Papers of Thomas Jefferson. Volume 34 The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 34: 1 May to 31 July 1801 9780691184852, 9780691135571

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T H E PA P E R S O F

THOMAS JEFFERSON BARBARA B. OBERG

general editor

T H E PA P E R S O F

Thomas Jefferson Volume 34 1 May to 31 July 1801 BARBARA B. OBERG, EDITOR

james p. mc clure and elaine weber pascu, senior associate editors martha j. king, associate editor tom downey and amy speckart, assistant editors linda monaco, editorial assistant john e. little, research associate

princeton and oxford princeton university press 2007

Copyright © 2007 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In The United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1SY All Rights Reserved ISBN 978-0-691-13557-1 Library of Congress Number: 50-7486 This book has been composed in Monticello Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources

Printed in the United States of America

dedicated to the memory of ADOLPH S. OCHS publisher of the new york times 1896 - 1935

who by the example of a responsible press enlarged and fortified the jeffersonian concept of a free press

ADVISORY COMMITTEE JEREMY ADELMAN

J. JEFFERSON LOONEY

JOYCE APPLEBY

JAMES M. McPHERSON

ANDREW BURSTEIN

JOHN M. MURRIN

NOBLE E. CUNNINGHAM, JR.

MERRILL D. PETERSON

ROBERT C. DARNTON

ROBERT C. RITCHIE

PETER J. DOUGHERTY

DANIEL T. RODGERS

ANNETTE GORDON-REED

JACK ROSENTHAL

RONALD HOFFMAN

ARTHUR M. SCHLESINGER, JR.

DANIEL P. JORDAN

HERBERT E. SLOAN

STANLEY N. KATZ

ALAN TAYLOR

THOMAS H. KEAN

SHIRLEY M. TILGHMAN

JAN ELLEN LEWIS

SEAN WILENTZ

WALTER LIPPINCOTT

GORDON S. WOOD

C O N S U LTA N T S ROBERT W. HARTLE, FRANÇOIS P. RIGOLOT, and CAROL RIGOLOT, Consultants in French SIMONE MARCHESI, Consultant in Italian REEM F. IVERSEN and ANGEL G. LOUREIRO, Consultants in Spanish

SUPPORTERS This edition was made possible by an initial grant of $200,000 from The New York Times Company to Princeton University. Contributions from many foundations and individuals have sustained the endeavor since then. Among these are the Ford Foundation, the Lyn and Norman Lear Foundation, the Lucius N. Littauer Foundation, the Charlotte Palmer Phillips Foundation, the L. J. Skaggs and Mary C. Skaggs Foundation, the John Ben Snow Memorial Trust, Time, Inc., Robert C. Baron, B. Batmanghelidj, David K. E. Bruce, and James Russell Wiggins. In recent years generous ongoing support has come from The New York Times Company Foundation, the Dyson Foundation, the Barkley Fund (through the National Trust for the Humanities), the Florence Gould Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Pew Charitable Trusts, and the Packard Humanities Institute (through Founding Fathers Papers, Inc.). Benefactions from a greatly expanded roster of dedicated individuals have underwritten this volume and those still to come: Sara and James Adler, Helen and Peter Bing, Diane and John Cooke, Judy and Carl Ferenbach III, Mary-Love and William Harman, Frederick P. and Mary Buford Hitz, Governor Thomas H. Kean, Ruth and Sidney Lapidus, Lisa and Willem Mesdag, Tim and Lisa Robertson, Ann and Andrew C. Rose, Sara Lee and Axel Schupf, the Sulzberger family through the Hillandale Foundation, Richard W. Thaler, Tad and Sue Thompson, The Wendt Family Charitable Foundation, and Susan and John O. Wynne. For their vision and extraordinary eCorts to provide for the future of this edition, we owe special thanks to John S. Dyson, Governor Kean, H. L. Lenfest and the Lenfest Foundation, Rebecca Rimel and the Pew Charitable Trusts, and Jack Rosenthal. In partnership with these individuals and foundations, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission and the National Endowment for the Humanities have been crucial to the editing and publication of The Papers of Thomas JeCerson.

FOR EWOR D affection of citizens to their government is worth culti“ T he vating as it’s best support,” Thomas JeCerson observed in June

1801. And cultivating this aCection describes, on one level, what Jefferson sought to do during the three months covered by this volume. His words embrace both a statement of political philosophy and a description of sound republican government. The president continued to believe, as he wrote to Thomas McKean of Pennsylvania, that the mass of citizens were “republican” at base: “to render us again one people, acting as one nation, should be the object of every man really a patriot.” The task for JeCerson, members of his administration, and party members at the state and local levels was to deAne what republican/Republican meant now that their party was in power. Skeptical Federalists wanted to make sure that JeCerson lived up to what they interpreted the language of his Inaugural Address to mean—that they were all republicans and all federalists. To many Republicans, who wanted to right the wrongs they felt had been committed under the administration of John Adams, however, cultivating their aCection meant making sure they received their fair share of state and federal jobs. Federalist intransigence was at its height in Connecticut, and probably for that reason JeCerson’s most eloquent statement of his general policy on removals and appointments was addressed to the merchants of New Haven, who had vehemently objected to his removal of Elizur Goodrich, an established lawyer and former congressman, as collector of the port of New Haven. The merchants’ remonstrance of 18 June against the appointment of Samuel Bishop to replace Goodrich and JeCerson’s 12 July reply, among the most signiAcant documents in this volume, summarize the speciAc case and illuminate the larger controversy. JeCerson used his reply to clarify statements from his Inaugural Address that he felt had been misinterpreted. His declarations of tolerance, harmony, and equal rights for the minority did not mean, as the Federalists seemed to believe, that no oDces would change hands. Receiving wide circulation in the press, JeCerson’s reply to the remonstrants functioned as a public statement of his removal policy and an acceptance of the reality of political parties. Following through on this statement in a very direct and practical way, the president excluded paragraphs from a draft circular to customs collectors that Secretary of the Treasury Albert Gallatin (whose department possessed the largest supply of potential patronage posts) < vii>

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prepared. Gallatin had included the admonition that “Integrity, and Capacity suitable to the Station, be the only QualiAcations, that shall direct our Choice.” Responding the next day, JeCerson reported that he and Secretary of State James Madison concurred in the belief that until an equilibrium of oDces between Republicans and Federalists was established, talent and worth could not be the only prerequisites of oDce. The “two important objects” JeCerson had set for himself, “to reduce the government to republican principles & practices; & to heal the wounds of party,” were proving to be more diDcult to achieve than he had anticipated. President JeCerson began almost immediately to implement his objectives of economy and eDciency in the government. For the army, he characterized the reforms he proposed to introduce as “a chaste reformation.” JeCerson had the chief clerk of the War Department prepare a list of commissioned oDcers in July. In a column for additional remarks, the president’s young secretary, Meriwether Lewis, annotated that list, with such comments as “Republican,” or “Opposed to the Administration, otherwise respectable oDcers,” or “esteemed from a superiority of genius & Military proAciency.” JeCerson drew upon this information in planning for a reduction in the size of the army. Samuel Smith, who agreed to “do the duties” of heading the Navy Department on an interim basis, without pay, arranged for the sale of surplus warships in accordance with the Peace Establishment Act and prepared reports for the president on the size and condition of the navy. Secretary of the Treasury Albert Gallatin gathered Agures and sketched out improvements in the methods of collecting taxes and proposed cuts in the size of the Treasury Department bureaucracy. An executive order on revenue districts, for example, which established the new North West District and eliminated revenue inspectors, provided for revenue collectors to report directly to supervisors, thereby increasing eDciency and accountability in the collection of direct taxes. All of the reforms and changes being proposed could be decided at the executive level of government, for the Arst session of the Seventh Congress did not convene until early December. Although JeCerson’s extant papers record nothing of the events of the nation’s 25th anniversary of the Fourth of July, his Arst as president, Samuel Harrison Smith described a celebratory occasion at the President’s House, attended by around 100 citizens. Four large sideboards were laden with refreshments, wine, and punch. A Marine Corps band playing the “President’s March” accompanied a military salute to the president. JeCerson, noted Smith, “mingled promiscu< viii>

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ously with the citizens, and far from designating any particular friends for consultation, conversed for a short time with every one that came in his way. It was certainly a proud day for him, the honours of which he discharged with more than his usual care” (Gaillard Hunt, ed., The First Forty Years of Washington Society [New York, 1906], 30-1). Among the guests in attendance were Ave Cherokee chiefs. They had come to Washington as a delegation to express to the new president their nation’s concern over the encroachments by white settlers into Indian territory and to inquire whether the United States intended a new treaty that would deprive them of even more land. Secretary of War Henry Dearborn met with the Cherokees on 30 June and one of them, The Glass, spoke for the group. The substance of Dearborn’s reply on 3 July was drafted by JeCerson. In the fall of 1800, farm workers near Newburgh, New York, discovered some large bones, which JeCerson, Charles Willson Peale, and Caspar Wistar (all members of the American Philosophical Society and interested in paleontology) hoped would oCer the prospect of obtaining a complete skeleton of “the great incognitum.” The society held a special meeting, which approved an interest-free loan of $500 for Peale’s endeavor to recover the missing pieces and reconstruct the skeleton of what proved to be a mastodon. JeCerson oCered Peale, along with congratulations, a pump and some tents from the navy and the War Department for his work. JeCerson made a point of observing to several of his correspondents, almost as if he were surprised, how much he liked residing in the Federal City. Washington was “really a pleasant country residence, with an excellent society & quite enough of it.” He became involved in the development of the city, corresponding on a detailed and concrete level with the District of Columbia Commissioners. Nonetheless, on 30 July, JeCerson left the nation’s capital to spend the unhealthy months of August and September at Monticello, “a climate more congenial than that of the tide waters.” His letters during the last several days before his departure depict an executive heading away on vacation, speaking of “last arrangements” to be made, sorting out what he would take with him, and explaining how long it would take for mail to reach him (he expected that letters would go from Washington to Monticello and the answer return within a week). He also hoped, and almost insisted, that his daughters be at Monticello on his arrival, sometime “between the 2nd. & 7th.” of August. < ix>

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He urged Maria Eppes to travel slowly and carefully and requested Martha Randolph to join her younger sister at once. Both daughters were pregnant. As JeCerson had often done, he expressed pleasure at leaving political concerns behind in the capital, impatience for the moment of their reunion, and hope that he, his daughters, and his grandchildren would “never again know so long a separation.”

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS any individuals have given the Editors the beneAt of their aid in the preparation of this volume, and we oCer them our thanks. Those who helped us use manuscript collections, answered research queries, assisted with translations, or advised in other ways are John S. Dyson; Angeliki Glynou; F. Andrew McMichael; William C. Jordan, Robert A. Kaster, and Ronald Surtz, Princeton University; in the libraries at Princeton, Karin A. Trainer, University Librarian, and Elizabeth Z. Bennett, Mary George, Daniel J. Linke, and Ben Primer; Timothy Connelly and Dane Hartgrove of the NHPRC; James H. Hutson and the staC at the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, especially Lia Apodaca, Jennifer Brathovde, Ernest Emrich, JeCrey Flannery, Gerard W. Gawalt, Joseph Jackson, Patrick Kerwin, and Bruce Kirby; Peter Drummey and the library staC of the Massachusetts Historical Society, especially Nancy Heywood for providing digital scans; Robert C. Ritchie, John Rhodehamel, and others at the Huntington Library; Vincent Golden at the American Antiquarian Society; Lucia C. Stanton and Susan R. Stein of the Thomas JeCerson Foundation at Monticello; Christian Dupont, Michael Plunkett, Regina Rush, and the staC of Special Collections at the University of Virginia Library; Susan A. Riggs, Swem Library, the College of William and Mary; the staC of the Missouri Historical Society; Martin Levitt and Roy Goodman of the American Philosophical Society; Jude M. PAster and his staC at Morristown National Historical Park; Dennis M. Conrad of the Naval Historical Center; Frances Pollard at the Virginia Historical Society; Lila Fourhman-Shaull of the York County Heritage Trust; the staC of the New York Public Library; the Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History and the New-York Historical Society; Charles T. Cullen; Joel J. Orosz; Charles M. Harris of the Papers of William Thornton, and our fellow editors at the Thomas JeCerson Retirement Series at Monticello, the Adams Papers at the Massachusetts Historical Society, the Papers of George Washington and the Papers of James Madison at the University of Virginia, and the Papers of Benjamin Franklin at Yale University. Alfred L. Bush of Princeton, James N. Green of the Library Company of Philadelphia, Bonnie Coles and Barbara Moore of the Library of Congress, Amy L. Trout of the New Haven Museum and Historical Society, JeCrey Ruggles of the Virginia Historical Society, and Harmony Haskins of the White House Historical Association assisted with the illustrations. Josh Allen of T-prime Consulting provided expert IT support in the design and

M

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

development of our database and Web site. Scott McClure, Kate McClure, and Brian Solomon have also contributed to the creation of the documents database that is the foundation of the presidential volumes. We thank Alice Calaprice for careful reading and Jan Lilly for her unparalleled mastery of what a JeCerson volume must be. We thank those at Princeton University Press who never fail to give these volumes the beneAt of their expertise: Chuck Creesy, Sam Elworthy, Dimitri Karetnikov, Neil Litt, Elizabeth Litz, Clara Platter, Linny Schenck, and Brigitta van Rheinberg.

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EDITORIAL METHOD AND A P PA R AT U S 1. R E N D E R I N G T H E T E X T

Julian P. Boyd eloquently set forth a comprehensive editorial policy in Volume 1 of The Papers of Thomas JeCerson. Adopting what he described as a “middle course” for rendering eighteenth-century handwritten materials into print, Boyd set the standards for modern historical editing. His successors, Charles T. Cullen and John Catanzariti, reaDrmed Boyd’s high standards. At the same time, they made changes in textual policy and editorial apparatus as they deemed appropriate. For Boyd’s policy and subsequent modiAcations to it, readers are encouraged to consult Vol. 1: xxix-xxxviii; Vol. 22: vii-xi; and Vol. 24: vii-viii. The revised, more literal textual method, which appeared for the Arst time in Volume 30, adheres to the following guidelines: Abbreviations will be retained as written. Where the meaning is suDciently unclear to require editorial intervention, the expansion will be given in the explanatory annotation. Capitalization will follow the usage of the writer. Because the line between uppercase and lowercase letters can be a very Ane and Buctuating one, when it is impossible to make an absolute determination of the author’s intention, we will adopt modern usage. JeCerson rarely began his sentences with an uppercase letter, and we conform to his usage. Punctuation will be retained as written, and double marks of punctuation, such as a period followed by a dash, will be allowed to stand. Misspellings or so-called slips of the pen will be allowed to stand or will be recorded in a subjoined textual note. English translations or translation summaries will be supplied for foreign-language documents. In some instances, when documents are lengthy and not especially pertinent to JeCerson’s concerns or if our edition’s typography cannot adequately represent the script of a language, we will provide only a summary in English. In most cases we will print in full the text in its original language and also provide a full English translation. If a contemporary translation that JeCerson made or would have used is extant, we may print it in lieu of a modern translation. Our own translations are designed to provide a basic readable English text for the modern user rather than to preserve all aspects of the original diction and language. < xiii>

E D I T O R I A L M ET H O D A N D A P PA R AT US 2. TEXTUAL DEVICES

The following devices are employed throughout the work to clarify the presentation of the text. [. . .] [ ] [roman]

[italic]

Text missing and not conjecturable. Number or part of a number missing or illegible. Conjectural reading for missing or illegible matter. A question mark follows when the reading is doubtful. Editorial comment inserted in the text. Matter deleted in the MS but restored in our text. 3. D E S C R I P T I V E S Y M B O L S

The following symbols are employed throughout the work to describe the various kinds of manuscript originals. When a series of versions is recorded, the Arst to be recorded is the version used for the printed text. Dft

Dupl MS N PoC PrC RC SC Tripl

draft (usually a composition or rough draft; later drafts, when identiAable as such, are designated “2d Dft,” &c.) duplicate manuscript (arbitrarily applied to most documents other than letters) note, notes (memoranda, fragments, &c.) polygraph copy press copy recipient’s copy stylograph copy triplicate

All manuscripts of the above types are assumed to be in the hand of the author of the document to which the descriptive symbol pertains. If not, that fact is stated. On the other hand, the following types of manuscripts are assumed not to be in the hand of the author, and exceptions will be noted: FC Lb

Ale copy (applied to all contemporary copies retained by the author or his agents) letterbook (ordinarily used with FC and Tr to denote texts copied into bound volumes) < xiv>

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Tr

transcript (applied to all contemporary and later copies except Ale copies; period of transcription, unless clear by implication, will be given when known) 4. L O C A T I O N S Y M B O L S

The locations of documents printed in this edition from originals in private hands and from printed sources are recorded in selfexplanatory form in the descriptive note following each document. The locations of documents printed from originals held by public and private institutions in the United States are recorded by means of the symbols used in the National Union Catalog in the Library of Congress; an explanation of how these symbols are formed is given in Vol. 1:xl. The symbols DLC and MHi by themselves stand for the collections of JeCerson Papers proper in these repositories; when texts are drawn from other collections held by these two institutions, the names of those collections will be added. Location symbols for documents held by institutions outside the United States are given in a subjoined list. The lists of symbols are limited to the institutions represented by documents printed or referred to in this volume. CSmH CU-BANC CtHi CtNhHi CtY CtY-M DLC DNA

The Huntington Library, San Marino, California University of California, Berkeley, Bancroft Library Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford New Haven Colony Historical Society Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut Yale University Medical School Library of Congress The National Archives, with identiAcations of series (preceded by record group number) as follows: RG 21 Records of District Courts RG 28 Records of the Post ODce Department LPG Letters Sent by the Postmaster General RG 42 Records of the ODce of Public Buildings and Public Parks of the National Capital DCLB District of Columbia Letterbook PC Proceedings of the Board of Commissioners of the District of Columbia < xv>

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RG 45

Naval Records Collection of the ODce of Naval Records and Library LSP Letters Sent to the President MLR Misc. Letters Received MLS Misc. Letters Sent RG 46 Records of the United States Senate EPFR Executive Proceedings, Foreign Relations RG 59 General Records of the Department of State CD Consular Dispatches DCI Diplomatic and Consular Instructions DD Diplomatic Dispatches DL Domestic Letters GPR General Pardon Records LAR Letters of Application and Recommendation MCL Misc. Commissions and Lists MLR Misc. Letters Received MPTPC Misc. Permanent and Temporary Presidential Commissions NFC Notes from Foreign Consuls NL Notes from Legations PTCC Permanent and Temporary Consular Commissions RG 75 Records of the Bureau of Indian ACairs LSIA Letters Sent by the Secretary of War Relating to Indian ACairs RG 104 Records of the Mint DL Domestic Letters RG 107 Records of the ODce of the Secretary of War LRUS Letters Received by the Secretary of War, Unregistered Series LSMA Letters Sent by the Secretary of War Relating to Military ACairs MLS Misc. Letters Sent < xvi>

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RLRMS

DNAL DNCD DeGH DeHi ICHi ICN InHi MBCo MHi MWA MdBJ-G MdElk MdHi MiU-C MoSHi NHi NN NNMus NNPM NcD NhHi NhPoS NjMoHP NjP PHi

Register of Letters Received, Main Series RG 125 Records of the ODce of the Judge Advocate General (Navy) GCMCI Transcripts of Proceedings of General Courts-Martial and Courts of Inquiry RG 233 Records of the United States House of Representatives PM President’s Messages TRC Transcribed Reports of Committees National Agricultural Library, Beltsville, Maryland National Society of the Colonial Dames of America, Washington, D.C. Hagley Museum and Library, Greenville, Delaware Historical Society of Delaware, Wilmington Chicago Historical Society Newberry Library, Chicago Indiana Historical Society, Indianapolis Countway Library of Medicine, Boston Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts Johns Hopkins University, John Work Garrett Library, Baltimore Historic Elk Landing Foundation of Elkton, Maryland Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore University of Michigan, William L. Clements Library, Ann Arbor Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis New-York Historical Society, New York City New York Public Library Museum of the City of New York Pierpont Morgan Library, New York City Duke University, Durham, North Carolina New Hampshire Historical Society, Concord Strawberry Banke, Portsmouth, New Hampshire Morristown National Historical Park, New Jersey Princeton University Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia < xvii>

E D I T O R I A L M ET H O D A N D A P PA R AT US

PPAmP PWacD PYHi R-Ar TxU Vi ViHi ViU ViW

American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia David Library of the American Revolution, Washington Crossing, Pennsylvania Historical Society of York County, York, Pennsylvania Rhode Island State Archives, Providence University of Texas, Austin Virginia State Library, Richmond Virginia Historical Society, Richmond University of Virginia, Charlottesville College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia

The following symbol represents a repository located outside of the United States: GyLeU

Universität Leipzig Universitätsbibliothek, Germany

5. OTHER SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

The following symbols and abbreviations are commonly employed in the annotation throughout the work. Second Series The topical series to be published as part of this edition, comprising those materials which are best suited to a topical rather than a chronological arrangement (see Vol. 1: xvxvi) TJ Thomas JeCerson TJ Editorial Files Photoduplicates and other editorial materials in the oDce of The Papers of Thomas JeCerson, Princeton University Library TJ Papers JeCerson Papers (applied to a collection of manuscripts when the precise location of an undated, misdated, or otherwise problematic document must be furnished, and always preceded by the symbol for the institutional repository; thus “DLC: TJ Papers, 4:628-9” represents a document in the Library of Congress, JeCerson Papers, volume 4, pages 628 and 629. Citations to volumes and folio numbers of the JeCerson Papers at the Library of Congress refer to the collection as it was arranged at the time the Arst microAlm edition was made in 1944-45. Access to the microAlm edition of the collection as it was rearranged under the Library’s Presidential Papers Pro< xviii>

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gram is provided by the Index to the Thomas JeCerson Papers [Washington, D.C., 1976]) RG Record Group (used in designating the location of documents in the National Archives) SJL JeCerson’s “Summary Journal of Letters” written and received for the period 11 Nov. 1783 to 25 June 1826 (in DLC: TJ Papers). This register, kept in JeCerson’s hand, has been checked against the TJ Editorial Files. It is to be assumed that all outgoing letters are recorded in SJL unless there is a note to the contrary. When the date of receipt of an incoming letter is recorded in SJL, it is incorporated in the notes. Information and discrepancies revealed in SJL but not found in the letter itself are also noted. Missing letters recorded in SJL are, where possible, accounted for in the notes to documents mentioning them or in related documents. A more detailed discussion of this register and its use in this edition appears in Vol. 6: vii-x SJPL “Summary Journal of Public Letters,” an incomplete list of letters and documents written by TJ from 16 Apr. 1784 to 31 Dec. 1793, with brief summaries, in an amanuensis’s hand. This is supplemented by six pages in TJ’s hand, compiled at a later date, listing private and conAdential memorandums and notes as well as oDcial reports and communications by and to him as Secretary of State, 11 Oct. 1789 to 31 Dec. 1793 (in DLC: TJ Papers, Epistolary Record, 514-59 and 209-11, respectively; see Vol. 22: ix-x). Since nearly all documents in the amanuensis’s list are registered in SJL, while few in TJ’s list are so recorded, it is to be assumed that all references to SJPL are to the list in TJ’s hand unless there is a statement to the contrary V Ecu ƒ Florin £ Pound sterling or livre, depending upon context (in doubtful cases, a clarifying note will be given) s Shilling or sou (also expressed as /) d Penny or denier μ Livre Tournois ® Per (occasionally used for pro, pre) 6. S H O R T T I T L E S

The following list includes short titles of works cited frequently in this edition. Since it is impossible to anticipate all the works to be cited in abbreviated form, the list is revised from volume to volume. < xix>

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Alberts, Golden Voyage Robert C. Alberts, The Golden Voyage: The Life and Times of William Bingham, 1752-1804, Boston, 1969 Ammon, Monroe Harry Ammon, James Monroe: The Quest for National Identity, New York, 1971 anb John A. Garraty and Mark C. Carnes, eds., American National Biography, New York and Oxford, 1999, 24 vols. Annals Annals of the Congress of the United States: The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States . . . Compiled from Authentic Materials, Washington, D.C., Gales & Seaton, 1834-56, 42 vols. All editions are undependable and pagination varies from one printing to another. The Arst two volumes of the set cited here have “Compiled . . . by Joseph Gales, Senior” on the title page and bear the caption “Gales & Seatons History” on verso and “of Debates in Congress” on recto pages. The remaining volumes bear the caption “History of Congress” on both recto and verso pages. Those using the Arst two volumes with the latter caption will need to employ the date of the debate or the indexes of debates and speakers. aps American Philosophical Society asp American State Papers: Documents, Legislative and Executive, of the Congress of the United States, Washington, D.C., 1832-61, 38 vols. Bear, Family Letters Edwin M. Betts and James A. Bear, Jr., eds., Family Letters of Thomas JeCerson, Columbia, Mo., 1966 Bedini, Statesman of Science Silvio A. Bedini, Thomas JeCerson: Statesman of Science, New York, 1990 Betts, Farm Book Edwin M. Betts, ed., Thomas JeCerson’s Farm Book, Princeton, 1953 Betts, Garden Book Edwin M. Betts, ed., Thomas JeCerson’s Garden Book, 1766-1824, Philadelphia, 1944 Biog. Dir. Cong. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, 1774-1989, Washington, D.C., 1989 Brant, Madison Irving Brant, James Madison, Indianapolis, 1941-61, 6 vols. Brigham, American Newspapers Clarence S. Brigham, History and Bibliography of American Newspapers, 1690-1820, Worcester, Mass., 1947, 2 vols. Bryan, National Capital Wilhelmus B. Bryan, A History of the National Capital from Its Foundation through the Period of the Adoption of the Organic Act, New York, 1914-16, 2 vols. < xx>

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Bush, Life Portraits Alfred L. Bush, The Life Portraits of Thomas JeCerson, rev. ed., Charlottesville, 1987 Cooke, Coxe Jacob E. Cooke, Tench Coxe and the Early Republic, Chapel Hill, 1978 Cunningham, JeCersonian Republicans in Power Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The JeCersonian Republicans in Power, Party Operations, 1801-1809, Chapel Hill, 1963 Cunningham, Process of Government Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The Process of Government under JeCerson, Princeton, 1978 cvsp William P. Palmer and others, eds., Calendar of Virginia State Papers . . . Preserved in the Capitol at Richmond, Richmond, 1875-93, 11 vols. dab Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of American Biography, New York, 1928-36, 20 vols. Dexter, Yale Franklin Bowditch Dexter, Biographical Sketches of the Graduates of Yale College with Annals of the College History, New York, 1885-1912, 6 vols. dhrc Merrill Jensen, John P. Kaminski, Gaspare J. Saladino, and others, eds., The Documentary History of the RatiAcation of the Constitution, Madison, Wis., 1976- , 21 vols. dhsc Maeva Marcus and others, eds., The Documentary History of the Supreme Court of the United States, 1789-1800, New York, 1985-2007, 8 vols. Dictionnaire Dictionnaire de biographie française, Paris, 1933- , 19 vols. dnb H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison, eds., Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, In Association with The British Academy, From the Earliest Times to the Year 2000, Oxford, 2004, 60 vols. dsb Charles C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of ScientiAc Biography, New York, 1970-80, 16 vols. eg Dickinson W. Adams and Ruth W. Lester, eds., JeCerson’s Extracts from the Gospels, Princeton, 1983, The Papers of Thomas JeCerson, Second Series Ehrman, Pitt John Ehrman, The Younger Pitt: The Consuming Struggle, London, 1996 Evans Charles Evans, CliCord K. Shipton, and Roger P. Bristol, comps., American Bibliography: A Chronological Dictionary of All Books, Pamphlets and Periodical Publications Printed in the United States of America from . . . 1639 . . . to . . . 1820, Chicago and Worcester, Mass., 1903-59, 14 vols. < xxi>

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Ford Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Writings of Thomas JeCerson, Letterpress Edition, New York, 1892-99, 10 vols. Gallatin, Papers Carl E. Prince and Helene E. Fineman, eds., The Papers of Albert Gallatin, microAlm edition in 46 reels, Philadelphia, 1969, and Supplement, Barbara B. Oberg, ed., reels 47-51, Wilmington, Del., 1985 Harris, Thornton C. M. Harris, ed., Papers of William Thornton: Volume One, 1781-1802, Charlottesville, 1995 haw Henry A. Washington, ed., The Writings of Thomas JeCerson, New York, 1853-54, 9 vols. Heitman, Dictionary Francis B. Heitman, comp., Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, Washington, D.C., 1903, 2 vols. Heitman, Register Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register of ODcers of the Continental Army during the War of the Revolution, April, 1775, to December, 1793, new ed., Washington, D.C., 1914 jep Journal of the Executive Proceedings of the Senate of the United States . . . to the Termination of the Nineteenth Congress, Washington, D.C., 1828, 3 vols. jhr Journal of the House of Representatives of the United States, Washington, D.C., 1826, 9 vols. js Journal of the Senate of the United States, Washington, D.C., 1820-21, 5 vols. King, Life Charles R. King, ed., The Life and Correspondence of Rufus King: Comprising His Letters, Private and ODcial, His Public Documents and His Speeches, New York, 1894-1900, 6 vols. Kline, Burr Mary-Jo Kline, ed., Political Correspondence and Public Papers of Aaron Burr, Princeton, 1983, 2 vols. l & b Andrew A. Lipscomb and Albert E. Bergh, eds., The Writings of Thomas JeCerson, Washington, D.C., 1903-04, 20 vols. lcb Douglas L. Wilson, ed., JeCerson’s Literary Commonplace Book, Princeton, 1989, The Papers of Thomas JeCerson, Second Series Leonard, General Assembly Cynthia Miller Leonard, comp., The General Assembly of Virginia, July 30, 1619-January 11, 1978: A Bicentennial Register of Members, Richmond, 1978 List of Alumni A Provisional List of Alumni, Grammar School Students, Members of the Faculty, and Members of the Board of < xxii>

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Visitors of the College of William and Mary in Virginia, from 1693 to 1888, Richmond, 1941 McLaughlin, JeCerson and Monticello Jack McLaughlin, JeCerson and Monticello: The Biography of a Builder, New York, 1988 Madison, Letters William C. Rives and Philip R. Fendall, eds., Letters and Other Writings of James Madison . . . Published by Order of Congress, Philadelphia, 1865, 4 vols. Madison, Papers William T. Hutchinson, Robert A. Rutland, J. C. A. Stagg, and others, eds., The Papers of James Madison, Chicago and Charlottesville, 1962- , 30 vols. Sec. of State Ser., 1986- , 8 vols. Pres. Ser., 1984- , 5 vols. Malone, JeCerson Dumas Malone, JeCerson and His Time, Boston, 1948-81, 6 vols. Marshall, Papers Herbert A. Johnson, Charles T. Cullen, Charles F. Hobson, and others, eds., The Papers of John Marshall, Chapel Hill, 1974-2006, 12 vols. mb James A. Bear, Jr., and Lucia C. Stanton, eds., JeCerson’s Memorandum Books: Accounts, with Legal Records and Miscellany, 1767-1826, Princeton, 1997, The Papers of Thomas JeCerson, Second Series Miller, Alexandria Artisans T. Michael Miller, comp., Artisans and Merchants of Alexandria, Virginia, 1780-1820, Bowie, Md., 1991-92, 2 vols. Miller, Treaties Hunter Miller, ed., Treaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America, Washington, D.C., 1931-48, 8 vols. Moore, International Adjudications John Bassett Moore, ed., International Adjudications, Modern Series, Volume III: Arbitration of Claims for Compensation for Losses and Damages Resulting from Lawful Impediments to the Recovery of Pre-War Debts, New York, 1931 ndbw Dudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers, Washington, D.C., 1939-44, 6 vols. and Register of ODcer Personnel and Ships’ Data, 1801-1807, Washington, D.C., 1945 ndqw Dudley W. Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the Quasi-War between the United States and France, Naval Operations, Washington, D.C., 1935-38, 7 vols. (cited by years) Notes, ed. Peden Thomas JeCerson, Notes on the State of Virginia, ed. William Peden, Chapel Hill, 1955 < xxiii>

E D I T O R I A L M ET H O D A N D A P PA R AT US

J. A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner, eds., The Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford, 1989, 20 vols. Palmer, Stoddert’s War Michael A. Palmer, Stoddert’s War: Naval Operations during the Quasi-War with France, 1798-1801, Columbia, S.C., 1987 Papenfuse, Maryland Legislature Edward C. Papenfuse, Alan F. Day, David W. Jordan, Gregory A. Stiverson, eds., A Biographical Dictionary of the Maryland Legislature, 1635-1789, Baltimore, 1979-85, 2 vols. Parry, Consolidated Treaty Series Clive Parry, ed., The Consolidated Treaty Series, Dobbs Ferry, N.Y., 1969-81, 231 vols. Pasley, Tyranny of Printers JeCrey L. Pasley, “The Tyranny of Printers”: Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic, Charlottesville, 2001 Peale, Papers Lillian B. Miller and others, eds., The Selected Papers of Charles Willson Peale and His Family, New Haven, 1983-2000, 5 vols. in 6 Phillips, “William Duane” Kim Tousley Phillips, “William Duane, Revolutionary Editor,” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1968 pmhb Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1877Preston, Catalogue Daniel Preston, A Comprehensive Catalogue of the Correspondence and Papers of James Monroe, Westport, Conn., 2001, 2 vols. Prince, Federalists Carl E. Prince, The Federalists and the Origins of the U.S. Civil Service, New York, 1977 pw Wilbur S. Howell, ed., JeCerson’s Parliamentary Writings, Princeton, 1988, The Papers of Thomas JeCerson, Second Series Randolph, Domestic Life Sarah N. Randolph, The Domestic Life of Thomas JeCerson, Compiled from Family Letters and Reminiscences by His Great-Granddaughter, 3d ed., Cambridge, Mass., 1939 rchs Records of the Columbia Historical Society, 1895-1989 Rowe, McKean G. S. Rowe, Thomas McKean, The Shaping of an American Republicanism, Boulder, Colo., 1978 rs J. JeCerson Looney and others, eds., The Papers of Thomas JeCerson: Retirement Series, Princeton, 2004- , 3 vols. Saricks, Du Pont Ambrose Saricks, Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours, Lawrence, Kans., 1965 S.C. Biographical Directory, House of Representatives J. S. R. Faunt, Walter B. Edgar, N. Louise Bailey, and others, eds., oed

< xxiv>

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Biographical Directory of the South Carolina House of Representatives, Columbia, S.C., 1974-92, 5 vols. S.C. Biographical Directory, Senate N. Louise Bailey and others, eds., Biographical Directory of the South Carolina Senate, 17761985, Columbia, S.C., 1986, 3 vols. Scharf, History of Delaware J. Thomas Scharf, The History of Delaware, 1609-1888, Philadelphia, 1888, 2 vols. Seale, The President’s House William Seale, The President’s House, Washington, D.C., 1986, 2 vols. Shaw-Shoemaker Ralph R. Shaw and Richard H. Shoemaker, comps., American Bibliography: A Preliminary Checklist for 1801-1819, New York, 1958-63, 22 vols. Sibley John L. Sibley and CliCord K. Shipton, Sibley’s Harvard Graduates: Biographical Sketches of Those Who Attended Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., 1873- , 18 vols. Smith, Freedom’s Fetters James Morton Smith, Freedom’s Fetters: The Alien and Sedition Laws and American Civil Liberties, Ithaca, N.Y., 1956 Sowerby E. Millicent Sowerby, comp., Catalogue of the Library of Thomas JeCerson, Washington, D.C., 1952-59, 5 vols. StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, Cornelius William StaCord, The Philadelphia Directory, Philadelphia, 1798-1801 (cited by year) Stanton, Free Some Day Lucia Stanton, Free Some Day, Thomas JeCerson Foundation, Inc., 2000 Stein, Worlds Susan R. Stein, The Worlds of Thomas JeCerson at Monticello, New York, 1993 Stets, Postmasters Robert J. Stets, Postmasters & PostoDces of the United States, 1782-1811, Lake Oswego, Ore., 1994 Stewart, First United States Mint Frank H. Stewart, History of the First United States Mint, Its People and Its Operations, Camden, N.J., 1924 Stewart, French Revolution John H. Stewart, A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution, New York, 1951 Syrett, Hamilton Harold C. Syrett and others, eds., The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, New York, 1961-87, 27 vols. Terr. Papers Clarence E. Carter and John Porter Bloom, eds., The Territorial Papers of the United States, Washington, D.C., 1934-75, 28 vols. tjr Thomas JeCerson Randolph, ed., Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, from the Papers of Thomas JeCerson, Charlottesville, 1829, 4 vols. < xxv>

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Tulard, Dictionnaire Napoléon Jean Tulard, Dictionnaire Napoléon, Paris, 1987 U.S. Statutes at Large Richard Peters, ed., The Public Statutes at Large of the United States . . . 1789 to March 3, 1845, Boston, 1855-56, 8 vols. vmhb Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 1893Washington, Papers W. W. Abbot, Dorothy Twohig, Philander D. Chase, Theodore J. Crackel, and others, eds., The Papers of George Washington, Charlottesville, 1983- , 48 vols. Pres. Ser., 1987- , 12 vols. Ret. Ser., 1998-99, 4 vols. Rev. War Ser., 1985- , 16 vols. wmq William and Mary Quarterly, 1892Woods, Albemarle Edgar Woods, Albemarle County in Virginia, Charlottesville, 1901

< xxvi>

CONTENTS Fo r e w o r d E d i t o r i a l M e t h o d a n d A p pa r at u s I l lu s t r at i o n s Je f f e r s o n C h r o n o l o g y

l 1801 l

l l

k

'

From Abraham Baldwin, 1 May To Samuel Carr, 1 May From James Linn, 1 May Notes on John Hunter’s Recommendations, [ca. 1 May] From Newbury Township Inhabitants, [before 2 May] To the Aliens of Beaver County, Pennsylvania, 2 May From [Thomas Dill], 2 May From Charles Wyndham Grymes, 2 May From Robert R. Livingston, 2 May From Samuel A. Otis, 2 May From Ephraim Ramsay, 2 May From Amos Windship, 2 May To Gideon Granger, enclosing To SuDeld Citizens, 3 May To George JeCerson, 3 May To James MagoDn, 3 May From John Monroe, 3 May From Abraham Faw, 4 May From Elbridge Gerry, 4 May From James Monroe, 4 May From Pendleton District, S.C., 16th Regiment, 4 May From Samuel Smith, 4 May From Samuel Smith, 4 April [i.e. May] From Benjamin Vaughan, 4 May From Marinus Willett, 4 May To John Barnes, 5 May From William Scales, 5 May From “A Lover of Republicanism,” [before 6 May] From John Barnes, 6 May From William Imlay, 6 May To George JeCerson, 6 May From Fournier Lamorinnière, 6 May From Robert Morris, 6 May

< xxvii>

vii xiii xli 2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 11 12 13 14 15 17 18 19 19 20 21 24 27 28 31 31 36 37 38 41 42 42 44 44 46

CONTENTS From Charles Pinckney, 6 May From Daniel Trump, 6 May From Joseph Barnes, 7 May From the District of Columbia Commissioners, 7 May To Enoch Edwards, 7 May To Charles Wyndham Grymes, 7 May From George JeCerson, 7 May To Thomas Newton, 7 May From Joseph Moss White, 7 May From William Frederick Ast, 8 May From Sylvanus Bourne, 8 May From David Humphreys, 8 May To John Carter Littlepage, 8 May To Robert R. Livingston, 8 May To Gouverneur Morris, 8 May To Newbury Township Inhabitants, 8 May To Theodore Foster, 9 May To James Madison, 9 May To Bishop James Madison, 9 May To Thomas Newton, 9 March [i.e. May] From Robert Patterson and Andrew Ellicott, 9 May From the General Assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, [9 May] From William Duane, 10 May, enclosing From John Reich, 4 May From Anthony Haswell, 10 May From George Logan, 10 May From John Southack, 10 May To Enoch Edwards, 11 May From George Helmbold, 12 [i.e. 11] May From Henry Knox, 11 May Henry Dearborn’s Report on the War Department, [12 May] From Edward Dowse, 12 May From Bate Dyke, 12 May From Enoch Edwards, 12 May From Pierpont Edwards, 12 May From William Findley, 12 May From Charles Wyndham Grymes, 12 May From Frédéric L. Hammer, 12 May From John Hoomes, 12 May To George JeCerson, 12 May From George JeCerson, 12 May

< xxviii>

46 47 48 51 52 53 54 55 55 56 57 58 62 62 64 65 66 67 68 68 69 70 71 75 77 78 79 79 80 81 88 89 89 90 95 97 98 99 100 101

CONTENTS Stable and Household Accounts, [on or after 12 May] To James Stuart, 12 May To William Thornton and Others, 12 May From James Traquair, 12 May From William Cooke, 13 May From Gideon Granger, 13 May From Thomas Newton, 13 May From Tadeusz Kosciuszko, [after 13 May] From John F. Gaullier, 14 May From George JeCerson, 14 May To Nathaniel Macon, 14 May To Thomas Mann Randolph, 14 May From David Austin, 15 May From John Barnes, 15 May From Robert Maxwell, [15 May] Notes on a Cabinet Meeting, 15 May From David Austin, 16 May From Charles Douglas, 16 May From Andrew Ellicott, 16 May From Arthur Fenner, 16 May From Hugh Ferguson, 16 May To William Jones, 16 May From Blair McClenachan, 16 May From Thomas Newton, 16 May Notes on a Cabinet Meeting, 16 May From Richard Rogers, 16 May To George Clinton, 17 May From Thomas Cooper, 17 May Notes on a Cabinet Meeting, 17 May From David Leonard Barnes, 18 May From Joseph Barnes, 18 May From Thomas Claxton, 18 May From Albert Gallatin, 18 May From Levi Hunt, Jr., 18 May From Richard Richardson, 18 May From Thomas Truxton, 18 May From Madame de Corny, 19 May From Theodore Foster, 19 May From John Vaughan, 19 May From Joseph G. Chambers, 20 May From Lewis Goldsmith, 20 May From William Jones, 20 May

< xxix>

102 102 103 104 104 105 106 106 108 109 109 110 111 113 113 114 116 117 118 121 122 123 124 124 125 126 127 128 129 131 132 134 136 136 137 138 141 144 147 147 149 150

CONTENTS From Peter S. Marks, 20 May From Gouverneur Morris, 20 May From Marc Auguste Pictet, 20 May From Hepzibah Clarke Swan, 20 May John Wagner’s Notes on a Letter from Rühle von Lilienstern, [ca. 20 May] From John Drayton, 21 May From Albert Gallatin, [21 May] To Yusuf Qaramanli, Pasha and Bey of Tripoli, 21 May From Winthrop Sargent, 21 May To James Monroe, 29 [i.e. 22] May From James Monroe, 22 May From Philip Van Cortlandt, 22 May From Joseph Yznardi, Sr., [22 May] To Elias Boudinot, 23 May From Thomas Cooper and Others, 23 May To William Duane, 23 May From Albert Gallatin, 23 May From William Lambert, 23 May To John Langdon, 23 May From James Monroe, 23 May From Thomas Mann Randolph, 23 May To George W. Erving, 24 May From Nathaniel Macon, 24 May To Francis Peyton, 24 May From Aaron Burr, 25 May From John Dickinson, 25 May From Francis Peyton, 25 May From Thomas Woodcock, 25 May From David Austin, 26 May From William Barton, 26 May From Andrew Ellicott, 26 May From George JeCerson, 26 May To James Monroe, 26 May From Charles Pinckney, 26 May To the General Assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 26 May From Robert Coane, 27 May From Albert Gallatin, [27 May] From Henry Ingle, 27 May From William Kilty, 27 May To James and Dolley Madison and Anna Payne, 27 May

< xxx>

150 151 152 154 156 157 158 159 161 161 163 164 165 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 176 176 177 178 179 179 180 180 182 183 185 185 186 188 189 190 191 191 193

CONTENTS From Thomas Claxton, 28 May From Christopher Ellery, 28 May To Mary JeCerson Eppes, 28 May To James Jackson, 28 May From George JeCerson, 28 May From Nicholas King, 28 May From Thomas Lomax, 28 May To Martha JeCerson Randolph, 28 May To Thomas Truxtun, 28 May From Enoch Edwards, 29 May To Nicholas King, 29 May From Louis Philippe Gallot de Lormerie, 29 May To James Monroe, 29 May To James Monroe, 29 May From Joseph H. Nicholson, 29 May From Mann Page, 29 May To William Baker, 30 May To the Executive Directory of the Batavian Republic, 30 May Receipt from Edward Frethy, 30 May From Thomas Procter, 30 May From James Traquair, 30 May From James Clark, 31 May To Robert R. Livingston, 31 May From Robert R. Livingston, 31 May From Winthrop Sargent, [31 May] From James Warren, 31 May From Mercy Otis Warren, 31 May Notes on a Conversation with Pierce Butler, [May or October] From David Austin, 1 June From Denniston & Cheetham, 1 June From the District of Columbia Commissioners, 1 June From the District of Columbia Commissioners, 1 June From Albert Gallatin, 1 June To Gibson & JeCerson, 1 June From William Branch Giles, 1 June From George JeCerson, 1 June From James Monroe, 1 June From Thomas Newton, 1 June To Richard Richardson, enclosing CertiAcate for Richard Richardson, 1 June From Walter Carr, 2 June To Thomas Claxton, 2 June

< xxxi>

193 195 196 197 197 198 200 200 201 201 202 203 205 206 206 207 208 208 210 210 211 212 213 214 216 218 220 221 221 223 225 225 226 227 227 229 229 230 230 232 233

CONTENTS To the District of Columbia Commissioners, 2 June To Enoch Edwards, 2 June To George JeCerson, 2 June From Robert Leslie, 2 June To John Watson, 2 June Petition of Lewis Freeman, 3 June To Albert Gallatin, 3 June From Albert Gallatin, 3 June From Harry Innes, 3 June To St. George Tucker, 3 June From Aaron Burr, 4 June From J. C. Cornwell, 4 June From Andrew Ellicott, 4 June To Robert R. Livingston, enclosing Neutral Rights, 4 June From Robert R. Livingston, [4 June] Notes on a Conversation with Robert R. Livingston, [on or after 4 June] Notes on a Conversation with Robert R. Livingston, [4 June] To Thomas Mann Randolph, 4 June From Samuel Smith, 4 June From Archibald Stuart, 4 June From James Taylor, Jr., 4 June From Joshua Barney, 5 June From George W. Erving, 5 June To William Hylton, [5 June] From Robert R. Livingston, 5 June From Rufus Low, 5 June To Denniston & Cheetham, 6 June To Christopher Ellery, 6 June To Arthur Fenner, 6 June To Theodore Foster, 6 June To Gouverneur Morris, 6 June From Samuel Smith, 6 June To Elijah Brown, 7 June From Elijah GriDths, 7 June To John Roberts, 7 June To Benjamin Vaughan, 7 June From Robert Patterson, 8 June From Benjamin Waterhouse, 8 June From Joseph Yznardi, Sr., 8 June From David Austin, 9 June From Albert Gallatin, 9 June

< xxxii>

234 235 235 236 240 240 242 243 243 245 246 247 248 251 254 255 256 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 263 264 265 266 266 267 268 268 269 271 271 272 273 278 279 279

CONTENTS Albert Gallatin’s Report on Delinquent Collectors, 9 June From Thomas Paine, 9 June From William Short, 9 June To James Dinsmore, 10 June From William Duane, 10 June From Pierpont Edwards, 10 June From George JeCerson, 10 June From John Langdon, 10 June From John Mason, 10 June From Samuel Smith, 10 June From David Austin, 11 June To John Bartram, Jr., 11 June From Robert Lawson, [11 June] To Wilson Cary Nicholas, 11 June From Paul Richard Randall, 11 June From Richard Robotham, 11 June From Collen Williamson, 11 June From David Leonard Barnes, 12 June From David Campbell, 12 June From Denniston & Cheetham, 12 June From Albert Gallatin, 12 June From Albert Gallatin, 12 June From Albert Gallatin, 12 June To Levi Lincoln, 12 June To Mason Locke Weems, 12 June From Everard Meade, 13 June Notes on Resolution of American Debts to British Creditors, 13 June I. Notes on King’s and Anstey’s Propositions, [ca. 13 June] II. Notes on a Cabinet Meeting, 13 June From Thomas Mann Randolph, 13 June From Joseph T. Scott, 13 June From Samuel Smith, 13 June From John Smyth, 13 June Statement of Account with Thomas Claxton, 13 June From Stephen Cathalan, Jr., 14 June Opinion on George Walker’s Case, 14 June From Madame de Tessé, 14 June From Albert Gallatin, 15 June From Levi Lincoln, 15 June From James Monroe, 15 June From James Monroe, 15 June

< xxxiii>

280 281 286 295 296 301 302 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 310 311 313 314 315 316 318 318 320 320 321 322 323 326 326 327 328 329 331 332 333 334 336 339 340 345 347

CONTENTS From Jesse S. Zane, 15 June From David Austin, 16 June From David Austin, 16 June From Elias Boudinot, 16 June From Albert Gallatin, [16 June] From Albert Gallatin, 16 June From Philippe de Létombe, 16 June From Edward Meeks, 16 June From James Monroe, 16 June From Julian Ursin Niemcewicz, 16 June From William Rose, 16 June From Charles Webb, 16 June From David Austin, 17 June To John Barnes, 17 June From James Clark, with Gallatin’s Comment, 17 June To Tench Coxe, 17 June From Henry Dearborn, 17 June To John Drayton, 17 June To John Wayles Eppes, 17 June To George JeCerson, 17 June From George JeCerson, 17 June From David Austin, 18 June From Elijah Boardman, 18 June From Henry Dearborn, 18 June From Mary JeCerson Eppes, 18 June From Albert Gallatin, 18 June Remonstrance of the New Haven Merchants, [18 June] To Thomas Mann Randolph, 18 June From John Daly Burk, [before 19 June] From Martha JeCerson Randolph, 19 June From Stephen Drayton, 20 June From Albert Gallatin, [20 June] From Caleb Gibbs, 20 June From Harry Innes, 20 June To James Madison, 20 June From James Madison, [20 June] To James Madison and Albert Gallatin, enclosing Note on Passports, 20 June To James Monroe, 20 June From James Monroe, 20 June From Jean Baptiste Ternant, 20 June To John Daly Burk, 21 June

< xxxiv>

348 349 350 352 354 356 357 359 360 361 362 364 368 369 369 372 373 374 374 375 376 376 377 377 378 379 381 384 385 389 391 392 393 394 395 396 396 398 399 400 400

CONTENTS To John Dickinson, 21 June From Lafayette, 21 June From James Lyon, 21 June From David Austin, [22 June] From William Davy, 22 June To James Dinsmore, 22 June From George Skene Keith, 22 June To John Langdon, 22 June From John Langdon, 22 June To Robert Lawson, 22 June From Samuel Miller, 22 June From Arthur St. Clair, 22 June From Sir John Sinclair, 22 June From Samuel Smith, 22 June From Henry Tuell, 22 June To David Leonard Barnes, 23 June From Michael Fortune, 23 June From James Mease, 23 June Notes on a Conversation with Andrew Ellicott, 23 June From Luke O’Dea, 23 June To George Wythe, [23 June] From Pierre Auguste Adet, 24 June From François Barbé de Marbois, 24 June From William Barton, 24 June From Tench Coxe, 24 June To Mary JeCerson Eppes, 24 June To James Madison, 24 June From Wilson Cary Nicholas, 24 June From Kezia Norris, 24 June To Samuel Smith, 24 June From Benjamin Vaughan, 24 June From Dr. John Vaughan, 24 June From Volney, 24 June From Tench Coxe, 25 June From Thomas Paine, 25 June To Martha JeCerson Randolph, 25 June From Stephen Sayre, 25 June From Volney, [25 June] From George Walton, 25 June From “A Kentucky-Citizen,” [before 26] June To Henry Dearborn, 26 June From the Delaware Baptist Association, 26 June

< xxxv>

401 403 404 405 406 407 407 408 409 410 410 412 414 415 416 416 417 418 419 420 421 421 423 424 425 428 429 430 432 433 434 437 437 442 450 451 452 454 455 455 458 458

CONTENTS From Albert Gallatin, 26 June From Wade Hampton, 26 June From Samuel Smith, 26 June To Benjamin Waterhouse, 26 June From David Austin, 27 June To Henry Dearborn, 27 June From John Dickinson, 27 June From Charles Douglas, 27 June From Baron von Geismar, 27 June From John Christ, 28 June To Charles Douglas, 28 June From Mathew Carey, [on or before 29 June] From William Adamson, 29 June From David Austin, 29 June From Albert Gallatin, [29 June] From John F. Gaullier, 29 June From Francis Hoskins, 29 June To James Mease, 29 June To Julian Ursin Niemcewicz, 29 June From Charles Willson Peale, 29 June From David Austin, 30 June From Timothy Bloodworth, 30 June From William Kilty, James Marshall, and William Cranch, 30 June From Thomas Peerce, 30 June From James Tilton, 30 June Statement of Account with Thomas Carpenter, 1 July To Elizabeth House Trist, 1 July To the Delaware Baptist Association, 2 July From David Jones, 2 July To Elijah Boardman, 3 July From John Coalter, 3 July From Jacques Joseph Ducarne de Blangy, 3 July From Enoch Edwards, 3 July Levi Lincoln’s Opinion on the Betsy Cathcart, [3 July] From William Maclure, 3 July Reply to a Cherokee Delegation, 3 July I. Heads of Answer to Speech of The Glass [30 June-3 July] II. Reply to the Cherokee Delegation by Henry Dearborn, [3 July] From William Keteltas, 4 July From Levi Lincoln, 5 July

< xxxvi>

460 460 461 462 463 463 464 467 468 470 471 471 472 475 476 477 479 480 481 481 482 483 485 486 487 488 489 490 491 493 494 495 496 497 503 505 508 510 511 515

CONTENTS From Albert Gallatin, [6 July] From Gideon Granger, 6 July To George JeCerson, 6 July From Hugh Williamson, 6 July From Peter Frailey and Others, 7 July From Albert Gallatin, [7 July] From Thomas Newton, 7 July From Benjamin Kneeland, 8 July From Charles Pinckney, 8 July To Samuel Harrison Smith, 8 July To Enoch Edwards, 9 July Report by Albert Gallatin, with JeCerson’s Opinion, 9 July To Robert Smith, 9 July To Samuel Smith, 9 July From Samuel Smith, 9 July From Samuel Darley, 10 July From Thomas Newton, 10 July From Daniel Parker, 10 July From Craven Peyton, 10 July From Elijah Brainerd, 11 July From Albert Gallatin, 11 July From Albert Gallatin, 11 July From William Kilty, 11 July From Philippe de Létombe, 11 July To Levi Lincoln, 11 July To Samuel Smith, 11 July From John Steele, 11 July From John Elmslie, Jr., 12 July To the New Haven Merchants, 12 July To Abraham Baldwin, 13 July To William C. C. Claiborne, 13 July From Robert Smith, 13 July From Dr. John Vaughan, 13 July To David Austin, 14 July From Caleb Prew Bennett, [14] July To Craven Peyton, 14 July To Philippe de Létombe, 15 July Memorandum on Restitution of Prizes, 15 July From Georges Thomas, 15 July To Mary JeCerson Eppes, 16 July Albert Gallatin’s Report on Collector for Michilimackinac, 16 July From James Hopkins, 16 July

< xxxvii>

517 518 521 522 523 525 527 527 528 529 530 531 534 535 536 537 537 538 540 540 543 543 544 544 546 549 550 551 554 558 560 562 563 565 566 567 568 568 571 571 572 573

CONTENTS From Joel Lewis, 16 July From John McDonald, 16 July To Martha JeCerson Randolph, 16 July From “T. J. M,” 16 July To William Wardlaw, 16 July To Albert Gallatin, 17 July From Gean Leach, 17 July From James Madison, [on or before 17 July] From Robert Maxwell, 17 July Memorandum on Restitution of Prizes, [on or after 17 July] To Dr. John Vaughan, 17 July From Joseph Yznardi, Sr., 17 July From John Dickinson, 18 July From James Jackson, 18 July From Thomas Mann Randolph, 18 July From Samuel Smith, 18 July To James Madison, 19 July To John Barnes, [20 July] From Daniel Clark, 20 July From Maria Cosway, 20 July From Anthony Haswell, 20 July From James Lyon, 20 July From Richard Richardson, 20 July From Robert Smith, 20 July From Samuel Smith, 20 July To Pierpont Edwards, 21 July From Theodore Foster, 21 July To Gideon Granger, 21 July To Edmund Jenings, 21 July From Thomas McKean, 21 July To James Monroe, 21 July From Henry Daniel, 22 July To Joseph Yznardi, Sr., [22 July] To John Dickinson, 23 July From Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours, 23 July From James Lyon, 23 July From Samuel Latham Mitchill, 23 July From Samuel Smith, 23 July To Thomas McKean, 24 July From Charles Willson Peale, 24 July From Joel R. Poinsett, 24 July From Benjamin Waterhouse, 24 July

< xxxviii>

578 578 580 581 581 582 583 583 585 586 587 588 590 591 595 596 597 598 598 599 601 602 603 604 605 606 607 610 611 612 614 614 615 616 617 620 624 625 625 627 628 629

CONTENTS Meriwether Lewis’s ClassiAcation of Army ODcers, [after 24 July] From “A. Z.,” 25 July From Sebastian Bauman, 25 July From William Bingham, 25 July From Theodore Foster, 25 July From Albert Gallatin, enclosing Circular to Customs Collectors, 25 July From Albert Gallatin, 25 July From Tobias Lear, 25 July From Martha JeCerson Randolph, 25 July From Isaac Shelby, 25 July To Samuel Smith, [25 July] To Benjamin Waterhouse, 25 July From Joseph Yznardi, Sr., 25 July From “A Boston Merchant,” 26 July To Albert Gallatin, 26 July From Calvin Jones, 26 July To Pierce Butler, 27 July From Samuel Davidson, 27 July To Philippe de Létombe, 27 July To Thomas Mann Randolph, 27 July To Henry SheaC, 27 July To Henry Dearborn, 28 July To Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours, 28 July Albert Gallatin’s Report on Collection of Internal Revenues, 28 July From Jacob Lewis, 28 July From Levi Lincoln, 28 July From Levi Stutson, 28 July To William Bingham, 29 July To Hugh Henry Brackenridge, 29 July From Anthony Butler, 29 July From William Caruthers, 29 July From George Clinton, 29 July From John Drayton, 29 July Executive Order on Revenue Districts, 29 July From Albert Gallatin, 29 July From Albert Gallatin, 29 July From Albert Gallatin, 29 July To Benjamin Hichborn, 29 July To George JeCerson, 29 July To Philippe de Létombe, 29 July

< xxxix>

629 630 631 632 632 635 637 637 639 639 640 640 641 644 644 645 646 647 648 649 650 650 651 651 656 657 669 670 671 671 672 674 674 676 678 681 683 683 684 685

CONTENTS To Charles Willson Peale, 29 July From Samuel H. Smith, 29 July From Matthew Groves, 30 July From George Helmbold, 30 July From Philip Mazzei, [30 July] From Francis Peyton, 30 July From Hugh Williamson, 30 July From Robert Leslie, 31 July From George Wythe, 31 July Summary of British Debt Claims, [July 1801 or after]

686 686 687 689 691 692 693 694 695 696

APPENDICES Appendix I: Letters Not Printed in Full Appendix II: Letters Not Found Appendix III: Financial Documents

697 701 705

Index

709

< xl>

I LLUSTRAT I ONS Following page 356 MAP, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

The map of the United States that illustrates this volume was reproduced from the second edition of Carey’s American Pocket Atlas, printed by Henry Sweitzer for publisher Mathew Carey of Philadelphia in 1801. The Pocket Atlas is an octavo-sized book that measures 8½ by 5¼ inches when closed, and the map measures 11¼ by 14 inches when unfolded. Carey published the map, which William Barker engraved, in earlier atlases. A distinctive feature of the map is its location of the prime meridian of longitude at Philadelphia (John Rennie Short, Representing the Republic: Mapping the United States 1600-1900 [London, 2001], 100; Carey to TJ, [on or before 29 June 1801]; correspondence with James N. Green, Library Company of Philadelphia). Courtesy of the Library Company of Philadelphia. NORTH FRONT OF THE PRESIDENT’S HOUSE

This ink and wash drawing on paper and its companion image, “West End of the President’s House” (see next illustration), both done circa 1800, depict the building much as it appeared when JeCerson moved in as president. When the exterior construction was completed in 1800, the President’s House was 168 feet long and 85 feet deep, and the exterior walls were 45 feet high up to the eaves. The interior Anish was still a work in progress. These drawings oCer rare views of the President’s House before construction of the west and east wings began in 1805. The north front was the public front. The carved laurel branches in the entablature above the main entrance are the artist’s embellishment. The two early drawings of the President’s House are attributed to Samuel Blodget, Jr. (1757-1814). Born in New Hampshire, Blodget resided in Philadelphia and speculated in federal district real estate in the 1790s. From 1793 to 1794, he was the supervisor of public buildings in Washington. The drawing of the north front measures about 6½ by 11 inches (William Kloss, Art in the White House, A Nation’s Pride [Washington, D.C., 1992], 298; William Seale, The White House: The History of an American Idea [Washington, D.C., 1992], 33, 35, 41; Bryan, National Capital, 1:187-9, 193-4, 554). Courtesy of the White House Historical Association. WEST END OF THE PRESIDENT’S HOUSE

This ink and wash drawing on paper of the west facade by Samuel Blodget, Jr., measures about 6K by 8 inches. Courtesy of the White House Historical Association. BARBÉ DE MARBOIS TO JEFFERSON

When François Barbé de Marbois wrote to JeCerson from Paris on 5 Messidor Year 9 of the French republican calendar (24 June 1801), he used the stationery of the Conseil d’État. Created by the constitution of December

< xli>

I LLUSTRAT IONS 1799 that installed Napoleon Bonaparte as Arst consul, the Conseil d’État (Council of State) drafted laws for approval by the Corps Législatif. The conseil acted under the direction of the three consuls, and Bonaparte had the sole power of appointing conseillers d’état. When Barbé de Marbois wrote to JeCerson in 1801, he was on the council and also the director of the Treasury. Years earlier, in 1780, he had been a member of the French legation in the United States, and in that capacity he prepared a questionnaire to collect information about each state. JeCerson’s thorough responses to those queries became the Notes on the State of Virginia (1787). In the letter illustrated here, Barbé de Marbois asked JeCerson to forward a letter to his brother, Pierre François Barbé de Marbois. Pierre François had recently been made France’s commissary for commercial relations for New York and New Jersey, reBecting the restoration of trade and oDcial relations between the two countries (Tulard, Dictionnaire Napoléon, 475-85; Stewart, French Revolution, 773-4; François Barbé de Marbois to TJ, 24 June 1801). Courtesy of the Library of Congress. THOMAS JEFFERSON

George Helmbold published this stipple engraving of JeCerson by David Edwin in Philadelphia in July 1801. That same month, another Philadelphia resident, Augustus Day, published a diCerent full-length image of JeCerson, engraved by Cornelius Tiebout. Edwin and Tiebout based their likenesses of JeCerson on Rembrandt Peale’s 1800 portrait of JeCerson. No full-length life portrait in oil of JeCerson alone is known to have existed at this time. Helmbold’s print was advertised for sale in Philadelphia and in other cities in the United States. The Helmbold print measures 20 by 13 inches and bears the inscription, “D. Edwin Fecit/Publish’d by G. Helmbold Junr. Philada. 1801.” JeCerson’s Agure is shown in a formal setting with book-lined shelves in the background. The Agure’s left hand rests on a globe, which sits on a table next to paper, a writing quill, and books. The right hand holds gloves. Helmbold issued a revised version in September, showing a slimmer JeCerson, without gloves, and a chair at his side (Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The Image of Thomas JeCerson in the Public Eye [Charlottesville, 1981], 55-69, 150; Bush, Life Portraits, 40; Vol. 31:xli; Helmbold to TJ, 3 Apr. 1801). Courtesy of the Virginia Historical Society. HENRY DEARBORN

This portrait by Charles Willson Peale is believed to date from Henry Dearborn’s residence in Philadelphia in 1796 and 1797 as a member of Congress. Dearborn, from the Massachusetts district of Maine, was JeCerson’s early choice as secretary of war and remained in that post until February 1809. Supporting JeCerson’s wish to reduce the size of the army, Dearborn in the spring of 1801 collected detailed information about the nation’s fortiAcations and regiments. The secretary of war was also responsible for Indian aCairs, and when a deputation of Cherokees came to Washington in July, they met with Dearborn, and from him heard JeCerson’s responses to their concerns.

< xlii>

I LLUSTRAT IONS Peale’s portrait, in oil on canvas, measures 23M by 20 inches (Doris Devine Fanelli, History of the Portrait Collection, Independence National Historical Park [Philadelphia, 2001], 119). Courtesy of Independence National Historical Park. SAMUEL SMITH

“Give us your aid as Secretary of the navy,” JeCerson wrote to the Baltimore merchant and politician Samuel Smith on 9 Mch. 1801, encouraging Smith to fulAll his “moral duty” to serve the new administration. With some reluctance Smith declined the oCer, citing the press of private aCairs and his constituents’ wish that he remain in Congress. Gilbert Stuart painted this likeness of Smith around 1800. The oil portrait on canvas measures approximately 29 by 24 inches. Attached to the right lapel of Smith’s uniform coat is the eagle insignia of the Society of the Cincinnati. Smith had been an oDcer in the American Revolution and, in the 1790s, a brigadier general of the Maryland militia (Lawrence Park, comp., Gilbert Stuart, An Illustrated Descriptive List of His Works, 4 vols. [New York, 1926], 2:699; dab). Courtesy of the National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution. SOUTHEAST VIEW OF NEW HAVEN

Connecticut, where JeCersonian Republicans felt beleaguered by a Federalist-dominated society and political system, became a testing ground for the widely circulated assertion of JeCerson’s inaugural address, “we are all republicans, we are all federalists.” The customs collectorship at New Haven became the central point of contention in the struggle between Republicans and Federalists for oDce. This woodcut engraving, which represents New Haven as a bustling port town around 1786, served as the masthead of the New-Haven Chronicle, a newspaper established by Daniel Bowen in 1786. The newspaper closed in 1787 (Brigham, American Newspapers, 1:38). Courtesy of the New Haven Museum and Historical Society.

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Volume 34 1 May to 31 July 1801

JEFFERSON CHRONOLOGY 1743 1743 1760 1762 1762-1767 1769-1774 1772 1775-1776 1776 1776-1779 1779 1779-1781 1782 1783-1784 1784-1789 1790-1793 1797-1801 1801-1809 1814-1826 1826

•

1826

Born at Shadwell, 13 Apr. (New Style). Entered the College of William and Mary. “quitted college.” Self-education and preparation for law. Albemarle delegate to House of Burgesses. Married Martha Wayles Skelton, 1 Jan. In Continental Congress. Drafted Declaration of Independence. In Virginia House of Delegates. Submitted Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom. Governor of Virginia. His wife died, 6 Sep. In Continental Congress. In France as Minister Plenipotentiary to negotiate commercial treaties and as Minister Plenipotentiary resident at Versailles. Secretary of State of the United States. Vice President of the United States. President of the United States. Established the University of Virginia. Died at Monticello, 4 July.

VOLUME 34 1 May to 31 July 1801 4 12 13 14 17 21 23

May May May May May May May

26 May 29 May 1 4 8 19

June June June June

30 June 1 July 12 July 13 July 14 July 19 July 30 July 31 July

Samuel Smith reports on the status of the navy. Receives report on the War Department from Henry Dearborn. Gideon Granger reports Republican gains in Massachusetts. Appoints Albert Gallatin secretary of the Treasury. Cabinet agrees to reduction of diplomatic establishment in Europe. Writes to bey of Tripoli. Appoints Samuel Bishop collector at New Haven in place of Elizur Goodrich. Madisons leave President’s House after temporary residence. Withdraws gift of $50 and severs ties with James Thomson Callender. U.S. naval squadron departs for the Mediterranean. Forwards views on neutral rights to Robert R. Livingston. Benjamin Waterhouse sends initial supply of smallpox vaccine. Martha JeCerson Randolph reports Monticello damaged by hailstorm. Cherokee delegation meets with Henry Dearborn at Washington. Appoints Joel Lewis marshal for Delaware. Articulates his patronage policy in his reply to remonstrance of New Haven merchants. Robert Smith accepts secretaryship of the navy. Begins to acquire land from the heirs of Bennett Henderson. Directs a halt to the prosecution against William Duane for sedition. Leaves Washington for Monticello, arriving on 2 Aug. France ratiAes Convention of 1800.

T H E PA P E R S O F

THOMAS JEFFERSON k

k

From Abraham Baldwin Dear Sir Green County May 1st 1801 For these ten days I have been on a journey on our frontier, and am just informed that Mr Clay refuses to accept the appointment of Circuit Judge. I avail myself of a transient opportunity and a coarse piece of paper to execute my promise of giving you all the information in my power in such contingences. I know you are fully [under] the impression of the ill consequences of multiplying the incumbents who will be brought forward as the principal arguments against the repeal of the new judiciary law, but should you And it expedient to All the oDces I wish you to be furnished with all the means of judging which it is in my power to give. We have, within these few years, lost the best of our lawyers by death or removal to other states. Those who are left have been generally violent partizans on the wrong side. There is still a preference among them, but not very clearly distinguished. It is desirable that the circuit judge should be from the interior part of the state, as all the former appointments from that profession have been conAned to Savannah and its neigbourhood. George Walton who resides at Augusta, and is now one of the Judges of our Superior court is the man whom the lawyers in this part of the state seem generally to recommend. After hearing so fully as we have the character of Govr St. Clair, you may know almost perfectly the character and present situation of Judge Walton. As one of the signers of the declaration of Independence and a uniform whig in the time of our revolution, he is on higher ground than any other man in this state, by his letter which I put into your hands and by his conduct, as far as I am able to judge, he is not an unrelenting federalist: he might answer for circuit judge till the next meeting of Congress. Matthew McAllister was appointed our Arst district attorney he lives in Savannah and is at present one of the Judges of our Superior court. William Stephens is a native of Savannah has been mayor of the City and Judge of the Superior court; like our friend Coxe he has < 3>

1 MAY 1801

been a uniform whig in modern times. If it is expedient to appoint a circuit judge in this state, at present as far as my recollection enables me by myself to form an opinion the three whom I have mentioned should present themselves Arst to your consideration: it is not material to which you give the preference. you may perhaps have information from some other quarter which will enable you to see a preference more clearly than I do. I hope you will not give yourself the trouble of answering this. I shall be in Augusta in the course of a week or ten days and if anything occurs which it may be useful for you to know, be assured it shall not be neglected. There appears to be still order and good government in the state and on the frontier. I see nothing likely to disturb our tranquility. with great respect I am Dear Sir Yrs, Abr Baldwin RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 16 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC”; also endorsed by TJ: “George Walton Matthew Mc.Alister William Stephens.” Upon learning that Joseph clay had declined the judgeship of the Afth circuit, george walton wrote James Madison

on 10 Apr., requesting that the secretary “make known to the President my solicitude to be appointed in his stead.” Walton did not receive an appointment during TJ’s administration. TJ appointed william stephens judge of the district court of Georgia on 22 Oct. 1801 (Walton to Madison, 10 Apr. 1801, RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; anb, s.v. “Walton, George”; jep, 1:401; Vol. 33:670, 677).

To Samuel Carr Dear Sir Washington May 1. 1801. I arrived here the day before yesterday, having left your mother well at Monticello, and your other friends in the neighborhood likewise so. Peter carried his election by a majority of 110. or 120. I have engaged a waggon to come on with my things, and propose she should return loaded with Ash. the quantity necessary for me would be 12,000. but as she cannot carry [the] whole, I can have a couple of barrels taken in for you. have you or [will] you engage them, to be gutted & headed, & delivered in strong tight barrels? where must the waggon go for them? how soon will they be ready? what [is the] price? the bearer comes for answers to these questions, that I may [be in] readiness on the arrival of the waggon. my sister was of opinion she would be obliged to engage a waggon to come on, as the one I employ will be so full that your beds &c. can not be squeezed in. the same < 4>

1 MAY 1801

waggoner would probably come again for you. he is trusty, & comes reasonably. his name is Fontrees.—mr & mrs Madison will be here today. I [. . .] yourself & mrs Carr joy on the birth of a son & heir. how does she do? aCectionate salutations to you both & to the family. Th: Jefferson P.S. possibly mr S. Carr may be gone to Albemarle. if so, I ask the favor of mr Overton Carr to give me any information he can on the subject of the Ash. PrC (ViU: Carr-Cary Papers); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. your mother: TJ’s sister, Martha JeCerson Carr.

birth of a son: Samuel and Eleanor Carr were probably in Maryland with Overton Carr—Samuel’s uncle and Eleanor’s father—when John Carr was born (Vol. 6:167; Vol. 31:92).

From James Linn Sir City of Washington 1st May 1801 In March last I took the liberty to mention to you some names for appointments in Jersey—Upon returning home I was happy to And that it would be very pleasing to the republicans to have George Maxwell appointed district Attorney, and that even the federalists expected he would be honored with that appointment—As to the oDce of Marshal, I had some doubts whether Doctor Barnett the gentleman whose name I mentioned for that appointment would accept of it—but I And that if he is honored with that appointment he will not hesitate in accepting of it— From a conversation which I had a few days ago with Mr. Southard of New Jersey who is elected a representative to the next congress, I And that a Mr. Rozell has obtained a recommendation from some respectable characters for the appointment of Supervisor—But Mr Southard informed me that at the time he signed the recommendation of Mr. Rozell he did not know that my name had been mentioned for that oDce, and that he did not think any of the gentlemen who favored Mr. Rozell’s application knew [of] that circumstance, and had he known it he would not have been concerned in the application of Mr. Rozell— I took the liberty to address to you from New Jersey in March last a letter on the subject of this appointment, which I expect has been received— I would beg leave to observe that there will be a severe contest in < 5>

1 MAY 1801

Jersey between the republicans and federalists for the state government—the event is very doubtful—We think that the oDces in that state under the general government being put into the hands of the republicans would be powerful auxiliaries in this important contest, And therefore we look forward with anxiety for the period to arrive when the inBuence which these appointments naturally give shall be directed towards the overthrow of an aristocracy which disregards the happiness of our citizens, and solely aims at the agrandisement of a few ambitious men— I am Sir your most Huml. Sevt. James Linn RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); torn; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson Esquire President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” appointments in jersey: see Notes on New Jersey Patronage, Vol. 33:183-4. Henry southard, Ebenezer Elmer, and James Mott, New Jersey representatives to the Seventh Congress, signed an undated certiAcate directed to the Treasury secretary recommending William Rossell as supervisor of the revenue for the state (MS in DNA: RG 59, LAR; in Elmer’s hand). Perhaps the recommendation was enclosed in a letter from Joseph BloomAeld to Aaron Burr dated 8 Apr. The Republican leader in New Jersey noted that Rossell had requested

that he send a letter of introduction to Albert Gallatin, but having no acquaintance with the secretary of the Treasury BloomAeld wrote his “old friend” the vice president instead. In a 21 Apr. letter to Gallatin, Burr noted that he had transmitted “sundry documents and recommendations in favor of Wm: Rossell of Mount Holly for the oDce of supervisor of New Jersey” to TJ. Burr also conAded to Gallatin that he had “passed some hours” with Rossell and conceived him “far superior” to James Linn, “his Competitor.” TJ endorsed the BloomAeld letter: “Rossell Wm. 1801 recd. Apr. 29” (RC in same; Kline, Burr, 1:555-8, 5667). See also Burr to TJ, 21 Apr. 1801. For Linn’s letter to TJ on the subject of this appointment, see Vol. 33:432.

Notes on John Hunter’s Recommendations [ca. 1 May 1801]

S. Carolina— J. Hunter considers John Ewing Calhoun Arst in information & integrity. And local knolege of S.C. Drayton Govr. John Julius Pringle Atty Gen., Wm. Johnston a judge, Paul Hamilton comptrollr. of treasy. in the lower country in the middle country. Ephraim Rumsy < 6>

2 MAY 1801

Silvanus Bluf near Augusta Wade Hampton. Columbia in the upper country Genl. Pickens. Genl. Anderson the above are proper persons to consult on the subject of appmts MS (DNA: RG 59, LAR; 3:0385); undated; entirely in TJ’s hand. John hunter, a planter, served as a Federalist in the House of Representatives from 1793 to 1795, as a U.S. senator from January 1797 to November 1798 following Pierce Butler’s resignation, and as a JeCerson-Burr elector in 1800. He included the information above in a letter to Madison dated 16 Apr. 1801. Madison may have shared the letter with TJ when the president visited Montpelier from 26 to 27 Apr. on his way to Washington or after Madison arrived in the city on 1 May. Hunter described John Ewing Colhoun (calhoun) as “among the Arst men, for Information & Integrity, that this or any other Country afords. His Local knoledge of So. Carolina, Can not be Exceeded by any, & be Equald but by few” (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:xxxi, 96-100; S.C. Biographical Directory, House of Representatives, 3:361-3). Charleston attorney john julius pringle served as the U.S. district attorney for South Carolina from 1789 to 1792. In December 1792 he became the state attorney general, a position he held until 1808. Pierce Butler described him as a “Correct, modest Man.” In 1798, the state

legislature elected William Johnson a judge to South Carolina’s Court of Common Pleas, where he served until 1804, when TJ appointed him an associate justice to the U.S. Supreme Court (Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 11:68; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:258-9, 6:631-2; anb, 12:141-3). For the credentials of paul hamilton as a state Republican leader in South Carolina, see Vol. 32:348-9. silvanus bluf: that is, Silver BluC. Ephraim Ramsay and Charles Goodwin acquired a partnership in this 3,000 acre plantation on both sides of the Savannah River in 1796 (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:99; S.C. Biographical Directory, House of Representatives, 4:238, 465). Andrew pickens and Robert anderson both served regularly in the South Carolina General Assembly from Ninety Six and Pendleton districts. Pickens served as a congressman from 1793 to 1795. He served as a JeCerson-Burr elector in 1796, but was an unsuccessful Federalist candidate for the Senate in 1798. Anderson served as a JeCerson-Burr elector in 1800 (S.C. Biographical Directory, Senate, 2:1268-9; S.C. Biographical Directory, House of Representatives, 3:39-41).

From Newbury Township Inhabitants [before 2 May 1801]

Address of a meeting of near two hundred of the inhabitants of Newbury Township in York County Pennsylvania—To Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, < 7>

2 MAY 1801

Called upon by the United States to perform the most important of her tasks, we Batter ourselves that Assurances of the sincere attachment and steady support of any description of her citizens will not be unacceptable. InBuenced by this impression and highly gratiAed with the sentiments you have anounced as the governing principles of your administration we feel it our pleasure And conceive it our duty to tender you our most zealous and aCectionate support. May that Spirit of benevolent toleration which so conspicuously distinguish you amidst the conBicting elements of party spread like oil on the troubled Ocean untill all is soothed into Order & peace. Signed in and by order of the Meeting By Henry Krieger James Todd Jesse Glancy Eli Lewis R. Hamersly Jr. RC (DLC); undated; in unidentiAed hand; endorsed by TJ as received 2 May and so recorded in SJL. Tr (PYHi).

To the Aliens of Beaver County, Pennsylvania Sir Washington May 2. 1801. The satisfaction which, in the name of the foreigners residing in Beaver county, you are pleased to express in my appointment to the Presidency of the United States, the expectations you form of the character of my administration, and your kind wishes for my happiness demand my sincere thanks. born in other countries, yet believing you could be happier in this, our laws acknolege, as they should do, your right to join us in society, conforming, as I doubt not you will do, to our established rules. that these rules shall be as equal as prudential considerations will admit, will certainly be the aim of our legislatures, general & particular. to unequal privileges among members of the same society the spirit of our nation is, with one accord adverse. if the unexampled state of the world has in any instance occasioned among us temporary departures from the system of equal rule, the restoration of tranquility will doubtless produce reconsideration: & your own knolege of the liberal conduct heretofore < 8>

2 MAY 1801

observed towards strangers settling among us will warrant the belief that what is right will be done. accept a reciprocation of wishes for your present & future1 welfare, & assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Hugh White esq. chairman.” Enclosed in TJ to Hugh White, 2 May, apologizing for the delayed reply to the 15 Mch. address from the aliens of Beaver County and explaining that it “came here soon after my departure to my residence in Virginia, where some arrangements were indispensably requisite previous to my settlement here, where I arrived two days ago only” (PrC in same, at foot of text: “Hugh White esq.”; Tr in MoSHi: JeCerson Papers). White wrote TJ on 24 Feb. 1802, thanking the president for his “very obliging answer” to the Beaver County address and informing TJ that it was read publicly to a July 4th gathering. The

immigrant audience was “highly pleasd with the assurances you gave, of their Speedy Elevation to the Rank of Citizens & men.” White also asked TJ’s assistance in having the reply published “in the Aurora or any other Republican paper.” White concluded: “As Thousands of aliens have arrivd Last year, it Would be highly gratifying that they had a Sincere freind in the presidant of the united States” (RC in MoSHi: JeCerson Papers; endorsed by TJ as received 26 Mch. 1802 and so recorded in SJL). TJ’s reply appeared in the 8 June 1802 Aurora, which identiAed the recipients as “a number of Irish Emigrants, resident in Pennsylvania.” q TJ here canceled “happiness.”

From [Thomas Dill] Dear Sir, May the 2d Anno Domini 1801 Your oDce & Calling is weighty & Important Indeed, O how much need you have of Divine pure wisdom & knowledge & understanding from god to Instruct & Counsel & direct you how to do Justly & love mercy & walk humbly with & before god & how to Execute Righteous & Just Judgment & in all your thoughts & words & Actions & motions & ways walk and Conduct, to Study & promote & ConArm promulgate And Establish the good of the common wealth in general throughout the whole American States & who is SuDcient for such a task & burden & Charge; as this to Rule & govern under god Justly & Righteously in the fear of the Great & Gracious Almighty Sovereign of the whole Universe In Such a way & manner as to be a terror to Evil Doers; & a praise to them that do well & ever to follow after Righteousness & fulAll the honourable place & Station & Relation of a Nursing father in pressing it strongly upon the Citizens in those Neighbouring American States; to do to Others as they would have others do to them; & for every man to Speak the truth at all times & in all places one to Another; & to live in love & unity & good will and < 9>

2 MAY 1801

Concord & harmony; furthering the wealth and outward Estate & welfare of one another, forgiving & lending freely one to another without grudging & let every man look upon the things of others as well as their own things; & always to provoke one Another to love god who is love & to love one another as themselves, & God the lord above all things else And as all the American States & the citizens; therein as under your Inspection O Strive with all your might & power to Get the people to love god for God is love & to love one another; & loose the bands of wickedness & undo the heavy burdens; and let the oppressed go free & that ye break every yoke & Deal your bread to the hungry & bring the poor that are cast out to thy house & when thou seest the Naked that thou Cover him & that thou hide not thyself from thy own Besh Never forget nor Neglect, poor widows & orphans & poor pilgrims & strangers & sojourners in the land—This commanded Duty we have from gods own mouth in the 58th Chaptr of Isaiah the 6th 7th & 8th verses; & the Rich men of this world God does not allow to wrong & Rob & oppress the poor the hireling & to pray for grace free saving regenerating grace heart purifying & soul sanctifying grace & salvation for one another from god in & through christ Jesus the lord these things is surely our duty in order to Qualify & make us worthy good citizens & Rulers so that we may enjoy the Smiles of heaven & that we may be Careful & watchful Against oCending or breaking the peace with other Neighbouring Nations there is an Absolute Necessity for the punishment of profane cursing & swearing Drunkenness & Sabbath breaking And Stealing, & Cheating defrauding And exortion Avarice or covetousness luxury lasciviousness Intemperance Gluttony Extortion & Injustice & pride & vain glory; It is a great Evil to pamper the body too much in excessive eating & drinking & the Setting up of Idol Gods in the heart, when god has said thou Shalt have no other gods before me, that Righteousness & Justice & peace & love & equity may encrease & grow Spread & Abound throughout our American States; we must fear the god of heaven & keep his commands every Day as a Rule of life carefully and his everlasting gospel as a Rule of faith & practice; & in so doing we shall be a happy people both Rulers & ruled governors & governed & presidents & citizens & people Noble & Ignoble Laiyety commonality & Congress Assemblys & must observe these things herein mentioned; from a poor Afflicted Sickly bruised Reed RC (DLC); addressed: “To President JeCerson these with Care”; franked; en-

dorsed by TJ as received 22 May and so recorded in SJL.

< 10>

2 MAY 1801 The author of the above was probably Thomas Dill of western Pennsylvania. He wrote TJ again in 1803 and 1806, signing his name both times and adding to the signature on the latter document “A poor

Sickly bruised Reed.” He addressed his 1806 letter from Canonsburg and described himself as a “Stranger & Sojourner in pensylvania” (Dill to TJ, 7 Oct. 1803 and 5 Mch. 1806).

From Charles Wyndham Grymes Sir, Richmond May 2d. 1801 Not having the pleasure of an acquaintance with you and having to address you on a subject like the present one, I feel a considerable diDdence in so doing, but as I am conAdent that you will do everything that lays in your powers, for the assistance of three minors, I shall not hesitate one moment longer, in disclosing that, to which this letter will be conAned. No doubt, you have received by the Alexander, Captain Gary, a letter from Mr Gourlay, informing you of the death of our unfortunate Grandmother Mrs Ariana Randolph; and enclosing you probate of her will which makes us her legatees, and a note for £100 sterling for the use of my two sisters and myself. Sorry am I indeed Sir, to be under the necessity of imposing on you so troublesome a request, as to take upon yourself the guardianship of us three, but when you look into the subject, when you see the diDculties that will arise from your refusal, I cannot but hope you will excuse the boldness of my request and attribute it to pure motives arising from the circumstances of the case. Some years ago, my grandmother executed a power of attorney to you, to act for her in this country, in a controversy she had with the executors of Philip Grymes, Peter Randolph and Peyton Randolph: to you then, she intrusted everything and as no person can be better acquainted with the state of the thing if so well as yourself, as you have acted; and as you know how much money is due to a fraction, and it being her wish as well as ours, I hope you will take the trouble upon yourself.—I am sure it will be troublesome which I regret extremely particularly in the political situation in which you now stand but after assigning the foregoing reasons, I need not again say that it is my sincere wish and hope, that you will act as such. With respect to the one hundred pounds, I must beg the favor of you, to forward it, either to my uncle Randolph or myself. it is for the purpose of supplying us with mourning &c. and as we have taken up things to some amount which renders every shilling of it requisite, the sooner you could make it convenient to send it on the better. As I shall be neces< 11>

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sitated to write to England as soon as possible I must request the favor of an immediate answer I remain Sir, with great respect yr. mo ob. svt Charles W Grymes Be so good Sir, as to direct to me at Edm: Randolphs Esqr Richmond RC (MHi); endorsed by TJ as received 5 May and so recorded in SJL.

a letter from mr gourlay: Robert Gourlay to TJ, 22 Feb. 1801.

From Robert R. Livingston Dear Sir New York 2d May 1801 The fear of intruding upon the few hours you can spare to rural occupations, & philosophic retirment has prevented my replying to your favor till your return to Washington, where I am told that this will And you. The character you give of Mr. Sumpter will doubtless render him an acquisition to the public, & in theory, the appointment of the secretary to the legation seems an adviseable measure, yet I am sorrey to add that, as far as our past experience may decide, in practice, it has hitherto proved unfortunate. For tho’ it has been usual to consult the minister on the appointment, so that the secretary might be deemed the man of his choice, yet it has seldom happened, that he has failed to consider himself as the intended successor, & of course as the rival of the minister. Their mutual jealousies have frequently produced consequences, alike injurious to the parties, & the states. I trust however from the character you give of Mr. Sumpter, and from my determination (should he be appointed) to respect your choice, & to make his situation as agreeable as possible, that nothing of this kind will happen. As the foreign intercourse law makes provision for a secretary to the minister I am at a loss Sir to know whether I shall be justiAed in nominating for your approbation such an oDcer?—If not I shall be under considerable embarrasments, for having presumed upon this, previous to your mention of Mr. Sumpter, as I thought it essential to select from the numerous applications I recd. a gent. well acquainted with the manners of the people, & so versant in their language as to supply the deAciency I shall long feel in conversing in it (French being as yet wh. me a dead language, having never accustomed myself to speak it,) and one well acquainted with the commercial relations of both countries, & on whose political & moral integrity I could have the utmost reliance, I gave encouragement to a gent. in whom all those requisites, together with that of an indepen< 12>

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dant fortune, & extensive connections meet, reason to believe that I could procure the appointment for him, I trust therefore Sir that there will be no interference between this arrangmt & the one you propose, but that they will be considered as distinct characters, so as to enable me to avail myself of his services. Permit me Sir to mention another appointment in which I feel myself, and I am persuaded the public is materialy interested, I mean that of Consul at Paris. As there are no direct commercial connections between this country, & that place the consul there is in fact an inferior diplomatic agent, with whom, the minister must have a constant communication, & thro’ whom, he must acquire a knowledge of many interesting objects which it will be his duty to promote. Should the Consul be either indolent, or disqualiAed, & at the same time independant of the minister serious evils may result therefrom. I have taken the liberty Sir to mention this, because I have been informed, that among the applicants for this place, are men of this cast, & supported too by such recommendations, as may give you impressions in their favor. I Batter myself that I shall have the honor of seeing you before any appointment is made unless your choice should fall upon some gent. who is personally known to you, in which case I shall have nothing to apprehend. I will not trouble you Sir to reply to this letter, as I mean in the course of ten days to pay my respects to you in person, & solicit the honor of your instructions commands. It will give you pleasure to be informed that no doubt is now entertained of our having a republican-Legislature in this State, & very little of the success of Mr. Clintons election. I have the honor to be Dear Sir with the truest & most respectful Attachment your Most Obt humle: Servt Robt R Livingston RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr & pres: of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 7 May and so recorded in SJL. your favor: TJ to Livingston, 24 Mch. 1801.

foreign intercourse law: the act of 1 July 1790 that Arst authorized salaries for diplomatic missions referred to the positions of minister plenipotentiary, chargé d’aCaires, and secretary of a minister plenipotentiary (U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:129).

From Samuel A. Otis Sir Washington May 2d 1801 I do myself the honor to enclose you a copy of the invoice of books for the public library. The packages being perfectly dry I shall omit < 13>

2 MAY 1801

opening them until further orders. Whenever they are opened some person should be made answerable for them or in my opinion the volumes will be immediately dispersed and lost. I have the honor to be Sir your most humble Sert Sam A. Otis RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of The United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 2 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Invoice of books ordered by William Bingham and Robert Waln from Cadell & Davies, dated 25 Nov. 1800, listing more than 150 titles, comprising over 700 volumes, with prices— including the “scarce” parliamentary debates in 104 volumes at the cost of £54.12.0—for a total cost of £489.7.0, taking into account a 5 percent discount of £23.15.0 for prompt payment and a charge of £37.18.0 for 11 hair trunks, a case for maps, and expenses for duties and fees, freight, and shipping (Tr in DLC: TJ Papers, 108:18452-4; at head of invoice: “copy”; endorsed by TJ as received 2 May). See TJ to Thomas Mann Randolph, printed at 25 Nov. 1800, for the establishment of the joint congressional committee in late April to procure books for the public library. On 20 June 1800, William Bingham and Robert

Waln, committee members from the Senate and House, respectively, sent an order to the London Arm of Cadell & Davies. The booksellers procured all but 12 of the books and maps ordered, at a cost of $2,200, and shipped them to Robert Gilmor & Sons at Baltimore on 9 Dec. 1800. After being stored at the custom house at Baltimore from 25 Feb. to 1 Apr., the Arst volumes for the Library of Congress were sent by packet to Otis, who informed TJ of the arrival of the shipment at Georgetown. On 7 Dec., the opening day of Congress, TJ called upon Otis to make a statement respecting the purchase. The secretary of the Senate requested that a joint committee be established to report on the “future arrangement of said books and maps” (William Dawson Johnston, History of the Library of Congress, Volume 1: 1800-1864 [Washington, 1904], 23-6; David C. Mearns, The Story up to Now: The Library of Congress, 1800-1946 [Washington, 1947], 8-10; js, 3:156).

From Ephraim Ramsay Sir, Charleston May 2d. 1801. Altho I have not the honor of being personally known to you, yet, I trust, the friendly motive of serving a very honorable and deserving gentleman will justify the liberty I take in troubling you with this letter. Colonel Alexander Moultrie, who was formerly the attorney general of this State, & who is the brother of the gallant General Moultrie, has suCered much persecution by his zealous attachment to the honest principle of 1775, which in this City are much out of date: Judge Bee’s not accepting the appointment of circuit Judge leaves that oDce vacant, &, if no other gentleman has been thought of to All it, the appointment of Colonel Moultrie will be vastly gratifying to your friends in this State—by his friends, & by the good old General, < 14>

2 MAY 1801

it will be received with profound respect & gratitude. Should the oDce of Judge be supplied before this reaches you, I take the liberty of mentioning Colo Moultrie as well qualiAed to discharge the duties of a custom House, & if the Collector of this port is to be removed I know no gentleman whose claims are stronger to the oDce than Colonel Moultrie. If the Marshall of this district, Mr Cochran, is to be removed, as it is generally supposed, he is so intollerant & indiscreet a youth; the appointment of Major Charles Goodwyn, of Silver BluC, in Barnewell District, would be highly gratifying to the republicans throughout the state, & to the gentlemen of the bar particularly so. Major Goodwyn is a sound lawyer, & will make a most eDcient active oDcer. When the legislature of this State did me the honor, two years ago, of electing me to a seat on the Bench of the Supreme Court, Majr Goodwyn was with myself in nomination, & within four votes of obtaining his election. Knowing how precious your time is, Sir, I will only add my wishes, my very sincere wishes, that a life so valuable as yours is to the liberties of America may long be preserved. With the highest consideration I have the honor to be Sir Your most devoted Servant Ephraim Ramsay RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); addressed: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States Monticello Virginia”; endorsed by TJ as received 15 May and so recorded in SJL; also endorsed by TJ: “Moultrie to be judge of Circuit vice Bee. or Collector vice Symonds. Goodwyn to be Marshal vice Cockran.” Ephraim Ramsay (ca. 1766-1801), a planter from EdgeAeld District, served in the South Carolina General Assembly from 1792 to 1797 and was a business partner of Charles Goodwin. In 1799 the state legislature elected Ramsay an associate judge of the Court of General Ses-

sions and Common Pleas (S.C. Biographical Directory, House of Representatives, 4:465). alexander moultrie, the younger brother of general William Moultrie, served as South Carolina’s attorney general from 1776 until 1792, when he was impeached for embezzling public money and banned from holding public oDce for seven years (same, 3:515-16). collector of this port: James Simons was appointed collector of the port of Charleston in 1797. Despite his Federalist sympathies, he retained the oDce until 1805 (same, 3:648-50; Prince, Federalists, 128-30; jep, 1:248).

From Amos Windship Sir George Town 2d May 1801 I beg leave to state to you some Circumstances attending, the Court Marshall held on me in Novr. last past—I Confess I had not the smallest Idea of its being any thing more than a Court of inquiry—and for this reason, no Notice had been given me—untill the day before it took place—on Sunday at four OClock PM—I recd a Billit from Capt < 15>

2 MAY 1801

Talbot, by one of his Midshipman, requesting my attendance on Board of his ship, the next Morning at Nine oclock to answer to certain charges—the Ship lay Six Miles from Town—unprepared as I was I appeared—found Capt Talbot & all his oDcers & one other oDcer belonging to the Ship Herald—composed the Court—had I have thought their openion was to be Anal, I should have asked for time to prepare myself—and I should have made a Very diCerent defence—I must say, I think myself hardly delt by— It is a Matter of great concern to me & My family—if I SuCer the disgrace of being discharged the Service—I have had no other means of Support—have been keept in suspence for six Months, prevented me from doing any other Business—and Besides I know myself innocent of the Charges Brought against me, excepting not obtaining leave of Capt Talbot who was oC the harbour, at the time, and who has since tould me, that had I have sent to him, he had no doubt but what he should have granted me leave to return home—I Can prove by Mr. Levy Naval agent, then at the Cape, who is here present, that I was very sick, and I Confess I was alarmed at my own situation—It was the Openion of Doctr. Stevens, our Consul-General, the only chance for my recovery was, to quit the place as soon as possable—I am sorry for what ever has been amiss—I humbly beg Sir, you will consider of my situation—and so far Mitigate the sentence of the Court as you in your goodness, shall think proper—in duty Bound shall ever Pray— Amos Windship RC (DNA: RG 125, GCMCI); at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 2 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “N”; also endorsed by TJ: “remitted to be Aled with the other papers—Th:J.” Amos Windship (1745-1813) was a physician and apothecary from Massachusetts, with an established history of fraud, deception, and misconduct in his public and private aCairs. He was expelled from Harvard in 1768 for theft. During the Revolutionary War he served as surgeon on the Continental frigate Alliance. After quitting the service, he embarked on a series of commercial misadventures, which led to a term in debtor’s prison. In September 1799 he was appointed surgeon on the ship Herald (ndqw, Dec. 1800 to Dec. 1801,

358; Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Publications, 71 vols. [Boston, 1895- ], 25:141-71; Sibley, 17:673-9). In April 1800, while the Herald was at Cap-Français, Windship left the vessel without permission and returned to Boston. Brought before a court-martial in Boston on 24-25 Nov., he was charged with deserting his post, selling the ship’s medical stores for his own proAt, and habitual drunkenness. Finding Windship guilty of the Arst two charges, the court sentenced him to be cashiered and forever banned from employment in the service of the U.S. and to forfeit any pay and subsistence due him. On 30 Apr., Samuel Smith forwarded a paper to TJ respecting Windship’s trial, adding that it was up to the president “to approve or disapprove” the sentence (RC in DLC, at foot of text: “President of the U. States,” endorsed by TJ as received 30 Apr. and so recorded in

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3 MAY 1801 SJL; FC in Lb in DNA: RG 45, LSP). The paper was probably a transcript of Windship’s court-martial, at the bottom of which TJ wrote on 2 May: “The President of the US. approves of the preceding sentence in the case of Amos Winship

Surgeon except as much thereof as forAets his pay due at the time of his departure from the ship without leave, towit the 22d. April 1800” (MS in DNA: RG 125, GCMCI).

To Gideon Granger Dear Sir Washington May 3. 1801. I wrote you on the 29th. of March. yours of the 25th of that month with the address it covered had not reached this place on the 1st. of April when I set out on a short visit to my residence in Virginia where some arrangements were necessary previous to my settlement here. in fact your letter came to me at Monticello only the 24th. of April, two days before my departure from thence. this I hope will suDciently apologise for the delay of the answer, which those unapprised of these circumstances will have thought extraordinary. A new subject of congratulation has arisen. I mean the regeneration of Rhode island. I hope it is the beginning of that resurrection of the genuine spirit of New England which rises for life eternal. according to natural order, Vermont will emerge next, because least, after Rhode island, under the yoke of hierocracy.—I have never dreamt that all opposition would cease. the clergy who have missed their union with the state, the Anglomen who have missed their union with England, and the political adventurers who have lost the chance of swindling & plunder in the waste of public money, will never cease to bawl, on the breaking up of their sanctuary. but, among the people, the schism is healed; and with tender treatment the wound will not re-open. their quondam leaders have been astounded with the suddenness of the desertion: and their silence & appearance of acquiescence has proceeded, not from a thought of joining us, but the uncertainty what ground to take. the very Arst acts of the administration, the nominations, have accordingly furnished something to yelp on; and all our subsequent acts will furnish them fresh matter, because there is nothing against which human ingenuity will not be able to And something to say. accept assurances of my sincere attachment & high respect Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Gideon Granger esq.”

For the address from SuDeld Citizens, 16 Mch., see the enclosure printed at Granger’s letter of 25 Mch.

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e n c l o s u r e

To SufAeld Citizens Sir Washington May 3. 1801. I recieve with great satisfaction the congratulations of the citizens of SuDeld & the neighboring towns who have been pleased to tender them on my appointment to the Arst oDce of government in the United States. and should I be able to preserve the general tranquility of the republic, or be instrumental in promoting the happiness of those who have placed me in this station, the measure of my wishes will be compleatly Alled. much towards this will be done if harmony can be restored to the discordance of opinion which transient circumstances have produced in some parts of the Union, and nothing which is just shall be omitted on my part for the attainment of this great blessing. sincerely attached to the constitution of government which has been founded by our fellow-citizens in the genuine principles of republicanism, wisdom & virtue, I will certainly employ all my faculties to preserve it inviolate and uncorrupted; and especially to guard it from any licence of construction which might swerve it from the plain sense & understanding of those who advocated & adopted it. accept for yourself and the inhabitants of SuDeld & the neighboring towns, assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Alexander King esquire chairman of a meeting of citizens of SuDeld & the neighboring towns.” Tr (CtHi).

To George Jefferson Dear Sir Washington May 3. 1801. I wrote you on the 17th. of April accepting 7. D. for my tobo. by return of the post which brought the oCer: and on the 21st. I inclosed you the manifests of the Albemarle part of it. those of Bedford you had before. I have not heard whether you closed the sale. I expect that Ane hams for table use can be obtained in Richmond & it’s vicinities; by which I do not mean large, but rather small hams, which are generally Aner grained, sweeter, & better for the table, if well fatted & cured. I imagine the best are made by planters & to be collected by small parcels from them. I must trouble you to endeavor to procure for me two or three hundred of them, to wit, hams, not shoulders, of the best kind & best cured; & to forward them on here from time to time as they are procured, for I am entirely unprovided for present use. you will oblige me by informing me1 what the prospect of obtaining them is. I am Dear Sir Your’s aCectionately Th: Jefferson < 18>

3 MAY 1801 PrC (MHi); at foot of text: “Mr. George JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. q MS: “we.”

To James MagofAn Sir Washington May 3. 1801. Your favor of Mar. 23. was put into my hand just as I was setting out on a short visit to Monticello, from which place I am returned only three days ago. this I hope will apologize for the tardiness of my acknoleging the reciept of it, together with my thanks for the book it covered. I should be glad to see a new & better edition of it, and that it should be made without any retouches by the author. as it is, [it] contains sound & excellent principles, from which however it’s author has lamentably [swerved?] in his doctrine & conduct in public life. so that the earliest & not the latest editions of this book, will, I am persuaded, be longest approved, should the author revise them accept assurances of my esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (ViW); faint and blurred; at foot of text: “Mr. James MagoDn”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

the book it covered: Nathaniel Chipman’s Sketches of the Principles of Government; see MagoDn to TJ, 23 Mch.

From John Monroe Sir. Staunton May 3d. 1801. Since my letter of the 30th. Ulto. I have recieved your friendly and obliging letter of the 25th. Apl. covering a commission for me as Atty. for the Western District of Virginia. The ODce being in the line of my profession, renders it more agreeable to me; I shall not therefore hesitate in my acceptance of it. I will not trouble you with thanks, or professions; But by a Strict attention to the discharge of the duties of the oDce, and a Manly republican in independance of conduct; tell the world, & the enemies of civil liberty, that I am not altogether undeserving your conAdence— I have remarked, that the late Administration have appointed printers of the laws of Congress in DiCerent parts of this and the other States. Should you suppose the measure a proper one; and no person has, as yet, been appointed, I will take the liberty to mention Mr. John Mc.Arther, the Editor of a paper printed in this Town, < 19>

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stiled the Political Mirror. This Gentleman deserves much from the republicans. He has withstood both threats & entreaties from the opposite Faction, & some of the Military: and he has been injured much in the progress of his business by the insidious Slanders, propogated by the Monarchists. He is master of his business and will execute the work with neatness and correctness.—The continuance and support of this paper in this place I think necessary & usefull. But I fear without some such aid, as I now hint, Mr. Mc.Arther will not be able to prosecute the business.— If what I have said shall meet your own approbation I have no doubt you will do Justice to Mr. Mc.Arther by your conduct. Accept Sir my best Wishes for your happiness & Honor. J, Monroe RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 13 May 1801 and so recorded in SJL. James Lyon had established the Staunton newspaper called the political mirror early in 1800. John McArthur, orig-

inally one of the paper’s printers, became its sole proprietor before the end of that year. In February 1802 he accepted an appointment to publish U.S. laws in his paper (Brigham, American Newspapers, 2:1156; Vol. 31:376-7).

From Abraham Faw Sir, Alexandria May 4th: 1801 By the Assumption Law of Congress, an Orphans Court is directed to be established in the County of Alexandria and a Judge of said Court is to be Appointed, the Register informs me it is necessary some Gentleman should be Commissioned, in whose name to Test Letters of Administration &c., If you have not Ax’d on a Person better QualiAed than myself, you may if you Please Consider me an Applicant, having heretofore resided in Maryland, and been something Conversant in the Orphans Court I consider myself to possess some knowledge of the Business in Testamentary ACairs And shall have no Objection to undertaking the trust, Altho’ no Adequate Compensation Appears to be provided for by the Law, General Smith, and John Thompson Mason Esq’r. are Acquainted with me, to whom please be refered for information. I am with Respect Sir, Your Obedient Hble Servt A. Faw RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 4 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” On 2 Mch. 1801, Adams nominated Faw to be a justice of the peace for Alex-

andria County and on 5 Mch. TJ recorded his reappointment. On 6 Jan. 1802, TJ nominated George Gilpin as judge of the Orphan’s Court for the county (jep, 1:388, 402, 404, 423; Vol. 33:674-5).

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From Elbridge Gerry My dear Sir, Cambridge 4th May 1801. By my friend Mr Lee I have an opportunity of writing more freely, than by the post. The folly of the mal-contents, in expecting by their siren arts to induce you to exchange the impregnable barriers of vertue & patriotism, for the defenceless transfer of intrigue & corruption, can only be equalled by their desperation & madness. relinquishing your friends, to depend on your enemies, you must have added to the list of those political martyrs, who becoming the victims of their own credulity, have, from the highest elevation, been hurled by their betrayers to the deepest pit of ignominy & oblivion. rely on it, you have nothing to hope from your opponents: in this quarter they have had a meeting, & determined to oppose “the present order of things with their lives & fortunes”; this is unquestionable: & we accordingly see their slanderous batteries, in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, as opened against yourself, republican leaders, republican states, & republicans in general; by printers so utterly devoted to their corrupt service, as not to admit in their gazettes, an answer to the most infamous & groundless calumnies. indeed, before your election, I was informed from undoubted, from high authority, that such an event “would put the constitution to the test.” it is therefore incumbent on you, Sir, as expeditiously as circumstances will permit, to clear the augean stable, of it’s obnoxious occupants; for so intimately connected are they, as that in a common cause, to consider an attack on one, an attack on the whole. these observations I mean only to extend to the inveterate enemies & persecutors of republicanism & republicans; for whilst I hold in veneration an honest anterepublican, & in detestation a dishonest republican, yet, there is no apology in my mind, for a man, who, holding an oDce under a republican constitution, & bound by his oath & honor to support it, is aiming nevertheless, by the prostitution of his oDce, & the basest perAdy, to annul & subvert it. I think your attention ought not to be conAned, to the securing political agents, in whom you can place implicit conAdence, in every important oDce; but that it should extend to the security of fortresses, magazines, & arsenals; by placing them under the protection of faithful oDcers & corps, & preventing by proper defences their seizure, or destruction. this precaution seems necessary, even if the country was not infested by a desperate faction; for we have foreign enemies, who are incessant in their endeavors to destroy us. & so far as pickets & trenches are adequate, the expence will be triBing; as the labour may be performed by < 21>

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the military corps. indeed, from the termination of the revolutionary war to this day, I have thot that our military stores have been in too defenceless a state; such as is unparellell’d in any other country. the loss of them, may be fatal, & therefore the risque of them, should, as I conceive, be prevented as much possible. it may be necessary to observe precaution in conducting this matter, if deemed elegible; in order to defeat the arts which will be used to prevent it. Too much attention cannot be paid in all the states to the organizing arming & disciplining the militia. the more extensive the plan, the better it will be. had the plan succeeded of a pampered federal militia, it would have destroyed the military spirit which ought to, & in some of the states does pervade all ranks of the people; & under an arbitrary federal Government, would have subjected them to a small contemptible corps of military tools. as to the necessity or great advantage of having a small proportion of our numerous militia; in compleat order to the neglect & disparagement of the rest, to have provisional armies, or established troops under any denomination for the defence of the country, the pretext has been proved by expereince to be rediculous: for if such establishments were not nurseries of vice, immorality & eCeminacy, if after the troops have been embodied, cloathed, fed, paid & disciplined twelve months, they would not be inferior to an equal number of our hardy yeomanry, taken from the Aeld & disciplined a few weeks; still have we not seen lately a history of such military feats as were never before recorded, performed by conscripts, forced into the service, & after a few weeks discipline opposed to the best veteran troops in the world? your inBuence with the republican senators & representatives, may be extended to the states, & be productive of very salutary eCects, in this particular. You are extremely fortunate in your choice of your principal oDcers; they are men whose counsel you can rely on, & whose wisdom, application, & Armness render them formidable to our common enemies. Mr Galatin & General Dearborn will it is hoped, And “clues” to unfold the misteries of oDce burning. twenty Ave years, eight of which were occupied in a virulent revolutionary war, had revolved & the public papers were preserved without the wise precaution of Areproof oDces: but at the critical period of the change if an all wise, pious, patriotic pure, & federal government for that of an impious, philosophical, weak, selAsh, & republican administration, two such oDces, or rather, their most important papers have been accidentally burnt, without the imputation of blame to any one. this is a curious termination to the history of federalism. I have still too good an opin< 22>

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ion of your predecessor, to suppose that he was in the secret; but republicans must have an uncommon gulp, to swallow this [. . .] as a contingency. No one conceived that you would conArm the appointments made at the close of Mr Adams’ administration, except such as were perfectly agreable to you. & it is generally expected, that amongst the Arst acts of the next Congress, will be a repeal of the extraordinary judiciary bill: the design of which was too palpable to elude common observation. in short, my dear Sir, unless the talents & opportunity which you have, are wisely improved to establish republicanism on a solid basis, a parricidal end will be its fate. at least this is my apprehension. Mr Adams’ conduct at your inauguration has wounded his real, & been severely censured by his pretended friends. excuse me from any remarks on the subject: your silence shews you do not expect them, I must, however, acknowledge, that his conduct whilst in France, & since my return, towards myself, has by no means been satisfactory. The last act of feudal desperation, is an attempt to sever the New England from the other states. this is as weak, as it is wicked. their own party, notwithstanding “the ægis of governing & the temples of religion & justice” may all be “prostituted” to the purpose, would revolt at the measure. the federal constitution as amended, altho not perfect, is under a republican administration, & in co-operation with the state system, an excellent one, & shall ever have my support. the parts which require amendment, I hope will meet the propositions of the next Congress for this purpose. The multiplying republican presses, is a measure of the utmost importance: I hope it will be attended to in the N England states. Thus have I expressed in haste, & without reserve, my ideas of the important political objects, which ought to be attained by republicans. if the suggestions are not well founded, the only loss will be, of your time in reading them; my time is at my own disposal. but if the hints are just, it will be necessary to regard, in carrying them into eCect, the important object which you mention, “harmony & social love among the citizens,” the suaviter in modo, & the fortiter in re. The object of Mr Lee is to ascertain whether he is to expect a conArmation of his appointment; he is an honest republican, & worthy man, & I sincerely wish him success. This letter supersedes the necessity of writing as I had proposed from New York, & I have only to assure you, my dear Sir, of my sincere & most respectful attachment E Gerry < 23>

4 MAY 1801 RC (DLC); at foot of text: “His Excelly Mr JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 May and so recorded in SJL. The passages about prostitution of the temples of religion and justice and on the importance of harmony and so-

cial love, enclosed by Gerry in quotation marks, are from TJ’s most recent letter to him, 29 Mch. 1801. suaviter in modo . . . fortiter in re: gentle in manner, Arm in action; for another use of this Latin motto, see David Humphreys’s letter of 8 May below.

