in various ways. It can be something that creates and upholds an identity. Style can also be used by people in a disciplining manner. Among other things, the veil can be regarded as a fashion garment, which it very well can be.173 However, it is important to see the symbolic aspect of the veil as well. It has a normative and symbolic dimension, even if it is of glossy material or has a designer label: At a symbolic level, women wearing the veil highlight the specific ethos of the community in which they live and function: these are pious people who disapprove of public displays of sexuality, particularly when connected with women. Muslim

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women’s public prominence is not only symbolic, it is actual. The more Muslim women are policed, the more visible they become.174 Wearing the veil says something about morality to those who see it and to the woman wearing it. This applies regardless of the reasons she may actually have for veiling herself. miriam cooke discusses the contradictory aspects of veiling as being both possibly liberating and imprisoning: The veil in this late twentieth century context is riddled with contradictions. It marks the piety of the individual and of the society by reinforcing women’s traditional role as cultural custodians, at the same time that it facilitates educational and professional activities. The veil imprisons and liberates. But – and most importantly for the purposes of my argument – the veil is an item of clothing that each woman daily chooses, or is forced to choose, in awareness of the symbolic baggage it carries. As she looks at herself in the mirror in the morning to hide her hair and adjust the cloth, this Muslim woman daily reaffirms the fact that her body marks her out morally and sexually – in other words, as a religious and as a female person. Daily, this veiled woman has a multiple consciousness of herself, as she sees herself, as her community sees her, and as outsider men and women see her.175 Veiling is a matter of style and dress that needs to be understood in its particular context. Concerning the hijāb, we all know that it has been and is a hot issue in Europe. That is because of its visibility in the public sphere. But however subdued, the language of the body is never silenced.176 The debates about the veil reflect the situation in various countries. A veiled woman in many parts of Europe can be seen as an ‘other’. It is a transgression of ideas in the majority culture about the proper place for religious expressions and behaviour and what femininity ideally should be. Veiling is in this way seen as an embodied performance and as embodying morality.

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CHAPTER 7 SUMMARY AND FINAL REMARKS

Preaching, as a medium of reaching the masses, is rarely bereft of ideology. There is so much talk about not just heaven and hell but women, poverty, morality, the West, and so on.1 The above quotation sums up much of the contents of this book. ‘Amr Khaled’s teachings are filled with ideological claims regarding gender, authenticity and the West as well as how society should be built up. ‘Amr Khaled’s core framing tasks aim to transform people to become proactive. These tasks are supported by his interpretation of Islam: 1) he has diagnosed the condition that needs to be remedied, namely that the Muslim ummah is suffering largely due to the misbehaviour of Muslims; 2) he offers a solution to the condition, which is to make individuals responsible and active with a social conscience based on true Islam, thus avoiding imitation of the West; and 3) he motivates the viewers and provides them with a rationale to improve themselves, and as a consequence the ummah. As discussed above, Quintan Wiktorowicz holds that contemporary Islamic struggles are mainly conducted through social and cultural discourses rather than the state. Prevalent cultural codes are challenged and new networks and feelings of belonging and meaning are created. ‘Amr Khaled is as much an Islamic activist entrepreneur

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as a preacher, even though he may appear to be politically ‘harmless’. His production shows that his interpretation of Islam is anything but apolitical and passive. It is instead a challenge to the state, to Establishment Islam as well as to Islamist and other versions of Islam, such as Salafi-oriented ones, as well as more liberal and secularised interpretations. ‘Amr Khaled clearly uses a subaltern strategy to claim more space in civil society, and that strategy limits the discourses of the state, which has to respond to the new situation with an Islamic idiom. Post-Islamists in general put pressure on the state since they influence values and behaviours in society.

The Individual and the Ummah There are some dominant discursive fields in ‘Amr Khaled’s production, which have been elaborated on in the three empirical chapters (Chapters 4, 5 and 6) above. One discourse, the individual and the ummah, concerns the Islamisation of everyday life. In ‘Amr Khaled’s view, every act is regarded as an Islamic act. Everything can, and should, be related to Islam and, as such, his interpretation contributes to a sacralisation of everyday life and manners. Piety is not only shown in the performance of prayers and other rituals but also in attitudes and manners related to, for instance, society and nature. Picking up rubbish in the street is regarded just as much a pious act as performing the daily prayers. In this way, ‘Amr Khaled can infuse each aspect of life with Islam and make people think of themselves as good Muslims. Thus, a good Muslim is not necessarily only a person who regularly goes to the mosque to pray. A good Muslim can just as well be someone who parks his or her car in the allotted space, someone who supports non-smoking campaigns, someone who donates clothes to the poor or gives money or time to improve society or strengthen family relations. ‘Amr Khaled has described Islam as an easy-going religion and Islamic law as flexible and dynamic, advocating the juridical principle of the right to have differing opinions as well as the principle of commanding good and forbidding evil. However, he does not explicitly discuss how Islamic law should be implemented in society and on what levels.

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Anyone can work for Islam with the means at their disposal, and in that way each person can be seen as a dāʿiya. A call to the individual to be proactive, and thus strengthen the collective, the society and the ummah, is a recurrent theme. ‘Amr Khaled supports the individual and encourages people to work, behave well and pray in order to improve society and strengthen the ummah. ‘Amr Khaled aims to bring hope, not fear, to the Muslims. His message is one of both faith and fun. Personal responsibility is encouraged, and he shows the audience that even the smallest thing counts. The main aim is to unite the Muslim ummah. In line with his core framing tasks, ‘Amr Khaled defines the problems and what needs to be done. His purpose is to change the manners of Muslims in everyday life in order to reform society at a grassroots level. ‘Amr Khaled directs his message to more affluent people but he wishes to encourage everyone to strive towards a better position in life, for example through education and work. Hence, also poorer and uneducated people can take part in his revival. As presented above, even simple tasks are included in his method, such as not letting wet laundry drip onto the balcony below. People who are well off are asked to help poor people and cultivate a social conscience. This appeal is a part of his Islamic method to reform the entire ummah. Islam is defined as natural, easy and universal. It is said to support science. Even though ‘Amr Khaled speaks about predestination, he affirms that human beings have free will. His views conform mainly to ‘Asharite theology and, as we have seen, he admires Ahmad ibn Hanbal and other early conservative jurists. Islam is a religion of peace, in his view, and terrorism is rejected. Regarding jurisprudence, ‘Amr Khaled advocates the right to have different opinions, fiqh al-ikhtilāf. He supports the juridical principle of promoting good and warding off evil as well as the principle of supporting the general welfare of society. A local and contextualised jurisprudence is based on some basic principles such as the five intentions to preserve religion, honour, property, the human soul and the mind. Islamic law is flexible and can be adapted to local

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settings, in ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation, which tallies with his view of Islam as a universal religion. Islam is presented as an ideal system, and little or nothing is said about praxis or the actual problems of implementation. Role models from early history as well as verses from the Qur’an are used to support his method and ideas. He always mentions both women and men. Media, internet and mobile phones are examples of new technologies that can be used as part of his Islamic method. He urges viewers to learn both languages and technical tools. Segregation based on ethnicity or religion is considered to be wrong. Thus, he rejects racism and urges the Muslims not to generalise about others and not to pass judgement – that is God’s work. ‘Amr Khaled blames the Muslims for the present state of the ummah. Their misbehaviour has caused the current problems.

The Other and Authenticity The second major discursive field is the Other and authenticity. Good manners and an organised lifestyle are depicted as authentically Islamic. There is also a critical, but creative, view of the Other, which is related to authenticity. The Other is mainly called ‘the West’ or ‘Westerners’ without further explanation. There is a fear that Muslims will become ‘westernised’ instead of being proud of Islam and developing in an authentic manner, that is following Islam. Even though a great deal can be learnt from the West, that does not mean imitation, in ‘Amr Khaled’s understanding. Several things that many may regard as ‘western’ are shown to be Islamic. Therefore, Muslims do not have to imitate the West, but can behave according to what ‘Amr Khaled regards to be authentically Islamic. Muslims should be proud of their religion, and ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation presents an image of Islam as modern or up to date. Some people may think that he is westernised or seeks to change Islam, but in ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation this is not the case. Rather, he represents continuity and true Islam. To speak about modern and authentic Islam is not a contradiction in terms, in his view. Muslims should be open to the world and to new ideas, but

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not imitate, and they should always be proud of their Muslim identity. In his view, Islamic law is universal and he argues in a ‘Euroislamic’ manner that Muslims in the diaspora must integrate into society. He also rejects those who advocate segregation between Muslims and non-Muslims as well as those who call for a violent interpretation of Islam in general. The West is accused of stealing raw materials from Muslims, and ‘Amr Khaled calls for justice in global production. However, he holds the Muslims responsible for westernisation and colonialism. Thus, they should blame themselves for their current problems. Sometimes, the West is described in a positive light. However, what is positive in the West is seen as already Islamic, which means that Muslims do not imitate the West. Rather, they return to their authentic model. Moreover, knowledge is presented as an Islamic virtue. In order to change society, Muslims are encouraged to change themselves first. We have to learn from differences and complement each other in order to reach a well-mannered dialogue. A view of the Muslim ummah as destined to prevail appears as well. Civilisations build on each other, such as how the West built on the Muslim Andalusia. ‘Amr Khaled rejects isolation. Muslims ought to integrate and tolerate others. He uses role models such as al-Shafiʿi and Muhammad as well as the Qur’an to promote his views. Coexistence is even seen as having been invented by Islam.

Gender Issues The third main discursive field is that of gender, where there is a clear affirmation of family values and an essentialist understanding of men and women. True, women are empowered by ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation, but they nevertheless seem to retain a position regarding rights and duties similar to that advocated by representatives of Establishment Islam. Men and women are seen as equal, but with different rights and duties. ‘Amr Khaled acknowledges that there are several areas where women are oppressed, but believes this cannot be blamed on Islam, because Islam treats women justly. However, Muslims practise Islam in the wrong way and interpret the

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sources falsely. In comparison to the West, he argues, Muslim women are treated more equally, that is when it comes to ideal Islam. An explicit demand to reinterpret the sources is made, and ‘Amr Khaled, thereby, advocates ijtihād. Where the Islamic law is silent, Muslims are obliged to interpret, in line with the method of ‘the silent sharīʿah approach’, as defined by Charles Kurzman (1998). In other instances, they should follow the codified laws or draw conclusions from existing texts. However, this is sometimes resolved in that ‘Amr Khaled holds that sources have been misinterpreted and that this must be remedied. Even though he attempts to follow Establishment Islam, he does explicitly oppose it with regard to the role of women. The way to argue that a misinterpretation has occurred is to claim that narratives are false and therefore it is possible to dismiss them. Times have changed and there are different localities where Islam is practised. ‘Amr Khaled’s awareness of this circumstance is clearest in the case of gender issues, and the consequences in terms of his reinterpretations are quite controversial in comparison to the views of representatives of Establishment Islam. Women are said to be particularly important for the preservation of families and so to reviving the ummah. Hence, women have a crucial part to play in ‘Amr Khaled’s mission. Much attention is devoted to the topic of women as the ‘bearers’ of society, as wives and mothers. ‘Amr Khaled wishes to preserve an essentialist understanding and division of roles. The support of such a division is connected to his interest in affirming family values as the foundation of the Islamic ummah. However, it should also be noted that he devotes much time to discussing the importance of the father in the family. A father should not only support the family economically. He should also be present, talk to his wife and play with his children, and thus take an active part in their upbringing together with the mother. Wearing a hijāb is seen as a duty and as a way to spread Islam to others. Certain actions, such as praying and wearing the veil, are not simply or necessarily a way of obeying or refusing an authority or discourse. We also need to consider the significance of an active and creative agency. As in Europe and other parts of the world, we need

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to see veiling in Egypt as an embodied comment on the secularised public space, as well as on what is regarded as correct Islamic behaviour and morality. ‘Amr Khaled is probably aware of this, which is a reason why he develops his style of preaching and lecturing in the way he does, and why he uses new media and technique. This is also the reason why he encourages active commitment to Islam, which is shown in the choice of topics such as praying, charity, veiling, giving up smoking and so on. Muslims must actively and individually take responsibility and act. Only listening or thinking is not enough. This perspective may help to explain why ‘Amr Khaled, and other new preachers, choose certain topics, rhetorical styles and designer suits that may attract the (consuming) viewers to whom they direct their message.

