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Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa
Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa Second Edition NAOMI CHAZAN ROBERT MORTIMER JOHN RAVENHILL DONALD ROTHCHILD
Lynne Rienner Publishers
• Boulder, Colorado
Published in the United States of America in 1992 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 1800 30th Street, Boulder, Colorado 80301 © 1992 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Politics and society in contemporary Africa/by Naomi Chazan . . . |et al.]—2nd ed., fully rev. and updated Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-55587-283-2 (pbk.) 1. Africa—Politics and government—1960- 2. Africa—Social conditions—1960- 3. Africa—Economic conditions—1960- 4. Africa—Foreign relations. I. Chazan, Naomi, 1946JQ1872.P635 1992 960.3'2—dc20 92-5934 CIP
Printed and bound in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48-1
Published and distributed outside North and South America and Japan by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS, England, and London Companies and representatives throughout the world ISBN 0-333-57814-7 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Contents Lis! of Tables
and Maps
viii
Preface Changes
ix in Country
Names
xi
Map of Africa
xii
Introduction 1
THE
1
DIVERSITY
OF AFRICAN
POLITICS:
TRENDS AND APPROACHES Independent Africa: Trends and Patterns, 6 Approaches to the Study of African Politics, 14 The Political Interaction Framework, 22
PART 1 2
3
5
THE STRUCTURES OF POLITICS
STATE INSTITUTIONS AND THE ORGANIZATION OF THE PUBLIC ARENA The Concept of the State in Africa, 38 The Structural Foundations of African States: The Colonial Legacy, 42 Constructions of the Public Arena Since Independence, 46 States and State Variety in Africa: Some Implications, 67
37
SOCIAL GROUPINGS Social Groups and Social Process, 74 The Organization of Social Life, 77 Social Networks and Social Trends, 97
73
v
vi
4
Contents
ETHNICITY, CLASS, AND THE STATE Ethnicity and Ethnic Group, 106 The Ethnic Intermediary's Critical Role, 1 10 African Class Cleavages and Social Conflicts, 116 Class and Ethnicity as Situational Variables, 124
PART 2 5
6
POLITICAL PROCESS AND POLITICAL CHANGE
R E G I M E S IN I N D E P E N D E N T A F R I C A Regime Evolution in Postcolonial Africa, 135 Regime Types and Their Variations, 137 Regime Types and Political Process, 150
8
10
153
DEEP POLITICS: POLITICAL RESPONSE, PROTEST, AND CONFLICT Elite Conflicts, 190 Factional Conflicts, 193 Communal Conflicts, 198 Mass Conflicts, 202 Popular Conflicts, 204 The Interplay of Political Conflicts, 208
189
POLITICAL TRANSITIONS AND PATTERNS OF CHANGE Modes of Political Change, 212 Patterns of Political Interaction, 220
211
PART 3 9
133
HIGH POLITICS: T H E PROCEDURES AND PRACTICES OF GOVERNMENT The Politics of the Center: Decisionmaking and the Rules of the Political Game. 154 The Politics of Social Relations. 170 Center Consolidation and Maintenance: Some Trends. 183
7
105
POLITICAL ECONOMY
P O L I T I C A L E C O N O M Y : P O L I C Y C H O I C E S IN A CONSTRAINING ENVIRONMENT African Economies in Historical Perspective, 228 Sectoral Policies in the Postindependence Period, 237 Popular Strategies for Economic Survival, 267 Conclusion: An Overextended State? 269
227
AFRICA AND THE WORLD ECONOMY Self-Reliance, 275 Bargaining with Transnational Corporations, 289 Africa and the North-South Dialogue, 297 Africa and the EEC, 302
275
Contents
Vil
Economic Decline, Structural Adjustment, and the International Financial Institutions, 305 Conclusion, 315
PART 4 11
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
INTER-AFRICAN RELATIONS
323
Trans-Saharan Africa, 326 Central Africa, 350 Southern Africa, 357 Inter-African Politics in the Post-Cold War Era, 368 Conclusion, 371
12
AFRICA IN WORLD POLITICS
377
Africa and Europe, 379 The Idea of Eurafrica, 385 Soviet-U.S. Competition in Africa, 388 Détente in Africa, 407 Conclusion: Africa Among the Lesser Powers. 410
PART 5 13
POLITICAL FUTURES
SOUTH AFRICA: RACE AND POLITICS
419
State and Society in South Africa, 420 Political Dissent in a Dual Society, 424 Public Policy and Popular Protest, 432 The Political Economy of Apartheid in the World Economy, 434 The Promise of Negotiation, 437
14
AFRICA TOWARD THE YEAR 2000
Appendix 1. Acronyms Appendix 2. Basic Political Data Index About the Book and the Authors
443
451 453 469 483
Tables and Maps •
Tables
1.1
Basic E c o n o m i c Characteristics of A f r i c a n States
1.2
Basic Social Characteristics of A f r i c a n States
10
2.1
Relative Burden of Military E x p e n d i t u r e s in Sub-Saharan Africa
59
5.1
•
T y p o l o g y of R e g i m e s
8
137
Maps
Africa
xii
South A f r i c a
431
viii