From James Monroe Dear Sir Richmond May 4. 1801 I had intended writing you on a subject mentioned in my last, but when I came to act on it I found it an aCair of more personal delicacy than I had anticipated. Between the person referr’d to and myself nothing ever occurr’d to restrain me from expressing my sentiments freely on any subject in wh. the publick were interested, but yet I feel that I shod. be the last person in the world who ought to give an opinion in the case in question. After the British treaty was ratiAed, and the republican party seemed annihilated, the men who then wielded the Executive admn. looked out for objects on whom to gratify their revenge for past diDculties. A packed jury passd on me and I was condemned to suCer whatever their malice cod. suggest or the power of W. inBict on me. But things have changed. I have happily survived the blow that was given me. They have recd., but will yet more completely receive, from the judgment of an impartial publick, the censure which their misconduct entitled them to. If I interfere in any thing which concerns them or any of them, it might seem as if I followed their unworthy example, and sought to indulge my private resentment at their expence. But that is not my wish, nor is it my disposition. I have no such passions to gratify. On my return here I found several respectable characters attending the court, by whom my attention was drawn to the object in question, with some degree of excitment, and I resolved to write you on it. I am now sorry I mentioned the subject, since it has forced me to trouble you with this explanation of my motive for not pursuing it. It is proper for me to add that I wod. not with-hold my sentiments on the subject, if I saw that I cod. certainly advance the publick interest or serve you by communicating them. But I do not perceive that in this case I can do it. The question is interesting and a doubtful one. and I well know that it will be maturely weighed & wisely decided by those with whom the constitution has plac’d it. There is a subject to which I wish to engage yr. particular atten< 24>

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tion. Before I came into this oDce I was of opinion that the correspondence between the Executive of the Genl. govt. and a State shod. be conducted as between parties that were mutually respectful but equally independant of each other. This idea appeared to me to be sound, indeed incontrovertible in principle, and it was matter of surprise how a contrary practice had been adopted. Each govt. is in its sphere sovereign so far as the term is applicable in a country where the people alone are so. The State govts. do not derive their authorities from the General govt.; they are not established by its ordinances, or accountable to it for their admn., like the frontier govts., or the revenue or other oDcers of the UStates. Their Executive legislative and judicial departments, are constituted on the same principles and alike form the governmental sovereignty of each govt. The oDcers under each constitute no part of its sovereignty; they are agents employd by it to assist in their respective admins. I consider the chief majistrate of the union in reference to a like character in each State, as Arst among equals, and admit the same priority in the legislative and judicial departments, and the departments under them, where the individual States have correspondent institutions. If this idea is just it follows that the communication between the two govts., when carried on by the govr. of a State, shod. be with the President of the UStates. To subject the State govrs. to the necessity of corresponding with the oDcers appointed by the President, seems to place them in the same grade to deny the right of sovereignty in the individual States, and to consider them as subaltern inferior establishments, emanating from and dependant on the general government. The laws of congress which establish the departments under the President have no reference to the case in question. They restrict foreign ministers &ca in their correspondence to the heads of departments, and wisely, because they are the agents of their govts.; but that restriction does not comprize the govts. they represent, whether free or despotic. It wod. be extry. if the govt. of a foreign country, by which I mean President King or Prince, shod. write on publick business to the Secry. of one of our departments, and equally so if our President shod. write such a letter to a secry. of any foreign government. If the question of right is settled on the principle I contend for, would it not be proper for you to recognize in some formal manner, since by so doing you wod. recognize cherish and support the State governments? It wod. be giving them a station in the union to which they are entitled by the constitution but of wh. they have been in a great measure deprived, by the proud imperious tone of former admns. It wod. conciliate their govts. towards yr. admn. and introduce a spirit < 25>

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of harmony in our System hitherto unknown to it. In the practice there wod. be no diDculty. where letters were addressed to the President they might be referred to the heads of departments and replies drawn by them to be signed by him. Tho’ very probably the present practice wod. prevail, for as soon as the question was established on just and conciliatory principles, the bias of all liberal minds wod. be to dispense with an etiqette which wod. then be no more, the observance of wh. especially with characters more distinguished for their talents and merit than themselves, as wod. generally be the case, cod. not otherwise than injure them. You will be sensible that to me personally this is an aCr. of the utmost indiCerence; indeed in the present state of things that it is peculiarly irksome. I had formed my opinion on the subject before I came into this place, and acted on it shortly afterwards when an occasion presented. The cession of the marine hospital at Norfolk was the subject, which was concluded, Mr. Adams having replied to my letter. I afterwds wrote him in complyance with a resolution of the General assembly, respecting the conduct of the British consul at Norfolk, who was charged with receiving of dr: Read and sending to one of the British Islands, a person who was said to be a mutineer on board the Hermione frigate, and I sent him at the same time all the documents relative to that transaction. To the last letter I recd. no answer. Perhaps he discovered that I was making a question of the kind above suggested, & was resolved to oppose my doctrine: perhaps the communication oCended him as it brought to his memory his conduct in the case of Robins; perhaps his other duties at that late period of his service rendered it impossible for him to act on it. But be the motive of his silence what it might, the fact of his omission to answer prevents my considering the point as being absolutely settled by him. I now bring it to yr. view that you may consider it with due attention. In the interim I have to request you will be so good as inform me, whether the 12000. dolrs., the sum at wh. the Gosport land was valued, the papers respecting wh. were sent to the Navy department, will be paid to our order, or deposited here if more convenient to us, to receive it here. The deed was drawn and forwarded by Mr. Hopkins, the loan oDcer here, to Mr. Stoddert abt. Jany last, with a request that the money might be paid here, which is still preferr’d. The sum is small yet in the state of our Treasury it is an object of some importance to us. My best respects to Mr. Madison who I hope has arrived with you in health. very sincerely I am dear Sir yr. friend Jas. Monroe < 26>

4 MAY 1801 RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 7 May and so recorded in SJL. Dft (DLC: Monroe Papers); dated 3 May. Dft (same); undated; contains a version of the opening passages of this letter, on same sheets as Dft of Monroe’s unsent letter of 30 Apr. (see note to Monroe to TJ, 29 Apr. 1801). subject mentioned in my last: in his letter of 29 Apr., Monroe anticipated writing more about whether Rufus King should be retained as minister to Great Britain. Monroe drafted, but did not send, a letter to TJ on the subject (see note to Monroe to TJ, 29 Apr.). power of w.: George Washington, who in the summer of 1796 recalled Monroe from his position as minister to France (Vol. 29:165n). Monroe had written to John adams on 10 Aug. 1800, and Adams replied on the 25th of that month, about the transfer of the marine hospital at Norfolk to federal control (Preston, Catalogue, 1:85; cvsp, 9:132). For Monroe’s letter to Adams on

the matter relating to the british consul at Norfolk, see Monroe to TJ, 22 May 1801. conduct in the case of robins: that is, Adams’s approval of the extradition of accused Hermione mutineer Jonathan Robbins in 1799 (Vol. 31:181n; see also Notes on a Cabinet Meeting, 16 May 1801, below). gosport land: in 1800 the U.S. government began the process of acquiring title to the shipyards used for the construction and repair of the navy’s vessels. The Norfolk shipyard, at a place called Gosport on the south branch of the Elizabeth River adjoining Portsmouth, was on land owned by the state of Virginia. An appraiser representing the U.S. government and Thomas Newton, appointed by Monroe to represent the state in the valuation of the property, placed a value of $12,000 on the 12-acre plot. Virginia ceded the land to the U.S. for that amount, for which Benjamin Stoddert authorized a draft in January 1801 (asp, Naval ACairs, 1:79, 84-7, 342; cvsp, 9:105, 109, 202).

From Pendleton District, S.C., 16th Regiment South Carolina Pendleton District 4th. May 1801

To Thomas JeCerson President of the United States Sir, after public authority having pronounced you our chief magistrate, It would be doing injustice to our feelings (governed as we are by principals of Freedom and Public Liberty) to surpress the lively sensations created thereby. In this circumstance alone to And what has been so long long anticipated, and so ardently wished for realized in your Election—To see at once so able and willing an advocate for our common cause, placed at the head of our Government, aCords us no small satisfaction, and whose elevation of soul has not only raised him above the oppressions of his fellow Citizens, but stands ready to aid and assist them in warding oC the strokes of aristocracy and Tyrannical power—We desire Sir, to assure yourself that there is no hearts higher and more in unison for your person and cause you support than we the people of this Regt. in defence of which we are ready to risque our lives and fortunes < 27>

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That you may long continue in protecting, and preserving our Liberties and Constitution well understood, is the prayer of many The only acquaintance we have with you is through the medium of the public papers, Wherin truth, merit and Justice have suCered so much, and have been so distorted, disguised and perverted that it often remains diDcult, and sometimes impossible for us to judge with precision between the great questions of right and wrong, had we not steadily in view too such men as appeared to stick nearest to our rights and natural Independence we should have been lost without hope— Among the many things that will fall under your province, we consider this as one of the greatest importance—to dispel the clouds that so frequently obscure the1 road to freedom—That we may no longer have to view the sum of our Liberties through a mirror muEed and shrouded—That we shall ever have a personal interview with you, is what few, or any of us dare expect, situate as we are remote from the seat of Government over which you have the honor to preside, but nevertheless you are the object of our choise, into whose hands we chearfully submit all the powers invested by the constitution Signed in behalf of Regt. E. Brown RC (DLC); at head of text: “At a review of the sixteenth Regt. commanded by Lieut. Colo. Elieb Moore—After going through evolutions of the day, the following address was agreed to, and on motion of the Colo. to the ODcers and men for their assent, They signiAed the same by sundry well conductted Ares in plattoons—In consequence the address was ordered to be transmitted to the President of the United States”; endorsed by

TJ as received 4 June and so recorded in SJL. Elijah Brown of Pendleton District was a local justice of the quorum and road commissioner. He represented Pendleton in the South Carolina General Assembly from 1802 to 1804 (S.C. Biographical Directory, House of Representatives, 4:77-8). q MS: “to.”

From Samuel Smith Sir/ Nav Dep 4th. May 1801 Agreably to your request, I will endeavour to give as correct an idea of the Navy of the United States, as my short acquaintance with this Department will enable me to do. On the 4th. March last, the Navy of the United States consisted of 5 frigates of 44 guns 3 " " 36 — 5 " " 32 —say thirteen frigates, those by the Law “Providing for the Naval Establishment of the United States” are re< 28>

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tained, and of those six are directed to be kept in actual service in time of peace—The residue of the Beet (all or any of which the President is authorised to sell) consisted of 3 ships of 18 guns 1 ship of 32 guns 2 brigs of 16 3 " of 26 guns 1 " " 14 3 " of 24 guns 1 " " 12 1 " of 22 guns 2 Schrs. " 12 say Seventeen Sail—It has been deemed proper to retain the two Schooners to act as Tenders, for which they are particularly calculated by their being very fast Sailors, & capable of laying nearer the wind than square rigged Vessels can—The others are ordered thus— at Boston—3—at New York—3—at Philadelphia 3—at Norfolk— 1—at Balto—5—As those arrive, they have been ordered to be sold—one (the Patapsco) is actually sold, at Philaa. for twenty four thousand dollars—It is submitted whether it would not be prudent to retain the George Washington (one of those that may be sold) dismantle her of her guns & employ her in carrying the tribute to Algiers—She is very burthensome, every way qualiAed for such purpose & may be sent to sea at a small expence. At this time Merchant ships are not easily procured. Freights required & obtained are enormously high. The whole of those ordered for sale, (except the Maryland, gone to France) it is expected will arrive in the course of the present month, & may be sold in all June—eight (including the one sold) being already arrived— The Six Frigates intended for actual Service, are 4 of 44 guns—to wit—the Constitution, President, Philadelphia and Chesapeake—two of 32 guns—to wit—the Essex and Adams. Those with the Schooners Enterprise & Experiment, are divided into two Squadrons. The Arst squadron, consisting of the President, Philadelphia & Essex frigates & Enterprize Schooner, is placed under the command of Capt Richd Dale, an oDcer held in very high estimation,—His ship will be the President—the Philadelphia will be commanded by Capt. Saml. Barron, the Essex by Capt. William Bainbridge, and the Enterprise by Lieutt. Commandant Andrew Sterrett. It is conAdently expected, that this squadron will be at their rendezvous at Hampton road, in a complete state of preparation on the 10th. inst. No Commanders are as yet designated to the command of the other three Frigates & schooner. Capts. Truxtun & Preble are both informed that they are retained in Service. They are both considered ODcers of great merit—the other four Captains are not yet determined on.

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The ships composing the Second squadron will be stationed thus. The Constitution at Boston. The Adams, at N York The Cheasapeak at Norfolk, and the Experiment either at Baltimore or Norfolk, & held in such a state of preparation, that they may be sent to sea at one month’s notice. The seven frigates that are to be laid up in ordinary, are (except the Boston,) ordered to the Eastern Branch of Potomac—That Port being under the immediate eye of Government, it is thought that they may lay there at small expence & in perfect security. The ships already ordered are, the General Greene, Congress, New York, United States, Constellation, & John Adams—On the arrival of the Boston, she also will be ordered to join them. The Estimate of the annual expence of each Squadron, when completed, is as follows, including pay, provisions & every expence incident thereto— 2 frigates of 44 guns Dolls 231.891 1 ditto 32 " 75.000 1 Schooner 12 " 24.215 Total expence $331.106 The annual expence of the second Squadron, having always their full complement of ODcers on board, & being in all probability three months of every year at sea, may be estimated at 150,000 dollars— These Estimates will be reduced to two thirds the above in time of General Peace. Many of the ODcers are already discharged (agreably to Law) from the service. When the whole Beet shall have returned, that operation may be compleated. It is certainly a very disagreable part of the duty, but will be done with much less oCence, than was contemplated at it’s commencement. There are six pieces of ground purchased for the purpose of Navy Yards—to wit—New Hampshire, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Washington, & Norfolk, at each of which Timber is collecting for the building of a 74 gun ship. There are also two extra frames for 74’s contracted for On those subjects, as well as other Contracts made by this Department, I will decline saying more, until I am better instructed. Returns of Public Stores are ordered to be made—until received, nothing compleat on that subject, can be submitted. It may, however, be agreable to know, that on the 1st April there was in Store, 352 tons Hemp, purchased at & under 200 Dollars ® ton, now worth 350 Dolls—119 tons cordage, & about 4000 barrels salted provisions. I have directed all the old provisions to be sold—and 130 tons of Hemp. Our Commerce began to be distressed for want of Hemp, & it < 30>

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was thought so large a quantity would not soon be wanted for public service. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obt. Servt. S Smith RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 May and so recorded in SJL.

From Samuel Smith Sir, Nav Dep 4th Apl [i.e. May] 1801 I do myself the honor to enclose you the latest information in this Department relative to the force of the Barbary Powers, and am, with the greatest respect, Sir, your mo ob Sr. S Smith RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures not found, but probably: (1) William Eaton to the secretary of state, 15 June 1799, including an estimate of marine force of Tunis in 1798 and a table recording monthly cruises by Tunisian vessels from 1790 through 1799 (Tr in DNA: RG 59, CD; with calculations in TJ’s hand). (2) James Leander Cathcart, 14 Aug. 1800, statement of the marine force of Tripoli (Tr in same). (3) William Bainbridge, 23 Sep. 1800, statement of the marine force of Algiers (ndbw, 1:371-2). Using information from the statements of Eaton, Cathcart, and Bainbridge cited above, TJ compiled an undated estimate of the total naval forces of Algiers, Tunis,

and Tripoli, listing the number and types of vessels, the quantity of guns, and the average size of the crew carried by each. According to TJ’s calculations, the naval force of Algiers contained 15 vessels carrying a total of 296 guns and 2,570 men, plus 60 gunboats; that of Tunis, 94 vessels carrying a total of 928 guns and 8,015 men; that of Tripoli, 11 vessels carrying a total of 152 guns. TJ also used Eaton’s report to calculate the average number of cruises per month by Tunisian vessels from 1790 through 1799, estimating 1 vessel at sea in January and February; 3 in March; 6 in April and May; 7 in June, July, and August; 5 in September and October, and 3 in November and December (MS in DLC: TJ Papers, 119:20552; undated; entirely in TJ’s hand; endorsed: “Barbary states. their naval force”).

From Benjamin Vaughan Dear Sir, May 4, 1801. I received your kind note in return to my letter. What follows may disappoint your opinion of every thing but my zeal. The Arst topic on which I shall presume to touch is, that of aliens; the discussion concerning whom will be renewed hereafter by some upon old principles; but perhaps it will be better to rest it upon new ones. During the American revolutionary war, the Emperor Joseph & < 31>

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the Danes, & perhaps others, lavished burgerships upon maritime adventurers; at the hazard of involving their respective nations in a quarrel for artiAcial individuals, in whose behalf nevertheless they had no primary wish to concede any domestic privileges.—It seems wise however to reverse this matter; by facilitating the acquisition of privileges within the United States, but rendering their acquisition more diDcult upon the seas; where such franchises may lead to embarrassments with foreign powers, not excepting the state from which the citizen is borrowed. To this general idea, a second may be added; partly implied in the preceding, but not in its full latitude; namely, that of subdividing citizenship into shades, which shades shall be numerous. This plan seems not hitherto to have been much acted upon; for the diCerence in England between denizenship & naturalization, appears owing to the accidental diCerence in the powers of the respective grantors of the two characters in question; & the grades of burgership & of elective franchises in various European countries apply to natives, equally with adopted aliens. As to the immunities withheld in many countries from sectaries, the motive being in the Arst instance religious, the precedent needs no notice here. The following tariC may serve to suggest hints, but none of its particulars are insisted upon. I propose, then, One year’s residence in the U.S. to give suDcient citizenship to buy a house-lot; not exceeding one acre in a place having streets, & Ave acres in country parts: Two years’ residence to qualify for the purchase of a farm not exceeding 100 acres; but if there is a family, this privilege to be extended according to the family: Three years’ residence to suDce for giving votes for town oDcers, & for suing & being sued in the common courts of law: Four years’ residence to remove the limits to the acquisition of real estate, whether by purchase, gift, devise, descent, or otherwise: Five years to allow of election to town oDces & trusts: Six years to open the way to the other public oDces & trusts in the state, excepting that of governor & lieutenant-governor: Seven years to authorize admission to the two houses of congress: Fourteen years to throw down almost every remaining barrier; particularly that to owning of vessels & the payment of duties on the footing of natives; but to reserve the oDces of governor & lieutenant governor in the individual states, & of president & vice-president in the federal system; which oDces to be ever set apart for natives & the citizens made at the æra of independance, &ca. < 32>

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A system of this description invites the artist & the farmer, with the resident in easy circumstances; but is more careless as to the commercial man. It secures from alloy also those executive oDces throughout the U.S. which, are most important.—The general subject however does not stop here. An oath is expected at naturalization;—but why should it be an oath of Abjuration in a government conscious of its stability & the advantages which it oCers? Such oaths not only turn away the more generous candidates; but must deprive men who regard their oaths, of the chance of inheriting real estate in the country from which they descended, as well as of various other advantages. If the renounced government does not forbid these collateral beneAts to the parties in question, why shall the new government do this?—The oath then may be like that prescribed for the President of the U.S., the depositary of the chief of the executive power; an oath, which will extend to the defence of the U.S., to the revelation of treason, & to every thing which can be wished for.—Can any suppose that more will be obtained in practice by an oath of abnegation, than an oath like this will obtain? Can more than this under common circumstances be asked of men, who by the naturalist’s deAnition & the laws of reason, are locomotive animals?—This is a subject however on which prejudice perhaps will decide more than reason. Yet it is not the oath alone which here presents a diDculty.—I am ignorant, for example, of the whole of the use expected from the long previous declaration of the intention of becoming a citizen; having seldom heard of citizenship being refused on account of want of character in the candidate. In any event, a few months seem suDcient both for the purpose of inquiry & certiAcates within the U.S.; and few probably will extend their inquiry on these occasions to foreign countries; especially as the candidate for citizenship can easily lodge his intentions on this subject in parts of the U.S. where they would escape observation.—I insist somewhat on this, from knowing persons who would be injured by a premature declaration of their aim at citizenship being reported in their native country. The long residence in some one given state immediately before naturalization, (especially as some of the U.S. are very extensive,) seems also the result of theoretical jealousy, rather than of observation on what occurs in practice; or if any thing occurs in practice to make the provision important, the importance is perhaps balanced by the inconvenience to the party on whom the condition is imposed. This objection is not of the same weight with the preceding, nor is the provision alluded to attended with the same risk of occasional < 33>

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distress to aliens; & therefore I proceed to mention a practical diDculty of another kind, though in truth of little moment where the qualiAcation by residence &ca is not made unreasonably long. The case of minors, who sometimes may neither be allowed to testify their design of becoming citizens, nor to conAne the place of their residence to a given spot within the U.S., nor to take the oath of Anal qualiAcation, on account of nonage; may be subject to the following inconvenience. These minors may have resided near 21 years in the U.S., and have acquired Alial attachments to their foster country; & yet be obliged to wait the probationary years following a certiAed declaration of their desire of citizenship, before they can acquire any of the rights of a citizen.—Surely this is an oversight. The marriage of an alien with an American seemed but little to have softened the obdurate hearts of the federal legislature, when irritated by alarms; since less provision has been made here for favoring this connection, than is made in France. Such are a part of the practical ideas which oCer on the question of converting an alien into a citizen, which I shall follow with this remark. Congress, we may presume, was invested with legislative powers as to citizenship, in order (among other reasons) to prevent individual states from giving this character away on the seas too laxly; and also to hinder a premature cession of citizenship being made at home by one state; the rest of the Union being constitutionally bound1 to adopt & defend the intruder both against foreign states & within the U.S.—But there is nothing in this to prevent its being the uniform interest, as it has been the uniformly expressed intention of the people of the Union, to receive in quiet times additional inhabitants, proportioned to their territory. A close population may not only prove a cheap mode of averting war, but furnish vigorous resources for conducting it where it cannot be prevented; as well as give a natural encouragement to certain manufactures & to a larger consumption of native produce; by which, not only the interference with foreign powers will be lessened, but much expence of freight &ca to & from foreign countries be saved. The earth too being his who made it, & its people also, the government of the U.S. is bound, as far as may be consistent with its general safety, to keep open the new TransAtlantic career for man; as an object of divine property. I speak this as a serious opinion. As to the proposition for establishing shades of citizenship, (varying from the possession of a simple house-lot, to2 rights nearly tantamount to those of a native,) I think it within the power of the federal < 34>

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legislature to enact it; notwithstanding the authority given to congress is in the singular number & in a simple form; namely, “for an uniform rule of naturalization.” It is common sense, if it is not constitutional law, that those who for the general good, may make an intire citizen; may, for the same object, make a partial citizen. The end is the thing in view; & there seems to be no objection to the federal legislature exercising only a portion of the authority with which it is invested; especially, when to exert more, would produce part of the very evils which the constitution wished to prevent. Such, in brief, dear sir, is the slender contribution which I have to oCer regarding naturalization. Nearly all in the southern states seem ripe for a change in the present law; though some varieties of sentiment may remain as to the nature or degree of that change.—In the northern states, with the exception of Maine & Vermont, there is little land, considerable population, & something of prejudice on this subject; but still the decisions of congress are likely to be acquiesced in, without much murmur; notwithstanding the progress of the chief of the middle & all of the southern states, beyond the northern, & consequently the superiority of democracy3 over what is called federalism, seeing now to be felt as depending in no small degree upon the admission of foreigners into the vacant wildernesses of the west & south.—The middle states have in several instances eluded the operation of the alien laws as to land, & given to the stranger a foot-hold in the country. But as the chief eCect of this rests with the state admitting foreigners to buy its lands, the residue of the Union seems to view the matter with indiCerence.—Generally speaking, there is every where at present either a wish or a tranquil expectation of a change of the present law. What may occur when the matter comes nearer into view, & especially if foreign powers from motives of jealousy &ca direct their agents to interfere, cannot entirely be ascertained. But it is likely that a modiAed law will eCect its passage, & remain unshaken, unless to be more & more softened at a certain distance of time. In a large view, what are all the whites on this continent but the aliens of yesterday; and what is the nation calling itself American, but a young nation made out of a variety of old ones? Some of its adopted sons immediately, & all in a single generation, become Americans; that is, persons as much attached to the soil & the constitution, as sensible persons ought to be. It is true, that in the revolutionary American war, foreign nationality was felt by some; but it was checked by contrary sentiments in others. Far diCerent is the case of independent America; swelled in people, organized in < 35>

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government, regenerated in sentiment, & naturalizing the citizens of a variety of foreign states so as to counterbalance all opposition among them.—It would be easy to add a multitude of ideas to the preceding, but to you they would all be commonplace.—I may only express a wish, that the chief aim of a reformed law may be to invite farmers, rather than others; not only because farming is the best of trades, & farmers the best of citizens; but because he who fells or plants a tree becomes instantly touched with aCection to the soil. This of itself is a strong argument for admitting foreigners to participate in the American territory, as the best preparative for making them good citizens. I am, dear sir, with extreme respect & esteem, Your sincere humble servt: RC (DLC); in Benjamin Vaughan’s hand; addressed, probably by John Vaughan: “The President of the United States Washington City”; endorsed by TJ as a letter from Benjamin Vaughan received 22 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosed in John Vaughan to TJ, 19 May 1801.

q Preceding two words interlined in place of “obliged.” r Phrase from “the possession” to this point interlined in place of “simple residence to nearly complete.” s Vaughan Arst wrote “progress of the southern over the northern, states, & of democracy” before altering the passage to read as above.

TJ’s kind note was of 31 Mch. 1801.

From Marinus Willett Sir New York 4th May 1801 When I formerly addressed you I vainly Immagined my pretentions fully eaqual to any person who might be oCered for the appointments to which I alluded—Too great prejudice in my own favour led me into this mistake, And I do now cheerfully resigne all pretention to appointments in the General Government—My wish however to see those oDces well occupied excite me once more to trouble you—It is rumoured that Mr Mathew L Davis is contemplated to All the oDce of Supervisor for this District—Mr Davis is a young man of promising parts and a very good republican,1 but his standing in the community such as to render the appointment Improper—On hearing this rumour I called on Colonel Burr who assured me if it should take place it would not be through his agency—Report says that this recommendation comes from Commodore Nicholson, through Mr Gallatine (his son-in law)—The Idea of this appointment has created general surprise—among others Governor Clinton mentioned it to me as a thing to be regreted, I sug< 36>

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gested whether it might not be usefull for him to let you know his mind respecting appointments in the State—He expressed an unwilingness which appeared to arise from a Conception that your acquaintance with him would Induce you to make enquiry if you should conceive it necessary—As much of the respectability of the administration is Connected with the appointment of proper persons to All oDces permit me to request you to consider how far it may be advisable to Consult Governor Clinton His experience and his knowledge of Charectors in this State point him out as a At person to receive Information from, And his Independance preserves him from Improper InBuence— I intreat you will excuse my troubleing you with this letter. I consider myself out of the Question as I now wish for no appointment and am only desirous of seeing the public oDces respectably Alled— I request nothing I have said may lead to an opinion Injurious to the appointments of Mress Ludlow or Swartwoudt—The QualiAcations of Mr Swartwoudt are fully eaqual to the appointment and his being a good republican and the son of a man who served in the Revolutionary war with reputation add to the propriety of the appointment—Mr Ludlows respectability and QualiAcation are suDcient to Justify that appointment—His former political principals are the only thing that can be advanced against him— With sentiments of the highest respect I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedint and very humble Servant Marinus Willett RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr. President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 7 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.”; TJ later canceled “Willett Marinus” and added “New

York. Davies improper for Supervisor” to the endorsement. i formerly addressed you: see Willett to TJ, 24 Feb. q MS: “rebublican.”

To John Barnes Dear Sir Washington May 5. 1801. On examination of our accounts I observe the amount [D] of your debet [2276.685] 2000. D. for March and 2000. D. for April supposed receivable yesterday 4000. leaves a balance for the use of the present month of [1723.295] < 37>

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I will therefore ask the favor of you to make arrangemts. for the following sums: for Colo. Thos. Newton Norfolk by draught on the Collector if possible 350.125 Colo. John Hoomes 300. Mr. Rembrandt Peale to be pd in Philadelphia 30. to mr Rapin cash on account 200. to myself in bank bills (of 5. & [10.] D.) 30. 910.125 I did expect Colo. Hoomes would have written to you where & in what form [he] would chuse to recieve his money, & if he has not, I am at a loss what [to advise]. I will inclose Colo. Newton’s draught in a letter of my own. accept assurances of my aCectionate esteem & attachment. Th: Jefferson PrC (CSmH); faint and blurred, with Agures in brackets supplied from mb, 2:1040, where it is noted that the correct Agure for the available balance would be $1,723.315; at foot of text: “Mr. John Barnes”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. TJ’s Agure for the balance he initially owed Barnes was from a settlement of their accounts as of 25 Apr. 1801. TJ used round numbers for his salary for march and april. The president’s annual compensation, established by a September 1789 act of Congress, was $25,000, payable on a quarterly basis (mb, 2:1040; U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:72). The payment to Thomas newton was for a pipe of Madeira; see Newton to TJ, 8, 14 Apr. 1801. That to John hoomes was for a saddle horse (Vol. 32:400-1; TJ to Hoomes, 17 Apr.). rembrandt peale, at TJ’s request, had made a copy of his portrait of TJ (TJ to Charles Willson Peale, 21 Feb. 1801; Rembrandt Peale to TJ, 1, [24] Mch. 1801). On 5 May, TJ wrote an order on Barnes

for the payment to Joseph rapin, the steward of the President’s House, of $200 (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; dated by endorsement of Barnes, who also noted that payment was made on 6 May). On the 11th of the month, TJ examined Rapin’s accounts from 20 Mch. to 9 May for provisions ($215.68), wood ($109.08), miscellanies ($48.98), and payments to servants ($192.00), recording the amounts in pounds and shillings converted into dollars and cents. Balancing Rapin’s expenditures against cash payments made to him from 8 Apr. through the $200 ordered on 5 May, TJ found that Rapin was still due £32.3.10L, which TJ reckoned as $85.85. He also made a note in his Anancial record that “Mr. Barnes accts. moreover contain considble. supplies of provisions, to wit groceries &c.” On 11 May, TJ wrote an order for payment of the $85.85 to Rapin, who received it that day (MS in ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers, in TJ’s hand and signed by him, endorsed by Barnes, who wrote the acknowledgment of receipt signed by Rapin; mb, 2:1040-1).

From William Scales Kind & honored Sir, Lynn, May 5. 1801 I think I can say without adulation, that I am much more pleased with your access to the helm of government over the united States, < 38>

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than I ever was with that of renowned Washington, or celebrated Adams. I am wholly unacquainted indeed with your person, but by certain circumstances & vestigies of your life, it appears to me, you are the most suitable person for the important trust, at this critical Season, than any other man in the country. Many declare you an Atheist; but be it so, I much rather a liberal Atheist should govern the people, than a bigoted Saint, who knows not God.— I think I have some evidence, that you are a man liberal and noble, and detest the hag of Superstition, the Shackels of Slavery, the partiality of tyranny, the pillories of priestcraft and the miseries of deception. I hope in your Person for some alleviations if not redresses of these grievances upon mankind.— I am persuaded, that every man is born free, and that therefore no man or number of men, can ride upon the backs of weak people or deluded multitudes, without a notorious violation of the most darling law of nature, and to deceive people and then ride upon them, is still worse. The country, as well as many nations, grone under both these calamities, by idle Saints, who, while they rake others as inAdels and atheists, prove by their works, not only that they are inAdels & atheists themselves in reality, but detestable deicivers and impostors for a nest and a mug, and rob the heavens of character, for the assistance of publick authority in their Sacrilige.— They who acknowledge a deity must own, that he is a most amiable and perfect being, and that they therefore must themselves be amiable and perfect, though not inAnitely, but comparatively amiable and perfect: they must be as amiable and perfect in the measure of their existence as God is in the measure of his; and they who are so, need no human Supports for their religion, but their religion is the Support of itself and of them, too, by its excellency, purity, Salubrity and omnipotence, and by the same, would be to all men, if they received it.— Religion again is an object that lies between the possessor and God its origin; In that business therefore, no man is more accountable to the whole world, than the whole world is to him. No human government can call any man to an acount for his religion or religious Sentiments, without invading the throne and authority of the deity and trampling upon the golden diadems of conscience, no, nor can government dictate to a single person, what religion, or way of religious thinking he shall be of, or, of any at all, without taking too high a Stride against God, (theocracy when it is introduced and established in the world, must take care of all that business.) It is enough that worldly governments keep within their own province, < 39>

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and pursue the temporal advantages, prosperity and happiness of the people.—Improve this world well, and get the felicity of time, and the next world, if there is any, and the felicity of eternity will follow, inevitably—Among modern Saints, all men are inAdels and atheists who think not exactly as they do, and run in the same vortex of pretended piety with them, and the various Sects are perpetually anathematizing oneanother for motes and beams, when motes and beams are all the principles of religion any of them have. Let wicked men therefore & Saints, have equal priviliges in this world, and let religion, whose origin is in the invisible world, receive its further Succor and Support from thence. How vastly absurd is it for them, whose professed master sought and needed no help from worldly governments, and solemnly veriAes that they who believe on him, shall do the same works he did and greater, should apply to men who, perhaps, regard not their religion, for that superior protection and Support, which they will not allow to them who chose them to government! It is certain, that if a man’s religion be of God, God will support it, and bring him in due time, into victory and triumph over all the wicked world; but if a man be a deceiver he is so far from meriting protection, that he deserves detection and punishment from all. And is it not manifest, that all who pretend to preach the gospel of him, who is called the Savior of the world, are deceivers? Where is their love one to another, and all men? Where are their extraordinary works? Where are their fruits and the extraordinary, or ordinary eCects of their ministry? Does not universal hatred prevail among them? Are they not always in Strifes, logomachies and debates? And are not the eCects of their ministry, bondage and misery; buchery and bloodshed, Sickness, disease and death? Where then is their Salvation, whereof they so mightily boast? Salvation, if it means any thing in a divine Sense, is deliverance from Sin and the miseries thereof, and a restitution of the divine glory and immortality, & we are taught, by the book, that this is present, and future only in connection with the present. Is there the least appearance of such a Salvation to be seen among all the religious Sects, allowed and supported by human laws, in all the world? One would think, that if there was the least reality in the religious professions in the world, supported by human governments, there would be some appearance of it, and that they would enjoy some of the rich priviliges and advantages, so abundantly promised in the bible to them who trust in the Almighty. Since therefore this does not at all appear, these good people ought to be content with no more protection and countenance from government, or otherways, than other men have; and if < 40>

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their ministers cannot support their ministries, by the excellency of their doctrines, the purity of their example, the Salubrity of their administration, the independence of their authority on human aid, and the beneAcence and glory of their aspirations, let them work as other men do. On such an impartial administration of government, honored Sir, depend your future prosperity and happiness, and the future prosperity and happiness of your people.— Your obedient and humble Servant, William Scales. N.B. I could wish these lines were in publick print, that calumny may be detected, and I obliged to answer for my own words; delivered to the Arst magistrate of general government, in behalf of the common interest of all mankind. RC (CtY-M); addressed: “His Excellency, Thomas JeCerson, President of the united States”; franked; endorsed by TJ as received 22 May and so recorded in SJL. William Scales (1741-1807), a native of Georgetown, Maine, and a 1771 graduate of Harvard College, was an outspoken itinerant preacher and republican prophet known as “Scales the Shaker.” He published his millenarian manifesto, The Confusion of Babel Discovered; or, An Answer to Jeremy Belknap’s Discourse upon the Lawfulness of War, in 1780 (Susan Juster, “Demagogues or Mystagogues? Gender and the Language of

Prophecy in the Age of Democratic Revolutions,” American Historical Review, 104 (1999), 1570, 1573; Sibley, 17:62730). Scales wrote again to TJ on 18 Aug.: “I have hitherto entertained a high opinion of you as a Politician, though not as a Saint.” He requested that TJ “open some way, by which I may be furnished with my natural rights and the liberty of the press, which, in Washington’s and Adams’s day were clandestinely surrepted from me” and claimed he had “demonstrated the gross absurdities, the complicated falsities” of Isaac Newton and John Locke (RC in NcD: Thomas JeCerson Papers; endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL).

From “A Lover of Republicanism” Truely enlightened Patriot, [before 6 May 1801] For your Country’s sake act as you wish & be not guided by a Party who call themselves Republicans! Your Countryman who now writes is thoughroughly convinced that there is nothing viscious in your good Heart & earnestly prays that you may possess stability which many want. ConAde not in others. A lover of Republicanism. RC (DLC); undated; endorsed by TJ as received 6 May and so recorded in SJL.

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From John Barnes sir George Town 6 May 1801 The inclosed $350. will I hope, Accomodate, in lieu of a draft on the Collector. they may be remitted—either—whole or Cut, but by Keeping a Minute of their letter, No: &ca (in Case of Accident) will save the extra trouble of sending seconds—postage &ca— Mr Peales $30. shall be remitted him—and Colo. Hoomes, $300— paid: when presented— I am sir your most Obedt: H st John Barnes Mr Rapine left word this Morng he would send for his $200—(here Also inclosed) or I shd have sent my Young Man with it. RC (ViU); endorsed by TJ.

my young man: Barnes’s assistant was a Mr. Pickford (Vol. 32:501).

From William Imlay Sir Hartford May 6th: 1801.— Having been honoured with your Letter of the 14th August 1790, on my appointment, and forwarding my Commission from the late President Washington, as Commissioner of Loans in the State of Connecticut.—I feel myself impressed from a sense of propriety in return for your very polite attention on that occasion.—As well as a mark of the respect due to you as President of the United States, to make known to you my wishes respecting the Commission, which I have the honor to All under the General Government.—In doing which, I feel it incumbent on me to appologize to you for engaging so much of your time, as will be necessary in detailing my former & present Prospects & Situation.— The very heavy losses which I sustained in consequence of our Revolutionary Contest with great Britain, having nearly ruined my Father & myself.—It became necessary for me to seek a support for myself and a growing family in some public employment, for which I was qualiAed.—And in the year 1779, thro’ the inBuence of some friends I obtained the appointment to the United States Loan ODce, in the State of Connecticut.—From that time, I continued to perform the duties of the ODce, without any assistance, and for a Salary which thro’ the depretiation of the Money, was at times reduced almost to nothing,—until August 1790. when I received from you, my Commission under the late President Washington, reappointing me < 42>

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to the same ODce. And now after near twenty two years, pretty severe duty in public service, grown Old & inArm, and I can with equal truth declare, not grown rich, I And the emoluments of my ODce still necessary to the support of a Wife & seven young Children.— Thus detached from all my former Commercial habits & Connections, and too old to engage again in that line of Business, I Batter myself you will not deem it improper, that I take the liberty to address you on this Occasion, & to solicit a Continuance, in my present ODce.— Sensible that you will not be inBuenced by the Wants or Wishes of an individual, in a matter of this Nature, unless it shall appear to be consistent with the public Interest;—I must therefore rest my expectation of your favor, on the Principle of my having faithfully performed the Duties of the ODce, & that my public conduct shall meet with your approbation.—Shou’d there appear to you, any impropriety in this application, I must intreat you to pardon it, and to ascribe it to the Anxiety & Solicitude which I feel for a Wife and family, who have an indisputable claim on my best endeavours for their support.— I have the honor to be, With the greatest Respect, Sir, Your very Humble & Obedient Servant Wm Imlay RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “His Excellency, Thomas JeCerson Esquire, President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” Merchant and New Jersey native William Imlay (ca. 1743-1807) moved to New York City around 1769, but relocated to Hartford, Connecticut, during the Revolutionary War. He retained his post as commissioner of loans for Connecticut until his death in August 1807 (Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 3:368; jep, 1:57; 2:56; Connecticut Journal, 13 Aug. 1807). Also on 6 May, another commissioner of loans, James Ewing of New Jersey, wrote TJ to express his desire to retain his position. Fearing that his failure to

write earlier “may be considered as a willing dereliction of the ODce, I take the liberty of requesting that it may not be viewed in that light, nor construed as a want of respect—I shall be very happy to continue in the ODce, and to render my services acceptable.” He was not replaced during TJ’s administration (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; at foot of text: “His Excelly: Thomas JeCerson. Prest.”; endorsed by TJ as received 11 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.”). TJ’s letter of the 14th august 1790 was a brief circular letter sent to the commissioners of loans appointed by George washington on 6-7 Aug., which informed the recipient of his appointment and enclosed his commission (FC in Lb in DNA: RG 59, DL; jep, 1:57-8).

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To George Jefferson Sir Washington May 6. 1801. I inclose you a bill of lading just recieved for a quarter cask of wine shipped by Henry SheaC of Philadelphia to your address by my order. the wine is intended for mr [Thos.] Randolph to replace some I borrowed of him. be therefore so good as to forward it to him by the Milton boats, but one whose Adelity may be relied on. perhaps you had better ask mr Randolph’s advice by what boat to send it. The inclosed bill of Govan & Weir of London on James Govan of Powhite near Richmond for £100. ster. has been remitted to me for the use of the son & daughters of John Grymes living with mr E. Randolph. it is to purchase their mourning for their decd. grandmother and other necessaries. mr Grymes writes me these articles have been bought and are to be paid for. I have asked the favor of mr Randolph to instruct you to whom to make the paiment. this letter will therefore be your authority in [discharging] it. I am Dear Sir your’s aCectionately Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); blurred; at foot of text: “Mr. George JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Enclosures not found.

mr grymes writes me: see Charles Wyndham Grymes to TJ, 2 May.

From Fournier Lamorinnière Monsieur Paris ce 16 Boreal an 9 de la Rep. fse ou 6 May 1801 Demoiselle fournier Lamorinniere demeurante a Paris Rue des Marmouzets No. 11 Division de la Cité Vous expose que depuis huit ans la Communication de L’amerique a la france etant interceptée, elle N’a pu Recevoir aucune nouvelle de Mr. Pierre Chauveau Negociant Et son Epouse ses frere et soeur cy devant domiciliés au Cap françois Isle St. Domingue Maison de Mr. Aubert et depuis Environ neuf ans a Philadelphie. elle proAte de Mr. Chardin Als negociant de Paris allant a Philadelphie qui a bien Voulu se charger d’un Paquet quelle ose Vous adresser, Vous supliant de faire remettre plusieurs lettres cy incluses auxd. sr. et De. Chauveau, ignorant leur adresse dans cette Ville, et a cet ECet d’avoir la bonté de faire faire la Recherche de leur domicile—Et de lhonorer d’un Mot de Reponse Si ces lettres leur ont Eté Remises, attendu que lExposante a le plus Vif Interets de Recevoir de leurs nouvelles, Elle < 44>

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ne cessera de Vous En temoigner Sa Reconnoissance Et dEtre avec les Sentimens les plus Respecteux Votre tres humble Servante fournier lamorinniere Mon adresse Est rue des Marmouzet No. 11 En la cité poste restante a Paris e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Sir Paris, 16 Floréal Year 9 of the French Republic, or 6 May 1801 The gentlewoman Fournier Lamorinniere, domiciled in Paris, Marmouzets Street, No. 11 City Division Explains to you that, communication between France and America having been interrupted for eight years, she has been able to receive no news of Mr. Pierre Chauveau, merchant, and his spouse, her brother and sister, previously domiciled at Cap-Français, Island of Saint-Domingue, House of Mr. Aubert, and for about nine years at Philadelphia. She is taking advantage of the fact that Mr. Chardin the younger, a Paris merchant, goes to Philadelphia, and has kindly taken the responsibility for a packet that she dares address to you, begging you to send the several letters enclosed to the aforementioned Master and Mistress Chauveau, not knowing their address in that city, and for that purpose asking you to have the kindness to have their home sought out—And to honor her with a brief reply if these letters have been delivered to them, given that the writer has a strong interest in receiving news of them, she will always be grateful and will be with the most respectful sentiments Your very humble servant FOURNIER LAMORINNIERE My address is Rue des Marmouzets, number 11 in the city general delivery, Paris. RC (DLC); at head of text: “Au Chef du Congrè des Etats unis de l’amerique a Philadelphie” (translation: “To the Chief of the Congress of the United States of America at Philadelphia”); endorsed by TJ as received 8 Apr. 1802 and so recorded in SJL. pierre chauveau had become a member of the Saint-Domingue Arm of Jacques aubert in 1792. The company acted as agent for Stephen Girard, and when civil war drove Aubert and Chauveau from the island in 1793 they Bed to the United States. From Girard and his contacts Chauveau obtained advances of money to enable him to continue in the coCee trade. A Philadelphia directory of 1798 listed him as “Peter Chaveau,” a merchant. Aubert, who had been estab-

lished at Cap-Français for 45 years and lost considerable wealth in the island’s upheaval, died in Philadelphia in 1798 (Frances Sergeant Childs, French Refugee Life in the United States, 1790-1800: An American Chapter of the French Revolution [Baltimore, 1940], 50-1; John Bach McMaster, The Life and Times of Stephen Girard: Mariner and Merchant, 2 vols. [Philadelphia, 1918], 1:104, 158, 193-5, 201-2; Kenneth Roberts and Anna M. Roberts, eds., Moreau de St. Méry’s American Journey [1793-1798] [Garden City, N.Y., 1947], 250; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1798, 34; pmhb, 72 [1948], 316n; 112 [1988], 204; Blanche Maurel, Cahiers de Doléances de la Colonie de Saint-Domingue pour les États Généraux de 1789 [Paris, 1933], 360).

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From Robert Morris Dear Sir, Philada. May 6th. 1801 As I know that you take pleasure in patronizing ingenious men of merit, I expect you will not think this an improper intrusion. The bearer of this letter is Mr Henry Foxall who has for a considerable time past been employed in Casting Cannon for the use of the United States, He is well skilled in the Iron business in all its branches & has performed his engagements with the Secy at War, Secy of the Navy &c I believe to their perfect satisfaction and certainly has made the best cannon they have received, He was in my Service for a time & has since been concerned with My Son and we have every reason to consider him as an honest, faithfull, industrious Man perfectly master of his business, and as he is usefully engaged for public Service I beg to recommend him to your notice & protection if found deserving With perfect respect I am Dr Sir, Your obt hble servt Robt. Morris RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thos Jefferson, President of the united States”; endorsed by TJ as received 16 May and so recorded in SJL. In 1797 henry foxall emigrated from Great Britain to Philadelphia and established the Eagle Iron Works along the Schuylkill River in partnership with Robert Morris, Jr. The Arm produced stoves, agricultural implements, and other iron products. In January 1799, Foxall signed a contract with Benjamin Stoddert, secretary of the navy, to deliver $23,000 worth of cannon at the rate of four per week until completion of the contract. The next year Foxall dissolved his business in Philadelphia, followed the federal government to Washington, and

established the Foxall or Columbian Foundry along the Potomac River in Georgetown. He became the chief supplier of cannon, gun carriages, and ammunition for the Navy and War Departments until he sold the foundry in 1815. TJ ordered clock weights, cast-iron linings for Areplaces, and other items for Monticello from Foxall’s foundry (dab; Louis F. Gorr, “The Foxall-Columbia Foundry: An Early Defense Contractor in Georgetown,” rchs, 48 [1971-72], 34-59; Martin B. Clausen, ed., National State Papers of the United States, 1789-1817. Part II: Text of Documents. Administration of John Adams, 1797-1801, 24 vols. [Wilmington, 1980], 24:120, 122, 124; mb, 2:1097, 1131, 1182, 1204).

From Charles Pinckney Dear Sir Winyaw May 6: 1801 I take the liberty of introducing to your acquaintance Doctor Blythe who is a gentleman of this state & of great respectability.—he is a member of our Senate & was one of our republican Electors in December last—he is at present on a tour through the northern states with his Lady & I feel much pleasure in having this opportunity of in< 46>

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troducing him to your acquaintance as he is a man of letters & perfectly acquainted with the politics & interests of our state— With great respect & regard I am dear sir yours truly Charles Pinckney RC (DLC); at foot of text: “To The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 17 Oct. and so recorded in SJL with notation: “by Dr. Blythe.” Joseph Blyth (blythe) was a physician and planter in Georgetown District,

South Carolina, and a former medical student of Benjamin Rush. He served in the General Assembly from 1794 to 1815 and was a presidential elector in 1800 and 1804. He married Elizabeth Frances Allston in 1791 (S.C. Biographical Directory, Senate, 1:153; Vol. 32:265).

From Daniel Trump Sir Philadelphia May the 6th 1801 Your Sashes are Anished and I Expect will be at Richmond by the time this reaches you as Shiped them on board of the Sloop Sally Captn Wm Webb of Philadelphia Bound to Norfolk and Richmond She Sailed this Day week; I Sent a letter to Monticello Directed pr favour of Messrs JeCerson & Gibson Richmond, Expecting you had not Left Monticello but Saw in This Days paper of your arival at Washington, I thought proper to write again as they were not Done as soon as you Desired to have them, I Could not make them Myself as I was engaged at the new Bank of Pensylvania at making of the Mahogany Counters & Desks the Person that I imployed to make them met with an accident and hurt his hand that he was unable to work for Sometime, and after they were Done I had like not to got them glazed as glass of a good quality is not to be had of a Size that answered for them you Calculated for to cut the out Side panes of 12 by 18 but it takes 13 by 18 although the Lights measures but 12 In paralel but the Curvature of the iner Circle makes it 13 In the Center Lights will Cut out of 12 by 12. Mr Stock went to Every Glass Store in the City but Could And none but Hamburg Glass he had Some Glass Left of the Same quality that your other Sashes and Doors are Glazed with of 18 by 20 and we Ventured to Cut the outside Lights of them and the iner Lights of 12 by 18 to match the others we had no alternative but to do or Else not have them Glazed we had almost Determined to1 glaze them without writing I Sent the Bill that Mr. Stock gave me in the other Letter—your Bill Comes high but it Could not be avoided as Mahogany Comes So Very high at Present. Bay wood Such as Could formerly be Bought for 8 d now Sells from 1/6 to 1/10L ® foot if Sir you Should have any < 47>

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other orders I always Shall be happy to Serve you upon as Reasonable terms as the times will admit of— I Remain Sir your Most Obt Hle Servt Daniel Trump 84 Lights of Circular Mahogany astragle and hollow Sash @ $1 TajW j Including workmanship rzr and Materials $123 ajj Mr. Stocks Bill. Glazing 56 aWxjj $180 UajW j RC (MHi); with calculation by TJ at foot of text indicating that “180.07” divided by “84” equals “2.14 per light” (see note 2 below); endorsed by TJ as received 9 May and so recorded in SJL. i sent a letter: Trump wrote to TJ on 28 Apr. (see below). On 6 May the Philadelphia Aurora reported that TJ had arrived at washington on Wednesday, 29 Apr. Except as noted here, Trump’s letter of 28 Apr. includes the same information as the letter above. On 28 Apr., Trump noted that “Mr Donat,” that is, Josiah Donath, a Philadelphia importer of German glass, had been contacted but that he had none but hamburg glass “of an inferior quality” (RC in MHi, endorsed by TJ as received 11 May and so recorded in SJL; mb, 2:884). i sent the bill: John Stock’s bill, enclosed in the 28 Apr.

letter, has not been found. Stock was a painter and glazier at South Seventh Street in Philadelphia (StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1801, 68). In the earlier letter Trump noted that the SaintDomingue mahogany was very scarce and the cabinet makers used “but Very little of it.” Trump listed the charges, as above, but in pounds and shillings with the total being £66.8.0, including £1.10.0 for a packing box, for a total of $180.40. On 26 May, TJ had John Barnes pay Trump $184 for the sashes (mb, 2:1042). q MS: “to to.” r Digits in numerator reworked with “20” written above, perhaps in TJ’s hand. The numerator of the fraction in the total was not emended to reBect the change, but TJ used the revised “180.07” in his calculations, described in the source note above.

From Joseph Barnes Messina May 7th 1801 Sicily—

Not having an opportunity directly, my best friend Mr JeCerson, I enclose this to care of Mr Appleton consul at Leghorn. The satisfaction I have reced. three days since from perusing an Italian Paper of Milan, which purports that you are certainly chosen to the Presidency of the United States, I shall, at this moment, not describe—tis not any personal consideration that Occasions these observations; I am fully persuaded from your judgment, integrity & disposition, you will not only promote the general weal of your Country, but as far as may be in your power beneAt the great family of Mankind.— < 48>

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I have before noticed in my Letter dated Naples 27th Sepr. & repeated specially in that dated Messina Decemr. 1800, the bad state of the representation of my countrymen in this part of the World—pr favor of Mr Couley of Newyork I transmitted you a copy of a Paper Voluntarily sign’d by some of my countrymen; And, by Cap. Sawyer of the Brig Fox of Boston, one of the Original copies of their wishes. As the pecuniary advantages of the consulate in these ports are very triBing, of course ’tis the wish I have to be useful especially to my countrymen & country alone which induces me to solicit that their wishes may be fulAl’d; And, as I understand German, Italian and French, & have the good of my fellow citizens more at heart than Foreigners, I Batter myself, you will not consider it presumption, in me.— In regulating the appointment of consuls for the two Sicilies (& Naples) & Malta—the interest of my countrymen predominating, I shall of course take care to promote the commercial interest of my country & fellow citizens.— More my worthy friend is to be done in these states of the Sicilies & Naples to beneAt America, than almost any trade we are concerned in—to India we go Laden with specie—To these ports we may bring cargoes of CoCee, Sugar, & various other articles purchased in the west-Indies by the exchange of the produce of the United States; And we may if we think proper take money, or articles which are valuable to us in America; or to promote our trade to the WestIndies; Such as, Wine, Oil, Sulphur, Barilla, Soap, Quicksilver, Copper, Oranges, Lemons, Raisins, Figs, Silks, raw and Manufactured— in fact many articles too numerous to Mention.— Permit me to add, my dear Sir, should I have the honor of being appointed by you commercial agent or consul general to the two Sicilies including Naples, (or should you not deem it expedient to remove Mr Matheu, a foreigner, consul in Naple, to the Islands of Sicily & Malta) my duty will be my Arst pleasure.— I have already had the opportunity, thro’ the knowledge some of the respectable English in Malta have of me, of being nominated consul by them.—waiting for the approbation of my Government, I have delay’d their nomination, the Battering hopes of your being appoint’d to the Presidency of the U.S. which being now realized, I should feel much happiness in receiving any appointment from you especially— The Tripolitans at this moment hold a dangerous Face—but the trade of the Mediteranien is of such Magnitude, that these Robbers should be satisAed—one Ship with a Valuable cargo, & the Liberty < 49>

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of our fellow citizens are of more importance than the money they demand—Two or three Frigates, with an intelligent well informed Agent, as suggested in my Letter of 19th March, might settle immediately, most Likely, a Lasting Peace, or at Least as Lasting as these Pirates make with any Power.— You will most Likely And transmitted a Letter from a Mr Broadbent, an englishman of this place—who, the order of the Court of Naples for all english to Leave this place, induced to request my friendship, & the other Americans then here to sign a paper appointing him Agent for the Americans—which with a Gentln. of the name of Rose, I undertook, & got it signed in conAdence by all My countrymen then here—As it was the means of permitting him to remain here without danger, & conAdential, I did not suppose he would have written you on the subject of any appointment in consequence thereof— but in fact the world are infuenced too much by interest.— I do not suppose however that Mr Broadbent would have written had he known my intentions—as we all signed the paper to serve him & prevent his being order’d away—As the same persons who Signed his paper in a great measure from my request commissioning him for the moment, have been kind enough to sign a paper unsolicit’d recommending me to the approbation of the President to All the oDce of consul general of the two Sicilies including Naples, it would have appear’d inconsistent had I not thus explained—the parties would be much astonished were they to know of his overture— May all circumstances combine to favor your views of promoting the happiness of the People of America, equal to your wishes—& may you be Long prefer’d to the Presidency, are amongst my Arst wishes for your health & happiness Mr JeCerson, for the present Adieu— Jos: Barnes of Virginia P.S. I have the pleasure of congratulating you and the great family of mankind in the Death of the Monster of the East Paul the Arst of Russia— From the purport of London papers up to the 23 March, I am happy to And that a plan was then in agitation by the new Administration to make overtures of Peace with France—which no doubt will be met with equal disposition on the part of France—hope therefore Peace between these two prevailing powers, & as there is no doubt we shall preserve peace not only with both these, but the whole world—we shall have nothing to fear & every thing expect—which Nature can bestow— < 50>

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The Nature of the Treaty between this country & the French is such, that you will not be Surprized to Learn soon that the K. has fallen into— Should you have Occassion address for me to care of Mr Appleton consul of the U.S. Leghorn—or of Mr J. Tough, Palerm—or of Sigr. Giuseppe Spadara, Messina—or Mr E. Noble Naples— RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); above postscript: “H. E. Thos. JeCerson President of the U.S.A.”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 Oct. and so recorded in SJL; also endorsed by TJ: “to be Consul of Sicily and Malta.” that dated messina: Barnes to TJ, 22 Dec. 1800 (Vol. 32:338-41). The copy of a paper signed by Americans in Sicily and the original of that document were the Dupl and the MS, respectively, of the enclosure to Barnes’s letter of 10 Apr. 1801. John broadbent, Barnes’s rival for the consular position at Messina, had

written to TJ on 15 Apr. 1801. See also Barnes’s letter to TJ of 10 Apr. for the recommendations signed by Robert H. rose and other Americans in Sicily. William Short reported the death of paul, emperor of Russia, in a letter to TJ of 19 Apr. The changes in the British cabinet resulting in a new administration had occurred in February and March (see Delamotte to TJ, 27 Feb. 1801). the k.: Ferdinand, king of Naples and the Two Sicilies. For the March 1801 treaty that brought those kingdoms into cooperation with France, see Barnes’s letter to TJ of 19 Mch.

From the District of Columbia Commissioners Sir Commissioner’s ODce 7th: May 1801. Several applications have lately been made to us to sanction the establishing of a market in the public reservation “beginning at the intersection of the north side of Canal Street, & the east side of ninth Street west, thence North, to the south side of an Avenue drawn in Front of Square No: 382, thence north-easterly with the South side of said Avenue until it intersects the South side of Pennsylvania Avenue, thence with the South side of said Avenue until it intersects the west side of Seventh Street west, thence with the west side of said Street until it intersects Canal Street, thence west with the north side of Canal Street to the beginning.”— The above was reserved, and originally intended for a market, but not having been called for till lately, no Appropriation was made. It is thought to embrace so many Advantages, and is so central, that were a market established there, it would be a great accommodation to the City in general, & we therefore consider it as a Duty to submit to your Determination the propriety of appropriating it to a market, < 51>

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subject to such Regulations as the proper Authorities may hereafter establish.— We have the honor to be Sir, with Sentiments of the highest respect & Consideration William Thornton Tristram Dalton RC (DLC: District of Columbia Papers); in Thornton’s hand, signed by Thornton and Dalton; at foot of text: “President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 7 May and so recorded in SJL; with note by TJ below signatures: “May 8. 1801. The appropriation of the ground herein described for a market, as proposed by the Commission-

ers, is approved. Th: JeCerson.” FC (DNA: RG 42, DCLB). A market house opened at Center Market, on the south side of Pennsylvania Avenue between 7th and 9th Streets, in December 1801. Center Market survived until 1931 (Bryan, National Capital, 1:419-20; rchs, 51-2 [1955], 22).

To Enoch Edwards Dear Sir Washington May 7. 1801. Your favor of Apr. 17. went on to Monticello, & arriving after I had left it, followed me to this place1 where I recieved it last night. in the mean time mine of Apr. 18. was on it’s way to you, & doubtless has safely reached you. bene fecisti, domine. you have done for me ten times better than I could have done myself: and have economized in price beyond my expectations. now to particulars. I adhere to the Semicircular light. our climate absolutely requires it. and with me, fashion gives way to utility. I give up plated caps to the hubs for plated bands. also the plated hook at pole end, which is so exposed to be broken &c. also the lamps are entirely useless. I prefer the harnes to be plated at top, bottom, & eyes, & the rest covered. this gives us I believe 84. D.—instead of the cloth and calico lining, I would prefer a lining of green Marroco, alone. the diCerence in price you will be so good as to arrange.—I observe that your visits to mr Hanse will carry you by the door of mr Savage on 4th. street. will you be so good as to step in, as to look at his paintings, and carelessly ask him the price of the portrait he has of Saml. Adams, without suggesting from whom the question comes? I forget whether it is a whole or half length. this you can be so good as to mention in your next as well as his minimum of price. you see how I grow upon your goodness: but it is so frank that one cannot but grow on it. I do not foresee however that I shall impose upon it but once more. that will be by & bye, when I am ready at Monticello for carpets. the handsomest I ever saw was on your Boor at Frankford the last time I had the pleasure of seeing you there. < 52>

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were mrs Edwards or yourself in traversing Philadelphia ever to have your eye caught by any as handsome as that, I should surely ask you to arrest it for me. present my best respects to mrs Edwards & accept yourself assurances of my friendly esteem and consideration. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Dr. Edwards”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. bene fecisti, domine: Well done, sir. American painter and engraver Edward savage, who had painted TJ’s portrait, displayed a collection of paint-

ings and prints at 70 South Fourth Street, Philadelphia, Ave doors away from coachmaker Conrad Hanse (mb, 2:1016; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1801, 61; Vol. 31:xlv, 577n). q Remainder of sentence interlined.

To Charles Wyndham Grymes Dear Sir Washington May 7. 1801 Your favor of the 2d. came to hand on the 5th. & on the 6th. I recieved the letters of mr Jennings & mr Gourlay covering a power of attorney, an authenticated copy of mrs Randolph’s will & a bill of exchange for £100. sterl. I happened to be at that instant writing to messrs. Gibson & JeCerson in Richmond & inclosed the bill to them that they might be obtaining paiment without loss of time, as I was not then certain I should be able to write to you as early as this day. I am duly sensible of the proof of conAdence you are so good as to repose in me, resulting from the wish you express that I should undertake the guardianship of yourself & sisters. but since the year 1775. I have invariably declined guardianships & exrships even for my nearest friends because I have never been master of my own time, and that an undertaking of that kind must have been to the injury of the persons interested. in the present instance you have relations & friends so much better able to pay the necessary attentions to yourselves & your aCairs, that I am conAdent I serve you in not undertaking the oDce. you will of course procure the appointment of some other guardian, to whom, as soon as appointed, I will deliver the will. in the mean time I have written to mr E. Randolph on the same subject and desired him to direct mr JeCerson & Gibson in the payment of the £100. sterl. for your mourning & other necessaries as designated by mr Gourlay. wishing to yourself & your sisters the best eCects from the care & attention of your friends, I pray you to accept my salutations and assurances of friendly attachment. Th: Jefferson < 53>

7 MAY 1801 PrC (MHi); at foot of text: “Mr Charles W. Grymes.” Enclosed in TJ to Edmund Randolph, 7 May (recorded in SJL but not found). letter of mr jennings & mr gour-

lay: Edmund Jenings to TJ, 21 Feb. (not found) and Robert Gourlay to TJ, 22 Feb., both recorded in SJL as received 6 May. bill of exchange: see TJ to George JeCerson, 6 May.

From George Jefferson Dear Sir Richmond 7th. May 1801. Your favor of the 3d. came duly to hand. I will make every exertion to procure the hams you want, but am apprehensive it may not be in my power; as I am informed that such as you describe are seldom to be had in this neighbourhood. I may perhaps however meet with some. Having been told of a Gentleman in Town who has been in the habit of getting hams from SmithAeld where I understand they are remarkably Ane—I call’d on him & ask’d if he could assist me in getting some—but he told me that the person who generally supplied him, he knew was without any—& further that he did not expect I could get any in that quarter, as large quantities had lately been shipped from Norfolk to England. I will make further enquiries upon this head & will again write you in the course of a few days. Your Tobacco was sold on the 24th. ultimo on the terms which had been proposed. The persons to whom I had oCered it declined taking it for 5 or 6 days after the receipt of your letter—in consequence of your not having written by return of the post by which my letter should have gone (for I suppose from your last that it did not reach you until the post following & you did not observe the date)—they concluded at length to take it in consequence of my absence not having particularly recollected the time speciAed—and being apprehensive of some misunderstanding. My absence was therefore so far fortunate as I am satisAed it would not now command more than 6 dollars—The current Cash price being only from 30/. to 32/. I am Dear Sir Your Very humble servt. Geo. Jefferson RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Thos. Jefferson esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 11 May and so recorded in SJL.

TJ accepted the price of $7 for his tobacco in a letter to George JeCerson of 17 Apr. my letter: George JeCerson to TJ, 6 Apr.

< 54>

To Thomas Newton Dear Sir Washington May 7. 1801. Your favor of the 14th. Apr. came to hand on the 1st. inst. and that of the 8th. not till the 3d. the pipe of wine had arrived a few days before, and I have now the pleasure to inclose you the Arst halves of 4. bills of the bank of the US. to wit 3. of 100. D. each & 1. of 50. D. the other halves shall follow by a subsequent post. I have already tried the wine and am highly pleased with it’s quality. I should have asked you whether I could get one or more pipes of the same quality, but that my outAt here in horses, carriage, stores &c. has been so heavy as to engage all my resources for three or four1 months to come. but after that period, if more is obtainable I shall certainly think myself happy in taking more of it. You oCer me your aid with so much kindness that I cannot refrain from using it on another occasion. Norfolk I know is the place for getting Ane Hughes’s crab cyder, and that had I applied in time I might have probable got it sent on in cask & bottled here. it is now too late for that. but there are in many of the cities persons who bottle for sale. is there any such person in Norfolk? if there is, I could take a quantity of him to be forwarded here ready bottled. I would only give you the trouble of mentioning it to the person if there be one, and he would write to me as to price & quantity. accept I pray you my thanks for the trouble you have taken for me, and assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); at foot of text: “Colo. Thos. Newton”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. In his Anancial memoranda under this date TJ recorded the $350.125 remittance for the pipe of wine. He recorded

the receipt of the wine, a “Brazil” Madeira, under the date of 3 May in a list of wine received at Washington during his presidency (mb, 2:1040, 1115). q Preceding two words inserted in margins.

From Joseph Moss White Sir Danbury May 7th AD 1801 Your kind, unthought, of, condescension in writing me, incites my gratefull acknowledgment which long since I should have expressed: But have been waiting for the Publication of the Inquirer, Pamphlet [wise?], which I had heard was like to take Place, that, herewith I might send you one enclosed, as You informed me you did not < 55>

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recollect having seen them in Mr Moss’s Paper. Please to accept of the inclosed, as a token of gratitude, and the respect I owe and the veneration I entertain, of you in your exalted Station. And be assured that it is matter of no small consolation to me to And since your Inauguration, the Tongue of Slander has become allmost mute, and the feelings of even the good People of the state of Connecticut (their old, steady Habits notwithstanding) appear to be sweetned towards you in your oDcial Capacity, by means of your consiliatory, pleasing, and aCectionate Address delivered on that Auspicious Day. That the blessings of Heaven may attend You and the blessings of this Great tho Infant Nation may be merited, and come upon you, as a due Reward for your important Services, is not only earnestly wished & hoped for; but conAdently expected, by your most obedient humble Servant. Joseph Moss White. RC (MoSHi: JeCerson Papers); endorsed by TJ as received 11 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Daniel Humphreys, The Inquirer: Being, an Examination of the Question lately agitated, respecting the legitimate Powers of Government; whether they extend to the Care of Religion, and warrant making and enforcing Laws for the Purpose of establishing, supporting, or encouraging the Chris-

tian religion (Boston, 1801); see Sowerby, No. 1649. White oCered his acknowledgment of TJ’s letter of 11 Jan. mr. moss’s paper: White was probably referring to Samuel Morse, printer of the Danbury Farmer’s Journal and Sun of Liberty (Brigham, American Newspapers, 1:15, 18).

From William Frederick Ast Sir Richmond 8. May 1801. Looking over the Records I And that Your premium of $89.80. is not paid yet. When I had the honour to wait on You, You mentioned that You thought that it was unjust to demand Interest of the delinquents—I represented the Case generally at the General Meeting—the reply was that it was the fault of the delinquents and not of the Society and that therefore under the Law they ought to pay it—I mentioned further that many had been displeased with the Alterations made in the Original Constitution which I proposed which kept them from Insuring—the answer was that each Subscriber ought to have been present or represented to oppose any alterations which they did not like and that the Majority had made them it could not be help’d—it was therefore decided that all deliquents should pay the Interest < 56>

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agreable to the Constituent Act—All the delinquents (of which there are a good many) who have paid their premiums have also paid the Interest—. At Arst Sight it would appear that there was an injustice in it but on Considering that it was at the option of the Subscriber to pay immediately and be insured and as the Intent is that the Interest is to defray the Losses and Expense (which it no doubt will when the Insurance becomes more general) and that the Money paid in is only to pay the unfortunate suCerers by Are I think it doth not appear quite so hard as at Arst view. The Insurance increases now daily—last Saturday we got in declarations for 28 Buildings and all from the Country. yesterday we got for 12000 Dollars more— Je vous félicite, je félicite les Etats Unis, je félicite le genre humain de l’heureux retour—instruise l’homme des ses droits naturel & il ne sera jamais Escla Amen. Salut & respêt W. F. Ast RC (MHi); frayed; at foot of Arst page: “Thomas JeCerson Esquire”; endorsed by TJ as received [. . .] May and recorded in SJL as received on the 11th. TJ did not pay the premium to the Mutual Assurance Society for insuring the buildings at Monticello until late July (see TJ to George JeCerson, 29 July).

je vous félicite . . . salut & respêt: I congratulate you, I congratulate the United States, I congratulate humankind on the happy return—teach man about his natural rights & he will never be a slave. Amen. Salutations & respect.

From Sylvanus Bourne Sir Amsterdam May 8h 1801 By Mr. Polanen who returns to his residence as Minister from this Country to ours, I take the liberty to convey to you my regret in Anding that the Memorial I caused to be presented to Congress in course of last Session had not met with the desired Success, which (from the expressions made use of in the report of the Committee on that Subject) I am induced to think was rejected from a missapprehension on the part of Govt of the nature & object of the Memorial, as it was Stated by said report to be a petition for annexing a Salary to our Consular appointments but on reference to the Letters & papers accompanying the memorial &c. it will be seen that the mode of Compensation was left entirely to the wisdom of Congress—& that the allowance of a Consular fee on Vessells according to tonnage < 57>

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in adition to existing fees was expected instead of a direct Stipend from the public Chest. It is most assuredly a very great injury to our Consuls residing abroad that by the operation of the arbitrary doctrines of GB in regard to neutral rights that our Consuls should be considered by their mere residence in a country happening to be at war with that to have forfeited1 their rights & privileges as Citizens of the U States & it appears but reasonable & just that if our Govt does not protect or sustain that right that it should grant something in equivalent therefor— I have had the honor heretofor of conversing with you on this Subject, & I feel every conAdence in your disposition duly to appreciate every argument which the peculiarity of our Situation naturally suggests for having more ample provision made for their Consular Establishment & that you will have the goodness to recommend it to Legislative Contemplation at the next Session of Govt. I must beg leave to refer you to Mr. Polanen for information on the present State of European Politicks which bear in this moment a very uncertain & problematical Complexion. I am with the greatest Respect yr. ob Servt— Sylvanus Bourne RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 20 July and so recorded in SJL.

ed to congress: see Bourne to TJ, 10 Sep. 1800.

memorial i caused to be present-

q MS: “forfeighted.”

From David Humphreys Dear Sir. Madrid May 8th 1801 Upon receiving the certain, tho’ not oDcial, intelligence of your having been elected to the Chief Magistracy of the U.S.; I oCer my sincere & ardent vows to Heaven, that your Administration may be highly useful to your Country & glorious to yourself. In Septr. last I had the honour of addressing a letter to you by Mr Henry Preble, recommending him as a suitable Character to be named Consul of the U.S. at Cadiz. I have lately heard of his nomination by your Predecessor . . . for which I rejoice, because I think he possesses the qualities necessary for that place. Without the design of interrupting for many minutes your more important occupations, I could not resist the pleasure of expressing < 58>

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how sensibly I was aCected with your Speech, when you entered upon the execution of the ODce of President. I need not say it has been extremely applauded on this side of the Atlantic. For myself, I might, perhaps, have taken the more pride in the perusal in Anding your sentiments accord with those which I have occasionally committed to writing long ago, & which will probably have been printed before this shall reach you. At least they are, in my judgment, the sentiments of genuine Republicanism and of genuine American federalism. Nor will I trespass on your time by treating in detail of the complicated aCairs of this Mission. My correspondence with, & reports to, the Department of State, for almost four years past during my residence here, will have given a tolerably correct idea of the numerous & disagreeable subjects of discussion which have fallen to my lot. I have endeavoured on all occasions to combine Armness with conciliation, the fortiter in rê, with the suaviter in modô, as far as has been in my power. How far I have succeeded it is for others to determine. In attention, industry, zeal & perserverance, I know I have not been wanting. No letter or application of any of our Countrymen, on business, which I have ever received, has remained unattended to or unanswered. I believe I have presented more Memorials & Notes to the Ministers of H.C.M., than have been presented by all the other Ministers of the U.S., at all the Courts of Europe, since the Declaration of Independence. I have had a constant struggle to maintain. Almost every thing which has been gained has been by perserverance. InBuenced by a sense of duty, nothing, I trust, can discourage me from pursuing that enegetic & delicate system of conduct, which I judge best calculated to deAne the rights of our Citizens, and to prevent a misintelligence between the American & Spanish Governments. The Anal result of that conduct is more than I can undertake to predict. Had I not arrived at this Court at the time I did, the French Directory would, in all probability, have prevented the Posts on the Mississipi from having been delivered to us; thus would have induced a war between the U.S. & Spain. Altho’ most of my applications to this Government, in the cases of Individuals, have had little other advantage than that of keeping alive the claims which have been exhibited; yet I have sometimes, by the dint of reasoning & persevering, had the satisfaction of preventing great embarrassments to our commerce, & heavy losses to our Citizens, which must inevitably have been experienced, but for my eCorts. I have caused to be restored to American Citizens, in a single instance, more property than < 59>

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the amount of my whole Salary since I have been in the Service of the U.S. And very lately I have saved for others more than 60,000 Dollars, which certainly would have been forever lost to them but for my interference. I might cite a number of other similar examples. I have not conAned myself merely to report to the Department of State, the political transactions which have occurred in this Peninsula. I have constantly laboured to keep the Government informed of the events which have happened in the rest of this quarter of the World. In order that this sketch should not be irksome, I have abstained from tedious reBections . . . knowing that others were as capable as myself of deducing conclusions from the facts which were oCered. When you was Secretary of State, I recollect you aCorded me much satisfaction by saying, you often received information of important events sooner from me than from any other Person in Europe. And Genl Washington afterwards gratiAed my feeling not a little by alluding to the regularity of my oDcial correspondence. I am conscious that I have not since relaxed my exertions . . . and by adverting to the number of my letters from this corner of Europe, you will probably be of the same opinion. I am persuaded you will excuse me for continuing the same habitual regularity, even tho’ there be not objects of magnitude to communicate. I write for possible utility, not for shew or reputation. For I am sensible that even the negative intelligence, of there being no News, is sometimes interesting. You will, in all probability, learn from England the state of aCairs in the North of Europe at an earlier period than from Spain. Yet as a kind of commentary on the Convention between England & Denmark, communicated in my public letter of this day, I take the liberty of enclosing to you a conAdential & friendly communication, made to me by the Baron de Shubart, Minister of Denmark to this Court, now at Copenhagen. The undisguised observations of a Man versed in politics, tho’ expressed in haste, on the spot, will frequently bring one better acquainted with the real situation of aCairs, than the most elaborate Diplomatic dissertations when intended for the public eye. I do not venture to say any thing here concerning my opinion of the general necessity of our maintaining a navy to a certain extend & particularly a small naval force in the Mediterranean; because you will probably have seen what I have already committed to paper, on these subjects, in print, before this can reach you. The same reason prevents me from repeating what I have mentioned to the two former Presidents of the U.S. on the means of manning our public armed vessels. Genl Washington went out of ODce before he received my letter. And I know not whether that which I addressed to Mr Adams < 60>

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with the same object ever reached him. I have alluded to both, in my “Thoughts on the necessity of maintaining a Navy in the U.S.—” With the highest respect & esteem I have the honour to be, Dear Sir, Your Mo: ob: & Mo: hble Servt D. Humphreys Dupl (DLC); at foot of text: “Thos Jefferson President of the U.S. of America”; at head of text: “Duplicate”; ellipses in original; endorsed by TJ as received 22 July and so recorded in SJL. Dft (CtY: Humphreys-Marvin-Olmsted Collection). Enclosure: Herman Schubart to Humphreys, Copenhagen, 14 Apr. 1801, reporting the battle there on 2 Apr. and the resulting negotiations between the Danish government and British naval commanders, noting the stunning eCect of the news of the death of Paul I, whose personal energy and passion had been critical to the alliance of the Baltic nations, and discussing the eCects of the czar’s death on international relations (RC in DLC: TJ Papers, 107:18257-60; in French). Humphreys’s letter in support of henry preble was dated 23 Sep. 1800. At that time Humphreys anticipated having his own writings printed (Vol. 32:162-3). fortiter in rê: see Elbridge Gerry to TJ, 4 May. h.c.m.: His Catholic Majesty (the king of Spain). The government of denmark consented to an armistice following the British assault on Copenhagen. Humphreys enclosed a copy of the 9 Apr. convention of armistice in his public letter of this day, a dispatch to the secretary of state (William Short to TJ, 19 Apr. 1801; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:1478; Parry, Consolidated Treaty Series, 56:71-6). already committed to paper: in a dispatch to the secretary of state in January, Humphreys urged that warships be sent to the Mediterranean. He argued that war with a Barbary Coast state would be an opportunity to “astonish all the European nations” by displaying decisiveness and naval “prowess” on the part of the United States. Such a demonstration might prevent other wars, he thought, and “would at least serve to give ourselves

as well as others a just idea of & respect for our own Character.” Humphreys wrote in a similar vein to the secretary on 14 Apr. and suggested that “a few frigates” and other vessels be sent to “chastise” Tripoli, “that haughty but contemptible power.” Humphreys, anticipating the new publication of his poetry and prose works, may have expected his views on the Tripoli situation to appear in print by that means. Late in May 1801, the National Intelligencer did publish an extract of his communication of 14 Apr. with letters that he had enclosed from Richard O’Brien, the U.S. consul at Algiers (see also David Austin to TJ, 1 June 1801). The heading of that item, which other newspapers also circulated, implies that the Intelligencer received the documents from Madison’s oDce, not from Humphreys. In the fall of 1802, Humphreys drew on his dispatches from Madrid to compose “Remarks on the War Between the United States and Tripoli.” He included that essay in his Miscellaneous Works, which Anally appeared in 1804. In 1794, when he was negotiating with Algiers for the recovery of American prisoners, Humphreys caused some disruption of the Washington administration’s policy on the issue by giving newspapers his own recommendation for a lottery to raise ransom money (Humphreys to the secretary of state, postscript of 23 Jan. to dispatch of 13 Jan. 1801, in DNA: RG 59, DD; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:92-3; National Intelligencer, 29 May; Connecticut Courant, 8 June; Herald of Liberty, 22 June; David Humphreys, The Miscellaneous Works of David Humphreys [New York, 1804; repr. Gainesville, Fla., 1968], 67-75; Robert J. Allison, The Crescent Obscured: The United States and the Muslim World, 1776-1815 [Chicago, 1995], 131-2; Vol. 32:162). Humphreys included his thoughts on the necessity of maintaining a navy in his Miscellaneous Works. In a letter to George Washington in January

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8 MAY 1801 1797, he had suggested the creation of a naval militia to provide crews for armed vessels. Humphreys was acquainted with O’Brien, and by advocating a strong navy and a bellicose response to the Barbary states, he echoed O’Brien’s opinions. TJ had a detailed memorandum written by O’Brien in May 1797 urging an augmen-

tation of U.S. naval strength (Frank Landon Humphreys, Life and Times of David Humphreys: Soldier—Statesman— Poet, “Belov’d of Washington,” 2 vols. [New York, 1917], 2:206-8, 250, 254; Allison, Crescent Obscured, 155-6, 176-8; Humphreys, Miscellaneous Works, 77-88; Vol. 29:375-7).

To John Carter Littlepage Dear Sir Washington May 8. 1801. I have the pleasure to inform you that I have lately recieved a letter from your brother mr Lewis Littlepage dated Jan. 17. 1801. at Altona in Holstein where he intended to await the approach of spring & then to return to his native country. consequently he may be daily expected. accept assurances of my friendly esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); at foot of text: “Carter Littlepage esq.”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Tr (ViHi: Holladay Family Papers).

TJ received Lewis Littlepage’s letter on 24 Apr.

To Robert R. Livingston Dear Sir Washington May 8. 1801. Your favor of the 2d. has been duly recieved. it will be a subject of real regret if the regulation we have adopted does not meet your wishes, & the more so as it is too far gone to be changed, acceptances having been recieved. I explained to you in my former letter the principles on which it was done, to wit, 1. to train for public service in future such subjects as from their standing in society, talents, principles & fortune may probably come into the public councils: 2. to have a conAdential person to take charge of the public papers & concerns in case of the death of the principal. nor is this new. when I went to France as a member of a commission, Humphreys was named as Secretary of legation, without my having been consulted; and though I had previously engaged a private Secretary who came over to me, no salary was allowed him by the public as long as Humphreys staid. Humphreys lived in my family. so to mr Adams’s legation to England Colo. Smith was named Secretary by Congress & no private Secretary allowed. the only diCerence in the < 62>

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regulations is that Congress allowed the Secretary of legation the same salary (3000. D.) as if acting as Chargé des aCaires: whereas we allow exactly the salary of a private Secretary (1350. D.) so as not to add to the public expence which we make a fundamental principle in every case. in Sumpter’s character you have the utmost security, and his instructions shall moreover be pointed. indeed the Secretary will And his interest in cultivating the patronage of his principal, as he cannot expect to remain in his family unless he can make himself agreeable, and he must moreover know, & will be told from us, that in case of disagreement or complaint he will be immediately recalled. With respect to the Consul at Paris, Mr. Skipwith who was Consul there, was removed by mr1 Pickering for his politics, and a person appointed whom I disapprove entirely. Skipwith has accordingly been notiAed that his place will be restored to him. he is a man of excellent character, long versed in the Consular business, having been 11. or 12. years Consul, Arst in the West Indies, afterwards at Paris, possessing all our business there at his Anger’s end, the French language, laws & institutions being now to him as his native ones, independant in his fortune, & remaining at Paris for his own satisfaction being a single man. I have known him from a small boy, and can assure you you will And him a most valuable & friendly aid till you get possessed of the ground yourself, and indeed afterwards. While on the subject of the Secretary of legation I should have observed in answer to your supposition that he would look on himself as heir apparent & successor to his principal, that on the contrary he will And himself excluded from the immediate succession by the rule established in Genl. Washington’s time, that no person should be continued or appointed to a foreign mission after an absence from his own country of 7. or 8 years. on this rule it is that Humphreys is recalled, having been absent 11. years. I am persuaded you will And the diDculties you apprehend vanish in practice. the secretaries of legation, tho named at Arst by the government, And themselves so entirely dependant on their principal for their accomodation, their character & even their continuance, that I have never known an instance where they have not been as perfectly pliant as a private secretary, except in the case of Carmichael & Jay, where I believe a bickering arose. but you know a greater one arose between Jay & his private Secretary, Littlepage. in hopes of seeing you shortly according to the intimations in your letter, & of then explaining more fully I conclude with the tender of my aCectionate esteem & high respect & consideration. Th: Jefferson < 63>

8 MAY 1801 RC (NNMus); addressed: “Robert R. Livingston esq. Chancellor of N. York at New York”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by Livingston. PrC (DLC). acceptances having been recieved: writing to TJ on 20 Apr., Thomas Sumter, Jr., agreed to be secretary of legation under Livingston at Paris. TJ Arst went to france in 1784 as a commissioner, with Benjamin Franklin and John Adams, to negotiate treaties of amity and commerce with European nations. Before his departure he arranged for William Short to join him as his private secretary in Paris (Malone, Jefferson, 2:3, 8; Vol. 7:148, 229, 253-4). William Stephens smith went to London in 1785 as secretary of legation. He subsequently became John and Abigail Adams’s son-in-law (dab).

consul at paris: Adams had named James C. MountBorence U.S. commercial agent at Paris, but the appointment, made near the close of Adams’s term, did not receive Senate conArmation. On 1 June, TJ appointed Fulwar Skipwith to the post (FC in Lb in DNA: RG 59, PTCC; Vol. 32:296). William carmichael acted as John Jay’s secretary when Jay went to Spain in 1780 as minister plenipotentiary. Jay also took Lewis littlepage into his household in Madrid to prepare him for a diplomatic career. The dispute between Littlepage and Jay became public when the younger man assailed Jay in American newspapers late in 1785 (dab; Vol. 9:867, 213, 215, 236-7, 239; Vol. 10:107). q TJ here canceled “Adams.”

To Gouverneur Morris Dear Sir Washington May 8, 1801. Your favor of the 8th. Apr. found me at Monticello on a short visit to make some arrangements preparatory to my removal here. I returned on the 30th. and have taken time to examine into the state of our furniture funds. after procuring all other more essential articles I think there will be about 4000. D. which might be better invested in plate than in more perishable articles. if therefore it would answer your views to divide the set, we could take to that amount. terrines, casseroles, dishes, are the articles most desireable, forks & spoons the least so, because we have enough of them. it is not impossible but that our fund may by good management go to the whole; but I do not think it would be safe to count on it. if you are disposed to divide the set, it would depend on what you would propose to do with what we do not take, whether the whole had as well come here or not. because if the residue is destined for the mint, it might go to it from here, and that would enhance the chance of our funds proving competent to take the whole. on this view of the subject you will be so good as to decide whether to [send] hither all, a part, or none. it should be ensured, & come by a known captain, addressed to John Barnes George town, or to myself here. it should come also without delay, as we propose to absent ourselves from this place during the two sickly months, say August & September. < 64>

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We have nothing interesting from abroad more than you see in the papers. Dr Stevens having desired to return, I have appointed mr Lear to take his place. it is a diDcult, tho’ only a consular mission, & the person ought to possess the conAdence of the English, French, Toussaint & ourselves—I believe I shall have to advertise for a Secretary of the Navy. Genl. Smith is performing the duties gratis, as he refuses both commission & salary, even his expences, lest it should aCect his seat in the H. of R. he will probably have every thing compleatly [disposed] according to the directions of the law by the last of June. accept assurances of my friendly consideration & respect Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint and blurred; at foot of text: “Gouverneur Morris esq.”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

To Newbury Township Inhabitants Gentlemen Washington May 8. 1801 Assurances of attachment & support from any description of my fellow citizens are accepted with thankfulness & satisfaction. I will ask that attachment & support no longer than I endeavor to deserve them by a faithful administration of their aCairs in the true spirit of the constitution, and according to laws framed in consonance with that. the sentiments expressed on my undertaking the important charge conAded to me, were expressed in the sincerity of my heart; and after the security & freedom of our common country, no object lies so near my heart as to heal the wounded conAdence of society, & see men & fellow citizens in aCectionate union with one another. I join therefore with the inhabitants of Newbury township, who have been pleased to address me through you, in earnest desires that a spirit of benevolence and of mutual toleration may soothe the great family of mankind once more into order & peace; and I pray you to assure them of my sincere concern for their particular happiness, & of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (PYHi); clipped at signature; addressed: “Henry Krieger esquire Newbury township. York county Pensylvania”; franked; postmarked: “Wash. City

May 11”; also addressed in unknown hand: “York Pennsa.” PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Messrs. Kreiger, Todd, Glancy, Lewis, & Hammersly.”

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To Theodore Foster Dear Sir Washington May 9. 1801. Your favor of Apr. 28. has been duly recieved, and I sincerely rejoice with you in the regeneration of your state, and the evidence they have given of a return from the phrenzy of 98. I conAdently1 hope the mass of our countrymen every where will be shortly united, with the exception of a few too far committed to retreat. I am sure the measures I mean to pursue are such as would in their nature be approved by every American who can emerge from preconceived prejudices; as for those who cannot we must take care of them as of the sick in our hospitals. the medicine of time & facts may cure some of them. You will have seen that your recommendation in favor of mr Barnes, has been more than respected, as he has been oCered a judge’s commission, in the place which mr Greene had expected. tho’ I had observed mr Greene to be very decidedly in the principles called federal, yet he was gentlemanly & liberal in his manners, & had inspired me with a degree of estimation which I did not feel for some others. but you know the maneuvre which was practised on the 4th. of Mar. to prepare a negative for one of the most important nominations it was expected I should make. they meant by crippling my rigging to leave me an unwieldy hulk, at the mercy of the elements. to this maneuvre mr Greene lent himself, going out of the line of conscientious duty to put himself in the way of this operation. when therefore his commission proved to have been a nullity, and it fell on me to All the place, I could not in prudence put into power one who had given such a proof of the use he would make of it to obstruct & embarrass my administration. I shall always be happy to recieve your letters, and information of all interesting occurrences, as well as respecting At characters for public oDces, about the proper Alling of which I am most anxious of all things. accept assurances of my friendly esteem & high respect & consideration. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “The honble Theodore Foster.” your recommendation: for Foster’s testimony in favor of David L. Barnes, see his letter to TJ of 28 Apr. The speciAc “maneuvre” to which Ray greene lent himself is unclear, but TJ probably refers to eCorts by Federalists in the Senate during the Anal days of the Sixth Congress to thwart the antici-

pated nominations of Samuel Smith as secretary of the navy and Albert Gallatin as secretary of the Treasury. On 25 Feb., Senator Uriah Tracy of Connecticut introduced a bill “to prohibit the Secretary of the Navy from carrying on any business of trade, commerce, or navigation,” which was intended to render the oDce unpalatable to Smith, a wealthy and active Baltimore merchant. The Senate passed the bill on 3 Mch. and forwarded it

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9 MAY 1801 to the House of Representatives, which refused to enact the measure (js, 3:131, 140, 142; jhr, 3:845, 846; Aurora, 18 Mch. 1801; Henry Adams, The Life of Albert Gallatin [Philadelphia, 1879; repr. New York, 1943], 264-5). On 18 Mch., the Aurora reported the existence of a “Junto” of Federalist senators, led by James Ross, Tracy, Jacob Read, James Hillhouse, and Jonathan Mason, which planned to oppose Gallatin’s nomination

should it have been made on 4 Mch. along with TJ’s other cabinet nominations. The scheme was thwarted, however, when TJ instead made a recess appointment of Gallatin on 14 May (Raymond Walters, Jr., Albert Gallatin: JeCersonian Financier and Diplomat [New York, 1957], 141; Vol. 33:670). q Word interlined in place of “sincerely.”

To James Madison Sir Washington May 9. 1801. A person of the name of Thompson, of Amherst county in Virginia has asked my interference for the recovery of his son John Thompson understood to be impressed on board the Squirrel a British vessel of war. the inclosed letter gave him the Arst information he has recieved from him for some time past, for so long a time indeed that he had apprehended he was dead. he thinks the letter not written by his son, but by some mess mate who had got ashore. but I was not certain whether this was not said as an excuse to cover the illiterate composition of the letter. the father is known to me to be a native of Virginia, having been a fellow collegian of mine and the name subscribed to the letter, it’s address, and it’s contents, prove so as not to be doubted, that he in whose name it is written is not an imposter as nothing more than his identity & citizenship can be justly requisite to obtain his liberation. I will pray you to take such measures as may be eDcacious for his recovery and restoration to his family. accept my cordial & respectful salutations. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Enclosure not found, but see below. In a memorandum of 9 May, TJ noted that he had written to the secretary of state “inclosing John Thomson’s original letter, and stating facts relative to the citizenship of the father” (MS in MHi; en-

tirely in TJ’s hand; partially dated). John Thompson of Petersburg, TJ’s fellow collegian, was a student at the College of William and Mary from 1759 to 1763 (List of Alumni, 40; The History of the College of William and Mary From Its Foundation, 1660, to 1874 [Richmond, 1874], 89).

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To Bishop James Madison Dear Sir Washington May 9. 1801. I have never had time to acknolege the reciept of your favor of Dec. 24. yet it came very opportunely, and probably saved me from doing what I might have been led to. the subject of your letter, appeared here soon after, and conducted himself on a plan as incomprehensible, as it was unworthy.—yours of Apr. 19. is recieved. your friend Doctr. Barraud has nothing to fear (barring just complaints which I have neither heard nor have reason to suppose to exist). no man will be removed by me but for ill conduct; for such conduct as ought to have induced the preceding administration to remove him. There is a capital work in Comparative anatomy lately come out in France, written by Cuvier. it is in 2. v. 8vo. and nothing like it as to extent of plan or accuracy of performance has ever yet appeared in the world.—Mr. Madison, Secy. of state is here; and better than when he left home. accept assurances of my constant esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Bishop Madison”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. subject of your letter: William G. Munford (Vol. 32:349-50). The correspondence of 19 Apr., recorded in SJL as received from Williamsburg on 6 May, has not been found. Bishop Madison also wrote to the secretary of state in April recommending that Philip

barraud be retained as physician for the marine hospital at Norfolk. Barraud, with a letter of introduction from St. George Tucker, had called at Monticello in August 1797 (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:88-9; Vol. 29:488-9). For the Leçons d’Anatomie Comparée of Georges cuvier, see TJ to Benjamin Rush, 24 Mch., and TJ to Caspar Wistar, 31 Mch. 1801.

To Thomas Newton Dear Sir Washington Mar. [i.e. May] 9. 1801. The day before yesterday I inclosed you the Arst halves of 4. bank bills for 350. D. to wit 3. for 100. D. each & 1. of 50. all of the United states. I now inclose you the other moieties. This morning your two letters to Govr. Monroe relative to lands at Gosport were put into my hands and will be duly attended to. in the last of them I observe you mention that mr Taylor had sent some pipes of the wine of which I had a pipe to Richmond &c. from hence I conclude that mr Taylor may have a quantity on hand. if identity of quality can be assured, I shall be willing to take largely of it, say < 68>

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3 or 4. pipes more at any rate, as soon as the heavy expences of my outAt here are got over, which will be three or four months hence. accept assurances of my constant attachment, & high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); misdated by TJ; at foot of text: “Colo. Thomas Newton”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso as a letter of 9 May and recorded in SJL under that date. letters to govr. monroe: a letter from Newton to James Monroe, dated 23

Apr., mentioned a plot of land in the Norfolk area that might be acquired for public use (RC in DLC, endorsed by TJ). The other letter to Monroe has not been identiAed. Newton represented Virginia in the appraisement of the shipyard at Gosport (see Monroe to TJ, 4 May).

From Robert Patterson and Andrew Ellicott Sir Philada., May 9th. 1801 Should the oDce of Superintendant of the military stores of the United States, created by an Act of Congress passed the 2d of April 1794, and now held by Mr. Harris, become vacant; we would take the liberty of recommending Mr. George Ingel, of this place, as a suitable person for that oDce. For several years during our revolutionary war, and till the close of it, he served in a similar department, under Col. B. Flowers, at Lancaster: and, we believe, with integrity and reputation. He has, for some years past, been a Representative from the county of Philada. in our State Legislature. His character stands high in the estimation of every Patriot to whom he is known; and we have no doubt, would do honour to the appointment his friends are soliciting for him. We are Sir, with sentiments of high respect and esteem, your most obedt. servants Rt. Patterson Andw; Ellicott RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); in Patterson’s hand, signed by him and Ellicott; at foot of text in Ellicott’s hand: “President U.S.”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 May and so recorded in SJL with notations “for Ingel” and “OC.”; TJ canceled Patterson’s and Ellicott’s names from the endorsement and replaced them with: “George Ingel. Superintendt. military stores.” In March 1801, TJ replaced Samuel

Hodgdon, who had been the superintendent of military stores since 1794, with William Irvine. As military storekeeper at the Schuylkill Arsenal near Philadelphia, John harris managed the stocks of military articles. In 1802, TJ appointed George Ingels, an inspector of lumber in Philadelphia who had served in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, to the military storekeeper’s position (ndqw, Feb. 1797-Oct. 1798, 37-8, 83-7, 334; Aug.-Dec. 1799, 236; George D. Moller,

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9 MAY 1801 American Military Shoulder Arms, 2 vols., [Niwot, Colo., 1993], 2:24-5, 102; Stafford, Philadelphia Directory, for 1800, 67; Journal of the First Session of the Eleventh House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Lancaster, 1800], 3; Syrett, Hamilton, 16:504n; 22:129n; Thomas McKean to TJ, 10

Jan., 21 Mch. 1801; Ingels to TJ, 5 Oct. 1804). Through much of the revolutionary war, Colonel Benjamin Flower was the commissary general of military stores (Charles R. Shrader, U.S. Military Logistics, 1607-1991: A Research Guide [New York, 1992], 289).

From the General Assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations Sir, [9 May 1801] The General Assembly of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, in behalf of themselves and of their constituents, embrace the earliest opportunity to present you their sincere and respectful congratulations on your election to the oDce of Chief Magistrate of the United States; and to express their entire approbation of the principles which, in your address to a portion of our fellow Citizens, on the fourth of March last, you declared would be the basis of your administration.— Trusting to the wisdom and goodness of the Supreme Ruler of the Universe to aCord you every necessary assistance in the discharge of the duties of so arduous and important a station, we have the strongest hope, and the fullest conAdence, that in carrying those principles into eCect, you will preserve the peace and promote the prosperity and happiness of your fellow Citizens. It is with the utmost satisfaction we observe, that the Constitution of the United States is universally considered as the safeguard of our liberty and independence,—the strongest bulwark against foreign invasion, and a sure protection against internal commotions. Unanimity of opinion in all important questions is devoutly to be wished; and we sincerely hope that notwithstanding a diCerence in sentiment may prevail, a spirit of candour, moderation, charity and forbearance, towards one another, will preserve a general harmony.— The people of this State, being circumscribed within narrow limits, and some of their principal Towns relying chieBy on commerce for their support; and having in the bosom of the State one of the best harbours in the World, they feel a particular interest in the prosperity of Commerce: They are therefore happy in the assurance, and have no doubt, that under your administration commerce will be < 70>

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protected, and as the handmaid of Agriculture receive every suitable encouragement.— A Republican form of government is considered by the Citizens of the State of Rhode Island as their birth right; and the Government of the United States being the union of independent Republics for the good of the whole, will ever receive their Arm support.— Accept, Sir, our best wishes for your individual health and happiness, and the expression of our sincere desire that your fellow Citizens may always hail you with the grateful plaudit,—Well done thou good and faithful servant.— By the desire, and in behalf of the General Assembly of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Arthur Fenner Gov RC (DLC); in a clerk’s hand, signed by Fenner; at head of text: “To Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States.” FC (R-Ar). Enclosed in Fenner to TJ, 12 May, forwarding the address “Pursuant to a Resolution of the Legislature of this

State, passed on the ninth inst.” (RC in DLC, in a clerk’s hand, signed by Fenner, at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States,” endorsed by TJ as received 19 May and so recorded in SJL; FC in R-Ar).

From William Duane Sir, Philadelphia, May 10. 1801. Mr. W. P. Gardner who will present this letter carries with him a small box containing impressions of two Medals, which I have had by me some time past waiting for an opportunity safe and suitable. Mr. Gardner is a man of great worth in every civil relation and is one of those who was compelled to quit the Treasury Department thro’ the injuries done him on account of his political opinions. He is no ordinary man, and to his private virtues and political integrity I can justify. He is a native of this city. The medals of which you will receive copies were engraved by a young man of the name of C. J. Reick, a native of Germany, but a republican, and on that account obliged to By his native country. It appears that he engraved the Medal of Italicus in secret, and from his own account had an interview with the hero at Rastadt. It seems that in order to come to the United States, he had indented himself, and is now in this city, tho’ not in absolute indigence or villainage, is yet circumstanced so as to render his situation irksome to him, as must be supposeable from the merits of his work, and his personal manners. Hearing of his worth, and knowing what it is to be in a strange < 71>

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land without a knowlege of its language, it occurred to me, that the cap of liberty had been erased from our public coins, and other innovations of a tendency correspondent with the views of certain weak men made during the last administration, and hearing on enquiry that there were public medals to be cut; I thought it a duty in various respects to rescue this man if possible from the unAtness of his condition, and to make his merits known to you. As a connoisseur I do not pretend to judge of the Medals, but as a person conversant with analogous branches of the arts, they strike me as of superior character. If on consideration the merits of the artist should be such as to entitle him to your patronage, and there are any services in his profession upon which he could be employed, it would greatly serve the man, and aCord me extreme delight to have been the means of rescuing him from his present situation. I advised him to draft a letter to you, which he did in German, of which a translation, tho’ very imperfectly done, I think proper to forward herewith. His application is conAned to the knowlege of two others and myself. Should there be any commands for him, I shall with great pleasure receive and communicate them to him. Permit me to mention, that I have found it necessary to enter into the Stationary and Bookselling business, the hostility of the Custom House, and the abuses in the Post oDce, rendering all ideas of proAt from my newspaper hopeless. Should no engagements be made for the supply of Stationary for the public oDces, I shall be obliged by the contracts for that service, which I trust I shall be able to execute as well and on as reasonable terms as any other person. If no arrangements have been made for obtaining the books to supply the public Library, ordered by the late Congress, my acquaintance with men of letters in England, and the most eminent Booksellers, would enable me to procure them with more advantage than any other person not similarly circumstanced could. These favors I should be grateful for, and as they are professional I trust it will not be considered as presuming that I suggest them. In the season of danger, I laid aside personal considerations, in the return of a milder season, it is incumbent upon me to make provision for my little progeny, and the little progeny of my predecessor, the descendants of Franklin who have become mine, to which another has been just added by the birth of a daughter. I have not permitted myself to touch upon politics, because I am not to suppose that you have not other channels by which you can obtain information from hence, & particularly as I am apprehensive of intruding too much upon your leisure. If however, it should be sup< 72>

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posed that the conAdence which is reposed in me should enable me to give less partial views of the state of parties and political interests and characters in this state, than those who are the interested actors in them, I shall be at all times ready to state faithfully and if necessary frequently such information as may appear to me useful and authentic; at present I think it of the utmost importance that the true state of politics in Pennsylvania should be known, particularly as an election occurs in October, and a governmental Election not far remote, for which movements are already making. I have the honor to be your sincere & respectful Sert Wm. Duane Tuesday noon, the trial on the Indictment at the instigation of the Senate, postponed this instant, to October then to be tried peremptorily!!! Dr Franklins daughter Mrs. Bache, is now at table, and requests to be particularly remembered to you RC (DLC); at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure printed below. For the resignation of Treasury clerk William P. gardner, see William Duane to TJ, 1 Mch. 1801. The two medals Duane sent were made by John Reich, a German die-sinker and medalist who arrived in America around 1800. Released from his indenture through the intercession of Henry Voigt, the chief coiner of the Mint, Reich worked as an engraver in Philadelphia before securing a position in the Mint as assistant engraver from 1807 to 1817. Works attributed to him include a medal commemorating TJ’s 1801 inauguration and the Indian peace medals distributed by Lewis and Clark during their western expedition, both of which feature a bust of TJ on the obverse (Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The Image of Thomas JeCerson in the Public Eye: Portraits for the People, 1800-1809 [Charlottesville, 1981], 71-8; Francis Paul Prucha, Indian Peace Medals in American History [Madison, 1971], 1624, 90-5; Stewart, First United States Mint, 93-4; Georgia Stamm Chamberlain, American Medals and Medalists [Annandale, Va., 1963], 54-63; Henry Voigt

to TJ, 29 Dec. 1801; Reich to TJ, 15 Feb. 1805). The medals Duane sent were made of block tin. One depicted Frederick William III, king of Prussia, and the other Napoleon Bonaparte. The latter may have been a medal struck in 1798 to commemorate the Treaty of Rastatt (Rastadt), which included a bust of Napoleon on the obverse under the word “italicus.” It was created for Strasbourg tobacco merchant ÉtienneBernard Mainoni, who had previously commissioned similar tin medals to commemorate the Treaty of Campoformio (Henry Voigt to TJ, 29 Dec. 1801; Michel Hennin, Histoire Numismatique de la Révolution Française, 2 vols. [Paris, 1826; repr., Pays-Bas, 1970], 1:569-70, 615; 2: Plate 81, Nos. 812-814, Plate 89, No. 880). The cap of liberty was symbolic of the Roman Phrygian cap, which was presented to emancipated slaves. A popular republican emblem, the cap (impaled on a pole projecting behind the head) appeared on one-cent coins from 1793 to 1796 and half cents from 1793 to 1797. New one-cent and half-cent coins appearing in 1796 and 1800, respectively, omitted the liberty cap. After joining the Mint in 1807, Reich created a new design, which initially appeared on half-dollar

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10 MAY 1801 and half-eagle ($5) coins. This design depicted liberty wearing a mobcap with “Liberty” appearing on the band. While critics denounced it as reviving the liberty cap motif, Mint oDcials insisted that the new headdress was merely “a model in good taste of the fashion of the time” (Walter Breen, Walter Breen’s Complete Encyclopedia of U.S. and Colonial Coins [New York, 1988], 161-6, 181-9, 340-1, 380-1, 485, 488, 518-19, 544-5, 703, 706; Samuel Moore to TJ, 14 Feb. 1825). public medals to be cut: in March 1800, Congress authorized a gold medal for Thomas Truxtun for his gallantry against the French frigate La Vengeance (Vol. 31:456n). In anticipation of the patronage he expected from the new administration, in 1801 Duane borrowed $22,000 and established a stationery and bookselling business and a printing oDce on Pennsylvania Avenue. He also wrote James Madison with an oCer to supply the Department of State with “Stationary of every description.” Duane would be disappointed in his eCorts to secure patronage. The majority of government printing contracts were awarded to Samuel Harrison Smith, while Anancial and supply diDculties prevented Duane from fulAlling the stationery contract he received from the Treasury Department (Phillips, “William Duane,” 130-9; Cunningham, JeCersonian Republicans in Power, 26871; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:152-4). books to supply the public library: in July 1802, TJ authorized Duane to procure books from his bookselling contacts in Europe for the Library of Congress. TJ left “superinten-

dence and controul” of the Anal purchase, however, with George W. Erving in London and William Short in Paris, who were instructed to employ a “rigorous economy” when paying for the books and to obtain cheaper copies if they could be found elsewhere (TJ to William Duane, 16 July 1802; “List of Books to be Purchased for the Library of Congress,” 19 July 1802). descendants of franklin who have become mine: Duane married Margaret Bache, the widow of Benjamin Franklin Bache, on 28 June 1800, and became stepfather to Bache’s four sons. Elizabeth, the Arst of William and Margaret Duane’s six children, was born 21 Apr. (Aurora, 30 June 1800; anb, s.v. “Duane, Margaret Hartman Markoe Bache”; Philadelphia North American, 8 Dec. 1907). On 12 May, the U.S. circuit court at Philadelphia agreed to postpone Duane’s sedition trial until its October term. Duane’s attorneys, Thomas Cooper and Mahlon Dickerson, argued that they had been unable to secure the testimony of Senate witnesses because the court in Philadelphia had no authority to compel senators in Washington to testify. In addition, the prosecution’s member of the joint commission to interview witnesses, Harrison Gray Otis, had left the city before any testimony was collected. Speaking on behalf of a 2-1 court majority, Chief Judge William Tilghman criticized Duane for not showing proper “diligence” in collecting evidence, but granted the postponement “under the positive agreement of taking a peremptory trial at the next session” (Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, 301-4; Aurora, 14 May 1801).

e n c l o s u r e

From John Reich Philada. May it please your Excellency May 4th. 1800 [i.e. 1801] I, who now take the liberty of addressing you, am a stranger who have Bed from my native Country, oppressed by Tyrants & deluged in blood, to seek an Asylum in this blessed land of liberty. After a tedious and dangerous passage across the Atlantic, my heart rejoiced at the prospect of soon

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10 MAY 1801 seeing an end to my misery; but my hopes were quickly blighted when I learnt that my occupation was held in small esteem in this Country. Having no other resource, without friends. without a knowledge of the English language, and not even having money suDcient to pay my passage, I saw all my fellow passengers leave the ship and gain immedeate employment at thier respective occupations. No one thought my Talents worth the purchase, and I was left alone, on board, as an outcast. Once indeed I was visited by a Gentleman, who, as I have been told, is Engraver of the Mint. to him I shewed my Medals & he approved of the work and seemed to give me some hopes of employment under him; but after he left me I heard no more from him: Being then compelled either to pay my passage or go to jail, I resolved to agree, with any person who would pay my passage, on as good terms as I could; An opportunity of that kind soon oCered, and I am now in a State of bondage at hard labour cut oC from social happiness and litteraly a Slave in a land of liberty: I have however been informed of two things which give me a cheering ray of hope.—Arst, the U.S. are in want of good Medals.—and second, that the chief Magistrate may be addressed, by a friendless being like myself without taking oCence, and that at Monticelli the arts are not held in contempt.—I hope therefore that if the Specimens of my workmanship meet your approbation, you will order matters so that I may be employed, in such a way as to regain my freedom, and become a usefull Citizen of the United States. I am yr Excellencies Most Obedt Serv. C: Jean Reich. Tr (ViW); consisting of a translation in an unidentiAed hand of letter in German (not found); endorsed by TJ as a letter of 4 May 1801. Recorded in SJL as received on 19 May with notation “OC.”