The Popularity of ‘Amr Khaled Many new preachers, such as ‘Amr Khaled, are charismatic and speak colloquial Arabic. They also often come from well-off families and have had a secularised upbringing. Many are clean-shaven and dress in a suit. These preachers know the language of the mosques. Moreover, they know the languages and social codes of the salons of affluent families, where many lectures are held. Further, they know the significance of copyright and communication technology. The popularity of ‘Amr Khaled may be a by-product of the system of education in Egypt, which to a large extent consists of memorisation and authoritarian mentors. In the light of this system, ‘Amr Khaled may appear like a democrat, according to Asef Bayat, who criticises youth for taking short cuts in education, or being docile learners. In such a setting, Bayat thinks that ‘Amr Khaled can appear to be a ‘superior source of wisdom’ and that young people admire him because he is easy to understand.2 Olivier Roy discusses possible reasons why liberal and reformist thinkers are so seldom read among Muslims. He concludes that their challenge to traditional scholarship and academic background do not appeal to huge crowds. Revivalists – Roy would probably put ‘Amr Khaled in this category – are more interested in feelings than

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intellectualism. Considering the intellectualist image of the more liberal thinkers, Roy concludes: They therefore do not appeal to born-again Muslims, who prefer gurus or teachers, consider that too much intellectualism spoils the faith, and seek a ready-made and easily accessible set of norms and values that might order their daily lives and define a practical and visible identity. Liberal thinkers do not meet the demands of the religious market. There is among all religious revivalist movements of the late twentieth century a widespread anti-intellectualism that favors a more emotional religiosity, linked with individualism and with the crisis of intellectual authority.3

Islamisation The concept of Islamisation has been used in various ways. For example, it can concern clothing, food, economic transactions and social relations. Islamisation can also relate to processes through which an Islamic attitude or character is promoted and encouraged in the individual, as seen in ‘Amr Khaled’s Islamic interpretation. It can be understood as a return to Islamic sources and a rejection of all that is not regarded as Islamic. It can be an Islamisation of things and ideas that were not previously regarded as Islamic by the individual or group in question. These are processes that influence the development of a new collective identity that is coloured by Islam. Islamisation can be seen as a general tendency in society to use or adopt a more Islamic language, Islamic dress and Islamic character and lifestyle. However, personal piety was not, and is not, always connected to political Islam: ‘There is a large-scale process of revival not necessarily political, but which revolves around the formation of a new collective identity that follows the broad guidelines of Islamic principles.’4 This process involves the masses and is a phenomenon that differs from Islamist interpretations:

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At the outset, one must draw a line between the response of the organized Islamic movement or movements and that of the masses. There is a difference between what has been termed ‘political Islam’ and the Islamic religious phenomenon. The latter is a much larger notion and practice than the former. It denotes a living Islamic tradition that has survived against all odds in the modern world.5 I do not mean that the Islamic interpretation of ‘Amr Khaled is contiguous with any specific tradition that has survived or been revived. This is a new and invented phenomenon which as part of its method, consciously or unconsciously, uses the idea of a continuous tradition as a tool for legitimacy. ‘Amr Khaled is in the midst of a changing Islamic landscape and is taking part in the struggle for sacred authority in a renewed form and style that is attractive to millions of people globally, not least women and youth. The situation has caused an increasing Islamisation of Egypt. Hence, post-Islamism grows, and the various actors need to adopt an Islamic language in order to be considered authentic. With skilful entrepreneurs such as ‘Amr Khaled, the process of Islamisation is likely to increase even more. One example of novelty is his language, which is filled with expressions such as ‘organisation’ and ‘brainstorming’, making his method of preaching and teaching comparable to contemporary educational and organisational methods. Moreover, he constantly refers to ‘psychologists’, thus making his interpretation appear scientific or influenced by modern scholars. If we take the context at large into account and consider what the viewers are occupied with in their everyday lives, we can understand why certain styles of fashion and activities develop, and why specific topics and rhetorical styles and strategies are chosen by those preachers who become very popular, particularly among the youth and women. This perspective does not necessarily imply that people like ‘Amr Khaled are seen as manipulative, or that their followers are not honestly religious, or that they have been ‘tricked’ into following the Islam presented by ‘Amr Khaled.6 Like Bruce Lincoln, I hold

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that ‘since the beliefs themselves remain inaccessible, one can never be certain about the relation between beliefs and expressions (although one can often make educated guesses)’.7 This is also reflected upon by Balagangadhara, who writes about the otherness of cultures, attempting to show that the way cultures experience others does not necessarily follow the same pattern everywhere. Balagangadhara states that he ‘could have no access to the experience of the other. (If I had, it would be my experience and not the experience which belongs only to the other. The other is what he is, in my account, because of the otherness of his experience).’8 It is in this manner that ‘we are all stuck somewhere’.9 It is fruitful to see the popularity of people such as ‘Amr Khaled not only as a result of cultural clashes or identity crises among many people. Those who are attracted by his message should also be seen as active and creative agents who influence their own environments and respond to the circumstances. Islamisation and new expressions of piety are not only reactions to the ‘Western’ world or a rejection of ‘traditional’ Islams. Such reactions and rejections are part of the explanation, but the full explanation needs to be wider than that.

Sacralisation of Everyday Life ‘Amr Khaled promotes the use of new techniques and a comfortable lifestyle. Being well off is regarded as positive, but also as entailing a social responsibility. Earlier comments on ‘Amr Khaled have focused especially on his appeal as a preacher to people who are well off. However, as shown in this study, he directs himself to all layers of society. Some episodes explicitly address poor and oppressed people, showing how they too can take part in the revival with the means at their disposal, for example through good manners. Patience and trust in God are recommended for those who experience hardship. They need to trust that something good will be the outcome of their present problems. The rich and well educated can also legitimise their social and economic status with reference to Islam, but ‘Amr Khaled makes it clear that it is an individual duty to help the poor and oppressed in order to improve the ummah at large. Thus, a

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social conscience is a necessary part of what he regards as a proactive life inspired by Islam. ‘Amr Khaled’s emphasis on the need for charity and his critique of poverty and social malaise probably made him uncomfortable in Mubarak’s Egypt, which may explain why he at times saw the need to leave the country. He speaks about the importance of development in the fields of education, agriculture and purchasing local products, for example. His activation programmes focus on social issues, such as gathering clothes for the poor and teaching others computer skills. This makes him an activist, even though at first sight he does not appear as such. Implicit in his message is a critique of the government’s inability to even out social and economic injustices as well as of the West’s exploitation of Muslim resources. ‘Amr Khaled is a good example that life can be infused and informed by an Islam that is attractive to youth, women and people who are well-to-do. There is no shame associated with being rich and successful. His tone is softer than that of many other preachers, such as more traditional ‘ulamā’ and other preachers, like the late Shaykh Shaʿrawi or Yusuf al-Qaradawi. ‘Amr Khaled’s interpretation of Islam is less legalistic than that of many others, and he often stresses the significance of feelings and logical thinking. That emphasis can be seen as an implicit criticism of more rule-oriented interpretations of Islam. ‘Amr Khaled’s discussion of early Islamic leaders, such as the jurist Malik, showing their human characteristics of both good manners and flaws, seems to be pedagogically effective. It is perhaps easier to discuss other early leaders than Muhammad who is regarded as more ‘sacrosanct’. When references are made to Muhammad it is usually his good moral qualities, democratic tendencies and organisational skills that are in focus. In this way, ‘Amr Khaled can discuss what he regards to be good manners and ideals without appearing as authoritative or rigid. The viewers are told that the manners of the role models from the past, especially Muhammad, are the manners that ‘Amr Khaled sees as truly Islamic. If Muslims would follow the good examples of those early Muslims, society would develop in a better way than it is now doing. By referring to the early Islamic figures, he may also appear as a supporter of taqlīd and the inter-

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pretations of al-Azhar. Any criticism that he receives can, thus, be answered by saying that he is merely a dāʿiya, struggling to call people to Islam, and that he makes no explicit claims to be an authoritative voice or to challenge official Islam. The strategies and discourses of preachers like ‘Amr Khaled all contribute to a sacralisation of everyday life and, by extension, the Islamisation of society. The Mubarak state was forced to meet the challenges of the various interpretations of Islam in society. It had to support a state-sponsored Islam in order to be perceived as authentic. Establishment Islam had to respond to the challenge of the new preachers and become more accessible as well. New challenges to Establishment Islam have also come from representatives of other interpretations, such as Salafi-oriented forms of Islam, whose influence has grown as well. Today no key players in Egyptian politics can ignore Islam. This strengthens the Islamisation of the public space, and thus increases the influence of some religious leaders. However, following the uprisings in 2011, we may see the development of a quite different religious landscape in Egypt. Various Islamic leaders will have to react to the new democratisation and it remains to be seen what – if any – political space ‘Amr Khaled will manage to acquire in this new Egypt.

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GLOSSARY

daʿwah dāʿiya fatwa (pl. fatāwa) fiqh hadīth (pl. ahadīth)

hajj hayā’ hijāb ‘ibadāt imān ijtihād jihād khutbah khatīb khushū’

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call to Islam, mission someone who calls others to Islam, or conducts missionary activity a juridical term meaning religious counselling on a specific question, performed by a religious functionary, a so-called mufti Islamic jurisprudence a narrative from Muhammad’s life, collected in a large corpus, the Sunnah (i.e. the tradition of Muhammad) the obligatory pilgrimage to Mecca modesty, shyness female headscarf ritual praxis designating how people should worship God, for example the daily prayers faith, belief a juridical principle for methods of individual reasoning striving, i.e. striving to follow the path of God; war (of defence) preaching during Friday prayer preacher performing the Friday prayer humility

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muʿamalāt

mufti niyyah sabr sharīʿah sīrah Sunnah taqlīd

taqwa thawāb turāth ‘ulamā’ ummah usūlīya

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rules in the Islamic law regarding relations between people in society, for example, concerning inheritance and marriage see fatwa intention patience Islamic law the biography of Muhammad the tradition of Muhammad, see hadīth juridical principle designating acceptance of imitation of the Islamic schools of law and a general rejection of ijtihād piety, fear of God reward heritage religiously learned the worldwide Islamic community fundamentalism

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NOTES

Chapter 1 Introduction 1. Abu-Rabiʿ 2004: 18. 2. The correct transcription would be Khalid, but I follow the Egyptian dialect here. 3. Nomani 2007. 4. Esposito and Kalin 2009. 5. WHO: World No Tobacco Day 2004. 6. Bayat shows how the nouveau riche of the 1980s and 1990s were uninterested in volunteer work, but this changed when elite women became actively pious and began taking seriously the religious obligation of helping others. Bayat 2007: 161. 7. Kooi-Chin Tong and Turner 2008: 43. See also Mahmood 2005. 8. Bayat 2007: 158ff. 9. Ibid.: 160. 10. This was published on the opening page of amrkhaled.net in March 2011, asking: ‘What is your opinion on ‘Amr Khaled entering political work?’ 11. The interview is made by Ethar el-Katatney who met ‘Amr Khaled in Cairo on 23 February 2011. 12. Binder 1988: 12f. See also Wiktorowicz 2003. 13. The concept ‘modernity’ includes technical and scientific aspects which are usually not rejected but are in many instances utilised even by groups and individuals hostile to modernism. ‘Modernism’ is a concept that includes cultural and ideological values. These stem from the Enlightenment and a secular worldview based on reason, in which religion is refuted to a large extent or at least confined to the private sphere. However, it is certainly not easy to separate the concepts, and one could ask whether it is possible to adopt aspects of modernity without aspects of modernism.