% Preface The first edition of this textbook was conceived by Lynne Rienner several years ago in response to the need for a comprehensive and comparative overview of contemporary African politics and society. The decision to revise and update the volume scarcely four years after publication was prompted not only by the rapid changes that have taken place in Africa in recent years, but also by the advances in the field of contemporary African studies. W e have attempted, in this second edition, to trace the transformations that have occurred in Africa in the wake of the persisting economic crisis on the continent, and to place developments in Africa within the context of the substantial shifts in global structures and priorities. W e have also taken advantage of this opportunity to address some of the comments we received on the first edition. The most important change is the adoption of a political interaction approach to replace the political choice framework that we developed initially. W e believe that the concept of political interaction better reflects the intertwining of social, economic, and political processes on the continent, and also conveys the close connection that has emerged between domestic and international dynamics. By moving to a political interaction approach, w e feel that w e are g i v i n g v o i c e to important changes in the analysis of politics in the African context, as well as increasing the ability to compare occurrences in Africa with those taking place in other parts of the world. This revised edition has been undertaken, like the initial volume, in the spirit of cooperation among the four authors. Our task this time was complicated by our geographic dispersion to all corners of the globe: Naomi Chazan was in Jerusalem, Robert Mortimer in Senegal, John Ravenhill in Australia, and Donald Rothchild in California. Without electronic mail and faxes it
ix
x
Preface
would have been virtually impossible to coordinate o u r efforts. Nevertheless, w e are convinced that the team approach has proven itself once again. N a o m i C h a z a n o w e s special thanks to Ruth G i n i o , w h o painstakingly assisted in updating the tables. T h e Harry S T r u m a n Research Institute of the H e b r e w University continued to provide administrative support and facilities for this project. Robert M o r t i m e r wishes to thank Carol Henry for processing the r e v i s i o n s of his c h a p t e r s , and J o h n R a v e n h i l l o w e s a special d e b t to L y n n e Payne, w h o s c a n n e d the old m a n u s c r i p t o n t o disk and c o r r e c t e d it. D o n a l d R o t h c h i l d a c k n o w l e d g e s t h e a s s i s t a n c e of L e t i t i a L a w s o n , w h o helped in the editorial p r o c e s s . A n d all of us o w e special a p p r e c i a t i o n to Steve Barr of L y n n e R i e n n e r Publishers for successfully m a n a g i n g this c o m plicated project. O n c e again, h o w e v e r , we extend our deepest gratitude to Lynne Rienner, w h o has been a staunch supporter of this work f r o m its inception, and has displayed both i m m e n s e understanding and provided m u c h needed backing in particularly difficult c i r c u m s t a n c e s . W i t h o u t her help and c o m m i t m e n t this revised edition would not have been c o m p l e t e d . April
1992
Changes in Country Names Present
Previous
Benin Botswana Burkina Faso Burundi 1 Cameroon
Dahomey Bechuanaland Upper Volta Ruanda-Urundi French Cameroons and British Southern Cameroons 2 Cape Verde Islands Oubangui Chad French Congo; sometimes referred to as Congo-Brazzaville Ivory Coast French Territory of the Afars and Issas Spanish Guinea Gold Coast and British Togoland Portuguese Guinea Basutoland Madagascar
Cape Verde Central African Republic Congo Cote d'lvoire Djibouti Equatorial Guinea Ghana Guinea-Bissau Lesotho Malagasy Republic (still often referred to as Madagascar) Malawi Mali Namibia Rwanda 1 Saharan Arab Democratic Republic 3
Nyasaland French Soudan South West Africa Ruanda-Urundi Spanish Sahara; sometimes referred to as Western Sahara British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland Tanganyika and Zanzibar French Togoland Belgian Congo; subsequently Congo; sometimes referred to as Congo-Kinshasa or Congo-Leopoldville Northern Rhodesia Southern Rhodesia; Rhodesia
Somali Democratic Republic (Somalia) Tanzania 4 Togo Zaire
Zambia Zimbabwe
1. Ruanda-Urundi was a Belgian-administered trust territory that became independent in 1960 as two separate states. 2. The Southern Cameroons, a British-administered UN trust territory, joined the Republic of Cameroon following a plebiscite in 1961; the people of the Northern Cameroons opted for integration with Nigeria. 3. Morocco has claimed this territory, a claim contested by the Polisario Front (the national liberation movement). Polisario refers to the territory as the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). 4. The United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar came into being on April 26, 1964, as a consequence of the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar; the name "United Republic of Tanzania" was officially adopted a year later. Source: Adapted from William Tordoff, Government and Politics in Africa (Indiana University Press, 1984).