From Anthony Haswell Respected Sir, Bennington, Vermont, May 10th. 1801. Unaccustomed to Battery, and totally unused to the formality of state epistles, I shall without consulting any person, or studying any courtly form, address you with the freedom of a republican, as the political father of a great family, in which I consider myself, in point of pecuniary resources, a needy member.—In doing this I shall rely on the urbanity of which I feel persuaded you are eminently possessed, to excuse the boldness of so obscure an individual as myself, in troubling you with a few lines on his personal concerns, at a time when the important changes in our national circumstances, must necessarily engage your attention in a peculiar manner.— For nearly eighteen years past I have carried on a news-paper in the place of my residence, and from sickness of person and family, and other causes, beyond my abilities to controul, such is my unfortunate lot, that in the forty Afth year of my age, I am very necessitous, with a < 75>

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large family to maintain, and numerous diDculties to encounter.—Yet I have been industrious, and am not sensible of ever indulging in excess or intemperance, altho’ poverty oppresses me.— On account of political principles I have suCered very much by the secret and open enmity of men, whom I had formerly esteemed my friends, but who in the period of our late political phrenzy, for a few years last past, Anding they could not bribe me to prostitute my press to their nefarious views, threatened my ruin, and have nearly eCected it.— They are now, Sir, insidiously and systematically endeavoring to prop their apparently sinking politics, by establishing what they term federal papers in every quarter of this state.—We have for several years past, had six public papers circulated in this state, four of them fashionably federal, one, viz. the Vermont Journal, as republican as its local situation would perhaps admit, and the Gazette printed and edited by myself. In addition to these there are now three new federal papers just established, and proposals issued for two others, one of which in this town, by a young man from Connecticut, in Company with Mr. Collier, printer, of LitchAeld, who is now here, with two presses. Owing to the inBuence of my neighbour, Governor Tichenor, and his party, with the coincident eCorts of Dr. Williams of Cambridge, late a representative in Congress, from Newyork, who, as I am informed, supports an intersection of my principal routes, by a paper devoted to his own politics, and printed under his auspices, in the place of his residence, I am extremely injured, and impelled by a sense of duty only, keep my paper at present in circulation.—Could my Gazette be made the medium for necessary governmental communications of the United States, in this quarter, it would aid my eCorts to live, and add the impulse of gratitude to the sentimental exertion of my limitted abilities.— My suCerings in the common cause have been too heavy for me to bear—In the case of my prosecution on an indictment for sedition, I was put to great expence of time and money, in procuring evidence, council &c.—in suCering two months close conAnement in a common goal room, about twelve feet square, with one little grated window, of four small squares only, and by enduring a At of sickness, in consequence, from the eCects of which I was freed for more than two months after my enlargement; which involved me in a heavy debt, notwithstand the aid of my friends in discharging my Ane and costs, and a present of $100 from some friends in Virginia.— I however did but my duty, in conducting my paper conscientiously, and therefore < 76>

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claim no merit on that account, but if my services hereafter can be of service to community, and my country by compensating my industry can alleviate my distresses, I shall gratefully acknowledge the favors conferred, and as far as health and abilities admit shall be indefatigable in every point of duty. Sincerely wishing you happiness, and divine support, in the discharge of the arduous duties of your station, I am, Sir, your respectful fellow citizen, Anthony Haswell.— RC (DLC: Madison Papers); addressed: “Thomas JeCerson, esq. President of the United States”; franked; postmarked 12 May; endorsed by TJ as received 22 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “S.”; also endorsed by TJ: “refd. to Secy. of State Th:J.” Anthony Haswell (1756-1816), Revolutionary War veteran, father of seventeen children, one-time postmaster general of Vermont, and Republican printer, had apprenticed with Isaiah Thomas of the Massachusetts Spy and partnered with Elisha Babcock on the Massachusetts Gazette or the SpringAeld and Northampton Weekly Advertiser before establishing his own Bennington newspaper, the Vermont Gazette, in 1783. He started another newspaper at Rutland, Vermont, in June 1792 and was active as a printer until his death. For his indictment and trial under the Sedition Act, see Vol. 31:493-4n (dab; Brigham, American Newspapers, 2:1072, 1074-5, 1094, 1427; John Spargo, Anthony Haswell, Printer-Patriot-

Ballader [Rutland, Vt., 1925], 34, 35, 38, 67, 72, 73, 79). vermont journal: probably the weekly newspaper by this name published by Alden Spooner in Windsor (Brigham, American Newspapers, 2:1099). The young man from connecticut was William Stockwell, who in company with Thomas collier, printer of the LitchAeld Monitor, established a printing oDce in Bennington, Vermont, and from July 1801 to February 1802 published The Ploughman; or, Republican Federalist (Brigham, American Newspapers, 1:31, 2:1073; Samuel H. Fisher, The Publications of Thomas Collier Printer 1784-1808 [LitchAeld, Conn., 1933], x-xi). Isaac tichenor of Bennington was governor of Vermont from 1797 to 1807 and 1808 to 1809 (Robert Sobel and John Raimo, eds., Biographical Directory of the Governors of the United States, 1789-1978, 4 vols. [Westport, Conn., 1978], 4:15623). John williams, a native of Barnstable, England, was a Federalist representative from New York from 1795 to 1799 (Biog. Dir. Cong.).

From George Logan Dear Sir Stenton May 10th 1801. Your very obliging favor of March 21: came safe to hand. The sentiments you express in favor of the energies of our own Country; I highly approve: nothing else can secure the domination of the republican interest. The tory party are far from being satisAed at the late change, & it must be expected that the friends of the British Government will do every thing in their power to restore the old order of things. Let the Republicans counter act their views, by pursuing the most decided steps to establish a national dress, manners < 77>

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& character—Let us aCord every encouragement to American arts, and manufactures. And let us be no longer amused & deceived by the declarations of British agents & Merchants. So great was the abuse of power in appointment to oDce by the late administration, that you will no doubt think it necessary to make many removals. In your selection of Characters to All the vacancies, great caution & some Armness will be necessary, to withstand the pressing importunities of oDce hunters. No Person is better qualiAed to advise you respecting Characters in Pennsylvania, than our present worthy Governor, he has a general knowledge of the Citizens of this State, and will recommend no Man who is not deserving— Having occasion to be frequently in Jersey I am informed, some changes in the federal oDcers is necessary in that State— This Letter will be delivered to you by a Mr. Myer of Lancaster, formerly Consul at St. Domingo, he is of a reputable family, and much esteemed at Lancaster as a Man of probity & honor. My dear Debby begs you to receive her respects, & her best wishes for your happiness & prosperity: she laments the removal of the Seat of Government which deprived her of your interesting company— I am with sentiments of great respect Your Friend Geo. Logan RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 20 May and so recorded in SJL with a brace connecting it with two other letters received on the same date, one from William Barton of 26 Apr. and the other

from Thomas McKean of 6 May (not found), with notations “for Myers” and “OC.” mr. myer: Jacob Mayer (see William Barton to TJ, 26 Apr. 1801).

From John Southack Respected Sir Roxbury near Boston massa. May 10. 1801— As I am one of a Company forming to endeavour to Make plaster of Paris Serviceable to the United States in the growth of Corn & other things & hearing of your politeness & Candour in giving An Answer Upon Any Subject to those Who had the honour of addressing you I have took the Liberty to address you in this way & Ask you how Plaster Answers on the Grounds in Virginia being Sensible that if Any has been Used there & accquired Any Reputation—your excellency Would Know it—I am Now onto Phila. on the Business & And it Answers Very well here—Also in the Back part New York. I Shall Return to Roxby to Morrow.—I have dated the Letter Roxbury < 78>

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being my place of residence—if your excellency Would be So very Kind As to Answer this letter it shall be acknowledged with gratitude by your excellencys Very Huml Servt. John Southack RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Excellcy Thos. JeCerson—Presdt Ustates”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 May and so recorded in SJL. Merchant John Southack (b. 1774), a native of Boston, shipped plaster of paris out of Passamaquoddy Bay and gambled with less legitimate forms of income, including insurance fraud, before he was imprisoned in Charlestown, Massachusetts, according to a brief published account of his life (The Life of John

Southack, written by Himself. Containing an Account of the Sinking of the Brigantine Hannah [Boston, 1809]). TJ’s opinion on the use of plaster of paris or gypsum as manure at this time is unknown. In 1803, he endorsed a book by a farmer in Loudon County, Virginia, who claimed success in the use of plaster of paris for soil regeneration (John Alexander Binns, A Treatise on Practical Farming [Frederick, Md., 1803]; Sowerby, No. 721).

To Enoch Edwards Th: Jefferson to Doctr. Edwards. Washington May 11. 1801. Since my last I have seen a carriage (Chariot) with oblong octagon lights in the hind quarters & behind; in the back, the long axis of the octagon was horizontal; in the quarters it was perpendicular. these give more air than the quandrantal lights in the quarters, and semicircular behind, and look very well. if you approve of it I should be willing to substitute them for the other but on this I wish you to decide. health & friendly salutations. PrC (DLC); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

From George Helmbold Honoured Sir, Philadelphia, May 12. [i.e. 11] 1801. I once more intrude myself upon your notice and beg your attention to an object worthy of a mind like yours. Mr. G. Stuart the celebrated Portrait Painter has by a strange fatality of circumstances involved himself and nine children in a situation the most distressing that can be conceived—His houshold furniture, little specimens of genius exhibited by his son, nay, even the last bed has been attached by the SheriC and will in all human probability be sold this very day. I made several eCorts on the 10th < 79>

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inst and have persevered in my exertions to this moment, to obtain a sum by donations, but am sorry I must state to you such is the depraved state of the taste for the Ane Arts even at this enlightened period, that in the populous city of Philadelphia not even the sum of 600 Dollars could be raised, no nor one tenth part of that sum to relieve a man of Mr. Stuarts genius for the most pressing exigencies. To you sir, as an acknowledged patron of genius I appeal in behalf of Mr. Stuart, and I assure it is done without his knowledge. I would not have troubled you, already incessantly surrounded by the aCairs of State, with a perusal of these few lines had it been in my power to have even obtained the money upon credit.—If your excellency should think proper to consider the case of Mr. Stuart, and grant him relief, you will please to address him at Germantown, to be left at No 72. Race-Street Philad. With the greatest respect I remain your humble Sevt. G. Helmbold PS. Should you write to Mr. Stuart, if it is not too much trouble, I would request a letter advising me of it. G. H— RC (DLC); addressed: “The President of the United States”; franked; postmarked 11 May; endorsed by TJ as received 14 May and so recorded in SJL. On 8 May, the Aurora advertised a sheriC’s sale to take place on 11 May at the home of Gilbert stuart in German-

town. Ordered to satisfy a long-standing debt to an English creditor, the sale included household goods, kitchen furniture, books, a horse and saddle, and “a number of Prints and Paintings” (Dorinda Evans, The Genius of Gilbert Stuart [Princeton, 1999], 89, 149).

From Henry Knox Sir Boston 11 May 1801 My friend Winthrop Sargent Governor of the Missisippi Territory will have the honor to present this letter to you. This gentleman served under my command in the revolutionary Army, with the highest approbation of the Commander in cheif and every oDcer in the Army whose good opinion was of any value. It is more than one quarter of a century since I have been intimate with him, and I never heard of any action of his but what would render him honor in the assembled presence of all created Beings. I know well the loftiness of his mind, and his unaccommodation to every thing mean has created him enemies; and we have seen accusations brought forward but not supported before the national Legislature. All he asks is fair unprejudiced < 80>

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investigation. I have assured him most strongly of that of which he before had no doubt, that You would most certainly try, before you condemned; and that upon trial all being right you would vindicate his honor and the honor of Government by a reappointment. I am with high respect and attachment Your Obedient Servant H Knox RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “The President of the United States.”; endorsed by TJ as received 30 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “Sarjeant”; TJ later canceled “Knox Henry” and added “Sarjeant Winthrop” to the endorsement. winthrop sargent was on his way to Washington to plead for his continuation as the governor of Mississippi Territory; see Notes on a Cabinet Meeting, 16 May, and Sargent to TJ, 21, [31] May. His opponents in the territory began to organize against him in 1799, and the following year they presented a petition to the U.S. House of Representatives. A House committee examined the accusations and reported on 19 Feb. 1801. The committee decided that a charge against Sargent of “improper and arbitrary misbehavior” was too general, and that no conclusion could be drawn about it. However, the committee did And that Sargent, along with the territory’s judges, had enacted new laws at a time when the enabling legislation for the territory allowed only the

adoption of existing states’ laws. Sargent had also accepted fees for issuing certain passes and licenses in addition to his salary as a territorial governor. The committee, concluding that the governor’s missteps “originated from incorrect and misconceived opinions respecting the extent of his powers, and not from impure or criminal intentions,” presented a resolution stating that “there does not appear cause for further proceedings” against him. That resolution failed in a House vote on 3 Mch., as the Sixth Congress came to a close (Report of the Committee Appointed to Enquire into the ODcial Conduct of Winthrop Sargent, Governor of the Mississippi Territory [Washington, 1801], Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 1531, copy in MoSHi: JeCerson Papers, with addendum in a clerk’s hand reporting the rejection of the resolution and with endorsement by TJ on Anal page, “Serjeant Govr.”; asp, Miscellaneous, 1:233-41; jhr, 3:744-5, 750, 752, 844-5; Dunbar Rowland, History of Mississippi: The Heart of the South, 2 vols. [Chicago, 1925], 1:365-70).

Henry Dearborn’s Report on the War Department [12 May 1801]

1. FortiAcations. The Works at Newport Rhode Island have been suspended. The proposed Plan for a FortiAcation on Castle Island in the Harbor of Boston has been submitted to the opinions of Major Generals Heath, Lincoln, Brooks and Hull, who having visited the Island, and conversed with Mr. Foncin, the Engineer, unanimously approve of it, and have adopted a favorable opinion of the talents of the Engineer. Progress in these works according to this Plan, now in the War ODce < 81>

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will of course immediately be directed to be made. Large proportions of the Garrisons of Marblehead, Salem and Portland have been ordered to Castle Island to assist in the Works. Measures have been taken to ascertain the state of the Works at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Col. Nicholas Gilman has been requested to make report thereon which it is expected will soon be received. 2. Public Buildings. The only ones of importance are those at Philadelphia—(Plan whereof is in the War ODce.) The East, North and West sides of the great square are completed—the South is a few feet above ground, and, if completed will compose a suDciently large place of deposit for Military and Naval Stores; great quantities of materials for its completion are on hand. The Magazine, ODcer’s house Stable, and Wharf are Anished—the frames for the Cannon-bed are ordered to be laid. 3. Military Stores. Great progress is making in removing many Articles of Ordnance, Clothing, Quarter Master’s and other Stores, from dispersed situations to places of more security and general deposit. On Mr. Dupont’s oCer, the Purveyor has been authorized & directed to negociate the sale of many unsuitable and perishing Articles. The Stores at Philadelphia are removing rapidly to the new Buildings on the Banks of the Schuylkill. The houses that were rented to contain them are given up as fast as they can be vacated. Agreeably to the latest Returns, the following is nearly the quantity of the Stores now on hand, viz: 262 Pieces of Brass Ordnance. 852 ditto of Iron ditto. 75000 Stands of small Arms 216. Tons of Gun Powder 678 Tons of Lead 838 Tons of Salt Petre 116 Tons of Brimstone. Certain Buildings with Six Acres of Ground opposite Mud Island are oCered for sale by the State of Pennsylvania. The Fort having no landing place it may be thought advisable to purchase this Property, if it can be obtained at a reasonable rate. The Purveyor of Public Supplies and the Superintendant of Military Stores have been requested to view the Premises and report their opinion as to the propriety of the Scite for a landing place from the Fort and of the price demanded. < 82>

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The Buildings are stated to be extensive and to admit of being made suitable for the reception of the Arms, Stores and Apparel of Ships that may be laid up at a very small expence. The price demanded is Five thousand Dollars. 4. The Quarter Master’s Department. Arrangements have been made in this Department, and such alterations as œconomy required and the good of the Service justiAed Vessels on the Lakes. Certain large Vessels employed on Lake Erie1 having been found very expensive without adequate utility have been directed to be disposed of. 5. Manufacture of Cannon. The Secretary has notiAed those Contractors who have suCered the time limitted by Contract for furnishing the number required, to expire, that no more Guns will be received under expired Contracts. Public Armories. Some delay has been experienced at the Public Armory at SpringAeld from a Are which destroyed the Anishing Shop: other Buildings have been erected and the business is again in its usual train; about one hundred and forty Workmen are employed at that place. The Armory at Harper’s Ferry is progressing as usual—about Forty Workmen are employed at this post. 6. Indian ACairs. The orders for the Indian Annuities have not been, but will very soon be issued. A number of Articles amounting to nearly Nine thousand Dollars have been directed to be purchased to be distributed in Presents to the Indians by the Commissioners who are to hold Treaties with them. The Agent of the War Department in Tennessee, and the Agent for the Cherokee Nation have been notiAed that it is in contemplation to place the duties now performed by them in the hands of one Man; and ordered to repair to the Seat of Government to settle their Accounts by the Arst day of June at furthest. Some Peltries in Store at Philadelphia as remittances from the Factories have been ordered to be sold at Public Sale; they have heretofore been sold at Private Sale: but many reasons justifying the trial of a diCerent mode, and the quantity now on hand not being very large, it is to be attempted. < 83>

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7. The state of the Army, its present force and distribution and its proposed distribution are to be seen by documents from the Commanding General and Inspector; and which are agreeable to the latest Returns. The Two Troops of Cavalry have been dismounted, and are ordered on duty in Tennessee. The Troops now in Tennessee have been ordered to the Cantonment near the mouth of the Ohio. A supply of Clothing for the Army for one Year has been ordered. 8. General Wilkinson has been ordered to Niagara for purposes relative to the FortiAcations on the Streight and the making a Road on the United States’ side across the Portage. In all cases where labour has been found requisite on Public Works, which could be performed by the Military, they have been ordered to do it, and allowed a Gill of Spirits and ten Cents extra each for every day they may be actually employed. It is in contemplation to establish a Military School at West Point in the State of New York. Some measures have been taken for the engagement of qualiAed Teachers. The Inspectors of Artillery and FortiAcations are to make this Post their permanent Station. Proposals to contract for the supply of Rations to the Troops have been invited by public Advertisement. A valuable Atlas in two large Volumes compiled by direction of 2 Mr. King, Minister at the Court of Great Britain, has been obtained from Mr. Mc:Henry. 9. Military Bounty Lands. The issues of Patents on Warrants granted for Services performed by the Virginia line on Continental Establishment during the Revolutionary War, and which were suspended by the loss of the Papers and Records in November last, have been recommenced, the necessary Documents have been renewed. Progress is making in the renewal of the Documents for issues of Warrants for Continental Military Bounty Lands. Vacancies in the Military Establishment of the United States, according to the War ODce Register, May 1. 1801. Cavalry 1 Second Lieutenantcy 1st: Regt: of Artillerists & Engrs: 2 Lieutenancies 2nd: do. do. do. 1 Lieutenancy 1st: do. Infantry 2 Second Lieutenancies 3rd: do. do. 1 ditto. 4th: do. do. 3 ditto. < 84>

12 MAY 1801 MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 112:19283-4); undated; in a clerk’s hand, with alterations by Dearborn (see notes 1 and 2 below); endorsed by TJ: “War oDce. statemt. recd. May 12. 1801.” fortifications: on 18 Mch. 1801, Dearborn ordered the suspension of work on harbor defenses at newport, Rhode Island, and requested information about the progress of the activity there. On the 26th he asked William Heath, Benjamin Lincoln, John Brooks, and William Hull to evaluate the plan for improvement of the defenses at boston. “Very considerable sums of money” had been spent on fortiAcations, Dearborn noted, and the forts were often “injudiciously constructed and unnecessarily extensive, as well on the score of utility as of economy.” Citing a lack of information in the War Department Ales because of the November 1800 Are, Dearborn asked Nicholas Gilman to examine the fort at the entrance to the harbor of portsmouth, New Hampshire (Dearborn to Heath and others, 26 Mch., to Gilman, 22 Apr. 1801, DNA: RG 107, MLS; Dearborn to A. L. Tousard and to Peter A. Dransey, 18 Mch. 1801, DNA: RG 107, LSMA; Heath to Dearborn, 13 Apr., Heath and others to Dearborn, 21 Apr., Gilman to Dearborn, 16 May 1801, in DNA: RG 107, RLRMS; Vol. 32:4356n). Sometimes called the “Laboratory,” the group of public buildings under construction next to the Schuylkill River near philadelphia was a depot for military equipment and supplies. When completed, it had as its central feature an open square Banked by four brick warehouses, each three stories high. The project had no speciAc statutory authorization or appropriation, and the funds for the construction had been drawn from appropriations for the army’s quartermaster department. Soon after taking oDce as secretary of war, Dearborn suspended expenditures on the facility while he collected information from William Irvine, the new superintendent of military stores, and others about the progress of the work. The quartermaster general calculated that $128,500 had been spent on the

project—or closer to $150,000 if obligations yet to be paid were included in the total. Dearborn took steps to put the site to use, moving public stores there from other locations in the Philadelphia area. In the spring of 1802, a House of Representatives committee investigating expenditures of public funds described the facility, still unAnished at that time, as “a pile of buildings.” The warehouses came to be known as the Schuylkill Arsenal (Dearborn to Tousard, 18 Mch. 1801, DNA: RG 107, LSMA; James Miller to secretary of war, 28 Jan. 1801, Tousard to Dearborn, 19, 22 Mch., Irvine to Dearborn, 10, 20 Apr., 2, 7, 12, 29, 30 May, 3 June, John Wilkins, Jr., to Dearborn, 20 May 1801, DNA: RG 107, RLRMS; asp, Finance, 1:753; J. Thomas Scharf and Thompson Westcott, History of Philadelphia: 1609-1884, 3 vols. [Philadelphia, 1884], 2:1014-15). mr. dupont’s offer: Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours had proposed to buy surplus military clothing; see TJ’s letter to him of 20 Mch. 1801. Du Pont initially hoped to use bills of credit drawn on Amsterdam to make the purchase. After some negotiation, the purveyor of public supplies, Israel Whelen, reported that Du Pont declined to buy any surplus items (Whelen to Dearborn, 18 May, 18 July, Daniel Ludlow to Dearborn, 28 May, 12 June 1801, DNA: RG 107, RLRMS; Dearborn to Ludlow, 22 May, 4 June 1801, DNA: RG 107, MLS). Fort MiEin was on mud island in the Delaware River below Philadelphia. Irvine had informed Dearborn in April of the availability of the property on the river’s bank, and Irvine and Whelen then collected additional information (Irvine to Dearborn, 20 Apr., Irvine and Whelen to Dearborn, 30 Apr., 12 May 1801, DNA: RG 107, RLRMS; John L. Cotter, Daniel G. Roberts, and Michael Parrington, The Buried Past: An Archaeological History of Philadelphia [Philadelphia, 1992], 252-8; Vol. 26:508-9; Francis Mentges to TJ, 4 Mch. 1801). quarter master’s department: during the spring and summer of 1801, the quartermaster general, JohnWilkins, Jr., drew up returns of all his depart-

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12 MAY 1801 ment’s stores at army posts and reported to Dearborn about expenditures. They also closed the quartermaster’s agency at Philadelphia as the stores were consolidated at the warehouses on the Schuylkill (Wilkins to Dearborn, 8 Apr., 2 May, 4 June, 3 July, 7, 28 Aug., DNA: RG 107, RLRMS). On Dearborn’s instructions, Wilkins undertook to sell two of the army’s vessels on the Great Lakes, a brig called the Adams and a sloop named Detroit (Wilkins to Dearborn, 29 May, 19 June, 7 Sep., Wilkinson to Dearborn, 2 May 1801, same). In April, Dearborn sent notices to three manufacturers of cannon to stop work under their contracts, which had expired on 1 May 1800 (Dearborn to Russell and Sylvanus Hopkins, to Lane & Salter, and to Samuel Hughes, 18 Apr. 1801, DNA: RG 107, MLS). public armories: a Are in January 1801 destroyed two of the shops at the SpringAeld, Massachusetts, armory, along with some tools, supplies, and Anished guns. The armory at Harpers Ferry, Virginia, was not yet manufacturing guns on a large scale. In 1801 its workers spent most of their time repairing older Arearms (James Biser Whisker, The United States Armory at SpringAeld, 1795-1865 [Lewiston, N.Y., 1997], 24; Merritt Roe Smith, Harpers Ferry Armory and the New Technology: The Challenge of Change [Ithaca, N.Y., 1977], 52-3). Whelen was responsible for collecting the goods that were to be paid as annuities to Indian tribes and given as presents in upcoming negotiations (Whelen to Dearborn, 20, 30 Apr., 14 May, 6 June 1801, DNA: RG 107, RLRMS). Dearborn wrote on 24 Mch. to David Henley, the agent of the war department for Tennessee, and to Thomas Lewis, the agent for the cherokee nation. That same day, Dearborn offered the combined position to Return Jonathan Meigs, who, following his service during the Revolutionary War, had been involved in land development in Ohio and held judicial and legislative positions there. The secretary received Meigs’s acceptance from Marietta on 15

May, and immediately made the appointment (Dearborn to Henley, Lewis, and Meigs, 24 Mch. 1801, DNA: RG 75, LSIA; Meigs to Dearborn, 26 Apr., DNA: RG 107, RLRMS; Dearborn to Meigs, 15 May, DNA: RG 75, LSIA; anb). The U.S. government operated two trading houses, called factories, where merchandise was exchanged for pelts— one at Tellico to serve the Cherokees’ territory and another on the Georgia frontier (asp, Indian ACairs, 1:653-4). Two tabular reports on the state of the army, both dated 30 Mch. 1801, are in TJ’s papers. One table, “A Return of the Army of the United States shewing the strength of each Regiment and Corps, and including a number of Recruits at the several Rendezvous not yet assigned to Regiments,” gave the number of oDcers and men of each rank who were in the army’s two units of cavalry, two regiments of artillerists and engineers, and four regiments of infantry, and enumerated recruits who were still attached to seven “Rendezvous” sites (MS in DLC; in a clerk’s hand; endorsed by the clerk: “Force of the Military Establishment, U.S.”). The other table, “A Return to shew the Numbers and Grades necessary to complete the Military Establishment of the United States,” indicated the number of people of each rank or position who were needed for the general staC, the “Civil StaC,” and each of the army’s regiments or troops (MS in same; in the same clerk’s hand; dated at Washington; at foot of text: “Note. From this deAciency we may deduct about 280 Recruits which have not joined”; endorsed by the clerk: “Wanting to complete Military Establishment”). James Wilkinson was the commanding general. The inspector, who oversaw matters pertaining to enlistment and personnel, was Major Thomas H. Cushing in Washington (Dearborn to William Piatt, 21 Mch., to Wilkinson, 26 May, and to Cushing, 26 May 1801, enclosing rules on promotions, DNA: RG 107, LSMA). According to the 30 Mch. “Return of the Army of the United States” referred to above, the two troops of dragoons were the only cavalry units in the army at

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12 MAY 1801 the time. One troop had been stationed in Georgia, the other in Tennessee, and, on 20 Mch., Dearborn gave instructions for the sale of both troops’ horses. He also ordered the transfer of infantry soldiers from Tennessee to cantonment Wilkinsonville, an army post established earlier in the year on the Illinois side of the lower Ohio River (Dearborn to dragoon oDcers, and to Wilkinson, 20 Mch. 1801, DNA: RG 107, LSMA; Norman W. Caldwell, “Cantonment Wilkinsonville,” Mid-America: An Historical Review, 31 [1949], 3-4, 13). Dearborn had ordered Wilkinson to determine if the fortress at niagara was in the wrong location and too large for the number of men to be posted there, and to consider whether a smaller fort built “chieBy of Timber and earth” by the garrison’s soldiers would be feasible. After investigation later in the year, Wilkinson suggested using a “Castle” that the French had built in 1757. Dearborn also asked the general to have soldiers cut a wagon road across the portage between Lake Erie and Lake Ontario and to repair an existing road between French Creek in Pennsylvania and Presque Isle on Lake Erie (Dearborn to Wilkinson, 1 Apr. 1801, DNA: RG 107, LSMA; Wilkinson to Dearborn, 19, 20 June, DNA: RG 107, RLRMS). One gill of spirits and ten cents a day was the army’s standard additional allowance for extra services. Dearborn intended to send a “clear and unequivocal” message to post commanders, expecting them to rely on their garrisons’ soldiers, rather than hired civilian workers, as laborers in the construction or repair of fortiAcations (Dearborn to John Rivardi, 21 Apr., 1 May, to Daniel Jackson, 22 Apr. 1801, DNA: RG 107, LSMA). military school: during John Adams’s presidency, Congress declined to approve the creation of a military academy, but did authorize the teaching of cadets in the artillery and engineering corps. Samuel Dexter, as secretary of war, took advantage of that legislation to begin a search for instructors in 1800. James

Wilkinson supported the plan—he was “rejoiced” by TJ’s decision to continue it—and according to the 30 Mch. return of personnel “necessary to complete the Military Establishment,” the army’s “Civil StaC” was to include four teachers. In April 1801, Dearborn asked George Baron, an Englishman living in the United States, to be the mathematics instructor, a key position. Dearborn also oCered the superintendency of the school to Jonathan Williams, who had translated into English some European treatises on artillery and fortiAcation. Williams had been Dexter’s and Adams’s choice for superintendent of the training school, and with that purpose in mind Adams had given him a commission in the Corps of Artillerists and Engineers. TJ was well acquainted with Williams, who was Benjamin Franklin’s grandnephew, was active in the American Philosophical Society, and shared the new president’s interest in technology and science. Since there was no appropriation to build a military academy, Dearborn, in April, informed the commandant at west point that the school for cadets would be located there (Wilkinson to Dearborn, 5 June 1801, DNA: RG 107, RLRMS; Theodore J. Crackel, West Point: A Bicentennial History [Lawrence, Kans., 2002], 41-5; Vol. 28:594-9; Vol. 29:1301, 139-41, 301n; Vol. 31:308; Williams to TJ, 7 Mch. 1801). atlas: Dearborn tried to rebuild the War Department’s library of books and maps, which had been destroyed by the November 1800 Are. James McHenry oCered “a very valuable Collection of Maps” for the department’s use (McHenry to Dearborn, 5 Mch. 1801, DNA: RG 107, RLRMS; Dearborn to McHenry, 1, 18 Apr., to Robert R. Livingston, 5 June, to Rufus King, 6 June 1801, DNA: RG 107, MLS). q Word interlined by Dearborn in place of “Superior.” r Preceding two words interlined by Dearborn.

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From Edward Dowse Sir, Dedham in Massachusetts 12th. May 1801 Having lately applied to you by letter, and proposed myself a candidate for the oDce of Navy-agent, it is with much regret I And myself impell’d a second time to obtrude myself upon your notice. Captain Samuel Nicholson late commander of the Ship Constitution, has this day (to my astonishment) given me proof to what length the malignant spirit of party, and to what degree of baseness some men in this part of the Country have been capable of descending—In order to accomplish their scheme of superseding him in oDce, they have impress’d a belief (with the late Secretary of the Navy among others) of his being unAtted for command by habits of intoxication—a viler calumny was never suggested—I have known him well for more than twenty years past—a man of correct morals, of virtuous habits, and a thorough bred Seaman, and as far as I am capable of judging, qualiAed to fulAll the Duties, and adorn the highest command in the Navy.—On a long voyage (of three years & a half) to India & China he commanded one of my Ships, in which I myself was a passenger: This aCorded me full opportunity of knowing his character intimately. On no occasion whatever (not even those of convivial meetings, and in large Companies) did I ever know him to trench upon those rules of temperance, which appear to have governed his conduct thro’ life. Please to accept the assurances of my profound respect & sincere attachment Edward Dowse RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 June and so recorded in SJL with the notation “OC.” Enclosed in Joseph H. Nicholson to TJ, 29 May. Edward Dowse (1756-1828) of Dedham, Massachusetts, was a participant in the China trade, who had earlier procured a set of porcelain for TJ and supplied him with information regarding speculation in Bank of the United States stock by Federalists in Congress. He served in Congress as a representative from Massachusetts from 1819 to 1820 (Biog. Dir. Cong.; Vol. 15:563; Vol. 16:286-7; Vol. 25:315; Vol. 26:570-1, 783; Vol. 31:42930).

having lately applied to you: Dowse wrote TJ on 28 Apr., seeking the office of navy agent at Boston in place of Stephen Higginson. He also requested that TJ retain Ebenezer Storer as inspector of the revenue. “His character & abilities render him altogether suitable to be retain’d in oDce,” wrote Dowse, “the emoluments of which are the chief dependence which this gentleman (now a good deal in years,) and with a young family about him, have for a support” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; at foot of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC”; also endorsed by TJ: “to be Navy agent”).

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From Bate Dyke Sir New York May 12 1801 Pardon the Intrusion of an Emigrant from England in Ship Mary from Bristol (Arst time of my being at Sea) I Was Sitting Across the Helm the Ship Labouring With A Contrary Wind An Idea Imediately Struk mee With A Plan to Steer A Ship Against the Winds Eye (O that I may Steer my Course through Life in thoughts Words & Actions his the Ardent Desire of A Sinfull Mortal in the Midst of Strangers) Sir if this his Deserving of Your Notice I Am Personaly Y[ours to] Command Bate Dyke At Allexander Kemptons No. 105: Maiden Lane PS Landed here on Lords Day Last RC (DLC); torn; endorsed by TJ as received [16 May] and so recorded in SJL.

From Enoch Edwards Dear Sir Frankford 12 May 1801. I have had the pleasure to receive your favors of 7 Inst. & 18 April. taken together they contain all Information necessary to our driving on the work with Spirit. I am particularly gratiAed to And what I have done has given you so much satisfaction. & I have full hopes it will please you in the End—the whole shall be attended to as you direct— I repeat again that I hope you will feel no uneasiness about commanding any thing now or here after that you can put into my Power to oblige you—Mrs: Edwards’s Taste in the way of furniture is I think very good, & her Economy & Judgment in purchasing more so. & every thing we wish for1 that we cannot ourselves buy to the best Advantage, I have some Acquaintances in Town that will do it. giving me no more Trouble than just to put what I want on a Piece of paper—She with great Chearfulness will interest herself in any thing you desire—if you would therefore give me nearly the size of some of your Rooms to be carpeted—she would between now & Autumn keep a look out. & see if she can obtain what the Ladies call bargains. but she is apprehensive there will not before then be a good Apartment. still it will be well enough to have nearly the Dimentions in Case of a Chance—on knowing your Number of square yards she can make Calculations of the bordering, & All for you—and then give you a Recipe—about making them up, which will save much in the < 89>

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Expence & be quite as good, possibly better—with the greatest Regard, & best wishes for your Prosperity & Happiness, I remain most respectfully, Your obedt St— Eno. Edwards 14th. I delayed this Letter two Days on Account of an Intention to go the City to day.—On conversing with Mr: Hanse he informs Me that the DiCerence between Morocco. & cloth & callico both, will be not less than than forty or Afty Dollars—the Skins being dear & cut to disadvantage. that DiCerence is very great & more than I could have imagined. I have not setled that Anally with him2—the Body is done & gone this day to3 the Painters. the semicircular light looks better than I thought it would. the Wood of both Body & wheels is most extraordinary Mr: Savage has moved to New York and taken with him all his Paintings— In your next I would be glad you would please to mention how you intend the Carriage shall go to the City of Washington—& if by land. whether you would choose an oiled cloth close cover.— lined with Baize. while sealing this letter a Servant hands me your Note of the 11th. inst. & I open it just to say I really believe it is too late—the day before yesterday the Moment I recd: your letter of the 7th. I sent down instantly my Anal Order to Mr: Hanse. who had been pushing Me for it. & to my surprise this Morning he informed me it was Anished yesterday—In the morning however I send in to know if any alteration could now be made—but I think not with safety to the Body it being all glued & put Arm together. RC (DLC); addressed: “Thomas Jefferson President of the United States— City of Washington”; franked; postmarked 15 May; endorsed by TJ as received 19 May and so recorded in SJL.

q Preceding two words interlined in place of “want.” r Preceding sentence interlined. s Preceding four words interlined in place of “at.”

From Pierpont Edwards Sir New haven May 12th 1801. Your letter of the 29th. of March, came to hand the 9th. of April. It would have received an earlier answer, had I sooner been favored with an Opportunity of conferring with our republican friends, in the various parts of the State—While I feel myself highly Battered by the conAdence which you have been pleased to place in me, I at the same < 90>

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time, experience, resulting from that conAdence, a most important and weighty responsibility; I can only assure you, that my honest and best indeavours shall be exerted, on all occasions, To promote the interest of our common Country; and that I shall not intentionally, say or do that, which, in the event, will be hostile to its happiness, or calculated to betray you, as its chief Magistrate, into conduct, which may hazard your reputation. There is but one Opinion among the intillegent republicans in Connecticutt, respecting the case of Mr. Goodrich; all agree, that a removal will be right, in itself, and that the Measure is necessary, as it regards the general cause in Connecticutt. We have “consulted and Advised on the Subject, taking a broad view of the general as well as local.” The Manner of his appointment has been considered by you in its proper light, as to that Point therefore I forbear to make any remarks—“Taking a broad view of it,” we are convinced, that his being continued in oDce, instead of reconciling his friends, or any part of the federalists to republicanism, and to your Administration will Strengthen them in there Opposition—They boldly Assert that you dare not dismiss any federal ODcer in Connecticutt.—And they assign two reasons—“That you know, that if your administration is supported at all in Connecticutt, it must be supported by the federalists,” and “that you have no conAdence in any of the republicans, because you consider them as Men unfriendly to all regular Goverment”—They have the ACrontery to promulge these sentiments in every corner of the State, and with vast industry; and to [evince?] that these sentiments are just, they refer to your conduct with respect to oDcers in Connecticut–; they say, “Mr. JeCerson has displaced no ODcer in Connecticutt; he has in other States; and is it because the ODcers in Connecticutt are more republican than in other states? No, they are the strongest federalists in the United States; the true cause of his thus conducting is, he dare not trust a republican in Connecticutt, he knows they are, what we Assert them to be, disorganizers.” Every hour that the work of displacing is deferred gives strength to this delusion. I should not have mentioned what I have, were it not constantly and hourly said by the most inBuential and distinguished of the federal party. A few facts, out of hundreds that might be related with truth, I will mention. A Gentleman of high rank among the federalists, and holding one of the Arst ODces in the state, and considered by them as Arst in most respects, said openly in the Post ODce, speaking of Harrison’s being displaced “that he would not trust himself alone in a room with you for a single Moment for the world, for he should be Sure, that the Man who would displace Harrison wou’d Assasinate him.” And on another Occasion; a < 91>

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few days before, speaking of you as president, said, “he woud not trust you even to be a tide Waiter.” I might All a volume with Speeches of a simular Nature, uttered by Men high in ODce, uttered by our Clergy, uttered by all ranks among the federalists—They talk here as tho’ all power was still in their hands. If you Administer the Goverment, say they, according to former administration, they will support you, but if you displace oDcers they will turn you out at the next election— Our Southern brethren, I presume, have no Just conception, as to the state of things in Connecticutt; the malignity of the federalists here is wholly inconceivable to any, but such as are Eye and ear witnesses to all; we should be as slow to beleive as they, if we had not had the evidence of our own senses, as to there conversation and conduct—The federalists here are a corps most systimatically organized. The Governor and Council joined to the corporation of Yale College, which was originally wholly eclesiastical, (and thirteen out of twenty one are now eclesiastics,) makes all the arrangements; these are communicated to those general meetings of our established Clergy, one holden at the general election in May, one holden in July, called a general association, and one holden at the Commencement in September; from these general Meetings the plans are communicated to the County consociations, and there are generally two in each County; these are composed of all the established Clergy living within the limits of the respective consociations—from them it is communicated to all the true federalist of each Parish—By this means they act with perfect uniformity; they are also, in this way, taught an uniformity of speech, on all political questions; so that if you hear any thing said by a federalist of tolarable respectability here, you may be sure that the same thing is prepared to be said every where—Since your elevation to the Presidency they have formed a plan, which looks more like producing some serious mischief than any that has ever yet been adopted by them: the Clergy are all to inculcate, with ernestness, in private conversation, and from the Pulpit the necessity of submitting to Goverment, the danger of speaking evil of those who administer the Goverment, so long as they administer it well they are to shew the fatal eCects of not Observing this sort of Conduct; by stating, that if good Men, who are in ODce, are calumnited; it will very probablely be the means of bringing into ODce bad Men, Deists, men of no religion, men proBigate in their Morals; and to shew clearly that such will be the eCect of calumniating good ODcers, they are to tell the people, to looke at recent events. several sermons have already been dilivered in Perfect conformity to this Plan—the federalists here < 92>

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do not consider themselves conquered; they are putting every faculty to the torture to eCect the overthrow of your republican Administration—our leading federalists are all royalists; they think as our Clergy do “Moses & Aaron here walk together”—The throne and the Alter have here entered into an alliance oCensive and defensive. If they cannot eCect a change in the administration, they are resolved to divide the Union—this measure however, even in their minds, has its diDculties; the Republicans are Numerous even in Connecticutt, in Rhode Island they are decidedly a majority, in Massachusetts about seven Afteenths are republicans, in New Hamshire two Afths, in Vermont half are with us—The plan of dividing the Union therefore aCords but a gloomy prospect of success, unless the republican Party can be lessined; this must be eCected. To accomplish an event so desirable, has given them much thought, and no small share of trouble; but it is at last determined, so far as Connecticutt is concerned, to adopt the following measures—to disgrace the republican party, as a party, as much as posible; for that purpose to teach, that Mr. JeCerson has no conAdence in them. A few are to be taken oC, by courting them, bringing them into ODce here, but wholly by the force of federal Votes and inBuences to relax on the Measure which they have heretofore adopted, of turning out every man, who was not a federalist; to reinstate two or three, who have very good connextions, that in the rage of party were turned out; but on all Occasions to teach it for doctrine, that the Democrates in Connecticutt, are a set of Men of no talents, no property, no Morals, and unfriendly to all Goverment. with these facts in full View, we do not hesitate to say, that a temporizing policy will be, here, a ruinous policy. The Collector at Middletown deserves a dismission on more grounds than one—Violent, unstable, priest-ridden, implacable, a ferocious federalist, and a Most indecent enimy to you and your administration,—One of the toast drunk on the 4th. of July last at Middletown was, “Thomas JeCerson may he receive from his fellow1 Citizens the rewards of his Merits”, he drank it, adding, “a halter.” I could All a quire of paper with speaches of his equally Violent and indecent—As to Mr. Goodrich’s Successor we all agree, that Samuel Bishop Esqr. of this town, Mayor of our City Cheife Judge of our County Court, and a Deacon of one of our established churches aught to be the Man. In him will be embraced the respectability, integrity, religion “Steady habits” and Arm republicanism. I deemed it important to you important to the United States that I should say Nothing, in answere to your Letter, but what should be the result of correct information, & sound deliberation; & lest I should fail in some one of these important Points I have defered < 93>

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writing till this late hour—I am consious that I have written Nothing which according to existing evidence, & that full and clear, I am not authorized to write—I am with the highest respect & Regard Your most Obt Sert Pierpont Edwards RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); quotation marks regularized by Editors; at foot of text: “To his execellency Thomas JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 16 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.”; also endorsed by TJ: “Goodrich. to be removed.” case of mr. goodrich: Adams’s appointment of Elizur Goodrich to the New Haven collectorship on 18 Feb., two weeks before the president left oDce, angered TJ and Connecticut Republicans, who advocated the new collector’s removal. The oDce, considered a patronage plum, became vacant when David Austin, Sr., collector at New Haven since 1793, died on 5 Feb. (Richard J. Purcell, Connecticut in Transition: 1775-1818, new ed. [Middletown, Conn., 1963], 154; Vol. 33:46n, 489-90, 498-9). TJ’s replacement for Goodrich was Samuel Bishop, the nearly octogenarian mayor of New Haven whose son, Abraham Bishop, served as acting collector and succeeded his father in the post (Cunningham, Jeffersonian Republicans in Power, 15-16, 20, 22-3; Vol. 33:671, 675). a gentleman of high rank among the federalists: possibly Roger Griswold. the corporation of yale college met more frequently and faculty were given a share in college governance for the Arst time under the administration of Federalist Timothy Dwight, college president from 1795 to 1817. Dwight also conducted a moral puriAcation initiative, attempting to free the college of the inBuence of the French philosophes, and added several new professorships.

Among those appointed was Elizur Goodrich, named professor of law in 1801 (Reuben A. Holden, ProAles and Portraits of Yale University Presidents [Freeport, Me., 1968], 58-60; Ebenezer Baldwin, Annals of Yale College, in New Haven, Connecticut, from Its Foundation, to the Year 1831 [New Haven, 1831], 135). Abraham Bishop made the allusion to moses and aaron in his Oration Delivered in Wallingford, On the 11th of March 1801, Before the Republicans of the State of Connecticut, at Their General Thanksgiving, for the Election of Thomas JeCerson to the Presidency and of Aaron Burr to the Vice Presidency of the United States of America (New Haven, 1801; ShawShoemaker, No. 199). the collector at middletown deserves a dismission: the Connecticut Courant for 10 Aug. reported that “There has been a report in circulation the week past, that Alexander Wolcott, Esq., is appointed Collector of the Customs for the district of Middletown, in the place of Chauncey Whittlesey, Esq. dismissed. This report came from the First Consul, at New-Haven, and we believe may be depended on.” Wolcott did not receive the appointment at Middletown, worth almost $3,000 annually, until November. The Connecticut Federalists referred to Abraham Bishop as the “First Consul” (Purcell, Connecticut in Transition, 154; Vol. 33:672). For the toasts drunk on the 4th. of july last at middletown, see the Middlesex Gazette, 11 July 1800.

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q Word interlined in place of “beloved.”

From William Findley Dear Sir Greensburgh May. 12. 1801 I have been honored by the receipt of a Letter from your hand of the 24 of march, Though I used the freedom of writing to you, I neither claimed nor expected the Indulgence of an Answer, but am very thankfull for it, Mine from greencastle was wrote at the instance of Friends in diCerent Counties through which I passed and where I made some stay and who are old and steady republicans with some of whom I sat in company in the Arst Committees and who have been usefully employed in high stations in the worst times. Those generally are still usefull, and I must add moderate It is among our New Republicans that the least discretion and moderation is to be found, They will Mellow down by experience. The postmaster genl. has been pleased to Authorise me to select a New postmaster for greensburgh in Westmoreland County near where I live. I have selected a Moderate but steady Republican who will know no party in oDce He is acceptable to all, the late one though an incendiary of party yet the bad manner in which he kept the oDce rendered him disagreeable to all parties. Further changes will be necessary to restore conAdence to the post oDce department. The abuses in it have been great, in many instances the postmasters have been spies and agents of party. It is neither my wish nor expectation that changes should be made in any Department unless JustiAed by Necessity and the Citizens will Judge diCerently of that Necessity. The old substantial Republicans do not wish nor expect changes of good oDcers and decent Men for diCerence in political opinion. Another set of Republicans who now make most noise will be pleased with nothing less than a General change, among these the oDce hunters are generally found. Indeed I would prefer taking some trouble to And proper characters to All oDces most of the oDce hunters who by their importunity procure recommendations with too great facility. I made free to mention my opinion of the propriety of a change of the supervisor of Excise in this state, I knew he was at one period delinquent in oDce, I never thought him a good appointment and he has been one of those political Agents who have injured their cause by over acting his part. General Hand an Inspecter of the Revenue whom I had long respected as a decent man, also behaved very improperly he openly took a lead in endeavouring to starve the Mechanics of Lancaster who would not vote as he directed. all the other appointments as far as I am aquainted are well Judged, and I am conAdent others will be so1 < 95>

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party spirit has been carried so high in pennsylvaia that I presume more changes will be necessary there than in some other states. Those who have of late revolted from the trammels in which they had been long held are full of resentment against their former directors, Something will be necessary even to the feelings of those who have been long insulted and abused and indeed to conArm the Republican interest in the state after its having vibrated so long. It is remarkable that in this state the majority of representatives in every Congress exept the Arst, have been republican, while the majority of the state Legislature were otherwise, [hence?] it was that our senators always acted on the opposite side from the Representatives, indeed the choice of senators is too often the result of Intrigue. There will be some to complain of the best appointments that can be made, but I make free Sir, to Congratulate you on your good fortune in Anding such Men willing to serve as you have appointed to All the three principle departments. From my own aquaintance with the gentlemen I think they could not have been better Alled, and their extensive aquaintance through the United States will have its advantages, Mr. Gallatins aquaintance in pennsylvania might superceed any information from me and may correct the information I gave, The appointing of Genl. Irwin to an oDce gave genl. satisfaction, he wrote to me that he would accept of it thankfully as a mark of your ConAdence He says he was unaquainted with the duties of it, but I think he will make a good oDcer, and so few of his rank in the old Army stood by us, that to give a mark of conAdence to him was good policy He has been singularly honest in all employments and carefull to have duty done by those under him. If a place should be disposed of to suit Mr. Bryan whom I made free to mention before, he is indefatigable in oDce has so much integrity and is so well2 skilled in Accounts that his removal would be a great Loss to the state, but some of his friends and himself wishes for a Mark of your conAdence, else I would not have mentioned him, Mr Gallatin will be able to mention some of the reasons. When a change took place in our state I was it is true consulted more than I wished to have been respecting changes and appointments, I then stood in the breach to prevent unnecessary changes being made from passion and the avidity of oDce hunters, who then made applications in swarms and in fact beseiged the governor. Others and myself succeeded so far as to prevent several changes that had been urged but were either too inattentive or unsuccessfull with respect to New appointments, too many of whom have not been fortunately selected. It was from this circumstance I was induced to < 96>

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mention my apprehension that their was more danger of doing injury to the public cause by new appointments than by removals from oDce. Little complaints have been made in pennsylvania for removals except by the parties removed, it is not so with appointments. As I take Mr Smiths intelligencer and always have taken his paper, I presume I receive correct information. I shall take a pleasure Sir in writing any information that I think may be of use and though I will always be highly gratiAed by receiving a line from your hand yet I neither expect nor Claim the favour. I know the Length and freedom of my Letter will receive a favourable construction I am Sir with unfeigned esteem Yours very respectfully Wm Findley P.S. I wrote mine of March 5 near Greencastle in Franklin County and sent it by that post, without informing that I lived near Greensburgh in Westmoreland. Mr Watson however postmaster of Greencastle, one of the few good ones, suspecting your favour to be for me forwarded it obligingly. I lived in Franklin County before and during the war RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); above postscript: “Honble. Thos. JeCerson president”; endorsed by TJ as received 22 May and so recorded in SJL; TJ later canceled “Findlay Wm.” and added “Bryan” to the endorsement.

opinion: before learning of William Irvine’s appointment as superintendent of military stores, Findley recommended him in place of Henry Miller as revenue supervisor in Pennsylvania (Findley to TJ, 5 Mch. 1801).

mine from greencastle: Findley to TJ, 5 Mch. 1801. Thomas McGuire was the new postmaster who replaced David McKeehan at Greensburg (see Vol. 33:90n). my

q Preceding sentence written in margin without a mark for insertion. r Preceding eight words interlined in place of “and.”

From Charles Wyndham Grymes Dear Sir, Richmond May 12th 1801 I received your favor of the 7th instant last night, enclosed in a letter to my uncle Randolph. Your acceptance of the guardianship of us three, I must confess, I feared would be too troublesome, particularly in the station which you now All, when I imposed upon you the request.—We lament extremely your refusal of the oDce, as we are conAdent, that no person whatever, would have fulAlled it with more satisfaction to all parties concerned. We have not as yet Axed upon a person, who will take upon himself the troublesome task; but as soon as we have, you will be immediately informed of it. The Bill of < 97>

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exchange which you were so kind as to forward, has arrived in this Town: it has not as yet, been presented for acceptance, but will as soon as possible. Being well assured of your friendly attachment for us, which you have fully evinced, accept our most grateful thanks for the trouble which you have taken on our account, and believe me to be Dear Sir with great respect your obliged servant &c C W Grymes RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 15 May and so recorded in SJL.

From Frédéric L. Hammer Sir, Strasbourg, May 12th. 1801. (Boreal 22th, 9.) You would pardon my liberty to address You this linez, (written by an unversed and unexercised in the english language), by one of my fellow-Citizenz, Mr. Kühn, a Gardener or Botanist, who is intended to return to Your Country, where he has sejourned some Yearz. he has brought me from Philadelphia the second original edition of Your Work on the State of Virginia, (with the Appendix to these Notez on Virginia, Philadelphia. 1800.), which is not known with us than by a translation published in france, but very alterated. I have read it with great pleasure, and I am greaved to can not visit myself this remarkable country. The several productions of Plantz, fruitz and seeds &c. that Mr. Kühn has there collected, have induced me to give him the larger instructions on his promise to gather for my Cabinet of natural history, for our Botany-Garden and our economical Society the Productz interessing Europe. I have preférably recommended him the oeconomical, medical, Plantz, &c. who would be useful and interessing for us; as well as the other Vegetables and Cryptogamists, of whom Your countries would contain a great number unknown. Concerning the Animals, my Collection formed by the great and known Naturalist, hermann, my Wife’s father, deceased in the least Year, comprehends about two-hundred quadrupeds, eight hundred birds, &c.—but few from Nord-Amerika. I hope to obtain by this occasion for my Collection some objects of Your countriez so very riches on racez and species unknown, such as of Mousez, Bittermouses, &c. &c. even as well on Minerals. The nature unites far remote and distant regions by the variety and the exchange of productions, and the mankind by Sciencez and Artz. < 98>

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A peace-general would re-establish this union too-long interrupted by a War terrible, and ally the nationz for common happiness, and the progress of knowledge. If the porter of these linez should want for Your protection, Sir, I would recommend him to Your favour. Your love and Your protection for sciencez assure me, that You would allow of my solicitations, and accept the sincere assurance of sentimentz of high respect from one who has not the honor to be known to You, but to be Sir, Your most obedient and devoted servant F. L. Hammer. Professeur d’historie naturelle a l’Ecole centrale du Departement du Baz Rhin à Strasbourg. RC (DLC); at head of text: “To the honourable Thomas JeCerson, Author of the Notez on the State of Virginia”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 Oct. and so recorded in SJL with notation “by M. King.” Dft (GyLeU). Enclosed in Mathias Kin to TJ, 28 Sep. 1801. Frédéric L. Hammer (1762-1837) taught natural history in the Rhine region beginning in 1796. A member of the agricultural and scientiAc society of the French département of Bas-Rhin, he wrote papers on geology, fossils, and the eCects of deforestation. In 1804 he published some zoological observations of his father-in-law, Jean Hermann (d. 1800), a physician and professor of science who assembled a substantial library and collection of natural history specimens at Strasbourg. Hammer also arranged for the publication of a work on

insects by his deceased brother-in-law, Jean Frédéric Hermann. During the French Revolution, Hammer was active in the société populaire at Colmar and was such a fervent republican that he changed his middle name from Louis to Libre (“Free”) in 1794 (Édouard Sitzmann, Dictionnaire de Biographie des Hommes Célèbres de l’Alsace, 2 vols. [Paris, 1973], 1:696-7, 756-8). mr. kühn: Mathias Kin, also known as Mathias King, roved widely to collect plants. He was originally from Strasbourg (Henry Savage, Jr., and Elizabeth J. Savage, André and François André Michaux [Charlottesville, 1986], 215, 262, 283; John C. Greene, American Science in the Age of JeCerson [Ames, Iowa, 1984], 263; Hammer to TJ, 26 Mch. 1805). flittermouses: bats (from the German word “Bedermaus”).

From John Hoomes Dear Sir Bowling Green May 12th. 1801 I have been from home for some time, or your two much esteemed letters would have been answered before this. I herein enclose you the draft on Mr. Barnes that you so obligingly sent me, & I will thank you either to send me bank notes, or a draft on Richmond as may be most convenient to yourself. I am extreamly glad to And by your letter of the 17th. ultimo that < 99>

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you are pleased with the horse I sent you; I hope you will be so, with those horses sent you from Petersburg. I have been there lately, and from what I heard of thier price they ought to be good ones I am dear Sir with great esteem & respect yr Hble sevt John Hoomes RC (MHi); endorsed by TJ as received 14 May and so recorded in SJL.

two much esteemed letters: TJ to Hoomes, 17 Apr. and 7 May 1801.

To George Jefferson Dear Sir Washington May 12. 1801. Yesterday your’s of the 7th. came to hand. I am very glad you have sold my tobacco. the expences of my outAt are so very heavy in the beginning that I shall labour hard for three or four months to come. I wish it were possible to And some means, other than bank bills, to make you the remittances of 300. D. June 16. for Bell, 800. D. July 12. for Shore, & 500. D. July 16. for Haxhall. I do not like the risk. we will try to get treasury draughts on the collector of your port. Having occasion soon to send the Govr. a draught on your house for 50. D. for the use of a particular person, it brought to my notice that the 50 D. [paiment] to the same person had not been put into my account, as I found by turning to it, & indeed found my draught which you had returned, [. . .] had entirely escaped my memory. I therefore now inclose you Afty Dollars, bank bills of the US. this transaction I presume is not to be entered in my account with your house. —I am sorry to learn that the prospect of getting Ane hams is so indiCerent. they are not to be had here. 200. or any smaller number would do, to be forwarded from time to time as procured. accept assurances of my aCectionate attachment. Th: Jefferson P.S. I learn from SheaC of Phila. that a quarter cask of wine was forwarded to you for mr Randolph, of which I wrote you before. this will be followed by another, & a batch of claret for myself to be forwarded to Monticello, with notice to mr Randolph. PrC (MHi); faint and blurred; at head of text: “Private”; at foot of text in ink: “JeCerson George”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. collector of your port: James Gibbon (jep, 1:356). TJ sent Monroe a draft on the house

of Gibson & JeCerson on 26 May. particular person: James Thomson Callender (TJ to Monroe, 26 May 1801). For the draft returned by George Jefferson, see his letter to TJ of 12 Jan. 1801. i wrote you before: TJ to George JeCerson, 6 May.

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From George Jefferson Dear Sir Richmond 12th. May 1801 Your favor of the 6th. inclosing a bill of lading for a quarter cask of wine for Mr. T.M.R. together with a bill of Exchange on James Govan for £100— Sterling for the use of Mr. Grymes’s son & daughters under the direction of Mr. E. Randolph—is duly received. Mr. R. proposes to take the bill and to furnish the necessary articles; which from your letter I cannot refuse—altho’ from the manner in which the remittance is made, I had rather not do it—& therefore will if possible avoid it. Your letter directing $:30— to be paid Colo. Carrington for Mr. Rhodes—& one years subscription each, to Jones & Pleasants, for their papers—had been overlooked, and the payments were not made until to day. both J. & P. having claimed two years subscription, I concluded you were not aware that they have one year paid in advance, and therefore paid them agreeably to their own accts.— I have engaged about ten dozen hams for you from a Colo. Macon of Hanover, who has the credit of curing the best bacon in the neighbourhood. I have not seen it myself, and could not form any judgment of it if I had, but hope it will prove to be Ane. I have likewise got the favor of an acquaintance to write to SmithAeld, to enquire if any are to be had there, & suppose he will in a few days receive an answer. Macon does not know exactly how much he can spare, but will examine it in a few days, and will send in as much as he can. it shall be immediately forwarded to Norfolk with directions to our correspondent there to send it on to you by the very Arst Vessel. I am Dear Sir Your Very humble servt. Geo. Jefferson RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 15 May and so recorded in SJL.

letter directing: TJ to George Jefferson, 17 Apr. Warren Ashley served as the correspondent of Gibson & JeCerson in Norfolk (George JeCerson to TJ, 26 May 1801).

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Stable and Household Accounts [on or after 12 May 1801]

1801. Feb. 26. Mar. 6. 25. 28. Apr. 2. 3. 13. 14. Feb. 28 Mar. 3. Apr. 19. May 12 1801. Mar. 6. 19.

ç

Stable accounts. David Ferguson 10 Ê rye straw @ 4/ 5.33 Fred. Long. hauling 10. bush. oats 0.33 Michael Learner 3. b. do. @ 4/3 1.70 John Carrol. farriery 2.75 Wm. Mitchell 16L Ê hay @ 1. D. 16.50 John Shepherd. 10. b. oats @ 3/3 & hauling 4.66 James Dunlap 14 [¤]-1[gr]-15[oz] @ 1. D. 14.37 George Cashell 42K b. oats @ 4/ 22.53 68.17 Wm. WarAeld 19 Ê hay 19. John Turnbull 28. b. oats £5-19 15.87 34.87 repairs &c 14.15 5. bushels rye shoots 2.67 1. pr boots 6.83 23.65 Houshold. Middleton Bett milk 4/4 0.58 Jonah L. Hawkins wood 8.50 Henry Smith. sawing do. .75 9.83

MS (CSmH); entirely in TJ’s hand.

To James Stuart Sir Washington May 12. 1801. Inclosed I send you a statement of the account of your son in law John Holmes, with a check on the bank of the US. for 51.25 D by mistake for 51.35 D the balance of the account. the 4. last articles were furnished by James Dinsmore, the 2. last of which he said it would be very convenient to retain, & could easily be replaced with you. the other articles are from my own books & vouchers from J. H. himself. his chest of tools was sent oC before I left Monticello, say about the latter end of April, and should be with you by the time you recieve this. your acknowlegment of the reciept of the within will be acceptable. accept my good wishes and salutations. Th: Jefferson < 102>

12 MAY 1801 PrC (MHi); at foot of text: “Mr. James Stewart. Phila. Cedar street—between 3d. & 4th.”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Enclosures not found. James Stuart served as clerk in the register’s oDce at the Treasury Department from the early 1790s until early 1801, when he returned to Philadelphia and became a grocer and clerk of Hill market at 155 Cedar Street. On 15 May 1801, Samuel Carswell of Philadelphia recommended Stuart for oDce, writing Gallatin that he trusted the administration would And some position for their “mutual friend” because “no man suCered for our principles, more than he has done.” In April 1803, Gallatin approved Peter Muhlenberg’s appointment of Stuart as a customs inspector at the port (Gallatin, Papers, 5:1; 6:937; 8:257; Syrett, Hamilton, 11:392; 13:466; James Robinson, The Philadelphia Directory, City and County Register, for 1802 [Philadelphia, 1802], 235; same, The Philadelphia Directory for 1804 [Philadelphia, 1804], 229). For the death of john holmes, a carpenter at Monticello and Stuart’s stepson, see James Monroe to TJ, 18 Jan. 1801. On 11 May, John Barnes wrote TJ a

short letter enclosing the check for $51.25 and providing TJ with the Cedar Street address of James “Stewart” in Philadelphia. Barnes oCered to “hand” the check to Stuart “by to Morrows Mail” if TJ decided not to write him (RC in ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers; at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ). TJ recorded in his Anancial records on 11 and 12 May, respectively, the receipt of the check from Barnes and the transmittal of it to Stuart (mb, 2:1041). In a statement of expenditures in 1802, TJ noted that the Holmes payment was for $53.50 (same, 2:1067). Stuart wrote TJ from Philadelphia on 22 May, noting that he had received the account statement of John Holmes and the check on the Bank of the United States. He reported that the chest and trunk with the remainder of Holmes’s property, including clothes and tools, had arrived two days earlier “in perfect good condition.” Stuart expressed his “inAnite obligations to Jams. Dinsmore for the friendly attention paid by him, to the remains of our deceased son” (RC in MHi; at foot of text: “Thos. JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 25 May and so recorded in SJL).

To William Thornton and Others Tuesday May 12. 1801.

Th: JeCerson requests the favor of Dr. Thornton, Mrs. Thornton and Mrs. Bridau’s company to dinner tomorrow at three oclock. RC (DLC: William Thornton Papers); probably in Meriwether Lewis’s hand; addressed: “Dr Thornton.” Not recorded in SJL. dr. thornton, mrs. thornton and mrs. bridau: William Thornton, his wife Anna Maria Brodeau, and his mother-in-law Ann Brodeau, a former headmistress of a ladies’ boarding school

in Philadelphia, lived two blocks east of the President’s House on F Street, NW, from 1797 until William’s death in 1828. James and Dolley Madison and Anna Payne may also have attended the dinner (Harris, Thornton, 1:xliv, xlix; TJ to Martha JeCerson Randolph, 11 May 1792; TJ to Thomas Mann Randolph, 14 May 1801).

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From James Traquair Dear Sir Philada. May 12th. 1801. Yours of the 8th. instant I have just received:—if you should want a stone cutter in July you could not have applied in a better time,—I do not believe there ever was a better sett of Stone Cutters employed by one Man on this side the Atlantic than I have at present;—and by that time the Bank of Pennsa. will be near Anished, so that it will be no inconveniency to me to spare you one of the best of them; and by that means R. Richardson may learn as much as I wished him when with me.—I expect you have recieved my last inclosing Mr. Stewarts Agreement.— I am Sir with due respect Yours &c. James Traquair RC (MHi); at foot of text: “The Honble Thomas JeCerson President of the united States”; endorsed by TJ as received 16 May and so recorded in SJL. TJ’s letter of the 8th instant has not been found. my last: also missing is Traquair’s letter of 8 May, recorded in SJL as received on the 11th, and the enclosed agreement with William Stewart, who assumed charge of the blacksmith shop and nailery at Monticello. A highly

skilled artisan, Stewart crafted much of the intricate ironwork used in the renovation of Monticello and trained Joseph Fossett and other smiths before he was dismissed for alcoholism in 1807 (mb, 2:1052; Stanton, Free Some Day, 133; McLaughlin, JeCerson and Monticello, 65-8). According to SJL, TJ and Stewart exchanged more than 30 letters between 8 May 1801 and 23 May 1807, but none have been found.

From William Cooke Charleston May 13th 1801.

If the above recommendation is such as entitles the Subscriber to the Notice & ConAdence of the President of the United States,—He begs leave to inform him; that he now makes an oCer of his Services to his Country.—He laments that they were once solicited, when it was not in his power to aCord them.—Should they again be thought of—they will be aCorded Zealously & faithfully.—with every sentiment of respect for your Person, & wish for the happiness & prosperity of your administration, I remain most respectfully Your Mo. obedt. Servant Wm: Cooke RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); subjoined to printed text and signatures (see below); endorsed by TJ as received 26 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.”

William Cooke, a merchant with business interests in South Carolina and Georgia, made several unsuccessful attempts to secure a federal appointment during the TJ and Madison administra-

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13 MAY 1801 tions, seeking posts in Louisiana and Brazil (Cooke to James Madison, 6 Nov. 1803, in DNA: RG 59, LAR; Madison, Papers, Pres. Ser., 4:587-8). the above recommendation: Cooke wrote his letter to TJ at the bottom of a printed letter of recommendation dated 3 Feb. 1797 and signed by 31 merchants of Savannah, Georgia. The signers stated that Cooke was about to leave their city and they recommended him as “a

man of honor and integrity” and as someone possessed of “very extensive, and good Mercantile information.” They concluded by noting that should Cooke be appointed “to the superintendence and protection of our Commercial rights and privileges, in any foreign port; we have no doubt, but he will aquit himself as a man of abilities and integrity, and prove a useful Citizen to his country.”

From Gideon Granger Dear Sir— SuDeld May 13th. 1801— Yours of the 3d. of this Month has been recd. with great pleasure— The answer to our address, has been presented to the Chairman, & by him been communicated to most of the principal People in this place.—It is peculiarly pleasing to the Citizens of this Town, who Arst aided by Some in whom they reposed conAdence ventured to oppose the aristocracy of Connecticut, to be Noticed by the Executive of the Union. Alltho the Election of Massachusetts has Issued in favor of Mr. Strong by a handsome Majority, Yet the whole Election has been favorable to the Republicans, we are certain of Seventeen Senators in their Next Legislature, this reduces the federalists to a dilemma of either Introducing some republicans into the Council of the Executive, or leaving us a Majority in that branch of the Legislature— With You Sir, I think that among the People the Schism is healed and the wound will not reopen; but I have every opportunity to know that the Malice & Inveteracy of the aristocratical Leaders, exceed every thing which has heretofore appeared in New England. It cannot be known or felt without being on the Spot. Worn out by excessive application in various pursuits, I have the Misfortune to Inform you that my health is extremely poor & that I must leave our Legislature, for the purpose of Attempting to regain my health, on the Mountains of Vermont & New Hampshire,—In this Tour I shall not fail to Gain some particular Knowledge of the temper & feelings of the People in that quarter of New England, which will be regularly communicated—If my health permits The bearer of this letter Mr. Erastus Granger of this place, is a Tried Republican of decent Information & fair Character. < 105>

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With Real Esteem, and high Consideration and Attachment, I have the Honor to be your Sincere friend. Gidn: Granger RC (DLC); in an unidentiAed hand, signed by Granger; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson Esquire President of the United States Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 21 May and so recorded in SJL.

For the president’s reply addressed to Alexander King, chairman of the SuDeld meeting, see the enclosure at TJ’s letter to Granger of 3 May. The letter of congratulations and TJ’s response were printed in the New London Bee on 3 June.

From Thomas Newton Dr. Sir Norfolk May 13. 1801— I duly received yours of the 7th inclosing 4 half bills of the U.S. bank; it gives me pleasure to know you approved of the wine, it is highly approved of here & sells fast, a few pipes of the same quality are left, of which I will direct Mr. Taylor to reserve two for you, to be sent by Capt. Willis of the Alexr. Packet & if you want more it shall be saved & sent up, the time of payment will answer. the London particular wine is also of very good quality, & very proper for using at dinner & is cheaper, the Brasil is a Att cordial after dinner, this is the custom here, as we consider, that wine of inferior quality while eating, is as good to the taste as best. should you wish some of that kind it shall be sent. I will make inquiry after cyder, but do not expect to get it bottled, if I can I will forward it to you; it will never be a trouble to me to procure any article we can furnish from this place, & I beg you will without reserve, let me know of any thing you may require from this & I will with pleasure send it you. I am most respectfully Yr. Obt Servt Thos Newton the next fall by speaking in time Ane barrild cyder can be procured in our neighbouring counties RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 19 May and so recorded in SJL.

From Tadeusz Kosciuszko Sir [after 13 May 1801] J’ai eu l’honneur de recevoir votre lettre par Mr. Dauwson, y trouvant les expressions de votre bonté pour moi, et les peines que vous vous donnez sans cesse pour mes aCaires; je les grave au fond de mon < 106>

13 MAY 1801

Coeur à jamais vous promettant ma sincere réconnoissance. Je felicite les Etats Unis de l’amerique sur le Choix qui ont fait dans votre personne pour leur President; Il n-y-aura plus de doute, que Republicanisme doit être inseperable avec l’honneteté, probité, et la justice stricte, et que l’homme doit être plus honoré par ses vertues et ses Connoissances que par son luxe. Votre discours à jamais memorable à fait la plus grande impression en Europe, les hommes mêmes de l’opinion contraire ont admiré, ils pretendent seulement que des si belles promesses ne sont pas éCectuees en realité. Sachant bien votre façon de penser, Votre Genie, votre habilité, vos connoissances, votre Caracter, et votre bon Coeur; j’ai fait taire les uns et j’ai tranquilisé les autres. Je suis faché que plusieures livres très curieux que je vous ai envoyes ne vous sot pas parvenues. A l’égard de moi je crois que cette année j’yrais vous admirer et deposer apres mes cendres sur une terre de liberté, ou il y a des meures l’honnetete et la justice. Agreez Les assurances d’admiration de mon estime et de mon respect. T Kosciuszko e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Sir I had the honor of receiving your letter by Mr. Dawson, Anding therein the expressions of your kindness towards me and the trouble that you take unceasingly for my aCairs; I am engraving them in the bottom of my heart, promising you forever my sincere gratitude. I congratulate the United States of America on the choice they have made of your person for their president. There will no longer be any doubt that republicanism is to be inseparable from honesty, probity, and strict justice, and that a man must be more highly honored for his virtues and his knowledge than for his luxury. Your address, memorable forever, made the greatest impression in Europe; even men of a contrary opinion admired it, merely claiming that such Ane promises are not carried out in reality. Knowing well your manner of thinking, your genius, your skill, your knowledge, your character, and your kind heart, I silenced some and calmed the others. I am sorry that several very curious books that I sent you did not arrive. As for myself, I think that this year I shall go to admire you and afterwards to deposit my ashes in a land of liberty where there are morals, honesty, and justice. Accept my assurances of admiration, esteem, and respect. T Kosciuszko RC (MHi); undated, but written after John Dawson’s arrival in Paris; endorsed by TJ as received 24 July and so recorded in SJL.

votre lettre par mr. dauwson: TJ to Kosciuszko, 14 Mch. 1801. John Dawson arrived in Paris on 13 May (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:191).

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From John F. Gaullier Monsieur Fredericksburg Vrgna, May 14th 1801 A deux pas du désèspoir, comment m’oroit il été possible de vous remercier aussi dignement que vous le mérités, d’avoir empêché que Je ne les franchises. Plus recueilly maintenant, il mesemble avoir plus de force, et me jetter au pieds de mon bienfaiteur pour L’assurer que sa cordiale reception, et la promesse d’une place sous sa protection, èst une faveur dont la grattitude de ma famille ne cèssera de se ressouvenir, nous n’avons que dès prieres à oCrir en retourne, mais s’il sont exauçés, vous n’aurés rien à désirer, priant pour tout ce qui peut contribuer a vottre satisfaction, et celle de vottre famille, vous avéz acquis des sujèts, tout ce que la reconnoissance peut inspirer de sentimens sont a vous, vous y orèz toujours tout plain de droits, vous ne les partagerai avec persone, et vous vous dirai, J’ai fais des heureux! Daignés vous ressouvenir de moi, ajoutés à cette grace celle de ne vous pas Lassér de m’en faire, et permetés moi d’être avec un sincere et respectueux attachement. Monsieur Vottre très humble et très obeïssant serviteur John F. Gaullier P.S. My situation only has forced me to taken the presumption to apply to you, my age, and my Employment are incompatible, unconduct, have no part in my circumstances, speculation is beneath me, I want only competancy. e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Sir Fredericksburg, Virginia, May 14th 1801 Two steps from despair, how would it have been possible to thank you as worthily as you deserve, to have stopped me from passing over them? More composed now, I seem to have more strength, and to throw myself at the feet of my benefactor to assure him that his cordial welcome and the promise of a place under his protection is a favor, the gratitude for which my family will never cease to remember; we have only prayers to oCer in return, but if they are heard you will have nothing to desire, as we shall be praying for everything that can contribute to your satisfaction and that of your family; you have acquired grounds for all the feelings that gratitude can inspire; you will always have full right to them, you will share them with no one, and you will say to yourself, “I have made some happy people!” Be so kind as to keep me in mind, add to that favor another of not tiring of favors for me, and permit me to be, with sincere and respectful aCection, Sir, your very humble and very obedient servant John F. Gaullier

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14 MAY 1801 P.S. My situation only has forced me to taken the presumption to apply to you, my age, and my Employment are incompatible, unconduct, have no part in my circumstances, speculation is beneath me, I want only competancy. RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at head of text: “Au Président”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” John F. Gaullier, a French emigré, was in strained Anancial circumstances because of debt. When the local government of Fredericksburg established a workhouse for the poor in 1805, he was named the institution’s steward (S. J. Quinn, The History of the City of Fredericksburg Vir-

ginia [Richmond, 1908], 172; Gaullier to TJ, 29 June 1801, 23 Aug. 1802). On 13 Apr. 1801, John Minor wrote a brief letter to TJ from Fredericksburg: “Mr John Francis Gaullier who will bear this to you, being about to wait on you on buisiness, has requested a Letter of introduction from me; I give it to him with pleasure because I think him a worthy and respectable Citizen” (RC in same; endorsed by TJ as received 25 Apr. and so recorded in SJL).

From George Jefferson Dear Sir Richmond 14th. May 1801 Your favor of the 12th. inclosing $:50— on my private account is received. I have to-day received a box of dum-Ash, and a keg of tongues and sounds for you from New York. I am somewhat apprehensive they should go to Washington, but I cannot suppose if that had been intended, that Mr. Barnes would have directed them to be sent to my care—I shall therefore forward them to Monticello. I concluded however it would be well to give you notice of this, in order that you might order others if you want them where you are. I am Dear Sir Your Very humble servt. Geo. Jefferson RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 18 May and so recorded in SJL.

To Nathaniel Macon Dear Sir Washington May 14. 1801. Your favors of Apr. 20th. & 23d. had been recieved and the commission made out for mr Potts before I recieved the letter of the 1st. inst. I have still thought it better to forward the commission in the hope that reconsideration or the inBuence of yourself & friends might induce an acceptance of it. should it be otherwise, you must recommend some other good person, as I had rather be guided by your opinion than that of the person you refer me to. perhaps mr Potts may < 109>

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be willing to stop the gap till you meet & repeal the law. if he does not, let me recieve a recommendation from you as quickly as possible. and in all cases, when an oDce becomes vacant in your state, as the distance would occasion a great delay were you to await to be regularly consulted, I shall be much obliged to you to recommend the best characters. there is nothing I am so anxious about as making the best possible appointments, and no case in which the best men are more liable to mislead us by yielding to the sollicitations of applicants. for this reason your own spontaneous recommendations would be desirable.—now to answer your particulars seriatim. Levees are done away. The Arst communication to the next Congress will be, like all subsequent ones, by message to which no answer will be expected. The diplomatic establishment in Europe will be reduced to three ministers. The Compensations to Collectors depend on you, not on me. The army is undergoing a chaste reformation. The navy will be reduced to the legal establishment by the last of this month. Agencies in every department will be revised. We shall press you to the uttermost in economising. A very early recommendation had been given to the P.M. Genl to employ no printer, foreigner, or revolutionary tory in any of his oDces. this department is still untouched. the arrival of mr Gallatin yesterday, compleated the organisation of our administration. accept assurances of my sincere esteem & high respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Nathaniel Macon esq.” On 9 May, TJ signed a commission appointing Henry Potter judge of the Fifth U.S. Circuit Court, to remain in

eCect “until the end of the next Session of the Senate of the United States and no longer” (FC in Lb in DNA: RG 21, Records of the U.S. Circuit Court for the District of North Carolina, Minute Docket, entry dated 1 June 1801).

To Thomas Mann Randolph Th:J. to TMR. Washington May 14. 1801. I take up my pen merely because I have not written to you since my arrival here, and simply to inform you I am well. I shall be happy to hear the same from you; and hope this day’s post may bring me that information, or that Fontrees’s waggon will do it which I expect will arrive tomorrow or next day. we are selling oC all our vessels except < 110>

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the 13. frigates established by law; bringing 7 of them to this place, and sending out 3. to take exercise. the expence will be reduced to about half a million annually, great part of which will be paid this year by the proceeds of the sales of the others. we fear that Spain is ceding Louisiana to France. an inauspicious circumstance to us. mr Gallatin’s arrival yesterday, renders the organisation of our new administration compleat, and enables us to settle our system of proceeding. mr & mrs Madison & miss Payne are lodging with us till they can get a house. great desires are expressed here that Patsy & Maria should come on. but that I give no hopes of till Autumn. my tenderest aCections to Patsy & kisses to the young ones. sincere attachment & friendly salutations to yourself. P.S. I have engaged a capital White smith, who is a Nailer also, to go on from Philadelphia in July. RC (DLC); endorsed by Randolph. PrC (MHi); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

For Spain’s cession of louisiana to france, see Joseph Allen Smith to TJ, 22 Mch. 1801. engaged a capital white smith: William Stewart.

From David Austin Mr. President— Philadelphia May 15th. 1801— Seeing in a paper of this City, some sketches of a Tornado, said to have fallen out at Washington on the 7th. inst. & thinking, perhaps the purport of this tempest might not be rightly understood; you will have the goodness to excuse this intrusion, in view of oCering a ray of light on this subject. This tempest stands in connexion with the several providencial & inexplicable events, wh. have been manifest at Washington, during the change of administration which hath lately taken place. I refer to the falling of the Key-Stone from the Bridge, & the unexpected displacing of Mr. Adams; to the labor of the nation in bringing in the New administration; to the Are of ODces, & to the fall of Mr. Dexter as he entered the City, his ODce at this moment on Are!— This Tempest hath relation to things under the hand of the present Executive; & the arrangment of Providence exemplifying the hidden instruction will be opened in its order—but I now tell you Sir, that moving, solely by the counsels in your presence, you have this tempest to meet. It is more than you can do to meet it, or to avert it.— The God of our Nation is of one mind, & none can turn him. There < 111>

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is an order laid down by the Supreme Architect; & whosoever now fails to work by that order will surely fall into the tempest. The designs of the Almighty are sketched out upon a Chart, not visible to all; & the operations of his providence comment upon that hidden design. SuCer me Sir, to suggest once more, that your own honor & the safety of the administration, not to say of the Nation depends upon your being so far in possession of the invisible design, as to have the rays of its power, to fall upon the Chart of your proceedings.— As it is understood that the ODce of Secre’y of the Treasury is, in a sense, vacant, it will be easy for the President to supply that ODce with an able Manager, & his own counsels with no contemptible aid. This done, a chart shall be laid before the President, by which sailing, success will be ensured. As there is no little uneasiness upon the public mind, in relation to the appointment of Mr. Gallatin to this Vacant ODce, the President may calculate, that providence opens the door for the execution of the things I state.— I am at present, in the presence of Crowded audiences, laying a foundation for a General Union among all denominations of Professing Christians, in the United States, & am gladly heard by the Clergy & people, almost without discrimination. And I shall only add, that if the matter now stated, prove not acceptable to the President, the time will come when the federal Ship will be found so far Stranded; that advice from this City will be necessary, in order to heave her oC, or to deliver her from the surchargings of the tumultuous sea, with which, as things now go, she has soon to engage.— With all due esteem David Austin ç No. 352. S. Front Street RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); addressed: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr: President, U: States, Fœderal City”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by TJ as received 19 May and so recorded in SJL. On 11 May, the Philadelphia Gazette reported that a tornado and “violent storm” visited the city of Washington, which uprooted trees, destroyed frame houses, and “considerably injured one or two of the public buildings.” Five days later, however, on 16 May, the Washing-

ton Federalist chided the Gazette for exaggerating the severity of the storm, claiming that it neither uprooted trees nor damaged any public buildings and that the only structure toppled was a privy on Greenleaf ’s Point, “which unhappily was supported by but three blocks, instead of four.” fire destroyed the war oDce on 8 Nov. 1800 and damaged the Treasury oDce on 20 Jan. 1801 (Vol. 32:435). On the same evening as the war oDce Are, Samuel dexter, returning to Washing-

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15 MAY 1801 ton after an absence of several weeks, was injured when his carriage overturned in Georgetown (Aurora, 13 Nov. 1800;

Elaine C. Everly and Howard H. Wehmann, “The War ODce Fire of 1800,” Prologue, 31 [1999], 22-35).

From John Barnes sir Friday Morning 15 May 1801 I should have waiting upon you early—this Morning (had the weather permited.)—to have presented personally—the enclosed Letter, Invoice—and sketch of your a/c—their Appearance at Arst View may alarm you—as the Amot: far exceeds—your minute of them 5th. Inst:—but when the additional stock, of sundry Necessary Articles—Imported Here and Richmond Invoice &c.—the diCerence is soon reconciled—I have yet, abt. $900. in Bank—of Columbia— for your immediate Use—in—reserve?— I am most Respectfully—sir Your Obedt. Hble servt: John Barnes The bearer waits—your Command, RC (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ; also endorsed by TJ: “Letters.” Enclosure: “Sketch” of account, 14 May (MS in ViU). Other enclosures not found.

From Robert Maxwell Sir [15 May 1801] The reign of Terror being over, and an Era commenced in which Men may think, & act freely, & enjoy their own oppinions; without being accountable to any one: I have used the freedom to inclose to you, several letters which passed between the Post Master General & myself; the sequel you will see— Political sentiments were unquestionably the cause, as I never could bring him to assign the reasons for his conduct. The subject in itself (to be sure) is triBing, but shews the spirit of the times, & the Man. One principal reason that induced me to this step, is to come forward as testimony in behalf of the Editor of the Aurora, who has several times, alluded to my case, & once or twice mentioned it, in plain terms— Nothing sycophantick is meant in this letter—I would not accept < 113>

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the oDce again, in this place—You will pursue the plan you judge most prudent; I have no doubt, yet must confess, I should be much gratiAed to see a retaliation take place on this Man— Believe me sir, when I assure you, that no one has more awful forebodings at what we have passed through, nor does any one anticipate, with more pleasure the “prospect now before us” Permit me, with thousands, & ten’s of thousands, of my Fellow Citizens, to felicitate you on the glorious change— With the Highest respect I remain your Obdt. Servt. Robt Maxwell Dupl (DLC); subjoined to Maxwell to TJ, 17 July 1801; at head of text: “Copy—sent 15 May 1801”; at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States.” RC, now missing, recorded in SJL as received from Middletown, Delaware, on 20 May 1801 with notation “S.” indicating that TJ forwarded the letter to the state department (see also TJ to Maxwell, 6 Aug. 1801). Enclosures not found, but see below. Robert Maxwell owned an estate at Saint George’s Hundred in New Castle County, Delaware. He served in the Delaware Assembly, Arst as a representative and then as a senator. In 1805 he became a justice of the peace (Scharf, History of Delaware, 2:625, 990; Henry C. Conrad, History of the State of Delaware, 3 vols. [Wilmington, Del., 1908], 1:264, 272). letters which passed between the post master general & myself:

Maxwell served as postmaster at Middletown, Delaware, from March 1792 to October 1795, when he recommended William B. Shields for the position. Maxwell was again appointed to the oDce in October 1798 after Shields resigned, but on 18 Feb. 1799, Joseph Habersham wrote Maxwell that there were “so many objections” to his holding the oDce that he would not be sending him a commission, explaining that it was his “wish to give general satisfaction in all my Appointments.” On 4 Mch., Habersham again wrote Maxwell: “The information which induced me to with hold your Commission I received from the most respectable quarters. Be assured that I would not have taken that step if it could have been avoided consistently with my duty” (DNA: RG 28, LPG; Stets, Postmasters, 105). prospect now before us: alluding to James Thomson Callender’s Prospect Before Us (Vol. 31:376-7).

Notes on a Cabinet Meeting May 15. 1801. Shall the squadron now at Norfolk be ordered to cruise in the Mediterranean what shall be the object of the cruize. Lincoln. Our men of war may repel an attack on individual vessels, but after the repulse, may not proceed to destroy the enemy’s vessels generally. Gallatin. to declare war & to make war is synonimous. the Exve cannot put us in a state of war. but if we be put into that state either < 114>

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by the decln of Congress or of the other nation, the command & direction of the public force then belongs to the Exve. Smith. if a nation commences war, the Exve is bound to apply the public force to defend the country. Dearborne. the expedition should go forward openly to protect our commerce against the threatened hostilities of Tripoli. Madison. that the cruize ot to be undertaken, & the object openly declared to every nation. all concur in the expediency of cruize. whether the captains may be authorized, if war exists, to search for & destroy the enemy’s vessels wherever they can And them?—all except mr L— agree they should; M. G. & S. think they may pursue into the harbours, but M. that they may not enter but in pursuit. a letter to the Bey of Tripoli by the President1 send a year in tribute in form of stores by a ship. send 30,000 D. by frigates on the idea that the commutn of store to money has bn. settled. MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 112:19297); entirely in TJ’s hand; on same sheet as his notes on cabinet consultations of 16, 17 May, 13 June, 22 Oct., 11 Nov. 1801, 18 Jan., 21 Oct. 1802, and 8 Apr. 1803. On 20 May, Samuel Smith ordered Captain Richard Dale to take his squadron to the mediterranean. Dale’s orders anticipated that on his arrival oC the Barbary Coast he might And Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli all at peace with the United States, or he might And that one or more of those states had declared war. In the latter case, he was to protect American commerce but also “chastise” the enemy and destroy the opponent’s vessels “wherever you shall And them.” In letters of 20 and 21 May, Madison briefed U.S. consuls in the Mediterranean region and American ministers in Britain and Europe, stating that in the case of war, Dale would make “the most eCectual use” of the squadron (ndbw, 1:465-9; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:199-201, 20915; Levi Lincoln to TJ, 16 Apr. 1801).

letter to the bey of tripoli: see below at 21 May. tribute: on signing a treaty of peace and amity with Algiers in 1795, the United States agreed to make annual payments of maritime stores worth 12,000 Algerine sequins (approximately $21,000). Recognizing that the U.S. was running behind in those annuities, TJ and Smith expected to send an additional ship, the George Washington, with timber and other stores constituting payment for at least one year. Dale’s frigates carried $30,000 in cash that TJ and his advisers hoped Mustafa Baba, the dey of Algiers, would accept in lieu of supplies for another year’s payment (ndbw, 1:466; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:213-14; Miller, Treaties, 2:303). q TJ interlined the remainder of the notes for the 15 May meeting sometime after he made the notes for the consultation of 16 May.

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From David Austin Respected Sir/ Philadelphia May 16h. Sat’y Even’g 1801. SuCer the interesting nature of my communications to apologize for their frequency. Perceiving that the ODce of Secre’y of Trea’y is Alled, & that of course, there remains no place in the Gift of the President that would invite my attention at the seat of government, I take the liberty of suggesting afresh, that the event of the Presidents comeing to the administration opens a New Æra in the Order of national things; that a system of proceeding, answering to the design of the supreme Architect is ready to be made manifest. A copy of this plan as it rispects the introductory proceedings hath already fallen from the presence of the Most High. There are other duties incumbent on the Organ of this manifestation; & the service he performs, in the name of the Great Supreme, are to be productive of the means of his support. Not more than ten thousand dollars, nor less than Ave thousand will be expected from the Executive for a Copy of this plan.—It will apply to solve every question that might arise from a consideration of the several Articles laid before the President, in the communications of a late date. That the consideration of an acknowlegement may not prove matters of OCence, you are to consider that I do not possess this talent, for nought; nor am I suCered to throw its beneAts away. “Ethiopia & Seba” shall yet leave their oCerings at the door of that Jerusalem, which inAnite Wisdom is now estabishing in this City, nor will the convulsions of the Earth cease; until the plan of paciAcan. be adopted; a copy of which I shall send to the President, in case application & conditions are presented: nor need the world to know from whence comes the intstrument of operation the Executive will possess. The Matter I shall give will be a “Leaf from the Tree of Life”; whose property it is to “heal the nations” so far as the remedy is appointed to extend. Under this salutary ministration proceeding, you advance in safety; otherwise “the Earthquake” of “the City” is before you. With due esteem, David Austin P.S. Perhaps I need not mention, that John Adams ruined himself, as to his own honor, & the favor of Heaven, by nearly two years of obstinate silence, in respect to certain duties that fell to his lot, in the order of providence, wh were duly signiAed to him. His disaster was < 116>

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Anally signiAed to him; & in friendship a resignation was recommended. His name might, to this day, have been in honor among the national performers; had he known “the day of his visitation.”— You, Sir, stand in his place, & through the portals of our National Jerusalem must go paciAcation to the Nations. And the Arbiter of all events will “overturn & overturn” until his purposes are introduced & accomplished. If the Conditions stated are not complied with by next Lord’s day, & manifest to me in this place; one thousand dollars per day will be added to the Arst sum until the wheels of invisible power shall so move as to bring the plan in question into operation. Nor shall the Treasury of the Union prevail, unless the application be accompanied by a Commission for my brother John P. Austin of New Haven, to the ODce his honor’d father lately left; of which mention hath been already made. D. Austin No. 352. So: front Street. RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); addressed: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr. Prest. U: States, City of Washington”; franked; postmarked 18 May; endorsed by TJ as received 20 May and so recorded in SJL.

From Charles Douglas Sir/ Alexandria 16th: May 1801. I cannot dispense with troubling you with my acknowledgments for your condescension in being pleased to regard my oCers of service by Mrs. Douglas. Shou’d you from any inducement honor me with your protection, I shall endeavor to be grateful; but certainly (like Dr. Johnson to the Ld: Chancellor) shall consider myself for the rest of my life “with more regard for so Battering a distinction.” But to merit your notice by some distinction, however desirable I cannot pretend, unless I might presume to say by integrity— In my profession I have acquired the usual CertiAcates.—And from Surgeons Hall, what is call’d the grand Dyploma, constituting me a Member of the Surgeons Company in London in 1777. From a long series of sickness, and anxiety in bad cases, I have been driven more than once, to attempt a change—All that I have eCected, is a sale of Drugs, which in some measure exempts me from a sick room. Sensible Sir to your peculiar situation, and as a stranger; I feel a diDdence in obtruding a petition, which wou’d be gratiAed by your notice in any line, to which common talents might recommend me. < 117>

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I will trespass, no longer on your time, but to assure you I am, and always have been with every respectful sentiment, Sir Your obliged mo: Hble Servt: Ch: Douglas RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); closing quotation marks supplied; endorsed by TJ as received 17 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” Charles Douglas (d. 1823) leased a three-story building on Prince Street in Alexandria in 1797, where he sold drugs and medical equipment, worked as a dentist, treated patients with paralytic and nervous disorders and other conditions using an “electrifying” machine, and promoted inoculation against smallpox. In 1805, the custom house at Alexandria reported that Douglas was caring for a disabled seaman. In 1811, he served as physician for the St. Andrew’s Society (James D. Munson, comp., Alexandria, Virginia, Alexandria Hustings Court: Deeds, 17831797 [Bowie, Md., 1990], 218; Miller, Alexandria Artisans, 1:111-12; T. Michael Miller, Portrait of a Town: Alexandria,

District of Columbia [Virginia], 18201830 [Bowie, Md., 1995], 106; Alexandria Advertiser and Commercial Intelligencer, 29 Mch. 1803; Alexandria Daily Advertiser, 6, 14 Apr., 24 Oct. 1804; Alexandria Daily Gazette, Commercial & Political, 4 Dec. 1809, 10 May 1811; Gallatin, Papers, 10:813). so flattering a distinction: in 1747, William Warburton, who later became bishop of Gloucester, praised Samuel Johnson as “a man of parts and genius.” James Boswell noted: “Of this Battering distinction shewn to him by Warburton, a very grateful remembrance was ever entertained by Johnson, who said, ‘He praised me at a time when praise was of value to me’” (James Boswell, Life of Samuel Johnson, ed. R. W. Chapman, rev. ed. [New York, 1970], 127-8; Pat Rogers, The Samuel Johnson Encyclopedia [Westport, Conn., 1996], 417).

From Andrew Ellicott Dear Sir Philadelphia May 16th. 1801 No two branches of science have been so much improved the last two centuries as chemistry, and the theory, and practice of navigation. The Arst may be considered the most entertaining, as furnishing a greater variety of objects for the employment of the mind; but the latter appears to have the advantage in usefulness. By navigation all portions of the world become connected, and constitute one great family.—The improvements in those branches of science were not in the Arst instance the result of reasonings founded upon theories; but on the contrary, experiments, and observations, produced the theories.—The late improvements in navigation on which I shall take the liberty of making some remarks, are principally owing to the improvement of the lunar theory, which has been eCected by observations made for that purpose in diCerent parts of Europe; and the accurate mode now practised for graduating astronomical, and other instruments; to which may be added, the use of Arnold’s watches.— As commerce is a subject of primary importance, and depends upon < 118>

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navigation in a considerable degree for the certainty, despatch and facility with which it may be carried on, it must appear singular, that the legislature of our country has wholy neglected institutions for the improvemt of astronomy, and navigation, and yet attended to a military school.—In Europe we And observatories erected, and supported, by petty Dukes, and Princes, whose whole revenues would scarcely maintain six regiments of infantry, and yet in our commercial country, which produces a large revenue, and where observatories would be more useful, they are unknown.— In order that observatories should be made immediately useful to navigation, they should be erected in the vicinity of large commercial sea-port towns, where the Masters of vessels might have their quadrants, and sextants examined, and their errors ascertained, and the going, of their time-keepers determined before they left the port.— A master of a vessel will always proceed with more conAdence, and more expeditiously, when certain of the truth of his instruments, and the uniform going of his time-piece, the latter can only be determined with the necessary precision by the practical astronomer.— Since my return from our southern boundary, I have had an opportunity of examining the going of two of Arnold’s watches, or chronometers, which for accuracy far exceeded my expectation: one of them would have made land within 30 Geographical miles, in a voyage of 5 weeks; and the other within 20 geographical miles during the same period.—On my voyage from West Florida by the way of the West Indies to St. Mary’s, I had but two Sailors, neither of whom knew the alphabet, and it was the Arst time I had ever been out of sight of land; but from a conAdence in my watches, and instruments, ventured to navigate the vessel, and made land within an hour of the time expected, without ever once heaving the log during the passage. If we suppose the voyages of 100 vessels from one of our ports, to be expedited 3 days each, from the improvement of the practise, and theory of navigation, and 10 persons allowed to each vessel, it would produce a clear saving of 4200 dollars at the rate seamen are now employed;—but this saving is of small importance, when compared to the1 safety of a vessel from her position at sea being accurately known.— The whole annual expense of supporting an observatory after being furnished with the necessary instruments, would not exceed 3500 dollars, and if erected near to one of our large sea port towns, would probably be a saving of a much larger sum to the commercial interest of the place. < 119>

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The immediate connection of observatories in Europe with navigation, appears to be neglected, except at Cadiz, where I am informed by Don Jose Joaquin de Farrar an ingenious Spanish gentleman, they are connected with great advantage to the commerce of that City: But in this country, where the bar, and profession of arms, are almost the only avenues which lead to honour, and to which consequence, and usefulness by general consent appear to be attached, such institutions I suspect would be supported with diDculty, even by the publick, unless joined to a maritime school for the navy. I have accompanied this with a few more pages of my astronomical observations, and a proof sheet of the Arst plate, which contains the references in the method used to describe the prime vertical, mentioned in pages 51, and 52.: likewise a sketch of those parts of the Mobile, Alabama, and Tensaw Rivers, with the great swamp, over which we carried the line, as described in the 83d. and 84th. pages. I feel a singular satisfaction in presenting you with this work as it comes from the press, not because you are the Arst Magistrate in a great, and free nation, but because to your knowledge of national policy, you add in a very uncommon degree, that of an intimate acquaintance with the arts, and sciences in general, and more capable than any other gentleman2 among us, of judging of its merit.— The publication of the 5th. volume of the Transactions of our Philosophical Society will be delayed for want of the charts, or the copies of them annexed to the report respecting our southern boundary.— Those charts, are the originals, and I intended to have replaced them by copies done in a better style, but in this I have been disappointed. I have the honour to be with great respect and esteem your friend and Hbl. Servt. Andw; Ellicott. RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thos. Jefferson President of the U.S. and of the American Philosophical Society”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 May and so recorded in SJL. Dft (DLC: Ellicott Papers); with day of month left blank. Enclosure: pages of Ellicott’s “Astronomical, and Thermometrical Observations, made on the Boundary between the United States and His Catholic Majesty”; the work was in press for publication in aps, Transactions, 5 (1802), 203-311, and Ellicott sent portions to TJ as they were set into type (see Ellicott to TJ, 20 Mch. 1801).

arnold’s watches: Ellicott thought highly of the chronometers developed by John Arnold of England. After Arnold’s death in 1799, his son continued the production of timepieces (Bedini, Statesman of Science, 347-8; Vaudrey Mercer, John Arnold & Son Chronometer Makers, 17621843 [London, 1972], 147; dnb). José Joaquín Ferrer y Cafranga was educated in mathematics and astronomy and had collaborated with scientists at the observatory at cadiz, but he was also engaged in commercial activities that took him to various locations in the Americas. Fluent in English, he lived in New York

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16 MAY 1801 for several years beginning in 1799. He became a member of the American Philosophical Society in April 1801 (José M. López Piñero and others, Diccionario Histórico de la Ciencia Moderna en Es-

paña, 2 vols. [Barcelona, 1983], 1:345-6; aps, Proceedings, 22, pt. 3 [1884], 311). q MS: “compared the the.” r Ellicott here canceled “of my acq.”

From Arthur Fenner Sir Providence May 16th 1801. Having occasion for the Arst time to adress you in my individual capacity since your elevation to the presidency of the United States I beg leave to congratulate you on that event and to express my earnest wishes that it may be productive of happiness to yourself and prosperity to our Country— By the promotion of David L Barnes which to be sincere with you was unexpected [. . .]d unlooked for by your friend here the ODce of District Attorney in this State has for a time [. . .]ne vacant—Many Candidates have already applied to me for recommendations for this ODce and I have felt myself under the Necessity of weighing with impartiality the qualiAcations of the applicants—I have considered integrity and talents as indispensable requisites and being unable to And them Possessed by a Lawer here who advocated your election, I have sought for one who was the most Modest and Consid in his opposition. David Howell Esquire is certainly the fairest Candidate— He is a Man of the highest iminence in his profession—possessed of a strong and comprehensive mind richly embellished with uncommon erudition—He will I am persuaded lend his support with head and heart to your Administration, and the propriety of his appointment will be acknowledged by all parties—I take the liberty of giving him my best recommendation for the ODce in question and to assure you that his appointment thereto would be very agreeable to me & acceptable to him. Accept the homage of my respect and believe me to be Personally & Politically Your Friend Arthur Fenner. RC (DLC); damaged; at foot of text: “Excellency Thos JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 25 May and so recorded in SJL. individual capacity: his most recent letter as governor was dated 12 May. See

the General Assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations to TJ, 9 May. TJ decided to name david howell as Barnes’s successor for U.S. district attorney for Rhode Island on 25 May (dab; Kline, Burr, 1:587-8; Vol. 27:194; Vol. 33:670).

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From Hugh Ferguson Respected sir Philada. May 16th 1801 The undersigned, A Native Citizen of the State of Pennsylvania, begs leave to oCer his service to the President in the execution of Such oDce as he may be pleased to confer on him. The undersigned thinks it not improper to mention for the information of the President, that in December 1776 he was Solicited by General MiEin to take charge of Quarter-master generals Department for Chester County, while he was young and inexperienced, and that he executed the trust together with the oDce of Commissary, with usefulness to the United States, and a degree of reputation to himself, until Augt. 1777 when he Resigned his trust.—During his continuance in oDce, he did not purchase any article for the Use of the United States on their Credit, and not being able to procure a Supply of Money owing to the then low state of the Treasury, it then became necessary for him to expend his private purce and Credit, or the Public Service must SuCer derangement.— He did not hesitate what part to act, but expended freely for the Service with which he was charged, and on his Resignation he found himself in Advance to the U States upward of Four Thousand Dollars.— Haveing thus divested myself of my Stock in trade by my Service to the Public, I was cast on the Bounty of my Father for upwards of Six years in the prime of Youthfull ardour.—And after obtaining A Settlement of my Accounts, I received little more than half the Sum due me in A CertiAcate, which I was compeled to Sell for less than one third of the nominal amount, in order to procure A Small stock to begin Bussiness Again.—I doubt not sir on reviewing the foregoing statement, you will be of opinion with me, that I have born more than my proportion of the expence of our Glorious Revolution.— I have not Stated the foregoing with the view that it should have an impression on the President Unless my conduct through life Shall appear in A Satisfactory point of View, and my qualiAcations equal to the performance of the dutys of the ODce which may be assigned to me.— My Profession through life has been of the Merchantile kind, I therefore trust that I would be able to execute with Reputation to myself, and Usefullness to the United States, the oDce of Surveyor of the Port, or Naval oDcer, or Purveyor of Supplys This sir will be handed to you by my much esteemed friend John < 122>

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Beckley Esqr. who will give Such information respecting me as I hope will be Satisfactory.— I am Most Respectfully sir your Most Obedt. Servt Hugh Ferguson RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at head of text: “To Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 20 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” Hugh Ferguson, a Philadelphia merchant, was elected treasurer of the Democratic Society of Pennsylvania in 1795. As an active JeCersonian Republican, he served as chair of the arrangements committee and presided over the celebration of TJ’s inauguration in Philadelphia on 4 Mch. Beginning in 1801, Ferguson served several terms as a Philadelphia representative in the Pennsylvania Assembly. He later held oDce in the Pennsylvania Society for the Encouragement of Manufactures and the Useful Arts and the Philadelphia Society for the Encour-

agement of Domestick Manufactures. In 1807, Ferguson was appointed a director of the Bank of Pennsylvania (Journal of the First Session of the Twelfth House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Lancaster, 1801, i.e., 1802], 3; Journal of the Fifteenth House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Lancaster, 1804, i.e., 1805], 3; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1800, 48; Aurora, 3 Jan., 29 May 1795, 3 Mch. 1801; Gazette of the United States, 17 Mch. 1803; United States’ Gazette, 22 Mch. 1806, 31 Jan. 1807). information respecting me: Ferguson also urged Gallatin and Alexander J. Dallas to exert their inBuence with the president on his behalf (Gallatin, Papers, 5:248-9, 489-90).

To William Jones Dear Sir Washington May 16. 1801. General Smith has so far enabled us to get along with the navy department, by undertaking it’s direction without accepting the [commission], emoluments, or any thing which might vacate his seat in the H. of Representatives. but he will soon be obliged to relinquish it, so that I must make an appointment. before I do so I cannot deny myself the chance that a further view of the subject may have reconciled you to the undertaking. it is on this ground I repeat the proposition, with a declaration of my earnest wish that it may have become acceptable. in the other departments I have every thing I could desire, the US [I am?] convinced not furnishing a single person who could take the place of [. . .] of my coadjutors to the superior beneAt of the public. if I could see the [Navy] department as well Alled, my satisfaction would be compleat, and my conAdence entire that whatever wisdom & integrity could do for our country would be ensured to it by such an administration. it is in the fervor of this wish that I again submit to your civism the request to accept of the appointment, and ask as prompt an answer as the time you < 123>

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may choose to take for consideration will admit. accept assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “William Jones esq.”

From Blair McClenachan Sir Philadelphia May 16th: 1801. My past misfortunes and the straitness of my present circumstances induce me to trouble You with the present application. I have little or nothing left for my future support. I am a dependant upon my children. I hope my past services to the cause of my Country throughout the whole of the revolutionary War, will entitle me to request, that if any oDce should be vacant to which You can with propriety recommend me, I hope You will have the goodness to rembenber Sir Your very faithful friend & Svt Blair Mclenachan RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 20 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.”

Blair McClenachan (d. 1812), an Irish native who settled in Philadelphia, served as a Republican representative from Pennsylvania in the Fifth Congress (Biog. Dir. Cong.).

From Thomas Newton Dear Sir Norfolk May 16—1801 I Received the second part of the bills this post, for which I am much obliged to you, I wrote you that I had reserved 2 pipes of the Brasil & recommended some of the London particular for table use, the latter is the kind sent to Richmond, it is of good quality & equal to any imported of the kind 3 years old. There was only 10 pipes of the Brasil come in, if any more than the two I wrote you of is on hand they shall be reserved for you the time of payment will do for it. 3 or 4 Months hence & should you choose it I will take care to have a yearly supply if accidents of war &c doth not prevent it. The Cyder I am afraid is not to be had here, I shall write to some of my acquaintances in Isle Wight &c & try to get some. I am with the greatest respect Yr. obt Thos Newton I beg the favor of you to send mr Smith the inclosed < 124>

16 MAY 1801 RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 21 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Newton to “Dr Sir,” 16 May, stating that the land he wrote to James Monroe about is at the mouth of Tanner’s Creek near Sewells Point “& a proper place for public use, it is almost a bank of sand, a good Ashing place & would be of great service to the US for recreating Crews of the ships War, in case of sickness &c in

tents & huts, it is a desireable object for public use & nothing can be lost, for if time should come that it is not wanting it will amply pay the Costs of it” (RC in same; endorsed by TJ as received 21 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “N”; also endorsed by TJ: “refd to the Secy. of the Navy Th:J.”). i wrote you: Newton to TJ, 13 May.

Notes on a Cabinet Meeting May 16. Murder commd by Moorhead & Little, British subjects on a person within the limits of the US. the case of Govr. Pinckney & Quesade is quoted. also the demand by mr Liston of Secretary Pickering contra. unanimous not to demand the accessories to the murder. but the murderers to be demanded. Govr. Serjeant not to be reappointed. unanimous. MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 112:19297); entirely in TJ’s hand; follows, on same sheet, the Notes on a Cabinet Meeting of 15 May. In 1791, Charles pinckney, then governor of South Carolina, drafted a letter to Governor Juan Nepomuceno de Quesada of Florida asking for the extradition of two accused counterfeiters. George Washington referred the question to TJ, the secretary of state. At the time, the United States had no extradition convention with any nation. TJ maintained that the United States must not place itself under obligation to turn over refugees who might be guilty of “acts rendered criminal by tyrannical laws only.” Since the United States would not hand over fugitives in the absence of a formal agreement governing extradition, it could not, TJ argued, make the demand of Spain. Pinckney reluctantly let the matter drop, but not without urging that the United States negotiate an extradition convention with Spain. TJ drew up a detailed proposal, but the two countries were unable to come to an agreement (Vol.

19:433-5; Vol. 22:266-8; Vol. 23:32732). Article 27 of the Jay Treaty, which provided for the surrender of murderers and forgers, was the Arst agreement on extradition between the United States and another nation. Under its provisions Robert liston, the British minister to the U.S., successfully requested in 1799 that accused mutineer Jonathan Robbins be handed over to British authorities. The case was politically controversial, in no small part due to Robbins’s claim of American citizenship, and TJ lauded a pamphlet that Pinckney wrote decrying the extradition (John Bassett Moore, A Treatise on Extradition and Interstate Rendition, 2 vols. [Boston, 1891], 1:8990; Larry D. Cress, “The Jonathan Robbins Incident: Extradition and the Separation of Powers in the Adams Administration,” Essex Institute Historical Collections, 111 [1975], 99-121; Vol. 31:226-8; Vol. 32:33-4). In a letter of 16 June, Madison informed Winthrop Sargent, whose term as governor of the Mississippi Territory expired on 7 May, that he had not been

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16 MAY 1801 reappointed. Sargent’s tenure in the oDce had “not been so fortunate as to secure the general harmony and the mutual attachment between the people and the public functionaries so particularly necessary for the prosperity and happiness of

an infant establishment.” TJ privately noted the reasons for Sargent’s removal as “malconduct, & his brutal & odious deportment generally” (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:320-1; Vol. 33:669, 671).

From Richard Rogers Sir. New York May 16. 1801 The Liberty I am about taking of addressing the Chief Magistrate of my Country will I trust to your benevolence be Excused when I state my motives for so doing— Various reports respecting an alteration in the civil Establishment of the United States—particularly in the Revenue department—naturally has created an Alarm among the oDcers at present Alling these situations I deem it a duty I owe you Sir—and myself to state what has appeared to many an honest claim to a Continuance in the oDce I have the honor of holding under the general Government. I have Sir for upwards of fourteen years been in the public service— in the Commissions oDce for settling the accounts of the marine & other accounts under the old Confederation—in the Comptrollers department of the Treasury under the present—& Eleven years in the Naval oDce of this port—Seven as Deputy under Co. Walker four as principal to which I had the honor of being appointed by General Washington, on Co. Walkers resigning— How I have discharged the duties of this arduous oDce Is not for me to say—The oDcers of the Treasury & Gentlemen of the mercantile Interest here are the best Judges, & to their Judjment I can I beleive rely with a good & honest ConAdence— As Justice to myself & family has induced me thus to address you Sir—& in an interview I had some days ago with the Vice president he did me the honor of saying, that if called upon he would readily give his testimony in my favor— I have the Honor to be With great Respect, Sir Your Most Obedient, Most Humble Servant, R Rogers RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “The president of the united states”; endorsed by TJ as received 20 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” Richard Rogers (ca. 1748-1820) was a

native of England and Loyalist during the Revolutionary War, when he was employed in the British admiralty court. He became naval oDcer for the port of New York in 1797, following the resignation of Benjamin walker. Although denounced

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17 M AY 1801 as an obnoxious Federalist by many New York Republicans, Rogers was also acknowledged to be a capable and competent oDcer. These latter circumstances would help delay his removal from oDce until 10 May 1803, when TJ replaced him with Samuel Osgood (jep, 1:226; Vol. 33:673; Denniston & Cheetham to

TJ, 12 June 1801; Albert Gallatin to TJ, 12 Sep. 1801). In a letter of 18 May to Samuel Smith, Burr recalled his interview with Rogers, stating “that if asked, I should say that I had heard that he executed the duties of his oDce with punctuality” (Kline, Burr, 1:582).