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notes to pages 4–8

14. I use concepts such as ‘the West’, ‘the Western world’ or ‘the Muslim world’. Strictly speaking, there are no such worlds between which one can draw concrete lines of geographical or intellectual separation. The concept of a ‘Muslim world’ is defined as the space where Muslims exist physically and where they act, physically and intellectually. What can be called, for example, ‘Muslim culture’, includes several interpretations and practices. For example, cyber space is a part of it. ‘The Muslim world’ includes all Muslims, wherever they are and whatever they think about Islam. 15. Secularisation could also be defined according to the number of members a religious institution has. Another definition could concern a decrease of individual religiosity, which, however, is difficult or impossible to measure. 16. The Egyptian constitution, chapter 1, ‘The State’, §2. 17. Herbert 2003: 55. 18. Asad 1999: 179. Moreover, Peter Beyer’s account of functional systems is also questioned through this, since his theoretical idea mainly works in a setting whereby the majority accept that religion is privatised. Beyer 1994. 19. Meyer and Moors 2005: 5. 20. A term used in Eickelman and Piscatori 1996. 21. Robertson 1997 (1995). 22. An illustrative example is found in Nelson and Rouse 2000. 23. Al-Azhar is a high-ranking Sunni Islamic university in Cairo which is regarded as the bastion of normative Establishment Islam. It is often associated with Islamic ‘orthodoxy’, but its authority is not uncontested. See for example Arigita 2004; Najjar 2001. During the popular uprising in 2011, representatives of the university did not participate to any larger extent. A noticeable difference was seen between their website, which did not mention at all what was going on, and the Muslim Brotherhood’s sites, which gave updates by the minute. Following the resignation of Mubarak, however, reforms were discussed by scholars at al-Azhar and most likely we will see several changes in the near future. 24. The term da‘wah will be discussed in Chapter 3. Da‘wah means ‘call to Islam’ or ‘mission’. 25. Burr 2003: 65f. 26. Hall 1997: 183. 27. cooke 2002: 150. 28. Ibid.: 157. 29. See further Burr 2003: 2ff. A foundational social constructionist approach implies a critical stance towards taken-for-granted knowledge. An inherent critique of positivism and empiricism is then unavoidable, which leads to a perspective in which all categories are regarded as arbitrary and constructed as well as historically and culturally specific. Moreover, knowledge and truth are then seen as constructed and sustained in social interaction and processes, and, thus, as calling for contextualised analyses. 30. See also Gerholm 1997: 130–6.

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notes to pages 9–17 31. 32. 33. 34.

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Burr 2003: 67ff. Ibid.: 85. Ibid.: 87. ‘Constructions arise not from people attempting to communicate supposed internal states but from their attempts to bring off a representation of themselves or the world that has a liberating, legitimating or otherwise positive effect for them. This would include the tendency for those in positions of power to legitimate and endorse constructions or discourses, which maintain and justify that position.’ Burr 2003: 137.

Chapter 2 Post-Islamist Egypt 1. See for example Abu-Lughod 1998 and 2005; Starrett 1995, 1998; Hirschkind 2001; Mahmood 2001a, 2001b and 2005. 2. Hirschkind 2006: 6. Hirschkind studies the practice of mainly listening to Islamist recorded sermons. He also explores the forms of public life that listening to recorded sermons serves to uphold. Hirschkind 2006: 8. 3. Mahmood 2005: 2, fn. 1. 4. Eickelman and Anderson 1999: 12. 5. Establishment Islam has been engaged in a project of republishing a series of books by intellectuals and scholars who refute Islamist groups and support the government’s view of Islam. The books are published by the General Egyptian Institute for Books with the general title Confrontation (al-muwājahah). In this series, older writers such as al-Afghani, ‘Abduh, Taha Hussain and others are found. See Waardenburg (2002: 205ff.) for a discussion of increasing publications on Islam concerned with social issues. 6. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 13. 7. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 8. 8. See also Hirschkind 2004: 137ff. and 2006: 62. 9. Ayubi 1991: 225. 10. Mahmood 2005: 4, 75ff.; Hirschkind 2004: 138. As a sign of Islamisation, it is interesting to note that at the beginning of the 1990s, 40,000 mosques were private, which was more than a 100 per cent increase since the mid-1970s. Government-controlled mosques had grown by merely 40 per cent. Moreover, Islamic associations grew to more than 4,000 between 1975 and the end of the 1980s. Bayat 2007: 33. 11. Mohamed 2005. 12. Van Doorn-Harder 2006: 221ff. 13. Hirschkind 2004: 138. 14. Ibid.: 138. 15. In this way, religion is not excluded from politics, and religious sensibilities are regulated, which is part of the modernist project and may be seen as part of a secular-liberal policy, in Mahmood’s view. Mahmood 2005: 78. See also Hirschkind 2004.

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notes to pages 17–21

16. See Gellner 2001: 72. See also Kepel (1994a) who discusses re-Islamisation from below in order to rebuild a strong identity in an alienating world. 17. Discussions of ‘Muslim’ problems such as Bosnia and Palestine also affect Muslim identity trans-nationally. Eickelman and Piscatori 1996: 138ff.; Waardenburg 2002: 303ff., 329f. See also Olsson 2009. 18. See the discussion by Giddens 1999. 19. Roy 1996; see also Roy 2004: 77. In Roy 2004, chapter 6, the essentials of neofundamentalism are presented. 20. Roy 2004: 3. 21. Another problem with Roy’s position is that he rather uncritically separates religion from religiosity and does not reflect upon the problems this involves. His view on religion is determined by a Christian outlook with its focus on institutions and faith. He seems to have an essentialist view of religion and speaks, for example, about ‘religion itself’ and ‘genuine religious practice’. Roy 2004: 29, 124. In the context he analyses, religiosity is seen as more important than religion. Roy 2004: 28, 181. He states that: ‘religiosity is a personal experience, not a legacy’. Roy 2004: 29. Compare with Asad 1993. 22. Bayat 2002: 23. 23. Bayat 2007: 149. 24. Ibid.: 152; see also Bayat 2002: 23. 25. Haenni 2005. 26. See Kooi-Chin Tong and Turner 2008. Turner notes that in many societies influenced by da‘wah, ‘there is a tendency for more and more goods and services to come under the classification of acceptable and proscribed (between halal and haram)’. Turner 2008: 4. In this context of Islamisation, we find women who wear the veil, Qur’an recitation speakers in elevators, bumper stickers with Islamic messages on cars and a variety of things that direct thoughts to religion. 27. Turner 2008: 5. 28. Ibid.: 5. 29. Ibid.: 5. Apparently, it depends on what we mean by the expression ‘opiate of the people’. Here, Turner seems to regard religion as an opiate in a negative sense and as connected to the poorer classes. If it is compatible with the upper classes, however, religion is not regarded as harmful. 30. Bayat 2007: 174. 31. Ibid.: 181. However, there are also examples of creative usages of the term turāth as well, such as in the work of Hasan Hanafi. See Olsson 2006. The Gramscian term ‘passive revolution’ used by Bayat refers to the state’s or elite’s strategy to appropriate the aims of social movements, demobilise them, and thus stay in charge. The other Gramscian term, ‘war of position’, is a subaltern strategy to establish societal hegemony by gaining ground in civil society, thus limiting the state. This would then be the position of ‘Amr Khaled. 32. Gerholm 1997: 136. 33. Dekmejian 1997: 4; Hoffman 1995.

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notes to pages 22–25 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46.

47.

48.

49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58.

59.

183

See Natvig 1988. Nazih Ayubi 1999: 91. Dekmejian 1988: 4–6. Antes 2000: 264. Karam 1998: 18. Antes 2000: 264–5. Ibid.: 265. Hourani 1962: 103–29. Ibid.: 130–60. However, later in his life Ridá moved closer to Wahhabīya and the ideas of ibn Taymiya (1263–1328). Hourani 1962: 222–44; Jansen 1974: 11. Husain 1995: 52–4. Haddad 1983: 68; Husain 1995: 14–16; Carré 1995: 181–94. This organisation is revolutionary and militant. The ideological leader was ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahman, who presently is imprisoned in the USA. It was a member of this group who killed President Sadat in October 1981. Enayat 1991: 192. See also Kepel 1994b: 29. The name of this group alludes to their method of retreating from society (hijrah) and accusing those outside the group of unbelief (takfīr) because they are regarded as living in ignorance (jāhilīyah). It was active during the 1970s as a messianic and puritan movement. Its members followed the example of the Madinah period, which they wanted to re-create. The leader was the charismatic Shukri Mustafa (1942–77), and many members considered him to be almost divine. In 1977, after Sadat’s trip to Jerusalem, a former minister was kidnapped and killed after which the group was banished. Ibrahim 1982: 117. Abdalla 1985. This group started at the universities and was allowed to grow strong in the 1970s to counterbalance leftist opposition. Sadat dissolved the group in 1981 because of its critical attitude towards the state. Nevertheless, its popularity increased. Bayat 2007: 6f. Ibid.: 44. Ibid.: 7. Ibid.: 7, 14. Ibid.: 8. Ibid.: 45. Ibid.: 9. Ibid.: 44. Ibid.: 35. Ibid.: 40–1. See also al-Awadi 2005 for a historical overview of the relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and the government, especially that of Mubarak. A study of Islamist discourse between the 1950s and 1990s is found in Kenney 2006; Rubin 2002 discusses the Islamist presence in Egyptian politics. Ibid.: 41.

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184 60. 61. 62. 63.

64. 65.

66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74.

75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80.

notes to pages 25–30 Ibid.: 41. Ibid.: 35. Ibid.: 38. Ibid.: 136f. Bayat mentions Mustafa Mahmood, Selim al-‘Awa, Hasan Hanafi and Muhammad ‘Imara who conducted their own da‘wah. See also Olsson 2004 and 2006. Bayat 2007: 137. In Egypt there is a conflict concerning the definition of symbols as well as social and political space. For instance, there is evidence that so-called hisbah cases have increased, introduced by Islamists who ‘command the right of God’ and accuse others of apostasy, for example, Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd whose hermeneutical opinions were regarded as heretical and who was forced to leave Egypt. These cases illustrate the transformation of the original concept of hisbah, which shows how tradition is continuously being modified and reinterpreted. See Bunt 2000: 522ff., n. 123. Griffel (2000) discusses the concept of apostasy in Islamic traditions with a special focus on al-Ghazali; see also Olsson 2008. Bayat 2007: 143. Ibid.: 145. Ibid.: 195f. Ibid.: 166. Ibid.: 173. Olsson 2008. Bayat 2007: 8ff. Ibid.: 11. Ibid.: 11. He uses ‘Islamism’ and ‘post-Islamism’ as conceptual categories signifying change and difference. In practice, many people adhere to both at the same time. Bayat 2007: 13. Ibid.: 13. Ibid.: 97. Al-Ali 2000b: 139; see also al-Ali 2000a. Bayat 2007: 182ff. Ibid.: 12. Abdul Rahman 2011.