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Rienner Publishers. Prepared by Jeff Neff.
XÜ
t Introduction The excitement of the struggle for independence that still permeates the African continent has gained new momentum in the early 1990s as most African countries have undertaken political reform measures and instituted multiparty governments. Nevertheless, current traumas regarding economic survival and effective political rule continue to take a heavy toll; Africans, their governments, and the international community still grapple with economic adversity, political uncertainty, and social inequities. How have these constraints on growth and opportunity influenced the African political experience? What options exist in these circumstances? What political and economic choices have been made and what are their implications? The answers lie not in a single isolated variable but in the complex interconnections between politics and society, between domestic and external forces, and among historical legacies, available resources, and future prospects. The purpose of this introduction to African politics and society is to depict in broad strokes the complexities and diversities of the African world since independence and to investigate new paths to understanding its intricate dynamics. Besides offering an initial acquaintance with contemporary Africa, we seek to provide a basic knowledge of political events and a closer comprehension of major problems, processes, and trends. By suggesting different ways of looking at issues, we raise a range of explanations for past occurrences and possible directions for theory. This book, therefore, constitutes a preliminary exploration into the multiple forces that make up present-day Africa. In Chapter 1 we analyze different approaches to the study of African politics and present the main elements of an interactive method for the investigation of political structures, processes, and change. In Part 1 we concentrate on 1
2
Politics and Society in Contemporary
Africa
the building blocks of African politics. Chapter 2 is devoted to the study of government institutions. We examine the colonial legacy, the manner of transition to independence, and the structural foundations of the new states. We also trace institutional changes since independence and pinpoint the differences that have emerged among African states since the 1960s. Chapter 3 is focused on the varying social groups that operate within the African setting. We look not only at cultural, kin, religious, racial, and geographic agglomerations but also at socioeconomic formations and their competing interests. Chapter 4 is concerned with the interaction of class, ethnicity, and the state in various African countries, highlighting differing patterns of cooperation, conflict, and exchange. Part 2 centers on the study of the political process. In Chapter 5 we present a typology of regime forms and discuss their evolution. In Chapter 6 we examine how leaders have attempted to govern: We look at ideologies and at the linkages between rulers and ruled. Chapter 7 is devoted to political conflicts evident since independence. In Chapter 8 we analyze the mechanisms, the direction, and the nature of political change, summarizing common political themes, indicating diverging trends, underlining the diverse dynamics of state-society relationships, and focusing on contemporary political reforms. Part 3 concerns the political economy. In Chapter 9 we analyze the differing contexts of development and underdevelopment and examine several major policy issues. Building on this base, in Chapter 10 we study the relationship of Africa to the world economy, probing the ways in which global economic currents impinge on African choice and the differing strategies adopted by African governments and groups to enhance their capacity to manage and progress in such settings. In Part 4 we delve into the international facets of the African experience since independence. In Chapter 11 we look at how external and domestic constraints have guided relations within Africa and in Chapter 12 we review Africa's ties with the outside world and its activities in the international arena. Diverging foreign policies are therefore conceived of as the outcome of the exercise of choice within the context of powerful common constraints. In Chapter 13 we examine the special