To George Clinton Dear Sir Washington May 17. 1801. To you I need not make the observation that of all the duties imposed on the Executive head of a government, appointment to oDce is the most diDcult & most irksome. you have had long experience of it, and are I hope by this time ascertained of being in the way of experiencing it again, on which accept my sincere congratulations. disposed myself to make as few changes in oDce as possible, to endeavor to restore harmony by avoiding every thing harsh, and to remove only for malconduct, I have nevertheless been persuaded that circumstances in your state, and still more in the neighboring states on both sides, require something more. it is represented that the Collector, Naval oDcer, & Supervisor ought all to be removed for the violence of their characters & conduct. the following arrangement was agreed on by Colo. Burr & some of your Senators & representatives David Gelston, collector, Theodorus Bailey Naval oDcer, & M. L. Davis supervisor. yet all did not agree in all the particulars, & I have since recieved letters expressly stating that mr Bailey has not readiness & habit enough of business for the oDce of Naval oDcer, and some suggestions that mr Davis’s standing in society & other circumstances will render his not a respectable appointment to the important oDce of Supervisor. unacquainted myself with these & the other characters in the state which might be proper for these oDces, and forced to decide on the opinions of others, there is no one whose opinion would command with me greater respect than yours, if you would be so good as to advise me, which of these characters & what others would be Attest for these oDces. not only competent talents, but respectability in the public estimation are to be considered. you may be assured that your information to me shall be conAdential, & used only to inform my own judgment. we also want a Marshal for the Albany district. S. Southwick had been thought of, but he will not accept. will you be so good as to propose one? hoping for your friendly aid in < 127>

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these appointments, I pray you to accept assurances of my perfect esteem and high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (Sunset Historical Gallery, Inc., Asbury Park, New Jersey, 1992); addressed: “George Clinton esq. New York”; franked; postmarked 18 May; endorsed by Clinton: “ConAdential.” PrC (DLC). long experience: Clinton served six successive terms as governor of New York from 1777 to 1795. He ran successfully for governor again in late April 1801 (anb; Kline, Burr, 1:573n, 575). arrangement was agreed on: see

Vol. 33:330. For aspersions against Theodorus bailey, see Burr to TJ, 21 Apr. Burr also wrote Samuel Smith and Gallatin that Bailey was “incompetent to the duties” of naval oDcer. Burr wanted Smith to communicate to the president his views on Bailey (Kline, Burr, 1:55860, 566, 569). davis’s standing in society: see Marinus Willett to TJ, 4 May. See Solomon southwick to TJ, 11 Apr., for Southwick’s refusal to accept the position as marshal.

From Thomas Cooper Sir Philadelphia May 17: 1801 I feel myself at present not in the act of asking a favour but of doing my Duty. A proper respect to your important avocations must furnish an excuse for my saying very brieBy what I have to suggest. I have heard that numerous improvements, particularly many public buildings are contemplated at Washington City. It is impossible that any thing of this kind can be meditated without your feeling yourself interested in the taste of the execution. I feel anxious that the tawdry stile of Architecture which I have hitherto witnessed in this Country shd. be corrected by chaster examples. M La Trobe, who certainly has taste and Science, and Perseverance and integrity, has Anished much to his own credit the water works of this City, and the Bank of Pennsylvania. So far as I can judge they will do honour to the national taste by the unobtrusive, unoCending, & elegant chastity of the Stile in which they are Anished. La Trobe is out of employ & I beg of you to excuse the present attempt to introduce him to your notice, by Sir Your sincere friend Thomas Cooper RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 20 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “for LaTrobe. OC.” For the Philadelphia water works and the Bank of Pennsylvania designed

by Benjamin Henry Latrobe, see JeCrey A. Cohen and Charles E. Brownell, eds., The Architectural Drawings of Benjamin Henry Latrobe, 2 vols. (New Haven, 1994), 2, pt. 1:188-254.

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Notes on a Cabinet Meeting May 17. Treaty proposed with Cherokees. agreed unanimously. Object. 1. to obtain the lands between Sumner & Mero district, oCering as far as an annuity of 1000. D. and a sum in gross not exceeding 5000. D. 2. if not obtainable, then buy all the accomodns on the road between the two districts at such sum in gross as the Commrs. think At. to treat with Chickasaws. 1. to buy their lands North of Kentuckey boundary. 2. to obtain road & houses of accomodn for travellers from Tennissee towds Natchez. but if treating for the lands is oCensive to Chickasaws then conAne their proposn to the road. price discretionary in Commrs to treat with Choctaws for road. price discretionary. they use to Ax on the 3. trading posts reserved in our former treaties to treat with the Creeks. 1. for the purchase of the Talassee county. 2. for the fork of Oakmulgee & Oconey. but all instrn and further decision as to this to be postponed till we take up the treaty with Georgia. a letter to be written to the Georgia commrs to know if they will cede the Missi territory in exchange for Talassee & Oakmulgee fork. Davie, Wilkinson, and Hawkins Suppress the missions to the U. Netherlds. Portugal.1 &, Prussia. send none to Denmark Removals. all recent to be considd. as non avenues. Marshals & Attornies to be removed where federal, except in particular cases. N.H. the Marshal tho’ a federalist ot not to be removd. because of his connections. Sherburne to be atty vice Livermore Maine. Davis to be removed as he will not resign. he is violent.2 < 129>

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Mass. not change the Marshall tho’ federal. he is moderate & prudent & will be republican ⻫ R.I. if Barnes accepts commn of Judge, mr Lincoln will enquire & recommd Atty. or judge. Conn. Enoch Parsons to be Marshal Delaware. Hamilton Marshl. to be removed. enquire for substitute. Read Atty to be contind. Maryld. Hollingsworth not to be removd till after September. he is incapable Customs the Collector vice John Lee. wait for further informn ⻫ Saml. Bishop. Collector at New haven Alexr. Wolcott Collector Middletown N.J. John Hurd to be collector of3 the port of Amboy vice Bell. Excise. Connect. Kirby vice John Chester. MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 112:19297); entirely in TJ’s hand; follows, on same sheet, Notes on a Cabinet Meeting of 16 May. Before TJ even took oDce as president, the U.S. senators from Tennessee urged him to follow through with an appropriation made in May 1800 for a treaty with Indians south of the Ohio River. Abraham Baldwin and Benjamin Taliaferro of Georgia then pointed to a 1799 appropriation for new negotiations with the Creek Indians on the subject of land. TJ named William R. Davie, James Wilkinson, and Benjamin Hawkins commissioners to negotiate with the Cherokees, the Choctaws, and the Chickasaws for cessions of land to the United States and the right of way for a road. Henry Dearborn signed the commissioners’ instructions on 24 June. After hearing complaints from a Cherokee delegation in Washington, Dearborn and TJ modiAed the instructions with regard to that tribe, asking the commissioners to concentrate their eCorts solely on obtaining permission for a road. Although the commission-

ers concluded treaties with the Chickasaws and the Choctaws, the Cherokees refused to negotiate even on the question of right of way. On 17 July 1801, Dearborn issued instructions for separate talks with the Creeks, but that negotiation did not take place until 1802 (asp, Indian Affairs, 1:648-53, 656-63, 668-81; Joseph Anderson and William Cocke to TJ, 26 Feb., 5 Mch. 1801; Baldwin and Taliaferro to TJ, 5 Mch. 1801; Reply to a Cherokee Delegation, at 3 July below). mero district was an old designation by the North Carolina government for the region that included Nashville and the Cumberland River settlements (Harold D. Moser and others, eds., The Papers of Andrew Jackson, 6 vols. [Knoxville, 1980- ], 1:13n, 17n). treaty with georgia: see TJ to Abraham Baldwin, 13 July. suppress the missions: on 1 June Madison signed letters recalling William Vans Murray, the U.S. minister to the Batavian Republic, and William Loughton Smith, minister to Portugal. John Quincy Adams had previously received permission to step down from his post at

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18 MAY 1801 Berlin. By way of explanation for closing the legations, Madison cited TJ’s desire to limit expenses and an intention to maintain only the most essential diplomatic ties to European nations. For the recalls, see also TJ to the Executive Directory of the Batavian Republic, 30 May (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:124-5, 246, 255). Bradbury Cilley was the federal marshal for New Hampshire. TJ replaced him in the spring of 1802, when Cilley’s term expired. In July 1801, TJ named John S. sherburne the U.S. attorney for that state in place of Edward St. Loe livermore, who was appointed in the last days of the Adams administration but had not received his commission (jep, 1:402, 422; Vol. 33:15, 676, 679). Daniel davis gave up his position as the government’s attorney for the district of Maine in favor of a state judgeship, and late in July TJ appointed Silas Lee to succeed him (jep, 1:401; Vol. 33:219, 677). mass.: John Adams had reap-

pointed Samuel Bradford as the marshal for the district of Massachusetts in December 1800, renewing an appointment made originally by George Washington. TJ changed his mind about making enoch parsons the marshal for Connecticut; see the note to Gideon Granger to TJ, 15 Apr. 1801. In July, TJ named Joel Lewis to replace Robert hamilton, whose commission had expired. Zebulon hollingsworth was Arst appointed attorney for the Maryland district in 1792 (jep, 1:125, 216, 362; Vol. 33:671, 676). customs: for TJ’s strong desire to remove John Lee, his appointment of Samuel Bishop, Alexander Wolcott, and John Heard to customs positions, and his naming of Ephraim Kirby as supervisor of the revenue for Connecticut, see Vol. 33:183-4, 219-20, 330, 669-73, 675-8. q TJ Arst wrote “U. Netherlds. & Portugal,” ending the sentence here. r TJ interlined the entry for Maine. s MS: “of of.”

From David Leonard Barnes Sir Providence May 18th 1801. I should do great injustice to my own feelings, if I did not in addition to the usual Letter to the Secretary of State, declaring my acceptance of the appointment as District Judge, trouble you with this personally, to acknowledge the high sense I have of the honor done me, by that appointment both on account of the conAdence you have thought proper to place in me, and the very friendly manner in which it has been done I never doubted but that Mr. Greens appointment was unconstitutional, though he informed me that a majority of the Senate were of a contrary opinion—I told him however that if he was eventually appointed, I presumed his Commission would be a temporary one, as I was fully convinced any other Commission, would expire with the next Session of the Senate—The Letter from the Honorable Levi Lincoln was so very explicit, the principles so self evident, and the inference so conclusive, that I believe there is not a doubt remaining on the mind of any reasonable man who has seen it— In addition to its having excited in me a degree of sinsibility which I cannot express, it has quieted the doubts and apprehensions of all candid men and fully conArmed the conAdence in your administration < 131>

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which the people of this State were before disposed to indulge—I doubted at Arst about the propriety of shewing it, but upon consideration, was convinced it would have the eCect it has produced—If I had not shewn it, Jealousy the oCspring of disappointment, would have started a thousand suggestions that I had endeavoured to obtain the oDce to the exclusion of Mr Green—These are now entirely prevented—and the conAdence of my fellow citizens, with which I have been Battered for some time past, I And is encreas’d by this appointment, and of course it gives me an opportunity, as far as is consistent with the duty of the oDce I retain, to be the more useful, in the support of the wise and prudent measures which I have every reason to believe you will pursue and will characterize your Administration— With Sentiments of the highest Respect I have the Honor to be your most Obedt Servt David Leonard Barnes RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Honorable Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 25 May and so recorded in SJL. Massachusetts native David Leonard Barnes (1760-1812) graduated from Harvard in 1780, then read law before establishing a legal practice in Taunton in 1783. Relocating to Providence in 1793, he was appointed U.S. attorney for Rhode Island in 1797. On 30 Apr. 1801, TJ appointed Barnes U.S. district judge for Rhode Island in place of Ray greene, a Federalist senator and a midnight appointee of John Adams whose commis-

sion inadvertently named him to the U.S. circuit court instead of the district court. Barnes remained district judge until his death on 3 Nov. 1812 (Biographical Directory of the Federal Judiciary, 1789-2000 [Lanham, Md., 2001], 365; jep, 1:252; Providence Gazette, 7 Nov. 1812; Vol. 33:671, 675; Theodore Foster to TJ, 28 Apr. 1801). Barnes wrote James Madison on 14 May, acknowledging receipt of a 1 May letter from the acting secretary of state, levi lincoln, which enclosed his commission as district judge (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:173).

From Joseph Barnes Messina Sicily May 18th. 1801

Not having an opportunity directly, I had the pleasure of addressing you, Mr. JeCerson, on the 7th Ult to care of Mr. Appleton, Consul of the U.S. at Leghorn—expressive of the high gratiAcation I reced. from the certain information of your being prefered to the Presidency of the United States—refering you to my Letter dated Naples Sepr. 27th. 18001—for my sentiments of the presumptive happy eCects which will be the result repeated specially in that dated Messina Decer. 1800—and for the very bad representation of the United States in the Consulates in these Countries, and my sugges< 132>

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tions relative to improving the same & principle to be adhered to in the appointments to All the consulates—and a proCer of my services—that pr Mr. Couley of Newyork I enclosed you a Copy March 19th. 1801—and by Capn. Sawyer of Boston April the 10th. the Original address unsolicited of several of my Countrymen, whose names are thereto subscribed, Recommending me, for the reasons therein speciAed, to the approbation of the President of the United States for consul general or Commercial agent of the U.S. to the two Sicilies & Naples—to which I again beg to refer you; that you would probably receive a Letter from a Mr Broadbent, an Englishman of this place, enclosing a Copy of a paper which I had been the means of obtaining in conAdence purporting him to be Agent for the Americans simply to save him from the necessity of Leaving this Island under the order for all english to Leave the Country—to elucidate the apparent inconsistency, caused by a violation of our conAdence, having an opportunity directly by a Countryman, I have thus hinted, knowing that a suggestion is enough to a Sage—And, have taken the Liberty,—knowing Mr JeCerson’s time & attention must necessarily be much engaged with the important concerns of State, being Chief Magistrate of the United States, of thus recalling his attention to my former Letter & the recommendation of my fellow Citizens, speciAed above, And to the Objects therein purported.— Considering myself happy only in proportion as I am instrumental in promoting the interest & happiness of others especially of my Countrymen & country; perceiving the great necessity and Aeld, and wanting only the power to Act, being the motives by which I am prompted, an apology would be oCering an insult to Mr JeCerson, whose disposition to promote the interest & happiness of Not only his fellow Citizens but of the Whole human race, is such, that whatever tends to this great object either directly or indirectly he will consider not trouble, but pleasure.— That circumstances may combine equal to the disposition of Mr JeCerson to eCect this great object, & that he may be Long prefer’d to & continued in the Presidency, are among my Arst wishes for his health & happiness with perfect esteem I remain Mr JeCerson yours most respectfully Jos: Barnes of Virginia P.S.—The commerce of the United States having so increased especially to the Sicilian & Neapolitan States & being of So Valuable a Nature as to merit the immediate attention & Patronage of the United < 133>

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States for the simple reason no money is requisite to bring to these States the Citizens of the U.S. have & can exchange the produce of the West Indies either for money or what is more valuable the produce of these States and of the Lavant to great advantage. And, as this advantageous trade is now suspended in consequence of the declaration of the Bey of Tripoli—have heretofore suggested, that no time ought, nor I am persuaded under the Presidency of Mr. JeCerson will have been Lost in dispatching 2 or 3. Frigates with a Commissioner to settle the Matter with him2—holding it a Maxim, ’tis better to pay than suCer the spoilations of these Barbarians—for the Liberty of our fellow Citizens, independent of the property of even one Vessel richly Laden is of more importance than what money we may compromise for—’tis said Tripolitan cruisers have been seen oC the coast of Sicily, in consequence an American Vessel of Charleston is now detained in this Port—you will have been informed of the English having forced a Landing near Alexandria in Egypt, & faught the most desperate & Bloody Battle that has Occurred since the War—which will in some degree retrieve their Military character; tho’ they kept the ground, & tho’ they should be so fortunate as to force Alexandria, yet as the Turks & the Climate are against them, the presumption they will shortly be compelled to Leave the country with the dead Loss of all the expence of the men Lost & money expended in the expedition— The great Despot of the East Paul the Arst being dead (on which I congratulate the human race,) & the total change of Ministers in England are circumstances which presage a general Peace—which hope will be the happy result this Summer. once more Adieu— RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); above postscript: “H.E. Thos. JeCerson President of the U.S.A.”; endorsed by TJ as received 10 Oct. and so recorded in SJL. landing near alexandria: Barnes

mentioned the commencement of the British campaign in Egypt in his letter to TJ of 10 Apr. 1801. q MS: “1801.” r MS: “settle the Matter him.”

From Thomas Claxton Honor’d Sir City of Washington May 18, 1801 I am preparing to Start from this place for Philadelphia on Thursday next, and beg leave to lay before you a view of such Articles as appear to me to be necessary for the further completion of the < 134>

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furnishing of the Presidents House—Nothing Sir, would trouble my mind more than, (by progressing according to my own ideas, without your concurrence) to derange any plan which you may have formed with respect to the expenditure of the balance of the fund yet on hand. For this reason, Sir, I have taken the liberty of troubling you at this time—I shall do myself the honor of waiting on you on Wednesday for your determination The Arst thing, Sir, is the President’s Drawing Room which you have already mentioned a desire to have completed—For this will be required A Brussels Carpet 4 Window Curtains, (none being necessary for the doors until altered 4 Girandols 3 Dozen chairs—cheapest that will answer are similar to those now in the President’s house—black & gold The Cabinet ware necessary can be had here 2d The Windows on each side of the north front door are much in want of curtains as well as the window at the foot of the family Starecase— 3d 4 Curtains for the windows of the Lodging Room and oDce of the private Secretary 4th Curtains for all the windows on the second story of the north front as far as Anished The following articles are stated to be wanting by the Steward & Cook Steward—5 pair brass Candlesticks 4 Brass Patent Lamps 1 large dish kettle—cast iron 3 Common beds for Servants With respect to the curtains, Sir, some of them may be low priced articles which will answer as well for an outside appearance as if they were better I have the Honor to be Sir with the greatest respect & esteem Your most obt. Svt. Thos. Claxton P.S. I, long since, intended to procure a good Spy Glass, which I think is much wanting for the convenience of the House—1 RC (MHi); endorsed by TJ as received 18 May and so recorded in SJL. TJ converted a south-facing oval room (now known as the Blue Room), which

the Adams administration used as an entrance hall during its brief four-month occupation of the President’s House, into the president’s drawing room. Simultaneously, TJ restored the main front

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18 MAY 1801 to the north side of the house. lodging room and office of the private secretary: two adjoining rooms built by TJ’s direction on the south end of the East Room. steward: Joseph Rapin.

cook: Honoré Julien (Seale, The President’s House, 1:83, 91, 93, 94; mb, 2:1035, 1040). q Partially erased: “and which I.”

From Albert Gallatin Sir, Treasury Department May 18th. 1801 The valuations & enumerations for the State of South Carolina, directed to be made under the Act entitled “An Act to provide for the valuation of lands and dwelling Houses and the enumeration of Slaves within the United States,” are not yet completed. Mr. William A. Deas late Commissioner for the Arst division of that State, resigned his Commission on the 10th. of October last, and his vacancy has not yet been Alled.—It appears impossible that the assessment should be completed unless an appointment shall take place. I have the honour to be very respectfully Sir Your obedient Servant Albert Gallatiin RC (DLC); in clerk’s hand, signed by Gallatin; at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC”; also endorsed by TJ: “S. Carola. a Commr. for the direct tax wanted.” President Adams had trouble Anding a person to serve as Arst commissioner of valuations for the Direct Tax in south carolina. Between July 1798 and May 1800 he appointed Arnoldus Vander-

horst, John Huger, Daniel Hall, Simeon Theus, and william a. deas to the position. Vanderhorst and Hall declined the appointment and the others resigned after serving less than a year (jep, 1:288, 296, 329, 337, 350-1). Writing John Drayton on 15 July 1801, TJ reviewed his diDculties in Alling the position and requested the governor’s help. In late July, Charleston attorney Edward Darrell accepted the commission (see Vol. 33:331, 332n, 513; John Drayton to TJ, 29 July 1801).

From Levi Hunt, Jr. Dear Sir— Preston (Con) 18th May—1801— Permit me for a moment to solicit your attention from the aCairs of a great nation to the situation of an unfortunate young man—nothing but a profound sense of the generosity of your character, and a conviction of the absolute necessity of the measure, could persuade me to make this almost desperate attempt to recover from the embarrassed state of my aCairs— My Father the Revd Levi Hunt, of Preston (Con) gave me early a < 136>

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domestic education—and at the age of 15 (in the year 98) I was entered freshman into Rhode Island College—his kind solicitude for my welfare assisted me through my Arst year; at the commencement of my second he informed me he could help me no longer, but if by my own exertions—I could continue in College it was his desire that I should—An anxious desire of improvement in science and relying on my youth determened me to pursue my studies—I am now entering on the last term of my junior year & And myself in debt to the amount of One hundred and Afty Dollars to borrow which sum is the object of my present address to you—If you should be pleased to answer my wishes I bind myself by every tie of Gratitude & honour to repay the sum in the following manner Viz—Afty Dollars—1st of April 1803— Afty Dolls—1st October 1803 and the remaining Afty the 1st of April 1804—I name these periods knowing it will be in my power to fulAll my engagement—If you should see At to assist me please to [direct] to Providence (R.I.) where I shall await y[our] answer—Permit me Sir to mingle my prayer with those of a great people, that your life may be long, usefull, & happy— I am Sir your Obedient humble Servant— Levi Hunt Jun— P.S. As my receiving a Letter from you Sir would be a matter of wonder will you be so good as not to frank your answer if you should see At to comply with my request— Levi Hunt Jun— RC (DLC); torn at seal; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson Esquire President of the U.S. City of Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 May and so recorded in SJL. Although no record has been found to indicate that TJ replied or sent payment, the nineteen-year-old Levi Hunt completed his studies and received his bachelor’s

degree on 1 Sep. 1802 from the College of Rhode Island, where TJ had received an honorary doctor of law degree in 1787 (Boston Mercury and New-England Palladium, 7 Sep. 1802; Catalogus eorum qui in Collegio Rhodiae Insulae quod est Providentiae, ab anno MDCCLXIX ad annum MDCCCI, Alicujus Gradus Laurea donati sunt [Providence, 1801], Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 241).

From Richard Richardson Dr. Sir Richmond May 18th 1801 a letter addrested to mr Jones of this place I think Conserns me. I think I must be the person to whome the inquirey makes mention of as I no of no one Else by my name who was with you at that time and of no person being at philadelphia with you about that time and after takeing leave of you In Philadelphia I went on to new york and saw < 137>

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this man whome it is said is dead I should be glad to have your advice on this subject it is worthey of my attention Should you think proper to give me your advice1 on this subject you will be good Enough to send me a CertiAcate to Certify that I was on with you to Philadelphia and about that time and any advice from you on the subject will be vearey thankfuley Recievd by your vearey Humble servent Rd. Richardson Ps you will be good Enough to remit me the balance due me as I shall be in great want. I am yours Rd Rdson RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Mr Th. Jefferson”; endorsed by TJ as received 22 May and so recorded in SJL. On 17 May 1800, Jonathan Morton wrote Meriwether jones from Jamaica requesting that he publish a query in the Richmond Examiner for the location of a young man named Richard Richardson, who had traveled with TJ, while vice president, from Virginia to Philadelphia “to learn the art” of stonecutting. Ac-

cording to the account, Richardson visited New York in 1798 and met a Joseph Richardson from Jamaica. Joseph Richardson died shortly after he returned to the West Indies and left his newfound relative in the United States about £3,000 worth of property (RC in MHi). send me a certificate: see enclosure at TJ to Richardson, 1 June 1801. q MS: “advie.”

From Thomas Truxtun Sir Norfolk May 18th. 1801 I have taken the liberty of addressing you personally as to my situation in the establishment of the Navy—a member of which I became, not from any pecuniary consideration, but from motives of Patriotism, and a pure love of Country and the Service. In the year 1794 when the Arst attempt was made towards a marine armament under the present Government of the United States—an act of Congress (as you very well know) was passed authorizing the building of six frigates for the sole purpose of resenting the wrongs done to our Citizens & Commerce by the States of Barbary, unless an accommodation [on] reasonable terms could be eCected by treaty.— This act under which six Captains were appointed—set forth that in case of a peace with the Algerines all further proceedings should cease—and after some considerable progress was made in the building of the frigates—a peace with Algeirs did take place and all proceedings ceased under the act which authorised their commencement and by orders issued from the war oDce—Congress however being in Session at the time this Algerine peace was ratiAed—a New Naval Act was passed on the 18th of April 1796 empowering the President < 138>

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of the US to continue the building and equipping &c of the three frigates United States—Constitution—Constellation and Captains 1 Barry—2 Nicholson and 3 Truxtun1 received shortly after their respective Commissions which were Numbered as over their Names above—and this Selection from the Six was made by General Washington—and the other three Gentlemen were considered at the war oDce as deranged oDcers—or oDcers out of service by the Law under which they were appointed, having died a Natural death— And it appears that the successor to General Washington as President of the US on the encrease of [the] Navy in July 1798—by another act of Congress: Considered Talbot—Dale and Sever completely out of service—otherwise he would not have nominated them a second time to the Senate, before he would venture to commission and employ them on board the public ships—for they never even were commissioned, untill after their Second nomination and the concurrence of the Senate had [been] given as to their being Captains in the Navy—add to this I have a letter written to me oDcially by Mr. Stoddert shortly after the reappointment of those three Gentlemen that Captain Talbot was Junior to me but Next in rank.—Mr Adams however a considerable time after this (more than one year) when at Braintree and Talbot was near him at Boston attached to the Frigate Constitution—declared the rank against [any] Legitimate right, and against every sort of naval military principle heretofore known, in favour of [the] oDcer; and at a time when I had just before arrived from the West India Station, and brought into this port the Arst national frigate that had ever yielded to a single Ship of the US. It was this extraordinary conduct Sir that induced me to oCer a resignation of my Commission in July 1799 but as it was not accepted and our diCerences with France—were not then settled [or] likely to be settled very soon—I was induced from the same motives, that Arst brought me into the Navy—and from the daily importunities of my friends [to] return to my command and have now the satisfaction of seeing our Country happy—quiet & at peace with all the world, tho’ it gives me time to reBect on pass’d sceens, and to feel much mortiAcation. Be my opinion of certain men what it may as respects a knowledge of the Science of their profession and the propriety of their conduct in common life—I never had a wish or desire to be placed over those who fairly ranked me, but on the contrary was in hopes Captains Barry & Nicholson from being old Servants—would have been retained or had some comfortable employment equally satisfactory to them on shore. I am sensible Sir that the regular mode is to address < 139>

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the Secy. of the Navy on all such subjects as this, and I am not in the habit of deviating from any regular system that is established—I hope however you will pardon me for the liberty I have taken in writing to you this letter as Mr JeCerson and not as President JeCerson, and of enclosing you the Arst Commission I received meerly to show the correctness of my statement, as to its Number. I have the honor to be Sir with the highest respect and esteem, Your very Obt humble Servant Thomas Truxtun RC (DLC); frayed at margins; at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esquire Washington.” Recorded in SJL as received 23 May. Enclosure not found. Thomas Truxtun (1755-1822) went to sea at the age of 12 and was captain of his own merchant vessel by age 20. A highly successful privateer during the Revolution, he returned to trade after the war, making voyages to China and India. In March 1794, he was the most junior of the six captains commissioned in the newly authorized United States Navy. As commander of the frigate Constellation during the Quasi-War with France, Truxtun captured the French frigate Insurgente in 1799 and crippled another French frigate, La Vengeance, the following year. His successes made him a national hero and earned him the praise of Congress. But disputes over rank, quarrels with superiors, and his growing vanity seriously hindered his subsequent career. He declined command of the U.S. squadron assembled in early 1801 to cruise the Mediterranean. In March 1802, he resigned command of a second Mediterranean squadron, in part because he was not given a Bag captain as part of his command. His sharply worded letter to Robert Smith on the occasion was interpreted by the navy secretary as a resignation, and Truxtun was not oCered another command during TJ’s administration. He spent his remaining years in retirement in New Jersey and Philadelphia (anb; ndbw, 1:428-9, 432, 438-9; 2:76, 83; Palmer, Stoddert’s War, 24-5, 211; Leonard F. Guttridge and Jay D. Smith, The Commodores [New York, 1969], 55-6). On 27 Mch. 1794, in response to attacks on American commerce by algerine corsairs, Congress passed “An Act

to Provide a Naval Armament,” which authorized the construction of four ships of 44 guns and two ships of 36 guns. In pursuance of the act, on 3 June 1794 George Washington nominated six captains in the following order: John barry, Samuel nicholson, Silas talbot, Joshua Barney, Richard dale, and Thomas Truxtun. Barney declined his commission and was replaced by James sever. Following the end of the Algerine crisis, on 20 Apr. 1796 Congress enacted a supplementary naval act, which authorized the president to complete two 44-gun ships and one 36gun ship. Under this act, work continued on the vessels in the furthest state of construction (United States, Constitution, and Constellation), and their respective captains (Barry, Nicholson, and Truxtun) remained in command. With the onset of the Quasi-War, John Adams on 10 May 1798 nominated four captains for the navy: Talbot, Sever, Dale, and Stephen Decatur, Sr. Two months later, on 16 July, Congress appropriated $600,000 to build three new ships of at least 32 guns. In his correspondence with Adams, Benjamin stoddert argued that the three captains appointed in 1794 and retained in 1796 should outrank the captains appointed by the president in 1798. In particular, Stoddert agreed that Truxtun should now outrank Talbot. Adams overruled him, however, arguing that the 1796 act did not discharge Talbot from the navy, and therefore dated his commission 1794 instead of 1798 (U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:350-1, 453-4, 608-9; jep, 1:160-1, 274; ndqw, Apr.-July 1799, 490-1, 528-32; Palmer, Stoddert’s War, 50; Vol. 28:28n). q Numbers 1, 2, and 3 interlined above “Barry,” “Nicholson,” and “Truxtun,” respectively.

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From Madame de Corny le 19 may 1801.

Sans doute c’est beaucoup qu’une marque de souvenir et croyez, monsieur, que je scay lapprécier. mais un silence de dix années lorsque tout les genres de malheurs mont accablé, et que celuy de mourir eut été le moindre, c’est ce que jay ressenti vivement. lorsque le bled nous a tant manqué et qu’un louis de 6000μ fesoit mon revenu;1 je croyois toujours que mon amy jeCerson menverroit un peu de farine et quand même je nen aurois eue que pour un dejeúner ce soin de lamitié mauroit fait prendre patience, sur tout le reste, combien de fois je me suis dit, sil me proposoit daller a montichelo. je luy répondrois comme notre bon la fontaine j’y allois apres larrivée de Mde church a newyorck. jay voulu de toute mon âme aller la rejoindre mais Ma fortune toute bousculée na pu me permettre de rien réaliser. a present je ne suis guères plus heureuse. mon douaire ne ma ete paye exactement que pendant la durée du papier monnois. tout ce que vous a dit Mde monnero est exacte mais depuis je nay rien reparé et quand tout mes voeux sont pour la paix c’est bien plus pour le bonheur general que dans lespoir dy rien gagner pr moi 10 années et 10 années de revolution peuvent bien être comptee double aussi la vieillesse est elle deja a ma porte et je la laisse semparer de moi sans regret ni eCort pour luy disputter le terrein. jay tout a fait Ani avec le monde, je suis fort bien 4 et 5 mois sans decendre mon escalier. je nay dautre ambition que de me retirer pr toujours a un petit coin a la Campagne que jaime toujours avec passion et que je nay pas vuë depuis 9 ans. un pot de Beur sur ma fenêtre est tout ce que je posséde de terre et de verdure. puisque vous avez reveille tout mes Sentiments damitie pr vous. en grace ecrivez moi cest un interêt a repandre sur ma vie je vous retrouve bien dans la maniere modeste avec laquelle vous me parlez de vous. et de votre position actuelle quelque soit la grandeur de votre place limmensite de bien que vous pensez y faire il me semble que daprès vos gouts et tout ce que je Connoissois de votre simplicite c’est a montechelau que jaurois voulu assurer votre residence. que jentende souvent de vous mon amy il ne vous est plus permis dabandonner une correspondance que vous même avez repris. rien ne fatigue lamitie comme les alternatives desperance et dabandon vous navez plus a choisir vous avez jette le guand et je lai ramassé adieu qu’un homme detat ne sois pas honteux de parler damitie a une femme bien sensible a celle, que vous luy avez temoigne dans votre derniere lettre. < 141>

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Ma bonne Mde church a eue pr moi des soins inAni pendant son sejour dangleterre et je ne rougis point davouer quelle ma fait subsister pendant longtemps elle a ete contrariée, depuis par son mary mais admirez avec moi cette parfaitte amie jay repris mon ancienne habitude de penser a vous en prenant mon the jy suis tres Adelle mais faitte nous donc la paix generalle car vous seul allez en chine et gardez tout le bon pr vous. jaimerois bien a etre charge de quelques comissions pr vous. faitte moi ce plaisir e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

19 May 1801 No doubt a token of memories is a great thing, and believe me, sir, I can appreciate it. But a silence of ten years when all kinds of misfortunes crushed me, and dying would have been the least of them, that is what I felt keenly. When we lacked wheat so much and a louis of 6000 livres made up my whole income, I always thought that my friend JeCerson would send me a little Bour, and even if I would have had only enough for a lunch, this sign of friendship would have given me patience. As for all the rest, how many times did I say to myself, if he suggested that I go to Monticello, I would answer like our good La Fontaine, I was on my way. After the arrival of Madame Church in New York, I wanted with all my heart to go and rejoin her, but my completely disrupted fortune could not allow me to accomplish a thing. At present I am scarcely more fortunate. The full amount of my dowry has been paid to me only during the time of paper money. Everything Madame Monroe told you is correct, but since then I have mended nothing. And when all my wishes are for peace, it is much more for the general happiness than in hopes of any gain from it. As for myself, ten years—and ten years of revolution can easily be counted as double—so old age is already at my door, and I let it take possession of me without regret or any eCort to dispute the territory with it. I have completely Anished with the world: it has been easily four or Ave months that I have not gone down my staircase. I have no other ambition than to retire for good to a little patch in the country that I still love passionately and that I have not seen for nine years. A pot of Bowers on my windowsill is all the land and greenery that I possess. Since you have awakened all my feelings of friendship for you, for pity’s sake write to me. It provides an interest to spread through my life. I certainly recognize you in the modest manner with which you speak to me about yourself and your present position. However elevated your rank might be and however much good you seek to accomplish through it, it seems to me, according to your tastes and what I know of your simplicity, that Monticello is where I would have wished to assure your residence. Let me hear from you often, my friend; it is no longer permitted for you to abandon a correspondence that you yourself have renewed. Nothing wears down friendship like alternating hope and abandon. You no longer have a choice. You threw down the gauntlet, and I have picked it up.

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19 MAY 1801 Farewell. Let a statesman not be ashamed to talk of friendship to a woman quite touched by that which you have shown in your last letter. My good Madame Church has taken inAnite care of me during her stay in England, and I do not blush to admit that she has kept me alive for a long time. She has since been frustrated by her husband, but join me in admiring that perfect friend. I have resumed my former habit of thinking about you while I take my tea. I am very faithful to that, but just give us universal peace, for you alone go all the way to China and keep all the beneAt for yourself. I should like very much to be entrusted with some errands for you. Give me that pleasure. RC (DLC); addressed: “a Monsieur de JeCerson. president des Etats unis de lamerique”; endorsed by TJ as a letter from Madame de Corny received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. un silence de dix années: TJ had written to Madame de Corny on 19 Mch. 1801. Prior to that, their last exchange of letters had been in 1790 (Vol. 16:289-90; Vol. 17:259-61). His communication of 19 Mch., which is recorded in SJL but has not been found, was carried to France by John Dawson, according to a letter that TJ wrote to Madame de Corny on 23 Apr. 1802. In that letter he explained that “duty as well as prudence” had prevented him from corresponding with friends in France during the height of partisan division in the United States. In that period he had learned something of her situation from mutual friends, including Angelica Schuyler Church, Maria Cosway, and Elizabeth Monroe (Vol. 10:542-3; Vol. 26:215, 723; Vol. 27:449; Vol. 28:543; Vol. 30:23). According to anecdote, in 1693 when an aging Jean de la fontaine was forced, on the death of his long-term patroness, to leave the house where he had resided for two decades, he was met on the street by a friend of ample means who hoped to take him in. La Fontaine replied that he was on his way: “J’y allois” (Mo-

nica Sutherland, La Fontaine [London, 1953], 104, 144, 160-1). mon douaire: Marguerite Victoire de Palerne de Corny, who was approximately four years younger than TJ, had been a widow when she married Louis Dominique Ethis de Corny in 1782. He died in 1790. As a military commissary he had made arrangements for Rochambeau’s army in America, 1780-81, and later he was procureur du roi, attorney for the crown, in Paris. His family name was Ethis, with “de Corny” referring to his estate in the Moselle region (rs, 1:175n; Dictionnaire, 13:192-3; Howard C. Rice, Jr., and Anne S. K. Brown, eds., The American Campaigns of Rochambeau’s Army, 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783, 2 vols. [Princeton, 1972], 1:27n, 150n; MarieJosé Marchal, Corny-sur-Moselle: Son Histoire [Corny-sur-Moselle, 1990], 989). Indexes to earlier volumes in this edition identiAed Madame de Corny as Anne Mangeot Ethis de Corny—she was Corny’s Arst wife. contrariée, depuis par son mary: John Barker Church and his family had left England for the United States in 1797 (Vol. 29:325, 396-7). q Madame de Corny Arst wrote “qu’un louis fesoit mon revenu,” and then interlined “de 6000μ.”

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From Theodore Foster Dear Sir, Providence May 19th. 1801— Governor Fenner happened to be at the Post ODce on Sunday Morning last, when the Mail was opened and recd. from thence the Letter, which you did me the Honor to write to me on the 9th Instant.—He delivered it to me a few minutes afterward at my House, when he shewed me the Letter which he wrote you respecting the Appointment of an Attorney for the United States, in the District of Rhode Island, which I suppose is forwarded by the Same Mail, which conveys this.—I embrace the First opportunity to return you most sincere Thanks for the great Honor you have done Me by the very obliging Expressions, and in the Assurances it contains of your “friendly Esteem” and for the ConAdence you are pleased to place in Me,—a conAdence which I hope no Circumstance will ever induce you to suppose has been misplaced. Ever since I had a Knowledge of the Productions of your Pen I have felt a sincere Respect for the Writer, which on the Acquaintance of the last Eleven Years has grown into an aCectionate personal Attachment, which leads me to feel interested in your Happiness, and in the Prosperity and Celebrity of your Administration of the Presidency. And though Actions always speak louder than Words, and are the proper Criterion of Friendship and personal Character there are times when there is no Impropriety in declaring the Sentiments of Friendship we feel, and giving Assurances of Aid and Support when otherwise perhaps they would be unknown or not counted upon. Congeniality of Sentiment is the Cause, the Cement and the Preservative of Friendship. In proportion to the Time I have had an Opportunity to learn your Sentiments respecting the great Interests of Society1 I have perceived them to be similar to mine. You may therefore reckon on my Disposition to serve you on all Occasions, when it shall be in my Power. This Disposition will prompt me sometimes to trouble you with Letters which will be always well meant though perhaps too often on mistaken Views from involuntary Error of Judgment. It is undoubtedly true that there is no part of the Administration more diDcult than the Selection of At Characters for public ODces. I have known unfortunate Appointments made where there have been the most numerous and seemingly the best Recommendations. One of the Roman Emperors made it a Rule to reject all Applicants for ODce, on the Idea that the most suitable Characters were not the most likely to apply. Experience however shews that where the particular Friends of the Party recommend, they either grossly < 144>

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err in Judgment, or willfully endeavour to deceive, or, are persuaded to recommend, as a Matter of Form, without Regard to the Good of the Public and where there are a number of Candidates all strongly recommended it is sometimes diDcult to decide which ought to be selected without a personal Acquaintance with the Candidate and a good Knowledge of the People among whom he is to reside. The Spirit of Party when it runs high in Counter Directions increases the DiDculty.—The Character which will neutralize it the most ceteris paribus is then commonly the best. You may therefore be assured, my Dear Sir, whenever I shall presume to recommend particular Characters for ODce I shall not act precipitately and that I shall be solely inBuenced by the Public Good, according to the best of my Judgment and when requested I shall with the greatest Truth and Sincerity give my Reasons for preferring one Candidate to another— I hear that Representations have been forwarded recommending Gustavus Bailies Esq of Bristol, in Preference to Jonathan Russell as Collector of the Customs, and Charles Collins Senr. of Warren in Place of Nathaniel Phillips as Surveyor. I will only say that I have been credibly informed that the supporters of Mr. Bailies and Mr. Collins have been and indeed now are deeply concerned in the Slave trade, and that their Appointment would be extremely obnoxious to the Persons in General in that District, where I am sorry to hear it is said there is a greater Disposition to evade the Laws than in any other Part of the State and where it is necessary that there should be the most honest2 active and vigilent ODcers.—Mr Russel is a Man of great Integrity but perhaps too inactive.—I do not know but a better man may be found for the oDce bye & bye but I do not at present think it to be Mr Bailies. And the Concern of Mr Collins’s Connexion in the Slave Trade and their Disposition to evade the Law is a very weighty Objection against him.— I believe myself that the Appointment of David L Barnes Esq as Judge of the District Court here gives very general satisfaction, except to the immediate Friends of my late colleague Mr Greene. It is impossible that all should be pleased. I had no Idea that Governor Fenner would have preferred David Howell Esq to Mr. Barnes as Judge, as on a former Occasion he recommended Mr. Barnes as District Attorney in Preference to Mr Howell then a Candidate, for the ODce. But from what he said to me on Sunday I am apt to believe he would have been as well pleased if Mr. Howell had been appointed. He shewed me (as I have mentioned) the Letter which he wrote to you now recommending Mr Howell for the ODce of district Attorney. I fully concur in Opinion with him that for the Reasons mentioned in < 145>

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Govr. Fenner’s Letter no man can be Selected who will better discharge the duties of the ODce or who from his Standing and Respectabily has better Claims for the Appointment. He was a Member of Congress in the Revolutionary War and wrote the Letter to Mr. John Brown respecting the last Presidential Election which I had the Honor to Shew you in February last and I believe is personally known to You— Will you permit me, Sir, to remind you of the Case of Mr. Thomas Aborn of Warwick, in this State who was appointed just at the Close of the last Presidency, Commercial Agent at Cayenne. I mentioned him to you the day before I left the City of Washington. He has had a good Education. Has lived some time in France—Speaks the French Language—Sustains a good Character and proposes to reside at Cayenne if appointed to the beforementioned ODce. I do not know that there is any other Candidate, and so far as I know Mr. Aborn I think he will honorably and satisfactorily discharge the duties of the ODce. Be pleased to accept, Sir, my best Wishes for your Happiness and to permit Me to subscribe myself, Dear Sir, most sincerely and faithfully Your Freind & Obedient Servt Theodore Foster I forward herewith a Farnsworth!3 Newspaper of the 9th Instant containing a List of the state Legislature and of the Names of the Towns where the Members are chosen and the Principal ODcers of the State. Did I not think it would be trespassing on your Time I would pourtray the Characters of the leading Members. You will have seen the Address before this will arrive. It is principally from the Draft of Mr. Barnes who was one of the Committee [He] Seconded the Motion for it made by Col. Mawney. RC (DLC); at head of text: “To His Excellency Thos. JeCerson Esq. President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 25 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Newport Guardian of Liberty, 9 May 1801. the letter which he wrote you: Arthur Fenner to TJ, 16 May 1801. Following a campaign by Rhode Island slave-trading interests and Federalist congressman John Brown of Providence, on 25 Feb. 1801 Congress established the new customs district of Bristol, the leading slave-trading port in the state. John

Adams appointed jonathan russell collector for the port of Bristol and nathaniel phillips surveyor of the ports of Warren and Barrington on 2 Mch. Unhappy with the selection of Russell, however, on 27 Apr. Bristol merchant and slave trader Charles D’Wolf and eight others (including Charles Collins, Sr., and leading slave traders James and John D’Wolf) wrote James Madison to recommend Gustavus Baylies to be collector for Bristol, asserting that he would “prove Every way qualify’d, and will discharge the trust Repos’d in him to the sattisfaction of the Secretary and the

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20 MAY 1801 Government.” After several years of concerted eCort, the D’Wolfs Anally secured Russell’s removal in 1804, when TJ replaced him with Charles Collins, Jr. (U.S. Statutes at Large, 2:101-2; jep, 1:388, 401, 464; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:193; Charles D’Wolf to James Madison, 27 Apr. 1801, DNA: RG 59, MLR; Jay Coughtry, The Notorious Triangle: Rhode Island and the African Slave Trade, 1700-1807 [Philadelphia, 1981], 39-42, 225-9; Rachel Chernos Lin, “The Rhode Island Slave-Traders: Butchers, Bakers and Candlestick-Makers,” Slavery and Abolition, 23 [2002], 24, 36; Vol. 33:671, 675; TJ to Foster, 6 June 1801). Adams nominated thomas aborn commercial agent at Cayenne, French

Guiana, on 24 Feb. 1801. TJ reappointed him in early June 1801 (jep, 1:385; Vol. 33:676). Oliver farnsworth published the Guardian of Liberty at Newport from 3 Oct. 1800 until 26 Sep. 1801, when it was retitled the Rhode-Island Republican (Brigham, American Newspapers, 2:996). you will have seen the address: see the General Assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations to TJ, 9 May. q Preceding six words interlined. r Word interlined. s Preceding word and exclamation point interlined.

From John Vaughan Dr Sir. Philad: May 19th. 1801 The enclosed I have just recieved, & am requested to forward in the same manner as a former one, the reply if sent as before, will be carefully & safely forwarded— I have just recieved a letter from our much respected friend Dr Priestley who is entirely recover’d, & resumes his studies— I remain with the greatest respect Dr Sir. Your obt. & obliged friend & servt Jn Vaughan RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 22 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Benjamin Vaughan to TJ, 4 May. For the manner in which Vaughan

acted as the conduit for correspondence between his brother Benjamin and TJ, see Benjamin Vaughan to TJ, 15 Mch. 1801, John Vaughan to TJ, 26 Mch., and TJ to Benjamin Vaughan, 31 Mch.

From Joseph G. Chambers Sir Washington County Penna. May 20. 1801. From the Plow I withdraw my hand to address the President of the United States. But the Plow is not mean in the Eyes of JeCerson, the Friend of Farmers, the Patron of the Republican Virtues of Agricultural life. I should however scarcely have presumed to intrude upon the Presidents leisure, from a situation so obscure, were it not for the small Acquaintance which I had the Honor & very great satisfaction < 147>

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to obtain with him when Secretary of State. He will perhaps recollect the Correspondence or interview & aCair of the Gun of seven shots at his seat near Schuylkill in the Spring of 93. A personal knowledge of Mr JeCersons sentiments at that Period added to an early Veneration for his public Character made me [to] conceive & indulge the fond hope that the better Destinies of America had reserved for him the power to check the progress of Political Degeneracy: And to rescue from Annihilation & Oblivion the Blessings of Independence, the Honors of the American Name. The Republican Citizens of the Unitd. States, and of the World, may now felicitate themselves that they have attained & established a point of Union round which they shall learn to rally, and to recognize one another. May the Hopes & brightening Prospects of good Men be realized! May the Auspicious Administration of JeCerson’s Government founded on the genuine principles of Justice National Independence & social Right, be encircled with a Mass of wisdom & of strength which the Anti-Republican World cannot shake.—Yea and it shall command the Devotion & attachment, the best ECorts & Abilities of all good Citizens every where: For Who shall not be Ambitious to participate in the honor and contribute to the success of that System which constitutes the best hope of Humanity! In short Sir, Permit me with the sincerest deference to join that respectable Throng who felicitate themselves & Country on the Auspicious event of your Accession to the Trust of Chief Magistrate Whose united prayer is, that the Divine Providence may vouchsafe to you [the] greatest personal Happiness; and grant [. . .] that your Public Relations & Functions may long continue to be eminently useful and Glorious. Joseph G. Chambers RC (DLC); torn at seal; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 5 June and so recorded in SJL. Joseph Gaston Chambers had written TJ several times in the latter half of 1792 regarding his invention of a repeating Arearm, describing the weapon and seeking TJ’s assistance in communicating his

plan to Europe. TJ’s noncommittal reply suggested that Chambers contact the French minister in America or seek a patent from Congress. Chambers wrote TJ again in November 1807, detailing his experiments with a primitive type of diving suit and “Torpedo” (Vol. 24:290-3, 459-60, 580, 644-5; Vol. 25:90, 392; Chambers to TJ, 17 Nov. 1807).

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From Lewis Goldsmith Sir! 5 Thaves Inn London 20 May 1801 The great & important Situation in which you are plac’d induces me to take the Liberty to address two Books to you— One consists of a collection of facts & anecdotes tending to expose the base & unjust Measures of certain European cabinets, whose Conduct cannot fail to be view’d with horror in any Country which like your’s is blessd with a free Government. The other is a Translation of a Work, the original of which I presume is known to you, as it is publishd under the auspices of the french Government & treats of those neutral rights; which are not less interesting to the united States than to the other Nations of Europe. I hope you will do me the honor to accept these triBes, since I oCer them only as a Testimony of the respect I entertain for your character & for the sincere attachment I bear towards the united Republics of the New World. I have the honor to be your most Obed Humble Servt Lewis Goldsmith P.S. The Books I have sent to Mr Carne of Falmouth who will have the honor of informing you by which Packet they go— I’ll be very much obligd to you to inform me of the receipt of them. RC (DLC); at foot of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 July and so recorded in SJL. Lewis Goldsmith (1763?-1846) was a British-born cosmopolitan political writer and journalist of Portuguese Jewish heritage whose initially pro-French career turned savagely against French policy and leadership (dnb). two books to you: Goldsmith forwarded his own The Crimes of Cabinets; or, A Review of their Plans and Aggressions for the Annihilation of the Liberties of France and the Dismemberment of her

Territories and his English translation of Hauterive’s State of the French Republic at the end of the year VIII, both published in London in 1801 (see Sowerby, Nos. 404, 2444). John carne of falmouth wrote to TJ on 9 June that at Goldsmith’s request he was sending “a small Parcel” under the care of Samuel Newman of the Prince Ernest Packet and asked that it be forwarded from New York “by some safe conveyance” (RC in DLC; at foot of text: “H.E. Thos JeCerson Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 July from “Jason” Carne and so recorded in SJL).

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From William Jones Dear Sir Philada. 20th. May 1801 I cannot repress the emotions excited by your favor of the 16th. Instant—they were of profound respect and gratitude for the reiterated proofs of your kind conAdence, mingled with extreme regret and painful reBections arising from the imperious necessity of declining the acceptance of an appointment so honorable in itself and rendered still more so by the manner in which it has been tendered. I implore you to believe that the love of Country and a desire to render myself useful exists in my breast with ardent devotion—that notwithstanding a well founded diDdence of my qualiAcations I should not under existing circumstances have a moments hesitation, could I possibly arrange my private aCairs so as to withdraw my personal attention from my commercial pursuits which at present are pretty extensive. These considerations created serious obstacles in my mind at the time of my election to the seat I have the honor to hold, and which I was induced to accept only from the assurances of our republican fellow citizens that they could not select any other candidate with any prospect of success. It is sincerely to be lamented that any diDculty should occur in selecting a suitable person for the appointment, while the other departments are so preeminently Alled but I trust the wisdom and virtue already combined in the administration will surmount that and every other diDculty and ensure to the happiest of people all the blessings of the best of Governments. With the most respectful regard I am Sir yours faithfully Wm Jones RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esquire President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 23 May and so recorded in SJL.

serious obstacles: this is the second time Jones refused TJ’s oCer of the navy post. Jones had been elected to a seat in Congress (Vol. 33:352n).

From Peter S. Marks Sir Louisa County 20th May 1801 The inclosed is a Coppy of the proceedings of the Court Martial by which I was tryed I have also forwarded Coppys of Mr. Nicholases Letters to me on that Subject—you will And by one of his letters that he Advices me to wait on you at the Seat of Government—which I < 150>

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should do, but am prevented by indisposition, if after examning the Testimony, you should be of opinion I have not deserved the Sentence, that has been passed on me, I hope you will give me some appontment by which I may be of service to My Friends & Country, I mentioned a wish to Mr. Dexter of being appointed agt to the Chickasaw Nation of Indians, he promised to use his inBuence with the Secretary of War, who succeeded him, whether he has or not I cant undertake to say—but I am verry sure from my acquaintance with Nation of Indians I could give general Satisfaction—when you return my papers please direct to me at Louisa Court House— I am Sir with Great Respect your Obedt Humble Servt Peter Marks RC (DLC); addressed: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 26 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures not found. Peter S. Marks was a nephew of TJ’s brother-in-law Hastings Marks, the husband of TJ’s sister Anna. Peter’s parents, Albemarle County residents Peter Marks and Joanna Sydnor Marks, both died in 1795. In 1792 Peter S. Marks received a commission as ensign of infantry in the regular army. He advanced to the rank of captain shortly before his dismissal from the service in August 1800 (Woods, Albemarle, 262-3; Heitman, Dictionary, 1:689; jep, 1:155, 347; Vol. 2:7, 9, 128; Vol. 20:669; Vol. 23:34n; Vol. 28:111, 112n, 249, 450). court martial: in March 1800, Marks killed another oDcer, Major William Kersey, at Fort Adams on the

Mississippi River below Natchez when an argument escalated into a Aght with swords. The Mississippi Gazette printed an account of the “aCray” that received widespread distribution through other newspapers (New York American Citizen and General Advertiser, 26 May; Connecticut Gazette, 28 May; Massachusetts Spy, or Worcester Gazette, 4 June; Jenks’ Portland Gazette, 9 June 1800; Heitman, Dictionary, 1:594; Dunbar Rowland, Encyclopedia of Mississippi History, 2 vols. [Madison, Wis., 1907], 1:728). letters to me: possibly from Joshua Nicholas, who was Marks’s brother-inlaw (Woods, Albemarle, 262). TJ did not reply to Marks himself and instead had Meriwether Lewis return Marks’s papers with a cover letter that held open the prospect of some federal appointment (Marks to TJ, 17 Nov. 1802).

From Gouverneur Morris Dr Sir, Morrisiana 20 May 1801 I have received your Favor of the eighth Instant and am looking out for an Opportunity to send on the Plate, concluding you will some how or other take the whole Set. You say you have Forks and Spoons enough. In that Case it will be better to sell them, which can always be done to Advantage, and take those belonging to the Set which if I remember right are made of a Pattern to suit the Rest. In the present Case Materiam superat Opus and in the Menage of the < 151>

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President Unity is desirable. I am sorry you And so much DiDculty in getting a Minister of the Marine. I know of no Person who would accept it that I could recommend With sincere Esteem & Respect I have the Honor to be Dr Sir your obedt Servant Gouvr Morris RC (DLC); at foot of text: “His Excy. Ths. JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 2 June and so recorded in SJL. FC (Lb in DLC: Gouverneur Morris Papers; in Morris’s hand).

materiam superat opus: a variant of a quotation from Ovid, roughly translated “the workmanship Surpasses the material” (Ovid, Metamorphoses, 2.5).

From Marc Auguste Pictet Monsieur Geneve 20e. May 1801. Dans une époque où Genêve désolée par les crimes révolutionnaires n’oCroit plus à Ses citoyens que la plus désolante perspective, vous daignates accueillir avec bonté les vœux que je formois pour chercher en Amérique une nouvelle Patrie. Vous accompagnâtes cet accueil des conseils les plus Sages et les plus Salutaires pour m’engager à ne pas prendre trop légérement un parti qui pouvoit avoir une bien grande inBuence Sur mon Sort futur et celui d’une famille dont l’existence repose en partie Sur la mienne. Pénétré de reconnoissance et de respect pour ces excellens avis, je Suspendis ma détermination jusquà ce que l’orage fût appaisé; j’ai lieu de m’en applaudir; et c’est à vous Monsieur que je dois en trés grande partie le courage qui m’a fait rester dans une Patrie à la quelle j’ai pu me rendre quelquefois utile, et que je ne cesserai d’aimer. Un de Mes compatriotes Mr. Henri Esch appellé en Amérique pour des objets de Commerce, m’a demandé une recommandation. Vos bontés me Sont revenues à l’esprit, et j’ai osé espérer que le Président des Etats Unis, Se rappelleroit peutêtre que Monsieur JeCerson avoit honoré le Profr. Pictet de Genêve d’une lettre, il y a plus de Six ans, et qu’il daigneroit accorder quelque bienveillance à un jeune Nêgociant qui met toute son ambition à la mériter. J’ignore Monsieur Si une enterprise littéraire à laquelle j’ai une part assez considérable et que j’ai formée il y a bientôt Six ans, est parvenue à vôtre connoissance. C’est un Recueil qui paroit tous les Mois Sous le titre de Bibliothèque Britannique. J’aurois eu lhonneur de vous en adresser un exemplaire Si j’avois Sû comment vous le faire parvenir; Aucun voyageur ne voudroit Se charger de 35 Volumes Mais je remets à Mr. Esch, pour qu’il aît l’honneur de Vous l’oCrir de < 152>

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ma part, une petite table des articles compris dans les quatre premieres années de ce Recueil, et une Table raisonnée plus étendue, par ordre alphabetique, des objets traités dans la Série intitulée Sciences et Arts, de la redaction de laquelle je Suis Specialement chargé. On imprime dans ce moment la Table raisonnée de la partie intitulée littérature, mais elle ne Sera pas achevée à l’époque du depart de Mr. Esch. J’ai quelquefois mis à contribution les Transactions Américaines; et ce ne Sont pas celles qui m’ont fourni les articles les moins intéréssans. Cette entreprise a réussi Sur le Continent au delà de nos espérances, malgré les obstacles de la guerre. Je pars demain pour Londres, où je retourne pour la Seconde fois à la provision de matériaux pour ce Recueil, et oú je vais Surtout pour y voir mon excellent et illustre ami le Comte de Rumford. Je compte être de retour à Genêve dans le courant du mois d’août. Si quelque marque de Souvenir de Votre part pouvoit m’y atteindre j’en Serois à la fois bien glorieux et bien heureux. Agréez Monsieur l’expression du respect profond avec lequel j’ai l’honneur d’être Monsieur Votre trés humble & trés obeïssant Serviteur M. A. Pictet, Profr. des Soc. R. de Londres et d’Edimbourg Présidt. de la Soc. des arts de Genêve. e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Sir Geneva, 20th May 1801. At a period when Geneva, ravaged by revolutionary crimes, oCered her citizens no more than the most mournful perspective, you were kind enough to welcome my wishes to seek a new fatherland in America. You accompanied that welcome with the wisest and most salutary counsels to encourage me not to take too lightly a decision that could have a very great inBuence on my future fate as well as that of a family whose existence depends in part on mine. Filled with gratitude and respect for that excellent advice, I suspended my decision until the storm had died down; I have reason to congratulate myself for that; and it is to you, Sir, that I owe in great part the courage that made me remain in a fatherland to which I have occasionally been able to make myself useful, and which I shall never stop loving. One of my compatriots, Mr. Henry Esch, called to America for reasons of commerce, asked me for a recommendation. Your kindnesses came into my mind, and I dared to hope that the president of the United States would perhaps remember that Mr. JeCerson had honored Prof. Pictet of Geneva with a letter more than six years ago and that he would deign to grant some consideration to a young businessman who applies all his ambition to merit it. I do not know, Sir, whether a literary undertaking in which I have quite a

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20 MAY 1801 considerable part, and which I founded almost six years ago, has come to your attention. It is a collection that comes out every month under the title of Bibliothèque Britannique. I would have had the honor of sending you a copy if I had known how to send it to you; no traveler would want to load himself down with 35 volumes. But I am entrusting to Mr. Esch, so that he may have the honor of presenting it to you on my behalf, a small table of the articles included in the Arst four years of this collection and a more extensive analytic table, in alphabetical order, of the subjects treated in the series entitled “Sciences and Arts,” the editing of which is my special charge. The analytic table of the part entitled “Literature” is in press at this moment, but it will not be completed by the time of Mr. Esch’s departure. I have occasionally made use of the American Philosophical Society Transactions, which furnished me with some of the most interesting articles. This undertaking has succeeded on the Continent beyond our hopes, despite the obstacles of the war. I am leaving tomorrow for London, where I am returning for the second time for a provision of materials for this collection, and where I go often to see my excellent and illustrious friend Count Rumford. I expect to be back in Geneva during the month of August. If some token of your regard should reach me there, I should be at once very proud and very happy. Accept, Sir, the expression of the profound respect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your very humble and very obedient servant M. A. Pictet, Professor of the Royal Societies of London and Edinburgh, President of the Society of Arts of Geneva RC (ViW); endorsed by TJ as received 15 Jan. 1802 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosed in Henry Esch to TJ, 11 Jan 1802. pour chercher en amérique une nouvelle patrie: Pictet had intended to move to the United States as part of François D’Ivernois’s attempt to transplant the Academy of Geneva to North America. Pictet and TJ exchanged letters on that prospect in 1795 (Vol. 28:124, 133n, 190, 192-4, 239-40, 276, 314, 458, 505).

In 1795-96, Pictet was one of the founding editors of the Genevan periodical bibliothèque britannique, which condensed information from Englishlanguage publications. It was organized into series devoted to science and arts, literature, and agriculture (David M. Bickerton, Marc-Auguste and Charles Pictet, the Bibliothèque britannique (1796-1815), and the Dissemination of British Literature and Science on the Continent [Geneva, 1986], 190-213).

From Hepzibah Clarke Swan Boston May 20. 1801

Be pleased to excuse the Liberty I have taken in addressing your Excellencey on the part of Mr Swan whose desire to obtain the Consul,Genoral,Ship at Paris has I believe through the Vice President < 154>

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been made known to you—The respectability—ConAdence—and friendship, which Mr Swan has attained of that Goverment—by his Adelity and Zeal in their ACairs—is now fully acknowledged. from this, and the present State of his Anances which would enable him to live in a Style which might add—respectability to that Station, and his intimacy at this time with the diCerent administrations of Goverment are such, as be assured No Man could more essentially serve the interest of the Citizens of the United States in that ODce than himself—His perfect knowledge of the Language—his residence for ten Years in that Country and the Esteem which they honor him with as well as the high estimation in which he holds that Nation—will I doubt not sway your Excellency in his favor, in case No one is Yet Appointed—or Nominated to that ODce—Be your decision in his favor, or not, I shall ever be impressed with the highest sense of your superior Judgment in this, as in every instance of your Judicious Administration—Your Goodness will pardon I hope the freedom I now take in the absence of Mr Swan—and If I can be honoured by one Line it will ever be remembered with that lively Gratitude I shall ever retain for the prosperity and happiness of your Excellency—I have the Honor to Subscribe My self Your Obedient Servant H C Swan RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 26 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC” but as a letter dated 21 May. Hepzibah Clarke Swan (1757-1825), wealthy Boston heiress and wife of James Swan, was a close friend of Henry Knox and Henry Jackson and a patron of the arts, especially encouraging the careers of Gilbert Stuart and Charles BulAnch. Her husband speculated in lands using an inheritance of his wife in the 1780s, obtained proAtable contracts while residing in France for some years after that, returned brieBy to the United States, and in 1808 was thrown into debtor’s prison in

Paris, where he remained for the Anal 22 years of his life. His wife, left to tend to her family and aCairs in New England, oCered to pay his debt and release him from jail. He refused on principle, arguing that it was an unjust debt, and his wife provided the Anancial support that allowed a modestly comfortable life in prison (dab, 18:234; Eleanor Pearson DeLorme, “The Swan Commissions: Four Portraits by Gilbert Stuart,” Winterthur Portfolio, 14 [1979], 361-95; Vol. 33:666). in the absence of mr swan: Swan wrote to TJ from Paris on 25 Dec. 1800 asking to be appointed consul general (Vol. 32:354).

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Jacob Wagner’s Notes on a Letter from Rühle von Lilienstern [ca. 20 May 1801] Letter dated 11 Feby. 1801 at Dillenburg near Marburg.

He proposes to establish three colonies under the authority of the U.S. to be peopled with emigrants from Germany, whose inducement to remove is the misery brought upon them by the prevailing war. 1st. Colony, to be settled at New Holland, either in the gulf of Carpentaria or the unexplored bay opposite the Island of Timor. 2nd. do. to be settled in Africa, at Dalagoa Bay, opposite the Island of Madagascar. 3rd. do. in America adjacent to the U.States. Quer. where?1 He wants to be head of the colonies, and to govern them by his family & friends: The U.States to defray the expense of the emigration and colonial settlement. He is 56 years old, the author of 30 volumes on economical and political subjects, &c. &c. His project is not fully developed, and does not appear to have been digested even by himself. The general advantage to be derived from the colonies he makes to consist in the extension of the American trade. MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 109:18718); undated; in Jacob Wagner’s hand; being a summary translation of Rühle von Lilienstern to TJ, 11 Feb. 1801, in German, with dateline and closing in French, 4 p., at head of text: “Monsieur le President,” signed: “Deruhle-Lilienstern Conseiller et Bailli de S.A.S. Monsgr le Prince d’Orange et de Nassau,” endorsed by TJ as received about 20 May and interlined in SJL at that date (RC in same). “Deruhle-Lilienstern” was probably August Friedemann Rühle von Lilienstern (1744-1828), a lawyer, counsellor, and jurist of Dillenburg, Germany (Allge-

meine Deutsche Biographie, 56 vols. [Berlin, 1967-71], 29:610-11). new holland: that is, Australia. In late April or early May, TJ received a memorandum from the State Department accounting for letters written and actions taken between 1 and 28 Apr., the period during which Levi Lincoln was serving as acting secretary of state (MS in DLC: TJ Papers, 112:19231; in a clerk’s hand; endorsed by TJ: “State department of. proceedings during April 1801”). q Wagner probably added the preceding question later.

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From John Drayton South Carolina

Sir. Charleston May 21st: 1801. Finding that arrangements are making by the Government of the United States, for the exchange of French prisoners; I Batter myself, the public service may be promoted, by addressing you this letter. To this purpose, I enclose you a copy of a letter written to me, last year, by Mr. William Crafts Navy Agent of the United States; respecting French prisoners, now in custody in this State. This, was at my requisition on him, to know by what authority the said Prisoners were committed; as I was informed they were suCering much in gaol. His answer enclosed, prevented my then making any communication on the subject, to the Executive of the United States. But, as those who remain alive, are still in custody; and, as no arrangements (as far as I understand) have been made here respecting them; I take the liberty of communicating the same to you. And also at the same time of enclosing you a certiAcate signed by the Master of the Work House, certifying, the said prisoners by name: and, on what account they have been committed—. I shall be happy at all times, to cooperate with you, within the sphere of my authorities, in matters relating to the public welfare. And, have the honor to subscribe myself with high respect Sir Your most Obedt: Sevt. John Drayton. RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Eqr. President of the United States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 2 June and so recorded in SJL; also endorsed by TJ: “referred to the Secretary of the Navy Th:J.” Enclosures: William Crafts to Drayton, 19 June 1800 (not found, but see Samuel Smith to Drayton, 10 June 1801, FC in Lb in DNA: RG 45, MLS). CertiAcate not found. Scion of a distinguished lowcountry family, John Drayton (1766-1822) was the son of William Henry Drayton, a leading South Carolina patriot during the Revolutionary War. He brieBy attended the College of New Jersey at Princeton, but withdrew following the death of his father in 1779. Admitted to the South Carolina bar in the 1780s, he was elected to the General Assembly three times dur-

ing the 1790s and was chosen lieutenant governor in 1798. Drayton ascended to the governor’s chair in January 1800 upon the death of Governor Edward Rutledge, and won a full two-year term in December of that same year. He served another term as governor from 1808 to 1810, then was appointed U.S. district judge for South Carolina by James Madison in 1812. In addition to his political career, Drayton was also an amateur botanist and published several works on the natural and civil history of his state, including A View of South Carolina, as Respects Her Natural and Civil Concerns (1802) and a two-volume edition of his father’s Memoirs of the American Revolution in 1821 (anb; S.C. Biographical Directory, Senate, 1:419-21; jep, 2:262). On 17 Feb., Benjamin Stoddert informed Philippe André Joseph de Létombe, the French consul general, that

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21 MAY 1801 oDcials in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Maryland, and South Carolina had been directed to turn over french prisoners in their custody to Létombe and requested that he make arrangements for their removal from the United States “as speedily as possible.” On 14 Mch., Stoddert reported to TJ that

eight prisoners remained in detention at Charleston. Several weeks later, on 3 Apr., william crafts, the navy agent in Charleston, informed Stoddert that French oDcials still had not applied for the prisoners in his custody (ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 125, 182; Stoddert to TJ, 14 Mch. 1801).

From Albert Gallatin [21 May 1801]

I enclose the two letters I mentioned this morning, and two more recd. from my personal friends by this day’s post. That from Davis himself excepted, the others you will easily perceive were intended only for my perusal. As to Davis himself, supposing a vacancy to take place, I know not a man likely to make a better oDcer. The only objection is that he has not heretofore moved in a very elevated sphere. Yet, even in that point of view, he is more respectable than some who hold similar appointments— But this is not intended to press in any manner either his appointment or a removal of Rogers—only to lay the whole subject, so far as my personal knowledge goes, before you— A. G. RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 21 May 1801; TJ later canceled “Gallatin” and added “Davis” to the endorsement. Enclosures not identiAed, but see below. letters i mentioned this morning: Gallatin may have enclosed a letter written by John Armstrong from Red Hook, New York, on 7 May, in which the New York senator characterized the appointment of Daniel Ludlow as navy agent as “a bad one” that “has given no small degree of disgust.” Armstrong described Ludlow as an acknowledged Tory during the Revolution and as “a professed monarchist.” Armstrong also noted that the news that Matthew L. Davis had been “mentioned as successor to Fish” when discussing arrangements for New York (see Vol. 33:330, 331-2n) was “so badly received by the most established men of our party, that some other name must be substituted for

his.” Armstrong questioned “whether it would not be at once safe and civil to consult Gov. Clinton on this appointment and on that of Collector also?” (Gallatin, Papers, 4:889; Burr to TJ, 16 Mch. 1801). Gallatin may have shown this communication to TJ before 21 May because the ideas are reBected in TJ’s letter to George Clinton of the 17th. Gallatin may also have enclosed correspondence from Edward Livingston, which he received upon his return to Washington. As a New York congressman, Livingston had attended the meeting in Washington on New York patronage at which Davis and Theodorus Bailey were both considered for the lucrative post of naval oDcer. Livingston noted that since his return to New York he had “carefully examined into the duties of the Naval ODcer in our Custom house” and found that the position required “a readiness and habit of quick calculation,” which he feared Bailey, “our

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21 MAY 1801 friend (whose forte is certainly not quick movements either of body or mind), will not be equal to.” Matthew Davis, Liv-

ingston observed, would be better suited for the oDce (Gallatin, Papers, 4:767; Vol. 33:330, 331-2n).

To Yusuf Qaramanli, Pasha and Bey of Tripoli Great & respected friend. May 21. 1801. The assurances of friendship1 which our Consul has given you,2 & of our sincere desire to cultivate peace3 & commerce with your subjects, are faithful expressions of4 our dispositions, and you will continue to And proofs of them in5 all those acts of respect & friendly intercourse which are due6 between nations standing as we do in the relations of peace & amity with each other.7 at the conclusion of our treaty with you we endeavored to prove ourselves contented with it8 by such demonstrations as were then satisfactory to you;9 and we are disposed to believe that in rendering into another language those expressions in your lre of the 25th. of May last which seem to imply expectations10 inconsistent with the faith of that transaction your intentions have been misconstrued.—on this supposition we renew11 to you sincerely12 assurances of our constant friendship and that our desire to cultivate peace & commerce with you13 continues Arm & unabated. We have found it expedient14 to detach a squadron of observation into the Mediterranean sea, to superintend the safety of our commerce there & to exercise our seamen in nautical duties. we recommend them to your hospitality and good oDces should occasion require their resorting to your harbours. we hope that their appearance will give umbrage to no power15 for, while we mean to rest the safety of our commerce on the resources of our own strength & bravery in every sea, we have yet given them16 in strict command to conduct themselves towards all friendly powers with the most perfect respect & good order it being the Arst object of our sollicitude17 to cherish peace & friendship with all nations with whom it can be held on terms of equality & reciprocity. I pray God very great and respected friend that he may have you always in18 his holy keeping. Dft (DLC); heavily emended; the most signiAcant changes are recorded in notes below. FC (Lb in DNA: RG 59, Cre-

dences); in a clerk’s hand; at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson, President of the United States of America; To the Most

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21 MAY 1801 illustrious and honored Bey of Tripoli of Barbary, whom God preserve”; lacks dateline at head (see note 18 below); substantive variations are recorded in notes below. Tr (DNA: RG 233, PM, 7th Cong., 1st sess.); in the same clerk’s hand; wording follows FC. PrC (DNA: RG 46, EPFR, 7th Cong., 1st sess.); a letterpressed copy of the Tr; faint, portions overwritten. TJ transmitted this letter to Congress among the papers supplementing his 8 Dec. 1801 message (asp, Foreign Relations, 2:348-9; jhr, 4:24). Not recorded in SJL. Yusuf (ca. 1773-1838) was a younger son of the ruling Qaramanli family, but he displaced his father and brothers by intrigue and force of arms and, with assistance from Tunis, expelled another aspirant to power who had been approved by the Ottoman sultanate. From 1795 he ruled Tripoli and attempted to consolidate and expand the country’s economic wherewithal and political power. The sultan sanctioned Yusuf ’s rule, accorded Tripoli the same status in the empire as Tunis and Algeria, and helped strengthen its navy. Yusuf, however, resisted Ottoman domination. He expanded Tripoli’s authority into the North African interior and supported the French campaign in Egypt. Later in his reign, after the United States and European nations ceased to pay tribute money and he was forced to renounce the enslavement of their seafarers, his imposition of high taxes fostered internal discord that led to his abdication (Kola Folayan, Tripoli during the Reign of Yusuf Pasha Qaramanli [Ile-Ife, Nigeria, 1979], 4, 7-21, 25-7, 47-58, 71-2, 128-34, 144-6; Ronald Bruce St. John, Historical Dictionary of Libya, 2d ed. [Metuchen, N.J., 1991], 63-4; Seton Dearden, ed., Letters Written during a Ten Years’ Residence at the Court of Tripoli: Published from the Originals in the Possession of the Family of the Late Richard Tully, Esq., the British Consul [London, 1957], 241). James Leander Cathcart was the American consul in Tripoli. Yusuf had expressed dissatisfaction to Cathcart over the terms of the treaty between the United States and Tripoli, which had

been signed in 1796 and ratiAed the following year. As conveyed to Congress, the letter that Yusuf addressed to John Adams on 25 May 1800 said in part, after expressions of goodwill: “We, on our part, will correspond with you, with equal friendship, as well in words as deeds. But if only Battering words are meant, without performance, every one will act as he Ands convenient. We beg a speedy answer, without neglect of time, as a delay on your part cannot but be prejudicial to your interests. In the mean time, we wish you happiness.” The bey subsequently communicated an intention to declare war in the spring of 1801 if the United States did not undertake new negotiations (asp, Foreign Relations, 2:352; Joseph Barnes to TJ, 19 Mch. 1801). first object of our sollicitude: on 21 Mch., Levi Lincoln wrote to William Eaton, the consul at Tunis: “The new Administration which has commenced under Mr. JeCerson has not yet been able to decide upon the interests of the United States in relation to Barbary. We are however impressed with the necessity of paying immediate attention to the menacing demands of Tripoli. It is not improbable that a part of our naval force may be speedily sent into the Mediterranean to guard against exigences or by a demonstration of our power to reduce the capricious Sovereigns of Barbary to a sense of justice, thro’ the medium of their fears” (in DNA: RG 59, DCI). q TJ Arst wrote “The assurances” before altering the phrase to read as above. r TJ here canceled “of our great friendship to you.” s TJ here canceled “friendship.” t Preceding three words interlined in place of “in perfect correspondence with.” u Preceding nine words interlined in place of “you may be assured that they shall ever be manifested by.” v Word interlined in place of “observed.” w FC begins a new paragraph with the next sentence. x Preceding Ave words interlined in place of “ manifest our satisfaction on that event.” FC: “to

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22 MAY 1801 prove our respect for yourself, and satisfaction at that event.” y FC: “as gave you then entire content.” qz FC: “purposes.” In Dft TJ here canceled “inconsistent with the solemn engagemts not warranted by.” qq TJ Arst wrote “and on this belief we repeat” before altering the clause to read as above. qr Word interlined in place of “the.” qs TJ altered “you” to “your state,” then restored the original wording. qt Word interlined in place of “convenient.”

qu TJ Arst wrote “by any of the Mediterranean powers.” qv FC: “given to this squadron.” qw Word interlined in place of “wishes.” qx Preceding two words interlined in place of “under.” After this sentence FC continues in a new paragraph: “Written at the City of Washington, the twenty Arst day of May in the year of our Lord one thousand Eight hundred and one,” followed by a transcription of TJ’s signature and “By the President, James Madison Secretary of State.”

From Winthrop Sargent Respected Sir New york may the 21st. 1801— As the Intelligence contained in the enclosed Hand Bill seems important I take Leave to transmit the same by Post believing it will come to hand one Day earlier than any other of those Bills which shall be forwarded— I arrived in Boston Sir from the mississippi Territory a few Days since and am now upon my Way to pay my Respects to you at the Seat of Government—but my health permits me not to travel with, the Expedition of the main Stage I have the honour to be respected Sir with very high Consideration Your obedient humble Servant Winthrop Sargent RC (MoSHi: JeCerson Papers); at foot of text: “The President of United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 25 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found.

To James Monroe Dear Sir Washington May 29. [i.e. 22] 1801. I am late in answering your favor of the 4th. because the Navy department, from an extraordinary press of business, could not till within this day or two furnish me the inclosed papers. you will see by them that the money for Gosport (12,000. D.) has been placed in Norfolk at mr Hopkins’s command, ever since the last week in January. why it should have been witheld so long he will probably explain to you. As to the mode of correspondence between the General & particular executives, I do not think myself a good judge. not because my < 161>

22 MAY 1801

position gives me any prejudice on the occasion; for if it be possible to be certainly conscious of any thing, I am conscious of feeling no diCerence between writing to the highest or lowest being on earth; but because I have ever thought that forms should yield to whatever would facilitate business. comparing the two governments together it is observeable that in all those cases where the independant or reserved rights of the states are in question, the two Executives, if they are to act together, must be exactly co-ordinate; they are, in those cases, each the Supreme head of an independant government. such is the case in the beginning of this letter where the two executives were to treat de pair en pair. in other cases, to wit those transferred by the constitution to the General government, the General executive is certainly pre-ordinate. e.g. in a question respecting the militia,1 and others easily to be recollected. were there therefore to be a stiC adherence to etiquette, I should say that in the former cases the correspondence should be between the two heads, & that in the latter the Governor must be subject to recieve orders from the war department as any other subordinate oDcer would. and were it observed that either party set up unjustiAable pretensions, perhaps the other might be right in opposing them by a tenaciousness of his own rigorous right. but I think the practice in Genl. Washington’s administration was most friendly to business, & was absolutely equal. sometimes he wrote to the Governors; & sometimes the heads of departments wrote. if a letter is to be on a general subject, I see no reason why the President should not write: but if it is to go into details, these being known only to the head of the department, it is better he should write directly. otherwise the correspondence must involve circuities. if this be practised promiscuously in both classes of cases, each party setting examples of neglecting etiquette, both will stand on equal ground, and convenience alone will dictate through whom any particular communication is to be made. all the governors have freely corresponded with the heads of department, except Hancock who refused it. but his legislature took advantage of a particular case which justiAed them in interfering, & they obliged him to correspond with the head of a department. Genl. Washington sometimes wrote to them. I presume mr Adams did, as you mention his having written to you. on the whole I think a free correspondence best, & shall never hesitate to write my self to the governors, even in a federal case, where the occasion presents itself to me particularly. Accept assurances of my sincere & constant aCection & respect. Th: Jefferson < 162>

22 MAY 1801 RC (DLC: Monroe Papers); dated 29 May; at foot of Arst page: “Governor Monroe.” PrC (DLC); with “22” interlined by TJ in ink above date. Recorded in SJL under 22 May and referred to as a letter of that date in TJ’s correspondence to Monroe on 26 and 29 May. Enclosures: see below. John Hopkins was the U.S. commissioner of loans for Virginia. The inclosed papers may have been copies of Benjamin Stoddert to Hopkins, 24 Jan. 1801, informing him of a remittance of $12,000 to be paid to the state for the navy yard at Gosport, and Stoddert to Hopkins, 3 Mch. 1801, approving the

form of a deed and requesting that title to the land be secured to the United States. Prompted by a query from TJ, Samuel Smith wrote to Hopkins on 16 May, reminding him of those steps taken by Stoddert in January and March and asking Hopkins to conclude the transfer of the land. On 25 May, Abishai Thomas of the Navy Department acknowledged the receipt of a letter from Hopkins that explained the delays in closing the matter (Lb in DNA: RG 45, MLS; cvsp, 9:202; Vol. 32:374). de pair en pair: that is, as equal to equal. q TJ here canceled “here I presume.”

From James Monroe Sir, Richmond 22d. May 1801. I was requested by the General Assembly at its last Session to transmit to the President of the United States, a copy of my communication to it, with the documents accompanying it, relative to the conduct of the Britith Consul at Norfolk, who was charged with having received a man of a Magistrate of the Borough of Norfolk, said to have confessed himself one of the Mutineers on board the British ship Hermione; and sending him to one of the British islands to be punished for that oCence. The object of the proposed communication to the President was that I should request him to cause such enquiry to be made into the transaction by the competent authority, and such redress given, in case it appeared that the charge alledged was true, as the laws of nations and of the United States warranted. I have now the honor to transmit you a copy of the communication and documents referred to which I do in full conAdence you will pay the subject the attention to which its delecacy and importance entitle it. As the act which is imputed to the Consul, and the proceeding of the Legislature of this Commonwealth respecting it were in the time of your predecessor, I thought it consistent with propriety to submit the case to him, as soon as circumstances would permit, after the resolution of the General Assembly made it my duty to communicate on the subject with the President of the United States. But as the term of the late President expired soon afterwards, it is probable it was not in his power to fulAl the expectation of the Commonwealth, in respect to < 163>

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the important object submitted to his considerations. I transmit you a copy of my letter to him that you may know what ever has occurred on this Subject. With great respect I have the honor to be Sir &c. Jas. Monroe FC (Vi: Executive Letterbook); in a clerk’s hand; at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson, President of the U States.” Enclosures: (1) Extract from Monroe’s message to the legislature, 1 Dec. 1800, reporting an investigation made by his order into the delivery in April 1800, without requisite judicial and diplomatic process, of a sailor from the United States frigate Constellation into the custody of the British consul at Norfolk for trial and execution under British jurisdiction; this “extraordinary” handing over of a person entitled to the protection of the laws of Virginia and the United States “excited the astonishment” of the governor, who submits papers relative to the inquiry and suggests that the General Assembly make provision for the punishment under Virginia law of any such actions in the future (Tr in DNA: RG 59, MLR, Aled with Enclosure No. 4 listed below, as are Enclosures 2-3; in a clerk’s hand). (2) Extract of minutes of the Virginia House of Delegates, 14 Jan. 1801, with the report of a committee stating that John Hamilton, the British consul, acted without authority in asking for the surrender of Hugh Jones, the mariner; the House resolving that the governor should refer the matter to the president, since the United States has judicial power in cases involving foreign consuls, and resolving also that provision should be made against similar infractions in the future (Tr in same; in a clerk’s hand, attested by William Wirt; with notation of the concurrence of the Virginia Senate on 22 Jan. 1801). (3) Reports and supporting documents from

George Hay, whom Monroe commissioned to investigate the matter, and Philip Norborne Nicholas, attorney general of Virginia, concerning the surrender of Jones by Thomas Truxtun, captain of the Constellation, to Dr. John K. Read, alderman of the Borough of Norfolk, Read’s ordering of a transfer of custody to Hamilton, and Hamilton’s arranging for the transport of Jones to Jamaica, where he was tried and hanged; documenting also an instance in which Read had another suspected Hermione mutineer jailed subject to Hamilton’s orders (in same; partially Tr and partially printed copies). (4) Monroe to John Adams, 9 Feb. 1801, informing him of the inquiry and providing documentation pursuant to the resolution of the General Assembly (Tr in same; in a clerk’s hand). The most controversial case of an accused participant in the 1797 mutiny aboard the British frigate hermione involved Jonathan Robbins, who was executed in Jamaica after the Adams administration granted the request for his extradition (Vol. 31:181-2n; Notes on a Cabinet Meeting, 16 May 1801). On a letter from Meriwether W. Jones to James Madison of 10 July 1801, recommending John K. Read for appointment, TJ wrote the following: “There is not a man in the US. who deserves countenance less than Dr. Reade. he is now under prosecution by order of the legislature of Virginia. Th:J.” (RC in ViU, with note in TJ’s hand at foot of text; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:395-6).

From Philip Van Cortlandt Dear Sir. New York May. 22d. 1801 It is expected that a Republican Carracter will be appointed to the oDce of supervisor of the Revenue in this City in the place of Colo. N. < 164>

22 MAY 1801

Fish. and having had some conversation with my brother Pierre Van Cortlandt Junr: upon this Subject I And it will be very Acceptable to him; & altho a brother I hope there will not appear any impropriety in expressing my full approbation and of Joining my Solicitations to his for the favour of given him a preference if it shall upon due consideration be found he is well QualiAed and with as good or better pretentions than the other applicants his Zeal and Exertions in the Republican cause are well established, and he has never had any lucritive station in his life, several honorary oDces he has Alled, the last as an Elictor for the ODce of President & Vice President of the United States I forbear going farther in the detail as I expect some other of his friends will be more explicit in Rispect to his abilities— And am with the most perfect Esteem & Respectful Consideration Yours &c Ph. V. Cortlandt RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 26 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.”; with note by TJ on verso: “Chr. Livingston says he is a respectable man of midling talents, not used to business. he thinks the oDce above his talents.” Dft (NN: Van Cortlandt-Van Wyck Collection); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esquire President of the United States City of Washington.” Philip Van Cortlandt (1749-1831), eldest son of Pierre and Joanna Livingston Van Cortlandt, was born in New York City but grew up at Van Cortlandt manor at Croton-on-Hudson, in Westchester

County, New York. His father served as lieutenant governor of New York from 1777 to 1795, while George Clinton was governor. Philip was elected to Congress in 1792 and continued in oDce as a JeCersonian Republican until 1809 (Biog. Dir. Cong.; anb). pierre van cortlandt, Jr., a lawyer and politician who had served in the New York State Assembly in 1792 and from 1794 to 1795, was 13 years younger than his brother Philip. In June 1801, he married Catharine Clinton Taylor, daughter of George Clinton (Jacob Judd, ed., The Van Cortlandt Family Papers, 4 vols. [Tarrytown, N.Y., 197681], 3:xxxv-xl).

From Joseph Yznardi, Sr. Exmo. Señor [22 May 1801] Muy Señor mio, y de todo mi Respecto he faltado a mi dever deseandole su feliz Arribo á esa Capital, y darle gracias por la Orden dada para qe el pleyto de Mr Pintard se deAenda por Mr. Dalas, por qe mi Salud ha buelto á devilitarse de Manera, qe Conosco, no se Conforma el clima a mi Contistusion, y qe me presisará dejar este Pais Antes, qe pensava como no me restablesca, y por lo tanto pongo, a la Considerasion de V.E mi Suplica para qe se deAenda assy mismo, el pleyto Injusto del Capt. Josef Izzrael por las Rasones representadas < 165>

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mis propuestas de tratado de Comercio no dudo qe V.E las Considerará como Utiles, y qe a su tienpo determinará lo Conviniente á las dos Naciones las Nuevas Victorias Britanicas, y mejoría del Rey como Muerte del Enperador de Rusia seran causa de qe la Guerra dure Mucho mas qe se podía esperar, y la Confederasion del Norte Interrunpida pueden transtornar las Convinasiones del Gavinete Frances, Ciendo Nessesario esperar Noticias Inparciales de Europa. para desidir una Opinion no dudo Pas con Portugal por Conseqencia a mi Asersion premitiba en este punto deseo á V.E la mejor Salud, y Ruego á Dios que su Vida ms. as. Philadelphia 22 Exmo. Señor BLM de V.E su mas Obte. Servidor Josef Yznardy e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Most Excellent Sir My most illustrious sir, and with all my respect, I have failed in my duty to wish you a happy return to that capital, and to give thanks for the instructions given in order that Mr. Pintard’s lawsuit be handled by Mr. Dallas, because my health has once more deteriorated in a manner that I know that the climate here does not agree with my disposition, and unless I recover, I will be forced to leave this country before I anticipated; therefore I submit to your excellency’s consideration my request that Dallas also defend against the unjust lawsuit of Captain Joseph Israel for the reasons I stated. I do not doubt that your excellency will And useful my proposals about a trade agreement, and that the treaty will determine in due course what is more convenient to both nations. The new English victories, the recovery of the king, like the death of the Russian emperor, will be reason for the war to last longer than expected, and the interrupted Northern Confederation may disrupt the makeup of the French cabinet, making it necessary to wait for impartial news from Europe before reaching an opinion. It can be inferred from the reasons that I mentioned before that I do not doubt there will be peace with Portugal. I wish your excellency the best of health, and I pray that God protect your life many years, Philadelphia 22. Most excellent sir, your most obedient servant kisses the hand of your excellency. Josef Yznardy RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Exmo. Sr. Dn. Thomas JeCerson”; date supplied from Yznardi’s closing and TJ’s endorsement; endorsed by TJ as a letter of 22 May received 26 May and so recorded in SJL.

After a review by Alexander J. Dallas, the U.S. attorney for the eastern district of Pennsylvania, TJ and Levi Lincoln agreed that the lawsuit against Yznardi by John M. pintard was related to Yznardi’s conduct as acting consul at Cadiz

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23 MAY 1801 and that the United States should be involved in the suit. They decided that the government should not take any part in the suit of Joseph Israel against Yznardi (Yznardi to TJ, 4 Jan.; Lincoln to TJ, 9 Apr.; and TJ to Lincoln, 17 Apr. 1801). propuestas de tratado: Yznardi may have suggested a commercial treaty in one of two letters from April that are now missing. In addition to his letter of 7 Apr., which is printed above in this series and which TJ received on 16 Apr., Yznardi wrote another communication of the 7th and one on 14 Apr., both of which TJ received, according to SJL, on the 24th of that month. mejoría del rey: George III had been incapacitated by illness late in February and early in March 1801 (Ehrman, Pitt, 500n, 525-8; Levi Lincoln to TJ, 16 Apr. 1801). Sometime before he learned of George’s recovery, Yznardi wrote a memorandum commenting on news from Europe. Believing when he wrote that the British monarch might have died,

Yznardi asserted that the situation could be to France’s beneAt, perhaps resulting in a favorable peace with Britain or sparking a revolution in that country. Even if that did not occur, part of the Royal Navy might declare its allegiance to the Prince of Wales and Irish dissidents might exploit the situation. Yznardi also mentioned the intention of Spain to invade Portugal, the poor harvest in Spain, and increasing shortages in Britain. Taking note of a rumor that the British expeditionary force in Egypt had mutinied, he speculated that the dissident army might ally itself to another nation, just as some French troops joined the Spanish after learning of the execution of Louis XVI (MS in DLC: TJ Papers, 111:19087; undated and unsigned; in Yznardi’s hand, in Spanish; endorsed by him: “Noticias del Día”—that is, “News of the Day”). For the ultimatum given to portugal by Spain and France, see Joseph Barnes to TJ, 10 Apr. 1801.

To Elias Boudinot Dear Sir Washington May 23. 1801. You know the dispositions of the legislature to discontinue the establishment of the Mint on account of it’s expence, and that there is a possibility, not to say more that the design will be resumed. mr Leslie, the bearer of this, has explained to me a mode of performing the operation of coining which would prodigiously abridge it’s expences, if it answers; the proposition looks well, it rests on the known force of the double cylinder, and the experiment may be tried at an expence of 5. or 10. guineas in his opinion. under these impressions I cannot but recommend to you the trial of his method, by having a pair of rollers & die prepared by your workmen, for a single dollar only, because if it will make one, there will be no doubt of it’s suDciency. I shall be happy to learn the result, & think the sooner it is tried the better; because if it succeeds, there will be time to get into full operation before the meeting of Congress. I recieved from a German of the name of Reich some specimens of engraving & a wish to be employed. he is just arrived & in distress. I send them to you by mr Leslie, that you may judge for yourself whether he may be employed usefully for the public. I have taken the < 167>

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liberty of desiring him to present himself to you. accept assurances of my high consideration & respect. RC (PHi); addressed: “Elias Boudinot esq. Director of the mint Philadelphia”; also on address sheet in TJ’s hand: “by mr Leslie with a small box”; endorsed as received 29 May. PrC (DLC). Rumors circulated about a plan to dis-

continue the establishment of the mint and move it from Philadelphia; see U.S. Statutes at Large, 2:86, 111; Annals, 10:1290; jhr, 3:815. Robert Leslie’s letter to TJ of 1 Apr. mentioned Matthew Boulton’s process of coining.

From Thomas Cooper and Others Sir Philadelphia 23d May 1801 Desirous of cooperating with the chief Magistrate in his purpose to maintain the respectability and purity of Republican Government, by entrusting public functions to those only whose private virtues, talents, and attachment to the freedom and security of their fellow citizens and the peace and independence of their country entitle them to conAdence and respect;—we whose names are hereunto subscribed, take the liberty of recommending to you Major William Henderson, of the county of Montgomery, of which county he is at present the Treasurer. If popular report can be relied on (and is sustained in the present instance by sentiments of necessity as well as justice) it is the intention of the executive to release this city from injuries similar to those which it has already sustained, by the abuses of the department of the Customs to the grievous wrong of men who oCended only in being republicans. In such case we would respectfully recommend Major Henderson, as a person every way qualiAed to All the station of Naval ODcer. His talents and standing in society, his manners and integrity, and the political conduct which he has uniformly pursued with honor to himself and advantage to the public cause, entitle him to our esteem, and that of his fellow citizens at large, and render him in our opinions as worthy of the trust as any other citizen of this commonwealth. With sentiments of respect, esteem, and attachment accept our best wishes— Thomas Cooper Jas Reynolds Joseph Clay Joseph Scott Wm. Duane John Pollard < 168>

23 MAY 1801 RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at head of text: “To the President of the United States.”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 May and “Majr. Wm. Henderson. to be Naval ODcer of Pensva” and so recorded in SJL.

Revolutionary War veteran william henderson was commissioned a major in the U.S. infantry on 8 Jan. 1799 and was honorably discharged the following year (jep, 1:299, 303; Heitman, Dictionary, 1:522).

To William Duane Sir Washington May 23. 1801. I have duly recieved your favor of the 10th. and shall always be thankful for any information you will favor me with, interesting to our aCairs, & particularly which may enable me to understand the diCerences of opinion & interest which seem to be springing up in Pensva., & to be subjects of uneasiness. if that state splits it will let us down into the abyss. I hope so much from the patriotism of all, that they will make all smaller motives give way to the greater importance of the general welfare. I now write to mr Boudinot, forwarding the specimens of mr Reich’s talents as an engraver, and recommending to him to consider whether he may not be usefully employed for the public. will you be so good as to mention this to Reich & to desire him to present himself to mr Boudinot two or three days after you shall have recieved this. As to your proposition on the subject of stationary I believe you may be assured of the favor of every department here; you have no doubt contemplated the placing your supplies here. my custom is inconsiderable & will only shew my desire to be useful to you. From a paragraph in your letter to mr Gallatin I think you must have forgotten the particulars of what passed here on the subject of the prosecutions against you. to recall it to your mind I will just recapitulate that I asked if you could give me1 an exact list of the prosecutions of a public nature, against you, & over which I might have a controul; observing that whenever in the line of my functions I should be met by the Sedition law, I should treat it as a nullity: that therefore even in the prosecution recommended by the Senate, if founded on that law I would order a Nolle prosequi; but out of respect to that body should be obliged to refer to the Attorney of the district to consider whether there was ground of prosecution in any court & under any law aknoleged of force. I thought you expressed some dislike to a change of judicature, said you could not furnish then a correct statement of the prosecutions, but would do it after < 169>

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your return to the city. this at least was the impression left on my mind, and I ascribed your not having furnished so speciAc a list of the prosecutions as would enable me to interpose with due accuracy, either to the distance of the trials, or perhaps a willingness to meet the investigation before a jury summoned by an impartial oDcer. the trial on behalf of the Senate being postponed you have time to explain your wishes to me, and if it be done on a consultation with mr Dallas, it may abridge the operations which shall be thought proper. I accept with acknolegement mrs Bache’s compliments, & beg leave to tender her my sincere respects, & to yourself salutations & my best wishes. Th: Jefferson RC (Mrs. Russell Duane, Philadelphia, 1946); addressed: “Mr. William Duane Philadelphia”; endorsed. PrC (DLC).

q TJ here canceled “a list.”

From Albert Gallatin Sir, Treasury Department May 23d. 1801. I have the honor to transmit for the information of the President, a letter dated the 16th instant, from Benjamin Reynolds formerly Gaugher for the port of Wilmington in the District of Delaware, on the subject of certain charges heretofore exhibited by him to Mr Wolcott late Secretary of the Treasury against Allen McLane, Collector of said District. The letter of Reynolds to Mr Wolcott as also the one from the collector on the subject of those charges, with sundry other documents in relation thereto are enclosed herewith. I have advised Reynolds by letter of this date, that his communication with its enclosures would be submitted to the President, and furnished him at the same time, with such parts of McLane’s answers as related to the charges in question. I have the honor to be very respectfully Sir Your Obedt. Servant. Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); in clerk’s hand, signed by Gallatin; at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 23 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures not found, but see below. benjamin reynolds Alled the position of weigher and gauger at Wilmington, Delaware, for about seven years before he was dismissed by Allen McLane, who took oDce as collector in 1797.

Reynolds then went to Philadelphia, where he worked as a cooper, making oak casks, and as a gauger. In 1803, Reynolds recalled that he Arst stated his case against McLane in correspondence with Oliver wolcott, Jr., on 1 June 1799. Later that same month, Wolcott informed Reynolds that McLane had satisfactorily answered the charges made against him. Reynolds reiterated the facts to Gallatin in the spring of 1801, and on 28 May and

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23 MAY 1801 7 June sent the Treasury secretary documents, including aDdavits by James Welsh, a bargeman, Thomas Moore, James Bevins, and Lewis R. Brown, to support his case (StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1801, 18; James Robinson, The Philadelphia Directory for 1804 [Philadelphia, 1804], 193; Reynolds to TJ, 23 Feb. 1803). Gallatin forwarded the documents to TJ with a short note indicating that he had received them from Reynolds, “the accuser” of McLane, and concluding: “The question now is—Shall an enquiry be instituted?” (RC in DLC: TJ Papers, 114:19578; undated; endorsed by TJ: “Departmt. of Treasury Mc.lane’s case”). Gallatin also sent TJ a summary of the charges contained in the documents, organized under three major headings: “Employment of Bargemen,” “30 Dollars receipt,” and “Reynolds fees” (MS in DLC: TJ Papers, 114:19579; in Gallatin’s hand; undated; on verso in Gallatin’s hand: “Substance of Reynold’s proofs agt. A. M’Clene”). TJ decided, by 18 June, to appoint

George Read, Jr., Delaware’s district attorney, and James Tilton, former commissioner of loans for the state, to investigate the evidence against McLane. In letters to Read and Tilton of that date, Gallatin requested that they enquire into the complaints that the Wilmington collector “had employed the Bargemen of the Revenue Barge or Cutter in menial services for himself, to the detriment of the public service”; had tried to induce the bargemen to give receipts for $30 in pay per month while actually receiving only $24; and had insisted that Reynolds, as gauger and measurer, share his fees with him, including “half of the liquors taken from the Casks as specimen of proofs.” In December 1801, TJ decided not to remove the collector, but the allegations came to the president’s attention again in 1802 and 1803 (Malone, JeCerson, 4:491-3; Cunningham, JeCersonian Republicans in Power, 44-9; Gallatin, Papers, 5:204, 206; Gallatin to TJ, 21 Dec. 1801).

From William Lambert Sir, City of Washington, May 23d. 1801. I have the honor to enclose a letter to me from Mr. Beckley, which, as it fully explains the motive of my coming to this place, will probably have more weight than any thing I could say for myself, should a vacancy happen in any of the Executive departments which I might be thought competent to All without interfering with the pretensions of others who may have a better claim than myself. You will pardon the liberty I have taken in thus addressing you, and allow me to repeat the assurances of perfect respect and esteem with which I am Sir, Your most Obedient Servant, William Lambert RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received on the 23d and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” Enclosure: John Beckley to Lambert, written at Georgetown, 22 May 1801, reporting that he consulted Henry Dearborn about Lambert’s situa-

tion and that Dearborn regards Lambert “as a political Martyr with me, to the Adelity of our principles”; suggesting that Lambert address a letter to the president “without specifying any particular oDce” but requesting employment in some “suitable Station”; and mentioning Lambert’s “past service in the settlement

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23 MAY 1801 of the public Accounts, which I think material in reference to a particular OfAce as mentioned between us” (RC in same; addressed: “Mr. Lambert, at Mr. peacocks, near Rhodes’s Hotel, City of Washington”). During Adams’s presidency, Lambert, a vocal Republican from Virginia, lost a position as clerk in the War Department. Earlier he had been an assistant to John beckley in the oDce of the clerk of the House of Representatives. He had also worked on TJ’s staC at the State Department, 1790-92, where TJ said that the “superior elegance” of Lambert’s handwriting earned him the particular task of recording laws passed by Congress (Vol. 24:366; Vol. 26:234-5; Vol. 28:475-6; rs, 1:54-5n). In a brief, undated note in support of Lambert’s application for oDce, Burwell Bassett and three others attested “to the ability and correctness of Mr Lambert in all clerical business and also to his uprightness and respectability of general conduct” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; in Bassett’s hand and signed also by the others; addressed: “The President of the U.S.”). Lambert wrote to James Madison on 12 Mch. and 7 Apr. 1801 in the hope of obtaining an appointment in the State Department (RCs in same). Lambert wrote to TJ on 20 Mch., but that letter, recorded in SJL as received from Richmond on the 25th, has not been found. Also noted in SJL, but unlocated, is correspondence from Lambert to TJ of 3 July 1795 (received 13 July), 31 Aug. 1795 (received from Richmond 11 Sep.), 9 Dec. 1799 (received 9 Jan. 1800), and 19 Mch., 14 May, and 24 Dec. 1800 (received on 19 Mch., 14 May, and 30 Dec., respectively, the last one from Richmond).

In 1799 and 1800, Lambert drew and hand-lettered for presentation to TJ several “constructions” incorporating diagrams and data relating to an eclipse of the sun of 16 June 1806 and eclipses of the moon of 29 Mch. and 22 Sep. 1801. In some of these presentations he calculated the events for the meridian of Monticello: that is, for the September 1801 lunar eclipse (MS in DLC: TJ Papers, 106:18100; dated Philadelphia, 30 Dec. 1799, for presentation “to the Proprietor of Monticello” from “a Virginian”); for the March 1801 lunar eclipse (MS in same, 106:18099; damaged; probably from December 1799); and for the June 1806 solar eclipse (MS in same, 106:18119; Philadelphia, 8 Jan. 1800, by Lambert for TJ as vice president of the U.S. and president of the APS). For presentation to TJ and the American Philosophical Society, Lambert also made “constructions,” calculated for Philadelphia’s longitude and latitude, of the March 1801 lunar eclipse (MS in PPAmP; dated Philadelphia, 2 May 1799) and the June 1806 solar eclipse (MS in same; Philadelphia, 14 May 1799; presented to TJ and the APS by “a Native of Virginia”); and he prepared a table of calculations, without diagrams, for all three eclipses (MS in PPAmP; Philadelphia, 6 Apr. 1799; for presentation to TJ and the APS in Lambert’s own name). The APS received those materials and voted its thanks to Lambert at its meeting of 17 May 1799 (aps, Proceedings, 22, pt. 3 [1884], 281). In June 1800, Lambert gave framed “constructions” of the March 1801 lunar eclipse and the 1806 solar event, calculated for Richmond’s location, to Virginia’s governor and Council of State (cvsp, 9:114, 117).

To John Langdon My dear Sir Washington May 23. 1801. After your refusal of the oDce of Secretary of the Navy, it was proposed to Capt Jones of Philadelphia who in like manner declined it. Genl. Smith then agreed to perform the duties without being ap< 172>

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pointed or recieving any reward. he has nearly compleated the requisitions of the law. on a surmise that Capt Jones might give a diCerent answer on a second application, I proposed it to him again, and he again declined it. I now learn that it is thought possible you might be induced to relieve our distress by undertaking it. I lose not a moment therefore in proposing it to you. the labours of reformation & of ultimately disposing of the vessels will all be over to your hand. the residence here is very pleasant indeed. a charming society, & not too much of it, all living on aCectionate & unceremonious terms. it is impossible to be associated with more agreeable collegues. I hope therefore that you will undertake the oDce, & so say by return of post. the commission shall be forwarded on recieving your answer; and we shall entertain the hope of seeing mrs Langdon & yourself as soon after as your convenience will admit. accept assurances of my constant esteem & high consideration. Th: Jefferson RC (NhHi); lacks address sheet. RC (copy in TJ Editorial Files); address sheet only; addressed: “John Langdon Portsmouth New Hampshire”; franked; postmarked 24 May. PrC (DLC). John Langdon (1741-1819) was a successful Portsmouth merchant and New Hampshire’s leading Republican. An ardent patriot during the Revolution, he sat in the Continental Congress from 1775 to June 1776 (where he probably Arst made TJ’s acquaintance), then became Continental agent for New Hampshire. He assumed a lead role in state politics during the 1780s. He represented New Hampshire at the Constitutional Convention and subsequently became a strong advocate of ratiAcation. Elected to the U.S. Senate in 1789, Langdon intially supported the Federalists, especially Hamilton’s Ascal policies, but his opposition to the

Jay Treaty led him to transfer his allegiance to the Republicans. TJ oCered Langdon the oDce of secretary of the navy sometime early in 1801, after Robert R. Livingston and Samuel Smith had already declined the post, but the New Hampshire senator likewise rejected the proposal. Leaving the Senate in 1801, Langdon returned to New Hamphire and resumed his leadership position in state politics. He was a frequent correspondent during TJ’s presidency, oCering advice on politics and appointments. He declined the Republican nomination for vice president in 1812 and lived in retirement at Portsmouth until his death (anb; TJ to Madison, 12 Mch. 1801). requisitions of the law: the reduction of the navy required by the Peace Establishment Act of 3 Mch. 1801 (Samuel Smith to TJ, 2 Apr. 1801).

From James Monroe Dear Sir Richmond 23. May 1801. I have inclosed you the papers relative to the British Consul at Norfolk, in the aCr. of the man who was sent to the Island and as reported executed, for mutiny on bd. a British ship. In a private letter sometime since I submitted to you a question respecting the mode of < 173>

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correspondence to be observed, between the Executive of the Genl. Govt. and a state, in wh. I gave my opinion freely. I think we are a distinct community resting on ground in some measure peculiar, at present, and that the mode of communication ought to be settled on principle. It is not more important to adjust the exterior than the interior police of our country; indeed the latter is perhaps more conducive to harmony than the former since it secures internal tranquility & promotes union. and in the light of a question of police, more than mere etiquette, I view the present one. But to me it is a matter of perfect indiCerence how you decide it. If you diCer with me in sentiment, and think the ch: magistrates of the States shod. correspond with the heads of departments & not the President, it is very far from my wish that you shod. deviate from your opinion. Let it pass in silence. I shall be happy to receive an answer to any publick letter I write you from any head of department, or any one else authorisd by you, since provided it be not desired for me to relinquish a principle which I adopted on reBection, and acted on with yr. predecessor, with whom I had no motive to seek a correspondence, I wish no more. I have many motives personal as well as publick to support yr. admn., not one to embarrass it. I wish no answer to this or any other letter of the kind. Take what course you please, it shall produce no inconvenience publick or private. sincerely I am dear Sir your friend & servt Jas. Monroe RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 27 May and so recorded in SJL.

inclosed you: see Monroe to TJ, 22 May. private letter sometime since: Monroe to TJ, 4 May.

From Thomas Mann Randolph Th: M Randolph to Th: Jefferson Edgehill May 23. 1801 Your letter of 14. inst: gave us the intelligence, which we ever expect yet allways hear with delight, of your health. Martha is in the most Borid health; Virginia, the children, all of us indeed, well.—I have just learnt by a messenger I sent to Poplar forest this week that Clarke is well & has planted a good deal of Tob’o. I learn with sorrow that the French are about to get possession of Louisiana; and colonize it of course. of its eCect as a nation on us, anticipations would be vain but I fear a speedy eCect on our population & the price of our lands. our people are prone to move, allmost to madness: no doubt great allurements by gifts of lands &c will be held out: the French government with regard to its operation on the peo< 174>

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ple must I suppose resemble ours greatly more than the Spanish: the climate of Louisiana must be much nearer that of the middle states (which begins now to have the preference & allways deserved it for reasons in agriculture quite obvious,) than that of our N.W. territory: the power, science, and enterprize of that nation will probably soon shew that the Missisippi is the shortest & easiest road and Louisiana the cheapest & most abundant market (as far as nature goes), whence all the settlements in the gulph of Mexico may obtain the supplies they constantly want, of live animals timber & provisions. Those of our people who sell their exhausted lands from debt or despair of their recovery do not Many of them settle in our N: West territory or even in our S.W. because there cannot be by nature in the one & is not yet for want of capital in the other that trade at their doors they have been accustomed to, & which they know gives the only reward to their industry: they become tenants or purchase divided or infertile1 tracts at home with the remains of their former possessions but would generally I fear preferr removing to Louisiana: those who desire ardently possession of land from innate love for agriculture & yet have no means but resolution & strength to gratify their desire must go to Louisiana; for the 2$ per acre shuts all our unsettled country against them. at the least, the stream of European emigration will turn that way immediately & I cannot now help considering that a loss, for it certainly brings us industry, skill in agriculture & the arts & I myself think from the progress & termination of the late political struggle, upon the whole, a strong reinforcement of republican sentiment, for undoubtedly the mass of fresh emigrants was on the Republican side and aided it much. The nation which shuEes the countries of Europe like a pack of cards, can I fear allmost by legerdemain make maize wheat & Tob’o. take place of the trees in the forests of Louisiana. It must aCect seriously the next generation with us: opening an immense new, rich country must I think lower the price, proAt & rent of land as a large magazine would that of grain or any article of necessity to man. But it matters little I believe: the Emancipation of Mexico & Brazil cannot be far oC when all the products of land must quickly be every where in America or Atlantic Europe at the minimum price beside the charge of transportation. with the truest attachment Th: M Randolph RC (MHi); endorsed by TJ as received 27 May and so recorded in SJL.

q Randolph Arst wrote “smaller or cheaper” before altering it to read as above.

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To George W. Erving Dear Sir Washington May 24. 1801. Among the reforms in the economy of our government which we propose to make, is the discontinuance of the diplomatic missions to Berlin, the Hague & Portugal. Lisbon however being an important scene of commerce, and one where a public functionary may And occasions of rendering valuable services, it is necessary that we send thither a consul in whose talents, principles & prudence we have entire conAdence. you know that no salaries or fees of any account are annexed to these oDces. yet I am told that from the business they bring to the Consul, they are of great value. and indeed I should suppose so, from the prodigious number of competitors for them. I can assure you with truth that there is no person whose acceptance of that consulate would be more satisfactory to me than yours. I take the liberty therefore of proposing it to you, and of expressing my sincere desire that you may And it acceptable. recieve with this proposition the assurance of my attachment and high consideration. Th: Jefferson RC (CtY); addressed: “George Erving esq. Boston”; franked; postmarked 27 May; endorsed by Erving as answered 5 June. PrC (DLC). George William Erving (1769-1850) was a Boston native from a Loyalist family who relocated to England during the American Revolution. Educated at Oxford, he returned to Massachusetts and early in 1800 was given a letter of introduction by Samuel Adams to TJ, whom he enthusiastically supported as an ardent Republican. Although Erving initially

accepted a Lisbon post, he later declined it. Urged to consider a diplomatic post in Tunis, he ultimately accepted a consular post in London, where as a claims agent for spoliation cases he received the annual salary of $1,000 (dab; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:14, 343-4, 357-8, 482; asp, Miscellaneous, 1:307; jep, 1:403; Vol. 31:349, 463n; TJ to James Madison, 24 June). For the discontinuance of the diplomatic missions, see Notes on a Cabinet Meeting, 17 May.