Chapter 3 Contemporary Da‘wah 1. Martin and Barzegar 2010; Roy 2004. On objectification, see Eickelman and Piscatori 1996. 2. Martin and Barzegar 2010: 196. 3. A fatwa (pl. fatāwa) is a juridical term meaning religious counselling on a specific question performed by a religious functionary, a so-called mufti. Several fatāwa on women’s role in the ‘religious space’ came after 2004,

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4.

5. 6. 7. 8.

9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

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when a converted American woman, Amina Wadud Muhsin, led a mixed congregation in prayer in the USA. See, for example, Hammer 2010. Roy 2004: 175. This also appears in the fatāwa issued today, which have to take this into consideration. See, for example, Roy 2004: 276ff. One could argue that this always was the case regarding fatāwa, but that it has been accentuated today in a globalised setting where more choices seem to be available and the awareness of Islam has increased among large sections of Muslims. cooke 2002: 144. cooke’s article is about Islamic feminism, but her theoretical perspective is useful here too. Martin and Barzegar 2010: 180. Ibid. ‘Asharism can then be understood as the development of a compromise between the theological standpoints of the rationalism of the Mu‘tazilis and the traditionalism of ibn Hanbal. See Martin and Barzegar 2010: 189. Mihnah refers to the ‘inquisition’ conducted during the Abbasid caliphate when the doctrine of the invented Qur’an was made an official ideology. Martin and Barzegar 2010: 185. Ibid.: 188. Zaman 2009: 211; Athamina 1992. An illustrative example of Establishment Islam and its changes is found in Gesink 2010. Zaman 2009: 212f.; Moosa 2009. Zaman 2009: 227; Skovgaard-Petersen 1997: 100–45. Zaman 2009: 213f.; Eickelman and Piscatori 1996: 37–45. See also Zaman (2002) for an excellent analysis of how the religious elite has responded to changes. Herbert 2003: 4. See also Beyer 1994; Woodhead and Heelas 2002; Woodhead et al. 2002. Meyer and Moors 2005: 6. Eickelman and Piscatori 1996; Meyer and Moors 2005: 20. Roy 2004: 174. See Olsson 2004 and 2006. Waardenburg 2002: 94. He concludes that ‘normative’ is a better concept to use than ‘official’. Waardenburg 2002: 97ff. This lack of a given authoritative centre is also discussed by Kingston 2001. Voll 1997: 15. Bayat 2007: 148. Bayat mentions for example ‘Amr Diab, Muhammad Munir and Mustafa Qamar. Mahmood 2005: 54. She mentions Eickelman 1992, Eickelman and Piscatori 1996 and Salvatore 1998. Mahmood 2005: 56f. Hirschkind 2004: 139. Ibid.: 140. Ibid.: 140f.

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186 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41.

42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52.

notes to pages 38–44 Ibid.: 142f. Ibid.: 144. Van Doorn-Harder 2006: 220. Below, I have called the people watching ‘Amr Khaled’s shows the ‘audience’ or ‘viewers’, rather than congregation. Hirschkind 2006: 9. Ibid.: 10f. Van Doorn-Harder 2006: 220f. Ibid.: 221; see also Waines 1995. Berkey 2003. Van Doorn-Harder 2006: 221. Ibid.: 222. Wise 2003: 28; Hirschkind 2005: 50, n. 8. Many things have traditionally been demanded of the du‘āt: (1) virtue of sincerity, ikhlās; (2) knowledge of the topic discussed (12:108); and (3) imitation of the behaviour of Muhammad, that is following his example (Sunnah), which includes characteristics such as patience and tolerance, referring to the Qur’an (3:159; 16:125; 20:44). Moreover, they should also practise what they teach. Van Doorn-Harder 2006: 221. Hirschkind 2005: 32. Ibid.: 32. Ibid.: 40f. Ibid.: 38; Eickelman and Piscatori 1996. Roy 2004; Martin and Barzegar 2010: 185, 194; Asad 1986: 15. This also applies to contemporary Euroislamic interpretations. Hirschkind 2005: 41. Ibid.: 41. Ibid.: 43. Ibid.: 48. See http://www.dar-alifta.com (accessed 6 October 2008). It is now available in other languages as well, such as English. Other preachers are, for example, Khalid al-Guindy, Muhammad Abdel Gawad, Habib Ali, Safwat Hegazy and Moez Masoud. There are also important non-Egyptians such as the Indonesian Abdullah Gymnastiar and the Yemenite al-Habib ‘Ali. Khaled al-Guindi is a well-known televised preacher in Egypt who initially caught my interest as well. He used to work in the area of Sayyida Zeinab, a poor part of Cairo, but later moved to a rich area and preached at the upper-class shooting club in Doqqi where ‘Amr Khaled has held sermons as well. Khaled al-Guindi’s televised sermons used to be part of the programme Cairo Today on the Orbit channel. This programme invited celebrities to discuss culture and politics. However, since ‘Amr Khaled’s reputation has become global, I have chosen to focus on him instead. No woman is as famous as ‘Amr Khaled, but some local females do have a great reputation, such as Sherine Fathi. Hafez 2003.

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notes to pages 44–48 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59.

60. 61.

62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70.

71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76.

77. 78.

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Meyer and Moors 2005: 2f. Ibid.: 3. Ibid.: 19. Ibid.: 7. Ibid.: 7. These questions are asked by Meyer and Moors 2005; see also Eickelman and Piscatori 1996. Meyer and Moors 2005: 8. For a further discussion on religion in Egyptian society, see, for example, Crecelius 1974; Hoffman 1995; Ibrahim 1996; Abed-Kotob and Sullivan 1999; Sullivan 1999; Ayubi 1999; Abdo 2000; Zubaida 2002; Wickham 2002; Zaman 2002; Winegar 2003; Asad 2003a and 2003b; Browers 2007. Abu-Lughod 2005: 174f. Salafi Islam contains interpretations that are inclined to follow the Sunnah of Muhammad strictly. This can for example result in a wish to isolate from the surrounding society and follow strict dress codes and behaviours. Etymologically, the name is derived from the idea of al-salaf al-sālih, ‘the pious forefathers’, which include Muhammad and his companions. Memri 2010. Majma‘ al-buhuth al-islāmīya. Hirschkind 2006: 59. Bayat 2007: 33. Abu-Lughod 2005: 170ff. Ibid.; Lindsey 2005. Armbrust 2005: 208. More references regarding the topic of media in Egypt are Abu-Lughod 1995; Amin 1996; Armbrust 1996, 1998 and 2000. Abaza 2006: 60. Ibid. Ibid.: 61. Others have a more positive attitude to what the new media may bring. ‘The idea that Arab satellite broadcasting might be capable of articulating and mobilizing civil society and thereby encouraging democratic transformation surely is part of the fascination about this medium.’ Hafez 2005: 276. Bayat 2002: 23. Abaza 2005: 39. Bayat 2002: 23. Meyer and Moors 2005: 4. Abu-Lughod 2005: 205f.; see also Bayat 2007: 167f. A study on sexual relations between foreign women and Egyptian men in Dahab, a Sinai budget tourist resort, reveals that the young men working there experience freedom from the social control of the family and hence the possibility to establish sexual relationships unthinkable at home. The young men interviewed in the study also express their discontent with the state’s inability to provide them with work opportunities. Abdalla 2007. Herrera 2001. See also Borthwick 1967, 1991 and 1994.

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notes to pages 49–56

79. A Ph.D. thesis presents a discursive analysis of two Ramadan series by ‘Amr Khaled and Muhammad Hassan. See Sætren 2010. 80. I have, for example, followed a blog called the Arabist (http://arabist.net). 81. Levinson 2004. 82. Fraser 2009. 83. Bayat 2002: 23. 84. After the fall of Mubarak, he was openly critical of the previous regime, stressing that he had faced hardships and was prevented from working. 85. Al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā: 25; al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-jiddiya (seriousness). 86. He has been compared to Billy Graham, for example. ‘Khalid simultaneously embodies the hip-ness (rewish) of Amr Diab (Egypt’s most revered pop-star), the persuasion power of evangelist Billy Graham, and unsubtle therapy of Dr Phil, American popular talk-show host.’ Bayat 2002: 23; see also Bayat 2007: 152. 87. His audiences are mixed with regard to dress. Some look like ‘Amr Khaled and are in casual dress. There are also more ‘traditional’ styles, for example, long white robes for men. 88. However, well-known figures were also mentioned. ‘Amr Khaled mentions that the popular singer Asalah got involved in a project following one of the televised episodes regarding the exploitation of women’s bodies in music videos. 89. See also Graham 1985 and 1987. 90. There are, to my knowledge, no studies on how many viewers the various shows have or what age, gender, class, etc. they represent. The programme Lifemakers has created a large number of local groups working within various charity projects. A study of that activity would be welcome, but is beyond the scope of this study. On the website of ‘Amr Khaled, links are published with more information on this as well as other projects. 91. Prodger 2010. 92. However, at the beginning of 2011, these translations were removed and the website was updated. Henceforth only Arabic was used. 93. I have only studied English, German and Danish translations. 94. More information about Dar al-Tarjama is found on their website, daraltarjama.com. 95. In footnotes, I refer to the programmes by their Arabic names, which are translated in the descriptive section of the shows in this chapter. Episodes are numbered or given a title, which is translated in footnotes. This is how they are catalogued and referred to, which makes it easier to find them. 96. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: ahammiyat al-taswīt ‘alā al-ahlām (the importance of voting for dreams). He mentions as well that the translation bureau could translate each episode into any language in 24 hours if a TV station wishes to air his show. See also al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: thimār sunā‘ al-hayāt 1 (the result of Lifemakers) referring to the success of the translation movement. Several people joined this project of translating ‘Amr Khaled’s work, as well as that

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of others, into other languages. One example is Zaghlul al-Najjar who works with Islamisation of science. 97. This method is not unique to ‘Amr Khaled. 98. It continued after Ramadan but, I will only refer to the Ramadan episodes. 99. ‘Amr Khaled mentions that ‘Ayshah, Muhammad’s wife, read the Qur’an all day long during Ramadan. Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 15.

Chapter 4 The Individual and the Ummah 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16. 17.

18. 19. 20.

21.