case of white minority rule and black opposition in South Africa, highlighting the parameters of the political transition in the early 1990s. We look at the peculiar structures and processes of this dual society in order to understand the explosive situation that prevailed in the southern part of the continent and the factors leading to the profound changes in recent years. In Chapter 14 we draw together the lessons gleaned from the study of the many dimensions of politics on the continent, reviewing major patterns, discussing ongoing trends, and advancing some tentative ideas as to the choices ahead for Africans as they continue to deal with the exigencies of scarcity, institutional fragility, dependency, and sociocultural diversity. In each chapter we present the historical background, give an overview
Introduction
3
of developments since independence, and depict the differing manifestations of each topic and issue. Because it is impossible to go into detail for all fiftyone states in Africa, we conduct a comparative analysis of processes that exemplify emerging patterns on the continent. On this basis, special attention is devoted to Nigeria, Ghana, Guinea, Cote d'lvoire, Cameroon, and Senegal in West Africa; Algeria and Morocco in North Africa; Chad and Mali in the Sahel; Ethiopia and Sudan in the Horn of Africa; Zaire and Zambia in Central Africa; Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda in East Africa; and Angola, Mozambique, and Botswana in southern Africa. We conclude each chapter by extracting the major patterns that emerge from the data; we discuss various explanations and raise further questions for thought and action. In this textbook, unlike others on African politics, we concentrate on the period since independence in order to expose existing problems in greater detail and to explore the possibilities that emanate from the need to confront these difficult realities. The politics of contemporary Africa are as vibrant as they are diverse. Since independence, new dimensions of political life have unfolded that defy conventional wisdom and demand a reformulation of concepts and expectations. We offer this volume as an introduction into this often confusing, constantly challenging, always fascinating, and ultimately questioning world.
1 The Diversity of African Politics: Trends and Approaches The African continent encompasses a rich mosaic of peoples, cultures, ecological settings, and historical experiences. Africa's vast expanse of 11,677,240 square miles (30,244,050 square kilometers) stretches from the Mediterranean in the north to the meeting point of the Atlantic and Indian oceans in the south. The 5 0 0 million people of Africa (roughly 10 percent of the globe's population) are as diverse as the terrain they inhabit. The blacks and Arabs who live on the continent (together with small concentrations of Asians and whites) speak more than eight hundred languages, belong to hundreds of ethnic groups, and over the years have embraced many animist belief systems as well as all the great religions (most notably, Christianity and Islam). Although 70 percent of the continent's people live in the rural areas and make their living as farmers and pastoralists, rapidly growing ancient and new cities are also sprinkled over the map of Africa. Subsistence agriculture is sustained alongside hi-tech industries; the world's greatest mineral reserves are to be found in regions of the most abject poverty; universities thrive where illiteracy still prevails. The political map of Africa captures the complexity that is the essence of the continent. Africa's fifty-one states are the product of conquest and separation, amalgamation and continuity. Ethiopia and Egypt are among the oldest political entities known to human history. But most of Africa consists of new states carved out by the imperial powers. Nigeria, with its population of more than 100 million, contrasts sharply with tiny Comoros or Gambia. Massive Zaire is bordered by the small republics of Rwanda and Burundi. Swaziland is a nation-state (that is, ethnically homogeneous). It is surrounded by some of the most heterogeneous, multi-ethnic countries in the world today. Africa sustains monarchies and dictatorships, military regimes and civilian govern5
6
Politics and Society in Contemporary
Africa
ments, revolutionary systems and democracies, populist administrations and authoritarian modes of rule. African politics constitute a microcosm of political forms and contents, experiences and patterns, trends and prospects. To focus on the contemporary politics of this continent is therefore to contemplate some of the most basic issues of human survival, organization, change, and growth. This book provides an introduction to the central themes of political life in independent Africa.