From Nathaniel Macon Sir Buck Spring 24 May 1801 Your favor of the 14 instant has been received, and the enclosed put in the post oDce at Warrenton for Mr. Potter, I have written to him fully on the appointment, and have hopes that he will accept, I have candidly stated to him, the probability of the act under which he is appointed being repealed, I saw him last week, though not knowing whether he would be appointed, I did not say so much to him, as I < 176>

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have written, I will endeavor again to see him in two or three weeks, if I should I will inform you the result of our conversation In every recommendation I shall carefully endeavor to select such as can discharge the duty of the oDce, and have been uniformly Democratic, although I do not wish any person turned out oDce, who was a whig in the Revolutionary war, for any opinions he may now hold, yet I would not recommend one for oDce who had not been always Republican; I am conAdent that Mr. Potter would not suCer by a comparison with Sitgreaves or Hill I have been informed that the collector at Edenton, was during the war, a New York Long Island Tory, but of the fact I have not suDcient information to speak positive, if it be so, ought he to be continued, The fact I suppose can be ascertained next winter at Washington I am pretty well assured, that a systematic opposition may be expected, it was probably organized at Washington last winter. I have been a good deal about since my return, and And the feds every where, trying to impress their principles on the people, but without eCect. General Davie is not returned, I shall endeavor to see him as soon as possible, I sincerely hope that he may be willing to undertake the negotiations with the Indians Your acquaintance Mr. Willie Jones is I fear not long for this world, he is unable to walk, and there is no probability, that he ever will again I am with great respect Sir Yr. most Obt. Sevt Nathl Macon RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 30 May and so recorded in SJL. New York native Samuel Tredwell emigrated to North Carolina around 1785 and had served as collector at edenton since February 1793. His father, Benjamin Tredwell, signed a declaration of loyalty to the king in 1776. He was not replaced by TJ and retained the Edenton collectorship until his death in 1827 (jep, 1:129; New York Genealogical and Bio-

graphical Record, 43 [1912], 128, 221; Newport Mercury, 18 Aug. 1827). William R. davie would decline TJ’s oCer to be a commissioner to treat with the Cherokee (Joseph Anderson and William Cocke to TJ, 5 Mch. 1801). willie jones served in the Continental Congress in 1780 and carried a message to TJ from the Virginia delegation in December of that year. He died 18 June 1801 (Biog. Dir. Cong.; Vol. 4:203).

To Francis Peyton Dear Sir Washington May 24. 1801. the Marshal’s oDce of Potomac is become vacant by the resignation of mr Dent. it appears to be an important district, comprehending < 177>

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rich parts of Virginia & Maryland; yet I do not know whether it is likely to be among the proAtable oDces of that kind. very much uninformed of your ordinary pursuits, I cannot judge how far such an oDce may be [. . .] to you, yet should it prove so, there is no one whom I [should appoint to it] with greater pleasure. I take the liberty there[fore] of [. . .] it [to you], & of expressing my wish that you may [. . .]. [Should you] [. . .] visit this place, I shall be happy to see you at all times, & especially about the hour of dinner. Accept assurances of my esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (ViW); faint; at foot of text: “[Francis Peyton esq.]”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

From Aaron Burr Dear Sir, N, york 25 May 1801 A very respectable republican character of R. Island, has desired me to suggest to you that it would in his opinion be politic to appoint Mr. How[ell] (late Commissr. on the St. Croix line) district atty. Next to Ho[wel]l, he recommends Nathl. S[ear]le—I am inclined to believe that the recommendation is discreet & the designation, Judicious; but you have probably, at hand, the means of further information— If the ODce of Comr. of Loans, or Loan oDcer for this State should become Vacant, our James Nicholson, commonly called Commodore Nicholson, would I suspect be gratiAed by the appointment—He is very much and very deservedly beloved in this City—is a man of business and one whose integrity inspires universal conAdence—This Notice of him would be particularly grateful to the republicans in this City and State and could aCord, to the enemies of the administration, no ground for malevolent comment— With great respect and attachment, I am Dear Sir Your friend & Servt. A; Burr I shall not Visit you at Washn. as proposed in my last, nor can I now say when I may have that pleasure RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); cut, with missing letters supplied in brackets; at foot of text: “Th. JeCerson Prest. U.S.”; endorsed by TJ as received 27 May and so recorded in SJL; also endorsed by TJ: “Commodr. Nicholson to be Commr. Loans. N.Y.”

David Howell had served on the commission that, under the provisions of the Jay Treaty, settled the st. croix River boundary between Maine and the British province of New Brunswick. Both Nathaniel Searle, Jr., and Nathaniel Searle, Sr., were lawyers, and it is not

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25 MAY 1801 clear which was the prospect for the U.S. attorney’s position (Kline, Burr, 1:587-8n; Vol. 30:284). In November 1801, TJ named James nicholson the commissioner of loans for New York (Vol. 33:670, 677).

Burr’s last letter, which according to SJL was written at New York on 20 May and received by TJ on the 23d, has not been found.

From John Dickinson My dear Friend, Wilmington the 25th of the 5th Month 1801 As the desire of an Acquaintance with those whom We have been long accustomed to esteem, is a very natural and commendable Inclination of our Minds, I cheerfully consent to gratify, as far as I am able, that Disposition in Dr. John Vaughan of this Place. He wishes to know the Man whom he has for Years revered as a Citizen, and he Batters himself, that as he is a stranger, an Introduction by Me may be of some Use in promoting a personal Intercourse. I must confess, that on this occasion I aCord Myself a Pleasure, by rendering the Tribute of my testimony to Merit. The Dr’s Talents and Acquirements are undisputed; He is at the Height of Reputation and Business here; of great Mildness and Modesty in private Life; of decided Integrity and immoveable Resolution in maintaining the genuine Principles and the true Interests of Republicanism, of which he has given proofs in the worst Times that these States have ever passed through. With every respectful Consideration I am thy Sincere Friend, John Dickinson RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 June and “Dr. Vaughan” and so recorded in SJL.

dr. john vaughan had already written TJ directly; see his letters of 3 Dec. 1800 and 10 Jan. 1801.

From Francis Peyton Dear Sir, Alexandria 25th. May 1801. The testimony of conAdence aCorded me in your letter of yesterday is highly gratifying, and I beg leave to tender you my warmest acknowledgements for the oCer you make of confering on me the oDce of Marshall for the District of Potomac, After deliberating on all the circumstances attendant on the acceptance of this oDce, I am led to believe it will not comport either < 179>

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with my interest or convenience to undertake the performance of that trust. Having been actively engaged in commerce for the last ten or twelve years, my exertions have at length left me at liberty to persue in a limited degree, any system of business my judgment may dictate, of course I should have had no hesitation in accepting this oDce, if I had not been detered by the inconvenience and hazard of transacting business on such an extensive Aeld, while the smallness of the interest would almost preclude the idea of obtaining a deputy of integrity and respectability unless he could be entitled to all the emolument derived from the oDce, in which case I should sustain the responsibility attached to the principal without a prospect of any advantage. I am sensible of the honor confered on me by your kind invitation, and will not fail to indulge myself in the pleasure of paying my respects to you, should an opportunity occur, I am respectfully Yr. Obt. Servt. Francis Peyton RC (ViW); endorsed by TJ as received 28 May and so recorded in SJL.

From Thomas Woodcock the 25th Day of 5 month 1801

this for to be Laide before the president and Congress you Down or me down that the Kingdom wich Cannot be Shaken may Remaine and no Ceaches for Corruption no not won for the Lord God allmighty will have Servants that are in Subgection unto him there From Thomas Woodcock RC (DLC); franked; postmarked Baltimore; endorsed by TJ as received 27 May and so recorded in SJL.

From David Austin Mr. President: Philadelphia, May 26th: 1801— Knowing that the matter of my Communications may labor in the minds of the well-disposed, and even of the candid; seeing the evidence of the things stated, visibly, are only to be gathered from a comprehensive view of the order of providence, set down Arst, in the written testimony, & secondly, commented upon in a manner, not discerned by every one; I take the liberty of observing, that the Objects sought may be obtained in either of three ways: Arst, by arranging < 180>

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appointments so, that I may stand at the President’s right hand in the ODce of Sec’y of State: (forgive the least idea of wishing to discompose any arrangments already made.) or secondly, by an appointment to transact, in all foreign matters, with foreign powers: or thirdly—by accepting a Chart of proceeding, already sketched out for the president on the Conditions, last stated. This Chart will not only direct how to move: but will move itself: It will do its own oDce, without any thing, but the trouble of the President’s Name.—It will comprehend the total objects of seventy six, in a second edition. It will derange no National or political Objects at home or abroad: but, in its operation will gently, & paciAcally, controul the whole. It will bless the administration of yr. Ex’y—will bless the Nation; & will bless the World.— I submit the oCer of this Chart, gained, through Ave year’s severity of Apprenticeship, & most laborious application to the acceptance of the President. The Conditions, of possession are set down: and like “the Laws of the Medes and Persians” are unalterable. The estimate is at twelve thousand dollars, today, & will gain One thousand dollars per day, until it is in the President’s possession: or of any Agent he may send for it.— I am, with all due esteem David Austin P.S. The Squadron will receive its object & Orders from this Chart.— RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 28 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” laws of the medes and persians: Daniel 6:8-15. the squadron: probably a reference to the U.S. naval squadron at Norfolk preparing to depart for the Mediterranean. Austin wrote TJ again from Philadelphia on 31 May, withdrawing his request for a foreign commission or “appointment to oDcial station,” but reiterating

the demanded compensation for his chart of proceeding. “To this condition no amendment can be made. Nor can you say to me, as Felix said, tembling at the reasoning of Paul ‘Go thy way for this time, at a more convenient season I will call for thee’!—The Bood, Sir is at the door! The gates you possess are needful for the service of God. To pass this door, is to betray the privileges of the Nation & to loose our birth-right” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; endorsed by TJ as received 2 June and so recorded in SJL).

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From William Barton Sir, Lancaster (Pennsylva.) May 26th. 1801.— I can duly appreciate the great political events, which have recently taken place in this country; though little else falls to my part, than tranquilly to participate, with the mass of my countrymen, in the satisfaction resulting from those occurrences—They manifestly tend to the advancement of the public weal; and, hence, they promote conAdence in the breast of every sincere American. Yet, notwithstanding my station as an individual—unknown on the great theatre of our National ACairs,—I pray that I may be permitted to oCer to You, Sir, my Congratulations on the auspicious occasion.— Knowing, as I do, my feelings to be in this respect perfectly disinterested, I still And some reluctance in my mind to combine, with even a faint expression of them, any thing of a personal nature, as it regards myself. Relying, however, on Your goodness—and (as I Batter myself) Your knowledge of my character, I will not suCer myself to be discouraged from addressing You, on a subject of my own concern—connected, indeed, with considerations of a political nature.— I do this, Sir, with the greater conAdence, as I have understood from Mr. Beckley—with whom I have long been acquainted—that he has already addressed a letter to You, in which he has taken the liberty of going into some details, respecting me, which preclude the necessity of any from myself.— The design, therefore, of the present letter, is to request Your acceptance of the enclosed papers, which I beg leave to submit to Your inspection. SuCer me, Sir, at the same time barely to observe, that although two of these papers had a reference to an oDcial station in the Judiciary department of this State, (an appointment similar to which, I was honoured with by the government of the United States, in August 1789, without my previous knowledge of such an intention,)—I do not now contemplate any appointment of that nature. I mean not, Sir, to solicit any immediate appointment, whatever,—My object, in presuming to address You at this time, is merely to present myself to the notice of the Executive, in order that, at a future day, I may be considered as a candidate for some such suitable ODce, as I may be deemed worthy to All.— Should I be so fortunate as to obtain the honourable sanction of Your approbation of my views,—it will be my pride to merit Your conAdence, by the most zealous exertions to render myself as useful to my Country, as my share of talents will permit.— < 182>

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With sentiments of the most perfect Respect And sincere Attachment, I have the Honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant W. Barton RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 30 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” Enclosures not found. See John beckley to TJ, 18 Mch. 1801, for Barton’s suggestion that he might be suitable for the position of supervisor of the revenue for Pennsylvania or a similar oDce. In 1790 and again two years later, TJ had been unable to satisfy Barton’s hope for a chief clerkship in the State Department. In that period Barton, who was an attorney, a member of the American Philosophical Society, and the author of tracts on commerce, manufactures, and other subjects, also sought positions in the Treasury, the Mint, and the diplomatic service. TJ passed along some legal work involving James Currie’s debt recovery actions, but Barton gave up the practice of law after he became, in 1792, the principal clerk in the oDce of the commissioner of the revenue, Tench Coxe (Syrett, Hamilton, 7:244; 10:12, 231n,

491; 11:406, 407n; 13:464; Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 7:159; Vol. 17:347-8, 350n; Vol. 22:99-100, 116; Vol. 23:146, 358; Vol. 25:346; Vol. 26:187; Vol. 27:826n; Vol. 29:254n). judiciary department: Barton, an active political supporter of Thomas McKean, became prothonotary of Lancaster County in 1800. Earlier, attorneys from the county recommended him for the presiding judgeship of a Pennsylvania district court. He was a nephew of David Rittenhouse (and an older brother of Benjamin Smith Barton), and in August 1789 George Washington had named him to be a judge of the newly established Northwest Territory. The Senate concurred, but Barton, who hoped at the time to be made assistant secretary of the Treasury, turned down the appointment (Alexander Harris, A Biographical History of Lancaster County [Lancaster, Pa., 1872], 38-9; Brooke Hindle, David Rittenhouse [Princeton, 1964], 196-7, 304; Rowe, McKean, 344-5; Madison, Papers, 12:357-8; jep, 1:18, 25).

From Andrew Ellicott Dear Sir Philadelphia May 26th. 1801 I have enclosed three more sheets of my astronomical observations.—Pages 109, and 110, contain a critical examination of a meridian traced agreeably to one of the methods which I proposed some years ago in a small publication, with this diCerence, I had to take ␥ casiop. in the vertical above ␣ ursæ minor. on account of our latitude being too far south to take it below.—Page 111 contains the errors of the clock, with its rate of going, near the mouth of Flint River, with 10 results of as many observations for determining the longitude, six from the eclipses of trs. satellites, and four from lunar distances,—the mean results of the two methods agree within less than 4 geographical miles: a coincidence scarcely to be expected even at permanent observatories.—Page 115 contains the method used to connect our observatory with the conBuence of the Chotohocha, and Flint < 183>

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rivers, a diagram answering to the references you will And annexed to the page.—The geographical position of the conBuence of those important rivers, is now perhaps as accurately determined, as almost any spot within the U.S.—The observations I And will occupy 150 pages, and probably be all struck oC by the last of next week.— I feel anxious, for several reasons about the fate of this work, Arst, because I unfortunately have no person to share the responsibility with me,—secondly, being done by an American, and the apparatus principally made by Mr. Rittenhouse and myself, and thirdly to shew that my exertions, and services, for nearly four years in a bad climate, and constantly surrounded by diDculties, entitled me to a better fate than embarrassment and ruin.—My journals, correspondence, astronomical observations, and charts will account for every day I spent whilst absent.— I have the honour to be with sincere esteem and friendship. your Hb: Servt. Andw. Ellicott. P.S. since writing the foregoing letter the printer has furnished me with another sheet of the observations, the 124th. page contains the errors of the clock, with its rate of going at Point Peter, which is at the mouth of the River St. Mary’s, with the results of 10 observations for the longitude, six from the eclipses of trs. satellites, and four from lunar distances.— The mean of the eclipses of trs.ç h ⬘ ⬙ satellites gives for the longitude 5.26.15 West from Greenwich The mean of the lunar distances ç 5.26.26 gives for the longitude The diCerence is less than 3 geographical miles!—The result of the observations for the latitude, will come on the next sheet.— This will be handed to you by Govr. Sargent, who I presume is no stranger to you, or I should have written a letter of introduction by him.—Much has been said against his administration, but I am nevertheless for certain reasons, which I have detailed to Mr. Madison, inclined to think favourably of it.— A.E.

ç

RC (DLC); Ellicott used astronomical symbols for the star Gamma Cassiopeia (“␥ casiop.”), for the alpha (␣) star of the constellation Ursa Minor (Polaris, the pole star), and for the planet Jupiter (“”); at foot of Arst page: “President U.S.”; endorsed by TJ as received 30 May and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: see Ellicott to TJ, 16 May.

small publication: Ellicott’s Several Methods by Which Meridional Lines May be Found with Ease and Accuracy, published in 1796 (Vol. 30:162n; Vol. 32:547-8, 549n). chotohocha: another name for the Apalachicola River (aps, Transactions, 5 [1802], 287). Ellicott’s letter to Madison about

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26 MAY 1801 Winthrop sargent was dated 27 May. Confessing that he knew nothing of the particulars of Sargent’s administration of the Mississippi Territory, Ellicott decried

the “faction” that opposed the governor (Terr. Papers, 5:126-7; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:233).

From George Jefferson Dear Sir Richmond 26th. May 1801 Colo. Macon having delayed sending in the hams as soon as I expected—and not having been able to get a vessel to take them immediately on their arrival—it was only to day that I put them on board one for Norfolk, to the care of Mr. Warren Ashley our correspondent there, with directions to him to forward them to Mr. Barnes by the very Arst opportunity. There are nine dozen of them, weighing 1460. ¤, which is heavyer than I wish’d, or than I expected the Gentleman who bought them for me would have taken; but he assures me they are as Ane as he ever ate, and his judgment is much relied on by all of his acquaintance. I have heard nothing yet from SmithAeld, and therefore fear that we are not to calculate upon any thing from thence. I have written to Mr. Ashley to know if any are to be had in Norfolk, and am sorry I did not think of it sooner. I have since my last received & forwarded a large box, containing as I suppose the sashes. I have likewise sent on the Ash which I before informed you I should do. I am Dear Sir Your Very humble servt. Geo. Jefferson 1460 ¤. @ 1/. RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Thos. Jefferson esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 29 May and so recorded in SJL.

sent on the fish: see George JeCerson to TJ, 14 May.

To James Monroe Dear Sir Washington May 26. 1801. In mine of the 22d. I forgot to write on the subject of Callender, tho’ I had reserved that, for some time, to make a part of the letter. D.M.R. has contrived to put the money in such a situation that I And we could not lay our hands on it without giving room for specious criticisms. that would be a gratiAcation to which he is not entitled. it will moreover strengthen the reasons for laying the whole subject < 185>

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before Congress that they may not only refund but indemnify the suCerers under the sedition act. to take from Callendar particularly all room for complaint, I think with you we had better refund his Ane by private contributions. I inclose you an order on Gibson & JeCerson for 50. D.1 which I believe is one fourth of the whole sum. There is considerable reason to apprehend that Spain cedes Louisiana & the Floridas to France. it is a policy very unwise in both, & very ominous to us. accept assurances of my aCectionate respect Th: Jefferson RC (DLC: Monroe Papers); addressed: “James Monroe Governor of Virginia Richmond”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by Monroe. PrC (DLC). Enclosure not found. When the U.S. circuit court at Richmond found James callender guilty of

sedition in June 1800, Justice Samuel Chase imposed a Ane of $200 (dhsc, 3:405). For the handling of the Ane by David Meade Randolph, see TJ to George JeCerson, 4 Mch. 1801. q TJ here canceled “as my.”

From Charles Pinckney Dear Sir (Private) In Charleston May 26: 1801. Having been longer at my Plantations in settling my aCairs than I expected I have not had an opportunity of seeing the Gentlemen I wished to consult to recommend to you a suitable character to All the place of chief Judge for this circuit in the room of Mr Bee who declines—In my way down I saw & requested Mr John Keith of Georgetown to suCer me to mention him to you as qualiAed for this situation well knowing that his respectable character & talents & legal knowledge combined with his republican principles would render him extremely acceptable to the public, but he so positively declined that I am now under the necessity of waiting until I can see Mr Thomas Waties one of our state Judges & to know from him whether he will accept if appointed—I am unwilling to recommend any one who will not agree to accept if appointed & this gentleman is so eminently qualiAed that it will give me much pleasure to be able to say he will—I rather however fear he will not as the public are very much averse here to the Late judiciary System & an opinion prevails that it will either be done away or so altered as to make any appointment under it for the present very precarious—this indeed produces a General indisposition on the part of qualiAed men to accept & may make it diDcult for me to recommend such as I wish—I will however < 186>

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endeavour to do so & to prevail upon some one to accept it from public motives— it will give you pleasure to hear that in Alling up four Vacancies in our Legislature two for Saint Thomas Parish & Two for Charleston the republican ticket prevailed & carried the 4 & that this interest is gaining ground very much here—it wants one removal to establish the republican interest eCectually in Charleston & that is the Collector—I have very attentively examined the Strength & Balance of Parties here & it is the Opinion of all our friends here & mine decidedly that the power & extensive & growing inBuence of the Custom house ought to be in the hands of one of our most decided & active & deserving friends—the federalists are expecting it every moment—& our steady & decided republicans are all anxious that Mr. Daniel Doyley should have it as soon as it can be conveniently given to him as while it continues where it is, it gives life & activity to the opponents of our Measures—I have constantly told them, that it will be done in good time & they have all wished me to say to you that they hope your goodness will excuse them for presuming so far as to hope that the man who was the most active partisan of the federalists & opponent of your Election & consequently of those measures which your administration is intended to produce, should continue in the exercise of the astonishing inBuence which his oDce gives him over the commercial & Bank interests of this City & it’s Elections—As I know you wish to be minutely acquainted with the sentiments of our friends & indeed the State I have considered it my duty to transmit them & am with the greatest respect & regard dear Sir Yours Truly Charles Pinckney An important Election for Intendant & Wardens wends over this City in September & a Struggle is to be made to change the Intendant & a number of the Wardens who are federal & strongly so.—if the appointment therefore arrives here by the last of August it will be in time— I inclose you one of the Electioneering productions of the present Collector which will prove to you that he was no very quiet spectater of our Election in October— RC (DLC); addressed: “(Private) To The President of the United States in Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 25 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: see below. The above was enclosed in a brief cover

letter by Pinckney of the same date that introduced Thomas Lynch Dart, a former surgeon’s mate in the navy, who carried the letters to TJ. Dart was the son of the late John Sandford Dart, the former clerk of the South Carolina House of Representatives, whom Pinckney described as “a

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26 MAY 1801 very worthy man” and “an excellent republican” (RC in DLC, at foot of text: “To The President of the United States,” endorsed by TJ as received 25 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “Doctr. Dart”; Vol. 11:625; Vol. 12:340). vacancies in our legislature: Republican candidates William Stevens Smith and Dominick Augustin Hall won a special election held 20 and 21 Apr. in Charleston for the South Carolina General Assembly. In an election held 4 and 5 May in St. Thomas and St. Dennis parish, voters chose Ezekiel Pickens and Thomas Joell for the legislature. Hall was appointed chief judge of the Fifth U.S. Circuit Court by TJ on 1 July, however, and would not serve in the General Assembly. In a special election held on 18 Aug. to choose Hall’s successor, Federalist candidate Keating Lewis Simons de-

feated Joseph Alston, the Republican candidate and Aaron Burr’s son-in-law (Charleston City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, 20, 22 Apr., 9 May, 12, 18, 19 Aug. 1801; S.C. Biographical Directory, House of Representatives, 4:256, 318, 442-4, 516-17, 532-3; Vol. 33:676). James Simons, the present collector at Charleston, published a pamphlet in which he extolled the peace and prosperity enjoyed during the Federalist administrations of Washington and Adams. He went on to imply that the U.S. would be thrown into the same social and economic upheavals suCered in SaintDomingue if a “change of Measures” and “change of men” occurred in this country (Simons, A Rallying Point For All True Friends To Their Country [Charleston, 1800], 14; Sowerby, No. 3227).

To the General Assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations Sir Washington May 26. 1801. I return my grateful thanks to the General assembly of the state of Rhode island & Providence plantations for the congratulations which, on behalf of themselves & their constituents, they have been pleased to express on my election to the chief magistracy of the United States: and I learn with pleasure their approbation of the principles declared by me on that occasion; principles which Bowed sincerely from the heart & judgment, and which with sincerity, will be pursued. while acting on them, I ask only to be judged with truth and candour. To preserve the peace of our fellow citizens, promote their prosperity, & happiness, reunite opinion, cultivate a spirit of candour, moderation, charity & forbearance towards one another, are objects calling for the eCorts & sacriAces of every good man and patriot. our religion enjoins it; our happiness demands it; and no sacriAce is necessary but of passions hostile to both. It is a momentous truth, & happily of universal impression on the public mind, that our safety rests on the preservation of our union. our citizens have wisely formed themselves into one nation as to others, < 188>

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and several states as among themselves. to the United nation belongs our external & mutual relations:1 to each state severally the care of our persons, our property, our reputation, and religious freedom. this wise distribution, if carefully preserved, will prove I trust, from example, that while smaller governments are better adapted to the ordinary objects of society, larger confederations more eCectually secure independance, and the preservation of republican government. I am sensible of the great interest which your state justly feels in the prosperity of commerce. it is of vital interest also to the states more agricultural, whose produce, without commerce, could not be exchanged. as the handmaid of agriculture therefore, Commerce will be cherished by me both from principle & duty. Accept, I beseech you, for the General assembly of the state of Rhode-island and Providence plantations, the homage of my high consideration and respect, and I pray god to have them always in his safe and holy keeping. Th: Jefferson RC (R-Ar); at foot of Arst page: “H.E. Governor Fenner.” Dft (DLC). Enclosed in TJ to Fenner, 26 May, acknowledging the assembly’s address of 9 May and the governor’s covering letter and requesting him to convey to that body his answer (RC in MdBJ-G).

q In Dft TJ wrote the preceding four words and ampersand in place of “our peace at home & abroad.”

From Robert Coane Honorable Sir Phil 27th: May 1801 Being informd that you want a man as Steward and Buttler and as I have lived in the stations for those twelve years Much to the Satisfaction of my Employers and can produce undeniable Recommendations hoping it may meet With your Honours approbation I Remain your Honours Most obedient humble Sevt. Robt. Coane RC (MHi); at foot of text: “No 19 Walnut St”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 May and so recorded in SJL.

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From Albert Gallatin Dr Sir Wednesday morning [27 May 1801] In Callender’s case a copy of the pardon is necessary, and if it is in general terms, a letter from the President to me specifying that it was intended to include the remission of the Ane must accompany it. When furnished with these papers, I will communicate the same to the Auditor & Comptroller who will therefore write to the late Marshall of Virginia, that the credit by him given to the U. States in his account rendered for same Ane was improper, will be struck-out of his debit & that he must of course repay the money to Callender. The fact is that in this case the Marshall, as I am informed, will be Debtor some thousand dollars to the U. States on Anal settlement. He has, in his acct. rendered & now under consideration, credited the U.S. for the Ane; but he has not paid it in the Treasury either directly or indirectly, either informally or by Warrant. It is yet in his hands—He is said to be a grasping man, & his accounts are always diDcult to settle & uniformly curtailed. His last settlt. was 31 Decer. last & he was then Debtor to U.S. 4,194 Dollars— Yours Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); partially dated; endorsed by TJ as received from the Treasury Department on 27 May and “Callender’s case.” callender’s case: see Pardon for James Thomson Callender, 16 Mch. 1801. On 28 and 29 May Gallatin wrote Madison requesting an attested copy of the pardon (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:236-7). Gallatin informed John Steele, comptroller of the Treasury, on 29 May, that if Callender’s Ane “had been paid by Warrant into the Treasury,” it was doubtful whether it could be “legally remitted and if legally remitted, whether it might be legally refunded without a special appropriation.” According to the 20 Apr. opinion of the attorney general, however, if the remission took

place before the money had actually been paid into the Treasury, the Ane had to be repaid by the marshal to the party. Gallatin requested that credit for the Ane, as submitted by David Meade Randolph, former marshal of virginia, in his account to the Treasury of 4 Mch., “ought not to be admitted in the settlement of his account.” On 30 May the comptroller wrote Randolph informing him that after a review of his accounts for February and March 1801, he was found to be indebted to the Treasury for $2,428.03. This did not include the $200 Ane he had received from Callender. Instead, the comptroller directed Randolph to return the money to Callender and transmit the receipt to the Treasury Department (Gallatin, Papers, 5:66-7). For Callender’s Ane, see also TJ to Monroe, 26 May.

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From Henry Ingle Sir May 27th 1801— The table to be altered appears very good and as the alteration will exceed my expectation as to cost, I shall forbear cuting it untill I hear further from you. It is a duty I owe to my employer to state aparent objections after which I shall strictly follow directions. The making 3 single tables out of this dining table will be about 21 or 22 dolls. two new single leaf tables will aCord the necessary charge cost 32 doll and the dining table may be added if occasion should require it. I send by the barer hereof the 3 Brass Cased ring Locks.— I am Sir Your obdt Servt Henry Ingle RC (MHi); addressed: “Mr JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 May and so recorded in SJL.

From William Kilty Sir Annapolis May 27th 1801 At the request of Major Thomas Harwood of Calvert County in this State, I take the liberty of addressing you in his behalf. He has been informed of the resignation by Mr Dent of the ofAce of Marshall of the Patowmac district, and Means to Sollicit the appointment I have been many Years acquainted with Mr Harwood and Can with ConAdence recommend him to You, as deserving of this oDce— He is a Man of Good Understanding and suDciently Conversant in business—He engaged in the Service of his Country at an early period of the Revolution, and Served with reputation The Principles of Liberty by which He was then actuated have never been deserted by him and He has been ever Since and Still is a Arm and decided Republican. It may not be improper to add, that the Situation of himself and his family, which is numerous and very deserving, is such as to render an establishment of this Kind Very important to him, And Altho this Circumstance alone would not induce me to recommend him, it may merit Consideration where the Candidates may be otherwise equal. I beg leave to Mention also that Altho Mr Harwood has been unfortunate in his Pecuniary Concerns He has always Supported a fair and Honourable Character < 191>

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Presuming that in the exercise of Your duty in appointing to oDces it will be agreeable to you to receive information Where You have not a Personal Knowledge of the Candidates I Batter myself that no apology will be necessary for my troubling you on this occasion I have the Honour to be Sir With great respect Your Most Obt. Servt Willm Kilty RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ. Recorded in SJL as received 28 May with notation in brackets connecting letters from Kilty, Gabriel Duvall, John T. Mason, Rose Nelson, and John F. Mercer: “Majr. Thos. Harwood to be Marshal of Potomac.” thomas harwood may have delivered this recommendation to the president on 28 May, along with that from Gabriel Duvall, at Annapolis, dated the 27th, supporting him for marshal for the Potomac district. Duvall noted that the bearer of the letter had served with reputation in the American Revolution and characterized Harwood as a “genuine Republican” who had been “undeviatingly Republican through all the Revolutions in the public sentiment.” Duvall reviewed Harwood’s public career, noting his service as a state legislator, county court judge, and justice of the peace. Characterizing Harwood as “a gentleman of good understanding, & of unblemished private character,” Duvall noted that “unfavourable circumstances” had left him “considerably embarrassed” with a large family to support (RC in same; at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson, Esq. President of The United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 May and “Majr. Thomas Harwood to be Marshal of Potomac” and so recorded in SJL with brackets connecting it with other letters recommending Harwood received on 28 May). Harwood may have delivered two other recommendations. Writing from An-

napolis on 27 May, John Thomson Mason described Harwood as “an old soldier, an undeviating republican, of respectable connections and needy in his circumstances.” Mason noted that he had not seen Harwood for two or three years, but had heard nothing to indicate that his good reputation had been tarnished by his Anancial diDculties. Rose Nelson, also writing from Annapolis on 27 May, proclaimed to know Harwood as “a Man of Good understanding and great Probity.” Nelson reported that Harwood’s “unpleasant” Anancial condition was “Occasioned more by untoward Circumstances, than any imprudencies of his own” (RCs in same; endorsed by TJ as received 28 May and so recorded in SJL with brackets connecting them with other letters received on that date recommending Harwood). A letter from John F. Mercer dated 29 May at West River noted that Harwood had served with reputation in the Maryland line during the Revolutionary War and subsequently in other public stations. He believed Harwood would faithfully discharge the duties of marshal and noted that he had “a large & respectable family reduced in circumstances by mercantile losses” (same; endorsed by TJ as a letter of 29 May received the 28th and so recorded in SJL with brackets connecting it with other letters received on that date recommending Harwood). For the resignation of George dent and the appointment of William Baker to the marshalship, see TJ to Baker, 30 May.

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To James and Dolley Madison and Anna Payne May 27. 1801.

Th: JeCerson was much disappointed at breakfast this morning not having till then known of the departure of mr & mrs Madison & miss Payne. he hopes they will come and dine to-day with the miss Butlers who were assured they would meet them here, and tomorrow with mrs Gallatin & mrs Mason. aCectionate salutations. RC (ICHi). departure of mr & mrs madison & miss payne: the Madisons, along with Dolley’s younger sister and ward, Anna Payne, stayed as TJ’s guests at the President’s House for almost a month upon their arrival in Washington. They probably moved to one of the Six Buildings, where they resided until they left for Montpelier in late July. When the Madisons returned to Washington in October 1801, they resided next door to William and Anna Maria Thornton at 1333 F Street, two blocks east of the President’s House, in a house that they continued to occupy throughout Madison’s terms as secretary of state (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser.,

1:113n, 2:xli; Brant, Madison, 4:41-3, 490n; Vol. 33:595). miss butlers: the daughters of Pierce Butler, Anne Elizabeth, Frances, Harriot Percy, and Sarah Butler Mease. They frequently accompanied their widowed father to social functions after their mother’s death in 1790 (Malcolm Bell, Jr., Major Butler’s Legacy: Five Generations of a Slaveholding Family [Athens, Ga., 1987], xvi, 52-4; S.C. Biographical Directory, House of Representatives, 3:112-13). mrs mason: Anna Maria Murray Mason, the wife of General John Mason. TJ wrote again to Dolley Madison and Anna Payne on 4 June asking either of them to dine with him that day “to take care of his female friends expected” (RC in ICHi).

From Thomas Claxton Honor’d Sir Philada May 28th 1801 I this day purchased your copying press—it is made on an entire new construction, being worked on the same principle of common printing presses with a screw and lever—it is the Arst that has been purchased in this city, and on that account I had it conveyed to my friend Mr M. Carey, who made an experiment on it in my presence, and pronounced it far superior to the old kind—any number of diCerent letters may be struck oC with the same impression, which will render it very convenient—If, Sir, you wish to have a supply of paper for the use of the press, I can get some very excellent, as well as ink powder— The three dozen drawr locks are not to be got in this city of the kind you were pleased to direct—the Stock and Pad locks I can < 193>

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procure—the Stock locks are of a peculiarly excellent construction— they are Axed in wooden blocks, which I think is the kind you meant—You will please to inform me, Sir, whether it is necessary for the key holes to be on both sides of the doors, the locks being only pierced on one side— The green semi vase lamps, I believe I shall not be able to procure—indeed any colour of that article seems to be very scarse If Mr. Ingle cannot make the half blinds within a reasonable time, I could have some of them executed here very shortly—If, Sir, you should think this measure necessary, you will please to send the exact dimentions I have the pattern of the model in hand and wish to know, Sir, whether you will have it ciphered, and if so, what part the cipher shall be on—I have thought it would look well on the breast—it is thought it must weigh between 40 and 50 oz— In consequence of the windows and Boors requiring such monstrous large patterns of the same articles, I have been obliged to wait for the unloading of a Ship for some days, which, I Batter myself, sir, will be a suDcient apology for remaining longer than I expected when I started Your carriage, Sir, I have learn’d, is in the hands of the painter— I have the honor to be Sir, with the greatest respect & esteem Your most Humble Svt Thos Claxton P.S. I have purchased the Tea and CoCee Urns, and am sory, Sir, the CoCee urn is larger than you wished; but I Batter myself their elegance will give you great pleasure RC (MHi); endorsed by TJ as received 30 May and so recorded in SJL. In 1798, TJ employed John Innes to alter and repair his own copying press. For TJ’s interest in and design of a portable copying press based on the Watt stationary press, which he had commissioned, constructed, and given to friends, see Bedini, Statesman of Science, 152-4; Silvio A. Bedini, Thomas JeCerson and His Copying Machines (Charlottesville, 1984), 27-30; Gazette of the United States, 26 Apr. 1798; mb, 2:977, 979, 980; Vol. 11:97; Vol. 16:323; Vol. 30:466n.

A wooden pattern of the model of a Roman askos was used by Philadelphia silversmiths Anthony Simmons and Samuel Alexander to make a silver copy of the vessel, which TJ’s family used as a chocolate pot and referred to as “the duck” because of its unique shape. The tea and coffee urns were also made by Simmons and Alexander (Stein, Worlds, 328; Julian P. Boyd, “Thomas JeCerson and the Roman askos of Nimes,” Antiques, 104 [July 1973], 116-24; mb, 2:1046; Vol. 15:xxx-xxxii).

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From Christopher Ellery Sir— Newport May 28th. 1801 Having no other claim to your attention than an appointment to the vacancy in the Senate, occasioned by the resignation of Mr. Green, I can hardly assume courage to introduce myself to your notice, but trusting to your acknowledged condescension I venture to address you on a subject which requires an earlier intrusion on your precious moments than I contemplated—It was understood that Mr. Barns was appointed district judge under circumstances which would tend to postpone, till the meeting of Congress, the appointment of a district attorney in his stead, and of course it did not appear to be necessary, even if it were proper, to propose any gentleman for the oDce before that time, when I should have the pleasure of waiting on the President in person, but Mr. Barns informs me that he accepts fully the place of district judge and that therefore it is probable a district attorney will be named immediately—and further Mr. Barns mentions that several young gentlemen of Providence have already procured recommendations for the oDce— Receiving this information I hasten to name Asher Robbins esquire of Newport, an old practitioner as well qualiAed to discharge the duties of district attorney—Mr. Robbins is of most respectable standing as a lawyer—his acquirements give him a just claim to the honors of his profession—indeed if legal accomplishments—if superior talents are to weigh in the appointment of district attorney, none of his brothers are to be balanced with him—Your friends Sir in Newport and throughout the State generally will be highly gratiAed by the appointment of Mr. Robbins—for my own part I should accuse myself of want of regard for the interest of my Country did I not bear testimony to his great merits and express my warm wishes for his elevation to the post of district attorney— Sincerity obliges me to declare that Mr. Robbins was not one of the political friends of Mr. JeCerson and justice bids me add that there was not one such character to be found among our attornies—I should have passed over this disagreeable fact were I not writing to Mr. JeCerson—to him who loves to do good to his opponents—but I would represent truly the character of the man whom I recommend and conceal nothing unfavorable— Actuated by these considerations I ought to make known a circumstance which may possibly inBuence me in some measure on this occasion but which as I hope will not tend to lessen Mr. Robbins in your friendly estimation—Mr. Robbins married my sister—If this < 195>

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incident however or any other shall operate against my friend and brother I request permission to be heard in his favor, persuaded that every the most satisfactory reasons for his appointment in preference to others can be produced— Young and inexperienced, I rely Sir on your kindness to suggest every excuse for my awkward appearance And I beg you to believe me to be with all respect your most obedient servant— Christ. Ellery RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson—President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 5 June and so recorded in SJL. Rhode Island native and Newport lawyer Christopher Ellery (1768-1840) graduated from Yale College in 1787 and served as clerk of the superior court for Newport County from 1794 to 1798. Filling the Senate vacancy created by the resignation of Ray Greene in 1801, Ellery

served in the Senate until 3 Mch. 1805. TJ appointed him commissioner of loans at Providence in 1806 (Dexter, Yale, 4:540; Biog. Dir. Cong.; Vol. 33:553n). asher robbins, a Connecticut native, graduated from Yale College in 1782 and became a tutor at Rhode Island College. In 1791 he married Christopher Ellery’s sister, Mary. Admitted to the bar in 1792, he practiced law in Providence, and later in Newport (Biog. Dir. Cong.; Dexter, Yale, 4:231-2).

To Mary Jefferson Eppes Washington May 28. 1801.

An immense accumulation of business, my dear Maria, has prevented my writing to you since my arrival at this place. but it has not prevented my having you in my mind daily & hourly, and feeling much anxiety to hear from you, & to know that mr Eppes & yourself are in good health. I am in hopes you will not stay longer than harvest where you are, as the unhealthy season advances rapidly after that. Mr. & Mrs. Madison staid with me about three weeks till they could get ready a house to recieve them. this has given me an opportunity of making some acquaintance with the ladies here. we shall certainly have a very agreeable and worthy society. it would make them as well as myself very happy could I always have yourself or your sister here. but this desire, however deeply felt by me, must give way to the private concerns of mr Eppes. I count that in autumn both yourself & sister, with mr Eppes & mr Randolph will pass some time with me. but this shall be arranged at Monticello where I shall be about the end of July or beginning of August. ask the favor of mr Eppes to inform me as soon as he can learn himself the age, and blood of the several horses he was so kind as to purchase for me. present him my aCectionate attachment, as also to the family at Eppington < 196>

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when you have an opportunity. remember that our letters are to be answered immediately on their reciept, by which means we shall mutually hear from each other about every three weeks. accept assurances of my constant & tender love. Th: Jefferson RC (NHi: Gilder Lehrman Collection at the Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History); addressed: “Mrs. Maria Eppes at Bermuda Hundred near City point”; franked and postmarked.

To James Jackson Dear Sir Washington May 28. 1801. Mr. Clay having declined his appointment as a Circuit judge, it becomes necessary to supply his place by another appointment. unacquainted as we are here with the diCerent characters who might be considered as proper to All the place, it becomes necessary to ask information from those who know the characters. your opinion on the subject would be peculiarly satisfactory to me. permit me therefore to ask the favor of you to give me information as to the characters you think best qualiAed for the appointment. it is unnecessary to mention to you that they should be good [lawyers,] of perfect integrity, and of republican principles. this latter qualiAcation cannot be deemed an illiberal requisite, when we consider that oDces having been so long given exclusively to those called federalists, it is but just that republicans should now [come in till there shall] be a due participation. the delay which has been already occasioned by distance, obliges me to ask the favor of as immediate an answer as you can give me. Accept assurances of my perfect esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “The honble James Jackson.” James Jackson (1757-1806) represented Georgia in the U.S. Senate in the Seventh Congress. Earlier, he served a partial term in the Senate and had been a mem-

ber of the House of Representatives in the First Congress, a state legislator, and governor of Georgia. Beginning in 1795 he was a Aerce opponent of the political factions associated with the Yazoo land speculation (anb).

From George Jefferson Dear Sir Richmond 28th. May 1801. I have to day received of Mr. Creed Taylor $:679.84 in part of Littlebury Mosby’s bond to Mr. Short, of which I have informed Mr. Barnes. Mr. T. expects shortly to receive the balance. < 197>

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Judgment was obtained last Court against Mayo; but he has appealed, with the mere view I suppose of delay. The quarter Cask of wine which you intended for Mr. Randolph was received in my absence, and had been forwarded for you to the care of Mr. Higganbotham some time previous to the receipt of your letter inclosing the bill of lading. This did not occur to us until yesterday—of which I shall of course inform Mr. R. by next post. I am Dear Sir Your Very humble servt. Geo. Jefferson RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Thos. Jefferson esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 June and so recorded in SJL. In April 1800, TJ requested that George JeCerson oversee the collection of the notes due William short from Little-

berry Mosby, John Mayo, and Richard Randolph. In early 1801 George JeCerson enlisted Creed Taylor, an attorney, to collect the Mosby note (Vol. 31:519, 532, 540; Vol. 32:499). letter inclosing the bill of lading: see TJ to George JeCerson, 6 May.

From Nicholas King Sir. 28. May 1801 A premium having been oCered for the best design for Barracks, agreeably to the dimensions of one of the squares designated for building Lots; that design having been given, and approved; and the contract for erecting the buildings advertized; It might be well before the foundation is dug, to examine the title of the U.S. to the ground designated as the scite; to see how far it agrees with the Plans of the City, with the sales to individuals, with public faith, and with the Deeds of Trust, under which the President and Commissioners are authorized to proceed. On the Arst appearance of the aCair, all respect for the Deeds of Trust seems to be lost; and, it appears one of these Strange and venturous steps which none but the City Commissioners would take, and which had already placed us on the verge of desolation. My Ideas, on the propriety of this measure may be crude and erroneous, & I may be now exposing my own vanity: Yet, it is better that an individual should be pitied for his Opinions or his weakness, than injury should be done to the purchasers of Lots, to the City or the public. The following doubts have occurred to me as necessary to be examined, before a decision on the Propriety of Axing the Barracks on the intended Square, can be made. By the Deeds of Trust from the Original proprietors, the President is authorized to locate such squares for public uses as he conceived necessary; the remaining squares and Lots to be equally < 198>

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divided into two parts; one of which reverts to the Original proprietor, the other part is to be sold and the monies arising therefrom given to the President, as a Donation for the purpose of erecting the buildings necessary to the accomodation of Congress, agreeably to the Act in that case provided. One half of the Square in question, was assigned to Mr Prout the original proprietor,—the other half to the public, for sale, as stipulated in the Deed of Trust. Can the commissioners under this Deed, give the Property away, and thereby lessen the Funds of the City for public purposes? They not only give the half assigned to the public for sale, but exchange Lots with Mr Prout so as to give his half also. If this Square is to be considered as a public appropriation for the use of the United States and made by the President under the Deeds, Mr. P. ought to be paid therefor at the rate of 25£, the Acre;—and not as is proposed, by other Lots to twenty times that amount. It has never been shewn as such appropriation on any of the plans, and to consider it so now, would be a breach of faith, and deception to those who have bought and selected public property in its vicinity. Let it once be admitted that the Commissioners can divert the Lots directed to be sold, to other purposes than contemplated in the plans and Deeds which direct such sale, and what security is left that those Lots which now remain unsold, will contribute to the City funds. Whether Barracks in the Commercial part of the City (as that eventually must be) are desireable, or not, I cannot say: they certainly were never calculated upon by those who have purchased in that part of the City, and erecting them in the situation proposed, will be a real injury to those who dislike to reside in such a neighbourhood. While there are such extensive appropriations for public Uses, in situations equally eligible; it may aCord room for censure to divert to this purpose Lots which were expressly reserved for private buildings. I can make no other Apology for this intrusion than my wish to beneAt the City, and prevent any premature decission on the part of the Commissioners or their obtaining the assent of the Executive until the inconveniences were adverted to, and the right ascertained. I am Sir, with the greatest respect Yours Nichs. King RC (DLC); at head of text: “The President of the U.S.”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 May and so recorded in SJL. Surveyor and draftsman Nicholas King (1771-1812) emigrated from En-

gland to the U.S. in 1794. King worked for the District of Columbia Board of Commissioners in 1796-97, then contracted privately in Washington until 1803, when he became the city’s surveyor, a position he held until his death (Ralph E. Ehrenberg, “Nicholas King:

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28 MAY 1801 First Surveyor of the City of Washington, 1803-1812,” rchs, 69-70 [1971], 31, 33, 41, 52, 55, 65). Marine barracks: see Benjeman Bryen to TJ, 16 Mch. 1801.

For the text of the 1791 agreement between the president and eighteen proprietors of land within the District of Columbia, including William prout, see Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 8:24-5.

From Thomas Lomax Dear Sir Pt. Tobago May 28th. 1801. The Bearer of this, is my second Son, who has Business in both Washington and Frederick-Town. I have directed him to wait upon you, and any Civilities you can And time to bestow upon him, will be gratefully acknowledged by me. I have also directed him, tho young & a Stranger in Washington, to endeavour to get a Brother, who is younger than himself, as a writer in some of the Publick ODces. He is approaching that Period in Life when the Mind may become vicious or torpid for the want of proper Employment. I will be extremely thankful to you for any Aid you can give him in the Business. Wishing you Health & Comfort I am with sincere Regard & Respect Yor. Friend & Obdt. Hmbe. Servt. Tho. Lomax RC (MHi); endorsed by TJ as received 31 May and so recorded in SJL.

To Martha Jefferson Randolph My very dear Martha Washington May 28. 1801. I recieved yesterday mr Randolph’s letter of the 23d. giving me the always welcome news of your health. I have not heard from Maria since I have been here. it is a terrible thing that people will not write unless they have materials to make a long letter: when three words would be so acceptable. Mrs. Madison left us two days ago, to commence housekeeping, so that Capt Lewis & myself are like two mice in a church. it would be the greatest comfort imaginable to have you or Maria here. but this wish must be subordinate to your family aCairs. mrs Madison’s stay here enabled me to begin an acquaintance with the ladies of the place, so as to have established the precedent of having them at our dinners. still their future visits will be awkward to themselves in the present construction of our family. I inclose for Anne some triBes cut out of the newspapers. tell Ellen I will send her < 200>

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a pretty story as soon as she can read it. kiss them all for me; my aCectionate esteem to mr Randolph & warmest love to yourself. Th: Jefferson RC (NNPM); at foot of text: “Mrs. Randolph.” Enclosures not found.

To Thomas Truxtun Sir Washington May 28. 1801. I recieved in due time your favor of the 18th. covering your commission for the purpose of inspection. altho’ this communication was expressly made to me in my private character, yet as it is only as a public oDcer that my opinion can be of any consequence, I shall freely express [it.?] the considerations urged in your letter are undoubtedly weighty and bear with force on the question of your right to rank before Captn. Talbot. neither was his claim without arguments had the case come before me for original decision, I will not say that I should have given exactly the same judgment which my predecessor did. nevertheless it is expedient that questions of rank once settled by the competent authority should not be disturbed again. otherwise there would be a [. . .] of rank & command incompatible with any [. . .] either military or civil. on this view of the case I should not deem it useful to unsettle a question which has been decided by an authority equally competent with myself. I again inclose the commission, and pray you to accept assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Capt. Truxton.” Enclosure not found.

From Enoch Edwards Dear Sir— Frankford May 29—1801 In the last letter I had the honor to write to you I mentioned that Mr: Hanse thought the DiCerence between the morocco lining, & the cloth & calico both would be not less than Afty dollars—after pricing the Skins & making an Estimate he informed me yesterday that it would be at least sixty dollars—owing to the present high price & their cuting to great disadvantage—I gave no Anal Order, & you have yet three weeks, if you should think as I do that the diCerence is very high for the Advantage to be gained, to decide against it—the leather < 201>

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lining is certainly a great luxury in Summer, but it is like seting on polished Iron in winter— I will now volunteer a piece of Business for you—should you want an inferior Carriage of the coachee kind—to save a better one in bad weather or go Journeys with. I can get you one at Germantown at least thirty per cent cheaper than in the City, & equally handsome. I have one lately Anished from there—and for my Money I think I have got better Work, better materials, & more conveniences than I have ever seen in any Carriage—The Man however is slow. & neither, as the saying is, Power, love, or Money will drive him out of his own Gates. he will promise a Carriage in three months, but will not Anish it under six. It is a small consolation however that it is the better for being long in hand. I just mention the Circumstance to inform you, how you may, should you have such a Want at any time hereafter1 be suited with least inconvenience to yourself. and on the most reasonable terms—as it will aCord me the most sincere & unfeigned pleasure to do you any, & every kindness that the short thread of my Life will give me opportunities to perform, while you are more importantly engaged for your Country, & for the Interest & happiness of Millions— Mrs: Edwards requests me to thank you for the honor you have done to her Judgment—& to assure you how much pleasure it will give her to exercise her Talents such as they are in any way that will contribute to your convenience or pleasure— with the sincerest Esteem & Respect—I am with every wish for your happiness your obedt St Eno. Edwards RC (DLC); addressed: “Thomas Jefferson President of the United States City of Washington”; franked; postmarked 30 May; endorsed by TJ as received 1 June and so recorded in SJL.

q Preceding four words interlined.

To Nicholas King Sir Washington May 29. 1801. Your favor of yesterday has been duly recieved. I doubt whether we have the same view of the transaction between the Commissioners and mr Prout, as to the matter of fact. their agreement was to redivide the lots in question, so as to give to mr Prout his part on one side of a street and to have theirs on another side, an operation which I understand to be agreeable to law & practice. the ground thus resulting < 202>

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to the Commissioners on redivision, becomes building lots & for sale; and are accordingly sold to the US. as a site for their barracks; the money will be applicable to the purposes of the trust; and will either be recieved from the treasury for this purpose, or remain there to the debit of the US. towards discharging the debt lent or guaranteed by them. as far as I understand this operation it seems correct, but I am not suDciently intimate with the aCairs of the city to have entire conAdence in my view of the subject, and shall therefore be glad to be set right if I have taken an erroneous view of the subject. this is the object of my addressing my answer to yourself directly, instead of referring the matter to the Commissioners to whom regularly all propositions must come for a Arst decision the site of the barracks has been Axed on by the Secretary of the Navy and it has never been deemed injurious to adjoining lot holders for a neighbor to Ax on his own1 ground anything [whatsoever] which the law does not deem a nuisance. barracks are not of this character. they are the less [inconvenient] to the neighbors in this case, because [as] yet nobody has built [. . .] the ground. Accept my salutations & good wishes Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Nicholas King.”

q Word interlined.

From Louis Philippe Gallot de Lormerie Monsieur Le President, Philadelphia 29. Maÿ 1801. une Absençe de cinq mois m’a Privé de L’avantage de Vous présenter plutôt mes respectueuses féliçitations sur L’honnorable Choix qu’a fait de Votre Personne Le Peuple américain pour premier Magistrat de cette Vaste & admirable République Aÿant L’honneur dEtre Connu de vous depuis prés de 15 ans & aÿant acquis Le titre de Propriétaire de 5277. acres dans ces Etats en votre Présence & sous Vos Auspiçes Je crois de mon devoir de vous presenter mon hommâge & vous demander la Continuation de Votre Estime dont Je suis Certain de n’avoir pas démèrité N’aÿant vendu aucune Portion de ces terres et dèsirant rèaliser quelques objets SuperBus pour moi Je Propose au Gouvernement des Tapisseries très Anes qui pouroient devenir un Prèsent fort utile pour Obtenir la paix des Puissances Barbaresques. Ces mêmes Objets etoient constamment Envoÿés de françe lors des négociations a tunis < 203>

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& Alger ou L’on Est trés Curieux de ces tapisseries françaises. Certainement les miennes reviendroient a trés bon compte et pouroient Epargner beaucoup d’argent au tresor des Etats unis, Je vous Prie de m’honorer d’une Réponse et dEtre persuadé du profond Respect de Votre tres humble & Dévoué Serviteur De Lormerie e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Mr. President, Philadelphia 29 May 1801 An absence of Ave months has deprived me of the advantage of presenting to you sooner my respectful congratulations on the honorable choice that the American people have made of you as the Arst magistrate of this vast and admirable republic. Having the honor of being known to you for almost 15 years, and having acquired the title of landowner of 5,277 acres in those states in your presence and under your patronage, I feel it is my duty to present to you my respects and to ask you for the continuation of your esteem, of which I am certain I have done nothing to make myself undeserving. Having sold no part of those lands, and desiring to liquidate some objects that are superBuous for me, I am oCering the government some very Ane tapestries that might turn into a very useful present in obtaining peace with the Barbary powers. These articles were constantly sent from France during the negotiations in Tunis and Algiers, where they are very interested in these French tapestries. Certainly mine would end up being very inexpensive and might save the United States Treasury a lot of money. I beg you to honor me with a reply and to be persuaded of your very humble and devoted servant’s profound respect, De Lormerie RC (DLC); at foot of Arst page: “s.E. Thos JeCerson Président des Etas unis”; below signature: “Post oDce Philada.”; endorsed by TJ. Recorded in SJL as received 2 June. While in France as minister plenipotentiary, TJ witnessed the deed of sale for Lormerie’s purchase of 5,277 acres in Kentucky from an agent of Henry Banks. It took several years for Lormerie to conArm title to that tract. He also had some interest in the eCort to plant a settlement of French émigrés in the Ohio Valley. Lormerie characterized himself, at the time of his early contact with TJ, as a political writer, and on multiple occasions he sent TJ essays touching on a variety of subjects (Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 2:401-2; Willard Rouse Jillson, Old Kentucky Entries and Deeds [Louisville,

1926], 409; Vol. 11:519, 528, 554-5; Vol. 15:478; Vol. 16:433-5; Vol. 23:230-1; rs, 1:128-34). A letter from Lormerie of 22 Dec. 1793, which TJ received from Rouen, France, on 11 Apr. 1794, and another of 30 Sep. 1796, received from Philadelphia on 14 Oct. of that year, are recorded in SJL but have not been located. Also recorded in SJL, but missing, are letters that TJ wrote to Lormerie on 4 July and 7 Nov. 1796 and two undated communications from Lormerie to TJ, one received on 21 Apr. 1795 and the other received from New York on 2 July 1796. tapisseries très fines: on a trip to Washington in 1803, Lormerie, who had received no answer from TJ to the letter above, again oCered tapestries for sale (National Intelligencer, 15 Apr. 1803; Lormerie to TJ, 15 Apr. 1803).

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To James Monroe Dear Sir Washington May 29. 1801. Since mine of the 26th. Callender is arrived here. he did not call on me; but understanding he was in distress, I sent Capt Lewis to him with 50. D. to inform him we were making some enquiries as to his Ane which would take a little time, & lest he suCer in the mean time I had sent him &c. his language to Capt Lewis was very high toned. he intimated that he was in possession of things which he could & would make use of in a certain case: that he recieved the 50. D. not as a charity but a due, in fact as hushmoney; that I knew what he expected, viz a certain oDce, and more to this eCect. such a misconstruction of my charities puts an end to them for ever. you will therefore be so good as to make no use of the order I inclosed you. he knows nothing of me which I am not willing to declare to the world myself. I knew him Arst as the author of the Political progress of Britain, a work I had read with great satisfaction, and as a fugitive from persecution for this very work. I gave to him from time to time such aids as I could aCord, merely as a man of genius suCering under persecution, and not as a writer in our politics. it is long since I wished he would cease writing on them, as doing more harm than good. Your two letters of May 23. have come to hand. You would afterwards recieve mine of the 22d. as to the mode of correspondence. I still think the mode therein proposed will place it on the footing most easy & advantageous to the public. we have great reason to fear that Spain is to cede Louisiana & the Floridas to France. Tripoli has probably commenced depredations on us. this is totally without cause. Algiers threatens, and has a right, there being 3. years arrears of tribute due to them, while our treasury has been overBowing with money. Accept my aCectionate and respectful salutations. Th: Jefferson RC (DLC: Monroe Papers); addressed: “James Monroe Governor of Virginia Richmond”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by Monroe. PrC (DLC); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. In his Anancial memoranda under 28 May, TJ recorded that he gave James Thomson callender $50 “in charity.” The certain office that Callender desired was the Richmond postmastership

(mb, 2:1042; Thomas Leiper to TJ, 8 Mch. 1801). two letters of may 23: in addition to the letter of 23 May printed in this volume, Monroe sent another of that date, recorded in SJL as received on 27 May, which has not been found. A notation by TJ in SJL indicates that the missing letter related to James Blake. Monroe also recommended Blake, who had been consul at the city of Santo Domingo, in a

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29 MAY 1801 letter to Madison of 24 May that Blake presented in person. TJ appointed Blake, with whom he was acquainted, to be the

commercial agent at Antwerp (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:224, 226; Vol. 26:483; Vol. 28:381-2, 622).

To James Monroe Dear Sir Washington May 29. 1801. I have duly recieved your letter of the 22d. instant, covering a copy of your communication to the General assembly, with the documents relative to the conduct of the British Consul at Norfolk who is charged with having recieved and sent out of the state of Virginia, a citizen of that state, under circumstances unauthorised by the existing laws. be assured that the request conveyed in the same letter that proper enquiry may be made into the transaction and due redress procured, shall be immediately and diligently attended to. Accept assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (CU-BANC); addressed: “James Monroe Governor of Virginia Richmond”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by Monroe. PrC (DLC).

From Joseph H. Nicholson Sir, Centre-Ville (Md.) May 29. 1801 I did myself the Honor about two Months past to address you on the subject of some Charges which I had heard made against Captain Nicholson of the Navy, and which I was fearful might operate to his Disadvantage. These I did hope would never again require my Attention; but about four Weeks ago General Smith in Conversation with me in Baltimore mentioned one of them in such a Manner as induced me to think it ought to be repell’d in some other Way than by my own single Assertion. As soon therefore as I returned to the Eastern shore, I wrote to Boston, and have procured a Number of Letters one of which is addressed to you, and which I now take the Liberty of forwarding—The others I have enclosed to Mr. Gallatin, General Dearborne and Genl. Smith. I am Sir most respectfully Yr. Ob. Serv. Joseph H. Nicholson RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 1 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC”; also en-

dorsed by TJ: “Navy. Capt Nicholson.” Enclosure: Edward Dowse to TJ, 12 May 1801.

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29 MAY 1801 See Nicholson to TJ, 27 Mch. 1801, for the previous correspondence in which he addressed the charges against Captain Samuel nicholson. ought to be repell’d: seeking evidence to refute the charge that his uncle “was addicted to hard drinking,” Joseph H. Nicholson wrote Captain Samuel Nicholson at Charlestown, Massachusetts, on 2 May, apprising him of his conversation with Samuel Smith. As advised by his nephew, Captain Nicholson quickly collected certiAcates and letters from “a few good and well known Men” of both political parties and forwarded them to Maryland on 17 May (Gallatin, Papers, 5:46, 69, 71). Besides the letter enclosed to TJ, they included a statement signed by Federalists Henry Knox and Benjamin Hall and Republican Henry Jackson

from Boston, 13 May; a letter from William Hull, a Republican, to Jackson, 14 May; another from William Eustis to Dearborn, 15 May; a certiAcate by the Federalist James Lloyd, Nicholson’s personal physician, 16 May; and correspondence from William Austin, chaplain on the Constitution while commanded by Nicholson, to the secretary of the navy, Charlestown, 17 May. All declared the charge of intemperance against Samuel Nicholson to be entirely without foundation (all in DNA: RG 45, MLR). Joseph H. Nicholson enclosed them to the department heads between 29 and 31 May (Joseph H. Nicholson to Henry Dearborn, 29 May; Nicholson to Samuel Smith, 31 May, in same; Nicholson to Gallatin, 30 May, in Gallatin, Papers, 5:71).

From Mann Page My dear Sir Mann’s Aeld May 29th. 1801 I am applied to by Major John Verminet to introduce him to your Acquaitance. He is a Gentleman of Letters, I have known him as such for several Years. He came into the Country in the begining of 1776, & was Assistant with Genl. Kosciosko in fortifying Ticondedoga. In which Station, he then acted as a Captn of Engineers. In the Year following, at the Request of Genl. Washington he was appointed Major of Engineers, in which Situation he continued to the End of the War, & has since served in the same Capacity. His Object is, (if it is the Design of the Executive properly to fortify the Chesapeak) to be1 appointed to that Business togather with that of Norfolk & a Part of James River. If such an Appointment is necessary I venture to recommend Majr Verminet as a proper Person to All it With sincere regard I am your Friend Mann Page I enclose you a little Piece of his RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 2 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “Majr Verminet” and “OC”; also endorsed by TJ: “John Verminet. engineer.” Enclosure not found. Jean Arthur Marie de Vermonnet, a French volunteer who previously had

served in the French Army, served in the Continental Army and became a brevet major of engineers on 18 Sep. 1776 (Heitman, Register, 560; Washington, Papers, Rev. War Ser., 5:67-8). q MS: “to to.”

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To William Baker Dear Sir Washington May 30. 1801 A large district, consisting of about ten or a dozen counties of Virginia 4. or 5 of Maryland, & the territory of Columbia, was created by the last Congress into a separate district by the name of the district of Potomac, the court of which is to be held [. . .]. mr D[ent] who was appointed the Marshal, after [acting?] some time has resigned [he says] it would [seem?] from the richness & extent of the [. . .] [. . .] [. . .] [. . .]-hends, to be a district of [importance?]. I [had] supposed [it] [. . .] as your residence is so convenient to Alexandria that [. . .] you to undertake [that] oDce [. . .] [therefore] [to establish?] proposing it to you [your answering requested?] [. . .] have been able by enqu[. . .] [. . .] the subject. Accept assurances of my perfect esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); faint; at foot of text: “Doctr Baker”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. William Baker (ca. 1749-1812) of Prince George’s County, Maryland, brother-in-law of Samuel Hanson of Samuel, was a physician and landholder who sought government oDce in Washington or Baltimore. In June 1801, TJ gave him a recess appointment as marshal of the district of Potomac, although an oDcial commission was not issued until January 1802. Baker had sought Samuel

Carr’s help and “interposition with your Uncle in my behalf ” in March 1801. Baker manumitted one of his female slaves in 1796, and hired out and later sold his slave John Freeman to TJ (Papenfuse, Maryland Legislature, 1:111; jep, 1:401; Washington Federalist, 17 June 1801; mb, 2:1043; Baker to Samuel Carr, 20 Mch., RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR, endorsed by TJ as received 21 Mch.; Commission for William Baker, 26 Jan. 1802, FC in Lb in DNA: RG 59, MPTPC; TJ to Charles Little, 31 Mch. 1801).

To the Executive Directory of the Batavian Republic Citizens Directors, The interests of the United States which were committed to the care of William Vans Murray, their Minister Resident near the Batavian Republic, admitting of his absence, we have yielded to his request to be permitted to return to America. He will accordingly take his leave of you, and will embrace that occasion to assure you of our friendship and sincere desire to preserve and strengthen the harmony and good understanding so happily subsisting between the Batavian Republic and the United States. We are persuaded he will do this in < 208>

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the manner most expressive of these sentiments, and of the respect and sincerity with which they are oCered. We pray God to keep you, Citizens Directors, under his Holy protection. Written at the City of Washington, the thirtieth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and one. Th: Jefferson Tripl (R. M. Smythe, New York City, 1993); in a clerk’s hand except signatures; at foot of text: “By the President,” followed by signature of James Madison as secretary of state; addressed: “To the Executive Directory of the Batavian Republic”; with seal of the United States; endorsed by William Vans Murray: “Triplicate. 14. Recall Recd Paris Sunday 9 Augt. 1801.” FC (Lb in DNA: RG 59, Credences); dated 1 June; in a clerk’s hand. Tr (Lb in NNPM: William Vans Murray Letterbooks); in Murray’s hand; dated 30 May; at head of text: “Copy of my letter of Recall.” Madison informed James Monroe that the letters authorizing Murray and William Loughton Smith to return to america were ready for TJ’s signature on Monday, 1 June. Madison’s letter to Murray, enclosing the original of the letter above and instructing Murray to assure the government of the Batavian Republic that the recall was not due to any “unfriendly or disrespectful motives,” was also dated 1 June. Murray received the letter of recall in Paris, where he had gone to negotiate the ratiAcation of the Convention of 1800, on 27 July (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:245, 246, 480-1). The government of the Batavian Republic acknowledged Murray’s recall in a letter to TJ of 12 Sep. 1801 that recognized the friendly and harmonious relationship between the two republics (RC in DNA: RG 59, Ceremonial Letters; in Dutch, in a clerk’s hand, signed by Augustinus Gerhard

Besier, countersigned by Steven Dassevael, and attested by Maarten van der Goes; with a translation, partially in English and partially in French, in the hand of Jacob Wagner). TJ and Madison also sent a letter, nearly identical to the one above, to João, the prince regent of Portugal, announcing the withdrawal of Smith as minister plenipotentiary. Smith, in Lisbon, received the papers relating to his recall on 25 July (Lb in DNA: RG 59, Credences, in a clerk’s hand, at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson, President of the United States of America To His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Portugal,” with text identical to the letter printed above, except “Great and Good Friend” in place of “Citizens Directors” in salutation and text, “your Royal Highness” in place of “the Batavian Republic,” “William Smith” in place of Murray’s name, “Minister Plenipotentiary” in place of “Minister Resident,” and dated 1 June 1801; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:255, 486). In a letter of 11 Sep., João acknowledged the recall, praised Smith’s abilities, and aDrmed the friendly relationship between Portugal and the representatives of the United States (RC in DNA: RG 59, Ceremonial Letters; in Portuguese, in a clerk’s hand, signed by João and countersigned by João de Almeida de Mello e Castro, the secretary of state for foreign aCairs and war; addressed: “Aos Estados Unidos da America, que muito amo, e prezo”—that is, “To the United States of America, which I much love and esteem”).

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Receipt from Edward Frethy Thomas JeCerson Equr To Edw Frethy Dr: To one months Shaving 3–00 To Shaving Box & Soap & Brush 00–75 3–75 Rec Payt May 30th 1801 Edw Frethy MS (MHi); in Frethy’s hand and signed by him; endorsed by TJ. According to his Anancial records, TJ paid Edward Frethy, his barber, $3.75 on 3 June. Frethy also submitted to TJ for payment an invoice dated 30 June for “one months shaving” for $5 (MS in

same; in Frethy’s hand and signed by him; endorsed by TJ). On 6 Nov. TJ paid $5.25 for a month’s shaving and pomatum (mb, 2:1043, 1057). At least through 1806, TJ paid Frethy almost monthly for grooming services, with payments ranging from $3 to $6. See mb, 2:1175.

From Thomas Procter Honoured Sir Philadelphia May 30th 1801. Justly presumeing upon your Excellencys friendship being extended, towards the faithful advocates of Our (Once) distressed Country, during the Revolutionary War, against Brittish, and Hession, Intrussions therein: Invites my second Application, least my former letter by any Mishap might have been withheld your presence. In my late address I named the great favour done me, by His Excellency Governor Thomas McKean, in presenting me, with the Commission of Superintendant of The State Magazine of Gunpowder—In which Building The powder belonging to the War, and Navel Departments, of the United States were stored for some Years past—But late a public Repossitary has been Errected (with other buildings for the Soldiery) To which the Public powder is removed since the late appointment of Majr: General James Irwin, to the Millitary Stores Department; which had been Contemplated previously to His being Commissioned. This Necessary change: has removed a stated Sallery from me. Viz. from The War department Ave hundred dollars ® Year, and from the Navel depossits it amounted to a Considerable larger sum.—The residuary Powder as lodged by private Cityzens being Incompatable, to the payment, of Clerks &c. I am preparing to surrender its Charge; And my Commission: To His Excellency The Governor; and remove the obli< 210>

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gations of my Self, and Suritys: as pledged for my due performance in ODce. Should therefore, any future event leave a Vacancy; which Your Excellency might think At: to confer upon me, its charge—It shall be, Duly fully Discharged, by the Suited Attention of— Your Excellencys Most Obedient Servant Thomas Procter RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at head of text: “His Excellency, Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 June and so recorded in SJL. Thomas Procter (1739-1806) was a native of Ireland and longtime resident of Philadelphia. He was a colonel in the Continental artillery during the Revolutionary War and was appointed major general of the Philadelphia militia in 1796. In 1791 he conducted a mission to treat with the Miami and Wabash Indians. He also led a militia brigade during

the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794 (Benjamin M. Nead, “A Sketch of General Thomas Procter,” pmhb, 4 [1880], 45469; Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, 18 Mch. 1806). my former letter: probably Procter to TJ, 18 Apr. 1801, not found but recorded in SJL as received 6 May with notation “W,” indicating that TJ forwarded it to the War Department. Procter confuses James Irvine (irwin) with General William Irvine, who was appointed superintendent of military stores in Philadelphia in March 1801 (Vol. 32:435).

From James Traquair Dear Sir, Philada. May 30th. 1801. The Bearer is William Stewart, the smith you expected,—the people for whom he wrought, have failed and he has been a loser, which soured him so much, that he would go oC at once:—I hope he will answer every expectation,—few can work better than him. I am Sir Yours respectfully James Traquair P.S. Knowing how fond you are of every useful improvement, I have the pleasure to say the Water Works are about Anished:—the Engines answer exceedingly well, & now we have plenty of excellent water.—It does great credit to Mr. Latrobe.—As an Architect I think him the Arst I ever wrought under:—he combineth taste with strength and plainness with elegance & that, with the fewest expensive ornaments I ever saw.—It is a pity that such Talents should be lost to the Country:—Not meeting with the encouragement his abilities had a right to expect.—He proposes as soon as the Pennsylvania Bank is Anished (which also doth him honor) to retire on a farm.—If any thing is wanting either in public, or to private gentlemen, I think him a At person as Architect or Engineer.—I hope you will excuse my freedom, when I assure you I have not the smallest interest in the < 211>

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matter,—Nor does he know I have written this:—My sole motive is the good of the Country which I have much at heart. James Traquair RC (MHi); above postscript: “The Honble Thos. JeCerson Prest of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 20 June and so recorded in SJL.

From James Clark Sir, Washington City 31st may 1801 please excuse the liberty I am taking in writing to you I actidently heard that you had some thought of Axing a circular closet in the house you at present occupy this is a kind of closet that you know from experience will answer althought has long been in my mind respecting an other kind of moveable closet which in my opinion in many instances would answer a better purpose and save much trouble to serveants this closet mite be eather circular or squaair tho the squair kind would be made more roomy and rather less expensive than the circular kind the principle is nearly similar to that of Axing window sashes so that from the lower story of the house every thing may be put in the closet and a man with one hand may raise the closet with all its contents up to the next story and the closet may be made the whole hight of a story and with the same convenience a person can get to the upper as to the lower or middle shelves. I once sudgested this plan to Colonel Wm. Thornton of Culpepper in Virginia he approved of the plan and intended me to put one in his house tho it was not done on account of that part of his house being left unAnished. I hope youl excuse me if I should be again oblige to trouble you about my business at the Treasury oDce. I am Sir With due respect your most obedient and most humble Serveant at command James Clark RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esquire”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 June and so recorded in SJL. Clark contracted with the District of Columbia Commissioners on 15 Nov. 1800 to build back stairs at the President’s House. While it is unclear whether Clark installed a circular closet for TJ, the dining room at the President’s House included revolving circular shelves set into the wall so that servants could

unobtrusively serve and collect dinnerware. TJ also adapted tiers of mahogany shelves on wheels or dumb waiters to serve various dishes in the Small Dining Room. At Monticello, TJ installed both of these innovations in his dining room as well as a turntable clothes closet in his bedroom at the foot of his alcove bed (DNA: RG 42, PC; Stein, Worlds, 60, 82; McLaughlin, JeCerson and Monticello, 372).

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To Robert R. Livingston Dear Sir Washington May 31. 1801. Our Attorney general being absent, and none of the other members of the administration being professional lawyers, I am obliged to decide for myself in a case of law, which, in whatever way I decide, will make a great deal of noise. in this situation I ask the favor of you as a friend, and as a lawyer still in the habits of law reading, which I have not been for 30. years, to tell me what you think on the following questions arising in the case of Duane, imprisoned for 30. days for a contempt of court in printing matters, not pretended to be untrue, relative to a case depending in court, in which he was1 a party? 1. Have not the Whig lawyers of England always denied that the publication of truth could be either a contempt or a libel? 2. if the printing of truth may be a contempt in England, can it be in the US. the constitution of which inhibits any law abridging the freedom of the press? 3. if it may be a contempt even in the US. may it not be pardoned by the President under the authority to pardon all oCences against the US. except in cases of impeachment? if either of these questions be answerable in the aDrmative, Duane may be relieved by pardon.2 whether we consider this as an attempt in another form to extinguish the freedom of the press, or as a part of the systematic oppression of republicans & republicanism meditated by our courts, all the lawful powers of the Executive ought to be interposed for the protection of the citizen. Accept assurances of my aCectionate esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (NHi: Robert R. Livingston Papers); addressed: “Chancellor Livingston”; endorsed by Livingston. PrC (DLC). In the Aurora of 20 May, William duane reacted to a verdict, in a case before the federal circuit court in Philadelphia, that declared he was not an American citizen (see William Barton to TJ, 24 June 1801). The members of the court that brought the verdict against Duane were William Tilghman, the chief judge, Richard Bassett, and William GriDth, all of whom were appointed to the circuit late in John Adams’s term under the Judiciary Act of February 1801. Duane noted what he

called “curious occurrences” of the case, such as the irony of “open and uniform adherents of the British government”— “Old Tories”—agreeing “that to be a British subject in America is to be infamous.” He also hinted at impropriety in the process of selecting, or “striking,” the jury in his case: “Struck Juries and Mr. Adams’ Judiciary Law,” he asserted, had produced “very happy exempliAcations of the moderation and the kind of justice which republicans are to expect from their adversaries! Moderation in the mouths of the tories, daggers and dungeons in their hearts!” Duane was charged with contempt of court the same day that his comments appeared in the Aurora. The court’s hearing of the

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31 MAY 1801 matter began on 22 May. The next day Tilghman and GriDth found Duane, who admitted his authorship of the passages, guilty of contempt and sentenced him to 30 days in jail, to begin immediately (Aurora, 20, 21, 25, 26 May 1801;

Phillips, “William Duane,” 126-30; jep, 1:381, 383, 386, 389). q TJ here canceled “not.” r TJ here canceled “if they be doubtful.”

From Robert R. Livingston Dear Sir Washington 31st. May 1801. My line of law reading has for twenty Years past been conAned to civil cases arising in the Court of Chancery only. This must be my appology, if in replying to your questions I should be found in the wrong. In Answer to the Arst It is true that many of the whig Lawyers have been of opinion that truth cannot be a libel, & this was strenuously maintained by Lord Camden against Lord MansAeld. But the contrary opinion is certainly supported by the best authorities, & most conformable to the judgments of the courts of criminal jurisdiction in England, and has been accordingly adopted by all the state courts that profess to be governed by the common law of England. The second question Opens a wide Aeld for discussion since it brings us back to an inquiry into the common law jurisdiction of the courts of the united States. This has been too often, and too ably handled in your presence to make it proper for me to add any thing upon the subject. The provision however referred to in your question appears to me rather restrictive on the Legislature, than as forming any rule for the government of the executive, & can not I think apply, if the courts have a common law jurisdiction, & conform in their judgments to its principles. In the third question I have no doubt that the right vested in the executive to pardon, extends as well to contemps, as to any other oCence against the united States, with the exceptions expressed in the Constitution. Having Sir replied to the questions you have done me the honor to put to me, as far as I was able without the aid of books, or the opportunity of much reBection, I do not know how far I shall conform to your intention when I take the liberty to advise on the expediency of granting the pardon contemplated. But viewing this subject as very < 214>

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important, so far as it relates to you personally, I shd think myself wanting in the duty I owe you, if I did not submit to your better judgment my reBections thereon. I have not seen the libel referred to, but have had some conversation with Mr. Dallas & Mr. Duponceau, as well as with many other gent. at Philadelphia. They all concurred in opinion that the judgment of the court in the original cause was perfectly right, & that the verdict could not have been other than it was. Two of the jury were republicans & Duanes freinds, but had no diDculty in joining in the verdict. The libel on the court was as they informed me gross, & violent, & if some of the expressions were such as I have understood them to be I do not see any ground on which to rest an admission of their truth, upon which alone the claim to a pardon must be predicated. Upon the whole, I found the general sentiment of the republicans that I have conversed with to be unfavourable to Duanes conduct on this occasion, while no charge of any thing oppressive or overbearing was made agt the court. Under these circumstances, Sir, you will judge better than I can, of the path that it will be proper to pursue. The administration is yet new, & the ground delicate. If measures are adopted which will, while they awaken all the acrimony of the Tory party, give them the aid of the Judges & the lawyers without cordialy interesting the republicans in their support, they will aCord advantages to your enemies which the prudence, & wisdom of your administration has hitherto deprived them of. Estimating Duanes utility as highly as I do, I feel much reluctance in oCering these sentiments, but should feel still more were I not fully satisAed that they will in no other way operate against him than as they may aCord you a more acurate view of the subject than you have had the means of obtaining here. I would suggest whether the easiest way of leting down this business would not be, to call upon the Judges, & Mr. Dallas, for a state of facts & the principles of the1 Judgment wth. a view to lay them before the attorney general, whos opinion will serve as a justiAcation with either party for any measure you may think it proper to adopt? I trust Sir, that these crude & hasty sentiments will meet no other eyes but your own, & if you think proper Mr. Madisons, as I should be unwilling to submit them to any other than those, whose freindship & candour will And an appology for their freedom, & their faults in the motives by which they were dictated. I have the honor to be Dear Sir with the highest esteem & most respectful attatchment Your Most Obt hum: Servt Robt R Livingston < 215>

31 MAY 1801 RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The president of the U:S:”; endorsed by TJ as received 31 May and so recorded in SJL. Dft (NHi: Robert R. Livingston Papers). In the House of Lords in 1770, Charles Pratt, baron (later earl) of camden, confronted lord mansfield, the chief justice of the Court of King’s Bench, with a set of interrogatories on the law of libel. MansAeld, who in recent cases before his

court had ruled that only judges, not juries, could determine whether a publication constituted seditious libel, did not respond to Camden’s challenge. Advocacy by Camden, a former chief justice of the Court of Common Pleas who had set John Wilkes at liberty in 1763, helped bring about a revision of British libel law in 1792 (dnb, 13:1308-9; 16:285-7; Vol. 30:620). q Livingston here canceled “sentence.”

From Winthrop Sargent City of Washington

Respected Sir Sunday morng—[31 May 1801] In my short Stay at Orleans fearful of making much Inquiry I acquired but little Information, and only as here subjoined which I take Leave to communicate in the hope that my Intention of rendering public Service may prove acceptable— The Town and Environs of Orleans supposed to contain upwards of 1000 houses and from Eight to nine thousand Souls exclusive of the military—by the last known Census of Louisiana the population was 50000 including the missisippi Territory upon the River since lopped oC, which DeAcit is probably supplied by Emigrants— The military Force from the Illinois to the Sea is the Regt. of Louisiana comprised of three Battns. of Eight Companies each, Infantry, and one of Grenadiers—a Battn. of the Regt. of mexico—half a Company of Dragoons and one or two Companies of Artillery—one constantly on Duty at Pensacola, the Forts of mobille and Apalache— Corps all incomplete; recruited by Deserters from other spanish regts. and the veriest Vagabonds of mexico sent to Louisiana for punishment Exports, including Cotton of the Missisippi Territory and other articles of the upper Country Flour and Tobacco excepted are Cotton at 23 cents 1000000 dollars Sugar 300000 Peltry 200000 Lumber 100000 Indigo 100000 Sundries 100000 Cash 300000 < 216>

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almost all of which Lumber excepted is sent to the United States— Sugar and Cotton will probably increase as numbers of the Planters heretofore making only their Provisions are now turning their attention to those articles—Indigo will not be planted after the present Season, nor will Lumber be more exported until peace, from the great risk attending it— The Cash exported is brought into the Governt from the royal Treasury to defray the necessary Expences amounting nearly to the Sum speciAed— Three fourths of the Imports are from the U. States made in Vessels from New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Boston but principally from the two former places— There is no Tax in the Province save a Duty of Six per Cent upon Im: and Exports and which is very much evaded—the whole Import does not exceed 111,000 Dollars—No Trade is allowed unless in very extraordinary Cases with any of the Spanish Colonies except the Havana and that is limited to the produce of Louisiana— Sugar failed last year very much but in the coming Season ’tis supposed the Crop will be worth 500000—The number of Sugar plantations at present Eighty Seven— with the most respectful Consideration and continued Devotion— I have the honour to be Your obedient humble Servt Winthrop Sargent RC (DNA: RG 59, Territorial Papers, Orleans); partially dated; addressed: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as a letter of 31 May 1801 received 1 June and so recorded in SJL; endorsed in another hand with Sargent’s name and “Louisiana.” short stay at orleans: on his appointment as governor of the Mississippi Territory in 1798, Sargent had gone directly to Natchez from Cincinnati, where he had been secretary of the Northwest Territory. Not long after his arrival in Mississippi he received permission from John Adams to travel to the eastern states on personal business whenever circumstances might allow. Sargent did not commence that journey until April 1801, when he left Natchez hoping to make a case in Washington for his reappointment as governor of the territory. He traveled through New Orleans on his way to the Atlantic coast by sea (Terr. Papers,

3:507-8; 5:55, 121; Dunbar Rowland, ed., The Mississippi Territorial Archives, 17981803, Vol. 1, Executive Journals of Governor Winthrop Sargent and Governor William Charles Cole Claiborne [Nashville, Tenn., 1905], 21-2, 25, 33; Dunbar Rowland, History of Mississippi: The Heart of the South, 2 vols. [Chicago, 1925], 1:373-4). TJ may have asked Sargent about louisiana on Saturday, 30 May. On that day Sargent arrived in Washington and called on the president, apparently handing him Henry Knox’s letter of 11 May and Andrew Ellicott’s of the 26th. Sargent saw TJ again on 1 June, the day on which TJ received the letter printed above. Sargent later contended that in those meetings TJ told him that the question of replacing or retaining him as governor had not yet been decided (Political Intolerance, or The Violence of Party Spirit [Boston, 1801], 28-36; Federal Gazette & Baltimore Daily Advertiser, 2 Oct. 1801; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:360-1).

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31 MAY 1801 Probably while he was in New Orleans, Sargent received a letter addressed to him on 18 Apr. by Evan Jones, the U.S. consul in the city. Sargent gave the communication to TJ, who referred it to James Madison. In the letter, Jones discussed “inconveniencies, and even oppressions,” suCered by American citizens who shipped goods down the Mississippi through New Orleans. Jones, who had previously lived in West Florida and been a militia oDcer there, was limited in what he could do to protect American interests. Spanish authorities resisted the posting of other nations’ consuls in their colonial ports and considered Jones to be a subject

of Spain, ineligible to hold a commission from another country. Jones, although appointed by John Adams in 1799 and approved by the Senate, was never recognized as consul by the Spanish government (RC in DNA: RG 59, CD, at foot of text: “His Excelly, Governor Sargent,” endorsed by TJ as a letter from Jones to Sargent “referred to the Secretary of state for consideration. Th: JeCerson June 1. 1801”; “Despatches from the United States Consulate in New Orleans, 18011803,” American Historical Review, 32 [1927], 801-7; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:178-86).

From James Warren Sir, Plymouth (Mass:) May 31st: 1801. Nothing but my sincere friendship for your person, and the great esteem in which I view your publick character, could have so long restrained the eCusions of gratitude I feel for the honour done me by your letter of the 21st: of March:—it is pleasant and Battering indeed, to be noticed by the expression of friendship of those we hold in the greatest estimation, but at the same time, I have felt an apprehension of calling oC your attention for a moment, from objects of much more importance than my correspondence. Our State Elections for the year, are just compleated;—the same Governor, a Lieutenant Governor who would never have been thought of in more liberal and enlightened times, a little man, Arst brought into notice, by the imposing inBuence of hypocritical cant, in a small circle, in his own town, and by the debased delusions of the times, suCered to spread to the present extent.—A tory majority in both houses, but so nearly balanced in point of numbers, and more than balanced in point of talents, by the friends of the country and of mankind, as to aCord a Battering prospect that “our portion of the Union may in a little more time recover its health. The acrimony of faction here, rises in proportion to the balance of parties, and I think will bring on a favourable decision.—You will see by our papers the feeble and ridiculous attempts made, to bring into notice, and support a character (in opposition to you) which is sunk too low to aCord the smallest prospect of rising again.—The republicans have much to do;—they have to oppose a band of placemen < 218>

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deriving inBuence from the ODces they hold, with heads and hearts, long practised in the basest intrigues, and the most determined enmity to every good principle and every honest man.—Selected by former Administrations for those purposes, a perverted Clergy, a prostituted University, dwindled down into the lowest of all stages, that of passive obedience, and contaminating the streams that issue from it with the servility of their source:—a full share of British Agents and old tories desiring inBuence, from the countenance they have been used to receive from Governments,—all these, united, as they are, in the most nefarious objects of disturbing your Administration and the felicity of the Country, form a phalanx not easily subdued. Time however, I hope will eCect all this, and give you an oppertunity of seeing my native State, as completely renovated, as the Southern States have been, and particularly, that harmony in sentiment and conduct restored with Virginia, which once saved the United States from ruin, and secured the Independance of the whole.— While I feel the Amor patria in its full vigour, I am too old to think it necessary to apologize to you for feeling the force of truth:—I have therefore, without reserve or apology, and with a freedom which I hope will not be disagreeable to you, given a general sketch of this part of the Union, as it exists in my own mind.—If it should suggest to you a single useful idea, I shall be gratiAed, because my energies are engaged to support an Administration I think connected with the good of the whole.—It is pleasing to me to hear that there will probably be a republican majority in both Houses of Congress at their next meeting, to assist you in “steering the Republick in her natural course, and to shew by the smoothness of her motion, the skill with which she has been formed for it.” Be assured, Sir, that on any occasion which may be necessary or convenient to call my zeal and attachment into operation, I shall be ready to shew with what sincerity and esteem I am Your friend Jas. Warren RC (DLC); in Mercy Warren’s hand, signed by James Warren; endorsed by TJ. Recorded in SJL as received 16 June. same governor: Caleb Strong. Samuel Phillips, Jr., a 1771 Harvard graduate and founder of Phillips Academy in Andover, served in the Massachu-

setts state senate and in several other oDces. He died in 1801, shortly after his inauguration as the state’s lieutenant governor (dab; Claude M. Fuess, An Old New England School [Boston, 1917], 24, 31, 35, 40-43). a prostituted university: Harvard College.

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From Mercy Otis Warren May 31st. 1801.

Mrs. Warren oCers respectful Compliments to the President for expressions of esteem that would be very Battering to any one much more ambitious than herself—It is true, Sir, she has not gone with the current—none of her family has ever gone with the current, though borne down by a strong tide, for want of suppleness to the system of the late Administration:—with becoming Armness they have met its frowns, nor have ever wavered in the storm:—a Counter Current may restore them to their proper place in society.— The servility and danger of this Country have been mourned in silence, by one who now rejoices with a large majority of its inhabitants, at the prospect when principle and ability will secure the republican system, harmonize society, and Ax the ark of peace in safety upon the reviviAed mountains of Liberty.— If Mrs. Warren does not address the President of the United States in the usual stile of gratulation, it is because she has considered the moment of his elevation, as a point of higher felicity to his country than to himself. At the same time, high personal veneration, united with a similarity of political opinion with those uniform characters who early step’d forward in the race to secure the freedom of mankind, prompts her to wish with ardour, the success of Mr JeCerson’s Administration, the continuance of personal honour and private happiness, with the best benedictions of heaven through the arduous work of governing a great Nation, to the last period of his life. RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 16 June and so recorded in SJL. Mercy Otis Warren (1728-1814), poet, playwright, historian, who settled in Plymouth, Massachusetts, upon her marriage to James Warren, had publicly opposed the ratiAcation of the federal Constitution. She fell out of favor with Massachusetts Federalists and maintained a shaky friendship with John and

Abigail Adams. In 1805 she published her three-volume magnum opus, The History of the Rise, Progress and Termination of the American Revolution (anb; Rosemarie Zagarri, A Woman’s Dilemma: Mercy Otis Warren and the American Revolution [Wheeling, Ill., 1995], 120, 150). gone with the current: a reference to TJ’s comment about her silence in his letter to her husband of 21 Mch.

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Notes on a Conversation with Pierce Butler [May or October 1801]

ex. relat. P.B. Doyley a republican from selAsh & interested principles. not as competent as Simmonds. Simmonds an excellent oDcer, much afraid of being removed. Darrell, a furious republican, & has become a sacriAce to it. he oCended the British merchts by his zeal & they lock their business from him as a lawyer so as to distress him. Goodwyn, a lawyer, English man, came here since the war. a good man & will be a Atter marshal than the actual one. the printing the laws shd. be restored to the same paper from which Pickering took it. it is under a diCerent Arm. MS (DNA: RG 59, LAR, 3:0375); undated; entirely in TJ’s hand on scrap of paper. Pierce Butler stopped in Washington in May and again in October 1801 and probably conversed with TJ both times. At TJ’s behest Butler also provided assessments of South Carolina political leaders in his letters (TJ to Butler, 26 Aug. 1801; Butler to TJ, 3, 19 Sep. 1801). Sometime prior to his dismissal from oDce in May 1800, Timothy Pickering informed Charleston editors Peter Freneau and Seth Paine, publishers of the City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, that they would no longer be printing the laws of the United States for South Carolina. Laws enacted by the Sixth Congress instead appeared in the South-

Carolina State Gazette, and Timothy’s Daily Advertiser, published by Benjamin Franklin Timothy (City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, 25 Mch. 1799, 24 Mch. 1800; South-Carolina State Gazette, and Timothy’s Daily Advertiser, 10 Mch. 1800). Butler described Timothy as “a bad young man” and Charles Pinckney described his paper as “one of the most high toned & abusive federal Papers in the Union—one supported almost entirely by the British Interest here & which still continues it’s abuse” (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:229-30; 2:1812). a different firm: John McIver and David R. Williams replaced Freneau and Paine as publishers of the City Gazette and Daily Advertiser on 1 Jan. 1801 (Brigham, American Newspapers, 2:1026).

From David Austin Sir/. Phila: June 1st: 1801.— The letter of Mr: Humphries enclosing other communications from Mr. OBrien & Mr: Cathcart, Agents of the United States among the Barbarians, falling under my eye this morning, as copied from the “Supplement to the National Intelligencer,” printed at the Seat of Government; induces me to quicken the operations of my pen. < 221>

Notes on a Conversation with Pierce Butler [May or October 1801]

ex. relat. P.B. Doyley a republican from selAsh & interested principles. not as competent as Simmonds. Simmonds an excellent oDcer, much afraid of being removed. Darrell, a furious republican, & has become a sacriAce to it. he oCended the British merchts by his zeal & they lock their business from him as a lawyer so as to distress him. Goodwyn, a lawyer, English man, came here since the war. a good man & will be a Atter marshal than the actual one. the printing the laws shd. be restored to the same paper from which Pickering took it. it is under a diCerent Arm. MS (DNA: RG 59, LAR, 3:0375); undated; entirely in TJ’s hand on scrap of paper. Pierce Butler stopped in Washington in May and again in October 1801 and probably conversed with TJ both times. At TJ’s behest Butler also provided assessments of South Carolina political leaders in his letters (TJ to Butler, 26 Aug. 1801; Butler to TJ, 3, 19 Sep. 1801). Sometime prior to his dismissal from oDce in May 1800, Timothy Pickering informed Charleston editors Peter Freneau and Seth Paine, publishers of the City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, that they would no longer be printing the laws of the United States for South Carolina. Laws enacted by the Sixth Congress instead appeared in the South-

Carolina State Gazette, and Timothy’s Daily Advertiser, published by Benjamin Franklin Timothy (City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, 25 Mch. 1799, 24 Mch. 1800; South-Carolina State Gazette, and Timothy’s Daily Advertiser, 10 Mch. 1800). Butler described Timothy as “a bad young man” and Charles Pinckney described his paper as “one of the most high toned & abusive federal Papers in the Union—one supported almost entirely by the British Interest here & which still continues it’s abuse” (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:229-30; 2:1812). a different firm: John McIver and David R. Williams replaced Freneau and Paine as publishers of the City Gazette and Daily Advertiser on 1 Jan. 1801 (Brigham, American Newspapers, 2:1026).

From David Austin Sir/. Phila: June 1st: 1801.— The letter of Mr: Humphries enclosing other communications from Mr. OBrien & Mr: Cathcart, Agents of the United States among the Barbarians, falling under my eye this morning, as copied from the “Supplement to the National Intelligencer,” printed at the Seat of Government; induces me to quicken the operations of my pen. < 221>

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I suppose these communications will warm yr: blood1 agt. these unprovoked Aggressors; Be it so!—Still your own honor, & the safety of the Squadron, & the success of the enterprise depends upon the point of departure from wh: the enterprise shall view its object. It is warming to our National blood to hear how our Agents are danced about upon the Angers of those sons of plunder; & yet the evil may be (judging from former attempts) hard to correct. Of consequence it is treason against2 our Nation against yr: own honor & the ultimate good of mankind; not to possess yourself of every source of information, needful, nay indispensable! for an accurate calulation upon, & for a correct execution of the objects of so complicated an enterprise. As things stand, what can you promise the Nation, over which your Sceptre is extended; but the permanent expense of a permanent naval establishment in the Mediterranean? The expense would be heavier than the tribute: & the tribute is already the heaviest curse that hangs upon our hand. The Shadow of expence, wh: the Chart of proceeding claims, is unworthy of a thought, when weighed with the tribute demanded; tribute doubled, and National character cast down. The “twenty Ave thousand dollars” oCered in the Bills of Cathcart for time for National interview, is more than is now demanded for an instrument that will teach how to catch these Barbarians, “as a Man catcheth Bies.” Let the Are of the occasion obtain its full play: but take heed that your aim is not taken in the dark.— With all due esteem David Austin RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); addressed: “Thomas JeCerson Pres: United States Washington”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by TJ as received 3 June and so recorded in SJL. In a 28 May supplement, the National Intelligencer printed an extract from the 14 Apr. letter to the secretary of state from David Humphreys and reprinted it in its regular edition the following day. Humphreys enclosed letters from Richard O’Brien (obrien) that reported the growing impatience of Algiers to re-

ceive its overdue tribute from the U.S. and the failed eCorts by James Leander cathcart to appease the bey of Tripoli with an oCer of $25,000 in bills to extend the negotiations (National Intelligencer, 29 May 1801; Humphreys to TJ, 8 May). The correspondence appeared in Philadelphia in the 1 June edition of Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser. q Austin here canceled “in favor of the attempt.” r Austin here canceled “the interests of.”

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From Denniston & Cheetham Sir American Citizen oDce New York June 1st. 1801— We take the liberty of addressing you upon a Subject highly interresting to our Country. We are placed in an important section of the United States as the guardians, in some degree, of the republican welfare of the Country. As republicans faithfully attached to the Constitution and the rights of the people, we feel considerable responsibility attached to our eCorts; but while we are Sensible of this, we are not less so that there are diCerent grounds on which we may be placed by the measures of government, which will extend or curtail the power of rendering Service to the cause in which we are engaged. There are no citizens who more highly value your tallents, your virtues and the republican Services which you have rendered your Country, than ourselves—there are none who are more willing at the present moment to bestow conAdence and Just applause—none whose aCections more anxiously include the idea of a Sucessfull issue to the administration which the people and the Constitution have Committed to your charge—We wish to observe however that the people of this City and State look to the new administration with full ConAdence for a thorough Change in the diCerent oDces So as to exclude obnoxious characters, those who were inimical to the revolution or have Since become hostile to the Constitution and to the principles and progress of republican goverment. We wish respectfully to express to you our Arm opinion that a measure of this Sort is absolutely necessary to preserve that republican majority in this State which has contributed So essentially towards placing you in that elevated Situation [which] you now hold and which has diCused universal Joy among the friends of liberty in every part of the Union. We have reason to be assured that Changes of a Similar nature would be extremely useful in the eastern States, whatever may be the Situation of the Southern part of the Country in this respect. Republican exertions will certainly be relaxed in this quarter if unhappily the people ever be convinced that all their eCorts to Change the Chief Magistrate, have produced no consequent eCects in renovating the Subordinate Stations of our government—these Changes are equally necessary to the preservation of that public Spirit which has bound the Country once more to return to republican measures and republican men. < 223>

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If our anxiety upon this Subject Should ultimately appear premature, the moment of its discovery would be a moment of Satisfaction and pleasure to ourselves and our Citizens. But we have reason to apprehend from the Sources of information we possess, that the idea of a thorough Change is not at present contemplated by the executive. In this business, however, Sir, we Speak not from Considerations of personal expectation—our Arst wish is the preservation of liberty and our Country, and in no Shape whatever is this letter dictated by views including appointments to any oDce in the power of the Executive to bestow. We have Spoken with the freedom which we believe best Comports with our duty and which We also believe fully accords with your views Concerning the rights of free Citizens, which the labours of your life have So eminently Contributed to establish. Our Solicitude for the preservation of the Constitution, which we conceive happily ConAded to your Care, for the welfare and Celebrity of your administration to which we will zealously Contribute our Support, and for the Continuation of that aCection which our republican Citizens have long, and we think Justly placed in you, must be our apology for this letter We are with Sentiments of respect your friends— Denniston & Cheetham RC (DLC); torn; in Denniston’s hand and signed by him; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 June and so recorded in SJL. David Denniston (d. 1803) and James Cheetham (1772-1810) published the American Citizen and General Advertiser, an inBuential Republican newspaper in New York City. A relative of George and DeWitt Clinton, Denniston established the American Citizen in March 1800 and began a partnership with Cheetham in May 1801. Cheetham, an English radical who immigrated to America in 1798, be-

came the sole publisher of the newspaper in April 1803. Although Aaron Burr had helped to place him in the Citizen oDce, Cheetham had become an outspoken critic of Burr by the end of 1801, and his newspaper became the leading organ of the Clinton faction in New York politics. Cheetham would be among the Arst publicly to impugn Burr’s conduct during the election of 1800 and spent much of TJ’s adminstration in a newspaper and pamphlet war with Burr and his supporters (dab; Brigham, American Newspapers, 1:608, 708-9; Kline, Burr, 2:642, 645-6; Vol. 32:330n, 376n, 528-9n).

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From the District of Columbia Commissioners Sir, Commissioners ODce 1st. June 1801. We have taken into consideration the prospect of an encreased Representation in Congress, and have concluded, that the present House will not, after the next apportionment of Members, be suDcient for their accommodation. We, in consequence, requested Mr. Hoban to sketch Plans or Estimates of a Building which may temporarily answer that purpose; he has made out Estimates on three diCerent plans, and will wait on you to give any Explanations that may be required to enable you to form an opinion of the propriety of adopting any of them, if means cannot be obtained to Anish the south wing of the Capitol.— We are, with Sentiments of the greatest respect, Sir, Yr. mo: Obt Servants William Thornton Alexr White Tristram Dalton P.S. Since writing the above, Genl Forrest has written a letter to the Board, a copy of which we think proper to transmit to the President for his consideration. RC (DLC: District of Columbia Papers); in William Brent’s hand, signed by Thornton, White, and Dalton; at foot of text: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 2 June and so recorded in SJL. FC (DNA: RG 42, DCLB). Enclosure not found. From November 1800 to March 1801, both the House and Senate met in the Capitol’s north or Senate wing, the only completed portion of the Capitol build-

ing. On 27 May 1801, the District of Columbia Commissioners asked James hoban to estimate the cost of erecting a temporary building “on the eliptic Foundation in the South wing of the Capitol” so that “the Arcades, and as much of the other work as can be done consistently with the general Plan of the Capitol may remain permanent.” Hoban was superintendent of public buildings (27 May and list of salaries at 12 Jan., DNA: RG 42, PC; Vol. 33:xlvi).

From the District of Columbia Commissioners Sir, Commissioners ODce 1st. June 1801. By a Regulation of the Commissioners of this City, approved by the President July 15th. 1794, Areas were permitted in front of dwelling Houses to the extent of Ave feet in breadth, but from experience these < 225>

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have been found too conAned, and this has been frequently represented to us as a Subject worthy of consideration—We are convinced they are too conAned, and think it our duty to submit to your decision the propriety of extending the permission to seven feet, which is deemed a suDcient extent for an Area in any situation. We are, with sentiments of the greatest respect, Sir, Your mo: Obt Servts William Thornton Alexr White Tristram Dalton RC (DLC: District of Columbia Papers); in William Brent’s hand, signed by Thornton, White, and Dalton; addressed: “President of the United States”; signed by TJ as “Approved” 1 June; endorsed. FC (DNA: RG 42, DCLB).

regulation: District of Columbia Commissioners to George Washington, 7 July 1794, approved and signed by Washington on 15 July (DLC: Washington Papers).

From Albert Gallatin Treasury Department 1st June 1801

The Secretary of the Treasury within three days after his arrival here made the enquiry on the subject of Stamps now requested by the President. The result will appear by the enclosures, of which the letter of the Comr: of the Revenue dated 22d May deserves most attention. The Superintendent of Stamps has since been furnished with another press—He asked pr his letter another room when he knew there was no other empty & another clerk. Neither has been granted, as the demand appeared to have been made only to cover past neglect. Certain it is that one press constantly employed and another for two months have, in the oDce of the Comr. of the Revenue done as much work as the two constantly employed by the Superintindent; and, at present, the Comr. with two presses counter stamps as much as the Superintendent stamps with three presses. At 5000 impressions pr each press a day, we will have almost 400,000 pr. month for the three presses. The amount furnished on the 15th last month was 1,062,986 impressions, wanting only 396,180 from what had been represented by the Supervisors as the consumption of the whole year. The only measure in the immediate power of this Department was to press the stamping & distribution amongst the Supervisors. But it is apprehended that the evil is in a great measure owing to the Supervisors not having distributed early enough the stamps in their hands— With great respect Albert Gallatin < 226>

1 JUNE 1801 RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 June and “Stamps.” Enclosures not found. comr: of the revenue: William

Miller. superintendent of stamps: Joshua Johnson. For TJ’s defense of his tie-breaking vote in favor of Johnson’s appointment in May 1800, see John Garland JeCerson to TJ, 17 Jan., and TJ’s response of 1 Feb. 1801.

To Gibson & Jefferson Dear Sir Washington June 1. 1801. Your favors of May 26. & 28. are both recieved, and their contents duly noted. I this day draw on you in favor of Richard Richardson for 133.33 D to cover which mr Barnes makes you now a remittance of 200. Dol. and on this day week we shall remit you about 900. D. more to cover the purchase of the hams, J. W. Eppes’s draught on you in favor of Bell for 300. D. payable June 16. and some other draughts which I shall then make on you I expect you are now about recieving some nail rod, boxes of wine, & a cask of wine to be forwarded for me to Monticello. accept assurances of my aCectionate esteem. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); with order on Gibson & JeCerson letterpressed on same sheet below TJ’s signature (see Enclosure No. 1 listed at TJ to Richard Richardson, 1 June); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

your favors: see George JeCerson to TJ, 26 and 28 May.

From William Branch Giles Sir Richmond June 1st. 1801 The very friendly favor you did me the honor to write in reply to my letter on the subject of the Marshalsea of Virginia, came to hand after having been some time detained in one of the post oDces in Amelia; and I should have written in reply at an earlier date, But I was apprehensive, that you might thereby be drawn into a correspondance with me, inconsistent with my original intention, and that a portion of your time would thus be consumed, which might otherwise be applyed to more important objects.—I was the more induced to avoid an earlier reply; Because the contents of your letter so fully explained the principles which would govern your administration, and which were so compleatly in unison with my opinions on that subject, that I had no additional observations to make at that time.—The uniformity and < 227>

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unanimity of opinion amongst my particular friends and in the country in which I live, may probably lead me into misconceptions respecting the general opinion throughout the U.S. But I And the soundest republicans in this place and throughout the country are rising considerably in the tone, which they think ought to be assumed by the administration,—The ejected party is now almost universally considered, as having been employed in conjunction with G.B., in a scheme for the total destruction of the liberties of the people, it is therefore sunk or is fast sinking into utter hatred and contempt.—The compleat depression of the party therefore, is the object which all would approve, and many will demand; the only diDculty consists in the choise of the means to eCect this object—It is generally beleived here that any countenance given to the leaders of that party in any department would tend to impede its execution, and under that idea, The continuation of Mr. King in London, it is apprehended may be attended with unpleasant eCects.—The nomination of Mr. Pinkney to Spain, although of less importance, is regretted by some of the soundest friends of the administration.—It was hoped that that mission might have been dispensed with; especially as the republican party has called the attention of the public with particular emphasis to the diplomatic department.—But the circumstance, which most attracks the attentions and employs the reBections of the thinking republicans here, is the situation of judiciary as now organized.—It is constantly asserted, that the revolution is incomplete, so long as that strong fortress is in possession of the enemy; and it is surely a most singular circumstance, that the public sentiment should have forced itself into the Legislative and Executive departments, and that the Judiciary should not only not acknowldge its inBuence, but should pride itself in resisting its will under the misapplyed idea of ‘Independance.’ I have bestowed some reBections upon this subject, and under my present impressions it appears to me that no remedy is competent to redress the evil, but an absolute repeal of the whole judiciary system, terminating the present oDces and creating an entire new system deAning the common law doctrine, and restraining to the proper constitutional extent the jurisdiction of the courts—These ideas are, however, merely intimated; and as I am now on my way to the federal city, for which place I shall probably leave Richmond tomorrow morning, and propose remaining there two or three days; If you think them worthy of consideration, I should be pleased to hear your reBection thereupon during my stay in the city.— Be pleased to accept assurances of my most respectful regards &c Wm. B. Giles < 228>

1 JUNE 1801 RC (DLC); at head of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 June and so recorded in SJL.

reply to my letter: see TJ to Giles, 23 Mch. 1801.

From George Jefferson Dear Sir Richmond 1st. June 1 1801. We have at length heard from the person in SmithAeld (Mr. George Purdie) of whom enquiry was made some time ago respecting hams. Mr. P. is a person remarkable for curing good bacon; he writes that he has not any of his own, but that he thinks he can get from among his neighbours such as will suit your purpose. We have therefore requested that if he can procure such as you describe, he will get twelve dozen and send them to Mr. Ashley to be forwarded to you as before. I am Dear Sir Your Very humble servt. Geo. Jefferson RC (MHi); address clipped by TJ; at foot of text: “Thos. JeCerson esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 June and so recorded in SJL. RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); address only; in George JeCer-

son’s hand, with notes in TJ’s hand on verso (see Notes on a Conversation with Robert R. Livingston, printed at 4 June); addressed: “Thomas JeCerson esquire Washington”; franked and postmarked.

From James Monroe Jas. Monroe’s best respects to Mr. JeCerson. As the person for whose beneAt the enclosed was intended has left this for Washington it is thought best to return it. It is presumed that every thing appertaing. to that object will be settled at Washington with that person; but shod. the contrary be the case, and it be proper to execute any thing here, J.M. will with pleasure attend to it when notiAed thereof. Richmond 1. June 1801:

yrs. of the 29. is just recd.—It is to be regreted that Captn. Lewis paid the money after the intimation of the payee of his views &ca. It will be well to get all letters however unimportant they are from him. Meriwether Jones is or will be by the time this reaches you at Washington. He has that ascendency over the wretch to make him do what is right, & he will be happy to do it for you. Confer with him without reserve as a man of honor. Mr Giles will also be up in a < 229>

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day or two. Yr: resolution to terminate all communication with him is wise. yet it will be well to prevent even a serpent doing one an injury. RC (DLC); in Monroe’s hand; endorsed by TJ as received 4 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: the order on Gibson & JeCerson sent by TJ on 26 May.

person: Callender. yrs. of the 29: see TJ to Monroe, 29 May (Arst letter).

From Thomas Newton Dr Sir Norfolk June 1 1801 Mr. James Taylor Jr informd me he had sent by Capt Stephen Moore two pipes of Brasil wine & had reserved two more for you to be sent by some other oppertunity; Capt. Moore has promised his particular care of them & to forward them to you from Alexandria.— The Frigates I expect will sail this day, the French Frigate Semilante is1 in Hampton road I beleive ready for sailing & it is said here that the Boston is cruising of our Capes to have a brush with her, I hope it is no harm to wish they may not meet; we have no later news here than you have. I shall be exceedingly obliged if send the enclosed to Mr Smith & am respectfully Yr Obt Servt. Thos Newton 12 OClock. The frigates have saild The Semilante I beleive has not they have a Ane wind— RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 6 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. The frigate Sémillante arrived in Norfolk in March 1801, carrying among its passengers Louis André Pichon, the French chargé d’aCaires in the United

States (Federal Gazette and Baltimore Daily Advertiser, 17 Mch.; Vol. 32:296n). British frigates blockaded her exit from the Chesapeake Bay until at least early November (New York Commercial Advertiser, 14 Nov.). q Word supplied.