Wiktorowicz 2003: 3. Ibid.: 6ff. Ibid.: 9f. Ibid.: 10. Ibid.: 15f. Ibid.: 19. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 28. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.: 11. Ibid.: 13. Ibid.: 20. Ibid.: 27. Ibid.: 26. He mentions the so-called Night Journey, for example. Ibid.: 3. Muhammad causing water to flow from a dry well in order to quench the thirst of his followers in Hudaybiya, it is also described as a miracle. Ibid.: 23. Moreover, during the conquest of Mecca, when Muhammad pointed at the idols of Ka‘bah they fell to pieces. Ibid.: 26. These incidents are used in order to prove that Muhammad above all was a prophet. Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 9. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 2; in Ibid.: 5, ‘Amr Khaled refers to the first revelation where iqrā’, ‘read!’, is interpreted to imply that Islam is a religion promoting knowledge. Related to this, he claims that if this would be taken seriously, then the Muslims would themselves be a miracle. Ibid.: 3; ibid.: 8. Ibid.: 9. In ibid:: 20, it is repeated that prayers and fasting are not enough but must be combined with hard work and effort. Ibid.: 9. ‘Amr Khaled often asks the viewers if they would keep up the mission even after Ramadan. He obviously does not only mean rituals but rather learning what one can in one’s own area of expertise and helping to revive the ummah. Ibid.: 27. See also ibid.: 28, where he says that the Muslims have a mission to revive the ummah and that they should find a proper area where they can work for this duty. Ibid.: 13.

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190 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32.

33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40.

41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52.

notes to pages 65–70 Ibid. Ibid.: 6. Ibid.: 27. Ibid.: 2. Ibid.: 1. These six points are elaborated upon in other episodes as well. See, for example, ibid.: 2. It is established in the first episode but repeated continuously throughout the episodes. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 1. The view on gender will be returned to in Chapter 6, ‘Gender Issues’. Ibid.: 23. Ibid.: 11. Ibid.: 24. Ibid. See also ibid.: 25, where he says almost the same thing, that worship is important but not enough. It has to be complemented with activity and social commitment. Ibid.: 25. Bismak Nahya: al-rahmān al-rahīm (the Beneficient, the Merciful). Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq: al-muqaddimah (introduction). The view on hijāb is further explored in Chapter 6, ‘Gender Issues’. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 24. Ibid.: 2. In ibid.: 9, the timelessness of the Qur’anic message is mentioned. Qassas al-Qur’ān 1: 5. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 27. Ibid.: 4. In ibid.: 23, speaking about the treaty of Hudaybiya, ‘Amr Khaled shows how Muhammad included even non-Muslims in his attempt to make the lesser pilgrimage to Mecca. He wished to include all Arabs as he believed in coexistence, according to ‘Amr Khaled. He states that Muslims who do not want to have contact with non-Muslims today are therefore not following the path of Muhammad. Ibid.: 23. Ibid.: 24. Ibid.: 26. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 1; Ibid.: 15. Ibid. Ibid. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 11. Ibid.: 15. Ibid. Ibid.: 14. Ibid.: 15. Ibid.: 25. Ibid.: 9.

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53. Ibid.: 17. This is returned to in ibid.: 18, where it is mentioned that the mosque in Madinah was not only built for prayers. It was a place where people could meet and unite as well. 54. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 1. 55. Bismak Nahya: al-hādī (the Guide). 56. Bismak Nahya: al-raqīb (the Watchful). This is also repeated in Bismak Nahya: al-hādī (the Guide). 57. Bismak Nahya: muqaddimah (introduction). This is repeated in Bismak Nahya: al-razzāq 2 (the Provider), where the universe is compared to a great mosque in which everything it contains prostrates before God. 58. Bismak Nahya: al-hādī (the Guide). 59. See Stenberg 1996 for an excellent discussion of such interpretations of the Qur’an. 60. He referred to 78:13–14; 24:43; 7:57; 56:68–70. Bismak Nahya: al-razzāq 1 (the Provider). 61. Bismak Nahya: al-razzāq 2 (the Provider). 62. Bismak Nahya: al-rahmān al-rahīm (the Beneficient, the Merciful). 63. Bismak Nahya: al-‘azīz; Bismak Nahya: al-qahhār (the Subduer). 64. He refers to 56:58–9; 80:17–21; 25:54. Bsmak Nahya: al-khāliq (the Creator). 65. Bismak Nahya: al-haqq (the Truth). 66. Bismak Nahya: al-khāliq (the Creator). 67. Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 6. 68. Ibid.: 6–7. 69. Ibid.: 6. 70. Ibid.: 8. 71. Ibid.: 9. 72. For a discussion on early theology, including ‘ilm al-kalām, ‘dogmatic theology’, see Wolfson 1978. 73. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 19. With regard to this, ‘Amr Khaled explains why people who are stubborn are referred to as Hanbalites. The reason, as he sees it, is that Ahmad ibn Hanbal would refuse to accept this idea no matter what happened to him. ‘Amr Khaled returns to the incident when ibn Hanbal rejected the creed of the created Qur’an and asked the opinion of a guest, Sa‘d ibn Mattar al-ʿUtaybi, a Hanbali jurist based in Riyadh, who supports ibn Hanbal’s opinions, and of course then ‘Amr Khaled as well. Ibid.: 21. 74. See Olsson 2006 and 2008; see also Martin 1997. 75. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 5. Speaking about violence, ‘Amr Khaled says that Muhammad did not use it. Being oppressed, you should instead exercise selfcontrol in order to save society from being destroyed. Ibid.: 17. 76. Ibid.: 8. 77. Ibid.: 18. 78. Ibid. 79. Ibid.

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notes to pages 73–78

80. Ibid.: 26. ‘Amr Khaled asks the Hanbali expert al-ʿUtaybi how Muslims can answer the accusations from Westerners who accuse Islamic jurisprudence, especially the Hanbali School, of stagnancy. The guest claims that the British colonisation of India saw the beginning of jihād movements against occupation. He argues that the British assumed that this stemmed from Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, and this is explained to be the beginning of connecting the concept of jihād with Wahhabiya. He says that the correct meaning of jihād is defensive struggle when da‘wah is hindered. He also claims that the USA speaks about preventive war in Iraq, which is similar in his view. However, al-ʿUtaybi argues that jihād has many laws that need to be followed, for example, only fighting against those who attack. At the same time, he mentions Palestine and how the Balfour declaration unlawfully gave away land. ‘Amr Khaled tells the youth that they should not feel ashamed of the concept of jihād, when understood correctly. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 21. 81. Bismak Nahya: al-jabbār (the Omnipotent). 82. Bismak Nahya: al-‘azīz (the Almighty). 83. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 18. 84. Ibid. 85. Ibid.: 20. 86. See Wolfson 1978 for a discussion on dogmatic theology in early Islam. 87. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 25. 88. Ibid.: 20. 89. Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 10. 90. Ibid.: 12. 91. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 22. 92. Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 8. 93. Ibid.: 9. 94. Bismak Nahya: al-wakīl (the Trustee). 95. Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 18. 96. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 17. See also ibid.: 21, where ‘Amr Khaled shows that the Muslims had to work hard within the framework of the message of the Qur’an. 97. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 4. 98. Ibid. 99. Ibid.: 7. 100. Ibid. In ibid.: 8, he tells the story of a physically weak companion who every day recited verses to the non-Muslims who would then beat him up. He continued to do that until Muhammad advised him not to do so. ‘Amr Khaled argues that the message of that story is that we should not feel embarrassed and always stand up for the truth. Ibid.: 8. 101. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-ījābiyah 1 (the obligation). 102. Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq: al-muqaddimah (introduction). 103. Ibid. 104. Ibid.

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notes to pages 78–83

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105. Ibid. 106. Ibid. 107. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 7. The episode ends with ‘Amr Khaled asking people to do this, not only each husband and wife, but also people in Iraq and Lebanon, in order to stop the bloodshed. 108. Ibid. 109. Ibid.: 9. 110. Ibid. 111. Ibid.: 10. This is also repeated in relation to al-Shafi‘i who changed his opinion after arriving in new cities since the needs were different in the various localities. Ibid.: 14 reports about changes that he made when coming to Egypt from Iraq. 112. The Malikite law school allows music, for example, as long as it is not indecent or enticing. Ibid.: 11. In another episode, ‘Amr Khaled’s guest, al-ʿUtaybi, speaks of an incident when a man asked Ahmad ibn Hanbal if it was permissible to sing a rhyme. He listened to it and then told the man that provided the words used were respectable, it would be allowed. Al-ʿUtaybi even claims that ibn Hanbal sang along. Ibid.: 21. 113. Ibid.: 11. 114. Ibid.: 21. 115. Bismak Nahya: muqaddimah (introduction); Bismak Nahya: al-fattāh (the Opener); Bismak Nahya: al-shakūr (the Grateful); Bismak Nahya: al-wakīl (the Trustee); Bismak Nahya: al-Haqq (the Truth). 116. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 3. 117. Ibid.: 12. 118. Ibid.: 13. 119. Bismak Nahya: al-razzāq 2 (the Provider). 120. Ibid.; Bismak Nahya: al-jabbār (the Omnipotent). 121. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 1; this is repeated in ibid.: 12. Another story is mentioned there, in which Muhammad compared the believers to bricks in a wall. 122. Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 1. 123. Ibid.: 2–4, 25. 124. Ibid.: 2. 125. Ibid.: 3. 126. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-battālah (bravery). ‘Urfī marriages are common in Egypt, and they circumvent several laws regarding weddings. Some argue that it is a (cheap) contract that makes it possible to have pre-marital sex, and it is possible to have such a marriage contract without registering it officially. Most commentators agree that an ‘urfī marriage is more risky for women than regular marriage, and the discussions in the Egyptian media have been lively. One reason is that in an ‘urfī marriage the husband is not financially responsible for his wife and children. See, for example, El Alami 1992;

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127. 128. 129. 130.

131. 132. 133.

134. 135. 136. 137. 138.

139.

140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145.

146.

notes to pages 83–87 Wheeler 2008. It is also commonly used by foreigners in Egypt. It has been referred to as a ‘fuck paper’. Hurghada Information Net 2008. Ibid. Al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā: 24. Ibid.: 25. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: ahlam bī baladak: 2 (dreams in your country); al-Sunā‘ alHayā: hilmī al-zirā‘ah wa al-bahth al-‘ilmī (agriculture and scientific research); al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: ahammiyat al-taswīt ‘alā al-ahlām (the importance of voting for dreams). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-jiddiya (seriousness). Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 2. Ibid.; in ibid.: 8 he returns to the topic of classes, claiming that a class system will remain but that large differences would lead to corruption. One example is that Islam raises the status of slaves. The reason why it was not forbidden immediately is explained to be that it would have caused chaos in society. In his view, this shows how a gradual liberation of all slaves was the actual intention. In ibid.: 10, he starts the episode by speaking about the saying of Muhammad that the Muslims constitute one ummah and that they all help each other. However, if we compare that ideal vision to the present realities, we would be shocked, he says. Ibid.: 2. Ibid.: 10. Ibid.: 3; ibid.: 8; ibid.: 13; ibid.: 14. Ibid.: 3; ibid.: 4. Ibid.: 4. ‘Amr Khaled seems to approve of this, and in one episode, discussing Hanbali jurisprudence, he claims that the Qur’an is valid for every time and every place. Ibid.: 21. ‘Amr Khaled explains that when Islam spread and non-Arabs converted, this became an issue, and Abu Hanifa allowed them to use their native languages to recite al-fātihah, the first chapter of the Qur’an, until they learnt Arabic. ‘Amr Khaled probably tells the story to show how pragmatic Abu Hanifa was. Moreover, he argues that this kind of method to achieve coexistence did not exist in the West until the twentieth century. Ibid.: 4. Ibid.: 4. Ibid.: 5. Ibid.: 3. Ibid.: 2. Ibid. Ibid.: 20. This is also brought up in the following episode as a comment to ‘Amr Khaled’s claim that many older scholars are more tolerant today than younger preachers. Al-ʿUtaybi says that there is a saying that the less knowledge one has the more difficult it is to be tolerant, thus relating intolerance to lack of knowledge. Ibid.: 21. Ibid.: 18.