•
INDEPENDENT AFRICA: TRENDS AND PATTERNS
The first wave of independence in Africa commenced in the 1950s with the emergence of North Africa and then Ghana from colonial rule. The year 1960, generally considered the year of African independence, witnessed the dismantling of the French colonial empire as well as the attainment of sovereignty by Nigeria—sub-Saharan Africa's most influential power. By the mid1960s over thirty new states had undergone the process of decolonization. The second, and generally more violent, wave of independence began in 1974, following the revolution in Portugal. The lusophone (Portuguesespeaking) states of Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, Mozambique, and Angola finally overcame 400 years of colonial domination. In 1975, Spain withdrew from the western Sahara, setting in motion a period of still unresolved strife over control of the territory. In 1980 the struggle against white rule in Rhodesia was crowned with success: The independence of Zimbabwe brought the British colonial presence in Africa to an end. Namibia gained independence in 1990. And South Africa, the last, and most recalcitrant, remnant of an internal colonial presence in contemporary Africa, is now in the throes of fundamental change. The heady expectations that accompanied the transfer of power have, in the first postcolonial generation, of necessity given way to a more sober view of domestic and international realities. The meaning of independence, nevertheless, has varied from place to place on the continent. Different states, individuals, and groups have undergone quite distinct experiences in a variety of spheres, rendering Africa far more heterogeneous in the 1990s than it was on the eve of the transition from colonial rule. In economic terms, the performance of many African countries has fallen far short of the vision of progress and well-being held forth by the leaders of anticolonial movements (see Table 1.1). In 1985, for example, twenty-two countries could not feed their growing population; agricultural production in the first part of the 1980s had actually declined. Economic growth rates per capita during the 1970s and 1980s, with a few exceptions, were stagnant if not negative. The foreign debt of most African states has increased precipi-
The Diversity
of African Politics
1
tously since the late 1970s. Yet, some countries recorded substantial economic achievements (Botswana, Algeria, Gabon, and Cote d'lvoire, for example) and others have taken significant steps to avert further economic deterioration (Ghana, Zimbabwe). Certain amenities, such as clean water, electricity, latrines, and feeder roads, are now generally more available than at the close of the colonial era. Some Africans have enriched themselves in the course of these years; for others the exigencies of absolute poverty have continued to shape their existence. 1 Although economic trends have highlighted a widespread malaise, the economic paths of African countries and specific groups have diverged markedly during this short time span. Social gains in some areas have come together with social dislocation and glaring inequalities in others (see Table 1.2). Most African countries initially made impressive advances in education and primary health care. Nevertheless, infant mortality rates are high (in some cases 50 percent of those born do not survive until the age of five), and life expectancy is just over fifty years. Access to much-needed services is uneven. The gap between the city and the countryside persists and has, in many places, been exacerbated. Elitemass strains are pronounced. In Nigeria, for example, successful entrepreneurs and professionals fly around in private jets, while peasants line up for a portion of rice. Many rural areas have not been electrified; urban dwellers frequently have their own generators. In the countryside, wealthier landowners sometimes control large tracts of land, while small farmers scratch out a living from depleted soil. Social groups throughout the continent have become more aware, over the years, of their own particular circumstances. Ethnic groupings, incipient classes, and a variety of local communities, professional associations, trade unions, women's organizations, and religious movements have organized to forward their specific interests. In some instances, formal channels of participation have facilitated ongoing communication; in others, indirect avenues have been established to raise demands and to distribute benefits (patronclient relationships are a good example); and in other cases politicization has increased while access to the political center has been severely circumscribed. The opportunities for involvement in decisionmaking have therefore varied. Conflicts have been an integral part of the independence experience, as have the ongoing quests for national coherence. Political violence, unquestionably, has proliferated. Ethnic and nationality conflicts (in Ethiopia, Chad, Nigeria, Zaire, Sudan, and Angola) persist. Civil dissension has risen in Liberia, Somalia, Zaire, and Rwanda. Religious riots, virtually unheard of in the 1960s, are in evidence in Nigeria today. Interstate conflicts also erupted in the 1980s: The Chad-Libya dispute, the Zaire-Angola skirmishes, and the border wars between Burkina Faso and Mali are just some examples. And in Senegal and Mauritania in 1989, mutual pogroms, primarily in the two capitals, took place against nations of the neighboring country, followed by
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