To Richard Richardson Dear Sir Washington June 1. 1801 I have duly recieved yours of May 18. and sincerely congratulate you on the legacy which has fallen to you from your relation in Jamaica. it would certainly be prudent for you to go without delay to recieve it. according to your desire I inclose you an order on Gibson < 230>

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and JeCerson for £40. [the balance due] to you on our last settlement, as also a certiAcate in my own hand writing of your citizenship and of those circumstances of your life which may ascertain that you are the person designated in the advertisement published in the [Virginia] papers. you will of course take with you the original letter to mr Jones. I have ordered a passport in the usual form to be made out for you [in the] Secretary of state’s oDce, which I expect to recieve from the oDce in time to inclose herein. I sincerely wish you may obtain your right without diDculty, and recommend to you to avoid investing it in any commercial [form,] but rather to employ it in the purchase of a farm in your own state, from [which] you may draw an annual interest of 5. per cent by renting it besides [an addition] to the capital of 10. per cent per annum by the annual rise of the value of [the lands,] holding the property always in your own hands. in any other way you [must] trust your capital in other hands and I observe that of those who do so, [99 in] 100. lose it soon or late. wishing you a pleasant voyage and safe return I tender you assurances of my esteem & good wishes. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); faint, with text in brackets supplied from printed source; at foot of text: “Mr Richard Richardson”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Printed in New York Times, 15 Apr. 1923 (magazine section). Enclosures: (1) Order on Gibson & JeCerson, dated 1 June, from Washington, to pay Richardson £40 Virginia currency or $133.33 (PrC in MHi; letterpressed on same sheet as TJ to Gibson & JeCerson, 1 June; signed by TJ; at foot of text: “Messrs Gibson & JeCerson

Richmond”). (2) Passport for Richardson, “a native of the State of Virginia,” dated 1 June 1801 at Washington, signed and sealed by James Madison, as secretary of state (printed in New York Times, 15 Apr. 1923). (3) CertiAcate for Richard Richardson, 1 June, printed below. For the letter from Jonathan Morton to Meriwether jones, see Richardson to TJ, 18 May.

e n c l o s u r e

CertiAcate for Richard Richardson I Thomas JeCerson do hereby certify that Richard Richardson to whom this paper is delivered is a native citizen of the state of Virginia, was brought up a bricklayer, that he came into my service as such in the year 1796. being then as I supposed about 21. or 22. years of age; and worked for me at my house in Virginia1 as a bricklayer every season from that to the close of the season of the year 1800. that in the autumn of 1797. he went by my advice to Philadelphia to learn the business of stonecutting and plaistering, and returned from thence again to work for me some time in the summer of 1798. [I have seen an] advertisement in the Virginia paper entitled the Examiner, published by Meriwether Jones at Richmond, notifying the death of a person of the name of Joseph Richardson in Jamaica, & that he had left his estate to the

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1 JUNE 1801 above named Richard Richardson who is therein designated by [such circumstances] as apply with great exactness to him, & to no other person. I further certify that the said Richard Richardson is a person of sobriety, industry, honesty & good demeanor, and as such I recommend to all [such persons that he be] permitted to pass freely and without molestation whereso[ever] he may have occasion to go to recover & recieve the estate so fallen [to] him, and to transact his lawful aCairs wheresoever they may call him. Given under my hand and seal at the seat of government of the United States of America at Washington this Arst day of June 1801. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); faint, with text in brackets supplied from printed source. Printed in New York Times, 15 Apr. 1923 (magazine section).

q Preceding Ave words interlined.

From Walter Carr Sir, Lexington Kentucky June 2nd. 1801 I have taken the liberty of addressing a few lines to you on the subject of the oDce of marshall in this District I beg leave to oCer myself as a candidate for that oDce if vacant— I had the pleasure of being personally acquainted with you while I was an inhabitant of Albermarle altho perhaps may not now be within your recollection—I therefore beg leave to refer you to Gentlemen who have taken the trouble of addressing you on this occasion through the medium of the Secretary of state. I am Sir Your hum Servt Walter Carr RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “Thos. JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 16 July and “to be Marshl. of Kentucky” and so recorded in SJL. Walter Carr (ca. 1752-1838), originally from Virginia, had been sheriC of Fayette County and a justice of the county court. He was also in his career a member of the Kentucky General Assembly and a delegate to state constitutional conventions (G. Glenn Clift, comp., Kentucky Obituaries, 1787-1854 [Baltimore, 1977], 122; Charles R. Staples, The History of Pioneer Lexington, 1779-1806 [Lexington, Ky., 1939], 78, 88, 140, 150-1; James F. Hopkins and Mary W. M. Hargreaves, eds., The Papers of Henry Clay, 11 vols. [Lexington, Ky., 1959-92], 2:341n). One of the people who wrote to the

secretary of state in support of Carr’s application was Christopher Greenup of Frankfort (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:242). TJ received letters on the subject from Harry Innes, John Fowler, John Brown, and James Garrard. Innes, writing from Kentucky on 3 June, reported that Carr was “a man of property” who had served as a justice of the peace and a state legislator, and “from general report as well as from a personal acquaintance” Innes could say that Carr was “a gentleman of respectability” who was “fully competent to perform the duties” of marshal (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 26 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “W. Carr. Marsh.”; TJ later canceled “Innes Harry” and added “Walter Carr to be Marshall of Kentucky” to the endorse-

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2 JUNE 1801 ment). Fowler wrote from Lexington on 5 June. Referring to a long acquaintance with the applicant, Fowler asserted that Carr was “ranked among the most respectable of the Citizens in this State for his Patriotizm and integrety.” Carr’s “capacity is fully competant to discharge the duties of that department,” Fowler wrote, and “his responsibility equal to any” (RC in same; at head of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 26 June and so recorded in SJL with notations “W. Carr. Marsh.” and “OC.”; also endorsed by TJ: “Walter Carr to be marshal of Kentucky”). Brown, writing on 12 June at Carr’s request, stated that Carr had lived in the state for several years and “has, so far as has come to my knowledge, supported the character of an honest man & a good Citizen” (RC in same; at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr. President of the U. States”; en-

dorsed by TJ as received 16 July and “Walter Carr to be Marshal of Kentucky” and so recorded in SJL). James Garrard, the governor of Kentucky, wrote from Frankfort on 24 June to say that it had been “frequently suggested” that the commission of the present marshal might not be renewed “for some misconduct,” prompting Garrard to mention Carr— “a gentleman of unblemished character, both in publick and private life; and well QualiAed for the full and faith discharge of the duties of that ODce.” Carr’s nomination would be as satisfactory to the people of Kentucky “as the Appointment of any Other person within the district” (RC in same, at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr President of the United States,” endorsed by TJ as received 17 July and so recorded in SJL with notation “Carr to be Marshal,” and also endorsed: “Waltr. Carr to be Marshal of Kentucky”; anb).

To Thomas Claxton Dear Sir Washington June 2. 1801 In my letter of the day before yesterday I mentioned that [I was] not then Axed on the inscription for the Silver ewer. I was con[vinced] to have the following words engraved on the upper side of the lid. to wit “[Copied from] a model taken in 1778. by Th. JeCerson from a Roman Ewer in the Cabinet of antiquities at [Nismes.]” I enclose you a [paper] showing in what manner I think it may be best [inscribed], and also [how] the [Stanza] of the [letters] be formed. accept my friendly salutations & good wishes Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); faint; with enclosure letterpressed on same sheet; at foot of text: “Mr. Thomas Claxton Philadelphia”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Enclosure: Illustration of 7 lines of centered text written inside the shape of a shield (PrC in same).

my letter of the day before yesterday: TJ to Claxton, 31 May, recorded in SJL but not found. silver ewer: see Claxton to TJ, 28 May.

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To the District of Columbia Commissioners June 2d. 1801.

On consideration of the three plans presented by Capt Hobens for providing an apartment for the H. of Representatives of the US. that appears to me most to be approved which proposes to raise, to the height of one story only, the elliptical wall or arcade in the Southern wing destined ultimately for their occupation; without carrying up at present the external square wall which is to include it. It seems preferable to that which proposes a temporary room of scantling in the center, to cost between 4. & 5000. D. the whole of which would be to be taken away in future, & nothing saved but what the scantling might then be worth. whereas, of the elliptical room thought preferable, & which he supposes will cost 5600. D. he thinks not more than 1000. D. will be lost when the wing shall be compleated in future: and it seems desireable that whatever money is expended, should go as much as possible to the execution of the permanent building. The plan of raising the elliptical building only one story seems preferable to that for raising it two stories. 1st. because it will cost but half as much; a circumstance desireable to the present state of the City funds & to their immediate prospects. 2. mr Hobens observes there will be considerable inconveniencies in carrying up the elliptical wall now without the square one, & the square one in future without the elliptical wall, and that these diDculties increase as the walls get higher. this obstacle then is lessened more than one half by raising the elliptical wall to one half of it’s height only. Another advantage in adopting the elliptic building is that, if before it is raised one story the prospects of money should brighten & the diDculties of proceeding with it separately from the squarewall should be found less than has been apprehended, we can then proceed to raise it’s second story. Th: Jefferson RC (DLC: District of Columbia Papers); addressed: “The Commissioners of the City of Washington”; endorsed as received 2 June. PrC (DLC). On 20 June the District of Columbia Commissioners accepted a bid by two Washington builders to construct an elliptical room in the south wing of the

Capitol at a projected cost of $4,789. The brick building came to be known as “the Oven” after the House of Representatives took up quarters in December. Both the temporary building and the 145-foot covered passageway that connected it to the Senate wing were demolished in 1804 for the construction of a permanent south wing (DNA: RG

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2 JUNE 1801 42, PC; Bryan, National Capital, 1:420, 453; William C. Allen, The United States

Capitol: A Brief Architectural History [Washington, 1990], 5).

To Enoch Edwards Dear Sir Washington June 2. 1801. Your favor of May 29. is duly recieved. I think with you the diCerence in price between Marocco & Cloth lining is very far beyond the diCerence in value, & therefore decline the Marocco. I thank you for your kind oCer as to the getting a coachee from Germantown. tho’ I have no immediate prospect of such a want, yet if you will be so good, in [your Arst] letter, to [mention] what yours cost, it will be a motive for application there should the want arise. I am much indebted to mrs Edwards’s good dispositions to [. . .] me with her taste, and think myself very fortunate to be in so good hands. some time this summer, when I shall have got information of the size [and] state of the rooms needing it, I shall probably take the liberty of asking [. . .] selection of some carpeting for me. We have now had some [. . .] of our new [. . .] like the bustle & noise of a close built city will laugh at [. . .] agreeable country residence, with a charming society & [. . .] visit our neighbors a horse or carriage is necessary as in the country. this you will concieve as we have only 3000. people in about 5. or 6. square miles of area. but it is growing very rapidly, and will I believe become a great place. Accept for mrs Edwards & yourself assurances of my perfect esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Doctr. Edwards”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

To George Jefferson D[ear] Sir Washington June 2. 1801. I acknowledged yesterday the receipt of yours of May 28. and have not since seen mr Barnes. but as I have to remit you a larger sum in the course of a week, it will certainly be better that you retain the 679.84 D of mr Short’s in part of what I have to remit and mr Barnes will place so much here to the credit of mr Short. I only wish that these new exchanges may not enter into the account between mr Short & myself. [be pleased?] to pay mr John Watson in Milton 285. D. on the 10th of June. will you be so good as to drop him a line, as < 235>

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soon as you recieve this to let him know you hold so m[uch] subject to his order? I shall immediately transmit him an order on you for it, but would wish it to be paid on application before hand, if he applies before he recieves the order. accept assurances of my perfect esteem & attachmt. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); faint; at foot of text: “Mr George JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. On 1 June TJ recorded in his Anancial

records that John barnes remitted “for me to Gibson and JeCerson 679.84” (mb, 2:1042). For the payment to john watson, see TJ’s letter to him of this date.

From Robert Leslie Sir Philadelphia June 2d 1801 On Thursday last, I delivered into the hands of Mr Boudinot at his own house, the letter and box you honoured me with the care of, I shall beg leave to pass over at present, the conversation that took place during the Arst Afteen, or twenty minutes, as it is possible some circumstance may occur, that will make it necessary for me to detail the whole of it, I shall therefore begin, by informing you, that after Mr B had a little composed himself, he asked me to explain to him the machine mentioned in your letter, which I did, till he said he understood it, after this, he asked me what advantage I expected it would be to the mint, I told him it would produce much greater expedition in giving the impression to the Coin. he said that would be of no use, as they could already work much faster than was occasion for, so much so, that ware they to work constantly three months in the year, they could do more than all the business required, I told him if that was the case, perhaps this machine would enable them to reduce the number of hands, he said that was impossible, as the business was devided into a number of branches, and each man had his part to perform, for which reason they must all be retained and paid by the year, in order to have them ready when wanted, however he said as to the machine proposed, he did not consider himself suDciently acquainted with mechanics, to form an opinion on it, but if I would meet him at the mint, next day at eleven O.Clock, he would lay it before Mr Voight, and the other artists, I acordingly attened the next day, and found Mr B in a very large room upstairs, (I suppose his oDce) surrounded with a great number of artists, so maney, that at < 236>

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Arst I fancied myself before a committee of the whole house, but on Mr B’s asking for several by name, who ware not present, I found I was only before a part of the body, Mr. Boudinot opened the business by reading your letter to the company, I was then desired to explain the machine, which I did, when Mr Voight said he had seen such a thing in Germany, This brough to my recolection, that from the time I Arst came to Philada, till I went to London, I never proposed any alteration in either Clock or Watch, but on Mr Voight’s having it described to him, declared he had seen the same in Germany. Several doubts ware started by diCerent person, with respect to the machines answering in practice, what I had described, all of which I was so fortunate as to remove. when the whole party as with one voice, repeated Mr Boudinots observation of the day before, which was, that it could be of no use to the mint, as they are now able to work much faster than is necessary, to prove which, Mr Voight informed me, that the Gold and Silver pieces, had to undergo thirty two processes, before they ware ready to receive the impression, and that when they commenced with such a quantity as was one days work for the Arst process, it would take also one day for the second, and so on, for thirty two days, before they ware ready to receive the impression, and that then the whole could be struck in one day, so that the dies ware only used one day in thirty two days, and that the greatest improvement I could make in that part of the business, would only save a few hours work in one day out of thirty two, and therefore could not be an object worthy of notice, this account was conArmed by the whole companey; of course we are to suppose it true, and if so, it proves that thirty two parts of the business out of thirty three, must be conducted in a very dilatory and expensive manner, as there are but Seven processes used in the Mint in the Tower of London, and in Mr Boltons, the Arst, is to mix the metal of the proper standard, the second, to cast it into bars, the third, to roll it to the proper thickness, the fourth, to cut out the pieces, the Afth, to adjust the weight, the Sixth, to give it a proper colour by boiling in alum water, and the seventh to mill the edges, it is then ready for the die, how Mr Voight can add to the above, twenty Ave other processes and twenty Ave days work, and perhaps the labour of twenty Ave men, and say they are all necessary, must be a matter of Surprise, to any one who has seen the business performed in the compleatest manner by the above seven, I wished very much to have had a description of some of these thirty two processes, and as often as I had an opertunity in conversation, tried to obtain it from < 237>

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some of them, but was totally disappointed, as every one preserved the strictest secrecy with respect to the arts and mysteries of the Mint, neither was I permitted to see any part of their machinery, every room in the building being shut, except the one I was in, which contained only a writing desk, and some chairs, After the machine I have proposed had been declared useless by the whole companey, I was entertained for more than an hour, with several accounts related by diCerent person, of attempts that had been made to deceive, and defraud the mint, and other publick bodies, by pretended inventions, and discoveries, all of which ware intended to convince me, that they could not be too careful in guarding against Impostors, Mr Boudinot said a few years ago, a genteel looking man came to him, and informed him, that he had discovered the art of turning Block-tin into Silver, and shewed him a piece of the metal which he had essayed, and found to be good Silver, on which he communicated it to the President, who was highly pleased with the discovery, and agreed that Mr B should employ the man to make Afty weight of Silver, the man told Mr B. that as he had travelled a great way, and was short of money, he should be under the necessity of borrowing a little, as it would require a very large apparatus to make such a quantity, he asked Mr B to lend him Afty dollars, which he did, but before the business was completed, the yellow fever came on, and Mr B left town for some weeks, on his return he found the man in gaol, he had been making Silver for some person in New York, who not satisAed with his work, had followed him to obtain satisfaction, Mr B said he heard no more of him, but lost the Afty Dollars. This like Mr Voights thirty two processes, proves more than was intended by it, as it shews that both the President, and the Director of the mint, were totally ignorant of the nature and properties of metals, or they must have known it impossible to make Silver out of Block-tin, When I was about to depart, Mr Boudinot in compliance with your letter, said that if I wished to have the machine made, and there was any of the workmen that could do it, it should be done I told him I would consider of it, and let him know in a few days. However I am of opinion that I should only abuse the conAdence you have honoured me with, by causing a machine to be made at the public expence, after knowing that every person conserned in the business, is determined to oppose the use of it, My intention was if I had been permitted, to see the whole of the machinery, to have given you a particular account of it, and to < 238>

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have Suggested such improvements as I found necessary, in any of the diCerent branches, but as the whole business is transacted with closed doors, over which is written No Admittance, it is impossible for me to discover where the evil that has rendered the business so unsatisfactory to the public, exists, I am very certain that you must consider the greatest part of what I have here intruded uppon you, as triBing; and of little consequence, which I can only attempt to justify, in saying that my wish was to give if possible some Idea of the present situation of the Mint, but as I have before mentioned, that every thing of importance being concealed from me, I had no source of information, but the general conversation that took place, and which I found on the part of the Mint, perticularly guarded, which induced me to take the liberty of giveing it you somewhat at length, I must now beg you to receive my most sincere and grateful thanks, for the honour you have done me in this business, I am sorry it has not gone on according to our expectations, as I am certain that coining can be done as well, and as cheap, in this Country as any other, and for the honour of America, and American artists, I had a wish to see it brought to perfection, the present disappointment is however only one proof among maney thousand, that our best intentions are ofter rendered abortive, by unforeseen, and unexpected circumstances, I am with the greatest respect your Much obliged and Humble Servent Robert Leslie P.S the other letter you honourd me with the care of, I left at the house of the gentleman it was directed to, on weddy morning, he was not at home. RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 5 June and so recorded in SJL. the letter and box you honoured me with: TJ to Elias Boudinot, 23 May 1801. the other letter: probably TJ to William Duane, 23 May 1801. In an undated, unsigned letter written to TJ that probably dates from about this time, Leslie suggested staC reductions at the Mint as another means to trim ex-

penses. He recommended that only the superintendent, a bookkeeper, two laborers, and “one Boy” be employed on a year-round basis; an engraver and a smith could be hired by the job. With this arrangement, and the use of “a proper Machine,” Leslie estimated the output of the mint could attain “90,000 pieces of small Change in a day,” at an annual cost in labor (including “Occasional hands” and horses) of $3,850 (RC in MHi; undated; endorsed by TJ).

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To John Watson Dear Sir Washington June 2. 1801. Your’s of the 16th. May came to hand on the 20th. there is this day placed in the hands of Gibson & JeCerson 285. Dollars subject to your order for mr Barbee which I hope may be conveniently transferred to your place for his use.—my outAt here has been so excessively heavy on me, that all my own resources added to that of the public salary recievable only as it becomes due, are insuDcient to meet the calls; and I shall be streightened for some two or three months to come.1 you must have a little patience therefore as to the 143.73 D I have to remit you on other accounts. it shall be done the Arst moment it is in my power. Accept my friendly salutations & assurances of esteem. Th: Jefferson RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Mr. John Watson.” John Watson (d. 1841) of Milton moved from Amherst around 1790 and settled in Albemarle County where he served as postmaster, magistrate, sheriC, and merchant and factor for Alexander Brydie and Co. In 1813 he purchased a thousand-acre plantation, Forest Hill, on the south side of the Rivanna River (Woods, Albemarle, 339; Stets, Postmasters, 264; mb, 2:915n; Vol. 30:627; Vol. 32:15n).

Watson’s letters of the 16th. may and 19 June from Milton, received by TJ on 20 May and 24 June, respectively, are recorded in SJL but have not been found. On 20 Apr. TJ purchased 95 barrels of corn from William barbee at $3 per barrel, to be delivered to John H. Craven and payable on 10 June. TJ made payment to Watson, drawn on Gibson & JeCerson, on 2 June for $285 (mb, 2:1038-9, 1043, 1044, 1055). For the $143.73, see John Barnes to TJ, 7 Oct. q TJ here canceled “I do not.”

Petition of Lewis Freeman The Petition of Lewis Freeman of the City of New Haven, in the state of Connecticut Humbly Shewith—That your Petitioner, at A Circuit Court of the said United States Holden at Hartford in the said State of Connecticut in September last was commited by the oath of one Cornealius Smith of Having Passed a Counterfeit Bank bill, of the Bank of the United States, knowing it to be a Counterfeit, and on such Conviction was Sentenced to pay a Ane of One Hundred dollars and to be Imprisoned two years—your Petitioner is fully Sensible, the court and Jury, by which he was tryed Acted a Very honnest Part in convicting him upon the Proof which was Exibited to them against your Petitioner, but your Petitioner knows, that the oath of said Smith was in Every Particular false and Totally Groundless, and was Fabricated < 240>

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by said Smith to Exonerate himself from a Prosecution, under which he was then Held, for Passing in a Variety of Instances a Number of Bills of the Manhattan Bank and on which Prosecution he must Inevitably have been convicted, had he not fabricated the charge against your Petitioner on which he has been convicted—Under such circumstances it being Impossible for your Petitioner to Vindicate his Innocence—He was at the time of his Tryal and for a long time before in a Very Declining state of Health, which has increased upon him Very Rapidly since his Imprisonment—And if your Petitioner must still be ConAned in Goal, he must Lay down his Life as a punishment, for the supposed Crime, instead of enduring a two years imprisonment, for his Physicians all Assure him, that it is Impossible that his life should hold out to the End of the time Provided he be kept in Prison. your Petitioner supposes it cannot be the design of Government to Punish Consequnshally with death, an oCence which by Law and the Decree of said Court was only to be Punished by a Ane and Imprisonment your Petitioner therefore makes an humble Application to you as in your hands is his life, with you it is only to say whether he shall die or shall be Permitted still to Continue in Life—the Testimony which will be herewith PerAxed will shew most clearly, that the Situation of your Petitioner, is what your Petitioner has herein stated it to be—He therefore implores that your Excellency will be Pleased to remitt the Remainder of the Imprisonment and Ane to which he has been Sentenced And your Petitioner as in Duty bound will Ever Pray— Lewis Freeman your Petitioner Prays your Excellencys Answer as soon as may be as your Petitioner has been Obliged to And himself all the Necessarys of Life since his tryal and is at Last without Resources to Support himself and Family New Haven June 3d. 1801 Lewis Freeman This May [cerify?] that Luis Freeman has been ConAned in the Common Goal in Newhaven in my Care & Charge About twelve Months Past and During that time he has be’n Deprived of his health and his Life has be’n Repeatedly Dispaired of Elisha Frost Goaler RC (DNA: RG 59, GPR); at head of text: “To His Excellency Thomas JeCerson President of the United States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 18 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “for pardon”; also endorsed by TJ:

“petn for pardon.” Enclosures were probably: (1) Transcript of Freeman’s trial before the U.S. circuit court at Hartford on 17 Sep. 1800, certiAed as a true copy by Simeon Baldwin, clerk of the circuit court, 8 June 1801 (Tr in same). (2)

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3 JUNE 1801 Statement of New Haven physicians Obadiah Hotchkiss, Walter Munson, and Elijah Munson, dated 22 May 1801, certifying that Freeman’s claim of poor health “has not been exagerated,” with a statement appended below text signed by Samuel Bishop and seven other residents of New Haven, dated 25 May 1801, certifying that Hotchkiss, Munson, and Munson are “established & reputable Physicians in this City and that full Credit ought to be given to their CertiAcate” (MS in same). (3) CertiAcate of Pierpont Edwards, U.S. attorney for Connecticut, 8 June 1801, stating that “little conAdence ought to have been placed” in the testimony of Cornelius Smith and that it was unfortunate that Freeman’s guilt “could not have been made to appear by testimony drawn from a truer source” than Smith (MS in same; in Edwards’s hand and signed by him; with TJ’s instructions for pardon subjoined on same sheet as indicated below). New Haven resident Lewis Freeman was a silversmith and former British oDcer. In April 1800 he was arrested and charged with counterfeiting, speciAcally for altering a bill of the Bank of the United States from $5 to $10. Unable to post bail, he was imprisoned to await trial before the September meeting of the U.S. circuit court at Hartford, which convicted him and sent him to be incarcerated in the New Haven jail. Freeman petitioned John Adams for his release on 15 Feb. 1801, citing his declining health, but no pardon was issued (New York Commercial Advertiser, 2 May 1800; petition of Lewis

Freeman to John Adams, 15 Feb. 1801, in DNA: RG 59, GPR). On 21 April 1800, Cornelius smith of Pittstown, New York, was arrested in New Haven for attempting to pass two counterfeit $20 bank notes of the Manhattan Company. In addition, his pocketbook was found to contain a note for $100 and one for $20 on the same bank as well as several notes of the Bank of the United States, all but one of which were found to have been altered from small to large bills. Unable to secure his bail, Smith was lodged in jail to await trial before the July session of the state superior court (New Haven Connecticut Journal, 24 Apr. 1800). In a note dated 19 June 1801 located at the foot of Pierpont Edwards’s certiAcate, TJ wrote: “A pardon to be made out for Lewis Freeman now in conAnement in New Haven on a conviction of having forged a note of the bank of the US. on these grounds 1. that he was convicted on the sole evidence of a person of ill character who was himself at that time under prosecution for a similar oCence; & whose testimony was thought to be very questionable: 2. that he has already been conAned one year before & since the sentence; & 3. that it is the opinion of respectable persons of the faculty of physic that his health has been already so much impaired by the conAnement that a continuance of it will probably endanger his life. Th: JeCerson” (see Enclosure No. 3, listed above). A presidential pardon of Freeman was issued the following day (FC in Lb in DNA: RG 59, GPR).

To Albert Gallatin Wednesday June 3. 1801.

Th: JeCerson asks the favor of mr & mrs Gallatin to dine with him today; and requests that while they are arranging matters at their new quarters they will dine with him every day. it may give them more time for other arrangements, and will be conferring a real favor on Th:J. RC (NHi: Gallatin Papers); addressed: “Mr. Gallatin.”

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From Albert Gallatin 3d June 1801

The enclosed were yesterday given to me by Mr Marsh a member of the Executive Council of New Jersey, & one of those who recommend Mr Linn—The three Gentlemen who sign a recommendation in his favor are the other three republican members of the same body. He applies for the Collectorship of Perth Amboy vice Bell the tory, and in lieu of Gen. Heard who had been before recommended. He is from Essex County, an old man, has not the appearance of very bright talents, was during last war in the Quarter master General department. If it be thought better to appoint General Heard, he Marsh1 may be told at once that the place is promised or engaged to the General— With respect Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); addressed: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “Marsh”; also endorsed by TJ: “Marsh. collector Perth Amboy vice Bell.” Enclosures not found. For the appointment of Daniel marsh as collector at Perth Amboy in place of Andrew Bell, see Notes on New Jersey Patronage, printed at 5 Mch. 1801. The other three republican members of the Legislative Council were John Lambert, Abraham Kitchell, and William McCullough (Journal of the Proceedings

of the Legislative-Council of the State of New-Jersey, Convened in General Assembly, at Trenton, on Tuesday the twentyeighth Day of October, One Thousand Eight Hundred [Trenton, N.J., 1801], 3, 14, 29, 33; Carl E. Prince, New Jersey’s JeCersonian Republicans: The Genesis of an Early Party Machine, 1789-1817 [Chapel Hill, 1964], 82, 129; Walter R. Fee, The Transition from Aristocracy to Democracy in New Jersey, 1789-1829 [Somerville, N.J., 1933], 71, 93; Kline, Burr, 2:771n). q Word interlined.

From Harry Innes Dr Sir, Kentucky near Frankfort June 3d. 1801 Pardon me for requesting a few moments attention from the important duties of your oDce to read the following lines on a subject of a private nature. Justice to myself, as well as a desire to remove doubts, if any exist, relative to what I have written respecting the ODcial conduct of the Marshal of this District require it of me. From recollection I incline to think the observations relative to Mr. McDowell, were conAned to my own observation & stated that nothing had been suggested to the Court respecting his improper conduct. Previous to that time a Supersedeas had been granted to set aside an Execution issued upon the nonpayment of a Replevy Bond in < 243>

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which Milage is charged for riding to levy the Arst Execution, & among other causes that is stated as Error, at the November Term last the Supersedeas was continued by consent of Parties without argument. Also an application had been made for a Supersedeas in two other cases to stay similar Executions, & among the errors stated to exist in the Replevy Bonds were Milage. On examining these two last Replevy Bonds, I discovered milage expressed in the Conditions, yet upon calculating them & taking into account a small credit on each given by the Marshal, it did not appear, that if Milage had been charged, the demand then existed, upon which the applications were rejected, however on the next day the business came before me in a diCerent shape & the prayer of the petitions were granted. The three cases are still depending. These sir are all the complaints that had come to my knowledge respecting the Marshal himself previous to my letters relative to the application of Mr. Joüett & Mr. Wilkins & the certiAcate given to Mr. McDowell. As to the Arst case I had ’till about two weeks ago, been impressed with the idea of the Replevy Bond being taken by a deputy, & under this impression I wrote what has been presented to you. The intention of this letter is to state candidly my conduct relative to the Marshal of Kentucky & to declare that if I had seen the extracts furnished Mr. James Brown by the Clerk of the Court (which have been forwarded to you) before writing the letters & certiAcate herein alluded to, or if it had been suggested that such transactions existed, I should have remained silent respecting the Marshal. By examining the Sheet on which my certiAcate is written you will observe that it is preceeded by that of Messrs. Daviess, Murray, Hughes & Todd practising Attorneys in the Court, & of Mr. Tunstall the Clerk—if these gentlemen so conversant in the business of the Clerks oDce were not apprised of malfeasance in the Marshal, it ought not to be supposed that I had any knowledge of it. With assurances of respect & esteem I remain Dr Sir your friend & servt. Harry Innes RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 24 June and so recorded in SJL. On 31 Jan. 1801, Innes, the U.S. district judge for Kentucky, had certiAed the conduct of the marshal of the district, Samuel McDowell, Jr., stating that he had “no information” of any impropri-

ety on McDowell’s part and that the marshal’s moral character was, to Innes’s knowledge, “unimpeached.” Innes had also written earlier in January that McDowell’s oDcial conduct was “unexceptionable” (Vol. 32:451n, 563n). Also in January, pledging to write an attestation of what he knew about the character and conduct of any aspirant to

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3 JUNE 1801 the marshal’s position who might ask him for a reference, Innes wrote statements for John Jouett, Jr., and Charles wilkins (same, 451n, 461n; see same, 452n, for a communication from Innes to TJ in July 1801 concerning Jouett). by examining the sheet: Innes’s certiAcate for McDowell was one of a conjoined group of statements (same, 562-3n). On the same day that he wrote the letter printed above, Innes wrote to TJ with regard to another applicant for the marshal’s position, Gwyn R. Tompkins. Innes noted that he had known Tompkins since 1785, and “during this time he has as far as hath come to my kno[wled]ge conducted himself as a good Citizen.” Tompkins had “by his merit” won the oDce of sheriC of Fayette County “against several candidates.” On inquiry Innes had learned that Tompkins performed the duties of the sheriC’s oDce “with Adelity” and “acquits himself to the general satisfaction of all persons who have business with him.” Tompkins having performed the duties of sheriC over several years, “there can be no doubt [of] his capacity to discharge the duties of Marshal” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; torn; endorsed by TJ as received 24 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “Tompkins OC.”; also endorsed by TJ: “Gwyn Tompkins to be Marshal of

Kentucky”). In Lexington on 3 Feb. 1801, Joseph Hamilton Daveiss, the U.S. attorney for the district of Kentucky, attested to “the upright and unblemished character of Mr G. R. Tompkins.” In the performance of his duties as sheriC for almost three years, Tompkins had shown the “utmost diligence and punctuallity, and has given public satisfaction.” Tompkins had asked Daveiss for the certiAcate in the expectation that the district might be split and a second marshal’s position created, Daveiss having already written certiAcates for McDowell and for Jouett, who hoped to replace McDowell (MS in same; in Daveiss’s hand and signed by him; apparently written on the address cover of an unidentiAed letter received by Daveiss; endorsed by TJ: “Tompkins to be Marshal of Kentucky”). For Tompkins’s application to be marshal, see also Vol. 33:667n. For Daveiss’s certiAcate for McDowell, see Vol. 32:562n. In 1805, Tompkins (d. 1823) won election to the Kentucky legislature (G. Glenn Clift, comp., Kentucky Obituaries, 1787-1854 [Baltimore, 1977], 31; Charles R. Staples, The History of Pioneer Lexington, 1779-1806 [Lexington, Ky., 1939], 223; James F. Hopkins and Mary W. M. Hargreaves, eds., The Papers of Henry Clay, 11 vols. [Lexington, Ky., 1959-92], 1:1617, 211n, 213n).

To St. George Tucker Dear Sir Washington June 3. 1801 Your favor of May 25. came safely to hand. I ought not to be surprised at any shape which calumny can assume. yet I confess I was at the one mentioned by you to be in circulation. I thought my age, & ordinary demeanor would have prevented any suggestions in that form, from the improbability of their obtaining belief. the persons alluded to, staid1 a few days, till they could procure & furnish a house, wherein they have now been living for some time. I believe all the persons concerned are too conscious of innocence to feel the slander. I was in hopes that, being so near as in Alexandria, your curiosity would have brought you to this place. it is really a pleasant country < 245>

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residence, with an excellent society & quite enough of it. it is in the stile of a good country neighborhood. they are building very rapidly, & certain measures we have been able to adopt, are likely to give a conAdence very friendly to the growth of the place. Accept assurances of my perfect esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (Freeman/Fine Arts of Philadelphia, Inc., Philadelphia, 1993). PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Judge Tucker”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. St. George Tucker’s favor of 25 may, recorded in SJL as received 27 May from Dumfries, has not been found. Rumors about TJ hosting boarders at the President’s House at public expense were in circulation in newspapers. The Columbian Centinel of 23 May, in response to an announcement in the Aurora about the Madisons’ lodging with JeCerson, queried, “Does the President of the United States keep lodgers? Or is it the intention of the Secretary of State to spunge the United States out of house

rent?” The Alexandria Advertiser and Commercial Intelligencer of 25 May, which Tucker may have read, also ran a piece addressed to Benjamin Russell, printer of the Columbian Centinel, indicating that “Mr. Gallatin, and Mr. Madison are going to live with the president, and give him great rent, for they say they don’t care how much they give, as long as it goes to the public; and the president will give it to the public, and all his kinglike salary, only enough to keep things decent and comfortable, and something to get a good Christmas dinner, which would not cost much.” q TJ here canceled “with me.”

From Aaron Burr Dear Sir N; York 4 June 1801 The information contained in Mr Kirby’s letter, appearing to appertain more to you than to me, I take the liberty to enclose it for your perusal— With great respect & attachment A; Burr RC (PPAmP: Feinstone Collection); at foot of text: “Th. JeCerson President of the U.S.”; endorsed by TJ. Recorded in SJL as received 6 June. Enclosure: Ephraim Kirby to Burr, Hartford, 24 May 1801, reporting on the session of the Connecticut legislature, which met from 14 May to 5 June, noting that instead of manifesting “a spirit of moderation and reconciliation” as expected, the Federalists were determined “that no oDcial inBuence” should interfere with their state appointments, even though Republicans were more qualiAed, as was

the case with Daniel Tilden, who was passed over as brigadier general in the Connecticut militia because of his ties with the JeCerson administration, and their support for the reelection of Federalist Uriah Tracy to the U.S. Senate, although he “could not have obtained an election by the people” and was “generally believed to be a corrupt and unprincipled man,” all of which indicated that Republicans could not achieve inBuence in Connecticut by using a “gentle and soothing means” because the “Obstinate and determined spirit” of the Feder-

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4 JUNE 1801 alist leaders would “yield to nothing but necessity” (RC in DLC, at foot of text: “His Excy, A. Burr”; Kline, Burr, 1:585-7).

kirby’s letter: on 8 June, Burr informed Ephraim Kirby that he had transmitted his letter of 24 May to the president (Kline, Burr, 1:586n).

From J. C. Cornwell Sir/ Washington City June 4th. 1801 I am not insenseable that your time is very precious, & most Generally Occupied with concerns of great importance to the Grand body of the community, which produces reluctance in me, least I should take up one Moment of your time from a better subject,—but at some most leisure hour, I hope you will please to give this a reading,—being conscious that the ardent, & sincere wish of my Soul for many years, has been decidely in favour of a Republican Government agreeable to the present form that you are about to establish,— together with my present Singular distressed situation, gives me conAdence to trust that you will please to favour me with an excuse for troubling of you thus,—though I am apprised that one in my present situation is too apt to look, Speak, yes Feel, & write out of Character, Knowing the World, and the (too General) consequences following a promulgation of this Nature.— It is well known that I arrived in New York from the Army at Natchez, in the month of March last past, with Seven Hundred Dollars in Cash, which was in the care of the Captain of the Ship that I came round in, & for which I paid him 21/2®.Cent Freight, which Money was stold from on board the Ship before the Captain got a permit to land it,—and I was left with only about Forty Dollars in the World, which is now entirely spent, & I am left without one Shilling, or any Freind that I can call on in my distress.— I am ready to conceive that I have most Generally conducted myself with a Tolerable degree of prudence (notwithstanding my present situation), never having any earthly assistance,—though I have been at some considerable expence to acquire a Moderate Education, and my profession, which from my own earnings I have found means to pay.— I have served the United States in several Capacities, and always have received a CertiAcate of Having given entire Satisfaction in the line of my appointments. Now sir, this is with great consideration & Due Respect, to beg your kind Notice in my present situation, (it being my only Alternative from Wretchedness indeed,) and that you will be Graciously < 247>

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pleased to grant me some appointment, or employment, as you may in your great Wisdom think At, so that I may cast in my mite for the Interest of the present Weal,—and at the same time escape that Gulf of Wretchedness to which I am fast approaching,—by having it in my power to support the Dignity, or reather Respect, that I have always hitherto (through Mercy) Supported.— I Flatter myself that I have a tolerable Idea of business in General, and am willing to go to any part of the United States, or to any other Country (having been in diCerent parts of Europe, & the West Indies, and have a conversable knowledge of the French language,) or if more practicable would gladly accept a Clerks Birth in any of the public ODces,—for my all depends on some employment.— This being the Outlines of what your great, & Quick, discernment, will more fully comprehend; I beg the liberty to have conAdence that you will suCer it to have weight with you.— In so doing, You shall never have cause, but to be pleased, that your Interest supported one who’s Interest with his Country is eaqually United,—And will ever be, in duty bound to pray &c &c I am Sir, with Due respect Your Most Obt. Hum. Serv. J. C. Cornwell RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson Esq. President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 June and so recorded in SJL.

Cornwell’s letter to TJ of 7 May 1801, recorded in SJL as received 8 May with notation “OC. W.,” has not been found.

From Andrew Ellicott Dear Sir Philadelphia June 4th. 1801 With this you will receive the last pages of my astronomical observations with an extra half sheet, which you will please to substitute in place of the Arst half sheet I sent you.—You will And on the 150th. page a determination of the geographical position of the south end of cumberland island, which is the extreeme southern inclination of the U.S. on the Atlantic.—For the references to which I have not furnished diagrams, I must refer you to those annexed to the report, which I believe are numbered one less than in the printed work.— The want of those diagrams, and charts, will delay for several months the publication of the Afth volume of the Transactions of our Philosophical Society: the letter press will be completed this week.— < 248>

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Maskelyne’s observations made at Greenwich came to hand four days ago, they contain but few which correspond with mine, they are however suDciently numerous to convince any person not blinded by prejudice against the american character, that every determination of the longitude contained in my printed work, is by accident, or some other cause, suDciently accurate for the nicest purposes.— I shall prepare, and publish an account of our southern country as soon as I can arrange it from my notes, and journal, and to which the astronomical observations are only to be considered an appendix: but the embarrassments, and ruin brought upon myself, and family, by serving my country, has, and will yet delay the completion of this work.—The utmost extent of my wishes, and ambition at this time is, to get a place in some counting-house, or oDce, where I can have the disposal of 4, or 5 hours pr. day for myself, to employ in completing the above work.—If I could have had the most distant idea, that my ambition thro necessity would have been brought to this, I should never have undertaken the determination of our southern boundary, nor risked my life in a bad climate, where I was constantly surrounded by diDculties, and exposed to dangers, to obtain support for a large family, which is daily looking up to me for bread.—But in every stage of the business, I feel conscious of having strictly done my duty.—No one morning during my absence did the rising sun And me in bed,—no danger, diDculty, or fatigue did I ever shrink from,—no information interesting to our country was ever withheld, no time was ever lost in pushing forward the business; which was commenced, and carried on for more than one month, before I was joined by the oDcers of his Catholic Majesty.—And to save publick money, I made it a Axed rule from which I never deviated in a single instance, to live in the Aelds, and woods, when quarters could not be had rent free.—For this parsimony, as it was termed, I was publickly abused by some of the inhabitants, and by almost all our Military oDcers then in1 that country: But this I disregarded, and never till now made mention of it; neither did it at any time appear necessary, when I called to my recollection, the addresses, and approbatory letters, which I now have by me from every person of information, and almost every one of respectability in that country. with these testimonials I have made no parade, my long services I have yet presumed would render them unnecessary.—At no time did I ever speculate upon the publick, or use a farthing of money entrusted to my care. Every agreement I have ever made, has been held sacred on my part; in return I ask no favours, I only request < 249>

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that justice from the Publick, which I could obtain by the laws of my country from an individual.— My undertaking the determination of our southern boundary was not of my own seeking, I was prevailed upon to decline other business more permanent, and at that time apparently as lucrative, but as it has turned out, inAnitely more so. Soon after my arrival at Natchez, I found that the spanish government would evade the execution of the Treaty if possible, and in May 1797 requested leave to return, but no notice was taken of it.—In the winter of 1797.-’8 the request was renewed thro Judge Miller, who spent a few weeks with me in that country; but this request shared the same fate with the Arst.—No alternative was left, I had to remain and carry on the business: but if I had at any time been informed that the expenses would not be promptly paid, or that any part of my pay would be with-held, I certainly should not have continued and involved myself, and numerous young family in ruin.—If any regard is to be paid to a stipulation which will appear in my instructions, and those to Mr. Anderson, and any truth in Arithmetic, I have yet received but little more than half my pay.— On my return home I was received in the most friendly manner by Mr. Pickering, and Mr. Mc.Henry, notwithstanding the discordence of our political opinions; but from Mr. Adams I was never able to obtain an audience. I had some communications which for certain reasons I chose to make verbally.—I yet think these of importance, and never doubted the satisfaction of an audience from you since your fortunate election, and should have paid my respects to you personly before this time, but have been prevented for want of money to bear my expenses.— I wish you to recollect that several months before the arrival of either Govr. Sargent, or Genl. Wilkinson in that country, the disagreement with the spanish Government was brought to a fortunate issue, and the posts evacuated and such arrangements made with the Choktaws, with whom we had no treaty, that we were permitted to carry the line thro their country unmolested.—It was by the Creeks with whom we had several treaties that we were embarrassed notwithstanding the exertions of our agent, who no doubt done his duty, and by whose advice I was generally inBuenced.— My astronomical observations being now out of the press, I intend visitting the City of Washington next week, if I can procure so much money as will bear my expenses there and back.—To borrow without I could see a certainty of repaying, would not in my opinion be doing justice to a friend, or to my own reputation. < 250>

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With all the sincerity of friendship, I wish you a prosperous and happy administration and am with due consideration your Hbl. Servt Andw; Ellicott. P.S. I have just now seen impressions made by a coin found in clearing out a spring at Chillicothe in the North Western territory.— The impressions were sent to Doctr. Rush by J. Wills Esqr.—The coin is now in the hands of Govr. St. Clair. Upon presenting the impressions to Mr. Peale, he shewed the Dtr. several coins lately received from China exactly similar to the impressions made by the coin found at Chillicothe.— A. E.— RC (DLC); below signature: “Thos. JeCerson President of the U.S. and of the A.P.S.”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 June and so recorded in SJL. Dft (DLC: Ellicott Papers); postscript lacking. Enclosure: see Ellicott to TJ, 16 May. maskelyne’s observations: possibly Astronomical Observations . . . from the year MDCCLXXXVII to the year MDCCXCVIII. Volume III (London, 1799), by Britain’s astronomer royal, Nevil Maskelyne (Derek Howse, Nevil Maskelyne: The Seaman’s Astronomer [Cambridge, 1989], 264). an account of our southern country: in 1803 Ellicott published The Journal of Andrew Ellicott, Late Commissioner on Behalf of the United States, which was his account of the survey of the boundary between the southern United States and Spanish territory, 1796-1800; see Vol. 31:593n.

Arthur miller of Connecticut transmitted to Congress an October 1797 petition from Natchez residents and forwarded to Timothy Pickering a letter from Ellicott of 14 Nov. 1797. In the spring of 1798, John Adams nominated Miller as secretary of Mississippi Territory, but the president had to withdraw the nomination due to Miller’s association with land speculation (Terr. Papers, 5:11, 16, 27n, 31; Vol. 30:280-1). mr. anderson was the commissary of Ellicott’s expedition to survey the southern boundary (Ellicott, The Journal of Andrew Ellicott [Philadelphia, 1803], 45; Catharine Van Cortlandt Mathews, Andrew Ellicott: His Life and Letters [New York, 1908], 181). Benjamin Hawkins was the U.S. agent residing with the Creek Indians (Hawkins to TJ, 1 Mch. 1801). q MS: “it.”

To Robert R. Livingston Th: Jefferson to Washington June 4. 1801. Chancellor Livingston. The question of Neutral rights has not yet been taken up in our Cabinet. there is a visible leaning however to the liberal side. having had occasion in a particular case to state my own opinion privately, it will not be improper that Chancellor Livingston should see it; and the rather, as I believe my coadjutors, when we shall come to compare notes, will be found in the same sentiments. but our idea is, not to engage in war, or any thing which may lead to it in support of either < 251>

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principle. we believe our legislature will now be disposed to enforce their neutral rights by commercial regulations & restrictions. perhaps they might be induced, after peace, to concur in a general agreement for1 withdrawing commercial intercourse from all nations not acknoleging the true principles. the Chancellor will be pleased to consider this communication as personally conAdential, & to return the paper. RC (NNMus); addressed: “Chancellor Livingston”; endorsed by Livingston: “from the pres.” PrC (DLC). Not recorded in SJL.

q TJ here canceled “excluding.”

e n c l o s u r e

Neutral Rights The Principles insisted on by the English are that 1. free bottoms do not make free goods. 2. that a port may be blockaded by proclamation without force. 3. that Naval stores are contraband. 4. that belligerent may search neutral vessels, in all cases. 5. that Neutrals have no right to a commerce in war not permitted them in peace. When two nations chuse to go to war, it should in no wise aCect those who remain in the ordinary relations of social & moral intercourse with them & with one another. Their1 rights then, of commerce & navigation remain unaltered by the war of others. One single exception might be allowed: to wit. where a special military enterprize would be defeated by the full exercise of the neutral right in that special case, as by his entering a port blockaded, that is to say, beleaguered; or by his departure from a port in the moment that a military enterprize is commencing. The consequences of neutral rights, with only this limitation are that a nation may avail itself of an opportunity of enlarging it’s commerce at all times, whether that opportunity occurs while others are at war, or in peace. that nothing is contraband in war more than in peace. that of course there can be no right of search. that free bottoms make free goods, because the bottom cannot be searched. This last rule results also from another consideration. Where a space is common to all, as the sea, a road, a seat in a theatre, a church &c. that portion of it which any individual or nation happens to occupy at any moment, is for that moment appropriated to the occupier. consequently the space occupied by a carriage in a road, or a ship at sea, is for that moment appropriated to the owner of the carriage or ship, and no other individual or nation

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4 JUNE 1801 has more right to enter the carriage or ship, than if they were at home in the enclosure or harbour of the owner. In the earlier state of commerce among modern nations, the rights of neutrals were seen and claimed in this light by some powers. but those who, at that moment, happened to And their own interest in the restraint of neutral rights, happened also in that moment to be the strongest, and prevailed in obtaining acquiescence under the principles restrictive of neutral right. In this state was the Jus gentium of maritime right, a little shaken indeed by the measures of the armed neutrality, (but some of whom afterwards relinquished their own principles) when the altercation arose between Genet & the American government; the former insisted that the latter should go to war against England because she had taken French goods out of American bottoms. the US. answered that according to the practice of European nations, a nation may take an enemy’s goods out of the bottom of a friend. that this was the general rule, to which treaties had formed exceptions in many cases, which cases only2 were by these special compacts taken out of the general rule. But the nations Anding an interest in the abridgment of Neutral rights have since, under colour of their principles, & the acquiescence of other nations, carried their abuses so far, that a state of war between any two nations now, amounts to an entire prostration of the rights of commerce & navigation of the nations remaining at peace. No wonder then if the peaceable nations are arroused by these abuses, and turning their attention to Arst principles, see the right & the necessity of recurring to the original state of the question, of establishing the true principles which ought to have been at Arst established, & would have been, but for the accidental history of the times. they feel that war between two nations cannot diminish the rights of the world remaining at peace: & that to this but a single exception can be admitted, to wit, of a beleaguered town or port. the monstrous doctrine that the rights of nations remaining quietly3 under the exercise of moral & social duties, are to give way to the convenience of those who chuse to go into a state of murder & plunder, ought to yield to the more rational rule that the wrongs which two nations endeavor to inBict on each other, must not infringe on the rights or conveniences of those remaining at peace: but the Neutral nations are aiming at only a half-reformation. they admit the right of search when no convoy is present. they admit some things contraband, tho’ they deny naval stores to be such. the same eCort which will establish this, will establish the true principles in all their latitude, and nothing short of that ought to be aimed at. MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 116:19991); entirely in TJ’s hand, including endorsement: “Neutral rights”; with citations to legal authorities added by TJ in margin (see below). jus gentium: the law of nations. In 1793, in response to complaints by French envoy Edmond Charles genet, TJ as secretary of state wrote: “I believe it cannot be doubted but that, by the general

law of nations, the goods of a friend found in the vessel of an enemy are free, and the goods of an enemy found in the vessel of a friend are lawful prize.” He noted that some countries, including the United States, had begun to replace that doctrine with “another in it’s stead, that free bottoms shall make free goods and enemy bottoms, enemy goods.” Although the newer doctrine had begun to appear in some treaties that governed relations

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4 JUNE 1801 between particular nations, it could not constrain Great Britain from utilizing the “established principle of the Law of nations.” The U.S. government considered Genet’s complaints about British seizures of French goods from American ships to be one of the reasons for requesting his recall (Vol. 26:557-8, 696, 706). Perpendicularly in the margin alongside his reference to “the Jus gentium of maritime right,” TJ wrote “[Qu] whether prize goods may be sold,” followed by a list of citations from legal authorities, quoted below. The Arst citation is largely obscured by tape. “see 2. [. . .] of [Justin.] [3] 33 [. . .]”: the second book of the Institutes, an overview of Roman civil law compiled in the 6th century under the authority of Justinian, the emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire, discussed possession of property (Peter Birks and Grant McLeod, trans., Justinian’s Institutes [London, 1987], 7, 12, 55-67; Sowerby, Nos. 2191, 2193, 2195). “2. Wooddeson 443.”: Richard Wooddeson, A Systematical View of the Laws of England, 3 vols. (London, 1792-93); see Sowerby, No. 1808. On the page given by TJ, vol. 2, p. 443, which concerned captures at sea, Wooddeson cited, among other authorities, Burlamaqui and the portion of the work of Barbeyrac and Grotius noted by TJ (see below). “Lee. 77. Burlamaqui”: in A Treatise of Captures in War (London, 1759), 77, English lawyer Richard Lee stated “that neutral Nations ought to regard the two Parties at War, as lawful Proprietors of what they can take from each other by force of Arms.” That phrasing repeated language that the Genevan jurist and legal scholar Jean Jacques Burlamaqui used in a passage cited by Wooddeson—

part 4, chapter 7, paragraph 12 of Burlamaqui’s Principes du droit politique (Burlamaqui, The Principles of Natural and Politic Law, trans. by Mr. Nugent, 5th ed., 2 vols. [Cambridge, 1807], 2:201-10; Sowerby, Nos. 1408, 1419). “Barbeyrac on Grotius L. 3. c. 6. §. 2.”: Jean Barbeyrac translated Hugo Grotius’s De Jure Belli ac Pacis into French and wrote notes to accompany the work (Sowerby, No. 1405). The part cited by TJ, book 3, chapter 6, part 2, discussed a captor’s right to property seized during war, citing references that reached back to Greece and Rome. Wooddeson cited the same passage. As secretary of state in 1792, TJ used another portion of the same chapter with regard to the protection of neutral territory during war (Hugo Grotius, The Rights of War and Peace, in Three Books . . . To Which Are Added, All the Large Notes of Mr. J. Barbeyrac [London, 1738], 580-1; Vol. 23:297). “Bynk. Qu. jur. pub. L. 1. c. 15.”: TJ became acquainted with Cornelius van Bynkershoek’s works, and called them to James Madison’s attention, in 1784. The Arst book of Bynkershoek’s Quaestionum Juris Publici was a source that TJ quoted in 1792 in a long communication to George Hammond, the British minister to the United States, concerning alleged infractions of the 1783 treaty of peace. TJ’s book catalog listed two other works by Bynkershoek. No reference to Bynkershoek appears on the page of Wooddeson’s book cited by TJ above (Sowerby, Nos. 1427, 2205; Vol. 6:550; Vol. 7:37; Vol. 23:554, 583, 602). q Word reworked from “The.” r Word interlined. s Word interlined.

From Robert R. Livingston Thursday [4 June 1801]

The Chancellor Livingston has read with great pleasure the observations of the president on neutral rights—Mr. Livingston is perfectly satisAed that they are founded in reason & justice, & should as such < 254>

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form the Law of nations, for nothing is more absurd than that the quarels of others shd aCect the right of peaceable nations—The extention which their adoption would give to the commerce of neutral nations is a strong argument in their favor, since it wd. operate as a premium on peace, & a duty on war. But he is very fearful that it will be long before they are adopted, that particularly which abolishes contraband of war—Since it is at least plausible to say that no man is bound to suCer a third person to furnish his enemy with arms for his distruction in the hour of battle—And yet, unless this is esstablished all the vexations of search must follow—I have no doubt that the means are in our power (and we certainly will be blameable if we do not exercise them) by which to compel the introduction of a much more extensive system than that proposed by the northern powers RC (DLC); partially dated; endorsed by TJ as a letter of 4 June received 5 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: see the preceding document.

observations of the president: writing Livingston on 9 Sep. 1801 to supplement his oDcial instructions, TJ outlined his views on neutral rights “in a more matured form” (NNMus).

Notes on a Conversation with Robert R. Livingston [on or after 4 June 1801]

Connecticut Chr. Livingston thinks it will be advantageous to make a general sweep in Connectt. the people are governed 1. by their clergy 2. by their interest. the clergy irreclaimable. the only remaining motive therefore should be brought over to the Republican side as a counterpoise. they were federals from interest. they are avaricious, & venal, looking always for gain. MS (DNA: RG 59, LAR, 7:290); entirely in TJ’s hand; undated, but written on verso of address clipped from George JeCerson to TJ, 1 June 1801.

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Notes on a Conversation with Robert R. Livingston [4 June 1801]

Chancellor Livingston’s opinion N. York as to Rogers, he thinks no possible reason for his removal can be urged, but the wanting to put some other in his place. he is a most excellent oDcer, & meddles little in Politics. as to Fish. he is a gentlemenly man, an oDcer in the revolutionary army, moving in genteel society. he has been pretty active in elections under Hamilton without being able to do much. he is neither in high esteem, or disesteem. his removal will create no sensation. Bailey is fully equal to the duties of Fish’s place. Pierre Van Cortlandt is not. the latter is to marry Govr. Clinton’s daur. there are two parties of republicans in N.Y. the one needy & greedy, wanting every body to be turned out that they may get it. the other consisting of men of property who wish no unnecessary removals and to see the govmt moderate & conciliatory. Davis is an obsure man, a runner or something in the Manhattan bank, who with Ludlow the President is able to procure pecuniary accomodns for their friends. he thinks Ludlow a very good man, & much esteemed. his appointmt was not expected by any party, & disapproved by the republicans because a tory in the war. yet being in, he doubts the expediency of removing him. MS (DNA: RG 59, MCL); entirely in TJ’s hand; undated, but see Livingston to TJ, 5 June. Nicholas fish, a close friend of Alexander Hamilton and his second-incommand at the battle of Yorktown, became supervisor of the revenue of New York in December 1793. Theodorus bai-

ley, as well as pierre van cortlandt, Jr., and Matthew L. davis were among the Republicans recommended for the position (Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 7:330n; Memorandum from Aaron Burr, printed at 17 Mch. 1801; Gallatin to TJ, [21 May]; Philip Van Cortlandt to TJ, 22 May).

To Thomas Mann Randolph Th:J. to TMR. Washington June 4. 1801. Your’s of May 30. came to hand yesterday. I wrote to Martha on the 28th. I have never heard from the Hundred since I left home. < 256>

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and indeed have been so pressed with business that I have never written but once.—two of our frigates are arrived here to be laid up. 3. more are expected. 2 others will remain where they are, the one to be repaired, the other to be sold as good for nothing if approved by Congress. these make the 7. which are to be laid up. 6 others are to be kept armed, and all the other vessels to be sold. this last operation is going on well. Doctr. Bache has been at Georgetown some days. he leaves it to-day in good health.—a cask of dry Sherry was sometime ago forwarded for you by the Milton boats. mr JeCerson writes me that he was absent when it went, and therefore the order to deliver it at Edgehill was not given till some days ago. should it have got to Monticello in the mean time, either take it from thence, or instead of it take a like cask of exactly the same quality now on it’s way from Philadelphia destined for Monticello. there are also 6. boxes of claret for Monticello, which be so good as to have stored in the cellar, where I presume they will now be safe. we have no cherries here yet.—mr & mrs Madison went to housekeeping about 10. days ago. we And this is a very agreeable country residence. good society, and enough of it, and free from the noise, the heat, the stench, & the bustle of a close built town. my tender love to my ever dear Martha, to whom I inclose a piece of Music from Hawkins. kisses to the young ones, and aCectionate attachment to yourself. RC (DLC). PrC (CSmH); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Enclosure not identiAed. Randolph’s letter of 30 may, recorded in SJL as received 3 June, has not been found. never written but once:

see TJ to Mary JeCerson Eppes, 28 May. For the U.S. Navy vessels designated to be kept in service, laid up, or sold, see Samuel Smith to TJ, 4 May. mr jefferson writes me: George JeCerson to TJ, 28 May.

From Samuel Smith Sir Nav. Dep. 4 June 1801 I have the honor to request your signature to the accompanying Commissions & Warrants— They are all old appointments excepting George Grey Grubb, who has been particularly recommended by Mr Leiper of Philaa. & has been sometime an acting Midsm. I have the honor to be with the greatest respect & esteem, Sir, your mo: ob Sr. S. Smith < 257>

4 JUNE 1801 RC (DLC); at foot of text: “President U: States”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “commns.” FC (Lb in DNA: RG 45, LSP).

George Gray grubb was an acting midshipman on board the frigate United States from 1800 to 1801. He was oDcially commissioned by TJ a midshipman on 4 June 1801 and served until 17 Mch. 1804, when he resigned due to illness (ndbw, Register, 22).

From Archibald Stuart Dear Sir Staunton 4th. June 1801 Your note of the 8th. of April was rec’d. in Abingdon from whence I wrote you a short reply—I have also recd yours of the 25th. of the same month and am sorry to observe that the appointment there mentioned is a very unlucky one the person is extremely unpopular from many causes—John Alexander is a store-boy & I doubt whether he is of age; his brother Andrew is now for the third year the representative of the County is a silent modest man & little known out of his neighbourhood, but is a man of merit and good understanding— John Caruthers as a middle aged man has been a Merchant & is more known in the district is a man of Integrity & has capacity enough to All the ODce of Marshall—Neither of these Characters have been very conspicuous through the storm, Alexander at one time on the assembly wavered & we thought we had lost him—As these men are all connected with each other and Caruthers the oldest & best known perhaps he ought to be prefered—A general Calm has taken place on the subject of politicks throughout the Circuit which I rode this spring. many have come over to us & make no scruple in recanting their political errors—Others seem to acquiesce cheerfully, promise their support & hope every thing will be done for the best—The Presbyterean Clergy & a few Leaders of the faction are excepted, I believe they like Miltons Devil are irreconcileable—When I look back I cannot but shudder at the prospect which presented itselfe during the late contest—The minds of men from extreme anxiety seemed to settle down into a Arm resolution to resist every attempt to give us a President who had not been the choice of the people They every where spoke the language which a good Cause dictated & in such a Tone as proved they were ready to act—Could the faction at this Time have commanded an army & brought forward a Character even less Popular than Genl Washington our situation might have been calamitous—Notwithstanding the probable consequences I was pleased to discover this Temper as It proves our liberties cannot be < 258>

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lost without a struggle. I expect in process of Time to hear some censures on the administration from the Clergy on the Score of publick fasts & Days of Thanks Giving—Would it be worth while to anticipate these Cavils by takeing some favorable Opportunity to deny the Authority of the Executive to1 direct such religious exercises— I hope the duties of your ODce will Permit you occasionally to Visit Monticello. permit me in that event to request you to pass at least Once up this Vally through Winchester & Staunton—The Road is good & not much longer than the One you usually travel—The Visit would be pleasing to many of your friends on the Rout, & to none more than your faithfull & aCectionate friend Archd Stuart RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thos Jefferson Esqr”; endorsed by TJ as received 10 June and so recorded in SJL.

appointment there mentioned: John Monroe, attorney for the western district of Virginia.

short reply: probably Stuart to TJ of 3 May, recorded in SJL as received 13 May, but not found.

q Stuart here canceled “interfere &.”

From James Taylor, Jr. Sir Norfolk June 4th. 1801 On the 29th. inst. I shipped by direction of Col: Newton 2 pipes Brazil Wine, by the Sch: Margaret Tingey, for which the Captain neglected to give a receipt, or to call for a letter—I hope it will get to hand without accident as a passenger on board promised to take particular care of it—I have reserved two pipes more, one, or both, of which shall be forwarded when you may think proper to direct it— The payment you will make perfectly convenient to yourself— I am with great respect Yr: ob: Sevt. Jas Taylor RC (MHi); endorsed by TJ as received 9 June and so recorded in SJL. James Taylor, Jr., of Norfolk was one of several suppliers of wine to TJ throughout his Arst presidential term (mb, 2:1115-6, 1129; Thomas Newton to TJ, 12 Mch.). In a letter to Taylor of 11 June, TJ re-

ported that he had received the wine in Washington the previous day, and he declined “at present” Taylor’s oCer of two additional pipes of the Brazil quality Madeira on account of its “extraordinary expense” (PrC in MHi; faint; at foot of text: “James Taylor esq”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso). Each pipe cost $350 (mb, 2:1115).

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From Joshua Barney Sir, Paris the 5 June 1801 In 1793 I was captured by the British in Virtue of the famous orders of June & Novr. against the Americans, and carried to Jaimaica, where I was imprisoned, and tried for my life for having defended my property from plunder, and the Bag of the US, from insult, I was acquitted on trial, and returned to America in April 1794, after having had my Ship and Cargo condemned amounting to 72000 Dollars, of which I was proprietor with Mr. John Hollins of Baltimore, my fortune was then reduced to about 25000 dollars which was owing me by the republic of france for provisions sold them at St Domingo— My family was large, I had no other resource after having been plunder’d by the british, than in the payment of this debt, I arrived from Jamaica in philadelphia, in May 1794, in June the president of the US named me to the Command of One of the frigates which was to be built, but as it was absolutely necessary to recover my payment from france, and no other means left but that of making a Voyage to Europe, from what Mr. Fauchet the Embassador told me—I decided to demand of Mr Knox secretary of War, the liberty to be absent for a time in order to make the Voyage for the recoverment of that Sum, this was denied me, which Obliged me to demand my dismission, & I came to france with Mr. Monroe; when Mr. Monroe was received by the National Convention I was directed by him to present the Bag of the US, which was received with acclamations of Joy, Several of the members knowing me, imediately demanded that I should be employed in the Navy of the Republic as Capitaine de Vaisseau, being Obliged to quit the service of the US to make this Voyage, I accepted that which was oCer’d me, Seeing that my Country whom I had served so faithfully was at peace in appearance with all the world, for the treaty with England was then signed; from that time untill the month of August 1798 I was employed in Activity as Chef d’Escadre commanding all the Marine forces in the leeward Islands, but when I saw that there was likely to be a diCerence between the US and france I withdrew from Activity, and returned to Europe to render count of my Mission, from that period I have remained making it my study to acquire all the Knowledge possible in the Marine tacticks, in order to be again of Service to my Country if required, in Novr. last, the moment I knew that the treaty between france and America was signed, and the news that a republican was respected in the US, and that every thing announced your Nomination to the Presidency, resigned my Commission, with intention to return home to my Native < 260>

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Country, When it is considerd what was the general opinion in America in June 1794, my taking a Commission at that time in the Service of france cannot be but honorable to me, I have been carressed and promoted in Rank here, but I love my Country for whom I have so often fought, and am again ready to sacraAce my life for her, under your Administrat[ion.] I therefore OCer you my services in any Manner you may be pleased to employ me, and shall be doubly happy if my experience during the whole of the American War, and Seven Years of this can be rendered Utile in serving my Country. I have the honor to be Your Obt Servt. Joshua Barney RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); frayed at edge; at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr. President of the United States.” Recorded in SJL as received 10 Sep. Joshua Barney (1759-1818) went to sea as a youth and Arst took command of a ship at the age of 15, when the captain of a merchant vessel died during a transatlantic voyage. During the American Revolution Barney was an oDcer in the service of the Continental Congress and Pennsylvania, and in 1783-84 he commanded the ship that brought dispatches from Benjamin Franklin and the American peace commissioners at Versailles. After the war he engaged in various business ventures. In 1814, charged with the defense of Chesapeake Bay, he attempted to repel the British attack on Washington (anb; Vol. 6:253; Vol. 7:15). Barney was captured by the british in October 1793 on the return leg of a trading voyage from Baltimore to Saint-Domingue. Earlier that year he had forcibly retaken his ship after it was captured by British privateers, and in February 1794 the admiralty court in Jamaica tried him for piracy and attempted murder in that incident. The court acquitted him of the charges, but upheld the second

seizure of his vessel and its cargo (Louis Arthur Norton, Joshua Barney: Hero of the Revolution and 1812 [Annapolis, 2000], 116-23). to present the flag: Barney commanded the commercial ship on which James Monroe traveled to France as minister plenipotentiary in 1794. He was present when Monroe made his ceremonial appearance before the Convention in Paris after their arrival, and Monroe asked Barney to make the presentation of an American Bag, crafted of silk with silver stars and gold fringe, to the French government, an event that had symbolic signiAcance and political consequences (Ammon, Monroe, 116, 119-21; Vol. 28:578-9n). Barney received a commission as capitaine de vaisseau (post captain) in the French Navy in 1795, but at the lowest tier of that rank. He resigned to take command of his own small privateer Beet, but then accepted a new French naval commission at the highest level of capitaine de vaisseau, equivalent to a commodore. He took a squadron (escadre) to the West Indies and used Saint-Domingue as his headquarters (Norton, Joshua Barney, 133-49; Vol. 29:347, 586, 587n).

From George W. Erving Respected Sir— Boston June 5th 1801 I was yesterday honor’d by your letter of the 24th Ult:—I beg you to be assured that any mark of your conAdence & esteem must always be received by me with the utmost sensibility; I accept therefore < 261>

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with gratitude the situation which you oCer me at Lisbon:—Not being engaged in mercantile pursuits I have no view of making this a place of proAt; but I trust it will aCord me opportunities of being useful to your administration, of proving to you my personal attachment, & conArming the good opinion which you have done me the honor to express. As your approbation of my principles & Character is my highest gratiAcation, & the greatest Encomium they can receive; so it will be my Earnest & undeviating Endeavour to merit the continuance of your esteem & conAdence.— Dear Sir with the highest consideration & truest respect your very faithB & obt— George William Erving RC (DLC); at head of text: “To Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 12 June and so recorded in SJL.

To William Hylton Sir Washington [5 June 1801] I have duly recieved your favors of Mar. 27. & June 1. the former had come during my absence and when I returned, which was a month after it’s date, I presumed you had already proceeded on your voyage. I thank you for it’s kind congratulations on my appointment to the Arst Executive oDce, and am sensible how much my powers are overrated. I have two important objects before me, to reduce the government to republican principles & practices; & to heal the wounds of party. the Arst can be accomplished with the aid of that tide in the public spirit which now prevails. the second may be eCected so far as regards the mass of citizens, whose intentions have been always pure. their leaders are a hospital of incurables, & as such entitled to be protected & taken care of as other insane persons are. nothing certainly shall be spared on my part to eCect these objects.— among the privations imposed on me by the relation in which I stand with the public is the liberty of writing letters of introduction or recommendation. the diDculty of separating private from public respect, and the impropriety of committing the latter, will, I am persuaded with you, apologize for my restraining myself from this gratiAcation. Wishing you a pleasant voyage & safe return, I tender you assurances of my consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (PPAmP: Feinstone Collection); dateline clipped, supplied from PrC and SJL; at foot of text: “William Hylton Esq.”; endorsed. PrC (DLC); faint.

your favors: for both, see Hylton to TJ, 27 Mch.

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From Robert R. Livingston 5th June 1801

Mr. Livingston has the honor to inform the president, that in his opinion the writers of the enclosed have no such political weight or information as should in any sort inBuence the presidents own sentiments on public measures. They are weak men who have in this instance been probably the dupes of some that are more artful. Mr. Livingston had the honor to state yesterday what he truly believes to be the sense of the more respectable part of the republican party. He trusts that republicanizm is too Armly established to be shaken by a little deviation either on one side or the other, of the line that he understood the president ment to establish—The prest. is too well acquaint’d with mankind to hope that he can even by a regular pursuit of the most wise & virtuous measures satisfy the wishes or silence the murmurs of every man of any party RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 5 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Denniston & Cheetham to TJ, 1 June, which TJ had enclosed in a letter to Livingston of this same date, requesting “Will Chancellor Livingston be so good as to advise Th: JeCerson how much weight should be allowed to the inclosed opinion” and noting “the writers are in the way of information & disclaim personal views; but how far they are qualiAed to distinguish general from particular

opinions, TJ:J. knows not, as he is unacquainted with them” (RC in NHi: Robert R. Livingston Papers; addressed: “Chancellor Livingston”; endorsed by Livingston). dupes of some that are more artful: for David Denniston’s connection to the Clintonians in New York and James Cheetham’s to the Burrites, see note to Denniston & Cheetham to TJ, 1 June.

From Rufus Low Sir. Boston 5th. June 1801 I hope you will pardon me for troubling you by letter, when you Consider the Cause of it. I went Sailing master of the Essex frigate to Batavia; and back again to New York with Capt. Preble. which you will see by the enclosed letter a coppy of which I wrote to Mr. Stoddert Secretary of the Navy at that time dated at New-York. without Receiving any answer since. The cause of it might have Risen [from] Capt. Preble’s unfriendly disposition towards me; Which will appear from his Reducing the wages of Cerille Felice near forty dollars, who belonged to me as an apprentice. To prove the same I enclose a CertiAcate given me by the purser of the Essex Frigate Relating to the same. I hope you will please to order the balance to be paid which < 263>

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was faithfully Earned by Cerille Felice. So far as Relates to myself, I have been Ready to Return on board any Ship in the Navy, where I might have been wanted; ever since Jany. last, Altho Capt Preble did not prove friendly to me in procuring my warrant. I hope you will please to deal with me in the Same Manner as you do with the other ODcers who have been in the Navy. I must Request you to forward to me your determinations at Boston, where I shall Readily await your orders. Sir with the greatest Respect I have the honor to be your most obedient [and] very humble Servant Rufus Low RC (ViW); torn at seal; addressed: “Honble. Thomas JeCerson Esqr. President of the United States Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “N.”; also endorsed by TJ: “refd. to Secy. of Navy Th: JeCerson June 13 see S. Smith’s lre. June 13.” Enclosures not found. Prior to the outbreak of the Quasi-War, Rufus Low was a merchant captain who had made several voyages to India. In the fall of 1799, the secretary of the navy directed Low to take charge of the frigate essex at Salem, Massachusetts, and oversee its preparation for sea. Impressed by Low’s experience, the commander of the Essex, Captain Edward preble, made Low acting sailing master of the vessel and requested that the secretary issue a warrant to make his rank oDcial. Low never received a warrant, however, but continued to serve as acting sailing master until the Essex returned from the East Indies in December 1800, at which time he was discharged by Preble

(ndqw, Feb. 1797-Oct. 1798, 30; ndqw, Aug.-Dec. 1799, 370, 495; ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 46, 338). Cyrille (cerille) felice was rated in 1800 as an ordinary seaman by the purser of the essex, William Mumford (ndqw, June-Nov. 1800, 415, 417). TJ forwarded Low’s letter to Samuel Smith, who replied to TJ on 13 June. Smith stated that Low had been considered as out of the navy since the previous December and had no claim to the four months extra pay allotted to oDcers discharged under the Peace Establishment Act. Regarding the reduction of Felice’s wages, Smith assumed it was because Low had represented him as a half seaman, but that “on trial he proved only At for the lowest grade” and had his pay adjusted accordingly. Smith promised to write to Low on the subject (RC in DLC, at foot of text: “The President of the United States,” endorsed by TJ as received 13 June and “Rufus Low’s case” and so recorded in SJL; FC in Lb in DNA: RG 45, LSP).

To Denniston & Cheetham [. . .] Washington June 6. 1801. Your favor of the 1st. inst. has been duly recieved, and I thank you sincerely for the information it conveys. it has been my endeavor to obtain similar information from the diCerent states and diCerent persons in the same state. combining together this information, considering the eCect of removals within the state chieBy, but in some < 264>

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degree too on the other states, & attending to other circumstances which merit attention, I am endeavoring to proceed in this business with a view to justice, conciliation, and the best interests of the nation taken as a whole. our most important object is to consolidate the nation once more into a single mass, in sentiment & in object. if they are once brought into such harmony as that their energies may be pointed in the same direction, we shall have nothing to fear without or within. as to the mass of citizens, not engaged in public oDces, this division was an honest one, produced merely by the measures of France & England, and from a diCerence in their views of these measures. those matters being now settled, the subjects of division have past away, and reunion will take place if we pursue a just, moderate & proper line of conduct. getting these united with us, no interests of the nation require us to pay attention to those who have been their leaders, and who can never forgive themselves for the tyrannies they have exercised over us. but we must not pollute ourselves with any act of injustice to them. correct and dispassionate information to the executive is the most precious contribution a good citizen can make to his country. I have been sensible of having failed in it on more than one occasion and have been the more aEicted by it as I do not see for the future any certain guard against repetition. we are not always masters of the time necessary for enquiry: and [often we want] the means. it is always recieved with thankfulness. Accept my salutations and good wishes. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Messrs. Denniston & Cheetham.”

To Christopher Ellery Sir Washington June 6. 1801. Your favor of May 28. was recieved yesterday, and gives me the opportunity of expressing my satisfaction at your appointment to the Senate of the US. this testimony of the conAdence of your country, would of itself have given great weight to your recommendation of mr Robbins for the oDce of district attorney; but the commission had been made out for mr Howell so long before that I think he must have received it before the date of your letter. having nothing so much at heart as to appoint the best characters to the discharge of duties which inBuence so much the happiness of our fellow citizens conAded to us, nothing can be more acceptable to me than recommendations < 265>

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from candid & discerning persons. yours will at all times be thankfully recieved. accept I pray you assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Christopher Ellery esq.”

To Arthur Fenner Sir Washington June 6. 1801. I recieved some time ago your friendly favor of May 16. and return you my thanks for your kind felicitations on my appointment to oDce. your recommendation of mr Howell to the place of district attorney was duly attended to. that gentleman had been formerly well known to myself & some members of the administration, & much to his advantage. I was therefore happy in placing the interests of my fellow citizens in so good hands. the desire of appointing the best men to public oDces, renders recommendations from candid & well informed persons peculiarly acceptable. none will ever be recieved with more thankfulness & conAdence than yours. I pray you to accept assurances of my high consideration & esteem. Th: Jefferson RC (ICN); at foot of text: “Governor Fenner.” PrC (DLC).

To Theodore Foster Dear Sir Washington June 6. 1801. I have to acknolege the receipt of your favor of May 19. mr. Howell has been appointed to the oDce of district attorney. Jonathan Russell had been appointed agreeable to your recommendation long before as Collector of customs for Bristol, and tho’ the note made on the occasion & which is now before me has omitted the name of mr Phillips as Surveyor, yet my memory tells me he was appointed at the same time. a commission issued two days ago to mr Aborn as our commercial agent at Cayenne. You will have heard that a small squadron of ours sailed on the 1st. inst. from Hampton road for the Mediterranean. they were longer preparing than had been hoped. tho’ we And 3. years arrearages due to Algiers, yet I trust from the letters we recieve that that power will not have broken out before the arrival of our frigates which carry one < 266>

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year’s arrearages, & will notify that a vessel loaded with stores for another year was nearly ready to sail. the demand of Tripoli was groundless & insolent. yet they had engaged to await our answer. it was sent by the squadron. but I am much afraid they will in the mean time have committed depredations on us. whether our frigates can repair the losses as eCectually as they may punish them is not so certain. Accept assurances of my perfect esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (NHi); lacks inside address. PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “The honble Theodore Foster.”

To Gouverneur Morris Dear Sir Washington June 6. 1801. Your favor of May 20. is just recieved and I hasten to reply to it. the view1 of the funds for furnishing the President’s house which I [gave] you in my last was just. they are absolutely inadequate to the acquisition of the whole service of plate which you have been so kind as to propose. the terrines and Casserolles would have been desireable in the Arst degree; the dishes in the second; every thing else indiCerent, tho acceptable to the amount of our funds, say 4000. D. should it not be agreeable to you therefore to divide it, or to deliver the surplus here to the mint, I would rather decline it altogether, as you know the constitution does not permit any addition to the funds within the four years ensuing. We learn by report only2 that the British frigate Boston is at anchor at the entrance of the Chesapeake, waiting to attack the Semillante which has been some time ready for sea; tho’ expressly notiAed that if within our jurisdiction when the Semillante should sail, the Boston should not depart under 24. hours. tho’ we recieve this information from Truxton at Norfolk, I am in hopes it is not true.—our Squadron sailed on the 1st. instant for the Mediterranean, within 3. days after the Philadelphia could be got to the rendezvous. tho’ we And three years annuity in arrears with Algiers, & that power in a threatening state in consequence of it, yet from the tenor of the letters thence we have no reason to fear a rupture before the arrival of our squadron, which would probably respite us further till the arrival of a ship load of stores preparing to sail in addition to a considerable sum of money sent them by the squadron. Tripoli had demanded a large gratuity without the least foundation, but had declared there should be no < 267>

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rupture till an answer was recieved from us. that answer was of a nature to be sent only by the squadron. but I am afraid they have not waited. accept assurances of my consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Gouverneur Morris esq.”

q Preceding word interlined in place of “statement.” r Preceding three words interlined.

From Samuel Smith Sir/ Navy ODce 6. June 1801 I have the pleasure to Inform you that the squadron under Commodore Dale sail’d on the 1: Inst. & Cleared Cape Henry on that Day—The Inclosed letter from Capt Truxtun I send for your perusal I rather suppose the Semillante had not gone to Sea with Commodore Dale, as no Mention thereof is made in my letter of the 2nd. from Norfolk. I have the honor to be your Obedt. Servt. S. Smith RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 6 June and “sailing of squadron for Mediterranean” and so recorded in SJL, but as a letter from the department of state. Enclosure not found.

To Elijah Brown [Sir,] Washington June 7. 1801. The very aCectionate address which you have been pleased to present me on behalf of the 16th. regiment of South Carolina, demands & recieves my warmest thanks. the interest you feel in my appointment to the Presidency, your conAdence in my sincere dispositions to oppose the exercise of all arbitrary power, & to preserve inviolate our liberties and constitution, and your promises of support in these pursuits are new incentives to the performance of my duty. I am sensible, with you, of the distortions and perversions of truth and justice practised in the public papers, and how diDcult to decypher character through that medium. but these abuses of the press are perhaps inseparable from it’s freedom; and it’s freedom must be protected or liberty civil & religious be relinquished. it is a part of our duty therefore to submit to the lacerations of it’s slanders, as less injurious to our country than the trammels which would suppress them. < 268>

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I pray you to assure the oDcers & souldiers of the 16th. regiment of my sincere wishes for their prosperity & happiness & of my high consideration and respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint, with word in brackets supplied from Tr; at foot of text: “E. Browne esqr.” Tr (MHi; later 19thcentury copy, in an unidentiAed hand).

very affectionate address: Pendleton District, S.C., 16th Regiment to TJ, 4 May 1801.

From Elijah GrifAths Dear Sir, Philada. June 7—1801 Your favor of march 22d came to hand three days after that date. I beg leave to introduce to you, my friend John Israel Esqre. Editor of the Herald of Liberty (Washington Pennsylvania) he has acted his part well in the heat of the day in our State, & promises to be of great use to the cause of elective goverment in time to come; he will be much gratiAed & esteem it an honor to be made known to you. At the request of Mr Israel a letter from the Rev. Thomas Jones to him is enclosed; Mr Jones preaches for the universal congregation here, but that does not oCer him even an ordinary support, owing to the Smallness of that Society, his high Sense of integrity, natural goodness of heart, & domestic virtues will secure his friends from ever blushing for their patronage; the letter will serve as a specimen of Mr J’s hand writing & wishes, if you will be so good as to mention Mr Jones’s case to one of the heads of Departments, it will do him much service & confer a favor on your sincere friends here. Mr Jones is not a citzen of the united States. I found by experience last season, that Professor Rushes lancet & my constitution disagreed, one or two more bleedings would have Anished my Studies; chagrined at the want of Success from that mode of treatment, I adopted the stimulating plan, which with the opening of spring soon brought my usual standard of health back; I have been induced to settle in town in consequence of the resignation of Doctr. Wm. Boys one of the prescribing physicians of the alms House, to which place I was appointed on the expiration of my time as a student of that institution; this place brings but little emolument with it, however the appointment is respectable, for 10 or 12 respectable practicioners applied for it & many of them high toned Fed’s which might have been supposed a recommendation as the managers are all of the same stamp, however I think the party are pretty well shook to the foundation. Doctor Boys has lately married a Miss St. Clair, not very distant from your estate < 269>

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in Virginia, where he is gone to settle; he has talents & is a good surgeon, but was unable to succed here; it often happens, when we stand in most need of patronage, in the practice of physic, we recieve the least. Dr Boys before leaving this, took a very active part to prevent my appointment, & promote that of Doctr ProudAt’s, who latly accompanied Mrs Bingham abroad in her illness; Dr. ProudAt is a most intollerent aristocrat, Boys has always professed himself a republican & my friend; I have however reason to believe that the Doctor brought my politic’s into view, which was unprovoked on my part & ungenerous on his. We hope to see our State & Federal representation very pure after the next elections. I hope Virginia, Pennsylvania, New York & the western states will never abandon each other on the question of represetative goverment. Accept my best wishes for your health & happiness Elijah Griffiths N.B. my address is No 48 north 2d street Philadela. RC (DLC); addressed: “Thomas Jefferson Esqr. President of the United States City of Washington”; also on address sheet in GriDths’s hand: “Favored by Mr J. Israel”; endorsed by TJ as received 15 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. For john israel and his newspaper, see Hugh Henry Brackenridge to TJ, 19 Jan. 1801. On 7 Jan. 1802, thomas jones wrote TJ applying for the position of librarian at the projected congressional library. Elijah GriDths, Israel Israel, Thomas Leiper, William Shippen, John Connelly, and George Horton signed a subjoined recommendation as “Subscribers” who were well acquainted with Jones (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; at foot of text: “To the President of the United States”; with short recommendation by subscribers at bottom of page, in GriDths’s hand; endorsed by TJ as received 15 Jan. 1802 and “to be librarian” and so recorded in SJL). i adopted the stimulating plan: for the treatment of some diseases, Scottish physician John Brown recommended stimulation through the ingestion of opium and alcohol (dnb). TJ was familiar with Brown’s theories and publica-

tions; see Vol. 31:127-9 and Sowerby, No. 897. William boys joined the Academy of Medicine, a short-lived medical society organized by Benjamin Rush in 1798 to promote the view that yellow fever outbreaks were local in origin. Thirty years later Boys became the Arst physician in charge of the Western State Hospital of Virginia at Staunton. He held the oDce until 1836 (L. H. ButterAeld, ed., Letters of Benjamin Rush, 2 vols. [Princeton, 1951], 2:796-7; Wyndham B. Blanton, Medicine in Virginia in the Nineteenth Century [Richmond, 1933], 206-7). accompanied mrs bingham abroad in her illness: James ProudAt received his medical degree from the College of Philadelphia in 1790 and then studied at St. Bartholomew’s Hospital in London. Senator William Bingham returned to Philadelphia before TJ’s inauguration to be with his wife, Anne Willing Bingham, who was diagnosed with “galloping consumption.” Her physicians ordered a sea voyage to a warmer climate, and she departed on a family-owned vessel in mid-April, accompanied by family and servants. She died in Bermuda on 11 May 1801 (Alberts, Golden Voyage, 41113; Lyman H. ButterAeld, ed., Letters of Benjamin Rush, 2 vols. [Princeton, 1951], 2:742-4).

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To John Roberts Sir Washington June 7. 1801 The approbation which in the name of the 31st. regiment of Kentucky & of the citizens of Montgomery county, you have been pleased to express of my past conduct in public & private life is highly gratifying; and it will be my endeavor to continue to deserve it through the course of my future service. Your conAdence that my objects will be to preserve the constitution inviolate, to defeat measures dictated by interests separate from the public good, or proceeding from improper inBuence, foreign or domestic, is not [more] Battering to me than my concurrence is sincere in the hope that a conciliatory conduct will cordially unite all diCerences of opinion under the general banner of republicanism. I thank you for your kind congratulations on my election, & the promise of support in the arduous task conAded to me. it will neither be desired nor expected longer than it is endeavored to be deserved; and I pray you to accept assurances of my high consideration & respect [for] yourself and for those on whose behalf you have written. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint, with words in brackets supplied from the Connecticut Courant, 17 Aug. 1801; at foot of text: “John Roberts esquire.”

For the approbation of the citizens of montgomery county, see Montgomery County, Kentucky, Citizens to TJ, 13 Apr. 1801.

To Benjamin Vaughan Dear Sir Washington June 7. 1801. I am favored by your letter of May 4. on the subject of Aliens, and ediAed by that as by all your letters. the right of declaring the condition of aliens, being divided between the general & particular governments it is not probable we shall ever see uniform laws on that subject. Congress may say who shall be citizens, and under what circumstances Aliens may hold oDces under the General government. it is not yet decided that they may say who shall not be citizens; and it is very certain that each state may settle for itself the tariC of the privileges of aliens within their state. my general opinion is that, man having a right to live somewhere on the earth, no nation has a better right to exclude him from their portion of the earth than every other has; & consequently has no such right at all. motives of safety may authorize a temporary denial of certain privileges, but they must be < 271>

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limited with reason & good faith, or they become tyrannical. as to the oath of abjuration condemned by you, I deem it unnecessary, perhaps wrong. for I do not see what right one society has to prescribe the privileges & franchises which another may give to their members. so long as their member fulAlls all his duties to them, they ought to be satisAed; if he does not fulAll them, they have a right to punish. I wish to write to London for a telescope, a refractor of about 20. to 30. guineas price. I do not know whether Dollond’s shop retains it’s right to preference; nor am I acquainted with late improvements in the construction. will you advise me on this subject, and particularly as to the description by which I may get the best? it is intended for celestial & terrestrial objects. accept assurances of my friendly attachment & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (Mrs. Langdon Marvin, Hallowell, Maine, 1944); addressed: “Benjamin Vaughan esq. at Hallowell Maine”; franked; postmarked 8 June. PrC (DLC). TJ owned at least two telescopes, as

well as other instruments, made in Peter dollond’s shop in London. TJ purchased one of the telescopes himself in 1786 and obtained another one through Alexander Donald in the 1790s (mb, 1:614; 2:996; Bedini, Statesman of Science, 151, 448, 484).

From Robert Patterson Sir Philada. June 8th. 1801 Relying on your known goodness—I have taken the liberty of thus introducing the bearer, Mr. John Woodside, who wishes for this opportunity of paying you his personal homage and respects.— He is a man of the strictest integrity, & most exemplary morals— was an oDcer, and served with great reputation, in the Pennsylvania line, during our revolutionary war—Has now for many years been a clerk in one of the public oDces in the Treasury department—and has never ceased to be a decided and active Republican; notwithstanding that a simple regard to his own interest would frequently have dictated a contrary conduct. I am Sir, with the highest, respect & esteem Your Most obedt. Servant Rt. Patterson RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 13 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “Woodside.”

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From Benjamin Waterhouse Sir, Cambridge, June 8th, 1801. There may possibly seem a want of due consideration in sending this letter, and what accompanies it, to draw the attention of the President of the United States from the important concerns of our nation to a subject more nearly allied to medicine, than to the aCairs of state. On this account, I should have hesitated still longer, were I not constantly receiving letters from unknown persons, in diCerent parts of Virginia, entreating me to send them the vaccine matter, with instructions for carrying on the kine-pock inoculation. From one, received very lately, I learn that the small-pox is unknown to half the inhabitants of your extensive and populous state; that in some quarters of it, the very name of small-pox excites terror; and that your laws are full as severe as those of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, respecting its introduction by inoculation. From these letters I am convinced that there is, perhaps, no state in the Union more deeply interested in the adoption of this new inoculation than Virginia. By letters from Norfolk, I And, that the inoculation for the kine-pock has been attempted there, but that the subjects of it did not resist the small-pox. Such failures may bring this admirable discovery into disrepute, and deprive you, for a time, of its blessings; nay, what is very serious, such accidents may be the means of spreading the small-pox among you, as it has in some places among us. Not merely ignorance, but avarice, rivalship, and some other unworthy passions, have cast a temporary shade over this important discovery, in some of the towns in this Commonwealth; and I suspect you have experienced something similar, though not from the same causes. I presume you will think with me, that too much care and attention cannot be exercised in the introduction of this valuable but delicate remedy among you. I will do all in my power for its establishment, provided I can obtain the countenance of men of more consequence than myself. Amidst the pelting storm of his adversaries, Dr. Jenner had the countenance of his Sovereign; and the Duke of York is the patron of the London Vaccine Institution. Bonaparte took a lively interest in the diCusion of vaccinism in France; and so did the German nobility at the court of Vienna. Under such patronage, people in the inferior walks of life embraced the doctrines of this new discovery with entire conAdence. Having no personal acquaintance with any medical man in Virginia (some of my own pupils excepted, to whose inexperience I should < 273>

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hardly venture to commit this delicate business) I cannot see my way clear to transmit the matter to I know not whom. After much thought, and some advice, I have concluded to send it to President Jefferson, together with such books and descriptions as may enable a physician experienced in exanthematous diseases, to conduct the process with certainty. My view is this:—The President can at once Ax his eye on some proper medical character, to whom the Arst experiments may be entrusted; some cautious discerning person, perhaps his own family physician. A series of experiments may be directly instituted by him; and when the distemper has proceeded according to the description herewith sent, the subjects of them, may afterwards be submitted to the test of the small-pox inoculation, just as was done at Paris, under direction of the National medical school. As your domestics are principally blacks, I have taken no small pains to procure a picture of the disease, as it appeared on their skins (see Ag. xii). Besides being of vast importance to the state at large, I conceive that an exertion to preserve this wretched people from the horrors of the small-pox, cannot but be agreeable to that beneAcent Ens Entium, who has seen At to make that enviable distinction between the situation and faculties of this helpless race and us! By causing this inoculation to pass through the respectable channel here contemplated, Virginia, and of course, the other southern States, will insure to themselves the blessings of this invaluable discovery, and the serious evils that have arisen in some places, will be avoided. Young and unexperienced practitioners are most forward in this business; yet such can neither excite attention, nor inspire conAdence; whereas, if it came from Mr. Jefferson, it would make, like a body falling from a great height, a deep impression. Need I then, make any further apology for sending the matter Arst to you, encumbered, as I know you must be, with other concerns? I here send a little book, compiled by Mr. Aikin, Surgeon of London; being perhaps, the best manuel for the inoculator, extant. I have it in contemplation to publish something of the kind, more adapted to this country, and containing some letters of Dr. Jenner to me, on the best mode of conducting this inoculation. I also transmit for your acceptance, exact pictures of the kine-pock pustule, in all its stages, from the third day to its Anal termination, painted with surprising justness, together with similar representations for the small-pox, on corresponding days. The dark coloured picture, (Ag. 12) is a representation of the kine-pock on the skin of the negro. I have never inoculated but three of this colour; but, as far as I can remember, it is < 274>

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equally accurate. The graphic art never, perhaps, received a greater honour. I likewise send some fresh infected thread, conAned between two thin plates of talc, and inclosed in the laminæ of a card; the whole pasted up so as to exclude entirely the external air. In this way, I conjecture, it may be sent to the Cape of Good Hope, the Isle of France, or the hot regions of India, without losing its eDcacy.* The red thread marks the place where it is to be opened. I would advise the inoculator, when he makes the incision, or rather scratch, in the arm, not to draw blood, if he can help it. If this should be unavoidable, it is best to wait a moment until the exudation ceases, lest the blood should dilute the virus too much, and so weaken its power. The thread is then to be covered with a piece of gold beaters skin, which I generally take oC in 24 hours. But the Afth or sixth day, the inoculator may expect to see the eCects of his operation. By the eighth the vesicle will be found to contain a small quantity of pellucid Buid, but in no degree resembling matter, or pus; on the contrary, as limped as the dew drop on Bowers, at this season. And this is the exact period, and proper condition of the vaccine Buid, for I will not call it matter, for the purpose of inoculation. It may be taken on the ninth day, but seldom or never later. The want of strict attention to this important point, has produced all the disasters that have occurred in this inoculation in Europe and America, and therefore, this rule cannot be too emphatically urged. The virus should never be taken after the eEorescence has come on, much less during the febrile symptons. Mr. Aikin allows too much latitude. Some give a still wider license, and assert that the genuine virus is found in a pustule on the twelfth or thirteenth day; but Jenner and experience say otherwise. “I wish you to consider, says Dr. Jenner, in one of his letters to me, this efflorescence as a “sacred boundary, over which the lancet should never pass.” I cannot then but reiterate the injunction, to take the vaccine Buid on the seventh, eighth or ninth day, and not on the tenth, eleventh, or twelfth. For want of this knowledge, spurious cases have arisen, and multiplied in our country. It is the most important point in the whole process, the fulcrum on which the whole business turns; and yet no writer, but the celebrated Jenner, appears to be impressed with its importance. It is natural, say some, to conclude that it is best to take the Buid for inoculation, at the very height of the disorder, that is, of the eEorescence. But I am doubtful whether this be the voice even of a legitimate theory. When the inBammation, or eEorescence of the inoculated part commences, it * It was several weeks after writing this, that I discovered the pernicious eCects of heat on the vaccine virus. See page 19; also Medical Journal, vol. 6, p. 327.

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indicates that absorption has already begun; and after absorption has commenced, the quantum, or force of the virus in the vesicle, pustule, or inoculated part, denominate it which you will, is diminished. To note the progress and aspect of the pustule, is of prime importance in the commencement of this practice. “One of the Arst objects of this pursuit, says Dr. Jenner, should be to learn how to distinguish with accuracy, between that pustule which is the true cow-pox, and that which is spurious. Until experience has determined this, we view our object through a mist.” My insulated situation, and remoteness from all correct information on this head, has compelled me to the closest observation of the progress of the pustule, even from hour to hour, with the microscope; and I am convinced of the importance of Dr. Jenner’s injunctions to me; nay more, I am convinced by my own blunders. In people of weak circulation, I have found the progress of this disease more backward, than is here represented: that is to say, the eEorescence described around the pustule on the ninth day, did not make its appearance until the tenth or eleventh, and continued thus backward through the whole progress. I suspect that this may oftener occur in the southern States, than in the colder regions of the north. I have just inoculated a family from Natchez, where this variation was remarkable. In such cases, I take the Buid for inoculation on the ninth, tenth, and even eleventh day. Should the physician, or physicians, to whom you would think proper to conAde this matter, wish for any further information from me, they cannot be more ready to ask, than I shall be to communicate what little I know on this subject. It is perhaps unnecessary for me to say, that it is found, from the most incontestable experiments, I. That the kine-pock is not contagious. II. That it never has been fatal. III. That it completely prevents the small-pox. IV. That it conveys no constitutional disease. And V. That it creates no blemish, or mark, on the human frame. These properties make this vicarious distemper, one of the most precious gifts of Providence to aEicted man. That it actually possesses them all, we are assured by the united testimony of the Arst physicians in London, which is saying the Arst physicians in the world. Besides England, this new inoculation now prospers in France, Germany, and at Geneva. The physicians at Geneva had many spurious cases, and some perplexity, until Dr. Jenner sent them, as he did me, fresh matter, and clearer instructions. It has taken the place of the < 276>

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small-pox inoculation in the British army and navy, and is spoken of by the surgeons of the latter, as one of the greatest blessings ever extended to it.* By a Madrid gazette, just come to my hands, I And that it is introduced there from Gibraltar, by permission of both the British and Spanish governments. Nay more, Lord Elgin has planted it in Constantinople, just about eighty-six years after the Turks helped us to the practice of the variolous inoculation. In no place has the vaccine inoculation been received with more prudence, than at Paris, under the conduct of the National medical school. The report of the committee may be seen in the 4th volume of the Medical and Physical Journal; where it will appear, that they made themselves sure of every inch of ground they passed over. As to the progress of the inoculation in this quarter, it is very satisfactory. Last autumn we were pestered with spurious cases, and absolutely lost the genuine virus. The most eminent physicians in this region, as well as the most distinguished characters, in the two other learned professions, are advocates for this inoculation; not that I would insinuate, that this new practice is destitute of the advantage of having adversaries, even among the faculty. It is in such a prosperous state of the business, that I am desirous of transmitting the blessings of this new discovery to my brethren of the southern States; and in order to ensure it success, I wish it may pass from your hands to them. Should I be the means of introducing this disease, or rather remedy, not merely into Virginia, but into the vast region of the southern States, I should1 indeed rejoice in its recollection to the end of life.* With the highest respect, I remain, &c. Benjamin Waterhouse * Address to Dr. Jenner, on delivering him a gold medal. * There are numerous copies of this letter circulating in manuscript, at the southward. Printed in A Prospect of Exterminating the Small Pox, Part II, Being a Continuation of a Narrative of Facts Concerning the Progress of the New Inoculation in America, by Benjamin Waterhouse (Cambridge, Mass., 1802; Sowerby, No. 946), 23-9; at head of text: “To THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, and President of the American Philosophical Society.” Recorded in SJL

as received 16 June. Enclosure: Charles R. Aikin, A Concise View of All the Most Important Facts which have Hitherto Appeared concerning the Cow-Pox (London, 1801; Sowerby, No. 955). Other enclosures not found. fig. 12: no Agure 12 appears in the printed version of this letter. q Printed text: “sould.”

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From Joseph Yznardi, Sr. Sir. Philadelphia 8 June 1801— The purchassers of the $300.000. dolars bills sold by me and payable in Vera Cruz, having hitherto been disapointed in their application for a vessel of war, in as much as there was none in port to perform the Service of brining that Sum to this Country; and having myself entered into engagements upon the strength of recovering at stated periods from said purchassers the necessary funds to answer such engagements—I am under the necessity of addressing Your Excellency to represent this my situation in hopes that the Approaching arrival of Cap. Mullowny of the Ganges or any other may ACord an Opportunity of acquiescing to the request of the persons concerned.— I have the honor of enclosing to Your Excellency an order issued by His Catholick Magesty, allowing the Citizens of the United States of America to Trade for their Account under certain restrictions to Vera Cruz with a view to impresse Your Excellency that the intention of the Spanish Government is to vest bonaAde the property and the proAts arising Solely in the American Citizen—Should the principle of neutral property be admited, I humbly Suggest to Your Excellency the propriety of directing the American Minister in London to lay before His Britanick Magesty the legality of such commercial intercourse so that the American Citizen may not be molested in the persuit of a trade; which has for its Object the recovery of valuable Cargoes that Such Citizens may have Sold in Spain or any other port in Europe on condition of having a right to invest the proceeds in Colonial produce in Vera Cruz or any other port of Spanish Colonies— I remain with due respect Sir Your Ob. hble Serv Josef Yznardy RC (DNA: RG 59, CD); in a clerk’s hand, signed by Yznardi; at foot of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson.” Recorded in SJL as received 11 June with notation “S.” vera cruz: writing as secretary of the navy on 23 May, Samuel Smith sent TJ the “Deposition & Application of Messrs. Leamy. Price & Coxe, (Citizens of Philada.), praying that a public armed ship may be directed to Call for Certain Monies they have now laying at La Vera Crux.” The applicants were probably

Philadelphia merchants John Leamy, Chandler Price, and Daniel W. Coxe, all of whom had trading interests with Spain and its possessions. They may have made their request as early as April (RC in DLC, endorsed by TJ as received 23 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “Leamy &c.,” enclosures not found; ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 193; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:417-20, 4:221; Marshall, Papers, 6:520, 522; Cooke, Coxe, 334-6). Veracruz was an important source of specie within the Spanish empire. In the summer of 1800 a voy-

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9 JUNE 1801 age by a U.S. Navy ship, the Warren, to pick up specie there for American citizens caused problems because the trip had not been authorized by the Navy Department, the ship’s station oC the coast of Cuba was left unattended, and a number of the crew died during the voyage from

yellow fever contracted at Havana before their departure (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 4:546, 556n, 589; ndqw, June-Nov. 1800, 255, 345-6, 381-2; ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 244-5; Palmer, Stoddert’s War, 228-9).

From David Austin Washington, June 9th 1801: City Hotel.

Mr. Austin takes the liberty of submitting to the President, the consideration of a momentary interview. It may be had in the closet, or in the presence of any persons the President may think proper to admit. Mr. A. will submit to any interrogations the President may think proper to propose, in view of illucidating, more fully, the subject of former communications. The time & place are submitted to the noticings of the President. RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 9 June and so recorded in SJL.

From Albert Gallatin Sir Treasy. Departt. June 9th 1801 It seems to have been supposed by the late District Attorney of Pennsylvania that the case of W. Priestmann was again before the Treasury. This is not & cannot be the case as a previous decision by a former Secretary, or indeed by the same seems to preclude any further proceeding on the part of this Department. I will, however, state that had the case been fairly before me, I would not have hestitated to remit the forfeiture. It is now brought before you by petition to the Secy. of State, and as it comes under the disadvantage of having been rejected by this Department, I think it my duty to make this statement. I have the honor to be with great respect Sir Your most obt. Servt. Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as “Priestman’s case” and so recorded in SJL at 10 June.

William Rawle, late district attorney of pennsylvania, prosecuted the William Priestman case (see Levi Lincoln to TJ, 9 Apr. 1801). former

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9 JUNE 1801 secretary: Oliver Wolcott, Jr. (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:313-14). For the substance of Priestman’s peti-

tion or memorial to James Madison, see same, 314n.

Albert Gallatin’s Report on Delinquent Collectors Treasury Department June 9th. 1801.

The Secretary of the Treasury respectfully reports to the President of the United States;— That William Kirby Collector of the Customs of Hampton, Virginia has not rendered any account to the Treasury, later than the 31st. December 1798, nor transmitted any weekly return of cash on hand since that time. That Nathaniel Wilkins Collector Cherry Stone, Virginia has not rendered any account to the Treasury later than the 31st. December 1796, nor transmitted any weekly return since—That some of his quarterly accounts even prior to that date have not been rendered, so that no part of his accounts has been settled later than 31st. December 1794—and that he has been earnestly & repeatedly requested to render the residue of his accounts. That James Powell Collector of Savannah who was appointed in January 1800, has only transmitted some detached parts of his accounts not suDcient for settlement; that on his being informed of the necessity of rendering his accounts with more regularity & better supported or stated, he has by his answer appeared to be disposed to resign rather1 than to be obliged to render strict accounts, and that his last weekly return is dated 30th. March 1800. Under these circumstances, the Secretary conceives it his duty to report, that in his opinion William Kirby, Nathaniel Wilkins and James Powell ought to be removed from ODce. All which is most respectfully submitted by Albert Gallatin Secy. of the Treasury MS (DLC); in a clerk’s hand, except for interlineation (see note below), signed by Gallatin; endorsed by TJ as received 9 June and “delinquent Collectors” and so recorded in SJL. Between 31 Aug. and 18 Nov. 1801, TJ appointed Mount Edward Chisman in

place of william kirby, Isaac Smith in place of nathaniel wilkins, and Thomas de Mattos Johnson in place of james powell. Kirby and Wilkins were dismissed for “delinquency,” and Powell for failure to render accounts (Vol. 33:673). At the end of June, Gallatin sent TJ a

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9 JUNE 1801 list of collectors who were behind in their statements. The list included Samuel R. Gerry at Marblehead, Asa Andrews at Ipswich, and Dudley A. Tyng at Newburyport, Massachusetts; Jeremiah Nichols at Chester and James Frazier at Vienna, Maryland; James Simons at Charleston and Robert G. Guerard at Beaufort, South Carolina; Joshua Sands at New York City; George Latimer at

Philadelphia; and James A. Thompson at Yeocomico, Virginia (MS in DLC: TJ Papers, 113:19377; undated; entirely in Gallatin’s hand; endorsed by TJ as received from the Department of the Treasury in June 1801; also endorsed by TJ: “delinquent Collectors”). q Word interlined by Gallatin.