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147. He also mentioned the verses 22:78 and 2:185 from the Qur’an. Ibid.: 9. 148. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 1. The hardships of Muhammad are often returned to in order to show the viewers that what happens in this life is not important as the Hereafter. See, for example, ibid.: 4. 149. Ibid.: 7. Such comments are also prevalent when he discusses Muslims in the diaspora, as discussed below. 150. In several episodes, his good character is mentioned. He is described as tolerant, forgiving, benevolent, strong, powerful, wise and well mannered. Ibid.: 26. 151. Ibid.: 6. 152. Ibid.: 12. The number of wives that Muhammad actually had is not agreed upon, but I will not discuss that here. 153. Ibid.: 25. 154. Ibid.: 27. 155. Ibid.: 15. 156. Ibid.: 16. That he was a good planner is something ‘Amr Khaled mentions several times, for example when speaking of the battles of Badr and Uhud. See, for example, ibid.: 17; ibid.: 18; ibid.: 19. 157. Ibid.: 24. 158. Ibid.: 21. 159. Ibid.: 15. 160. Ibid.: 18. 161. Ibid.: 19. 162. Ibid.: 21. 163. Ibid.: 20. 164. Ibid.: 17. 165. Ibid.: 23. 166. Qassas al-Qur’ān 1: 14. 167. Ibid.: 25. 168. In Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 3, where the intention to repent, to behave well and achieve success are promoted, this is elaborated further. 169. Ibid.: 10. In this episode, ‘Amr Khaled tells the ‘sisters’ not to feel ashamed of the hijāb. 170. Ibid.: 3. In ibid.: 10, ‘Amr Khaled discusses accusations, for example by Freud, that Moses did not exist as a historical person, arguing that the Qur’an proves his existence. The audience is rhetorically asked what they are going to do about such claims. 171. Ibid.: 1. This view on Moses is elaborated throughout the episodes of Qassas al-Qur’ān 2. In episode 4, for example, he is presented as being alone, without weapons, facing the Pharaoh, described as the most oppressive tyrant ever. 172. Ibid.: 10. 173. Ibid. 174. Ibid.: 4. These could also be downloaded from his webpage. 175. Ibid.: 19.

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196 176. 177. 178. 179. 180.

181. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198.

notes to pages 91–100 Ibid.: 7. Ibid.: 8. Ibid.: 13. Ibid.: 8. He uses many Islamic role models but these are some concrete examples. In discussing gender in the third discursive topic, several female role models are brought up. Abu-Rabiʿ 2004: 54. Ibid.: 55. Olsson 2009: 286 n. 1. Wiktorowicz 2003: 16. Waardenburg 2002: 368 See Ibid.: 377ff. Ibid.: 128. An example of the second tendency is the Egyptian philosopher Hasan Hanafi. See Olsson 2006. Roy 2004: 193. Bayat 2002: 23. Bayat 2007: 151. Turner 2008: 2. Ibid.: 3. Kooi-Chin Tong and Turner 2008: 43. This well-known phrase was coined by McLuhan 1964; Abaza 2006: 60. Bayat 2002: 23. Atia 2005. http://www.youtube.com/user/amrkhaled (accessed 5 October 2009).

Chapter 5 The Other and Authenticity 1. See Salvatore 1995: 194f. This perspective is also discussed by Russel T. McCutcheon who argues that scholars ‘study how it is that they [i.e., insiders] believe and behave and, having gathered this descriptive information, we go on to theorize as to just why it is that they believe and behave as they do, leaving to others to speculative endeavour of ascertaining what it means either to them or to us for them to believe and act as they do’. McCutcheon 2003: 148. 2. Waardenburg 2003: 495. 3. Abu-Rabi‘ 2004: 55. 4. Abu-Lughod 2005: 210f. 5. Abaza 2005: 38. See also Bayat 2007: 164ff. 6. Abu-Lughod 2005: 135f. 7. Mahmood 2005: 35 n. 54. 8. Ibid.: 37. 9. Ibid.: 4, 44.

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notes to pages 102–108 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.

32. 33. 34.

35. 36.

197

Ibid.: 4. See Asad 1993. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-muqaddimah 1 (introduction). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-muqaddimah 2 (introduction); al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: almuqaddimah 3 (introduction). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-muqaddimah 2 (introduction). ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 21. Ibid. Such a perspective is not unique to his interpretation. See for example Olsson 2006. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-muqaddimah 3 (introduction). Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 2. Ibid.; in ibid.: 3, he argues that a problem they have is that universities and factories do not have teamwork. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 3. Ibid.: 4. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: hilmī al-zirā‘ah wa al-bahth al-‘ilmī (agriculture and scientific research); al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: hilmī al-ta‘līm wa ‘ilaqāt al-bilād (education and relations between countries). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: ījābiyah 1 (the obligation); al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: tahdiyāt alījābiyah 2 (challenges to the obligation). Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 1. Ibid.: 2. Ibid.: 21. In this episode he discusses Hanbali jurisprudence with a guest. Ibid.: 2. Ibid.: 1. Ibid. Ibid.: 1. The Ramadan show in 2007, al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā, deals with these issues in every episode. In Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 17, he says that families must understand that they can only be happy if they manage to establish harmony, coexistence and understanding, which is the same message as in the Ramadan show of the same year. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 1. The issue regarding family values is presented in detail in Chapter 6, ‘Gender Issues’. Ibid. Ibid. This is also brought up in ibid.: 2. In western societies, Muslims can be good examples of how great Islam is, he argues, asking the Muslims living in the West to integrate. He also asks the people of Iraq, Palestine and Lebanon to learn from history and strive to reach coexistence. In ibid.: 8, he again tells the Muslims in the West to integrate with their societies without losing their identities. See also ibid.: 15: ibid.: 16; ibid.: 17. Ibid.: 5. This is repeated in ibid.: 18. Ibid.: 15.

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notes to pages 108–111

37. He also studied physiognomy, which many did not approve of, but he did so in order to learn about new ideas and science. ‘Amr Khaled clearly appreciates that. 38. ‘Amr Khaled said that al-Shafi‘i considered language skills to be very important in order to avoid disagreements. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 13; ibid.: 14. 39. Ibid.: 15. 40. Ibid. Sport is also mentioned here as a reason for the youth to love him. 41. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 7. 42. Ibid.: 17. 43. Ibid.: 9. 44. Ibid.: 5. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid.: 14. 47. Ibid.: 9. 48. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 10. Regarding the third point he tells the audience the well-known story of the blind men and the elephant. In other episodes he presents longer lists. In ibid.: 13, the list consists of ten points which all relate to the four I have mentioned already. There, he elaborates on the need to try to find at least something that they have in common with others. They should never completely reject somebody’s opinion but show respect and be flexible, and not be stubborn. The conclusion is that coexistence does not mean disintegration in another culture. Ibid.: 13. In ibid.: 15, he elaborates on the need to find something in common with others. For example, if you have a son who loves football, you should join him in this interest in order to protect him from sins such as adultery and drugs. If a daughter takes an interest in fashion, parents should talk to her about it in an Islamic perspective. 49. Ibid.: 15. 50. Ibid. There are several examples of Muslim interpretations where art and music are regarded as forbidden, but in the case of ‘Amr Khaled the interpretation is in this respect rather liberal. See also Korpe 2004. 51. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 1; this verse is repeated in Ibid.: 2; in ibid.: 3, this verse is provided as the motto of the show. In ibid.: 12, he mentions it again and claims that with this verse God has given them the key to understanding why there is diversity. We should not segregate ourselves and fight each other. See also ibid.: 13; ibid.: 15. 52. Ibid.: 1; in ibid.: 13, it is discussed as a universal verse, addressing all people, not only Muslims. 53. Ibid.: 1. 54. Ibid.: 1; ibid.: 4; ibid.: 12. 55. Ibid.: 1. 56. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 15. 57. Ibid. 58. Ibid.: 27. 59. Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq: al-muqaddimah (introduction).

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notes to pages 111–114 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66.

67.

68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74.

75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80.

199

Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 2; in ibid.: 8, he repeats this. See also ibid.: 17. Ibid.: 1. Ibid.: 2. Ibid.: 1. Ibid. Ibid.: 10. Ibid.: 1. The West can learn from the jurists to understand that coexistence is Islamic, according to ‘Amr Khaled. Westerners should not force their culture on Muslims. They already have a heritage and culture, he argues, and the West should accept diversity. Ibid.: 8. This is repeated in several episodes starting from ibid.: 1. In ibid.: 2, it becomes apparent that his opinion is that the West wants the Muslim youth to lose their Islamic identity. In ibid.: 5, he tells the audience that if some people attempt to impose their opinion on them, they should refuse it since coexistence does not mean giving up rights or losing one’s identity. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 13. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.: 21. Ibid.: 22. Ibid.: 26. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 2; in Ibid.: 4, he mentions ibn Rushd and others who he argues brought scientific methodology to the West. He then states that religion was seen as contradicting science in the West, while religion has been the foundation of science in Islam. In ibid.: 12, his idea that Europe was inspired to develop scientific methods is repeated. See also ibid.: 21, where he mentions this again and that many western laws have been influenced by Islamic jurisprudence, which many in the West accuse of being stagnant. The guest al-ʿUtaybi mentions French Civil Law which, he argues, derives from the Maliki School. Other sciences, such as medicine, geometry and mathematics, are also derived from Muslims, in his opinion. ‘Amr Khaled asks the guest alʿUtaybi about the accusation that Islam gave nothing to the modern world, and he responds that this is a false accusation. Western colonialism is accused of occupying the Muslims for two centuries. Otherwise, things would have been very different he says and presents some examples of how Maliki law influenced the development of Human Rights in the West. Ibid.: 21. The strategy of showing how Europe was influenced by Islam is not unique to ‘Amr Khaled. See, for example, Olsson 2006. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 1. Ibid.: 3. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 2. Ibid. Ibid.: 17. Ibid.: 18.

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200 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88.

89.

90. 91. 92. 93. 94.

95.

96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102.

103. 104.

notes to pages 114–119 Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 10. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 2. Ibid. Ibid.: 4. Ibid.: 2. Ibid.: 21. Ibid.: 27. Verses from the Qur’an are presented to show that craftsmen were needed to build ships, for example, and also ahadīth regarding gifted workers. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-mashrū‘āt al-saghīrah 1 (small projects); al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: almashrū‘āt al-saghīrah 2 (small projects). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: hilmī al-zirā‘ah wa al-bahth al-‘ilmī (agriculture and scientific research); al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: hilmī al-ta‘līm wa ‘ilaqāt al-bilād (education and relations between countries). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: hilmī alā al-teknologia wa al-sinā‘ah (technology and industry). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: muhāfidhah ‘alā al-mawārid 1 (preserving resources); alSunā‘ al-Hayā: muhāfidhah ‘alā mawāridnā 2 (preserving resources). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: muhāfidhah ‘alā al-mawārid 1 (preserving resources). He referred to the Qur’an 17:26–7; 7:31 and 2:143 calling for modesty. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: muhāfidhah ‘alā al-mawārid 1 (preserving resources). Al-Khidr is described as a person holding true knowledge of God. In the Qur’an, he is described as a person ‘unto whom We [God] had given mercy from Us, and had taught him knowledge from Our presence’. (18:65). Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 20. The episode ended with a long ‘to-do list’ which is supposed to make Muslims more mature and to lead to a renaissance. Among the things to do are reading books, magazines and newspapers; using a pen and paper to write a poem or story; travelling and visiting monuments; watching the news; playing chess; watching the Discovery Channel; learning a handicraft or sport; and making friends with people who are successful. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-muqaddimah 2 (introduction). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-thaqāfa wa al-fanūn wa al-i‘lām . . . wa sunā‘ al-hayāt (heritage, art and mass media . . . and lifemakers). Bismak Nahya: muqaddimah (introduction). Bismak Nahya: al-razzāq 2 (the Provider). Bismak Nahya: al-raqīb (the Watchful). Bismak Nahya: al-hādī (the Guide). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: hilmī al-zirā‘ah wa al-bahth al-‘ilmī (agriculture and scientific research); al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: hilmī al-ta‘līm wa ‘ilaqāt al-bilād (education and relations between countries). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: naqāt hāmma fi masīrah sunā‘ al-hayāt (important aspects of the development of lifemakers). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: al-thaqāfa wa al-fanūn wa al-i‘lām . . . wa sunā‘ al-hayāt (heritage, art and mass media . . . and lifemakers).