From Thomas Paine Paris June 9th 1801

Dear Sir 19 prairial year 9 Your very friendly letter by Mr. Dawson gave me the real sensation of happy satisfaction, and what served to increase it was that he brought it to me himself before I knew of his arrival.—I congratulate America on your election. There has been no Circumstance, with respect to America, since the times of her revolution, that excited so much general attention and expectation in France, England, Ireland and Scotland,1 as the pending election for president of the United States, nor any of which the event has given more general Joy. I thank you for the opportunity you give me of returning by the Maryland, but I shall wait the return of the Vessel that brings Mr Livingstone. With respect to the general State of Politics in Europe, I mean such as are interesting to America, I am at a loss to give any decided opinion. The Coalition of the North, which took place within a few weeks after the publication of the Martime Compact, is, by the untimely death of Paul, in a state of suspence. I do not believe it is abandoned, but it is so far weakened that some of the ports of the North are again open to the english Commerce, as are also the Elbe and the Weser; and Hambourg is evacuated by the Danes. That the business is not yet settled you will see by Nelson’s letter and the accounts from Stockholm which I enclose. The English Government has sent Lord St Helens to Petersbourg but we have no News of the event of his Embassy. Nothing from Egypt since the Battle of the 21 March. The event, however, admits of calculation, which is, that if the English get footing enough in that Country to hold themselves there, they will Anally succeed; because they can be reinforced and the french cannot. It is said that England has made proposals of an Armistice to france, one < 281>

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of the conditions of which is that both parties shall evacuate Egypt. I know not the fact but it has the appearance of probability. It comes from Marbois. The only relief that france could have given to Egypt, and the only, or most eCectual, aid she could have given to the coalition of the North (since she has no operative Navy,) would have been to have kept a strong Beet of Gun-boats on the belgic Coast, to be rowed by oars, and capable of transporting an hundred thousand Men over to the English Coast on the North Sea. Had this been done, England could not have left her coast unguarded in the Manner she has done to make the Expedition to the Baltic and to Egypt; and if she had done it, the descent could have been made without scarcely any risk. I believe the Govermt. begins now to see it, and talk of doing it, but it ought to have been done a year ago. It was the point I endeavoured to press the Most in my Memoire to Bonaparte of which you have a copy. That Merchand Vessels under Convoy shall not be Visited will answer very well for the powers of the North, because as those Vessels must all pass the Sound they can take a Convoy from thence and sail in Beets; but it does not answer for America whose Vessels start singly from diCerent points of a long line of Coast. It was this that made me throw out the Idea, in the Maritime Compact (without hinting at the Circumstance that suggested it) that the Bag of each Nation ought to be regarded as its convoy, and that no Vessel should hoist any other Bag than its own. The treaty is not yet ratiAed. Murray has been here about ten days, and had not seen the french Commissioners two days ago. Mr Dawson intended going round among them to learn all he could before he sent oC the Vessel. Murray, as I understand, for I do not know him, is more a Man of etiquette than of business; and if there is any intention here to delay the ratiAcation his standing upon disputable ceremonies gives opportunities to that delay. I will suggest a thought to you, for which I have no other foundation than what arises in my own mind, which is, that the treaty was formed under one state of Circumstances and comes back for ratiAcation under another state of Circumstances. When it was formed the powers of the North were uniting in coalition to establish the principle generally and perpetually that free ships make free goods, and the treaty with America was formed upon that ground; but the Coalition of the North being in a great Measure weakened, and the event of the dispute between them and England not yet known, I am inclined to suspect that france is waiting to know that event before she ratiAes a < 282>

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treaty that will otherwise operate against herself; for if England cannot be brought to agree that the Neutral powers shall carry for france, I see not how france can agree they shall carry for England. As to the explanation put upon this Article by Jay and Pickering, that it refers to diCerent wars in which one party being Neutral is to carry for an Enemy in one war, and the other party when Neutral to carry for an Enemy in another War, it appears to me altogether a Sophism. It never could be the intention of it as a principle. Instead of such a treaty being a treaty of Amity and Commerce, it is a treaty of reciprocal injuries. It is like saying you shall break my head this time by aiding my Enemy, and I will break your head next time by aiding your Enemy; besides which, it is repugnant to every sentiment of human wisdom human cunning, and human selAshness, to make such a contract. There is neither Nation nor Individual that will voluntarily consent to sustain a present Injury upon the distant prospect of an uncertain good: and even that good, if it were to arrive, would be but a bare equivalent for the injury; whereas it ought to be the double of it upon the score of credit, and the uncertainty of repayment. It is better that such an Article should not be inserted in a treaty than that such an unprincipled explanation, and which in its operation must lead to contention, should be put upon it. You will observe that in the beginning of the preceding paragraph I have said that when the treaty was formed the powers of the North were uniting in Coalition to establish the principle generally and perpetually that free Ships make free goods. The Senate has limited the duration of the Treaty to eight years, and consequently upon the explanation which the Government gave to the same Article in the former treaty with france (see Pickerings long letter to Mr Monroe) this Article in the present Treaty can have no reciprocity. It is limited in its operation to the present War, and the beneAt of it is to England. The Article as containing a principle should have been exempt from the limitation, or had some condition annexed to it that preserved the principle. The Senate by its contrivances has furnished france with the opportunity of non-ratiAcation, in Case she Ands, by the change of Circumstances that the treaty is to her injury. As these Ideas arise out of Circumstances which by my being upon the Spot, I become acquainted with before they can be known in America, I request you to accept them on that ground. Should the Treaty be ratiAed would it not aCord a good opportunity (supposing the war to continue) to state to England, that as America, since her treaty with England, had formed a Treaty with her Enemy which stipulated for the right of carrying English < 283>

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property unmolested by that Enemy, it was become necessary to make a new arrangement with England as an equivalent for the advantages England derives in consequence of that Treaty. I throw this out for your private reBection. Should you see it in this light, and commission it to be done,2 no person would be more proper than Mr Livingstone, and the more so, as all the knowlege necessary to the execution of it would rest within himself, and thereby prevent any Confusion that might otherwise arise as was the case with Jay’s treaty. Besides which it is prudent to lessen the expence of European Missions, and to condense two or three into one. As the unsettled State in which European politics now are will be the State in which they will appear to you when you receive this letter, I suggest to you whether it would not be best to order the Vessel, that is to bring out Mr Livingstone, to L’Orient, Nantz, or Bourdeaux, rather than to come up the Channel. The Maryland has been visited in entering into Havre, and it is best to avoid an ACront when it can be done consistently especially in the present unsettled State of things. The Spaniards have entered Portugal and taken some forts and have orders to march on, unless Portugal, as a preliminary to an Armistice, shut her ports against the English. The french have again taken possession of several forts on the right Shore of the Rhine, but I believe this measure is in concert with Austria to force the States of the Empire to Anish the endemniAcations. However, this unsettled State of things makes some impression here, and the funds have considerably fallen: England begins to be awake to the apprehensions of a descent. If it be true that she has made propositions for an Armistice, this may be one of the causes of it. I now leave the embarrassed Aeld of politics, for which if I have any talent, I have no liking, and come to the quiet scene of civil life. You may recollect that I mentioned to you at Paris an Idea I had of constructing Carriage wheels by concentric circles in preference to the present method in which the pieces that compose the rim, or wheel, are cut cross the grain. This last winter I made three Models. Two of them eighteen Inches diameter the other two foot. I have succeeded both as to Solidity and beauty beyond my expectation. They are equally as Arm as if they were a Natural production and handsomer than any Wheels ever yet made. But the machinery I invented, and the means I used, to bring them to this perfection I cannot describe in a letter. Had matters gone on in America in the same bad manner they went on for several years past my intention was to have taken out a patent for them in france and made a business of it. I shall < 284>

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bring them with me to America and also my bridges and make a business of them there, for it is best for me to be on the broad Boor of the world and follow my own Ideas. what I mention to you concerning the wheels I repose with yourself only till I have the happiness to meet you. I am with wishes for your happiness and that of our Country Your much obliged friend Thomas Paine RC (DLC); 9 June 1801 was 20 Prairial Year 9, so Paine mistook either the English or the French date; endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. 1801 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures, not found, probably included recent issues from the Moniteur or another publication reporting Lord Nelson’s threats against Sweden (see below). friendly letter by mr. dawson: TJ to Paine, 18 Mch. 1801. coalition of the north: by formal agreements in December 1800, Paul I of Russia had allied his country with Denmark, Sweden, and Prussia to form the league of armed neutrality. Paine’s pamphlet Maritime Compact—one of a group of essays published in the United States under the title Compact Maritime—was published in France at the beginning of October. In the conBict between Great Britain and the alliance of neutral powers, the elbe River, on which Hamburg was located, and the weser, which Bowed past Bremen to enter the North Sea, were closed to the British. Danish troops occupied Hamburg, and Prussian soldiers moved into Bremen and the electorate of Hanover. After the British attack at Copenhagen early in April forced Denmark to agree to an armistice, the Danish commander at Hamburg agreed on 7 May to reopen the Elbe to all trade, including that of Britain. On 23 May the Danes left the city. Prussia reopened its rivers to the British and withdrew its troops from the lower Weser (Gazette Nationale ou le Moniteur Universel, 12, 29 Floréal, 2, 3, 5, 8, 9, 12, 16, 17 Prairial Year 9 [2, 19, 22, 23, 25, 28, 29 May, 1, 5, 6 June 1801]; Vol. 32:191-2n, 202, 204n, 296-7n; William Short to TJ, 19 Apr. 1801). Following the negotiation of the armistice at Copenhagen, the British Beet moved into the Baltic to prevent a

rendezvous of the Swedish and Russian navies. Lord nelson’s communication to the naval commander at Karlskrona warned that the British had no orders to prohibit them from attacking the Swedish squadron that was anchored there if it should put out to sea. Sweden hurried to defend its coast as Nelson’s threat was passed along to the government at Stockholm (Gazette Nationale ou le Moniteur Universel, 17-20 Prairial Year 9 [6-9 June 1801]; Ole Feldbæk, The Battle of Copenhagen 1801: Nelson and the Danes, trans. Tony Wedgwood [Barnsley, Eng., 2002], 226-8). In April 1801, the British government appointed Alleyne Fitzherbert, Baron St. helens, who some years earlier had represented Britain at St. Petersburg, to negotiate an agreement with Emperor Alexander of Russia, Paul’s son and successor. On 17 June the Russians agreed to a maritime convention with Britain that undermined the league of armed neutrality by abandoning the principle that free ships make free goods, restricting protection of neutral convoys, and inviting Denmark and Sweden to reach similar agreements with the British (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:186, 134, 410-12; dnb). The battle in egypt on 21 Mch. was a British victory over the French at Alexandria (Digby G. Smith, The Greenhill Napoleonic Wars Data Book [London, 1998], 195-6). On 1 Oct. 1800, Paine sent TJ a copy of his memorandum to bonaparte that suggested using small gunboats, launched from the Low Countries, to attack Britain (Vol. 32:188, 191n). the sound was the strait at the mouth of the Baltic Sea (Vol. 32:192n). William Vans murray arrived in Paris from The Hague on 25 May. He called on Talleyrand, the French foreign minister,

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9 JUNE 1801 on 1 June, and on the 6th delivered his credentials at a public audience with Bonaparte. To discuss alterations to the Convention of 1800, the Arst consul named the same french commissioners who had negotiated the original convention: Joseph Bonaparte as president of the commission, joined by Charles Pierre Claret Fleurieu and Pierre Louis Roederer (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:253, 281; Vol. 31:562n). The jay Treaty did not embody the doctrine that free ships make free goods, which the British government believed would give France the means to sustain itself during war. The Convention of 1800, the conventions that formed the league of armed neutrality, and the United States’ former treaty with france, the Treaty of Amity and Commerce of 1778, all incorporated the principle. On 12 Sep. 1795, Timothy Pickering, as acting secretary of state, wrote to James monroe, who was minister to France, about Article 18 of the Jay Treaty and the necessity of making a partial accommodation to Britain’s insistence that food provisions be classiAed as contraband. Pickering noted that some people “have said that, while France, with whom we have a treaty of amity and commerce, was at war, we ought not to form with her enemy a similar treaty, by which our situation would be changed.” He continued: “But where is the principle, to support this rule? and where will it And any limits? We have treaties with many other Powers, one or the other of whom may be always at war: are we never then to make another treaty?” (asp, Foreign Relations, 1:598; Jerald A. Combs, The Jay Treaty: Political Battleground of the Founding Fathers [Berkeley, 1970], 139, 153, 156-7; Miller, Treaties, 2:20-1, 258-9; Joseph Barnes to TJ, 10 Apr. 1801). A British frigate was stationed not far

from Le havre. The Maryland, carrying John Dawson and the Convention of 1800, arrived on 9 May and entered the harbor the next day (Gazette Nationale ou le Moniteur Universel, 24 Floréal, 5 Prairial Year 9 [14, 25 May 1801]). portugal: Spanish armies entered Portuguese territory on 20 May and began to capture forts and towns. A reserve force of French troops did not participate in the invasion. Portugal quickly yielded, agreeing by treaties with Spain and France to close its ports to the British and pay indemnities to the Spanish. Napoleon Bonaparte was represented in the negotiations by his brother Lucien (H. V. Livermore, A History of Portugal [Cambridge, 1947], 390-1; Parry, Consolidated Treaty Series, 56:77-92). By the Treaty of Lunéville, the rhine would be the boundary between France and the German states on the eastern, or right, bank of the river. On 19 May 1801, the Moniteur reported that 40,000 French soldiers remained as a corps of observation along the Rhine to guarantee the completion of the terms of the treaty. On 9 June the paper reported that no French troops remained on the right bank (Gazette Nationale ou le Moniteur Universel, 29 Floréal, 20 Prairial [19 May, 9 June]; Tulard, Dictionnaire Napoléon, 1460). carriage wheels: in Paris, TJ took a particular interest in the subject of wheel construction in January 1787, when he enlisted the aid of St. John de Crèvecoeur to refute a published statement that credited an Englishman with the invention of a method of building a wheel by bending wood into a circle (Vol. 11:43-5). For Paine’s design of iron bridges, see Vol. 32:189-90, 192-3n. q Preceding six words interlined. r Preceding clause interlined.

From William Short Dear Sir Paris June the 9th. 1801 I was absent from Paris when Mr Dawson arrived here, but I returned a few days after & had the honor of recieving through him on < 286>

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the 19th. ulto. your letter of March 17th.—I am much indebted to you for the details you were so good as to give me there as to the state of politics, & I can assure you from the bottom of my heart that nothing could give me more solid & real satisfaction than to see the nation reunited in harmony & interest, & to see this so desirable end attained by the endeavours of one in whom I have been so long accustomed to place my hope, my pride & my aCections. I feel most sensibly that my long absence from my country & my friends has in no way diminished my love of the one or the other. The idea of being considered a stranger to them is one of the most painful that it would be possible for me to concieve. My letters of which you acknowlege the reciept in your last stated that I should embark in the course of this Spring—My intention has always been as expressed at the time of writing—but some incident or other has always occurred to make me postpone—I had thoughts for a moment after Mr Dawson’s arrival to make use of his birth in the vessel in which he came—but I have been prevailed on still to postpone—It would be useless to detail here why I have preferred not to make my voyage to America at this moment.—I shall set out in two or three days for Auvergne where my friend has an estate—& where we mean to spend the summer, taking the waters of Vichy in our way.—I have by no means given up the idea of my return to America, but I will not again Ax any time as heretofore—I will only say that it shall not be long Arst, & it may be even in the fall.—The commissions therefore for Mr. Pougens & for me which you purpose sending this summer will be sure to be in time for me. If they come during my absence I will execute them immediately on my return here which will be in the month of Septembr.—I hope it is entirely useless for me to make any new oCers of service—Every commission you give me will on the contrary be a new pleasure, I will not oCer you services which you have so many titles to command as well on account of all your former friendship & kindness towards me, as the trouble you have been so good as to take in my aCairs; & which I feel the more sensibly as I know how much you must have been engrossed by those of the public superadded to your own, for these last four years. At present it would be out of the question to suppose that you should have any time to spare even for your own aCairs, much less for those of another. This circumstance will add to the necessity of my voyage to America & its being not deferred.—I have thought a good deal on the joint power of attorney which you advise my sending to provide against the case of your death—For the present this would save you no trouble, as I hope you will leave whatever may require time or < 287>

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trouble to Mr. Barnes—& in the case you mention I should not be easy to feel my aCairs so absolutely at the disposal of a person in the line of Mr B. notwithstanding the full conAdence I have in him personally—Such unexpected accidents happen in that line, often independent of the conduct of the person himself, that it seems to me that although it be best to employ persons in business for the regularity & execution of details, it is not always the safest to place the principal as well as accessories in that way. I should prefer therefore if it could be done, giving a power of attorney with a survivorship, making the survivor some friend not in the precise line of Mr B.—I do not recollect any example of such a power of attorney, but I see nothing repugnant in it & suppose it might be given—If there should be any obstacle to this, I should prefer unless you should still desire the joint power, that things should remain as at present until my arrival. You were so good as to authorize me by your letter of May. 1. 98. to send you the vouchers of my accts. with the U.S. if any trusty person should be going over.—I had frequently written as I mentioned to you, to the Sec. of State to have the authority of the department for so doing, without having any answer on that head—I purposed therefore carrying these vouchers myself, as I have no copies of them & as their loss would be irreparable. I always supposed the delay would not be very great, & I still expect that would be the case—but having been already so often disappointed, & a good & safe conveyance presenting itself at present by Mr Purviance, who goes charged with oDcial despatches for Government by the Maryland frigate, I have determined to forward them by him inclosed to you— & the more so as the conveyance by this frigate will probably be more safe than by any vessel that I shall be able to And for my own passage.—These vouchers are so classed that they may be readily recurred to, those of each acct. (sent from time to time heretofore) being put in regular order & placed together1 in the packet now addressed to you.—The accts. themselves having been already recieved at the department of State as low down as Oct. 31. 95. are not here added—The acct. sent begins with that date, & concludes with my recieving my letters of recreance & leave to return thus closing Anally my acct. with the U.S.—I will here make a few observations on these accts. which may perhaps be necessary, as I shall not be on the spot to make them myself & I hope you will pardon my taking the liberty to trouble you with them.—My two Arst accts. sent were, that ending Sep. 24. 89. as your Secretary, & that from that date to July 1. 90. as Chargé des aCaires—These required no vouchers, & no observation is necessary except with respect to one article in the last—This is the < 288>

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article of 1500.μ which was stolen & carried oC by Nominy—I beg leave to refer to what I then wrote you respecting it—You will recollect that the sum wch. I had to pay for articles purchased for the U.S. was the cause of my sending for so large an amt. &c.—I sent a person who had been long used in such cases, & there was therefore no neglect on my part—A small part of this sum only would have been applied to my use; it is impossible for me to say what part—Under the circumstances of the case I thought then & still think that it would not be just for the U.S. to make me support the loss—I have therefore charged it to them in my acct. sent to the Department of State at that time.—If necessary I may add that at the time when this took place I recieved only at the rate of 3000. dol. a year & therefore was less able to support such a loss & moreover did not recieve any kind of outAt as Chargé des aCaires—& being obliged to lodge in an hotel garni, owing to my having no house & being unsettled here, I paid whilst Chargé des aCaires from the time of my quitting the grillé de Chaillot, exactly the same price which Mr Morris my successor paid for his houserent—If as I have some reason to believe (although I am not fully informed) on the Anal settlement of Mr Carmichael’s acct.—the allowance of 4500 dol. was made to retrograde & count from his Arst appointment or anterior to the 1st. of July 90.—then I think I may have a right to claim the same, & shall claim that the same favor be allowed me—I shall take it as a particular favor if you will let me know what was done as to Mr Carmichael.—My third acct. is from July 1. 90. to July 1. 91.—This comprehends among other things my Arst mission to Amsterdam on acct. of the loans.—It was necessary to have a carriage for the journey & I applied to that purpose one wch. I had & which I charged at 1200.μ—It could not have been procured on more advantageous terms in any other way—there is of course no voucher for this article other than my charge—I do not And the rect. of the Sellier for the price of the carriage at the time I purchased it of him.—The next & only article requiring any observation, is that for my tavern expences at Amsterdam during my Arst mission there— not knowing at that time that these tavern expences would be repaid to me, I did not keep the rects. of the tavern—they are therefore only taken from my acct. book—however as I have the rects. of the same tavern during my second mission there, & which are included in my following acct—they will shew by a comparison that my charge for the Arst mission was in the same proportion, & therefore just.—Besides as a general remark I would wish that a comparison should be made between the amt. of my expences, charged to the public during my several missions extra, & the expences charged by their other < 289>

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agents employed in the same way—From what I have seen of their manner of living in diCerent countries & on diCerent occasions, I fancy there would be a very extraordinary diCerence found, in the amt. of our respective accts.—I do not make this remark with a view to blame the manner of living of any one, but merely that it may be seen that mine has been calculated with a view to strict & proper economy whilst at public expence. With respect to the other succeeding accts. I do not recollect any observation that will be necessary—I think the papers & vouchers will suDciently explain themselves. As to the famous article of the 9000 dollars, & which was carried to the Cr. of the U.S. in my acct. sent from Madrid, in the sum of 22500. Borins I leave it still to their Cr.—& to stand against the recovery which you had begun to make on that acct.—& wch. you expected to complete from the Dept. of State.—There is no occasion therefore to touch on this article here— One more observation with respect to my last & Anal acct. now sent & I have done.—This observation is rendered proper in consequence of a paragraph in one of my letters from Spain in the spring of 95.— It was in a moment of ill2 humour (& I believe the Government then would have agreed that I had a right to be piqued) when I had determined to quit the public service immediately bon gré mal gré, & I wrote accordingly to the Sec. of State to take his measures for supplying my place as I shd. consider myself no longer in public service on leaving Madrid.—After Mr Pinkney’s arrival there & bringing me letters with certain explanations, & my recieving the congé I had asked to go & pass some time in France, & on the desire of Government that I should assist him &c. I viewed the subject in a calmer manner—& determined, though I persisted in my resignation, to proceed in the regular way—& therefore consider myself in the public service until I should recieve the President’s leave to withdraw from it, & act accordingly—I waited at Madrid the whole time of Mr Pinckney’s negotiation, aided him wherever he required it, & acted in every way, without regard to my own feelings, conformably to what I concieved to be the wishes of Government.—I wrote from Madrid to the Sec. of State Oct. 15th. 95. to explain this whole aCair & the footing on which I should consider myself—& obliging myself to wait & recieve the President’s leave, informing him at the same time that I should consider myself consequently entitled to my salary until then—but that in consequence of the paragraph mentioned (paragraph was in my letter of June) I should suspend drawing for that part of my salary until I should hear from him—I mentioned also that < 290>

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if it was required by the President I would make allowance to my locum tenens that he had authorized me to name, for house rent or any other addition.—I have never heard from the Sec. of State on any of these subjects—& from excess of scruple, I have allowed this paragraph of my letter of June 2. 95. to give me this trouble—I have suspended drawing for this part of my salary & leaving it to the Anal settlement of my acct.—This is an embarrassment which is altogether of my own making—If it were to go over again I should have no diDculty in having drawn at the time for my salary as it occurred—For it is evident, that without the paragraph in my letter of June 2. there could have been no diDculty on the subject, & as evident that such an expression should not be construed to my injury, as I afterwards recalled it, & followed the regular mode of withdrawing myself from the public service, conformably to my letter of Oct. 15. 95.—I desire therefore that the expression in question should be considered as non avenue, & that my right to my salary may stand on its own merits, as if my letter of June had not been written.—As I have not drawn for the balance which is thus due me on the Anal settlement of my acct., I will thank you to have it recd. & employed for me, either in the purchase of public funds, or the purchase of lands, as you may judge best.— Mr. J. B. Cutting has never repaid me the sum which I advanced him in 91. on account of our impressed sailors—it was thirty odd pounds stlg.—& charged to me by the V. Staphorsts & Hubbard who furnished the bill for Mr Cutting, at 430. Borins—It was contrary to my intention that this charge should have been made to me, but before I knew it was done a considerable time had elapsed & it was too late to remedy it—It happened thus—Mr Cutting informed me from London of the distresses of our seamen & his want of funds to aid them & desired this advance—I was authorized as you know to make advances for distressed seamen—I desired our bankers therefore to have this advance made by their correspondent in London to Mr Cutting,—They found it more convenient that one house should do this—The house of V. Staphorst wrote to their correspondent & charged it to me in my private capacity, instead of charging it to the U.S.—When I knew this, it was too late to correct it—& the date was passed in wch. it should have entered into my acct. with the U.S. in regular order—& besides Mr Cutting promised to repay, so that it would have been possible to have avoided its entering into the acct.—I regret now having not placed it in my acct. with the U.S. as an article of charge, for it appears I shall never be repaid by Mr < 291>

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Cutting—If any thing can be done in this with Mr Cutting, I shall be much obliged to you to direct it to be done—if not, to consider whether I should not charge it to the U.S. As yet no later publication of the Connaissance des tems has taken place—you shall be furnished with them regularly—the additional part of the year 1800—it has been impossible to procure, & the reimpression of it has not as yet taken place—Pougens however expects it will—& you may count on having it then. Since my letter of Dec. 9th. which you have recd. I have only written to you on the 19th. of April by the Cartel Benj. Franklin—The Arst of these was by Mr Skipwiths particular desire who thought at that time that my recommendation on a subject relative to our foreign relations would have decisive weight with you. It was ascertained in his mind that you would be named to take the President’s chair—& he concieved that even if the appointment should be made prior to the 4th. of March that it would be left to you.—I learn with great pleasure from him that you purpose nominating him & I always supposed that if his desire to resume his functions were known to you, that there would be no occasion of any recommendation from me. Mr. Dawson mentioned to me incidentally yesterday that you had desired him if he should And an occasion in conversation to state to me certain considerations relative to foreign appointments in the case of long absence & that I could not doubt of your friendship for & conAdence in me.—There was very little said on this occasion as I did not chuse to push the matter by questions, from a kind of delicacy natural in such a case, & particularly as your letter had passed it over in a total silence. Mr. Dawson must have seen from our conversation (what neither he or any body could have ever doubted) the high price I put on your good opinion & your friendship.—I can by no means desire or expect that it should induce you to prefer me to any other more capable of serving the public & advancing their interests.—In all my former letters I remained silent until the report came here & until the public papers & private letters from America, designated me as the person of your conAdence & choice. It would be idle prudery in me to dissemble that every mark of your conAdence & this in particular would have given me an honest heartfelt satisfaction, & been a full indemnity for the injustice, passe droits & negligence which I have formerly experienced—It would have been the more complete as it would have cured an evil of which I had no idea until I experienced it—the pain of appearing a stranger to one’s country—After all individual pain is of no consideration, where it is question of the public advantage—I regret that you had not seen Mr Gerry—I think he < 292>

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went from here fully persuaded of the necessity of understanding the language in order to do business here—It may be demonstrated in my opinion that the XY.Z aCair would never have been thought of if those gentlemen had understood the language & been acquainted with the usages of the country—Mr Gerry told me more than once whilst he was leaving this country, that there did not remain the smallest doubt in his mind, that if I had been joined with him, that we should have done the business on which they were sent, to the satisfaction of the U.S.—I avoid saying more on this subject, lest you should add “Vous etes orfevre M. Josse.” When I began this letter it was my intention that it should have been much shorter—being persuaded you will hardly And time for such lengthy epistles—I always feel at the end that they are extended far beyond what I could wish.—Be so good as to accept assurances of the sentiments with which I have the honor to be Dear Sir, your aCectionate friend & obedient servant W: Short P.S. I inclose you a letter from the Cardinal Dugnani, which he sent by Mr Dolomieu, who on his return from his captivity in Sicily brought it & gave it to me here—I inclose you also two other letters for my brother & Mr Barnes wch. I beg the favor of you to distribute—The Abbé Rochon who now resides at Brest as astronomer of the Marine begs me to recall him to your remembrance & to assure you of his constant attachment—During the revolution he has taken a wife—he says it was merely to save her life—she is said to be an handsome woman—he has had one child by her—She was in prison & exposed to the Guillotine—a Representant du peuple—gave her liberty on the condition of the Abbé Rochon marrying her. RC (PHi); at foot of Arst page: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. FC (DLC: Short Papers); a summary in Short’s epistolary record. Enclosures: (1) Cardinal Dugnani to TJ, 30 Mch. 1801, not found, received 3 Sep. and probably a reply to TJ’s letter to Dugnani of 7 May 1800 (see Vol. 31:559-60). (2) Short to John Barnes, 11 June 1801, which Short enclosed, according to his epistolary summary, in the letter printed above (FC in DLC: Short Papers). (3) Short to Peyton Short, 12 June (FC in same). letters of which you acknowlege the reciept: in his letter of 17

Mch. 1801, TJ acknowledged Short’s of 6 Aug., 18 Sep., and 9 Dec. 1800. my friend has an estate: the Duchesse de La Rochefoucauld. In his letter of 17 Mch., TJ suggested that Short give John Barnes full power of attorney over Short’s aCairs in the United States “for fear of my death.” TJ had advised Short to submit the vouchers for his Anal settlement of accounts with the U.S. government for his diplomatic service (Vol. 30:318). John H. purviance, who had been James Monroe’s secretary when Monroe was minister to France, arrived in the United States late in August on the Maryland with dispatches from John Dawson and William Vans Murray (Madison,

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9 JUNE 1801 Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:350-1; Samuel Smith to TJ, 29 Aug. 1801; Jacob Wagner to TJ, 31 Aug.). Early in October, TJ deposited the sealed packet of papers relating to Short’s oDcial accounts in the secretary of state’s oDce (TJ to Short, 3 Oct. 1801). nominy: in March 1790, after TJ returned to the United States and Short remained in Paris as chargé d’aCaires, a servant named Nomeny ran away after cashing an order for 1,500 livres. Most of the money had been intended for oDcial use, but some was for Short’s personal expenses. Because he drew his own expenses and those for the legation from the same fund of cash, Short had diDculty conArming how much of the stolen amount should be considered his loss, rather than the government’s (Vol. 16:203, 263, 271-2, 417, 444-5, 500; Vol. 18:448-9; Vol. 24:755). hotel garni: a rooming house. The Hôtel de Langeac, TJ’s residence in Paris, was located next to the Grille de chaillot, a gate on the Champs-Elysées (Howard C. Rice, Jr., Thomas JeCerson’s Paris [Princeton, 1976], 26, 51, 117). sellier: saddler (French). famous article of the 9000 dollars: Short had a longstanding claim for salary that depended on a lawsuit between Edmund Randolph and the U.S. government over Randolph’s accounts as secretary of state; see Vol. 31:62-3, 145n; Vol. 32:74-6, 154-5, 295, 373-4. bon gré mal gré: willingly or not. non avenue: void. After a number of American merchant seamen were impressed into the Royal Navy in 1790, John B. cutting became the London agent of several of their former shipmasters. Cutting was the brother of Nathaniel Cutting (Vol. 17:19, 489; Vol. 18:287, 310-42, 364; Vol. 24:254-5, 491; John Browne Cutting to TJ, 20 Apr. 1801). connaissance des tems: in the spring of 1800, TJ asked Short to furnish him with current issues of this annual publication, which contained celestial information from the French Bureau des Longitudes (Vol. 31:465, 466, 510).

The Benjamin Franklin had been a cartel ship on more than one voyage, sailing between the United States and France to repatriate captured seamen (Vol. 31:465-6n; Vol. 32:71, 89n). passe droits: that is, unjust favors or promotions given to others. In the opening scene of Molière’s comedy “L’Amour Médecin,” josse suggests that Sganarelle, a widower, cure his daughter’s sadness by buying her a Ane piece of jewelry. Believing that Josse is motivated by a desire to sell his own wares, the skeptical Sganarelle observes, “vous êtes orfèvre, Monsieur Josse”— “you are a goldsmith” (Molière, Œuvres Complètes, ed. Georges Couton, 2 vols. [Paris, 1971], 2:98-9). Like Short, Dieudonné dolomieu had a close relationship with the La Rochefoucauld family of La RocheGuyon. Dolomieu, a noted geologist, was returning from France’s scientiAc expedition to Egypt when counterrevolutionaries in Italy took him into custody. His captors transferred him to sicily, and his acrimonious relationship with the Knights of Malta, of which he had been a member for much of his life, prolonged his captivity. He was released in March 1801 (dsb, 4:149-53; Vol. 32:331n). The abbé rochon, who was a practical physicist and inventor as well as an astronomer, saved several people from execution during the French Revolution, including one of his cousins, Madame Gratien de Saint-Maurice, whom he married. TJ, during his residence in France, had become acquainted with Rochon and was particularly interested in the abbé’s use of natural crystals for lenses and platinum for telescope mirrors (Biographie universelle, ancienne et moderne, new ed., 45 vols. [Paris, 1843-65], 36:261; Bedini, Statesman of Science, 137-9; Vol. 7:517; Vol. 9:148, 216, 232, 240; Vol. 10:317, 319, 324-6; Vol. 15:82n). q Remainder of sentence interlined. r Word interlined.

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To James Dinsmore Dear Sir Washington June 10. 1801. Your’s of the 5th. is recieved this day. I wonder the Copper sheets had not got to hand, as it is very long since they left Philadelphia. the steps, or plinths for the dome must be got from Fluvanna. as there seems to be too little dependance on Reuben Perry to let the whole work of the housejoiner & plaisterer depend on him alone, I will pray you to engage some other person to go on with the Boors. then if mr Perry chuses to do a part, he can do it separately; if not, we shall still get the work done. it is very important that it be ready for the plaisterers by the last of July, that they may be at work while I am there. the skylight of the dome is to be a single plate.—Mr. Oldham’s order shall be paid. It was not convenient for me to remit the 400. D. to your brother till the [1st. of] this month, and when I came to look for the little memorandum of his address which you had given me, I had mislaid it. if I had been sure you had but one brother in Philadelphia I should have had the paiment made through mr Trump; who I presumed would know him. however mr Barnes has written to mr Trump to enquire & to inform your brother we have 400. D. at his order, and if he should inform us there is but one, the money will be instantly put into his hands. but for fear of delay, I shall be glad if by return of post you will again send me his address. I am with esteem Dr. Sir Your most obedt. servt Th: Jefferson RC (Melvin Mark, Jr., Portland, Oregon, 1993); torn; addressed: “Mr. James Dinsmore Monticello near Milton”; franked and postmarked. your’s of the 5th: Dinsmore’s letter of 5 June, recorded in SJL as received on the 10th, has not been found. TJ placed the order for copper sheets on 11 Apr. (see John Barnes to TJ, 16 Apr. 1801). For a description of Dinsmore’s work as a housejoiner at Monticello, see Vol. 31:270, 272-3n, and for the role of Dinsmore and reuben perry in the con-

struction of the dome, see McLaughlin, JeCerson and Monticello, 271. oldham’s order: TJ hired James Oldham, a Philadelphia housejoiner, on 24 Mch. He worked on the exterior joinery at Monticello (mb, 2:1035, 1037; Daniel Trump to TJ, 12 Mch. 1801). your brother: on 15 June, TJ had John Barnes remit $400 to Philadelphia “subject to the order of Andrew Dinsmore at Kennett near Wilmington Delaware.” The payment was charged to James Dinsmore’s account (mb, 2:1043-4).

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From William Duane Sir. Philadelphia. June 10, 1801. I was honored by yours of the 23 May, which I should have acknowleged before could I have found a person to whose care I might entrust the delivery of a letter. Lieutt. Mc’Ilroy late commander of the Augusta has informed me of his intention to proceed this morning, and I embrace the opportunity of writing by him. Mr M’Ilroy it appears incurred the enmity of captain Sever, by drinking Mr JeCerson’s health in the West Indies and attributes his dismission to that and the like political causes, which he considers as particulary unfortunate at this time from the experience which he had as an oDcer for ten years in the Mediterranean on board a British ship of war, in which he rose by merit, tho’ originally impressed. I mention these facts from a conviction of their truth, and my personal knowlege of his uncommon merits as a seaman. The death of F. A. Muhlenburg on the 4th instt. has produced a change in the political prospects in this State. His conduct on the British treaty, lost him the conAdence of all the independent republicans; the opposite party had determined to run him for Governor, on Anding that the General would not be made their instrument; which, I believe, from his being the real agitator of the schism which took place in the last Session of our legislature he would have been willing to become. There is no other character among the Germans of talents and standing equal to the deceased; his capacity as a German writer was admired, and there does not appear to be any one equal to him left. Some of the Germans talked of General Heister, but he is too honest a man to submit to any measure that could produce a division. The consolidation of the republican interest will therefore depend in the Arst instance on the degree of countenance which the violent men in oDce meet with, and on the precautions of the Governor in his appointments. There are many disaCected to him, on account of some few appointments already made, and as is usual without just grounds of dissatisfaction. But I make no doubt, that upon the removal of men who have been oppressors and persecutors here, the eCect will be a more Arm and general adherence than even in the last General Election to the principles by which alone security can be obtained. The continuation of Humphrys as naval constructor has given considerable disquiet, the communications which I have had concerning him, his abuses of trust and wrongs to individuals for opinion sake, would All several sheets. The remembrance of his son being appointed to France for his assault on Ben. Franklin Bache is as strong as if it hap< 296>

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pend but a month since. Even since I have been conAned, the republicans & men too of the Arst credit and standing in the southern district of this city have repeatedly applied to me for information. I have stated as my opinion that nothing would be done hastily, but upon due enquiry no man who had abused his trust to corrupt or persecuting purposes would obtain the conAdence of the administration. As they are so kind as to repose considerable conAdence in my opinions, I apprehend these assurances tend to quiet them in some measure, that there are numbers discontented at the continuance in oDce of the three principal oDcers of the Customs. I communicated to Mr. Reich (the medal Engraver) the intimation to wait on Mr Boudinot which I suppose he has done. What you are pleased to say with regard to the prosecutions exactly agrees with my recollection. I do not precisely recollect what I said to Mr. Gallatin, but when I wrote him I was under the impression, that a course diCerent from your wishes had been pursued. I understood that the Sedition Law being unconstitutional, it would be treated as a nullity; but when I wrote, the prosecution was then coming on in court under that law. I could account for this in no way but by supposing that Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Dallas had mistaken your sentiments, because the agitation of the question in court under that law appeared to me, a recognition of its validity. I feared nothing from the goodness of Mr Lincoln’s heart, but I apprehended lest he should be apprehensive of meeting the displeasure of his Eastern friends, by openly opposing that Law; and that therefore his instructions to Mr. Dallas were not so strong, as were necessary, or so precise as the Spirit of your intentions demanded. It was peculiarly irksome to me on many accounts. I was deprived of Mr. Dallas’s legal aid, and Mr. Cooper was engaged in the mission to Luzerne in this State, but remained solely to defend me. Mr Dickerson tho’ possessing the purest esteem and the best dispositions, yet from his youth could not appear to advantage against Mr. Ingersol, a man who entertains the most incurable hatred for me, and was the instigator of the attack which has robbed me of my birth right for the present. I do not recollect feeling any sentiment of dislike to a change of Judicature, and I am sure no change could be for the worse, from a court where the clerk contrives to hack the Juries out of men who were British soldiers in arms against American Independance and Tories, who have never renounced their sworn allegiance to George III of which a late Jury was composed. Indeed after my eCorts to obtain Evidence at Washington, of which General Mason or his brother J. T. Mason can inform you, I see no prospect of ever obtaining any evidence; and if it should ever < 297>

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come on again, I must be obliged to submit it to the discretion of the court; tho’ no man can doubt the truth of every tittle uttered in the publication. Could the evidence be brought forward, I certainly was willing to stand a fair trial, but the Court has decided that a commission is a matter of favor—that as I knew the Congress was to be removed to Washington I ought to have considered that before I published—and that I could have the beneAt only of such evidence as was within a given distance! There have been so many of these prosecutions, that I was really bewildered by the mass of evidence necessary to meet them. To have gone to court upon them all would have left me no time to transact my ordinary business, and Mr. Dallas has so generously and zealously undertaken my defence on all these cases, that I have avoided whenever I could intruding upon him, leaving to the approach of term the arrangements to be made. I had spoken to him, however, to obtain a statement of the causes, which he undertook to forward himself. At present I have no opportunity of communication with him, but upon a deliberate consideration of the situation in which I have stood, and now stand, and the feelings of my family, I do not hesitate to solicit a noli prosequi upon that prosecution. In absolute peril or in a great struggle for a great good, I believe I should be one of the last to shrink from danger or contest. I am neither shaken in my principles nor broken in spirit. But after the turbulent contest which I have gone thro’ with this most remorseless of factions, and injured as I have been in the stigma put on me, contrary to precedent, and under the refusal to accept a crowd of authentic documents as collateral evidence of my birth and attachment to my country, I am shocked—I begin to feel the injury I have sustained, and to consider that it has been done, because I was not base—but because I have been formidable to oppressors. I look at my family and I see united in it those who have been long the victims of Federal persecution along with my oCspring, combining the claims of eight years contest and persecution: the descendants of Franklin and the beloved wife of the amiable and good Bache, become my inheritance and my delightful care. When I see all my country men at peace, and republicanism diffusing concord and harmony, under the reign of liberty and moderation—I cannot but think it hard, that I alone should still remain the victim. If I stood alone—had I no concerns but those which are personal, I should scorn to look behind; but when at this moment a combination is entered into to prevent the purchase of books or stationary at a store which I have opened upon a credit—when the Collector of < 298>

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the Customs, seeks to deter Auctioneers and Merchants from advertising in my paper—and when all the proAts arising from that paper, do not enable me to disencumber myself from the debts with which it was incumbered during the unexampled struggles and sacriAces of my predecessor, I think I should be insensible to my family interests, if I were not to solicit such protection as may be fairly and justly held out to me, considering that all the hostility towards me arises from the very eCect of eCorts against those who seek to overwhelm me. I had determined before the election, that upon the success of the peoples choice, I should dispose of the paper and pursue another profession, but I And the hatred so violent against me that it would follow me for ever, and in any other situation I should not possess such formidable means of defence. But the paper, tho’ it maintains my family aCords no surplus, even to discharge old debts, which has induced me to extend my views to the bookselling and stationary; if encouraged in these, I may still thrive, or if changes take place here which would inBuence the mercantile interest, my business would reward my past and future industry I have taken the liberty to speak without reserve, because I entertain that opinion of your liberality that you will excuse it. The world think me making a fortune, because I am always cheerful!—My friends think it unnecessary to be very particular in their favors in the way of business because they say industry & talents like mine will always meet reward!—The best paper in the United States must of course be the most proAtable!—That they never consider that there is more money spent in making it a good paper, and more labour than on any two papers in the union! and that this must be the case, or it must become as vapid and dull as those that are more proAtable and printed cheaper! I proposed giving you an outline of the late legal proceedings—but have already taken too much of your time. It is my purpose to petition Congress, and submit to its decision the evidence which the Circuit Court refused. It is my purpose to carry a suDcient supply of stationary to Washington, if I should be so fortunate as to be favored by the heads of departments—but unless I have an assurance of their support, I cannot subject myself to the heavy debt which I should incur by making a suitable provision. If I had an estimate of the quantities required for a given time, and assurance of favor, I could obtain a stock instantly to any amount. Beleive me with the most sincere respect & attachment Your obedt servant Wm. Duane < 299>

10 JUNE 1801 RC (DLC); addressed: “Thos. JeCerson, Esqr President of the United States Washington City”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 June and so recorded in SJL. Archibald McElroy (mc’ilroy), Jr., was commissioned a lieutenant in the navy in 1798 and commanded the brig Augusta from 1799 until January 1801. He was discharged on 10 May 1801 under the Peace Establishment Act (ndqw, Aug.-Dec. 1799, 183; Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 77, 339, 364; Archibald McElroy, Sr., to William Duane, 9 May 1801, in NHi: Gallatin Papers). McElroy wrote TJ on 2 Sep. 1802, requesting that he be “again commissioned in the service of my country,” but did not receive another appointment (RC in ViW; at foot of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson Es: President of the U.S”; endorsed by TJ as received 22 Oct. 1802 and so recorded in SJL). Captain James sever was the American commander at the CapFrançais station from September 1800 until January 1801. He was discharged 30 June 1801, the only one of the six captains appointed by Congress in 1794 who was not retained under the Peace Establishment Act (Palmer, Stoddert’s War, 50-1, 227; ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 349). Frederick A. C. Muhlenberg (muhlenburg) died of a stroke at Lancaster on 4 June. In April 1796, as speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, he had cast the deciding vote in favor of appropriating funds to carry the Jay treaty into eCect. As a result, Pennsylvania voters turned him out of Congress and he was never again nominated to elective oDce, although he remained an inBuential Republican in the state (anb; Vol. 29:95n). The schism which took place during the last session of the Pennsylvania legislature arose over the 18 Feb. election to the U.S. Senate of John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg (the brother of F. A. C. Muhlenberg), in which several Republican members joined the Federalist minority to defeat, narrowly, the candidacy of George Logan (Sanford W. Higginbotham, The Keystone in the Democratic

Arch: Pennsylvania Politics 1800-1816 [Harrisburg, 1952], 32-4; Thomas McKean to TJ, 20 Feb. 1801). Joshua Humphreys, naval constructor at Philadelphia since 1794 and an ardent Federalist, was best known for designing and building the frigate United States. On 26 Oct. 1801, Robert Smith informed Humphreys that his services were no longer required, citing the administration’s decision to postpone construction of 74-gun ships for the navy (James J. Farley, “‘To commit ourselves to our own ingenuity and industry’: Joshua Humphreys and the Construction of The U.S. United States, 1794-1799,” Explorations in Early American Culture 5 [2001], 288-327; Robert Smith to Joshua Humphreys, 26 Oct. 1801, FC in Lb in DNA: RG 45, MLS). For the assault on Benjamin Franklin Bache by Clement Humphreys, see Vol. 30:271-2. instructions to mr. dallas: on 25 Mch., Levi Lincoln wrote Alexander J. Dallas, Duane’s former legal counsel and the newly appointed U.S. attorney for eastern Pennsylvania, informing him that the president had directed that all prosecutions in his district under the Sedition Act should be stayed or discharged, “except that one which was commenced against William Duane . . . in pursuance of a resolution of the Senate of the United States of May last” (Tr in DLC; Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, 280, 286, 301-2; Vol. 33:674). mission to luzerne: in March 1801, Governor Thomas McKean named Thomas Cooper, John Steele, and William Wilson commissioners to settle land disputes among Connecticut and Pennsylvania settlers in the Wyoming Valley of Luzerne County (Dumas Malone, The Public Life of Thomas Cooper, 1783-1839 [New Haven, 1926], 150-64). As U.S. attorney for Pennsylvania from 1800 to 1801, Jared Ingersoll (ingersol) had directed the prosecution in Duane’s sedition trial. He was also among the legal counsel for the prosecution at Duane’s trial for contempt in May 1801 (Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, 301-2; Aurora, 25 May 1801).

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From Pierpont Edwards Sir, Newhaven June. 10th. 1801— The dismision of Mr. Goodrich, as was expected by us, has created a very great sensibility in the friends of Order—we knew, on breaking up thier Temple, they would set up an “hidious bawling”—They aCect however not so much to condem Mr. Goodrich’s removal, as to condem the appointment of Samuel Bishop as his successor; they say it is virtually giving the oDce to Abraham, whom they hate above all Men, and only because he has so ably exposed thier party—they say Mr Samuel Bishop is superannuated, and wholly unAt for the duties of the ODce1—They admit that Abrm. Bishop is capable, and they own he will do the business, but this must not be; Abm. Bishop must not be provided for; any body rather than A.B. Our federal merchants meet this day to prepare a remonstrance against Mr. Samuel Bishop’s holding the ODce—It is my duty to inform you of the state of facts as they respect Mr Samuel Bishop; he is about Seventy seven years of age, possesses his faculties of mind perfectly, and a more pure, upright, unblemished Character New England cannot aCord—as a proof that his mental faculties are good, I need only tell you, that he is Mayor of our City, which oDce, tho’. bestowed by the City he holds during the pleasure of our Legislature—Our Judges of every discription are appointed annually in May: Mr. Samll. Bishop was, in May last, appointed chief Judge of our County Court, and Judge of our Court of Probates—in this latter ODce he opperates solely—as Judge of Probate he has to sit in Judgement on all Wills, and on every question respecting the settlement of all estates, Testate and intestate—He appoints all Guardians, and settles their Accounts; & by our law all the real & personal estate left by deceased Persons are wholly within his Jurisdiction, as Judge of probate—the Assembly also appointed him a Justice of the Peace—I trust no farther proof as to his (Samll. Bishop) capacity can be demanded by the friends of Order—for these proofs are from them— I am informed that the remonstrants will recomend my Son Henry Waggaman Edwards to be appointed in Mr Samuel Bishop’s place— this is a pitiful attempt to operate on me; but it loses its intended eCect & I pray that it may have no inBuence on your mind—The cause is what I hope will Above all other considerations be regarded; & the cause of republicanism requires, that Mr Samuel Bishop be continued—If they yelp much about turning out2 Goodrich we must tell the public some humiliating truths about him. < 301>

10 JUNE 1801 June 18th. 1801—

The foregoing was written, under an expectation that the remonstrance of the merchants would be forwarded immediatly; but something paralysed them for eight days—This day they have, as we are informed, sent on the remonstrance—And I learn that they have not recommended any Successor—The delay has given an Opportunity to observe the eCect of turning out Goodrich;—and I am to assure you that this has been altogether favorable to our cause—Sickening, and discouraging to the friends of order, & highly encouraging to the republicans—I inclose you two papers, in them this business is Spoken of—I make no comments— I am with the highest respect & most Sincere regard your obedient Pierpont Edwards RC (DLC); in unidentiAed hand, signed by Edwards; addressed: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as a letter of 18 June received the 23d and so recorded in SJL.

q Edwards here canceled “It is my duty to inform you.” r Preceding two words interlined.

From George Jefferson Dear Sir Richmond 10th. June 1801 In reply to your note (which should have been sooner answered) I have to inform you that there is no plaister of paris to be got in this place; of course you will have to order it from Philadelphia. I left Edgehill the day before yesterday when Mrs. R. and the family were well. I am Dear Sir Your Very humble servt. Geo. Jefferson RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Thos. Jefferson esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 15 June and so recorded in SJL.

TJ’s note regarding the plaster of paris is not recorded in SJL and has not been found.

From John Langdon Sir. Hopkinton, June 10th. 1801 I had the honor yesterday of receiving your letter of the 23d Ult. at this place where I have been four days attending my duty in the Legislature of this State; the post road from Portsmouth not passing thro’ this Town prevented my receiving your favo’r sooner. Indeed my dear President, you can better conceive than I can possably describe, my < 302>

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feelings when I consider the kind oCer which you have been pleased to make me, that of Secretary of the Navy. Tho’ I think myself unequal to the Station, yet the great desire I have of associateg with those, who I sincerely respect and love, and at the same time And it almost impossable to accept, distresses me beyond measure. hope to return to Portsmouth in ten days when I shall see my Brother who no doubt, will have returnd from Washington by that time, when I will come to a determination what to do in this important Business– I pray you Sr. to accept of my greatful acknowledgements for all your goodness and kindness, and believe me with the most sincere respect and attachment Dear Sr. your obliged Servant John Langdon RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thoms. JeCerson President of US”; endorsed by TJ as received 20 June and so recorded in SJL. my brother: Woodbury Langdon,

John Langdon’s elder brother, was appointed navy agent at Portsmouth on 1 May 1801 (anb; Samuel Smith to Woodbury Langdon, 1 May 1801, DNA: RG 45, MLS; ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 374).

From John Mason Dear Sir George Town 10th. June 1801 Some time agoe in conversation I took the Liberty of suggesting to you, the propriety of placing one or two more Magistrates, than there are now, in the Country part of the Counties of Alexandria & Washington, & now make use of your permission to give in this way the Information I have acquired on that Subject. In the country part of that Section of Washington County which was formerly Montgomery County and which lies above & round Geo Town for 3 or 4 miles, there is but one Magistrate, appointed under the new System, Mr Belt—it appears to be the general Sentiment that there ought to one more resident in that neighbourhood, it so happens that there exists a Scarsity of respectable Men thereabout that whole Section of Country furnishes but three, Mr Belt who is appointed, Mr Isaac Pearce, & Mr. Abner Cloud, and that all three of those Gentn. are republican’s—so that there is really no choice as to politics Mr Pearce I think would make the best Magistrate, he is a very independant and respectable Farmer, and I am persuaded would give general Satisfaction— In all the County of Alexandria, the Town excepted, there is resident but one of the lately appointed Magistrates, Mr. Darnes a < 303>

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republican, and a very good Man; this District too, being made up cheiBy of large Tracts of Land & tenantes, aCords but little choice— there is however a Mr. Presly Gunnell who lives in the north western angle, and well located as to the convenience of the Inhabitants, who is a well informed independant & respectable Man, a Farmer on his own Lands and a very good Republican, he would make, there can be no doubt, a very good Magistrate and I think his appointment would be approved by All I am also told that in that part of the County of Washington which lies on the other side of the eastern Branch there is but one Magistrate, Mr Thos. addison I should think one more could be useful there, but for this I beg leave to refer you to Mr Hanson or Dr. Baker who are better acquainted in that Neighbourhood than I am— With great Respect I am Sir Your very Obt Hl St J Mason RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 10 June and so recorded in SJL; also endorsed by TJ: “Justices of the peace Washn. county.” Mason, a banker and a merchant whose trading company, Fenwick, Mason & Co. of Georgetown, had dissolved, was appointed by John Adams to be justice of the peace for Washington County in the District of Columbia. In 1802 TJ appointed Mason brigadier general of the district’s militia (Bryan, National Capital, 1:223, 565; jep, 1:388; mb, 2:831). new system: by an act of Congress passed on 27 Feb. 1801, the District of Columbia was divided into two counties, Washington County on the east side of the Potomac River and Alexandria County on the west side (U.S. Statutes at Large, 22:103-8; Vol. 32:359n). Several days later, Adams appointed 23 men as

justices of the peace for the former jurisdiction and 19 men as justices of the peace for the latter. The Senate conArmed the appointments the next day (jep, 1:388, 390). Joseph Sprigg belt and Thomas Addison, like Mason, were Adams’s appointments for justices of the peace who also appear on TJ’s list of appointments. Thomas Darne was on TJ’s list to be retained as a justice of the peace. All four men survived TJ’s reduction in the number of justices in the District of Columbia in January 1802. Mason, Belt, and Addison received commissions on 27 Apr. 1802; Darne withdrew his name earlier that month. Isaac Pierce (pearce) and Presly Gunnell were nominated as justices of the peace in their respective counties on 5 Apr. 1802 and commissioned on 27 Apr. (FCs of commissions in DNA: RG 59, MPTPC; jep, 1:404, 417-18, 422-3; Vol. 33:674-5).

From Samuel Smith Nav: Department—10 June 1801

The Secy of the Navy has the honor of submitting to the President, his letter in answer to Governor Drayton’s, on the subject of French Prisoners in custody in South Carolina— < 304>

11 JUNE 1801 RC (DLC); addressed: “President”; endorsed by TJ as received from the Navy Department on 10 June and “lre to Govr Drayton” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Smith to John Drayton, 10 June, acknowledging the receipt of Drayton’s letter to TJ of 21 May, and enclosing copies of the following letters: circular from Benjamin Stoddert to William Crafts and other navy agents, 17 Feb. 1801, directing that all French prisoners in their custody be delivered to Philippe de Létombe, the French consul, and that their names be forwarded to the secretary

of the navy; circular from Stoddert to Crafts and other navy agents, 10 Mch. 1801, instructing them to provide French prisoners in their custody with “cheap cloathing” and to pay French oDcers on parole an allowance of two dollars per week; unidentiAed letter to Létombe (not found); extract of a letter from Crafts to the secretary of the navy (not found); Smith trusted the enclosures would show Drayton “that this department has attended in a proper Manner to the subject of your Letter” (all FCs in Lb in DNA: RG 45, MLS).

From David Austin Mr President: Washington June 11th. 1801. I have observed too much candor in your manner of receiving my communications, to fear a trespass in the present attempt. I will bring my views nearer to a point. The total circles of national operation are under certain commanding powers: Ballanced by views & objects merely human, these powers are guided by means, originating in the chambers of human enterprise, passion & power. The whole system may obtain a retrograde op[eration] by means the most tender & paciAc. The place of Rufus King, in London, is the most promissing point of operation in behalf of the American name. From this point the shafts may be toutched: the expedition to the Mediterranean secured & reinforced, through the joint cooperation of the diCerent powers, agitated by those Barbarians. Independent of this Diplomatic attempt, the little Squadron will have, not only the force but the stratagem of those Barbarians & of their allies, & of their tributaries to [m]eet. They have powers hanging in their sleeve, on whose friendship, it will not be safe, for the United States, in this expedition to calculate. SuCer me, Sir, to take the place of Mr. King, & you shall And your total wishes soon accomplished. And thus will the symetry of the revolutionary operation be preserved: and the passing of this commission from the Gates of the American Temple testify of the Unity & of the legitimacy of the total design. What a Anished piece of policy will this united operation present!—With one hand you send out a little squadron, say our national < 305>

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quota; and with the other, make diplomatic provision for a potent seconding of the design. If at the moment of our arrival a general peace should be on the carpet; how easy to move for such a contribution of force, from the diCerent paciAc powers, as not only to relieve our Squadron from danger; but so as ultimately to secure the navigation of those seas to all Commercial adventurers. I am ready to be pursuaded, that the thing will appear so rational, that the President, not stumbling at the source from whence it originates, will with readiness say. “Let the arrow By!”— With all due esteem. David Austin. RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); addressed: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 11 June and so recorded in SJL.

To John Bartram, Jr. Dear Sir Washington [June 11. 1801.] About the latter end of this month I have to send to Philadelphia for a carriage. will you be so good as to plant for me in pots some plants of the Alpine, Hudson & Chili strawberries, one pot of [each variety]. in that way I can have them brought safely to this place, and carry them home from hence at my leisure. accept my salutations and best wishes. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Mr. Bartram”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso as a letter to John Bartram and so recorded in SJL with notation “strawberries, Alpine. Hudson. Chili.” John Bartram (b. 1743) and TJ corresponded in 1786, when TJ was in France, and they probably had personal contact during TJ’s vice presidency. With his brother William, Bartram operated the botanic garden that their father had established on the Schuylkill River outside Philadelphia (Edmund Berkeley and Dorothy Smith Berkeley, The Life and Travels of John Bartram: From Lake Ontario to the River St. John [Tallahassee, 1982], 15; mb, 2:1015; Vol. 9:228-30; Vol. 10:593; Vol. 29:391n). A shipment of plants and trees that TJ sent to Monticello from Philadelphia in 1798 included Alpine and “Chili” straw-

berries. TJ considered both varieties “immensely valuable.” Alpine strawberries, native to the lower Alps and cultivated by the French in the eighteenth century, bore fruit for a large portion of the year. TJ planted them at Monticello as early as 1774 and believed that a widespread introduction of them to America would be of great beneAt. In 1809 he planted seeds of what he thought was the “genuine” Alpine strawberry, sent from Italy by Philip Mazzei. By that year TJ was again on the hunt for the Hudson and Chile varieties. The former may have been the Early Hudson or the Hudson Bay, which were varieties of Fragaria virginiana, the meadow strawberry of North America. The Chilean strawberry, which had larger fruit than European strains, originated on the western coast of South America and was introduced to France in 1714. In Europe it was cultivated and

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11 JUNE 1801 cross-bred with other types, and some gardens in British North America had specimens of it after about 1750. In 181112, TJ obtained the Hudson variety he sought, but he was apparently unable to And a source for the Chile strawberry (Betts, Garden Book, 51, 94, 98, 336, 346,

385, 406, 407, 431, 439, 452-3, 480, 481, 483, 490; George M. Darrow, The Strawberry: History, Breeding and Physiology [New York, 1966], 9, 19, 24-5, 32, 35-8, 117-18, 130-1, 133, 165-6, 177, 400; mb, 1:31; Vol. 10:228; Vol. 28:362; Vol. 30:193, 249).

From Robert Lawson [11 June 1801]

[. . .] to fear cannot be well d[. . .] in any sh[. . .] And when I reBect that the hot Season is at hand all but; and that if this opportunity cannot be improv’d, I probably may not get such another as to the Attendant, added to my declining State of health:—I have for these, to me weighty and aCecting considerations been constain’d with reluctance, I candidly confess, to apply Sir, once more to your benevolent mind:—conAdently trusting, you will pity the necessity which impells me to it. Knowing your long friendship and intimacy with Mr. Madison Secretary of State, and being at present without as much paper as to address him by a separate Letter will you be so good Sir, as to do me the honor of communicating my case to him with my best and respectfull wishes.1 Whatever may be charitably contributed I wish may be plac’d in Major DuVals hands, for the above special purpose. Accept of my ardent prayers for your Individual Prosperity, and that of your Administration—and with lively Sentiments of Gratitude and respect—I have the honor to be—Dear S[ir] Your much obligd Servt. R[obert Lawson] RC (ViW); undated fragment; torn; addressed: “His Excellency Thomas Jefferson President of The United States”; also on address sheet in Lawson’s hand: “by post to the City of Washington”; franked; postmarked Richmond, “June [12?].” This is probably the letter of 11 June 1801 from Robert Lawson recorded in SJL as received 19 June and enclosed in James Monroe to TJ, 16 June. Robert Lawson (ca. 1748-1805), a Prince Edward County, Virginia, attorney and businessman, rose to military prominence in the American Revolution when he served in the Fourth Virginia

militia, attained the rank of brigadier general, and played a critical role in the defense of Virginia during TJ’s governorship. He served in the General Assembly as a Prince Edward County delegate during and after the war and became deputy attorney general for Virginia after 1785. He moved to Kentucky in 1789 but returned to Richmond later in life (Herbert Clarence Bradshaw, History of Prince Edward County, Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlements through Its Establishment in 1754 to Its Bicentennial Year [Richmond, 1955], 51, 123, 359, 634, 682; Leonard, General Assembly, 113, 115, 118, 130, 138, 147, 150, 166, 174; William J.

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11 JUNE 1801 Van Schreeven and Robert L. Scribner, comps., Revolutionary Virginia, The Road to Independence, 7 vols. [Charlottesville, 1973-83], 2:345-6; Salem Register, 15 Apr. 1805; mb, 1:509; Vol.

4:459-62, 616-8, 629-30; Vol. 16:228; Vol. 29:520). q Preceding six words interlined.

To Wilson Cary Nicholas Dear Sir Washington June 11. 1801. A moment of leisure permits me to think of my friends. you will have seen an alarm in the newspapers on the subject of the Tripolitans & Algerines. the former about May was twelve month demanded a sum of money for keeping the peace, pretending that the sum paid as the price of the treaty was only for making peace. this demand was reiterated through the last year, but a promise made to Cathcart by the Bey that he would not commit any hostility until an answer should be actually recieved from the President. however I think there is reason to apprehend he sent his cruisers out against us in March. great notice had been given our vessels in the Mediterranean; so that they might have come oC at leisure if they would. in March, Anding we might with propriety call in our cruisers from the W. Indies, this was done; and as 6. were to be kept armed, it was thought best by Stoddert & Genl. Smith that we should send 3. with a tender into the Mediterranean to protect our commerce against Tripoli. but as this might lead to war, I wished to have the approbation of the new administration. in the mean time the squadron was to be prepared & to rendezvous at Norfolk ready to recieve our orders. it was the 15th. of May before mr Gallatin’s arrival enabled us to decide deAnitively. it was then decided unanimously; but it was not till the 28th. of May that the Philadelphia reached the rendezvous. on the 1st. of June they sailed. with respect to Algiers they are in extreme ill humour. we And 3. years arrears of tribute due to them. this you know has not proceeded from any want of the treasury. our tribute to them is nominally 20,000. D. to be delivered in stores, but so rated that they cost us 80,000. D. a negotiation had been set on foot by our predecessors to commute the stores for 30,000. D. cash. it would be an excellent bargain, but we know nothing of the result. we have however sent them 30,000. D. by our frigates as one year’s tribute, and have a vessel ready to sail with the stores for another year. letters from the Mediterranean to the last of April give us no reason to think they will commit hostilities. the loose articles in the newspapers have < 308>

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probably arisen by confounding them with the Tripolitans. we have taken these steps towards supplying the deAciencies of our predecessors merely in obedience to the law; being convinced it is money thrown away, that there is no end to the demands of these powers, nor any security in their promises. the real alternative before us is whether to abandon the Mediterranean, or to keep up a cruize in it, perhaps in rotation with other powers who would join us as soon as there is peace. but this, Congress must decide.—there are no news from Egypt to be relied on later than the 15th. of March.—we have discontinued the missions to the Hague, Lisbon & Berlin. Humphreys is recalled. Livingston awaits Dawson’s return. F. A. Muhlenburg is dead: & fortunately as he was planning against Mc.Kean. from this state Southwardly all are quiet. not a single wish is expressed on the subject of removals. in Delaware & Jersey they are moderately importunate: in Pensylvania there is a strong pressure on us, & some discontent. but in N. York a section of the republicans is furious on this subject. there are there 3. distinct sections of republicans. you know them without my venturing a speciAcation of them through the post. I have the conAdential sentiments of the most respectable persons of each. two of these sections disapprove of removal but on a very small scale indeed. the other has opened a battery on us as you will see by the inclosed paper. you will be at no loss for the source of this. we shall yield a little to their pressure, but no more than appears absolutely necessary to keep them together. and if that would be so much as to disgust other parts of the union, we must prefer the greater to the lesser part. in Connecticut alone a general sweep seems to be called for on principles of justice & policy. their legislature now sitting are removing every republican even from the commissions of the peace & the lowest oDces. there then we will retaliate. whilst the Feds are taking possession of all the state oDces, exclusively1 they ought not to expect we will leave them the exclusive possession of those at our disposal. the republicans have some rights: and must be protected.—Genl. Smith is well. I expect Langdon will now accept that oDce. present my respects to mrs Nicholas and accept assurances of my aCectionate esteem. RC (CSmH); at foot of Arst page: “W. C. Nicholas.”; endorsed by Nicholas. PrC (DLC). Enclosure: probably the New York American Citizen and General Advertiser, 5 June 1801 (see below). For the alarm in the newspapers,

see David Humphreys to TJ, 8 May, and David Austin to TJ, 1 June. inclosed paper: on 5 June, under the caption “Removals from ODce,” Denniston & Cheetham criticized the administration for delays in removing Federalists from oDce. According to the editorial,

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11 JUNE 1801 New York Republicans expected half of the “Tories” in oDce to be replaced by this date. Those “who had occasioned the removal of the capital oCenders against the state, and restored the shattered constitution” expected “the removal of the lesser culprits in oDce.” They continued: “If this should not be the case, for what, in the name of God, have we been contending? Merely for the removal of John Adams, that Mr. JeCerson might occupy the place which he shamefully left? It cannot be! Those who view the Republicans in this light are egregiously mistaken, and will And themselves disappointed in their erroneous calculations.” The editors concluded: “Mr. JeCerson’s attachment to the constitution, and his Ane sense of the necessity of obeying the voice of the people, are pledges that his administration will answer all their expectations, and comport with their will.” TJ probably be-

lieved Aaron Burr was the source of the unrest among Republicans in New York. On 8 June, Burr wrote Gallatin that he had “seen with pain a paragraph in the Citizen of friday respecting removals from oDce.” He wanted Gallatin to assure the president “that the great Mass of republicans in this State are determined that he shall do things at his own time and in his own Manner, and that they will justify his Measures without enquiring into his reasons.” Burr concluded: “I think you will not see any more paragraphs in the Style of that referred to.” This did not stop Denniston & Cheetham from continuing to support the removal of Federalist oDceholders in New York (Kline, Burr, 1:591-2; New York American Citizen and General Advertiser, 5, 11, 12, 15 June). q Word added by TJ in margin.

From Paul Richard Randall Paris. 22 prairial in the 9th. year ruë St Antoine No. 260. Antient Hotel le Sully.

Sir Your happy accession to the Presidency of the United States, is a subject of congratulation to all true Republicans in every quarter, and especially in this country where Americans had long since lost the price of their good fame earned by a well conducted and well Anished Revolution— Permit me, Sir, to remind you of a person once noticed by the American Ambassaders in Europe, and although unsuccessful in his mission to Africa, made honorable by particular conAdence, You still thought proper to oCer me while Secretary of State the consulship of Ireland, a post I declined through ignorance of commercial aCairs. At present several years fatiguing practice has given me at least the experience I then wanted—and emboldens me to present myself a candidate for Consul in some one of the ports of France, where a thorough knowlege of the language and a residence of four or Ave years pursuing a claim upon this government for supplies furnished in the colonies has given me the opportunity of learning the routine of Bureaux from which I could be essentially serviceable to my countrymen. I have been a persecuted Victim of british depredations, having < 310>

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had two vessels condemned and although the decree in one case is reversed & the other untried I had left little or no hope of retribution until the late change in oDce gave me a well founded expectation that American citizens would be protected in their persons & property whilst carrying on a lawful commerce and all partiality be excluded in favor of true policy and republican dignity. Those of our country who have been some time in France meet already with a more fraternal acceptance & we Batter ourselves to obtain justice to our claims from the higher authorities as far as the State of Anance in time of Revolutionary war will permit, and the practices of an European treasury allow— The arrival of Mr. Livingston is anxiously looked for to ensures us the privileges of a favored nation and to distinguish Americans from the Stranger a character which cannot be regarded with conAdence in a country whose revolutionary state still wants the Anishing hand to give it that stability that peace alone can aCord— Should I even be deemed worthy of the Post I solicit, it may be possible that I am too late in my application, in which case I beg leave to be considered a Candidate for a Vacancy, or perhaps I may not be too hardy in praying some other Post to be yet disposed of which I might merit—I have the honor to oCer you Sir the homage of my esteem & am with respectful deference Your humble servant Paul Richard Randall of New-York RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. Randall was noticed in London in 1785 by John Adams who urged him to assist John Lamb in the mission to africa to free American captives in Algiers in 1786. Randall continued to pur-

sue an appointment even after declining TJ’s oCer to him in 1790 of the consulship of ireland at Dublin and after being considered, although not appointed, for a post to Cadiz in 1791 (Vol. 8:544, 572-3, 605; Vol. 9:667-8; Vol. 10:151, 349, 649; Vol. 16:226; Vol. 17:251; Vol. 19:313, 317).

From Richard Robotham Sir Hudson June 11th 1801 if my Boldness needs any apolagy I hope this may be SoAcint that is, my ardent desire to do all the good I Can— I herewith send you th[ree?] papers in Which are four pieces describeing improve[ments of] my own invention Arst a ventilator or air pump [this?] air pump is in use in a distilerry in this City and proves the principle to be good for it will ventilate a Cerstern in a few < 311>

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minuetes that is full of Bad air wherein a Candle will not burn So that a man may desend without danger and by keeping the Mechiene at work he feels a Constant Streeme of fresh air desend, the Cost of this Mechiene was Nineteen Shilings or two dollars and thirty-Seven and a half Cents the other improvements may not be verry intresting therefore I will not troble you with any observations respecting them With the greatest Respect and obbedence &cc Richard Robotham RC (DLC); torn; at head of text: “To Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 18 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures not found. Richard Robotham (ca. 1758-1817), a native of Nottinghamshire, England, was an inventor in Hudson, New York. Although located well up the Hudson River, the town of that name was a home port for whalers and seal hunters in the latter part of the eighteenth century and a processing center for oil from sperm whales and elephant seals. Robotham received two patents, for processes of candle manufacturing in 1794 and puriAcation of spermaceti oil in 1799, that were related to that industry. He also took out patents on a composition material for Booring and a machine for ruling paper. By 1805 he developed a design for arched bridges made of pine boards and built at least two of the bridges on turnpikes. He later was an inspector of the Hudson Aqueduct Company and served on a committee to administer a public bathhouse. Robotham also invested in real estate. Several times beginning in 1810 he sought election as an overseer of roads on the Federalist ticket (Hudson Northern Whig, 18 Jan., 29 Mch. 1810, 30 Mch., 13 Apr. 1812, 9 Jan., 17 Sep. 1816, 9 Sep. 1817; Hudson Balance, 2, 30 Mch. 1802, 20 May 1806, 5 Apr. 1808; Stephen B. Miller, Historical Sketches of Hudson [Hudson, N.Y., 1862], 6, 35-6; List of Patents, 8, 9, 20, 26). The announcement of a $100 prize by the American Philosophical Society for “the most simple, convenient & eCective method of ventilating a ship at sea, without manual labour” prompted Robotham

to design his ventilator. In March 1801, Robotham addressed a letter “To the Presedent of the Philosophcal Society Philidelphia” that TJ passed along to the society without endorsing it or recording it in SJL. In that letter, Robotham suggested that one might use ductwork and a bellows to pump foul air from the lowest part of a ship’s hold, but he did not present a detailed plan for a ventilator and evidently had not tried the method himself. He also in the same letter responded to another premium that the APS oCered, $35 for “the cheapest & most eCectual method of rendering Common Oil At to be burned in the Argand-lamp.” Again, Robotham’s comments were brief, consisting primarily of a reference to his 1799 patent for the puriAcation of spermaceti and “Sea-Elephant” oil by alkali. In a meeting held on 3 Apr. 1801, the society formally received the communication from Robotham and passed it along to a committee, but apparently nothing came of it. The competitions for those premiums did not close until 1 Apr. 1802, and the society may not have deemed Robotham’s short, hypothetical description of a ventilating system to be a formal entry for the prize. In 1802 the APS received at least three entries for the competition on ship ventilation, but the committee evaluating them did not report until February 1803 (RC in PPAmP, undated but postmarked New York, 23 Mch., stamped, endorsed for the APS; aps, Proceedings, 22, pt. 3 [1884], 306, 310, 321, 323, 329, 333). Robotham went forward with the creation of a ventilator in 1801. His design, which used a bellows as he had suggested in his letter to the APS, was operated by a person working a lever and would not have met

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11 JUNE 1801 the criterion of a ventilator that did not require manual eCort. On 10 Oct. 1801, Robotham received a patent on his “air pump ventilator for ships, mines, &c.”, and he promoted the device, which he licensed for a fee, through newspaper advertisements, a broadside, and published letters of endorsement (Richard Robotham, “Description of the Air-Pump Ven-

tilator, for the ventilating of Ships, Mines, Prisons, Hospitals, etc.,” printed broadside, [Hudson, N.Y., 1801; Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 1260]; Hudson Balance, 22 Oct., 19, 26 Nov. 1801, 4 May, 1 June, 14 Dec. 1802, 28 May 1811; Alexandria Advertiser, 6 Nov. 1801, 8 June 1802; Boston Gazetteer, 23 Nov. 1803; List of Patents, 26).

From Collen Williamson Honourable Sir City of Washington Jun 11th 1801 pleas remember that soon after your being apointed to the high oDce of presedente, I called upon you at your lodging and hade ashort Intercouse, one the subjct of the commissioners how they have behaved Towards me, and others that was in there employe and that I hade got a Judgment for the contents of my contract, thiy pleaded to refer the execution to the nixt court that if they hade any defence to make to bring it forward, and me to prove my servicess acordingly I attended the court with my prooCes but the commissioners nor any witness from them did not apear the trouth is they hade non that could be acartaind as awitness except Hoban hade been admited who has led them into all the mischef that has been Don in the city, as they did not attende I have got a dispensation from the court, to exemen the witness here, it is asmall mater for the commissioners to be throwing away the publice money as they have don in defence of a Just caus, I was looked upon by all the Information that the Arst commissioners could And to be the only man Atest for the task, and it is surtaint hade I been alowed to conduct the work in ginerel as my contract expresses, it would have been good for the publice as well as for me, but then how could the thives have hade liberty to steale and take the public matereals as they have don to agreat extente I was early instructed in archectry altho I only was employed heer as master mason, and in diCerent stages of the work was under the necessity of giving instructions to him who was apointed to instruct me I built the Arst story of the presidents House and brought all the capatols above ground; before my dismission from the publice emplye and it is to be seen what hand was made of it after wards, as I still supose my self in the publice employe at least untill the laws of the land shall discharge me, I thought it my deuty to Inform your execelency which I expect will atone for troubling you I should be verry hapy I hade somthing < 313>

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to do in the way of my business, while I expect to be paid I expect it will not apear to your excellency asmall mater that I was Indulged to come from New york where I hade the best of employe and be treated as I have been Honoure sir I am with great Respect your most obedent Houmble servnt Collen Williamson RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 12 June and recorded in SJL at the 11th. In 1792, the District of Columbia Commissioners hired Williamson to superintend the cutting and laying of stone for public buildings. Before his dismissal in

1795, Williamson worked under the direction of James Hoban on the construction of the foundation of the President’s House (FC in DNA: RG 42, PC, 29 Aug. 1792; Seale, The President’s House, 1:27, 59-60, 68; Vol. 23:490).

From David Leonard Barnes Sir Providence June 12th 1801— I am induced once more to trespass on your attention, by the information which I have lately received, that a paper has been sent from this State to some person at Washington, with an intention to injure my character in your estimation—Not knowing what it contains, nor the name of a person who has signed it, I am unable to answer it, or to point out the motives which produc’d it—But if it is said, that I ever felt or expressed any thing like personal enmity or opposition that I deny, and do not hesitate to declare, that I have ever held your personal character in as high estimation, as could exist without a personal acquaintance—If it is said, that I was opposed to your election on any other ground than this, that after the most solicitous & dispassionate inquiry, I was sincerely of opinion, that a part of your political system was unfriendly to commerce, on which the consequence, and exclusive of the guaranty in the Constitution, the existence of Rhode Island as a State depends, that also I deny—Your public assurance on the fourth of March that commerce should be encouraged, and the information I have since received, have convinced me of the error of that opinion—As the public mind was not at rest, I was desirous in the address of the General Assembly, of giving an opportunity to be more explicit—and I have no doubt your answer will quiet the fears of all candid men— My education, the course and habits of my life, my standing at the Bar, and in the public opinion in this State, are known to Gentlemen who have the honor of your personal acquaintance—I have said and still say, that candid men of all parties, have expressed their approba< 314>

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tion of my appointment—Those who were opposed to your election, consider it as a liberal act, and it gives them conAdence in your impartiality—Having accepted the oDce, I feel myself bound to discharge the duties of it, in a manner that shall eCect substantial Justice, and increase & conArm the conAdence of the people in your Administration of the Government— With Sentiments of the Highest Respect I am your most Obed Servt David Leonard Barnes RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 22 June and so recorded in SJL.

induced once more: see his letter of 18 May. address of the general assembly: printed at 9 May.

From David Campbell State of Tennessee June 12th. 1801—

Some of the Citizens of this State are anxious to procure a Treaty with the Cherokee Indians, in Order to purchase more Lands from them. The attempt at this time in my opinion, will be useless. They have no disposition to sell, and the very asking them the question at this time, would be construed by them, as a desire in us, to possess ourselves of their whole Country by piece-meals. An important favour may, however, be obtained from them, on easy terms, and at very small comparative expence to the U. States. The road from Knox-ville to Mero District passes thro, a Wilderness of eighty miles, in the Indian lands. A privilege to erect two Inns for the accommodation of travellers, at convenient intervals, may easily be negociated for. Those Inns may be lett to trusty individuals and the Rent applyed to the Use of the Indians,1 in the same manner as the ferry over the Clynch River at So. W. point is rented from them. And thus no expence would accrue to the U. States and an unspeakable beneAt would be experienced by the weary Traveller. I feel the force of these observations because I have to pass the Wilderness four times in the Year, and sometimes exposed to heavy rains and Snow Storms in the Mountain, and no house to retire to at night. I know your philanthropic mind will be willing to prevent the foregoing inconvenience, when, it can so easily be done. If you think proper to entrust me, I will undertake the execution of the proposed measure, in conjunction with Colo. Return J. Meigs Deputy Superintendant of the Cherokee Indians. The plan I would propose to eCect this purpose with the least possible expence, is to < 315>

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attend in the Nation at their green corn Dance, a festival at which all the Chiefs assemble: By these means a call of the Nation, and a large supply of provisions and other incidental expences would be rendered unnecessary. That your Excellency may live long to administer the Government of the U. States on its true Republican principles, as it is well epitomized in your excellent Speech at your inauguration, is the wish of one who is very much your personal friend. David Campbell RC (DLC); addressed: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson President of the U. States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 7 July and so recorded in SJL; endorsed by TJ as a letter of 12 July. The Cherokees usually gathered during the autumn for their green corn ceremonies of thanksgiving and puriAcation (Duane Champagne, Social Order and Political Change: Constitutional Gov-

ernments among the Cherokee, the Choctaw, the Chickasaw, and the Creek [Stanford, Calif., 1992], 16-17, 38-9). A letter from Campbell of 28 Dec. 1800, received from Tennessee on 16 Jan. 1801, and one from TJ to Campbell of 18 Jan. are recorded in SJL but have not been found. q MS: “Indias.”

From Denniston & Cheetham Sir New-York June 12th. 1801 We have received with much pleasure your oblidging favour of the 6th. Inst. and feel ourselves no less indebted for the Candid and very friendly manner in which you have been pleased to address us than for the disclosure of your views. To preserve public liberty and unite the great body of American Citizens into one mass is no less Salutary than Just. And permit us to add that the eminent Services you have rendered our Country and the Just Sentiments you have never ceased to advocate evince that your conduct through a long and valuable life has been regulated by these equitable principles. While we reiterate a renounciation of personal views, in obedience to your Solicitation and our duty we request your attention to two public oDcers in this City who in our estimation, are peculiarly obnoxious to our Citizens. When Tyranny is exercised by any, but particulaly by those who were opposed to our revolution, the real friends of liberty, those who fought and SuCered in our memorable ConBict for Independence, behold it with mortiAcation and regret. Mr. Rogers, the naval oDcer in our Custom-house, was employed during our revolution in the British Court of admiralty in this City. < 316>

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Of this we will transmit to you, if required, satisfactory testimony. We know that men are frequently Converted from wrong to right Sentiments on all Subjects; but the opinions of Mr. Rogers are the same now they were when in the Service of the British King. Mr. Sands Collector of Customs co-operates with Mr. Rogers in all his views, and his Sentiments and conduct are no less objectionable to our Citizens than destructive of our liberty. He threatned to dismiss one of his Clerks immediately after the important election of 1800, for voting for, and advocating the Cause of republicanism; and we know that nothing but the astonishing and instantaneous eCect produced by that election prevented it. Their stations confer an immense inBuence, which in their hands is extremely injurious to the Constitution. We mention these men in particular since their removal from oDce is ardently desired by our Citizens, and would, we are convinced eCectually crush any opposition here, which might otherwise arrise on this subject, and of which a Certain party here would avail themselves to further their own views of aggrandizement, and render your administration, if possible, unpopular. We have no particular men in view whom we wish to be appointed to the two oDces, our desire, with that of our fellow Citizens, only is that they be Alled with Republicans. We see with regret the diDculty under which the executive must labour for want of Correct information of the various characters in the Union solicitous for oDce. This may sometimes lead you into involuntary error. It will ever be the lot of men elevated to that high and responsible station. But we rejoice that we have an executive anxious to lessen this unavoidable evil by a desire of receiving information from the meanest Citizen in the state on Subjects in which its welfare is involved. Be assured Sir that our exertions shall not be wanting to procure and to Communicate dispassionately all the information which we may deem to be of the smallest utility.— Accept the tender of our services and respect. Denniston & Cheetham RC (DLC); in Denniston’s hand and signed by him; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson President of the U. States Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 15 June and so recorded in SJL.

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From Albert Gallatin Dr Sir June 12th 1801 Colo. Few saw Mr Habersham this morning. He is unwilling to accept of the Collectorship in Savannah, says that it is too laborious and worth only 1200 dollars. I cannot give him any positive proofs that it is worth 2000, as we are obliged to deduce this from an examination of the exports & imports, Mr Powell the present collector having made no returns. It is evident, however, that he will not be persuaded to take the oDce, and there is nothing else worth his acceptance in Georgia. Whether his refusal, upon the whole, is owing to the reason he assigns, or to his wish to keep his present oDce could not be ascertained as they were interrupted. Colo. Few dines there to morrow and will have another conversation with him. I can think of nothing that can be oCered except the Mississipi Government. Whether he would take it I cannot conjecture; but I wish to know whether Colo. Few may be authorized to sound him on that ground & with that oCer, provided that he shall give assurances (being a Georgian) that he has no connection with the Land Companies. An answer will be necessary this evening or to morrow morning— With sincere respect Your obt. Servt. Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received from the Treasury Department on 12 June and “Habersham” and so recorded in SJL. A former U.S. senator from Georgia, William few moved to New York City in

1799. He married Catherine Nicholson, daughter of New York Republican James Nicholson and sister of Hannah Nicholson Gallatin, the Treasury secretary’s wife. In Georgia, Habersham was known as an opponent of the Yazoo land deal and out-of-state land companies (anb).

From Albert Gallatin Sir Treasury Departt. 12th June 1801 The complaints for want of Stamps are certainly well grounded, yet diDcult to remedy, at least by this Department. The fault has been in the original postponement of stamping which has delayed every subsequent operation. They stamp here now at the rate of near 20,000 impressions per day; but the distribution is slow. The stamps are sent from the Comr. to the several Supervisors, from each Supervisor to the several inspectors in his district, from each inspector to the several collectors in his survey, from each collector to the storekeepers who may chose to purchase & from there at last it is distributed to the consumers. The radical defect of our internal revenue < 318>

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system, & which I feel every day pervades this as well as every other branch of that revenue. Instead of making the collectors account to & correspond with the Treasury Department, we know nothing of them except through the channel of the inspectors, nothing of the inspectors except through the Supervisors and I know nothing of either except through the Commissioner of the Revenue. As soon as I have got rid of the arrears of current business which had accumulated before my appointment, it is my intention to prepare & submit to you a plan tending to remedy that evil so far as it can be remedied without the assistance of the Legislature. In the mean while I have directed the Commissioner to write to Mr Page Collector of internal revenue in Alexandria, that if he has not a suDcient supply of stamps, he may obtain any quantity & of any description by applying at the general oDce here. What shows how much more proper it will be to open a correspondence direct with the collectors is that Mr Carrington the Supervisor by his last return dated 8th instt. states that he has in his possession by far too large a quantity of 25 cent Stamps, and these are precisely those which are wanted by his Collector in Alexandria. I have the honor to be very respectfully Sir Your most obt. Servt. Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the U. States”; endorsed by TJ as received 12 June and “Stamps” and so recorded in SJL. complaints for want of stamps: TJ received a letter from Henry Moore dated 10 June from Alexandria regarding stamps, which the president sent to the Treasury Department (not found, but recorded in SJL as received 11 June with notation “T.”). On 12 June, TJ answered Moore, thanking him for the information and observing that “nothing is more important to the execution of the laws than that those citizens who are witnesses to their [implementation should] give

information of it, as our own personal obser[vations may] but be very limited.” TJ informed Moore that about the Arst of June he had received information on the “want of stamps” and promptly informed the Treasury secretary. He found that Gallatin had already looked into the problem and “endeavoured to have the deAciency remedied.” More stamps were being printed, but it would take time to solve the distribution problem. TJ promised that Moore’s information would “be the ground of further attention” (PrC in DLC, faint, at foot of text: “Henry Moore of Cleon”; Gallatin to TJ, 1 June). i have directed the commissioner: William Miller.

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From Albert Gallatin Treasury Department June 12th 1801

In the case of W. Priestmann, the Secretary of the Treasury conceives that by the manner in which the enclosed draft of a pardon is executed, Gideon will receive any part of the forfeiture to which by law he may be entitled. If he is not entitled to any part by law, the Secretary, from a consideration of the case, does not perceive the propriety or justice of making him a compensation at the expense of W. Priestmann. But in the instrament of pardon a special clause should be inserted specifying that said pardon shall operate only upon said Priestmann paying all the costs & also * Dollars being the amount of the fee paid by the United States to Mr Rawle in that Unit— Respectfully submitted by Albert Gallatin * When the pardon shall be executed, if the instrument be sent to this oDce, the blank will be Alled—The amount is not yet settled. RC (DLC); addressed: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 June and “Priestman’s case” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. Gallatin feared that the wording of the draft of a pardon would make Priestman responsible for paying all costs in the case, including the reward to Jacob gideon, who had informed on him. On 14 June, Gallatin asked Madison whether the pardon could be extended to include the “remission of the informer’s share” and observed: “I do know this to be a persecution case.” He informed the secretary of state that Priestman was an eccentric

Englishman who had loaned money to Republicans, some of whom were “persecuted & obnoxious” and surmised this was the reason Oliver Wolcott had found against Priestman in the original case. Priestman himself delivered Gallatin’s letter and supporting documents to Madison. For the issuance of the pardon, see Gallatin to TJ, 26 June. Priestman had to pay only the costs connected with the government’s prosecution of the case, but a special clause indicating the speciAc amount was not included in the pardon (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:313-14; presidential pardon for William Priestman in DNA: RG 59, GPR).

To Levi Lincoln Dear Sir Washington June 12. 1801. I inclose you for your consideration the case of the Betsy Cathcart, a prize brought into the US. some years ago, sold, & the money deposited in the treasury for safety. had the only question been between us and the captors, we should have delivered up the money without troubling you. but a doubt has been suggested whether, as the prize was never condemned, the original proprietor may not claim here< 320>

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after. I recollect some years ago to have had occasion to turn to a case in 2d. Burrows wherein Ld. MansAeld laid down the law of nations on this question, truly as I thought. I have not the book to turn to, but it will be worth your looking at. his doctrine was that the property of captured goods is transferred to the captor by the victory which acquires them: that the circumstances of being carried infra praesidia at land, or of the pernoctation, or 24. hours possession, at sea, were merely arbitrary1 set up by nations who found an interest in lessening the advantages of neutrality, now exploded by other nations, and practised on only in the English courts of admiralty. this is the general idea I have retained in my mind, but citing by memory. I may not be correct. the subject is referred to your consideration. no claim has been made, or thought of probably by the original proprietor. if we must refer the case to Congress the discussion there by giving it publicity will doubtless bring forward the claim, and force the decision on us in a national form, which may go oC silently if the Executive are authorised to make restitution. Accept assurances of my aCectionate esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (David J. Melamed, Hastings-onHudson, New York, 1987); at foot of text: “Levi Lincoln esq.” PrC (DLC). Enclosure not found. In 1758, an opinion by the British jurist Lord mansfield—whose decisions in the Court of King’s Bench were compiled by Sir James Burrow—touched on the question of when a captured ship became the property of its captor (Madison, Pa-

pers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:424; Sowerby, No. 2085). infra praesidia: “within the defenses”; that is, a captor’s assertion of ownership of captured property, such as a prize ship, by bringing it fully under control (Bryan A. Garner, ed. in chief, Black’s Law Dictionary, 8th ed. [St. Paul, Minn., 2004], 796). q TJ here canceled “circumstances.”

To Mason Locke Weems Sir Washington June 12. 1801 I have duly recieved your favor of the 6th. inst. it happened but at an early period of life, when I had time to read, & was in the habit of acquiring books, Dr. Blair’s sermons becoming a subject of conversation in society. I mistook them for the sermons of a mr Blair, of the Virginia family, published some 50. or 60. years ago, which I possessed & thought little of. I was not sensible of my misapprehension till some [years past when] I had become so immersed in public business as to have no [time] for [reading]. hence it has happened that I have never read, or even seen, Dr. Blair’s sermons; and consequently am unable to attest their merit myself. I have heard them generally < 321>

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commended, and from my knowledge of [another] work of his, I have no doubt of their excellence, that they are worthy of [being] put on a line with Sterne & EnAeld; excellent [moral] writers, [tho not of the] same character. I believe Armly with you in the [strict] connection between virtue & happiness: that the latter can never exist where the for[mer is] not: and that virtuous habits are produced by exercising the mind in [reading] and contemplating good moral writings. the publication of these [sermons] cannot therefore but be publicly useful: and I regret that I can bear witness to it only in the ordinary way of subscription. the work [however] has too much celebrity to need the commendations of any individual. it’s character is not unknown to any who will be disposed to read [works of] that kind. wishing you sincerely therefore success in your undertaking I tender you assurances of my consideration [& res]pect Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint, with words in brackets supplied from Tr; at foot of text: “The Revd. Mr. Weems.” Tr (MHi); later 19th-century copy, in unidentiAed hand; torn. Mason Locke Weems (1759-1825) was an Episcopal priest and moralist from Anne Arundel County, Maryland, who studied medicine in London and Edinburgh and may have practiced as a surgeon on a British man-of-war. After the Revolution, Weems sought ordination, which he ultimately obtained in 1784 without having to take a British oath of allegiance. He preached in several Virginia parishes for more than twenty years, supplemented his income by becoming a traveling book agent for Mathew Carey, and became an author in his own right, achieving fame with his biography of George Washington published in 1800 (anb). favor of the 6th: not found, but recorded in SJL as received 9 June. TJ probably confused Hugh Blair

(1718-1800) with James Blair (16561743), both Scottish-born divines. Dr. Hugh Blair was a professor of rhetoric at the University of Edinburgh and a literary critic whose published sermons appeared in 1777 and were widely republished, including a Afth volume in 1801 that featured an account of his life. Although TJ states that he never read dr. blair’s sermons, he paid 25 cents in July 1792 on subscribing to them, probably the fourth volume of Hugh Blair’s sermons, Arst printed in the U.S. in 1794 (mb, 2:874). James Blair was bishop’s commissary of Virginia as well as founder and Arst president of the College of William and Mary. He wrote sermons on Our Savior’s Divine Sermon on the Mount, published in Ave volumes in London in 1722 with a second four-volume edition published there in 1740. another work of Hugh Blair’s, with which TJ may have been familiar, was Blair’s Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, Arst published in 1783 (dab; dnb; see also Sowerby, No. 4658).

From Everard Meade Sir Amelia June 13th 1801 Mr Burk concerning whom I once wrote to you has been President of a College in this County, in which Station he discovered the great< 322>

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est attention & ability—Owing to a Suspicion, which was entertained of a connexion between him and a married Lady of this County he was exposed to danger & his tranquillity destroyed—This Suspicion appears to be without foundation, the husband having agreed to take back his wife & declared her innocent—I entertain the Same Opinion as formerly of his rare merit & genius, I am Armly assured of his honor & integrity, & as Chairman of the board of Trustees of the College, regret in common with a large majority of the Trustees the loss of Such a man to our Seminary & County. E. Meade. RC (DLC); in David Meade’s hand, with signature and inside address in Everard Meade’s hand; below signature in E. Meade’s hand: “copyd by David Meade”; addressed: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 June and so recorded in SJL. concerning whom i once wrote to you: the only other surviving correspondence between TJ and Meade is that of 8 Apr. 1800, but Meade wrote TJ on 25 Aug. and 19 Dec. 1800 and 20 Apr. 1801, which, according to SJL, TJ received on 5 Sep., 30 Dec. 1800, and 24

Apr. 1801, respectively. On 10 Sep. 1800, TJ replied to Meade’s letter of 25 Aug. This may have been the “Battering letter,” to which John Daly Burk refers in his correspondence with TJ printed at 19 June. college in this county: Everard and David Meade and Burk were among the 20 trustees named in “An Act to incorporate the trustees of JeCerson college, in the county of Amelia,” passed by the Virginia General Assembly on 26 Dec. 1800 (Samuel Shepherd, ed., The Statutes at Large of Virginia, from October Session 1792, to December Session 1806, 3 vols. [Richmond, 1835-36], 2:259-60).

Notes on Resolution of American Debts to British Creditors I. NOTES ON KING’S AND ANSTEY’S PROPOSITIONS, [CA. 13 JUNE 1801] II. NOTES ON A CABINET MEETING, 13 JUNE 1801

E D I T O R I A L

N O T E

Article 6 of the Jay Treaty provided for a bilateral commission to settle Americans’ pre-Revolutionary War debts to British creditors, but disagreements between the two sides brought the panel’s work to a halt in 1799. John Adams hoped that procedural changes might allow the commission to continue its work. However, when Rufus King suggested that the British might accept a lump-sum settlement from the United States in lieu of reviving the commission and Adams’s cabinet endorsed the idea, Adams responded: “I embrace with pleasure the Recommendation of Mr King.” On 23 Aug. 1800, Secretary of State John Marshall authorized King to discuss the matter with Lord Grenville. The administration’s advisers estimated that the claims would not exceed $2,500,000, but in order to promote good relations

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RESOLUTION OF AMERICAN DEBTS between the two countries and resolve the issue, Marshall advised King that a sum as high as $4,000,000 might be acceptable. King was not to agree to any amount greater than £1,000,000 sterling (when the two sides reached agreement in 1802, one pound sterling was deemed equal to 4.44 U.S. dollars). Adams still hoped for some “adjustment” of the treaty through explanatory articles to alter or supplant Article 6 (Marshall, Papers, 4:132-7, 191, 197, 212, 230-1, 233-9, 284-5; 6:32-3; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:8n; Moore, International Adjudications, 356). In a memorandum for Grenville on 23 Nov. 1800, King addressed the problem of calculating a reasonable settlement based on estimates. Because the debts all had their basis in the purchase of British goods by Americans before the Revolution, King began with an estimate of a year’s worth of British exports to America in the period before the Revolutionary War, then applied adjustments to allow for debts already paid and for other factors. In his paper for Grenville, King used two sources for the value of British exports: George Chalmers’s An Estimate of the Comparative Strength of Britain during the Present and Four Preceding Reigns; and of the Losses of her Trade from Every War since the Revolution, Arst published in 1782 and in revised editions thereafter, and a Agure from Lord SheDeld. From those sources, King estimated an annual export of £2,311,498 to the colonies that became the United States. He reduced that sum by half to show the loss from debtors who became insolvent during the war. He then reduced the resulting Agure (£1,155,749) by half, as an allowance for debts that creditors had already recovered on their own. That left the Agure at £577,874. King then added that same amount back in to allow for accrued interest. This brought the total back to £1,155,749. Finally, he argued that creditors should still be able to recover two-thirds of the amount on their own, “with the care and diligence which it is their duty to employ.” That Anal subtraction would put the sum for the settlement at about £385,000, but King rounded the Agure up in his memorandum, stating that “the claim against the U. States would not exceed £400,000.” As he drew up his proposal and during the Arst negotiations that grew out of it, King had available for consultation Samuel Sitgreaves, an American member of the Article 6 commission who was in England to help resolve the claims issue (King, Life, 3:345-50; asp, Foreign Relations, 2:400; Marshall, Papers, 6:30-1; King to Lord Hawkesbury, 15 Apr. 1801, enclosed in King to secretary of state, 21 Apr., in DNA: RG 59, DD; Moore, International Adjudications, 353-4). Grenville turned his side of the negotiations over to John Anstey, a barrister and poet who was one of the British members of a commission dealing with Loyalists’ claims under Article 7 of the Jay Treaty. Anstey and King exchanged a series of papers from January to March 1801. By April, King thought that the change of government in Britain might have stalled the negotiation, and he asked Grenville to speak to Grenville’s successor, Lord Hawkesbury. On 20 Apr., King also took advantage of Sitgreaves’s return to the United States to send a dispatch to the State Department, enclosing copies of his exchanges with Anstey during the negotiation. Those papers were in Washington by 13 June, when James Madison mentioned King’s dispatch in a letter to Levi Lincoln and JeCerson consulted the cabinet on the debt claims. In his dispatch, King expressed the opinion

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EDITORIAL NOTE that it would still be possible to “bring the discussion to a close.” Madison, characterizing King’s attitude as “not sanguine, but hopeful of an advantageous issue,” was less optimistic (King to secretary of state, 20 Apr. and 21 Apr. 1801, with enclosures, in DNA: RG 59, DD; asp, Foreign Relations, 2:401-18; King, Life, 3:432-3; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:105-6, 109, 311; dnb). Probably sometime prior to his meeting with the cabinet, JeCerson extracted from the enclosures to King’s dispatch the Agures of a detailed proposal from King to the British, dated 29 Jan. 1801, and a counteroCer from Anstey on 14 Feb. (see Document i). Both propositions used King’s formula from November to make adjustments to an initial Agure—that is, reducing the gross estimate by 50 percent for insolvencies, reducing the result by 50 percent for supposed recoveries by creditors, doubling the result to allow for interest, and then Anally subtracting two-thirds to reach a Anal amount. King’s proposal on 29 Jan. began with a higher initial estimate than he had used in November, yielding a Anal result of £506,694 to settle the claims. Anstey started with a considerably higher calculation for the unadjusted debt—more than £7,500,000—using two years of exports from Agures developed by the British government, adding a portion of the debts claimed by Loyalist creditors, and including a partial recovery of freight, insurance, and proAt on the exports. By Anstey’s calculation, the amount owed by the United States exceeded £1,200,000 (enclosures 22 and 27, King to secretary of state, 20 Apr. 1801, DNA: RG 59, DD; asp, Foreign Relations, 2:409-18). According to JeCerson’s notes of the 13 June cabinet meeting (Document ii), he and the department heads agreed to support King’s proposed “sum in gross” of £506,694. It then came to their notice that King, as he mentioned in a ciphered passage in a dispatch of 7 Mch., had “caused it to be understood” to the British that the United States would oCer up to £600,000 sterling. The cabinet agreed to that Agure, and Madison wrote to King on 15 June, instructing him to continue negotiating for a lump-sum settlement not to exceed £600,000. According to Madison, JeCerson thought the British were unlikely to consent to the procedural changes desired by the United States, whereas agreement on a sum to settle the claims would provide “an amicable and Anal adjustment of the controversy.” In July, after receiving a dispatch from King reporting more favorable prospects for resolution of the matter, Madison hoped that it “may be brought to a speedy as well as a Anal issue.” That month also, the State Department received a statement showing that claims in excess of £5,600,000 (or $24,800,000) had been Aled with the commission under Article 6 (see Summary of British Debt Claims, [July 1801 or after]). King continued the negotiation directly with Hawkesbury, and on 8 Jan. 1802 they signed a convention to annul Article 6 and provide for payment of £600,000 ($2,664,000) by the United States to resolve the claims (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:7, 317, 464; Parry, Consolidated Treaty Series, 56:267-71; asp, Foreign Relations, 2:382-3, 419-28; Marshall, Papers, 6:102-4, 121-2).

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I. Notes on King’s and Anstey’s Propositions [ca. 13 June 1801]

Debt due to Gr. Britain. mr King’s proposition Debt from US. to G.B. at commencemt of war 3,040,160 £ sterl. 1: year’s exports from G.B. to US. deduct insolvencies during war 1,520,080 1,520,080 since recovered by creditors 760,040 760,040 interest on that 760,040 1,520,080 O may still be recovered by the Creditors 1,013,386 sum which he oCers to pay 506,694 Mr Anstey’s proposition debt supposed 2. years exports from G.B. to US. 6,541,952 debit due to Loyalists 500,000 freight, insurance mercantile proAt &c. 545,162 7,587,114 deduct L for insolvencies during the war 3,793,557 3,793,557 since recovd by creditors L 1,896,778 1,896,778 interest on that 1,896,778 3,793,557 O may be still recovered by the creditors 2,529,038 sum payable to G.B. 1,264,519 MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 234:41914); undated; entirely in TJ’s hand.

II. Notes on a Cabinet Meeting June 13. at a meeting with the 4. Secretaries at the Secy. of state’s oDce. unanimously agreed that mr King shall be informed that we desire he should conclude the negociation on the subject of the VIth. article as he had begun under former orders, for the sum in gross which he has oCered, to wit 506,694 £ sterl and no more.—afterwds agrd to 600,000. because King hd oCered it < 326>

13 JUNE 1801 MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 112:19297); entirely in TJ’s hand; follows, on same sheet, Notes on a Cabinet Meeting of 17 May.

From Thomas Mann Randolph Th: M. Randolph to Th: Jefferson, June 13. 1801 Your letters to Martha & myself came to us, hers on the 4. mine on the 11. instant. She is much better than I ever knew her to be in her present case tho’ the swelling of the extremities she had in :99 occurrs this time allso. The children enjoy complete health generally but have all taken colds in the late N.E. storm, which appeared on them last night for the Arst time: they will not aCect their health I am satisAed. Geo: JeCerson was with us the begining of this week & gave no accounts from the Hundred such as would be wished. Lillie had begun to work on the Canal & was going on with much spirit but has been compelled by Cravens discontent to return to the new clearing to collect & burn every scattered chunk & grub up every neglected bush in it, alltho’ it was allready done in a manner much better than usual. Lillie would not do this without my interference & I refused untill persons skilled in planting were called to say whether the ground was suDciently cleared: Craven brought Catlitt: it would still have been decided against him but bearing in mind your desire concerning Craven I beged the case might be considered as if he had hired Lillie for so much per acre to prepare Woodland for the colter & it was determined that every piece of half-burnt timber & every bush which had been covered on the Arst grubing by fallen timber should be removed: I was satisAed; for the number of these which might be left behind without hindering tillage might be greater or less according to the worse or better method of tilling practised by those who viewed the ground & therefore to take all away was the only certainty. Not much time has been lost in this & now all goes on as before.—A person by the name of Dillon, (who I understand lives by gaming,) importunes me constantly to ask leave of you for him to collect the Pine knots or lightwood from your Limestone land on Hardware river for the purpose of a Lamp-black work which he is carrying on in the neighbourhood: he says he has this privilege from many & in return pays the taxes of the land in general, tho’ from most gratis. I have told him I was sure you would consent if Cristopher Hudson did; & on the same terms: he applied to Hudson but the reply he received I have not heard. With sincere attachment Th: M. Randolph < 327>

13 JUNE 1801 RC (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); endorsed by TJ as received 17 June and so recorded in SJL. letters to martha & myself: see

TJ to Martha JeCerson Randolph, 28 May, and TJ to Thomas Mann Randolph, 4 June. For a description of the ongoing work on TJ’s mill canal, see Betts, Farm Book, 343; Vol. 31:270-1.

From Joseph T. Scott Sir, Philada. June 13th. 1801 I have, for some time past, been anxious to And an opportunity of presenting you with a copy of my geographical dictionary. The opportunity now oCers, and I embrace it with pleasure. The copy will be delivered to you by Mr. Cumming’s, a respectable magistrate of this State. Your acceptance will be highly gratifying to my wishes. If, by the geographical dictionary, I have contributed to diCuse a more general and correct knowledge of the soil, productions, &c. of our country than has hitherto been done; or if my vindication of the character of the Citizens of the Southern States, will remove those ancient prejudices, lulled by the friendly intercourse of a glorious revolution, but lately awakened by the monkish bigotry of an Eastern geographer, I will consider myself as having fulAlled a share of that duty, which is incumbent on every Citizen who has the opportunity. No doubt you will And many errors in my dictionary; but then, Sir, I have this consolation that I am persuaded your candour will distinguish between those which properly belong to me, and those which are almost unavoidably connected with typography. That your administration may be long, and prosperous, is my sincere wish Accept Sir the fullest assurances of my personal regard Joseph Scott RC (CSmH); endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. Joseph T. Scott engraved maps for Mathew Carey in Philadelphia before producing his own United States Gazetteer in 1795. Tench Coxe furnished data about exports for that work, and Scott also acknowledged other sources of information, including TJ’s Notes on the State of Virginia. In 1796 Scott reissued the Gazetteer’s maps, which he had drawn and engraved himself, as An Atlas of the United States. TJ acquired the Gazetteer and, later, Scott’s Geographical Descrip-

tion of the States of Maryland and Delaware (Philadelphia, 1807), which was part of a projected series, apparently never completed, that Scott hoped would cover all the states and territories (Joseph Scott, The United States Gazetteer [Philadelphia, 1795], v-vi; Walter W. Ristow, American Maps and Mapmakers: Commercial Cartography in the Nineteenth Century [Detroit, 1985], 138, 151, 154; Ben A. Smith and James W. Vining, American Geographers, 1784-1812: A BioBibliographical Guide [Westport, Conn., 2003], 184-5; Sowerby, Nos. 3840, 4022; Scott to TJ, 30 Nov. 1807).

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13 JUNE 1801 geographical dictionary: the Anal volume of Scott’s New and Universal Gazetteer; or, Modern Geographical Dictionary was dated 1800 on the title page but must have appeared in 1801, since the list of subscribers at the end of that volume identiAed TJ as the president of the United States as well as president of the American Philosophical Society. In a long paragraph in the preface to the four-volume work, Scott discussed his harsh assessment of Jedidiah Morse—the eastern geographer mentioned in the letter above. “Had a Hun, a Goth, or a Vandal, risen from the dead,” Scott wrote, “and attempted to draw a national character of the citizens of Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, he could not have misrepresented it more

egregiously than Mr. Morse.” To Morse, Scott averred, “I owe no apology” (Joseph Scott, The New and Universal Gazetteer; or, Modern Geographical Dictionary, 4 vols. [Philadelphia, 1799-1800], 1:viiviii; Sowerby, No. 3840). Scott had written to TJ from Philadelphia on 19 May 1801 to ask consideration for some oDce in the administration. “The activity and energy displayed by those holding oDces, in this state, under the former federal administration, to support its extravagant measures,” Scott wrote, “induce your friends here to believe many removals will take place” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; endorsed by TJ as received 22 May and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.”).

From Samuel Smith Sir Navy Dept. 13th June 1801 Since my last respects of the 5th. May I have endeavoured as much as the pressure of business would permit me to inform myself respecting the Navy yards purchased for the use of the Public. Not being able to And that there was any Law authorising the purchase of Ground for Navy yards—I enquired and am informed that the purchase was understood to be authorised by the following Laws—1st a Law appropriating $50000 for the erecting of two Docks—This Law I And has expired and the fund has reverted into the general funds of the Treasury Department. 2d An act for the augmentation of the Navy authorises the building of six 74 Gun ships—which it is said could not be done without Navy yards—appropriation one Million. 3d. an act authorising the purchase of timber for Naval purposes— and to cause the same to be preserved for the future uses of the Navy—appropriation $200,000— 4th. The late Secretary reported to the last Session of Congress that he had bought six scites for Navy yards—And Congress appropriated $500,000—For the expences attending six seventy four Gun ships and for compleating Navy yards Docks & Wharves—Under this last appropriation it has been believed that the vesting money in the purchase & improvements of the six Navy yards is fully covered—. Being uncertain on this subject and being constantly pressed < 329>

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by other objects, I have declined giving any direction for improvements in any of the Navy yards, except that in Washington, where necessity has compelled me to order the building a Brick Warehouse for the reception and Safe keeping of the stores brought here and transporting from Baltimore. The work heretofore ordered on that yard as well as that of Portsmouth, it is presumed has continued to progress— It appears from the best information that I have been able to procure that the Navy yards in Philadelphia & Newyork are improperly placed—That at Phila. would have been better, had the ground been selected in the Northern Liberties, where such Docks could have been Alled from the Globe Mill—That at Newyork being Axed on Long Island, not more than 8 Miles from the Sea is open to an attack from an Enemy, who might by landing 200 Marines in one night burn the ships & buildings—Kipp’s Bay is thought to be preferable— The Sales of the present property, would I believe purchase the New Scites—The cost on the 5th of May of each was as follows— at Washington 43884.76 Philadelphia 37.000.— Newyork 40000 — Charlestown (M) 40000 — At Norfolk 12000 — Portsmouth (NH) Ground 5500 ç improvements 21195 =26695— The ships of the United States have all arrived except the Constitution and Herald—Many of those intended for Sale are sold, the others are ordered for sale except the George Washington which ship is now taking in her Cargo for Algiers, under the direction of the Secretary of State. The Ships Constitution, Boston, and Chesapeake and Schooner Experiment are intended to relieve the Squadron commanded by Commodore Dale and ought to leave America from the 1st to the 10th Feby next. The Constitution & Boston will be at Boston, the other two at Norfolk. The Adams is said to be a bad ship, she is permitted to remain at Newyork and may if Algiers should declare War, be easily sent from thence to join the Squadron—If Algiers should continue at Peace, she may be sold at Newyork, better than at Washington, should Congress so determine at their next Session—The John Adams and General Green may momently be expected in the Eastern Branch where the United States, Congress and Newyork now lay dismantled— < 330>

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The Peace establishment is nearly compleated—It has been done with much less diDculty than was at Arst expected—On the arrival of the Constitution the whole may be perfected— Marine Barracks suDcient to contain 500 Men including their oDcers are contracted for—For the land. $4000 are to be paid to the Commissioners and the Houses will agreeably to the Contracts made not exceed $16000—being for Land & Barracks about the Sum appropriated— With the highest esteem I have the honor to be Sir your most obt. Servt. S. Smith NB. A Provision Ship for the use of Commodore Dale’s Squadron ought to depart on the 1st August next— RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “Navy yards”; also endorsed by TJ: “Navy yards. Peace establishment.” respects of the 5th. may: Smith probably refers to his letter to TJ of 4 May. The acts appropriating funds for constructing two docks, for the augmentation of the navy, and for the pur-

chase of timber were all passed by Congress on 25 Feb. 1799 (U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:621-2; Gallatin to TJ, 14 Mch. 1801). Benjamin Stoddert’s report to the last session of congress was made 15 Jan. 1801 (jhr, 3:762; Gallatin to TJ, 14 Mch. 1801). The appropriation of $500,000 for expenses attending six 74-gun ships and completing navy yards, docks, & wharves was passed by Congress on 3 Mch. 1801 (U.S. Statutes at Large, 2:122-3).

From John Smyth Sir, Havana 13th. June 1801—: I hope you will pardon the Liberty I take of addressing you—I had the honor of serving the U.S. as a Clerk in the Department of State under Mr. Randolph & a short time prior to his resignation I went to Madeira, of which Island I am a native, & where my Father had been an eminent Merchant, but failed. Upon my return to Philadelphia in 1798, I addressed myself to Colo. Pickering then Secy. of State but was informed there was no vacancy. I was educated in England & France where I was a College Companion of Maxn. Robespierre’s & Lebon. I speak & write Buently the French, Portugueze & Spanish Language, the latter I have perfected myself in, since my residence here of two years.— Mr. Randolph can testify as to my knowledge of the two former Languages. As I wish to return to America & should be happy to serve the US. I take this method Sir of requesting your inBuence in < 331>

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recommending me to a situation as Clerk & Interpreter in the Dept. of State & I Batter myself you will allow the conveniency & utility of having a Clerk in the Dept. of State who is Master of those Languages—Should you honor me with a favorable answer I will immediately repair to the Seat of Government. You will please to address your Letter to John Smyth of Madeira care of the American Consul, Havana— I have the honor to be very respectfully Sir, Your Excellency’s Most Obedient Servant. John Smyth RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); addressed: “The Right Honble. Thomas JeCerson— President of the United States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 July and so recorded in SJL. Smyth, who had served as clerk during Edmund Randolph’s tenure as secretary of state from 1794 to 1795, wrote to Timothy Pickering upon his return to

philadelphia in 1798. State Department clerk Jacob Wagner sent a reply to Smyth dated 27 Sep. 1798, informing him that he did not need his services, recommending him to “place your prospects upon some private employment” if his intention was to remain in America, and reiterating that there was no vacancy for him in the State Department (RC in MHi: Pickering Papers).

Statement of Account with Thomas Claxton 13 June 1801

1801 To Thomas Claxton June 5 To Cash pd. Edward Shoemaker ç 4. as ®. Bill No. 1 6 do. Elisha Fisher Co. No. 2 33.83 10 do. Michael Roberts 3 38.90 12 do. Jane Larimore 4 12. 13 do. Anthony Simmons 5 80.50 do. ditto, 88.75 $257.981 shirts 15. D. 272.98 MS (MHi); in unidentiAed hand, with concluding text in TJ’s hand (see note below); at head of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ. edward shoemaker was a Philadelphia merchant at 127 High or Market Street. An ironmonger by the same name

resided at 337 High or Market Street between 11 and 12 Street. elisha fisher and Co. were merchants at 39 North Front Street. michael roberts, a stationer who ran a fancy-goods store at 87 Chestnut Street, submitted a receipt to Claxton on 10 June for 2 “lamps,” 2 dozen cotton wicks, and 6 “Plated Chamber

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14 JUNE 1801 Candrs.” for a total invoice of $38.90, or £14.11.9. jane larimore, a shopkeeper at 47 South Second Street, also submitted a receipt to Claxton on 12 June for 6 pairs of stockings at 15 shillings a pair totaling £4.10.0 or $12 (both receipts at MHi). anthony simmons was a goldsmith and jeweler, at 44 High or Market Street (StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1801, 11, 13, 14, 23, 55, 90).

On 11 July TJ ordered payment to Claxton for the statement sum of $272.98 for the purchase of “silver & plated wares & sundries” bought for him in Philadelphia (mb, 2:1046). q TJ here presumably canceled “a Handsome Globe Inkstand-40” and the total “$297.98.” Remainder of statement in TJ’s hand.