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notes to pages 120–124

201

105. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: haddad hadfak fīi al-hayāt (establish your goals in life); alSunā‘ al-Hayā: ahammiyat al-waqt (the importance of time). 106. See Olsson 2006. 107. See, for example, Douban 2006. 108. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: muhāribat al-tadkhīn (fight against smoking). He mentions smoking cigarettes and water pipes, qat, alcohol and drugs. He also attacks those who smoke the water pipe, which is a widespread habit in Egypt, and he shows how it has become fashionable among both sexes and all classes. He claims it is a bad habit and that it attracts unemployed and lazy people and added that many have started to use drugs after smoking the water pipe. 109. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: muhāribat al-tadkhīn (fight against smoking). 110. Ibid. Apparently, he regards smoking as a western habit, even though he says that the West has managed nearly to eliminate smoking and make it seem oldfashioned. 111. Ibid. On the website, readers could download audio files, fatāwa and information on how to stop using various drugs, as well as questionnaires and letters in order to help them stop. 112. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: lā lī al-mukhaddarāt (no to drugs). He says that drugs are used by other countries which spread these to the youth in order to weaken them and make them unable to fight. In fact, he argues that this is what happened during the wars in 1967 and 1973. 113. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: muhāribat al-tadkhīn, lā lī al-qāt wa al-khumūr (fight against smoking, no to qat and alcohol); al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: lā lī al-mukhaddarāt (no to drugs). 114. Bayat 2007: 164; see also Bayat 2002: 23. 115. Bayat 2007: 164; see also Bayat 2002: 23. 116. Bayat and de Koning 2005: 60. 117. Abu-Lughod 2005: 165. The quotation ends: ‘not to mention the more sensational acts of violence committed by militant Islamic groups’. 118. Herrera 2005. 119. Bayat 2007: 161. 120. Bayat 2002: 23. 121. Roy 2004: 267f. The quotation refers to a western setting where Muslims are a minority. As discussed above, Roy’s essentialist views regarding religion appear in formulations such as in this quotation where he writes about ‘religion itself’. 122. Ibid.: 268f. 123. Ibid.: 193. 124. Ibid.: 194f. 125. Ibid.: 105. 126. Ibid.: 196.

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notes to pages 125–132

Chapter 6 Gender Issues 1. De Koning 2006. 2. Abaza 2005: 38. 3. We may also ask Mona Abaza if window shopping would be a sufficient replacement for consuming and would it ‘fulfil dreams or increase frustration’? Abaza 2005: 39. 4. Abaza 2006. 5. Ibid.: 238. 6. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm ‘an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women). 7. Ibid. He also refers to 3:195 and 4:124 confirming this. 8. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm ‘an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women). He looks surprised and asks if the audience could imagine women working as taxi drivers or bus drivers as in the West. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. Al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā: 10. 12. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm ‘an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women). This discussion on women is returned to in al-Sunā‘ alHayā: naqāt hāmma fī masīrah sunā‘ al-hayāt (important aspects of the development of lifemakers). 13. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm ‘an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women). 14. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 22. 15. Ibid. 16. Bismak Nahya: al-tawwāb (the Relenting). 17. Ibid. 18. Bismak Nahya: al-raqīb (the Watchful). 19. Bismak Nahya: al-ghafūr (the Forgiving). 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid. 22. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 22. This is a play with words since chapter 24 of the Qur’an is called nūr, which means ‘light’. 23. The verse reads: ‘Men are in charge of women, because Allah hath made the one of them to excel the other, and because they spend of their property (for the support of women). So good women are the obedient, guarding in secret that which Allah hath guarded. As for those from whom ye fear rebellion, admonish them and banish them to beds apart, and scourge them. Then if they obey you, seek not a way against them. Lo! Allah is ever High Exalted, Great’ (4:34). 24. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm ‘an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women). Examples here of feminist attempts at reinterpretations are Riffat Hassan, who interprets this verse to mean that if women as a group

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notes to pages 132–136

25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33.

34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45.

203

refuse to give birth, it is legitimate, and that society is responsible for the situation, not individual men. Fatima Mernissi connects the verse to the ‘male elite’ that at the time of revelation wanted the right to beat women in order to keep power. She argues that they forced God into making this revelation, which is a controversial statement. Svensson 2000: 94ff., 152ff. Ibid. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 22. Ibid. Al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā: 10. See Svensson 2000. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 21. Ibid.: 19. Ibid.: 27. Several individual episodes mention female role models, which show that the focus on women reoccurs, and may reflect the fact that many adherents are women as well. The advice to younger women is to get married and not get involved in any other kind of relationship, like Mary, the symbol of chastity and piety. Motherhood is also praised, and ‘Amr Khaled encourages the viewers never to make their mothers angry. Qassas al-Qur’ān 1: 7. Gender issues are not in focus in Qassas al-Qur’ān 2. Regarding women, ‘Amr Khaled merely mentions those who were important in the life of Moses briefly, directly answering a criticism published on his website. There he mentions that all those women supported Moses and that Islam is innocent of the accusations of oppressing women, which the Qur’an in its elevation of the position of women is said to prove. Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 23. In one episode, he praises the wife of Pharaoh who believed in Moses, arguing that she did not care about luxuries, as most women do today, who are distracted from veiling because of fashion, in his view. Qassas al-Qur’ān 2: 12. Hence, he criticises women who are preoccupied with their looks, which is not a small part of his viewers when judging by the aired episodes. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm ‘an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women). Ibid. See Svensson 2000. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 26. Al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā: 10. See, for example, ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 7. Ibid. See also Svensson 2000 for examples of feminist interpretations and strategies. She was tortured to death by Abu Jahl, according to ‘Amr Khaled. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 8. Ibid.: 17. Ibid.: 21. Ibid.: 26.

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204 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71.

72. 73. 74. 75. 76.

notes to pages 136–142 Ibid. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 22. See also Saleh 2007. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 22. Ibid. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm ‘an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women). Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 6. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm ‘an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women). Ibid. See, for example, Svensson 2000: 152 for a discussion concerning Fatima Mernissi’s interpretation, in which ‘Umar is mentioned in a negative light. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm ‘an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women); ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 4; ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 23. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 4. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.: 12. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm ‘an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women). Ibid. Ibid. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 18. Ibid.: 2; ibid.: 8. Ibid.: 8. Ibid.: 2; ibid.: 15. ‘Amr Khaled says that since al-Shafi‘i knew that Egyptians liked jokes, he used to tell them stories in his lessons. Ibid.: 15. Ibid.: 2. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 10. Ibid.: 17. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: ahlam bī baladak 2 (dreams in your country). This is returned to when ‘Amr Khaled mentions that many women wrote during the week asking for the Sunnah and the Qur’an to be reinterpreted because many parts have been misinterpreted resulting in unjust behaviour towards women. Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: hilmī al-zirā‘ah wa al-bahth al-‘ilmī (agriculture and scientific research). Al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: rafa‘a al-dhulm an al-mar’ah (eliminating oppression against women). Ibid.; al-Sunā‘ al-Hayā: naqāt hāmma fi masīrah sunā‘ al-hayāt (important aspects of the development of lifemakers); ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 10. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 22. Ibid. Kurzman 1998.

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notes to pages 143–149 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96.

97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108.

109. 110. 111. 112.

205

See, for example, Huq and Rashid 2008. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 10. Ibid.: 3. Al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā: 9. Ibid. Ibid.: 1. Ibid. Ibid.: 20. Ibid.: 4. Ibid.: 5. Ibid.: 3. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.: 7. Ibid.: 11. Ibid.: 6. Ibid. Ibid.: 7. Ibid. Ibid.: 9; in ibid.: 18 he mentions this again and that sometimes daughters continue to have boyfriends even though the parents find out about it; in ibid.: 27 he again mentions a girl with a secret boyfriend, but she broke up with him when she heard the hadīth saying that those who deceive others will carry a sign on Judgement Day that will show this betrayal. She then decided to stop deceiving her parents. This story is repeated in ibid.: 28. Ibid.: 6. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.: 8. Ibid. Several buildings in Egypt have collapsed as a result of illegal construction. See, for example, MSNBC 2007. Al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā: 8. This secret marriage is called ‘urfī, mentioned above. Ibid.: 18. Ibid.: 19. Ibid.: 12. Ibid.: 13. In ibid.: 16, ‘Amr Khaled says that parents should be especially careful with daughters when it comes to punishments, since daughters will bring up the next generation. They need to know love, not violence. Ibid.: 13. Ibid.: 14. Ibid.: 16. Ibid.: 17.

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notes to pages 149–158

113. Ibid.: 21. In ibid.: 28, ‘Amr Khaled says that Satan wants to destroy people through adultery, which is spreading in society. 114. Ibid.: 21. 115. Ibid. 116. Ibid. 117. Ibid.: 23. 118. Ibid. 119. Ibid.: 1. 120. Ibid.; ibid.: 2. 121. Ibid.: 1. 122. Ibid.: 8. 123. Ibid.: 1. 124. Ibid. 125. Bismak Nahya: al-shakūr (the Grateful). 126. Bismak Nahya: al-wadūd (the Loving). 127. Qassas al-Qur’ān 1: 20. 128. Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq: al-hayā’ (modesty); Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq: alhijāb (the hijāb). 129. Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq: al-hayā’ (modesty) 130. Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq: al-hijāb (the hijāb). 131. Ibid. 132. Ibid. 133. ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb: 17. 134. Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq: al-hijāb (the hijāb). 135. Ibid. 136. Ibid. 137. Ibid. 138. Ibid. 139. Ibid. The idea that God will help us after we have changed ourselves is also the underlying idea of the show from 2003, Until They Change Themselves (hatta yaghayyaru mā binafsihim). 140. Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq: al-hijāb (the hijāb). 141. Ibid. 142. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 7. This kind of method is also repeated in the show al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā. 143. Da‘wah lī al-Ta‘āish: 17. 144. Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq: al-hijāb (the hijāb). 145. Ibid. Talking about patience and hijāb, ‘Amr Khaled claims that a woman who starts to wear the veil but thinks she will grow tired of it and take it off in the future does not have the mind of patience. 146. Van Doorn-Harder 2006: 228. 147. The post-colonial discussion about spaces of subaltern signification and strategies would be relevant here. See Hall 1997; cooke 2002.

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notes to pages 158–163

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148. Soad Saleh is Dean at the Section for Islamic Studies at al-Azhar and, as such, she is representative of the elite perspective in her public statements. She is controversial however. For example, she is critical of women’s clothing and deviates from the official position of al-Azhar regarding this topic. Moreover, something that can be called an Islamic salon has developed where women meet and discuss, often led by a woman who functions as a teacher and prayer leader. 149. This is not unique to the Egyptian context. See also Svensson 2000 for similar methods among feminist interpreters. 150. Mahmood 2005: 88f. This does not mean that the women use the term itself, but that they mention different legal opinions and choose one, and may also show respect for other opinions. There are also a number of individual intellectuals with a feministic interpretation of Islam, such as Riffat Hassan and Layla Ahmed. See Svensson 2000. 151. Mahmood 2005: 2f. 152. Ibid.: 5. 153. Ibid.: 112f. 154. Bautista 2008: 80. 155. Abu-Lughod 2005: 129; Mahmood 2005: 3. 156. Westernisation and leaving Islam have often been regarded as causes of the problems and a return to Islam has been seen as the solution. ‘The ‘return’ of religion was a response to certain concrete needs and an impulse towards new social and political action.’ Abu-Rabiʿ 2004: 61. The defeat of 1967 caused a questioning of the decline in Arab society and brought about a need to reexamine the connection to the ‘Other’, to the West and Israel. The loss in the war of 1967 is often seen as a major cause of the increasing Islamisation. At that time, the failure of nationalism and socialism was evident. The defeat caused people to ask questions about what place Islam should have in public and private life. During the 1970s, Islamisation grew as did Islamist organisations. 157. Burr 2003: 52. 158. I did not come across this perspective in my conversations. 159. Abaza 2006: 196. 160. Mahmood 2005: 35. 161. See Raudvere 2002. 162. Milani 1992: 24; Farahani 2007: 130. 163. Farahani 2007: chapter 4, ‘Veil, multiple meanings, disciplinary power and women’s negotiations’. 164. Mahmood 2005: 16f. 165. Ibid.: 119. 166. Bayat 2007: 147. 167. Ibid.: 148. 168. Abu-Rabiʿ 2004: 110. 169. Ibid.: 17.

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notes to pages 163–174

170. Abu-Lughod 2005: 243. 171. Fannanat Ta’ibat fī Majalis ‘Amru Khalid. It was written by Sharif Kamal Azab (2004) and published by dar al-roda. 172. Mahmood 2001b: 828. 173. One example is the hijāb that has developed into a regular fashion item. ‘ChaDior’ is a concept used in Iran, for example, to allude to the typically Iranian female dress chador. Roy 2004: 271. 174. cooke 2002: 153f. 175. Ibid.: 154. 176. Dossa 2004: 124; Farahani 2007: 17.

Chapter 7 Summary and Final Remarks 1. Abu-Rabiʿ 2004: 18. 2. Bayat 2002: 23. 3. Roy 2004: 31. Roy returns to this under the headings of ‘crisis of transmission’ and ‘a limited religious corpus’. Roy 2004: 164ff. He also speaks about the relation to neo-brotherhood recruits: ‘Members look for a form of religiosity best able to expresse their inner self and search for socialisation with people who share their quest for self-realisation [. . .] but worship is seen more as part of self-realisation than as a quest for salvation. In short, they join because they can enjoy it.’ Roy 2004: 223. 4. Abu-Rabiʿ 2004: 109. 5. Ibid. The term masses, which may sound Marxist, does not only mean the lower classes. In reality, many of those leading more Islamised lives today are from the more well-off groups, as mentioned. 6. As seen above, this is the attitude of Bayat. Bayat 2002: 23. 7. Lincoln 2005: 66, n. 3. In this sense, Lincoln studies the document left behind in the car of Muhammad Atta, who took part in the attacks on 11 September 2001. Lincoln 2003. 8. Balagangadhara 1994: 514. 9. McCutcheon 2001: 78.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

TV Programmes by ‘Amr Khaled Until They Change Themselves (2003). Al-Sunāʿ al-Hayā (Lifemakers) (2004–5). ‘Alā Khuttā al-Habīb (On the Path of the Beloved ) (2005). Muqaddimah fī al-Akhlāq (An Introduction to Manners) (2005). Bismak Nahya (In Thy Name We Live) (2006). Al-Jannah fī Buyūtinā (Paradise in Our Homes) (2007). Daʿwah lī al-Taʿāish (A Call for Coexistence) (2007). Qassas al-Qur’ān 1 (Parables of the Qur’an 1) (2008). Qassas al-Qur’ān 2 (Parables of the Qur’an 2) (2009).

Internet Sources for ‘Amr Khaled ‘Amr Khaled YouTube channel at http://www.youtube.com/user/amrkhaled (accessed 10 October 2009). Amr Khaled website at www.amrkhaled.net (accessed 14 January 2015).

Literature Abaza, Mona, ‘Today’s consumption in Egypt’, ISIM Review 15 (2005), pp. 38–9. ——— Changing Consumer Cultures of Modern Egypt: Cairo’s Urban Reshaping (Leiden: Brill, 2006). Abdalla, Ahmed, The Student Movement and National Politics in Egypt 1923–1973 (London: Al-Saqi Books, 1985). Abdalla, Mustafa, Beach Politics: Gender and Sexuality in Dahab, Cairo Papers 27 (4) (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2007). Abdo, Geneive, No God But God: Egypt and the Triumph of Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).

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INDEX

‘Abduh, Muhammad, 23, 181 Abu Ghraib prison, 74–5 Abu Hanifa, Imam, 72, 80, 86, 106, 113, 136–7, 140, 142, 194 Abu Sufyan, 68–9 Abu Zayd, Nasr Hamid, 73, 184 adultery, 83, 130–3, 198, 206 al-Afghani, Jamal al-Din, 23, 181 alienation, 20, 33 al-Aqsa mosque, 75, 112 Asad, Talal, 5, 42 asālah (authenticity), 34 authenticity, 20, 30, 34, 97, 99–124, 158, 168–9 authority, 5–7, 13–17, 21, 29–32, 33–5, 40, 124, 140, 158 al-Azhar University, 6, 25, 28, 41, 44, 46, 49–50, 133, 157, 176, 180, 207 Badr, battle of, 74, 89, 195 al-Banna’, Hasan, 24 barakah, 22 capitalism, 99–100, 115–16, 124 children, 74, 82, 86, 114, 125, 128, 135, 143, 145–9, 170 coffee shops, 126–7 colonialism, 32, 100, 169 core framing tasks, 60–4, 68, 165, 167

Bourchier – Preaching Islamic Revival

dāʿiya, 41–3, 167, 176 dār al-iftā’, 32 dars, 40 daʿwah, 41–4 dhikr, 75, 151 discourse, 6–8 duʿāt, see dāʿiya economic oppression (of women), 132–3 entrepreneur, 14, 38, 165, 173 Establishment Islam, 8–9, 13–14, 16, 21, 24–5, 29–32, 34–6, 44–5, 49–50, 94, 157, 176 EU, 115 Euroislam, 94, 108, 169, 186 faith, see imān family, 116, 124–5, 128, 132, 143–5, 149–52 fashion/fashionable, 96, 116, 120, 122, 156, 160–1, 163, 173, 198 father role, 145–7 fatwa/fatāwa, 30, 32, 50, 140, 184, 185 fiqh, 60, 79, 86, 113, 133, 167 globalisation, 4–6, 20, 24, 29, 33, 36, 42 glocalisation, 5–6

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Index Liwā’ al-islām, 25 localisation, 5

Gouma, Ali, 50 hajj (pilgrimage), 110, 150 Hanafi, Hasan, 182 hayā’ (modesty), 75, 78, 152–3 heritage, 20–1, 93, 107, 112, 120, 125 hijāb, 51, 68, 125, 131, 152–6, 160, 163–4, 170 holistic health care, 14 homeopathy, 14 honour crimes, 130–2 humility, see khushūʻ Hussein, Taha, 141 Ibn Hanbal, Imam 72, 87, 140, 142, 153, 185 ijtihād, 3, 141–3, 157, 170 imān (faith), 22, 27, 62, 65, 67, 70, 78, 98, 103, 104, 111, 123–5, 152 industry, 115–16 internet, 45, 52, 84–5, 119, 122, 147, 150, 168 Islamic, definition of, 2–4 Islamic feminism, 7 Islamic law, see sharīʿah Islamic renaissance, see nahdah Islamism, Islamistic, 2–4 islāmīya, 22 islāmiyūn, 22 isrā’, see Night Journey al-jamaʿāt al-islāmīya, 24, 25 Jerusalem, 65, 75, 112 Jews, 69, 74, 82, 136 al-jihād, 24 jihād, 66, 73–5, 139 Judgement Day, 65, 66, 92, 120, 154, 205 khushū’ (humility), 15, 37, 50 khutbah, 36–40 Kifayah, 28, 48 Kishk, Shaykh , 50

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223

Malik, Imam, 15, 79–80, 140, 156, 175, 193 miʿrāj, see Night Journey mobile phone(s), 144, 168 modernisation and globalisation, 4–6 modesty, see hayā’ Mother’s Day, 80 Mubarak, Hosni, 3–4, 9, 12, 17, 25–6, 28, 46, 51, 70, 175–6 mufti, 50, 137 muhadrah, 40 mu’minūn, 22 Muslim Brotherhood, 3, 23–5, 28 mutaʿassibūn, 22 mutatarrifūn, 22 al-Mu’tazilah, 72–3 nahdah (Islamic renaissance), 99, 105–7 nashīd, 35 al-Nasser, Jamal ‘Abd, 25, 101 new media, 29–30, 32, 39, 44–7, 171, 187 Night Journey, 65, 75, 112 niqāb, 50 objectification, 35–6 organic health care, 14 Orientalist, 77, 88–9 orthodoxy, 29–32 physical violence (against women), 132 pilgrimage, see hajj political oppression (of women), 133–7 post-colonial, 7, 32, 159 post-Islamism, definition of, 18–20 power and discourse, 6–8 power and religion, 8–9

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224

Preaching Islamic Revival

al-Qaradawi, Yusuf, 136, 175 Quraish tribe, 69 Qutb, Sayyid, 24 racism, 112–13 reality shows, 84 religion and nationalism, 20, 26 religion, definition, of, 8–9 religiosity, 19–20, 26–7, 83, 122, 124, 162–3, 172, 180 reward, see thawāb Ridá, Rashid, 23 Sadat, Anwar, 25, 101, 183 Salafism, 45, 166, 176, 187 secularisation, 4–6, 128 secularism 4–6, 93 al-Shafi’i, Imam, 108–9, 113, 140, 169 al-Sha’rawi, Shaykh, 50, 175 sharīʿah, 3, 32, 60, 80, 86, 142, 157, 170 sīrah, 57 smoking, 51, 96, 99, 120–1 SMS, 84 social movement, 24–7, 61, 122, 162

Bourchier – Preaching Islamic Revival

social oppression (of women), 137–40 statisation of religion, 20–1 Sufism in Egypt, 21–2 SWOT, 110 tafsīr, 37, 71 al-takfīr wa al-hijrah, 24, 183 Tantawi, Muhammad, 50 taqlīd, 8, 34, 41, 158, 175 taqwa, 37, 102 thawāb (reward), 78, 152 Trench, battle of, 74, 89 turāth, 20 Uhud, battle of, 90, 134 Umm Salamah, 69, 138 ustādh, 41 usūlīya, 22–3 World Health Organization, 1, 120 YouTube, 53, 55, 98 Zainab, Sayyidah, 22 zār, 22

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