From Stephen Cathalan, Jr. Sir, Marseilles the 14th. of June 1801— By my last Respects of the 8th & 10th. April, I had the honor of Presenting you my Sincere Congratulations With these of my Whole Family on your Election to the Presidency of the united States, asking from you your Kind Protection to Continue in this Chancery of the United States— I have Since Learned that your Predecessor John Adams Esr. has thought proper to appoint as my Successor to this oDce Mr. William Lee of Boston! I am well Convinced and you wrote it to me when secretary the 26th. August 1790. “That Native Citizens are Arst entitled, when Such of proper character would undertake the Duties.” I Cannot then Complain of the Preference given by your predecessor over me, but Relying however on your Justice and on the friendship you have honoured me with since many years, if I have continued to deserve it. I beg your Reference to my oDcial Letter of This day to the secretary of State by which I ask him as a peculiar Favor from you, If it is yet Possible to be Continued in This oDce also to be honored with the Citizenship of the United States— You Know well That Long ago I desired This Favorable Tittle, that my intention Was to visit your Ane Country, but Was prevented by the duty of my1 oDce, That I had Lodged Money in the United States to purchase Lands and you Sir, having advised to place it in the Bank of the United States, it has been done and Keep it there as a Further Security to my bound for This Consulate and as a safety for The American Citizens who ConAde me Their own Interests or Money. I having already Stated to The Secretary of State my past services as Well as in my preceding Letters to him I will not Trouble you < 333>

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by a Repetition but beg Leave to add That I am ConAdent That after my Father has done Every Thing in his power to serve both Countries of United States and France That I having followed his Example with Zeal, Integrity and Probity, you will take in your Wisdom my Critical Situation and not abandon me as a Bastard of not any Country? With our Sincere Wishes from all my Family for a Long and your Glorious Life and Welfare as Well for you as for your Dear Beloved Country I have the honor to be With Great Respect Sir Your most obedient Humble & devoted servant Stephen Cathalan Junr. RC (DLC); at head of text: “Copy”; addressed: “The hble. Thos. JeCerson Esqr. President of the united States of America Washington-City”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. On 18 Feb., John Adams named william lee commercial agent at Marseilles and Isaac Cox Barnet to the same position at Bordeaux. Although the Senate approved both nominations on 24 Feb., TJ considered them to be midnight appointments. On 3 June he gave Lee the position at Bordeaux in place of Barnet, and on 8 July he restored Cathalan as commercial agent at Marseilles (jep, 1:381, 385; commissions in DNA: RG 59, PTCC; Vol. 33:671, 676; Lee to TJ, [before 9] Mch. 1801). 26th. august 1790: TJ’s letter was a circular of instructions and information for consuls and vice consuls (Vol. 17:4235).

Cathalan’s official letter of 14 June to the secretary of state enclosed copies of communications from James Cathcart at Tripoli and touched on other matters. With regard to his possible continuation in the consular post at Marseilles, Cathalan noted that under the most recent French constitution he had no rights as a citizen, yet he had received no response to his earlier request for United States citizenship (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:316). lodged money in the united states: in 1796, John Mason and Joseph Fenwick, who at the time were in partnership in Georgetown, deposited $6,000 to Cathalan’s account in the Bank of the United States. TJ’s letter advising Cathalan about placing the funds has not been found (Vol. 29:368, 369n). q Cathalan here canceled “Country.”

Opinion on George Walker’s Case June 14. 1801.

On considering the case between the Commissioners and mr George Walker relative to the Semicircular area at the intersection of K. and 17th. streets & the Pensylva & Kentucky avenues, there appear but two ways in which that Area can be disposed of agreeably to law & practice. 1. we may continue the sd. streets & avenues to the Water street. there would then be no reasonable cause for laying out a circular < 334>

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street; consequently there would be considerable triangles or points, which would be to be divided between the public & the proprietors, as building lots. 2. we may assume there a public area. in this case it is proper there should be a circular street round it, and a water street, to give to the town it’s necessary communications: assuming the area within these for public use. this appears to me most advantageous to the city, and is accordingly preferred. consequently this area exclusive of the streets is to be paid for according to the original contract. forming this opinion on such views of the subject as occur to myself, and as yet not suDciently intimate with the aCairs of the city, to be satisAed that I am apprised of all the circumstances which may bear on the question if there are any such unknown to me, which would be strongly against the opinion here given, I should wish to be informed of them, and to suspend the opinion in the mean time Th: Jefferson N (DLC: District of Columbia Papers); in TJ’s hand and signed by him; subjoined to an unsigned order from John Adams to Thomas Beall and John M. Gantt, Feb. 1801 (Tr in same; in William Brent’s hand). On 12 June the District of Columbia Commissioners asked the president to decide whether two plots of land, formerly owned by george walker, should be appropriated for public use. The commissioners referred TJ to information on the Walker case that they had submitted to John Adams on 13 Feb. 1801 (RC in DLC, in Brent’s hand, signed by William Thornton, Alexander White, and Tristram Dalton, at foot of text: “President of the United States,” endorsed by TJ as received 12 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “Case with Walker”; FC in DNA: RG 42, DCLB). White wrote to TJ on 13 June, “I obtained from the ODce of State the papers alluded to in the Commissioners letter of yesterday, except my letter to the late President, which the Clerk could not And,—although he found the papers accompanying it, all which are now enclosed with a copy of that letter” (RC in DLC; at foot of text: “President of the U. States”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 June and “Walker” and so recorded in SJL with notation “Walker’s case”).

By the terms of the original contract of 30 Mch. 1791, between the proprietors of land within the Federal District and the commissioners, the proprietors conveyed land to trustees who would oversee its sale as city lots. Proprietors retained use of the lots until the land was sold or appropriated for public use by the president. For appropriated land, the government would compensate the original owners £25 per acre, excluding streets. In June 1791, Walker conveyed land to trustees Thomas Beall and John Mackall Gantt by the terms of the 30 Mch. agreement (Bryan, National Capital, 1:134; Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 8:24-5, 309n; Nicholas King to TJ, 28 May). In their letter of 13 Feb., the commissioners explained to Adams that the two plots of land that Walker claimed payment for, as land appropriated to the U.S., were not approved for appropriations in 1798. The commissioners also recommended acceptance of most of the two plots for public use (RC in DLC: District of Columbia Papers; in Brent’s hand, signed by Thornton and William Cranch). TJ’s opinion, printed above, focused on the second plot of land, which was located at the termination of Pennsylvania and Kentucky Avenues at the Eastern Branch of the Potomac River. Money had been raised to build a bridge

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14 JUNE 1801 at this location, which probably lent particular urgency to TJ’s decision (Bryan, National Capital, 1:324, 426-7). On 17 June the commissioners wrote TJ and presented him with an order “to appropriate the two parcels of ground which have been under your consideration; the last mentioned being described agreeably to the ideas expressed in your communication of the 14th Instant, except that no reservation of a water street is made—this we did under an impression that the Government may lay out a water

street more convenient than the one now designated” (RC in DLC, in Brent’s hand, signed by Thornton, White, and Dalton, at foot of text: “President of the United States,” endorsed by TJ as received 17 June and “Area at Bridge” and so recorded in SJL; FC in DNA: RG 42, DCLB). TJ signed the order the same day (MS in DLC: District of Columbia Papers, in a clerk’s hand, signed by TJ and Madison; FC in DNA: RG 59, MPTPC; FC in DNA: RG 42, DCLB).

From Madame de Tessé a Lumigné 25 prairéal an 9 14 juin

j’aurois cru, Monsieur, manquer a la delicatesse dont vous oCrés le modele dans votre obligeante lettre du 19 mars si je vous avois Rapellé mon souvenir entouré des crêpes de la Revolution et de tout ce que la foiblesse opprimée presente de penible et de Revoltant a la compassion d’une âme genereuse. aussitôt que je vous ai su a votre place et que je suis Rentrée a la mienne je vous ai adressé l’hommage d’un coeur sensible et Reconnoissant. mr. de La Fayette s’est chargé du soin de vous le faire parvenir. je jouissois déja depuis quelque temps du plaisir de parler de vous avec mr. Short qui a Retrouvé sa plus ancienne amie dans les mêmes habitudes et qui l’attache tous les jours davantage par son heureux naturel et son excellent esprit et vous pouvés vous souvenir quil me croioit digne de vivre en amerique—magniAque eloge d’une femme Françoise. on ne peut distinguer ce que souCre un homme public dans les convulsions qui agitent ou menacent seulement sa patrie. on sait seulement quil ne peut être heureux puisque l’agitation est opposee au bonheur et qu’une indiCerence absolue a la calomnie ne se Rencontre Guère dans une âme sensible a la Bienveillance. je nai donc pu juger votre situation pendant ces deux dernieres années, car je n’ai pas ete a portee de Lire le chapitre des compensations sans lequel on se meprend toujours dans l’estimation du bonheur ou du malheur d’autrui. un petit cercle d’idées appliquées a des occupations domestiques, et une âme trop foible pour supporter l’injustice sans un peu de Revolte, voilà ce que vous avés vu en moi, Monsieur, pendant mon exil et ce qui a merité votre compassion Lorsque la vie la plus simple et la < 336>

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plus Retirée n’a point empèché qu’on ne me persecute pour avoir manifesté des sentimens de justice, qu’on apelle Genereux ou insensés suivant qu’on se trouve plus ou moins eloigné de la veritable estimation des choses. on nous a contraints de quitter le plus beau païs de la nature, le climat le plus favorable a ma santé, la Suisse enAn, de traverser toute l’allemagne dans le terrible hyver de 1795 et d’aller chercher un azile aux bords de la Baltique. j’ai epuisé dans ce voyage le peu de forces qui me Restoient et mon âge dejà avancé s’est opposé a leur Rétablissement. tel est le côté deplorable de ma situation hors de France, mais si j’en considere un autre, je suis prête a Refuser la compassion et a me dire heureuse si lidée du bonheur pouvoit s’allier sans impieté avec ces temps desastreux. je ne manquois d’aucune des necessités de la vie, le gout de la campagne Raproche des hommes qui vivent de leur travail ou d’un mince Revenu. j’etois plus instruite dans l’economie domestique que la pluspart de mes semblables. j’étois mieux preparée a en user parceque mon coeur avoit sacriAé a la Revolution avant dêtre Depouillé par elle. j’oubliai les sassafras et les magnolias pour les carottes et les oignons. il ne me fut pas plus diDcile de braver l’ardeur du soleil pour inspecter mes vignerons que pour abriter vos arbres du nord de l’amerique et je trouvai ainsi une occupation de mon gout d’autant plus interessante pour moi quelle m’aidoit a faire vivre plus commodement ceux qui m’environnoient. je pourrois me dire avec quelque Raison plus a plaindre aujourd’huy. je n’ai pu trouver jusqu’ici d’habitation champêtre qui convienne a mon gout, a mon âge et a mes facultés. tout est vendu et presqu’entierement detruit. ce qui reste de châville passé en d’autres mains me suDroit encor neanmoins. mais je le vois sans Regret. je ne pourrois l’habiter sans melancolie. je dois donc m’en eloigner. je ne Renonce pas a planter a semer même si je puis habiter a une distance de Paris qui permette d’esperer quelque proAt d’une pepiniere, car mon etablessement doit être dirégé vers l’utilité d’autrui pour exciter mon interêt. mon projet est donc de chercher en amerique une personne qui puisse m’envoier tous les ans non pas une caisse de graines assorties, mais une Livre de graines de Tulipiers, celles du cedre Rouge, du baumier de Gilead dans la même proportïon, de vos noix les plus Rustiques de vos beaux cornouillers &c &c. toutes les pepinieres ont ete detruites dans la Revolution. il est temps de Anir. je sens même que l’interêt trop Batteur dont vous m’avés adressé le temoignage m’a entrainée trop loin dans le < 337>

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compte que je vous ai Rendu, Monsieur, de celle qui sera toute sa vie penetrée pour vous de la plus profonde estime et du plus sincere attachement Noailles Tessé mon mari qui n’a pas cessé un instant de partager mon sort et mes aCections partage mon extrême Reconnoissance et vous supplie d’agreer son Respectueux attachement. e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

At Lumigné, 25th Prairéal Year 9, 14 June I should have felt, Sir, that I was lacking in that elegance of which you present the model in your kind letter of March 19th if I had presented myself to your memory surrounded by the mourning veils of the Revolution and everything painful and revolting that oppressed weakness may show to the compassion of a noble soul. As soon as I knew you were in your place and I had returned to mine, I addressed to you the tribute of a sensitive and grateful heart. Monsieur de Lafayette took on the responsibility of transmitting it to you. I had already been enjoying the pleasure of speaking about you with Mr. Short, who found once more his oldest friend with the same habits and who endears himself to her with his cheerful character and his excellent wit, and you may remember that he thought me worthy to live in America, splendid praise for a Frenchwoman. One cannot discern what a man in public life suCers in the convulsions that upset, or merely threaten his fatherland. One knows only that he cannot be happy since unrest is the opposite of happiness, and that an absolute indiCerence to calumny is rarely found in a soul sensitive to kindness. I have not been able to judge your situation during these last two years, for I have not had the capacity to read the chapter of the rewards, without which one is always mistaken in estimating the happiness or unhappiness of another. A small range of ideas applied to domestic occupations, and a soul too weak to withstand injustice without being somewhat incensed, that is what you saw in me, Sir, during my exile, and which was deserving of your compassion, when the simplest and most withdrawn life did not prevent my being persecuted for having manifested feelings of justice, which are called noble or mad, depending on one’s proximity to, or distance from, a true evaluation of things. We were forced to leave the most beautiful country in nature, the most favorable climate for my health, Switzerland in sum, to cross through all of Germany during the terrible winter of 1795, and to seek out a refuge on the shores of the Baltic. I exhausted on those travels the little strength I had left, and my already advanced age was opposed to its recovery. Such is the appalling side of my situation outside of France, but if I consider another side, I am ready to refuse compassion and to say that I am happy, if the idea of happiness could, without impiety, be linked with these disastrous times. I was lacking none of the necessities of life; the taste of the country brings together men who live by their labor or on a slender income. I was more learned in domestic economy than the majority of my kind. I was better prepared to make use of it, because my heart had made sacriAce to the

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15 JUNE 1801 Revolution before being stripped by it. I put out of my mind the sassafras and magnolia trees in favor of carrots and onions. It was no more diDcult for me to stand up to the heat of the sun to inspect my vineyards than to shelter your trees from North America, and I thus found an occupation even more interesting to my taste in that it helped me to make those around me live more comfortably. I could say with some reason that I am more to be pitied today. I have until now been unable to And a country home that suits my taste, my age, and my faculties. Everything is sold and almost entirely destroyed. What remains of Chaville, which has gone into other hands, would nevertheless be suDcient for me. But I see it without regret. I could not live there without melancholy. I must therefore remove myself from it. I do not give up planting and even sowing if I can live at a distance from Paris that would permit me to hope for some proAt from a nursery, for my establishment must be directed towards the utility of others in order to arouse my interest. My plan, then, is to And a person in America who can send me every year not just a case of assorted seed, but a pound of seeds of tulip trees, of red cedar, of balm of Gilead in the same proportion, some of your most rustic walnuts, some of your beautiful dogwoods, etc., etc. All of the nurseries were destroyed in the Revolution. It is time to Anish. I even feel that the evidence of the too Battering interest that you showed me has carried me away too far in the account I have drawn up for you, Sir, concerning the one who will be all her life imbued with the deepest esteem and the most sincere aCection for you. Noailles Tessé My husband, who has not ceased for a moment to share my fate and my aCections, shares my extreme gratefulness, and begs you to accept his respectful fondness. RC (MoSHi: JeCerson Papers); addressed: “a Monsieur JeCerson president des etats unis”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. 1801 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosed in Lafayette to TJ, 21 June.

mr. de la fayette: for the brief news about Madame de Tessé that TJ received from Lafayette, see Vol. 32:430. châville: concerning the gardens that Madame de Tessé had developed on her property at Chaville, see TJ’s letter of 19 Mch. 1801.

From Albert Gallatin Sir, Treasury Department June 15th. 1801 Enclosed I have the honour of transmitting for your consideration, the Copy of a Letter from the Collector for the District of Delaware, concerning a transaction, which appears to aCect the conduct of Capt. Melony of the United States Ship of War the Ganges.— I have the honour to be very respectfully Sir, Your obedient Servant Albert Gallatin < 339>

15 JUNE 1801 RC (DLC); in clerk’s hand, signed by Gallatin; at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received on 15 June and “Malowney’s case” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Allen McLane to Gallatin, Collector’s ODce, District of Delaware, 12 June 1801, reporting that the ship Ganges, Captain John Mullowny (Melony), arriving from Cuba, anchored in his district on 7 June and the next day two merchants from Havana with boxes and trunks were observed leaving the ship and on 9 June two more merchants with trunks and boxes were landed at New Castle; that ships of war were not required to register with the customs oDce because it was assumed only public stores were carried, but that not being the case in this instance, McLane recommended that the collection law be “extended to passengers arriving in Ships of War” and to compel the captains of those ships transporting merchants from foreign countries “to report them to the Chief ODcer of the Customs

of the District where they wish to land them previous to their unlading their packages &c” (Tr in same). letter from the collector: evidently TJ immediately sent McLane’s letter to Henry Dearborn, who informed Captain Mullowny the same day that he had received word that several passengers from the Ganges, along with boxes and trunks, were allowed to land on 8 and 9 June without notifying the Delaware collector. On 20 June, Dearborn forwarded McLane’s letter to Samuel Smith at Baltimore, where the passengers who left the Ganges were staying. Smith immediately deposed all of the passengers and concluded that nothing “improper was done in permitting them to land.” On 25 June, Dearborn informed Mullowny that the passengers on the Ganges had “unequivocally” exonerated him from the “suspicions of improper Conduct entertained” by the Delaware collector (ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 253, 257, 261-2).

From Levi Lincoln Sir Worcester June 15th; 1801 It is from duty and inclination that I now write. After some accidental & unexpected delays on the road, I reached this place in health. Through the upper parts of Maryland & Pennsylvania, it is obvious that the federal cause is considered by it’s leaders as ruined, the sentiments of the people as changed & fast changing, in favor of the new order of things; and that these leaders from a dispair of regaining their former consequence, are vexed & mortiAed beyond measure. Their object is to embarrass & in case of the republicans being divided in their elections or other measures, to throw their weight into the lightest scale and thereby to produce a partial disappointment. The Subject of removals I found every where the most common political topic of conversation, connected with that of appointments; vague reports and individual clamour had clothed the subject with many false circumstances, & ascribed to it principles & motives which never existed. It is for time to refute eCectually the suggestions of prejudice & party, and it certainly will do it. At New-York I was mortiAed at Anding that the appointment of Barnes had been arraigned as < 340>

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improper in point of policy & unsuitable in respect to the person. It was said, it would have been as well, to have continued Green and much better to have commissioned Howell. Such representations had also been made to the vice President. An explanation I believe gave perfect satisfaction & Mr. Green who had lived in the State of RhodeIsland & was well acquainted with the professional characters in that place & who at Arst was the most dissatisAed acknowledged under all circumstances a better appointment could not be made. I hope & I think I may venture to pledge myself that you will have no reason to regret the advancement of Barnes I have seen Mr. Russell a warm Republican & as a representave of that party from the town of Providence, as also Mr. Barnes himself: Mr. Russell’s wishes were, which he also states to be the wishes of his republican friends to have had Barnes continued the Attorney & Howell made the Judge. it is agreed that they have both been federalists & that the latter wrote zealously in favor of Mr. Adam’s Election. If the appointments were both open & to be made, the warm Republicans, & I presume merely from feeling would not be satisAed but in the appointment of Howell as Judge. They both in future will attach themselves to the Government & be steady & warm supporters of your Administration. It is impossible that Barnes should fail after what has passed, & been said on the subject. Some warm Republicans are desirous that Howell should now be appointed district Attorney, & at the next session of the Senate exchange oDces with the district Judge. probably you may have received letters from Providence to this purport. It is happy in my opinion, that the appointment of judge is made as thereby the embarrassment from conBicting recommendations may be avoided & the feelings of friends saved. At a Court of Common Pleas the last week I had an opportunity of consulting with several Gentlemen of the Bar who are well acquainted with both Barnes & Howell. The result has removed all doubts from my mind on the subject. I am satisAed to make Howell district Attorney & to continue all the old oDcers will give the most satisfaction, be most useful to the General & State Governments & have the best tendency to reconcile parties & to win over, the opposition. I inclose a letter1 from Mr. Brown on the above subject merely for inspection, I wish it was as easy to make the arrangements in Connecticut. Col. Burr is decided on the necessity & utility of the proposed removals. I missed all of2 the Connecticut Gentlemen on my way home. When I passed through New-Haven, Edwards & Bishop were at Hartford, before I had reached that place they had left it as had Kirby, Granger, & Wolcott. In conversation with some Republicans at Hartford, < 341>

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where I spent a day, they stated it as their decided opinion, that the violent federal leaders would continue inBexible in their opposition to the principles & measures of the new Administration, that nothing would force or allure them, to a cordial support of it; that they would keep united with the clergy, in the hope of eCecting a return to the old system at the next election & that it was necessary to break down their inBuence by informing & seperating the people from them— A few days after my arrival at Worcester Mr. Bishop came on, with a letter of introduction from Mr. Edwards, his business was to converse on the peculiar situation of parties in his state & on the expediency & necessity of some oDcial arrangements there. He made very strong statements & assigned many reasons of weight in favor of immediate removals. I endeavoured to convince him of the safety & utility of a postponement especially in reference to it’s eCects on other States. He appeared to be candid, not violent, but decided; & returned in some degree reconciled to the idea of a postponement. Since my interview I have received the letter from Mr. Edwards & others, a copy of which I forward & which states in substance the facts & reasonings of Mr. Bishop on the same subject. Mr. Wolcott had previously called on me in his way from Boston, who repeated & conArmed the statements & observations of Mr. Bishop, but with more zeal & determinedness. He appears to be a person of learning, discretion & of a strong mind, but very warm in politics. I have been convinced from conversation with these Gentlemen & others, that it will be necessary to make the proposed removals in Connecticut, at some future time,3 in accomodation to the particular circumstances of that State, & the great merits of the Republicans there, & their strong feelings & sentiments on the subject. But when, & in what manner, whether gradually, or at once, are questions likewise of some importance. I have delayed writing from a desire of seing Mr Granger Arst who as I had been informed was making a journey through Vermont & New-Hampshire & meant to call on me in his way home. I spent yesterday with him, his health is much improved & his conAdence strengthened in the prevalence of republicanism from his journey. I shew him the letter from Edwards & his other friends. He says all the principal Republicans in the State have signed it excepting two or three who are also in the same sentiments & he agrees fully with those Gentlemen except on the necessity & expediency of immediate removals. I have been thus particular, & I fear tedious, from a desire of possessing you, as fully as was in my power of the circumstances which attached themselves to a very diDcult business & < 342>

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which I knew hung with weight on your mind. From all I have learnt observed & learnt & from the most mature consideration of the subject: I am inclined to think it will be best that the proposed removals should take place but not at present, not all at once, but gradual, perhaps in the course of a year, if they should take place all at once & immediately, they would appear more like the eCect of resentment & a persecution for a past political diCerence of opinion than a provision for the beneAt of Government, from an attention to the merits & circumstances of a particular case. The friends & connections of the several oDcers if united & stimulated to action at once by a common cause would make a much greater impression on the public mind, than if acting under partial & seperate excitements in point of time. Whatever may be the eCects of general and speedy removals in the State of Connecticut, I am sure they would not be salutary in the other Eastern States. I think, Sir, time will be constantly releiving & aiding you in this delicate & diDcult business. It is happy, in my opinion, that as yet your removals have been so few & on reasons so fully justifying the measure. Opportunity has been given to individuals to evince their disposition to aCord to the administration of government their practical support. A total deAciency of this disposition, or of the appearance of it is satisfactory proof under existing circumstances of a state of hostility. It is not in the nature of things that a good Citizen or a good oDcer under the government should hear it railed at & outrageously abused without endeavouring to vindicate it & to silence the abuse. The most that the Connecticut incumbents can say, or their friends for them, is, that they have done nothing. This is their fault, their nonfesance is a misfesance. Their friends clamour against the administration, they acquesce, clamour against removals, they join in the noise, this proves they have a common cause. The President cannot administer the government alone, the subordinate oDcers do but half their duty, if they withdraw their inBuence & assistance. It is impious to make use of the inBuence derived from oDce to oppose & endanger the Administration under which the oDce is held. The Constitution has placed certain oDces at the will of the Executive, that it might remove them when necessary for the public good, and it certainly is necessary when Government suCers or is in danger from the opposition of a large proportion of it’s own oDcers. The political state of this part of the Country is much as I expected to And it: the violent of the federal party malicious, clamorous, false; the moderate thoughtful, inquisitive, prudent, the whole opposition < 343>

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corroded, depressed, wasting, and the body of the people rising to light, information, independence, & exertion. They have begun to scold at their priest, & the priest to pray for the oDcers of the Government. I have not as yet been at Boston; shall be there in a few days. I am told in a large collection of Gentlemen at Boston, Judge Ellsworth being present, Mr. H: observed it was time to begin their arrangments for the next election & to take measures to secure Pinkney & King against President & vice President & that, on this, Mr. Ellsworth checked him suddenly, & observed that every good Citizen would endeavour to promote the reelection of the existing President, that a government of the people not of a party was necessary to the prosperity & happiness of the Country— I beleive it would be useful to send on Mr. Lee’s commission &c as attorney for the District of Maine & at the same time Mr. Blake’s. Our Legislature rises this week. The federalist have numbers in both houses & nothing else. They are spiritless have failed of getting Ames & Sedgwick into the Council & have been obliged to yeild to the choice of Skinner as Major-General. they have made the most of their implicating speech, escort, song & toast notwithstanding will close the session with less federalism than they commenced it— I inclose also a letter I have received from Mr. Randolph tho’ the matter referred to has probably been adjusted before this time. I had some doubts of the propriety of forwarding a copy of the letter from Connecticut, but from an idea that, it might be useful, I have been induced to do it. You will be pleased after having perused to burn it. I have the honor to be Sir with the sincerest friendship most respectfully your Hum Servt. Levi Lincoln RC (DLC); at head of text: “President of the United States”; in a clerk’s hand, complimentary closing, signature, and one alteration in Lincoln’s hand (see note 3 below); with notation by TJ in margin (see note 1 below); endorsed by TJ as received 25 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Pierpont Edwards, Ephraim Kirby, Joseph Willcox, William Judd, Jonathan Bull, Nicoll Fosdick, Enoch Parsons, Hezekiah Huntington, Elisha Hyde, and 15 others to Lincoln, dated Hartford, Connecticut, 11 June 1801, following up on letters from Edwards and Gideon Granger to the president and arguing at length that the “peculiar state of politics in Connecticut” makes removals from oDce in that state “absolutely Nec-

essary to the progress of republicanism” due to the Federalists’ control of the General Assembly and an entrenched “system of persecution & abuse”; that while a conciliatory policy might be appropriate elsewhere, retention of Federalists in oDce in Connecticut will mean “the Certain ruin of republicanism” there at a time when Republicans are beginning to organize committees at the state, county, and town levels; and that by displacing Federalists, TJ can cast oC “the unmerited reproach of indecision & timidity,” although the writers acknowledge that TJ and Lincoln must shape their policy in light of larger political considerations and that “the good of the cause” may not allow Connecticut’s Republicans to prevail on this

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15 JUNE 1801 point (Tr in DLC; entirely in a clerk’s hand, probably the same hand as the letter printed above). Other enclosures not found. their priest: Timothy Dwight, who at the time was the president of Yale, was sometimes denounced as “the Pope of Connecticut” (Gazette of the United States, 19 May 1801; anb). mr. h: apparently Stephen Higginson, Sr. (see Theodore Foster to TJ, 21 July). Late in July, TJ approved Silas lee’s commission as U.S. attorney for Maine and George blake’s as the attorney for Massachusetts (Vol. 33:677; Samuel A. Otis to TJ, 11 Mch. 1801).

Tompson J. skinner, a Republican who was a militia general and held a variety of civil oDces in his career, was Theodore Sedgwick’s primary political rival in western Massachusetts (Paul Goodman, The Democratic-Republicans of Massachusetts: Politics in a Young Republic [Cambridge, Mass., 1964], 79-80; Arthur Latham Perry, Williamstown and Williams College [New York, 1899], 71-2, 138, 161-3). q Notation by TJ in margin in pencil: “not inclosed.” r MS: “of all.” s Phrase modiAed in Lincoln’s hand from “at the same time.”

From James Monroe Sir, Richmond June 15th 1801. I enclose you a resolution of the General Assembly of this Commonwealth, of the last session, by which it is made my duty to correspond with you on the subject of obtaining by purchase lands without the limits of this state, to which persons obnoxious to the laws or dangerous to the peace of society may be removed. This resolution was produced by the conspiracy of the slaves which took place in this city and neighborhood last year, and is applicable to that description of persons only. The idea of such an acquisition was suggested by motives of humanity, it being intended by means thereof to provide an alternate mode of punishment for those described by the resolution, who under the existing law might be doomed to suCer death. It was deemed more humane, and it is hoped would be found in practice not less expedient, to transport such oCenders beyond the limits of the state. It seems to be the more obvious intention of the Legislature, as inferred from the resolution, to make the proposed acquisition of land, in the vacant western territory of the United States, but it does not appear to me to preclude one without the limits of the Union. If a friendly power would designate a tract of country within its jurisdiction, either on this continent or a neighboring Island, to which we might send such persons, it is not improbable the Legislature might prefer it. In any event an alternative could not otherwise than be desirable, since after maturely weighing the conditions, and < 345>

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advantages of each position the Legislature might still prefer that which appeared to it most eligible. It is proper to remark that the latter part of the resolution which proposes the removal of such persons as are dangerous to the peace of society may be understood as comprizing many to whom the preceding member does not apply. Whether the Legislature intended to give it a more extensive import, or rather whether it contemplated removing from the Country any but culprits who were condemned to suCer death, I will not undertake to decide. But if the more enlarged construction of the resolution is deemed the true one, it furnishes in my opinion, a strong additional motive, why the Legislature, in disposing of this great concern should command an alternative of places. As soon as the mind emerges, in contemplating the subject, beyond the contracted scale of providing a mode of punishment for oCenders, vast and interesting objects present themselves to view. It is impossible not to revolve in it, the condition of those people, the embarrassment they have already occasioned us, and are still likely to subject us to. We perceive an existing evil which commenced under our colonial system, with which we are not properly chargeable, or if at all not in the present degree, and we acknowledge the extreme diDculty of remedying it. At this point the mind rests with suspense, and surveys with anxiety obstacles which become more serious as we approach them. It is in vain for the Legislature to deliberate on the subject, in the extent of which it is capable, with a view to adopt the system of policy which appears to it most wise and just, if it has not the means of executing it. To lead to a sound decision and make the result a happy one, it is necessary that the Aeld of practicable expedients be opened to its election, on the widest possible scale. Under this view of the subject I shall be happy to be advised by you whether a tract of land in the Western territory of the United States can be procured for this purpose, in what quarter, and on what terms? And also whether any friendly power will permit us to remove such persons within its limits, with like precision as to the place and conditions? It is possible a friendly power may be disposed to promote a population of the kind referred to, and willing to facilitate the measure by co-operating with us in the accomplishment of it. It may be convenient for you to sound such powers especially those more immediately in our neighborhood, on the subject, in all the views which may appear to you to be suitable. You will perceive that I invite your attention to a subject of great < 346>

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delicacy and importance, one which in a peculiar degree involves the future peace, tranquility and happiness of the good people of this Commonwealth. I do it however in a conAdence, you will take that interest in it, which we are taught to expect from your conduct through life, which gives you so many high claims to our regard. with great respect I have the honor to be your most obt. servant Jas. Monroe RC (DLC); in clerk’s hand; closing and signature in Monroe’s hand; endorsed by TJ as received 18 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “place for transportn.” FC (Vi: Executive Letterbook); in the same clerk’s hand; at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson, President of the United States.” Enclosure: Resolution of the Virginia House of Delegates, 31 Dec. 1800, “that the Governor be requested to correspond with the president of the United States on the subject of puchasing lands without the limits of this State, whither persons obnoxious to the laws or dangerous to the peace of society may be removed” (Tr in DLC: TJ Papers,

119:20520; in hand of William Wirt, signed by him as clerk of the House of Delegates, and mistakenly dated by him 31 Dec. 1801; at foot of text: “Jany. 3. 1801. Passed the Senate”; endorsed by Wirt: “Resolution relative to the purchase of lands”). In January 1801, the Virginia General Assembly passed a law authorizing the eviction, by sale, of condemned slaves. That measure required the purchaser to give bond guaranteeing that the slave would be transported outside the United States; see Vol. 32:145n.

From James Monroe Sir, Richmond 15th. June 1801. I communicated to you, when I had last the pleasure to see you, that during the late conspiracy of the slaves in this state, I had, by advice of the Council, ordered a guard, consisting of a subaltern and suitable number of men over the deposit of Arms and military Stores of the United States at New London, which would be continued until you had made some disposition of those Arms, which might secure them from the slaves. Permit me to bring this subject to your recollection, and to request that you will be so good as direct that the pay and expence of this guard be discharged by the United States, which you readily assented was properly chargeable to them. A like expence which was incurred in guarding a number of Arms of the United States in Manchester it is hoped will be allowed to the state. I shall cause an account of this latter expenditure to be made out and transmitted to the department of War. With great respect I have the honor to be Sir &c. Jas. Monroe. < 347>

15 JUNE 1801 FC (Vi: Executive Letterbook); in a clerk’s hand; follows, in Lb, the preceding document; at head of text: “The same.” Recorded in SJL as received 18 June, with notation “guards.”

In November 1800, following the discovery of plans for a slave revolt, TJ advised Monroe that U.S. arms and ammunition stored at new london, Virginia, should be protected (Vol. 32:248).

From Jesse S. Zane Sir Wilmington June the 15th. 1801 The liberty I have taken in sending you the Inclos’d, will I hope And an excuse in the purity of the Motive; It is the copy of a letter receiv’d by Judge Johns of new Castle (one of the late Electors for President & vice President in this state) from the Person whose signature it bears, I believe with a hope to InBuence his vote on that occasion. You having agreeably to the wishes of the good people of the United States Accepted the oDce of Chief Magistrate, and having a very trying & arduous task to perform, it must be peculiarly gratefull to your feelings at this time, to recognise such sentiments as those contain’d in the enclosed Copy, Bowing at that time Spontaneous from the pen of a man in the humble walks of private life, & who has from the nature of his calling (till laterly) been debared the opportunity of even a common intercourse with literary Society The general opinion is that Alen McLane the present Collector of the Customs here, will most assuredly be remov’d from oDce for improper Conduct, & it is believed that Captn. Thos Mendenhall has in some way made application to you for that place in case of such an event; and it is the general wish of the Republican part of the Community here that he may obtain the appointment: But his extreeme backwardness in seeking the friendly aid of those who would give weight to his application, has exerted Considerable Solicitude in the Minds of some of his best friends, least his mere Modesty should defeat his object, & their wishes;—his objections are that “he cannot think of ever presenting a recommendation, for a place that is not vacant.” If I had the pleasure of a personal acquaintance, or could expect my Interest to have weight with you, I might with propriety give it him in advanc; but as such weight & inBuence does not attach to an unknown private Citizen; and knowing by accident of this letter, and conceiving it the best and only way of shewing you, the Mind of the Man, I procured a Copy in conAdence, & have enclosed it for that purpose; well assured, that Talents & Merit, when discovered will be < 348>

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countenanced by you, however unadorned by birth or fortune; in the present case Thos. Mendenhall is not below Mediocrity in either. My inexperience in adressing oDcial Characters, will I hope apologise for the Awkwardness of this; and as no selAsh Motive has induced me to intrude on you, I may hope you will the more readily pardon the liberty I have taken, as perhaps I shall never again Commit the like trespass. If I have indulg’d a false sensibility & have Appreciated too highly the Merits of the inclos’d Copy, you alone are witness of my imbecility, it is a subject on which I could take no council, & if I have ered your liberality will I am convinced, make the necessary Allowance. I pray you Sir accept the present assurances of My Regard, & believe me most Sincerely your Friend & Hbl Servt. Jesse S Zane RC (DLC); addressed: “The Honorable Thomas JeCerson President of the United States Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 Jun. and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC. Mendenhall.” Enclosure: Thomas Mendenhall to Kensey Johns, 17 Nov. 1800, enumerating the reasons he preferred TJ to the other presidential candidates: “1st. he is a Phi-

losopher, & a Statesman. 2nd. he is a Friend to the whole Human race. 3rd. he has no local prejudices, Political or Religious. 4th. he would unite, solace, and perfectly heal the wounds of the Body politic,—and such a President would be the pride and glory of America” (Tr in same).

From David Austin Tuesy: Eveng 16. June 1801

Mr. Austin begs liberty to lay before the President the enclosed instrument; trusting that viewed with a candid eye; it may serve to aid the President’s conceptions of the just & rational method of introducing that paciAc estate, for which the Nations wait, & for the dawnings of which the Zion of God, daily sends up her prayers. There are many, who have hoped for the opening prospect, in the administration of Mr. JeCerson— With all due submission. D. Austin P.S. If the matter should need any illucida: Mr: A will be at the President’s call: if the matter be passed by: as the President observed, “Providence will have to seek other means of manifestation”— RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); addressed: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 16 June and so recorded in SJL

with notation “S”; also endorsed by TJ: “refd. to Secy. of state. Th:J.” Enclosure: see below.

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16 JUNE 1801 Austin enclosed an eight-page “Proclamation by the President of the United States of North America, on a plan of paciAcation; through the medium of a Commercial fœderalism, between the United States of America, and all nations and people disposed to give their hand to the paciAc design.” In order to distribute “the diCusive benevolence of the Great Creator” among all nations, Austin’s proclamation called for a “system of proceeding” based on unqualiAed commercial reciprocity. All American diplomatic agents were to be recalled immediately and the U.S. would cease paying tribute to the Barbary powers. Future depredations by the Barbary states would be suppressed by a coalition of oCended nations, which was also ready to receive “as brethren of the tribes of the Earth” and to extend a hand to “the descendants of our Brother Ishmael” should the opportunity arise. American vessels were to trade only with nations that had adopted paciAc principles and would acquiesce to any conditions and port charges set by them. No support would be given to those who “trade in blood” and slave traders were to be “left to the mercy of any who may have

it in their power to arrest them.” Convoys would protect trade with the West Indies. If “foreign convulsions” forced the abandonment of these measures, the president would embargo all U.S. ships and property until the results of such convulsions were known. The U.S. would not participate in foreign wars nor pay tribute to “free-booters” to protect their trade, and stood prepared to repel any aggression against its territory. To promote these policies, the president would rely on “humane & benevolent principles incident to our natures,” rather than “the exertion of artiAcial force.” On the fourth of July, to commemorate independence and the “political ‘passover’ of the Nation,” the president would invite all Americans “to consider themselves as called, in providence, to announce the approach, & even to swell the sound of that National Jubilee, which now opens, & which in its progress, is calculated to give Universal display to the Empire of ‘the Prince of Peace’ ” (MS in DNA: RG 59, LAR; in Austin’s hand). The proclamation later appeared in the 24 July 1801 issue of the Washington Federalist.

From David Austin Washington June 16th. 1801.

That the President may not be at the trouble of demanding farther explanations, the following considerations are submitted, in aid to the general paciAc design. 1. That the event contemplated is looked for, to arrise from some quarter, by all the world, needs no conArmation. The Earth and the Heavens are moved to discover from what quarter, this beneAcence to the sons of men shall come. 2. No Potentate on Earth possesses more paciAc powers, & I trust there is no one of readier mind to acts of beneAcence than the President of the United States. 3. In the order of revolving providence, he is placed on the summit of the Arst National Mount that is cleared of the froth of revolutionary operations. 4. In him, as in a glass, is to be seen the example that must reBect < 350>

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to others, the light of an administration, that God will own, bringing Peace on earth & good will to men. 5. The Nation over which the President rules is waiting a gift from his hand. The old stores are exhausted: a new supply of matter is required for the appetite of the approaching fourth of July. Nothing could be more timely, as it respects the National expectation; the opening Œra: the hope of Zion, & the joy of the World, than an happy issue to the question now in hand. There will be a vacuum if the President fails to open his hand. In regard to the subject matter of the proclamation the President will observe. 1. That Commercial Waters form the sea on wh. the Ships of the belligerent powers now move. To this tumultuous & unnatural & useless swelling the President is capable to speak peace so far as his trident extends, & others will learn to quiet their own waters upon the same principles & from the same happy example. Our Nation, as a body, would rejoice in the retrograde operation, either as their ears would cease to be stunned with lists of Captures; or as the nations might behold the virtues of our administration, or in hope that a paciAc eCect might be wrought from our example, either of choice or of necesity. 2. The reciprocity of rights among commercial nations, our Nation insists upon. The bands of the Jay-treaty they would be happy to see exchanged for a system of more enlarged policy. Great Britain would not wish a rupture with us, on this accompt, both as she has other Ash to fry, & stands in need, & will stand, in great need of the breadbasket of the United States. A new arrangment with Great Britain would gratify the Nation, & aCord a cordial to the stomach of G. Washington, who by the signature of that instrument well nigh sold all he had gained by his sword. 3. A suppression of the useless pageantry of foreign diplomacy will be a Republican stroke. It will gratify all sides of the question, & save a vast expence. It will present an excellent countenance & go farther to establish the presidental independance & determination than twenty ships of the Line.— 4. The Algerine business is thus far regularly provided for. The object may be reinforced as occasion may require. 5. The principles of our commercial basis are the fairest imaginable: And the Nations will eventually come to their support. 6. The matter of Convoys may be suCered to wait an easy issue. There may not be need of the exertion. The sound of our paciAc < 351>

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design may outtravel our power. The countenance of the matter is good. Let it stand as thunder, not yet let oC. 7. The threatned Embargo will evince Armness of administration: meet the approbation of our Country, & present an unpromising side to some others.— 8. The appeal to the interests of our National Zion will gratify her hope; & quicken her pulse in favor of the administration; & so much the more, as so much hath been said to weaken the prospect of moral good from the President’s election. To conclude: let the President’s own eye survey the sublimity of the Object: his own judgment decide: & his own hand send the instrument, entire, to the Press. Let no other eye behold, nor hand toutch the design. Let the matter be wholly your own, & no other counsels suCered to discompose so Anished a system of policy as the President will And the present to be. In this hope, humbly submit the whole, & subscribe yr: ACec: friend. D. Austin RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 17 June and so recorded in SJL.

the proclamation: see the preceding document.

From Elias Boudinot Dear Sir Mint of the United States 16th. June 1801 I duly recd. a Letter, without any signature, by a Mr Lesslie relative to a plan he proposed of striking Coin, by means of the double Cylinder—He assured me that he recieved this Letter from the President of the united States, and that the omission of the signature, was by mere accident; this led me to pay the strictest attention to its contents— On Mr Lesslie’s Arst explanation of his design to me, a number of serious diDculties struck me; but not willing to trust my own Judgment, and desirous of giving him the best opportunity of supporting his scheme, I have had a meeting with him at the Mint, in presence of the professional work men. On the best investigation I could make, I found that the objections which arose in my mind were not new— This plan was attempted to be carried into execution in several parts of Germany, but on experiment was given up—Our present mode of striking, is much less expensive, and performs the business full as fast, as is necessary for our wants—I have so calculated the establish< 352>

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ment, as to answer the supplies of the precious metals in the Year—I could with a small additional expence strike three times as much as we now do, but then the hands would often be idle for weeks together, and the deposits would lay in an unproductive State till a large quantity of the precious metals was collected together. The single process of striking the Coin, is now one of the easiest of the twenty, thro which every planchett passes before it is compleat.— The impracticability of preserving the precise circle—the Bat surface—the uniform thickness and the milling round the Edge, added to the greater Expence of engraving a Cylinder (where the original Hubb could not be used, and of course the sameness of Agure not preserved) would render this scheme not only very diDcult but very expensive—For my own justiAcation & your satisfaction, I take the liberty of enclosing a copy of the chief Coiner’s report to me on the Subject; that of the Engraver being of the like import. Notwithstanding all this, as Mr Lessly seems desirous that the experiment should be made, I have determined, if still approved by the President, to have a sett of Cylinders made & engraved, altho’ it cannot be done under 150 Dollars—Mr Lessly has said that he would rather defray part of the expence than not make an attempt, but I presume this would not be allowed of— I am conscious that the mint, has been the subject of great complaint, particularly with regard to its expence—This has certainly been without just cause, as every plan for reducing the expence to government, has been uniformly rejected by all parties, in various Committees of both Houses of Congress, on the policy that all the charge should be born by the Govt. and the Depositors have every thing done without the least expence to them. It was among other things for this purpose, proposed, that instead of the Depositor recieving in Coin the full weight of his Gold or Silver with the addition of the weight of the alloy (found by the united States) that it should be with the addition of two thirds of the alloy, by which means the expences of the Mint, to the public, would be reduced one half; but this was rejected on the principal of public policy. Even any charge for necessary Wastage was denied, or provision that the Silver put into the alloy of Gold, should be paid for— I have been waited on by Mr Reich—and was much pleased with the samples of his work—He has been liberated from his servitude by means of one of the oDcers of the mint; since which I have set him to work on a particular medal, to be ascertained of his abilities—I am obliged to use great precaution, in regard to employing < 353>

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him in the mint, before I can have good evidence of the integrity of his character— I have the honor to be with every sentiment of respect Dear Sir Your very obedt & very Hble Servt Elias Boudinot RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the united States”; endorsed by TJ as received 22 June and so recorded in SJL. FC (Lb in DNA: RG 104, DL). Enclosure: Henry Voigt to Elias Boudinot, 15 June 1801 (see below). a letter, without any signature: TJ to Boudinot, 23 May 1801. chief coiner’s report: Boudinot’s misgivings about using rollers to strike coins were seconded by Henry Voigt, the chief coiner of the Mint. In a detailed report to Boudinot dated 15 June, Voigt observed that striking coins with rollers had been frequently attempted, but was abandoned due to “the diDculties attending it.” He explained that far more time and labor was required to prepare the precious metals and form them into planchets than to impress the blanks, so that any savings in the latter process would have a negligible impact of the overall cost of operating the Mint. “Above all,” Voigt concluded, “the presses are made and ready for use and their eDcacy certain and good; rollers are to be made

for trial only, and pretty certain of no use when done; besides the expense and labour that will naturally occur in having them made” (Tr in DLC). the engraver: Robert Scot, appointed in 1793 (Vol. 4:36; Vol. 27:192). all the charge should be born by the govt.: under the terms of the 1792 act that established the Mint, any person could have gold and silver bullion assayed and coined at the Mint free of charge and receive coins (exclusive of the alloy they contained) weight for weight of the pure gold or silver deposited on a Arst-come, Arst-served basis. If a depositor did not wish to wait to have his bullion assayed and coined, he could exchange it for coins already in possession of the Mint for a charge of one-half percent of the bullion to be coined. This charge was intended to oCset the expense of operating the Mint, but was rendered negligible since appropriations were never authorized to enable the Mint to purchase bullion in order to keep a stock of coins on hand (U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:249-50; Stewart, First United States Mint, 17, 50).

From Albert Gallatin [16 June 1801]

Of the seven ODces applied for by T. Coxe, that of Secy. of the navy was designed for another person, the three in the customs are undecided & may perhaps remain a lenghth of time in that situation until general arrangements are made, and that of Supervisor was applied for by P. Muhlenberg in whose favor a representation was made by the whole republican representation of Pennsylva. in Congress, and whom it was necessary to appoint from considerations connected with the political situation of that State. The two other oDces were that of Comr. of the Revenue and that of Inspector of Arst survey & collector of int. revenue for Philada. (the two last united together). That of Comr. seemed on Arst impression to be the best Atted for Mr Coxe, as being the very one which he had < 354>

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held before. The objections to this were—that W. Miller was really a very good oDcer & that Mr Coxe seemed to prefer an oDce in Philada. Hence it has been thought most eligible to oCer to Mr Coxe the two united oDces of inspector & collector now held by Ths. Ross and Ash. In favor of this it may be said 1st. the most proAtable of the two that of collector does not depend on the Senate, & arrangements have been made with P. Muhlenberg to secure Mr Coxe’s appointment— 2d that 2000 drs. in Philada. will really be worth more to Mr C. than 3000 here. The emoluments as stated by the oDcers themselves (exclusively of direct tax) and after making their own deductions for clerk hire oDce rent & fuel and oDcial expenditures are 550 Drs. for inspector—1450 for collector—But they are under-rated— Should Mr. C. be dissatisAed I think the survey of Gen. Hand might be added to his inspectorship. The public would save 700 dollars salary & clerk, and the commission & fees would give an addition of at least 700 dollars to Mr. C. But as this is connected with a general arrangement it would not be proper to mention it at present. A. G. RC (DLC); undated; endorsed by TJ as received from the Treasury Department on 16 June and so recorded in SJL with notation: “Inspector & Collector”; also endorsed by TJ: “Tenche Coxe to be Inspector of 1st survey vice T. Ross & Collector of the internal revenue vice Ash.” The list of seven offices applied for by Tench Coxe is printed as an enclosure at Coxe’s letter to TJ of 19 Apr. 1801. whole republican representation: Michael Leib, Robert Brown, Joseph Hiester, John Smilie, John A. Hanna, and Andrew Gregg recommended Peter Muhlenberg for supervisor of the revenue of Pennsylvania (see note to Thomas McKean to TJ, 20 Feb. 1801). The united offices of revenue inspector of the Arst survey and collector of internal revenues for Philadelphia were Afth on Coxe’s list. In his letter of 19 Apr., Coxe observed: “I hope I do not estimate myself and my conduct & suCerings too highly, when I say that I fear my appointment to N. 4 or N. 5 would be of ill impression upon the Administration.”

survey of gen. hand: on 17 June 1801, Gabriel, Joseph and John Hiester, Peter Frailey, and three others signed a letter to Gallatin recommending John Kean of Dauphin County as revenue inspector in place of Edward Hand, whom they believed the president would soon remove. They noted that Gallatin was already aware of the “Talents Patriotism and Republican principles” of Kean, who served in the Pennsylvania senate and was noted for “his abilities and indefatigable industry in behalf of the Republican cause.” Gallatin endorsed the letter on the verso, “Joseph Hiester & others favor J. Kean,” and forwarded it to TJ with an initialed notation: “J. Kean is agreeable to the Governor, but very obnoxious to the warm republican (Logan &c) interest in the State. He is oDce hunter but said to be very capable A.G.” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; in unidentiAed hand; endorsed by TJ: “Hiester & others to mr G” and “J. Kean vice Hand”).

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From Albert Gallatin Treasury Department June 16th. 1801

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor to enclose copies of two Letters from the Collector of Norfolk and from the Master of the Revenue Cutter “Patriot,” together with a “Statement of the disbursements for Revenue Cutters for 3 Months” prepared by the Comptroller with the observations of the same oDcer on that subject generally. It appears most eligible under present circumstances to direct the Cutters which from their size are better calculated for War, than for the protection of the Revenue, to be sold, substituting in their place others of a burthen better adapted to that purpose, and to reduce the establishment to one Master, one Mate, and not more than four1 Seamen for each Cutter—The annual saving resulting from that measure would amount to near 40.000 Dollars. Should the President’s opinion coincide with that of this Department, measures will be taken, on receiving his directions, immediately to carry them into eCect. Respectfully submitted by Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); in clerk’s hand, signed by Gallatin; at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 16 June and “Revenue cutters” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures: (1) William Ham to William Davies, Norfolk, Virginia, 22 Dec. 1800, requesting an additional three hands and one oDcer and four more swivels for the newly launched revenue cutter, Patriot, under his command. (2) William Davies to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., Norfolk, 24 Dec. 1800, enclosing, along with other statements from the collector’s oDce, the letter from Ham (see Enclosure No. 1), prompting Davies to inquire of the Treasury secretary: “Not knowing your former instructions respecting the establishment of this vessel nor the special purposes for which she is designed—I decline my opinion respecting the application, as its propriety depends upon the object which she was built.” (3) John Steele, “Aggregate Statement of Disbursements for Revenue Cutters for three months,” 15 June 1801, being a list of nine of the ten revenue cutters in service, with a total of 28 oDcers, 110 men, and an expenditure of $13,772.60 that included extra costs for

the Patriot, “probably about equal to the expenditures for the Cutter Bee” at Savannah for which accounts had not been received; with the Governor Jay at New York employing the highest number, 4 oDcers and 22 men, and expending $1,727.20 for the quarter; and also including two paragraphs comparing stipulations for revenue cutters under the “old collection law” of 1790 and the “new Collection law” of 1799, noting that the new law dropped the limitation on expenditures and the regulation that “each Cutter should be navigated by One Master, and not more than three Mates, four Mariners and two boys,” explaining “Both these diCerences are ascribable to the State of things which existed in the Year 1798 and have no relation to the safety of the Revenue”; and also noting that the 1799 law gave the president the discretionary power to reduce the number of revenue cutters, the size of the vessels, and the number of men employed on them (Trs in same). In his observations, John Steele stated that the “old collection law” of 1790, “where the safety of the revenue

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Map, United States of America

North Front of the President’s House

West End of the President’s House

Barbé de Marbois to JeCerson

Thomas JeCerson

Henry Dearborn

Samuel Smith

Southeast View of New Haven

16 JUNE 1801 was the sole object,” deserved more attention. He concluded: “Vessels smaller than some of those now employed, and navigated by Men possessing the habits of Inspectors of the Revenue would be certainly less expensive, and probably more eDcient. The extravagance and indolence of Military Men, or men with Military Notions, are not suited to this service” (see Enclosure No. 3, above). On this same date, TJ responded stating that he approved of the Treasury secretary’s proposition “to sell the present revenue cutters, or such of them as are too large for their object, to build or purchase others of smaller size to be [commanded] and navigated by one master, one mate and not more than [four seamen,] and to reduce the system of revenue cutters in [. . .] from that provided for by the act of 1799. c. 128. § 97. 98. which regarded [them] rather as [vessels of war and return to the] antient system Arst established by the act of 1790 [c. 35.] § 62. 63,” where the cutters were employed “with a view to the safety of the revenue only.” TJ wished to speak with Gallatin and others acquainted with the proper dimensions of the vessels to be built or bought and urged that the “reformation” be carried out without delay (PrC in DLC, faint; not recorded in SJL). On 3 May 1801, George House, at New

London, Connecticut, wrote James Madison, noting that because of his republican principles, he had not received an appointment from President Adams as master of the revenue cutter Argus upon the death of Captain Jonathan Maltbie, although he had served as Arst mate for seven years and had the recommendation of Connecticut congressman Joshua Coit. “Taking notice of the justice of Mr. Jefferson in the restoration to ODce of Mr. Whipple & Gardiner of Portsmouth who were superceded,” House wrote, “I request the favor and implore your assistance in representing my case to the President that as it is in his power he wou’d restore me to the command of the Cutter & my Brother ODcers to their rank in succession” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; endorsed by TJ: “House George to mr Madison. to be restored to the command of his revenue cutter”; with additional note in TJ’s hand: “refd. to the Secretary of the Treasury. the writer is a man of entire honesty and worthy. Th:J”). For Jacob Wagner’s note on this letter, see Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:141. In May 1803, TJ appointed House master of a revenue cutter (same, 4:588). q Preceding four words interlined in place of “two or three.”

From Philippe de Létombe Monsieur le Président, Philadelphie, 16 Juin 1801. (v: St.) Apprenant, à mon retour de Newyork, que Rapin desire quitter sa place pour des aCaires qui le rappellent ici, Je m’empresse de Vous informer que Schroeder, ancien oDcier de Monsieur Ternant, dont j’ai déja eu l’honneur de Vous parler, se trouve aujourd’hui disposé à rompre son Etablissement ici pour entrer à votre Service. Ç’est un homme excellent dans sa partie, entendant même assez la cuisine pour Suppléer au besoin au defaut de cuisinier. Il a d’ailleurs l’habitude de tous les détails d’une grande maison, parlant et écrivant la langue du Paÿs, et pouvant tenir convenablement les comptes nécessaires.—Sa femme est encore Supérieure à Lui, sous tous les rapports d’une maison américaine. Elle est née dans la < 357>

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nouvelle Angleterre d’où Elle est venue ici pour tenir la maison de feu Monsieur Hill, et paroit en outre fort adroite à faire et réparer toutes sortes d’ameublemens. Si donc Rapin veut quitter, ainsi qu’on me l’a dit, et que Vous desiriez voir Scroeder avant de Vous déterminer à le prendre, je vous l’enverrai aussitot que cela vous sera agréable. Cependant, comme je pourrois être parti pour Washington avant d’avoir reçu votre réponse, Monsieur Ternant m’a dit qu’il se chargera très volontiers de faire et dire ce qui pourra Vous convenir sur cet objet. il est logé North-Six Street, No 7, où vous pourriez lui adresser vos intentions. Monsieur Ternant a bien du regret de ne pouvoir lui même aller Vous faire sa Cour et prendre vos ordres pour Paris; mais il m’a déja prié de me charger de sa lettre pour Vous, Monsieur le President, Sur ce sujet Je Serai plus heureux. J’aurai l’honneur de vous présenter mes hommages, de vive voix, à Washington. J’attens Monsieur et Madame du Pont avec les quels je compte entreprendre ce voyage qui nous est si cher. Je Vous supplie, Monsieur le Président, de vouloir bien agreer mon profond respect. Létombe e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Mister President, Philadelphia, 16 June 1801 (old style) Having learned, upon my return from New York, that Rapin wished to leave his position for business that calls him back here, I hasten to advise you that Schroeder, who formerly held an oDce in the household of Monsieur Ternant, and about whom I have already had the honor of speaking to you, is now prepared to break oC his situation here to enter into your service. He is an excellent man in his domain, even understanding cooking well enough to be able, in case of necessity, to All in as a cook. He is besides accustomed to all the details of a great house, speaking and writing the country’s language, and is able to take good care of the necessary accounts.—His wife is even superior to him in all aspects regarding an American household. She was born in New England, whence she came here to take charge of the late Mr. Hill’s household, and she seems to be, besides, very skillful in making and repairing all sorts of furnishings. So, if Rapin wishes to leave, as I have been told, and you should desire to see Schroeder before deciding to take him on, I will send him to you as soon as you please. However, as I might have left for Washington before receiving your answer, Monsieur Ternant told me that he would gladly take it upon himself to do and say whatever might suit you on this subject. He lodges at No. 7, North Sixth Street, where you could send him your intentions. Monsieur Ternant is very sorry not to be able to go himself to pay his respects to you and take your orders for Paris; but he already requested me to deliver his letter for you on that subject, Mister President. On that score I shall be more fortunate. I shall have the honor of presenting you my respects viva voce in

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16 JUNE 1801 Washington. I am awaiting Monsieur and Madame Du Pont, with whom I intend to undertake this trip that is so dear to us. I beg you, Mister President, to kindly accept my deepest respect. Létombe RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 18 June and so recorded in SJL. In 1792, Charles schroeder was maître d’hôtel in the Philadelphia household of Jean Baptiste ternant, France’s minister plenipotentiary to the United States. Following his employment by Ternant, Schroeder was a Philadelphia confectioner. In 1800 he operated an inn at the “sign of the swan” on the banks of the Schuylkill River (list of household staC, with covering note by Ternant, 1 July

1792, in DNA: RG 59, NL, and noted at Vol. 24:129n; Thomas Stephens, Stephens’s Philadelphia Directory, For 1796 [Philadelphia, n.d.], 162; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1799, 123; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1800, 109). The Philadelphia wine merchant, capitalist, and oDceholder Henry hill maintained his city residence on South Fourth Street. He died of yellow fever in September 1798 (pmhb, 3 [1879], 441-2; 92 [1968], 74-5).

From Edward Meeks Cincinnati North-Western Territory

Sir 16 June 1801 The Subscriber living in the North Western Territory and at the Solicitations of a Number of Friends has Presumed to Address your Excellency at this time and praying that a favour may be confered on him, Should your Excellency deem him worthy of Your patronage in So great a Degree, Which is the Appointment to the ODce of Marshal of the Sixth Federal Destrict, which Includes the Indiania & No Western Territorys, over which Judge Innes of Kentucky does preside and which he presumes is not yet Alled—Your Patitioner has ever been a desided friend to the Revolutionary principles & Establishment of this Country and a Strict adherent to it’s Govornment and Laws, he is a Native of the State of New York and would beg leave to refer your Excellency to your Worthy Colleague Aaron Burr Esqr Vice President, for further Information of himself and Family, as he was for many years living a Neighbour to that Gentleman and likewise resided some time in Alexandria previous to Setteling in this Country, I wish your Excellency to have all the Information in Regard to my character he may require, which can be furnished from New York Virginia & in this country and will furnish any Security that may be required for the true performance of the ODce, This Favour Should your Excellency in his Wisdom and Goodness think proper to confer, will ever make a lasting Impression of Gratitude on your patitioners Mind < 359>

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With the highest Veneration for your Excellencys character & Person I have the Honour to Subscribe Myself your Obt verry Humble Servant Edward Meeks (I presume some of my Virginia Friends will wait on his Excellency on this Business to give any Satisfaction that may Appear Necessary)— EM RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at head of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson President of the United States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 July and “to be Marshall of 6th Fedl district” and so recorded in SJL with notation “S”; also endorsed by TJ: “includes Indiana & N. W. territory.” Edward Meeks was enlisted in Colonel William Malcolm’s regiment of New York militia levies during 1776. A native of New York and resident of the city, Meeks

continued to serve as a militia oDcer after the Revolution and became lieutenant colonel commandant of one of the city regiments in 1793. With Peter Catlett in 1799, he established himself as a merchant in the commission Bour line in Alexandria, Virginia, but dissolved the partnership in October 1800, and later moved to Ohio (Washington, Papers, Rev. War Series, 11:217; Miller, Alexandria Artisans, 1:64; Meeks to James Madison, 30 Nov. 1805 in DNA: RG 59, LAR).

From James Monroe Dear Sir— Richmond June 16. 1801. Colo. Norton has been very solicitous with me to write you in behalf of his son in law Captn. Merchant who was condemned to a Ane and two years imprisonment, for piracy. I know so little of the merits of the case that I wished to avoid saying any thing on it, and write more to give a1 proof, of my respect for the feelings of a venerable old parent than in the expectation of rendering the prisoner any service. I think I recollect hearing Mr. Randolph who defended him and some of the bar say, the judgment was a hard one, and I understand that his conduct in Jail has been exemplarily discreet and proper; as has been that of the mate. Their deportment, (as communicated by Mr. Rose and others) in Jail, bespeaks them above the commission of such a crime. This is all I know of them. I enclose a letter from Genl. Lawson which was sent here some days since for that purpose. If I with held it, the failure of an answer might undeservedly expose you to censure. I suspect it is for some charitable aid. This very unfortunate man is here supported by the contribution of his old acquaintances. It may be on some other subject, but shod. it be on that wh. is hinted, it will not be proper for you to furnish it to him directly. Majr. Wm. Duvall is the person with whom, the subscription is deposited, to whom it may with propriety be sent. Whatever he gets is < 360>

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converted into spirit immediately & wasted. He still however retains his native Armness of mind and when sober commands some degree of respect. He is decrepid by sickness and misfortune, or imprudence, quite unable to walk. with great respect & esteem I am yr. friend & servant Jas. Monroe RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 19 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Robert Lawson to TJ, 11 June.

captn. merchant: for the case of Elihu Marchant, see the letter from William Rose of 16 June, below. q Monroe here canceled “testimony.”

From Julian Ursin Niemcewicz Sir 16 June 1801. Elizabeth Town New Jersey Amongst numerous petitions & applications which as the Arst Magistrat of the Commonwealth you daily receive Sir, you will not I hope reject the petition of an old Acquintance, it is only for a Plant that grows in Virginia by the name of Seneca Root, Polygala Seneca of Lineus, being witness of its EDcacy in various diseases, & seeing the diDculty of procuring it here, I thought it would be of some utility for the Inhabitants to propagate it. The Seed according the Directions of the Botanists must be sown as soon as it is ripe, I shall then be extremely obliged to you, if you have the Kindness to ask it from some of your friends in Virginia, & have it forwarded to me. I am aware that to trouble the President of the U.S. amongst his serious & Importante occupations, for the sake of a Plant, is a bold Intrusion, but I know likewise, your Zeal & Eagerness, to promote & spread whatewer may be useful & in the least beneAcial to man Kind. A Single Child cured by your plant will be a suDcient reward for your trouble, & to me would be the highest pitch of ambition to which I aspire. I have not heard of Mr. Lewis Littelpage since I had the honor to write you, I learn that in my unfortunate Country, the spirit of persecution & terrorism has subsided: all those who in Consequence of General Kosciuszko’s going to Paris have been imprisoned are now releas’d, but the Marechal Potocki my friend & one of our most respectable Citizen’s has lost his only daughter & heiress to his fortune. She shared his Imprisonment with him, & I am told the Marechal is not like to survive her long. Our friend Abbé Piatoli is going to be maried, to a Lady who understands greek & latin, & settles with the Duchess of Courland in Silesia. The present will be deliverd to you Sir by Mr. DuPont de Nemours whose love for liberty, < 361>

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eminent services in Civil & literary line are long known to you. I have the honor to be with the greatest respect Sir Your most Obedient humble Servant Julien Ursin Niemcewicz RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 28 June and so recorded in SJL. Ignacy potocki, former marshal of the council of Poland, helped frame the country’s 1791 constitution and was a leader of the insurgence against Russia. He died in 1809. Scipione Piattoli, an Italian by birth, had been an adviser to the king of Poland and, like Potocki, was involved in the creation of the constitution of 1791. The grand duchess of courland, AnnaDorothea von Medem, brought Piattoli

into her household as a tutor and arranged for him to marry one of her ladies in waiting. Courland, located in the southern portion of modern Latvia, was a hereditary duchy within Poland before Russia took control of the region in 1795 (George J. Lerski, Historical Dictionary of Poland, 966-1945 [Westport, Conn., 1996], 89, 436, 469-70; Rosalynd PBaum, By InBuence & Desire: The True Story of Three Extraordinary Women— The Grand Duchess of Courland and Her Daughters [New York, 1984], 65).

From William Rose Sir, Richmond 16th. June 1801. That you have known me many Years, and while Governor of Virginia, were pleased to entrust to my management the ODce, which I yet hold, is, perhaps, all I dare, or, ought to oCer, as an apology for this Letter. Mr. Norton, the bearer, whose distressful situation on account of the long absence, and painful imprisonment of Captain Marchant, his Son in Law, of which the Paper, he has to present, will furnish the grounds, has prevailed with me to certify the conduct, and behavior, of the Captain, and what I know of his case. Captain Gage, of Boston, who was here a few weeks ago, told me, he had seen the Arst Captain of the Brigg, Enoch SheDeld, a Bostonian, in one of the Islands, after he had treacherously left her, and, verily believes, Marchants misconduct originated more from the advice he gave him, than any ill intention of his own, viz, to take the Vessel, and make the best of her, and to discharge the Seamens Wages, and his own, who, from the best accounts he could gather there, had never received from him a single farthing, and were then almost naked, and the Vessel in great want of Provisions. In order to eCect which he sailed for Cape May where he disposed of 3 or 4 of her Guns and purchased a load of Salt with which he came to Alexandria. Captain W. Weymouth, of Rockets, with whom I am well acquainted, saw Marchant and the Crew in Prison, but just before their trial, and told me in the presence < 362>

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of the whole that, on the passage to Madeira, where he had sent his Vessel under the Care of his Mate, that voyage, and who also was present, that he hailed him, and requested some provisions to enable him to reach the Capes, and gave an order, on a House in Madeira, for the amount, which was honored—that he behaved well, told him he was from the Isle of May with Salt, and going to Virginia, for a Market. Soon after their arrival at Alexandria they were imprisoned, and, after a rather lengthy conAnement were sent in October to Richmond and on the 24h. of the next Month were tried and sentencd. Their peaceable behavior and conduct inducd me soon after their conviction to raise a contribution among the Inhabitants suDcient to Clothe them, for, as I observed before, they were almost naked, and, some without Shoes, or Stockings. I happily succeeded, and they were soon clad with every Thing necessary to pass over the Winter— I have had no reason since to repent of my exertions in their Favour. The Seamen 12 in Number, whose imprisonment expird the 25h. of last Month, I that day discharged, having previously collected their Fines, in like manner, as I had before done for their Clothing, and paid the amount to the present Marshall, whose receipt I have. If this Account can contribute to the Captains enlargement I shall esteem myself happy in the attempt to restore him to his disconsolate Wife, and aged Parents. I will now add only a few Words in behalf of the Mate, and conclude—William Bell is a native of Philadelphia, friendless and quite unknown, save to a few Navigators in diCerent Ports of the United States, whose aid he cannot by any means procure. He is thirty years old, and says his whole Life from eight has been chieBy spent upon the Ocean. The Evidence against him, an English Boy, about 14 years of Age, and indeed the only witness against the Captain and the Crew, declared to the late Marshall, and others, that he was a sober, quiet well behaved Man, and much respected—this Account was conArmed to me by a Pilot, of New-York, who came passenger with them from the isle of May with a property in Salt, on board—indeed I cannot doubt these reports, his good demeanour with me has veriAed them. If, Sir, it be your pleasure to extend Mercy to the Captain, let it, I beseech you, embrace the Mate, that he may have it in his power to thank you, as long as he lives. I wish you a good State of Health—every other happiness is within you. I beg leave to subscribe my self, great Sir, with true reverence, Your most obliged, and very obedient Servant, Wm: Rose < 363>

16 JUNE 1801 RC (DNA: RG 59, GPR); at foot of text: “His Excellency the President”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 June and so recorded in SJL; also endorsed by TJ: “Marchant & Bell.” William Rose (1734-1817) became keeper of the public jail in Richmond around 1781. Before the Revolution, he tutored Martha Wayles Skelton JeCerson, served as a master at the Matthew Whaley Free School in Williamsburg, and acted as librarian to the governor’s council. He may also have been the same William Rose that served as a deputy quartermaster during the Revolutionary War, who corresponded with TJ on supply matters in 1780 and 1781 (cvsp, 1:418-19; 2:540; mb, 1:262n; Richmond Enquirer, 8 July 1817; Vol. 3:541; Vol. 4:531-2; Vol. 5:17-18; Vol. 32:101, 235). Beriah norton of Edgartown, Massachusetts, was a militia colonel during the Revolutionary War and a leading citizen of Martha’s Vineyard. His daughter Sarah married Elihu marchant in 1796 (Charles Edward Banks, The History of Martha’s Vineyard, Dukes County Massachusetts, 3 vols. [Boston, 1911-25; repr. Edgartown, Mass., 1966], 3:297, 379). According to court records, at its November 1800 term the U.S. circuit court for the middle circuit of Virginia indicted Marchant and 12 other crewmen of the British armed brig Three Brothers, alias the Ranger, for “unlawfully, unjustly, and Corruptly” confederating on 4 June 1800 to seize the vessel near the island of Terceira. Marchant was sentenced to 2 years imprisonment and Aned $100, the mate 18 months and $50, and each member of the crew 6 months and one dollar (Trs in DNA: RG 59, GPR; Vol. 32:213n).

the paper may have been a memorial to TJ dated Edgartown, Dukes County, 5 Mch. 1801 and signed by Norton, William Jernigan, and 22 others in support of Marchant. The memorialists noted that Marchant was born and raised in Edgartown and was “esteemed an orderly Citizen, a Vigilent Mariner, an Obedient Son, & a kind and tender husband” before leaving the island some three years before. Believing that Marchant could “render essential Services to his unfortunate family & to Society,” the memorialists asked that he be “Constitutionally” discharged from his present conAnement. On the verso of the memorial, a statement dated 31 Mch. and signed by 39 residents of Nantucket declared the circumstances set forth in the memorial to be true and requested that “the Prayer of the Petition might be granted” (RC in DNA: RG 59, GPR; at head of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson Esquire President of the United States of America”). captain w. weymouth: possibly Captain William Walker Weymouth, who had carried a shipment of TJ’s tobacco from Richmond to Philadelphia in 1792 (Vol. 23:498, 513, 521, 543, 545). present marshall: Joseph Scott. late marshall: David Meade Randolph. TJ issued a presidential pardon for Marchant on 16 June 1802, remitting his Ane and the remainder of his prison term. Explaining his actions, TJ declared that Marchant had already served “near three fourths” of his jail term and that “such circumstances have been represented to me as show that the Clemency of the Government may be properly extended to the said Elihu Marchant” (FC in Lb in DNA: RG 59, GPR).

From Charles Webb Honor,d Sir, Baltimore, June 16th 1801 Being inform,d by General Smith that the Proceedings of the Court Martial, held on me at St. Kitts in April last would be refer,d to Your Consideration, I beg the honor of Soliciting Your attention to the long and tedious narrative of the treatment I receiv,d from Capt. < 364>

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Bunbury, and the motives whereby I was Actuated to Commit those charges, brought forward by Capt. Bunbury Against me, if they can possibly be consider,d in that light— When I Arst went on board of the U.S. Brig Eagle, I selected from Among the crew a loblolly boy, as our wardroom was small and we suCer,d the Midshipmen to Occupy half of it, each ODcer could not Be accommodated with a Servant, this loblolly boy of mine I took considerable pains with in keeping him clean, in order that he might take Care of my cloaths at intravals from his duty, Capt. Bunbury, at that time Had two Servants to attend him in his Cabin, a white boy and a black one It seems one day that the black boy made too free with his liqour, and In consequence of it he turn,d him out of the Cabin to do duty in the fore Top, and took my loblolly boy from me without letting me know of it. I then went to Captn Bunbury and asked him if I could not be permitted to Take the boy he had turn,d out of the Cabin for a loblolly boy, he said I could, But that he must still do duty in the fore top, till we get to St. Kitts, At which time I purpose getting some more Seamen, and then You may have him altogether, I told him it was very well, and accordingly when we Arriv,d at St. Kitts, he got some more Seamen, but still he was kept in The fore top. at the time he gave me this boy he advis,d me to keep a strick Watch over him, for that he was a great Scoundrel— The Arst opportunity I gave this boy he broke the Medicine chest lock My trunk locks and keys and Stole some money from me, for these Faults I took him on deck, and with the end of Small rope gave him not More than Six lashes, And this is the Cruelty that I stand charg,d with. In consequence of this Capt. Bunbury took him from me altogether, and Gave me a sick boy, that had been sick in the Constellation for Nine Months, and in St. Kitts hospital for six1 months, and was at That time unable for any kind of duty, I told Capt. Bunbury that the Situation of this boy was such as render,d him entirely unAt to Discharge the duty of a loblolly boy, he gave me a very short answer And said that if I did not choose to take him, I might do without any For I should have no other, And accordingly I acted as Surgeon and Loblolly boy till I left the Brig, having no Mate on board— About the second or third of March at Anchor at St. Kitts, The ODcers of the diCerent Ships of war then in that place were invited To dine on board the Frigate United States, Capt. Bunbury, the Arst Lieutenant and my self went from the Eagle, the Company remain,d there till late in the evening and the inevitable consequence was, we drank too freely of wine, which was invariably the fate of every one < 365>

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Present, When the Eagles Boat came for us, Capt. Bunbury would Not suCer the ODcer of the boat to acquaint me that the boat had Come for me, and went oC without me, after having given me orders Repeatedly never to stay out of the vessel of a night, how to get on Board the Eagle I knew not, and should have transgress,d his orders But fortunately there came one of the ships boats for their oDcers And they were good enough to put me on board the Eagle, when I got on Board, being in the heat of wine, I mention,d that Capt. Bunbury Had treated me like a damn,d Scamp, and that he was not At to Command a vessel of war, nor did he know his duty, this last expression I might with propriety have made, for on our passage out to the west Indies, he told me, that he felt him self at a Loss in many Instances, and ask,d me how other Commanders had done that I had Been with—In about Six or Eight days, one of the ODcers informs Capt. Bunbury what I had said of him, However he took no notice of it, (And treated this oDcer with less respect in consequence of it) althoug he had Frequent Opportunities of making it known to the Commodore, and we liv,d on as intimate terms as before for several weeks afterwards, till a Circumstance occur,d at Antigua, which is as follows— Late in the evening word was brought to me that one of the Sick was dying down in the birth deck, I immediately went to the assistance of this man, while I was down attending on him, had him in my Arms making an easy birth in his hammock, down came one of the Boatswain,s Mates, for whom Capt. Bunbury had Contracted a great Partiality, as he came down he struck me on the side of the head, knowing Capt. Bunbury,s partiality for this man, I spoke to him mildly and Ask,d him to mind how he came down, he very insultingly answered, he Did, I told him to be silent and go about his business, that I did not Wish to have any thing to say to him, he then gave himself a great many Airs, and me much of his impertinence, and repeated more insultingly than before that he did mind how he came down, his insults were so direct that I could not forbear Striking him, and the instant I struck him, he Drew upon me a piece of wood as large as a person,s arm, and swore if I Touch,d him again, he would be damn,d if he did not knock me down, I then said, nor did nothing more to him, and the next morning stated The fact to Capt. Bunbury, but did not recieve any satisfaction till two Days afterwards, when the Ships cook was to be punish,d for some neglect, After the ships cook was done with, Capt. Bunbury turn,d to this man And said I hear You have been giving Doctor Webb, some insolence, And I now tell You in the presence of the whole crew, that < 366>

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I will not Allow any ODcer on board of this vessel, to give You any insolent language, nor You to give them any, and the Satisfaction I got for Being threaten,d to be knock,d down by a Boatswains mate was, to hear him put upon an equality with me, and every ODcer on board, I am Possess,d with a belief that this Single fact is a suDcient proof that Capt. Bunbury did not Support his ODcers, and that all Discipline was done away— The Arst opportunity that oCer,d of Seeing the Commodore, I thought proper to acquaint him of the treatment I had receiv,d, but never so much as receiv,d an answer Capt. Bunbury out of revenge to me for having represented the conduct of This Boatswains Mate to Capt Barry, inform,d Capt. Barry what I had of him in the heat of wine, to which practice there is undeniable Testimony of my not being in the least addicted, and Barry, was heard to Say damn him, I,ll have him try,d by a court Martial— And accordingly I was arrested at Eleven O’Clock at night, when asleep And Summon,d to attend the Court Martial at Ten the next morning Was ConAn,d below, entirely unacquainted with the forms of a court Martial, and how to act, depriv,d of the liberty of sending for a friend To Converse with, whereby I might become inform,d, was not prepar,d for A trial, taken unsuspected and Cashier,d in a foreign port— Now Sir what I wish to have the honor of Your attention is, That as I have Stated how matters were conducted, of which statement there Is SuDcient proof of its being accurate, And as they evidently bear the light of a revengeful, hurried and Summary piece of business, You Will have the goodness of doing me the favour of granting me a further Trial, Or acting otherwise favourable as You may see proper For as the aCair at present stands it will be a very considerable Injury to me in future life— I have the honor to be Your humble Servant— Charles Webb, Late Surgeon Of the U.S. Brig Eagle RC (DNA: RG 125, GCMCI); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson, Esquire President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ. Recorded in SJL as received 17 June with notation “N.” Charles Webb of Virginia was appointed a surgeon’s mate in the navy in April 1800 and was promoted to surgeon of the brig Eagle in November 1800 (jep,

1:349, 358, 364; ndqw, June-Nov. 1800, 539; Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 355). According to a transcript of a court martial held on board the frigate Ganges at St. Kitts on 11 Apr. 1801, Webb was charged with cruelly beating a wardroom boy; assaulting another with a fork and breaking a dirk across his back; insulting the commander of the Eagle, M. Simmones bunbury; and beating and Bogging a

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16 JUNE 1801 boatswain’s mate and of later kicking him despite being ordered by Bunbury to cease from beating members of the crew. The court unanimously found Webb guilty of contempt and disobeying orders and ordered that he be cashiered (Tr in DNA: RG 125, GCMCI). Webb previously sent TJ a brief letter from St. Kitts on 12 Apr. regarding the court’s decision. In it he complained of the scant time allowed to him to prepare his defense and asked that the president grant him “the indulgence of Another trial” (RC in same; endorsed by TJ as received 11 June and so recorded in SJL). On 8 June, Samuel Smith forwarded to TJ the proceedings of Webb’s court-

martial, as well as those of Lieutenant John Latimer, Midshipman Edward Atwood, “& others” (RC in DLC, at foot of text: “President UStates,” endorsed by TJ as received 8 June and “sentences on Webb, & Latimer” and so recorded in SJL; FC in Lb in DNA: RG 45, LSP). On 10 July 1801, at the foot of Webb’s trial transcript, TJ wrote “I have duly examined the proceedings of the court martial before stated in the case of Charles Webb a Doctor in the Navy of the US, and do direct the said sentence to be carried into execution. Th: JeCerson” (Tr in DNA: RG 125, GCMCI). q MS: “sick.”

From David Austin Washington June 17th 1801.

Lest the President should judge that a proceeding in the paciAc design, solely, on his own judgment might leave him destitute of counsel in moments when it might be needful, it may be understood, that the undersigned is about to settle in this district: he is to preach at George Town, for Mr. Balch, next Lord’s day, and the succeeding sabbath at the Presbyterian Meeting House, in the City: and is invited to continue his labors, there. He hopes to bring the diCerent denominations of professing Christians, in the City, to a more united concurrence in the general principles of Christian unity, & eventually to cause a general assemblage at the City Hotel; which is worth more, for a place of worship, than for any other use. These things accomplished advice upon the paciAc principles, would always be found at hand: And a general concurrence in the administration, would ever be inculcated as among the foremost duties of benevolent exertion. [. . .]nd, the administration would And an unexpected aid in the unity of the people; and a consequent staying of the waves of political revolution throughout the land. The President’s situation in Virginia is preeminent: his political situation is more lofty: and the crown of the total scene is found, in the measures now to be adopted. With apology, for frequent intrusion, subscribe, with all due esteem D. A. < 368>

17 J U N E 1801 RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); torn; at foot of text: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 17 June and so recorded in SJL. mr. balch: Presbyterian minister Stephen Bloomer Balch (Vol. 32:31718n). general assemblage at the city hotel: about this time, Austin commenced preparations for outAtting “Lady Washington’s Chappel” in the Great Hotel on the corner of Eighth and E streets, N.W., for the purpose of instructing attendees on “the progress of national operations, as sketched down in the language of holy writ.” TJ contributed $25 for the purpose and the chapel was dedicated on 12 July (National Intelligencer, 1 July 1801; Alexandria Advertiser and Commercial Intelligencer, 14 July 1801; Bryan, National Capital, 1:407-8; mb, 2:1044).

Austin wrote TJ a second letter on 17 June, recalling his time at Yale College during the Revolutionary War, when the current college president, Timothy Dwight, was then “a Tutor of Anished manners” and the oratory of Joel Barlow “swelled, from the same Boor.” Austin concluded by extolling the blessings his “paciAc design” would bestow upon Republicans, Federalists, poets, orators, and preachers. “You will not, I trust, longer repell the pressure of those waters which labor, from the National Mount to obtain a preeminent station, that they may Bow with National force, through the Channels of expectation, which early hope & joy have already dug” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR, addressed: “The President of the United States,” endorsed by TJ as received 17 June and so recorded in SJL; printed in Washington Federalist, 24 July 1801).

To John Barnes Wednesday June 17. 1801.

Th: JeCerson will be obliged to mr Barnes if he can furnish him two sums of 50. D. each in bank bills of the US. tomorrow morning. this will be instead1 of the further remittance to mr JeCerson. RC (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); endorsed by Barnes; endorsed by TJ. Not recorded in SJL. On this day TJ received from Barnes $100 and sent to John and Reuben Perry each $50 in bank bills (mb, 2:1044; TJ to John Perry and TJ to Reuben Perry, 17 June, recorded in SJL but not found). A

letter from John Perry to TJ of 9 June and a letter from Reuben Perry of 13 June, both received by TJ on 17 June and recorded in SJL, have not been found. The Perry brothers were carpenters at Monticello (Vol. 32:109n). q MS: “insteed.”

From James Clark, with Gallatin’s Comment Sir. Washington City 17th June 1801 Its with the greatest reluctance that I am about to trouble you again on my business at the treasury oDce as I canot obtain Such < 369>

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Sattisfaction as I am entitled to I received with pleashure on the 27th of last month a letter from Albert Gallitin Esqr. informing me that my a/c would be paid at the Treasury provided the exorbitant charge heretofore made by me be reduced to a moderate price I immiadiately attended at the ODce when the Secretary refered me to the comptroler for Settlement and said whatever settlement we made he would pay the money I went to the comptroler and he told me that he would pay me for each window 13 dollars and that he could not pay me any more than that sum and gave me this as the reason that the blinds were now making for the war oDce at that price I,l now inform you Sir. the blinds in the upper Story of the treasury meashures 38" feet 1L Inches each window with three sets of tapes and lines the blinds in the upper Story of the war oDce meashures 29" feet 4L Inches each window with two Sets of tapes and lines say @ 13 dollars each window is about 44 cents for each my charge for the treasury windows at 18 dollars for each window is about 47 cents for each foot so the difrence in the price would not pay for the extra work in the upholsterers charge for each of my windows. I do expect the lower blinds in the war oDce and treasury will be about the Same thing tho thats only my own opinion as I have not herd how they are to be made I,l now further inform you Sir. that the man who makes the blinds for the war oDce I believe to be a judg of the work and further Sir. I believe him to be an honest and an industrius man he at the time this work was oCered to him had nothing to do and business veary dul he would not agree to do the work at the price until he had actually engaged every thing he wanted for to compleete the business at a given price then he knew how he could undertake the work and what proAt or loss there would be now the thing was with me quite difrent as at that time I believe I had done every thing. that was wanting in my way at the Treasury oDce and had never in any one instance been asked what I should charge but genrally done the work and rendered a bill after it was done and in several instances after the bill was rendered some person would be caled in to say what the work was worth and so it was in the instance of the present work I must further inform you Sir. that at the veary time I was making those blinds the commissioners were paying common carpenters 15/ per day and I was paying for each window at the treasury 52/6 and for painting and upholsterers charge I paid 60/ for each window at the war oDce is paid for making each blind 20/ and for painting and upholsterers charge I think it dont exceed 41/3 < 370>

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for each window. the ballance of the expence is I think nearly eaqual at each place you can judg from this Statement who has the greater proAt the man at the war oDce or myself I Anished this work some time in the month of november last I have never been paid one cent of my a/c John T Masson Esquire of george Town directed me to sue Mr Wolcott for the money I had to go to Baltimore to do that which cost me $16:25 expences there and back the fees of two lawyers in Baltimore and other fees I suppose will amount to $40 dollars I have lost much time and been much perplext on a/c of not geting this money I am now willing to take my own charge of 18 dollars for each window or let the man that is now making blinds for the war oDce at 13 dollars be caled in and value them on oath this I have proposed to the comptroler which he refuses to do I want for the work no more than what it is realy worth and I think it a hardship after waiting so long that I am in a manner to be Starved to a compliance to put up with any terms that may be proposed or get nothing I hope Sir. I am not to be treated in this way, I am by some gentlemen told that its improper in me to trouble you about this business I am by others told it is not improper however the il treatment I have received will I hope be a justiAcation for my asking your assistance in obtaining what is justly due me I remain Sir. with due respect Your most obedient most humble Serveant James Clark June 18th 1801

The extravagant prices asked by workmen here for their work when done for the public, and an apparent combination amongst them for that purpose render it necessary that the oDcers appointed by law to settle accounts should be cautious in admitting any charges whatever where no previous contract has been made. In the present case it does not appear by whom precisely Jas. Clark was employed, although the Commissrs. once oCered to pay him at the rate of 12 dollars. As he has thought At to enter a suit against the late Secy. of the Treasury in his personal character, he might with propriety be left to that remedy he has chosen; but at all events he must agree to dismiss that suit before his account can be settled. The only part of the business within my immediate department is to examine whether any appropriation will cover the demand. The settling of accounts is by law exclusively vested in the Auditor & Comptroller & may with great safety be left with them in this instance. Mr Steele has informed me that he has ascertained the price of such blinds in Philada. to be 9 dollars. If Mr < 371>

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Clark is dissatisAed with the allowance of 13 dollars aCorded to him, his remedy must be by applying to Congress. Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); addressed: “Thomas Jefferson Esquire President of the United States Washington City”; endorsed by TJ as received 18 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “T. [blinds.]”; also noted by TJ below Clark’s signature: “referred to the Secretary of the Treasury Th:J. June 18. 1801”; with Gallatin’s comments subjoined below TJ’s note. trouble you again: see Clark to TJ on 31 May. For the extravagant prices workmen allegedly charged and early labor disputes in the Federal City, see Bryan, National Capital, 1:322.

Clark previously sought compensation by applying to congress and submitting a petition to the House of Representatives on 23 Dec. 1800, claiming that he had “been employed by the Secretary of the Treasury, to make Venetian blinds for the Treasury Department; but that, on presenting his account for the same, he has been referred to the Commissioners of the City of Washington, for a settlement thereof; that he has applied to the said Commissioners, who do not conceive themselves liable to discharge the said account.” The House on 26 Jan. 1801 rejected his petition (jhr, 3:745, 774).

To Tench Coxe Sir Washington June 17. 1801 I have not been inattentive at any time to the considerations which urged the availing the general government of your services; but my own principles, & the uniform doctrine of the Republicans that no man should be removed for a mere diCerence of political opinion, has allowed little to be done in the way of appointment. the oDce into which it would have been most natural to place you, was that from which you had been so unjustly removed, but two considerations have weighed against it. [1st.] [. . .] [it appeared] that the opposition in the Senate would be more eager against you than against common characters. 2. I judged from your letter that you would prefer even a less proAtable situation in Pensylva. to a more proAtable one out of that state. in this view, I have it in my power to [propose] to you the places of Inspector of the 1st. survey of Pensva and of [Collector] of the internal revenue joined; the former worth about, or upwards of [2000]. D. the latter about 6. or 700. D. an important circumstance here is that the former is independent of danger from the Senate; the latter of too little proAt [to create] opposition. if these appointments would be acceptable, be so good as to say so and as soon as particular circumstances (not distant) will permit they shall be conferred on you.—Great demolitions of oDces must take place. they appear to have been piled one on another many stories high like the tower of < 372>

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babel to produce confusion, render malversations [inscrutable] [. . .] & expences. simple systems are the most managable & the [. . .] [we] have reason to fear Tripoli has broken her peace. [. . .] Algiers [. . .] we And 3. years of tribute in arrears with her [. . .] for what reason is inscrutable. we are paying them up so that they may be kept quiet till Congress may take the whole business into consideration. Accept assurances of my esteem & high respect Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “[Tench Coxe esq.].”

From Henry Dearborn Sir Navy Department June 17th. 1801 Not being able to contemplate any usefull service to the public for any greater number of the present Marine corps than may be necessary for the six ships retained in Actual service, which number cannot exceed four hundred rank & Ale, I take the liberty of suggesting the propriety of retaining only four hundred rank & Ale of said Corps, with a due proportion of noncommissioned oDcers, and of discharging the remainder in the course of the present month, taking care that the men retained shall be those whose remaining terms of service are the longest.— I am Sir with the most respectfull consideration your Huml. Servt. H. Dearborn RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 17 June and “Marines” and so recorded in SJL. Dearborn had previously broached the subject of reducing the Marine Corps in an undated letter received by TJ on 29 May. In it, Dearborn noted that according to returns supplied by the commandant of the Marine Corps, William W. Burrows, the enlistment of some 350 marines would expire by June 1802; 144 of these by 1 Jan. 1802. Dearborn questioned the necessity of continuing these men in service since none could be sent on the next proposed Mediterranean cruise. The current number of Marines in service was 950, yet only 304 were needed to provide a full complement for the six frigates and two schooners in active naval service.

As such, Dearborn recommended that 400 Marines would be “quite suDcient for the present establishment” (RC in DLC, unsigned, in Dearborn’s hand, endorsed by TJ as received 29 May 1801 and so recorded in SJL with notation “Marines,” also endorsed by TJ: “discharge of Marines”; “List of Marines & time of Enlistment &c.,” MS in DLC: TJ Papers, 119:20555). On 8 July, Dearborn wrote Burrows that in compliance with “the opinion of the President of the United States,” the commandant was to reduce the Marine Corps to 400 rank and Ale and “a due proportion of Sergeants & the music.” He was also advised to retain “the best men who have the greatest length of time to serve” and to discharge the remainder by 15 July or as soon after as possible (ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 269).

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To John Drayton Sir Washington June 17. 1801 On the receipt of your favor of May 21 I had [enquiries made] at the navy oDce on the subject of the French prisoners in your [state?]. you will perceive by the inclosed letter which is addressed to [you from] that oDce & the papers it covers that orders [. . .] long [ago as] the 1st of March to [. . .] Tombe the French consul for his order [. . .] this order but that the French Consul had [failed to reply.] [we have] in consequence renewed our application to mr Pichon [the successor of] La Tombe to urge a speedy removal [by him.] tho’ [we have no reason to doubt his] immediate attention to the subject, [yet it may not be amiss] to urge the French consul (or Commercial agent) at Charleston at proper times, to hasten their discharge. I hope you will be assured of my sincere desire on this [& every] other occasion to concur in every measure which may accomodate your state & con[. . .] with the rights of the whole and that I shall be [. . .] attentive to the [. . .] the states in the [exercise] of all [. . .] which not having been [ceded to the general government] [. . .] with the states. and I pray you to accept assurances of my great personal esteem for you & of my high consideration. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Governor Drayton.” Enclosures: see Samuel Smith to TJ, 10 June.

To John Wayles Eppes Dear Sir Washington June 17. 1801. Your favor of the 12th. came to hand this morning, and brings me the always welcome tidings of your’s & Maria’s health. I sincerely wish she had gone to Monticello sooner: but as it is, you must not aim at more than 20. miles a day, nor to go much out of a walk, but in the safest road, for it is the oversetting or breaking down which is to be apprehended, and is less violent in proportion as you are moving slower. I am in hopes you will not delay your journey after your harvest is over.—Doctr. Shore need not be in the least uneasy about his horses having proved restive. on new ground, with new persons about them, unacquainted with them or their manner of going, I saw when they Arst approached the Phaeton that they would not touch it. one of them however soon came to, and is now I think the Anest horse I ever < 374>

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saw in a carriage. the other being more fractious, I left him to be broke here, and after 10. days driving in the stage, he took the Phaeton freely and now draws well with his companion. Haxhall’s horse is the Anest gelding in America; & I think Bell nearly equal to him. so that tho’ they were rather dear (except Bell) I am most perfectly satisAed with them all. Bell appeared at Monticello to have a weak eye. I therefore had him led chieBy on the road. on his arrival here he became all but blind in both eyes. after about 10. days or a fortnight however they mended, & tho’ they are still very weak, yet he sees pretty well again. I consider it necessary not to use him at all for some months to come. if hereafter his exact match should be found, I should be disposed to buy him. my love to my dearest Maria. I shall be very anxious to get home as soon as I know she is there; but I cannot go till the last of July or Arst of August. accept assurances of my aCectionate attachment. Th: Jefferson RC (ViU); addressed: “John W. Eppes at Bermuda Hundred near City point”; franked and postmarked.

Eppes’s favor of the 12th has not been found but is recorded in SJL at 17 June with notation “Bermuda. H.” For the purchase of the horses, see Vol. 32:489 and Vol. 33:610-11.

To George Jefferson Dear Sir Washington June 17. 1801 By a letter recieved this day I And that Mr. John Watson has recieved in Albemarle 100. D. in part of the 285. D. which I had desired you to pay him. consequently you will have had to pay him 185. D. only. as this diCerence will probably, with the 679.84 D exchanged with mr Short, cover your [loss in part] for me to Bell on the draught of mr Eppes, & [such other] draughts as have been made. I shall postpone any further remittance a fortnight longer, when enough shall be placed in your hands to meet mr Eppes’s draughts for 800. & 500. D. payable July 12. & 16. Accept assurances of my constant & aCectionate esteem. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); faint; at foot of text: “Mr George JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. letter recieved this day: William Wardlaw to TJ, 13 June (recorded in SJL but not found). In his Anancial records on 17 June, TJ recorded that Wardlaw had paid john watson $100 for him, thus

increasing TJ’s credit with George JeCerson by that amount. In turn TJ agreed to make a payment to Dr. David Jackson for Wardlaw (mb, 2:1044). draught of mr eppes: the payment of $300 for the horse John Wayles Eppes had purchased from Bell for TJ came due on 16 June (TJ to George JeCerson, 12 May).

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From George Jefferson Dear Sir Richmond 17th. June 1801 William Stewart having to day called on me on his way to Monticello, I advanced him $:40— on his shewing me a letter from you in which he is referred to us. I am apprehensive that you employed him on a very slight acquaintance—or else on a recommendation in which you placed too much reliance. He was with me twice to day (once in the morning) and was either much intoxicated, or is actually a mad-man. I do not know in what capacity he is going to Monticello, although I ask’d him; for he gave me such incoherent answers, that I could not understand him. If he is to have any thing under his direction I think it will be well for you to be on your guard & give directions accordingly. He has concluded not to bring on his family he says until he sees you. I am Dear Sir Your Very humble servt. Geo. Jefferson RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Thos. Jefferson esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 20 June and “Stewart” and so recorded in SJL.

letter from you: according to SJL, TJ wrote William Stewart on 11 May (now missing). For a description of Stewart’s work at Monticello, see note to James Traquair to TJ, 12 May.

From David Austin City Hotel June 18th: 1801.

Mr: Austin presumes to ask, if it would meet with the countenance of the President, that a discourse should be delivered in the Capitol, to any disposed to attend, on the approaching fourth of July?—Mr: A. is accustomed to public exercises on this National day; & if the matter should meet the approbation of the President, he would be happy to occupy an apartment in the Capitol, on that day: but if there be any exceptions, the matter may be attended to at George Town: and will be announced from the pulpit, next Lord’s day. RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); addressed: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 June and so recorded in SJL. Beginning on 29 June, advertisements

appeared in the National Intelligencer announcing that Austin would deliver a discourse on 4 July in the Representatives’ Chamber of the U.S. capitol. Austin based his sermon on Psalms

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18 JUNE 1801 22:28: “For the kingdom is the Lord’s: and he is the Governor among the nations.” His discourse appeared in the 24 July edition of the Washington Federalist and was later published in a pamphlet of

collected sermons entitled The National “Barley Cake,” or, The “Rock of OCence” Into A “Glorious Holy Mountain”: in Discourses and Letters (Washington, D.C., 1802).

From Elijah Boardman Sir New Milford (Connecticut) 18 June 1801 Sometime in May last a Gentn. caled on me and requested that I would write to you a line,—to oblige him I did so, and in that noted to you that I had writen to you under date of 1 March 1801. the Gentn. on his return informed me that you had not recd the Letter refered to—The failure of that letter was not at all important, but, uncertainty espetially in perilus times creates uneasiness, therefore to convince you that Your enemies by suppressing the Letter have gained nothing, I herwith send to You a copy of the original—Purloining Letters from the Post oDces is one of the evils of violent party Spirit—which hath unfortunately got to a great height in our country—It is evident that one party can not long govern the other and that unless both parties share in the oDces of the United States party Spirit will be kepd as high as when Mr Adams left the administration of the government as party Spirit feeds on partial appointments, therefore if appointments to oDce (which I doubt not will be the case) are from the best possible selection of those who merit from real worth and not from party views, then the Seeds of that Spirit are destroyed forever—The inBuence of political party makes us feel Strongly interested in the prosperity and almost acquainted with those who think with us alt[ho] unknown—May this idea pardon me for the present communication— With sentiments of perfect esteem Your Most Obdt. Sevt. Elijah Boardman RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 27 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Boardman to TJ, 1 Mch. 1801.

a gentn. caled on me: probably Stanley Griswold; see Boardman to TJ, 1 Mch.

From Henry Dearborn Sir War Department June 18th. 1801 I have had the honour of receiving your note of this day accompanied with the proceedings of two Courts Marshall held for the trial of < 377>

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Doctr. Charles Webb, Lieut. John Latimore & Edward Atwood a Midshipman, and Ave seamen, I have examined the aforesaid proceedings, and take the liberty of reporting as my oppinnion that there does not appear any suDcient reason for disapproving of any one of the sentences of the said Courts. I am Sir with the highest respect your Obedt. Huml. Servt. Henry Dearborn RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 June and “Webb & Latimer” and so recorded in SJL; with note in TJ’s hand adjacent to closing: “the sentences were approved by Th:J. July 10. 1801.” At a court-martial held on 11 May 1801, Lieutenant John Latimer (latimore) was found guilty of striking a midshipman and dismissed from the service. On 10 July, at the foot of the trial transcript, TJ wrote, “I have examined the proceedings of the Court martial above stated in the case of John Latimer a Lieutenant in the Navy, and also the Sentence pronounced by the said court, and I do direct the sentence to be carried into execution. Th: JeCerson” (DNA: RG 125, GCMCI). On the following day, the same court-martial dismissed from the service Midshipman edward atwood after he pleaded guilty to conveying rum to two seamen under conAnement for desertion (same). Later that day, the court-martial found five seamen guilty of desertion, sentenced each to receive Afty lashes, and halted their pay from the time of their desertion to the time of their sentence (same).

Also on 19 June, TJ received from the Navy Department an undated “List of Captains in the Navy retained &c. on the Peace establishment.” Compiled in the handwriting of principal clerk Abishai Thomas, the list included Afteen names, grouped into three categories with braces. John Barry, Samuel Nicholson, and Thomas Truxtun were noted as “On furlough & half pay.” Silas Talbot, Richard Dale, Samuel Barron, John Rodgers, James Barron, Edward Preble, and William Bainbridge were noted as “For active service & full pay.” The Anal Ave names (Stephen Decatur, Sr., Richard V. Morris, Alexander Murray, Daniel McNeill, and Hugh G. Campbell) were “proposed to be recommended to Congress,” even though the Peace Establishment Act stipulated that only nine captains were to be retained in the service. At the foot of the text, Henry Dearborn wrote: “the foregoing is taken from a list made out by Genl. Smith and left with the principle clerk in the Navy Department” (MS in DLC, endorsed by TJ as received 19 June and “Captains retained” and so recorded in SJL; Stoddert to TJ, printed at 11 Mch. 1801).

From Mary Jefferson Eppes Dear Papa Bermuda Hundred June 18th [1801] Mr Eppes is at present busily engaged in his harvest. it has been somewhat retarded by rain which make us rather later in our journey up than we intended, I am however very busily employed preparing to leave this for Eppington where I shall remain ’till Mr Eppes can join me & I hope in three or four weeks at the farthest to be at Monticello, & that you will be there allmost as soon we shall. < 378>

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how happy I feel dearest Papa at the idea of spending a month or two with you again, I was afraid as the time approached that you would not have found it convenient to leave Washington for that1 time tho not long. my sister will I hope be with us during your short stay her friends will not surely be so inconsiderate as to visit her during the only time it will be in her power to be with you, it will compensate somewhat for the long seperations which I fear I shall now experience if when we do meet we can be all together but I must bid you adieu My Dear Papa it is so dark I can scarcely distinguish what I write. if Mr Eppes2 remembers the ages & blood of the horses he will put it down in this letter he goes to3 Petersburg before we leave this & can easily learn there if he does not. Adieu once more dear Papa your aCectionate daughter M. Eppes RC (MHi); endorsed by TJ as received 24 June and so recorded in SJL.

q Eppes here canceled “length of.” r Eppes here canceled “knows.” s Eppes Arst wrote “is going.”

From Albert Gallatin Sir Treasury Department June 18. 1801 I have the honor to enclose copy of the application of William Greetham, requesting that a Mediterranean pass, by our laws called passport, should be granted to a vessel owned by citizens of the United States and navigated by american Seamen, but not built within the United States. Such papers have been uniformly refused in similar cases in conformity to the circular of August 15. 1796 also enclosed.—But the question is in itself important and so intimately connected with the contending local interests of the Union that it seems proper to submit it to your decision. The Act “concerning the registering and recording of Ships or Vessels” passed 31. December 1792 declares that Vessels built within the United States and belonging wholly to citizens of the United States, vessels owned by Citizens on the 16 May 1789, and Vessels condemned as prizes or for breach of any law, and no other may be registered—and that registered vessels alone (coasting & Ashing vessels excepted) shall be denominated and deemed ships or vessels of the United States entitled to the beneAt and privileges appertaining to such ships or vessels. Vessels not built within the United States and owned by Citizens since 16 May 1789, are not entitled to register and so far as relates to duties on tonnage and imported Merchandize are considered as < 379>

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foreign bottoms, the lower rate of duty being a privilege or beneAt appertaining only to registered vessels technically called “Vessels of the United States”—But they are in every other respect considered as American Vessels and their owners not being forbidden to hold that kind of property, are entitled to receive from Government the same protection which is given to every other Vessel, and every beneAt from which they are not precluded by law. They receive, therefore, those passports called Sealetters, which are rendered necessary for the protection and safety of our Vessels in relation to European Nations on account of our treaties with them. But they are refused those passports called Mediterranean passes which are necessary for their protection against the Barbary powers by Virtue of our treaties with them. By the Act providing passports for the Ships and vessels of the United States passed 1. June 1796. it is enacted that every Vessel of the United States going to a foreign Country shall be obliged to receive a passport of a form prescribed by the President and paying 10 dollars for the same, and that the Collectors shall be obliged to furnish every such vessel with such a passport. Under that law it has been contended that registered Vessels alone were entitled to receive Mediterranean passes. It will not be denied that the words “Vessels of the United States,” in the law apply exclusively to registered Vessels, but in favor of a diCerent construction from that heretofore adopted it is said 1st. that the word “passports,” in the law applies no more to Mediterranean passes than to Sealetters, (since those in our treaties with European Nations are expressly called so) and therefore that the construction which deprives non-registered vessels owned by Citizens from Mediterranean passes ought also to deprive them of sealetters, which has never been attempted—2dly. that the law compels indeed the Executive to furnish passports to registered Vessels and these to take the passports; but does not forbid the Executive granting them to other vessels if it be thought just & proper—that the President may without law in the case of those passports called “Mediterranean passes” as he does it also without law in the case of those passports called “Sealetters,” prescribe a form and issue them in conformity to the Treaty—3dly that our Treaty with Algiers did not contemplate the granting passports only to registered Vessels, the words used there being “No passports to be issued to any Ships but such as are absolutely the property of Citizens of the United States” This reasoning has weight with me and the owners of non registered vessels and american seamen who navigate them seem if the law < 380>

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does not absolutely forbid it, to have a strong claim on the score of Justice and humanity. Still, the technical meaning of the words used in the law, and the construction heretofore given by this Department form strong objections to an innovation I have the honor to be very respectfully Sir Your Obedt. Servant. Albert Gallatin RC (DLC: Madison Papers); in clerk’s hand, signed by Gallatin; at foot of text: “To the President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 18 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: William Greetham to Albert Gallatin, 17 June 1801, stating that the collector at Alexandria has refused a Mediterranean pass for a ship owned by Baltimore merchants and manned by American seamen, but built outside the United States, and seeking the opinion of the Treasury secretary on the subject, arguing that “the lives & liberty of Citizens of the United States as well as valuable property” depends entirely upon the outcome of the application (Tr in same). Other enclosure not found. Enclosed in TJ to Madison, 20 June. those passports called sealetters: in an undated communication received by TJ on 19 June, Gallatin observed that the Arst date that the Treasury Department transmitted sea letters to the collectors was 16 May 1793. But Edward Jones, Arst clerk at the Treasury Depart-

ment, recalled “that the Department of State, at Arst, & for some time previous to May 1793, transmitted those papers without using the channel” of the Treasury Department (RC in DLC; addressed: The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “Passports”). For the decision on the issuance of passports by Washington’s cabinet in early May 1793 and the determination that collectors of customs in U.S. ports were the “most appropriate oDcials to distribute the sea letters,” see Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 12:512-13, 530. On 8 May 1793, TJ informed Alexander Hamilton that pleas of shipowners had caused him to send seven passports directly to Sharp Delany, collector at Philadelphia, before the issue had been decided by the cabinet. Delany received the passports on 29 Apr. TJ subsequently had the documents distributed through Tench Coxe, commissioner of the revenue, whom Hamilton had assigned to oversee “security of Navigation” (Vol. 25:628-30, 680-2).

Remonstrance of the New Haven Merchants [18 June 1801]

The undersigned Merchants residing at the Port and within the district of New Haven, respectfully remonstrate against the late removal of Elizur Goodrich Esqr. from the ODce of Collector for the district of New Haven, and the appointment of Samuel Bishop Esqr. to All the Vacancy.—As the ground of our remonstrance we represent that the oDce while Alled by Mr Goodrich was conducted with a promptness integrity and ability satisfactory to the mercantile < 381>

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Interest of the district—a promptness and ability not to be found in his successor.— Believing the Character of E Goodrich Esqr. as an oDcer to be unexceptionable, we lament that it should be conceived necessary, that a change in the administration must produce a change in the subordinate oDcers, and in this instance we have especially to lament that certain measures have succeeded in deceiving the President so far as to induce him to appoint a man to an important oDce, who does not possess those qualiAcations necessary for the discharge of its duties.—We hesitate not to say that had the President known the circumstances and situation of the Candidate, he would have rejected the application.—To prove this let facts be submitted to the consideration of the President.— Samuel Bishop Esqr. will be seventy eight years old in November next. He is labouring under the full portion of those inArmities which are incident to that advanced period of life. With these inArmities and an alarming loss of eyesight, though he was once a decent penman, it is now with diDculty he can even write his name.— He was never bred an accountant—nor has the course of his business, ever led him to an acquaintance with the most simple forms of accounting— He is totally unacquainted with the system of Revenue Laws and the forms of doing mercantile business, and is now too far advanced in life, and too much enfeebled both in body and mind, ever to learn either.— A man whose age, whose inArmities and want of the requisite knowledge is such, is unAt to be the Collector for the district of New Haven.— We are aware that it may be said, he has sustained with reputation, and now holds, several oDces in the City Town and County,—but it will be remembered that none of them are by recent promotion—his oDce of Mayor he holds by Charter during1 the pleasure of the legislature.—and he is continued as Judge of the County Court and Town Clerk, because the people of this State are not in the habit of neglecting those who once enjoyed their conAdence, by a long course of usefulness. Knowing the man as we do, we do not hesitate to say that he cannot, without aid, perform a single oDcial act.— It may be said that the appointment was with a view to the aid of his son Abraham Bishop Esqr. and that he is to be the real Collec< 382>

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tor.—We presume that the business must be done by him if done at all—Yet we cannot be led to believe that the President would knowingly appoint a person to the discharge of duties to which he was incompetent with a design that they should be performed by his son.—If however this was the case we explicitly state that Abraham Bishop Esqr. is so entirely destitute of public conAdence.—so conspicuous for his enmity to Commerce and opposition to order, and so odious to his fellow citizens that we presume, his warmest partizans would not have hazarded a recommendation of him. Knowing these facts, of which we must believe the President ignorant, and relying on assurances, “that he will promote the general welfare without regarding distinction of parties,” we cherish the idea that our grief, at the rejection of Mr Goodrich, will not be augmented by the continuance of a father utterly unqualiAed for the oDce, or of a son so universally contemned. We assure the President that the sentiments thus expressed are the sentiments of the Merchants and Importers of the district.—That such a class of citizens should be heard patiently, and their well founded complaints redressed, if practicable, we are fully persuaded.—If it be an object of importance, “to restore harmony to social intercourse” and if a decision “at the bar of public reason,” be worthy of attention, surely such a portion of the Community, will not plead in vain, for a reconsideration of this appointment, and that such an important oDce may be Alled, by a person competent to the performance of its duties, and in some degree acceptable to the public. MS (DLC); undated; in Elias Shipman’s hand and signed by him and 79 other New Haven merchants; at head of text: “To Thomas JeCerson: Esqr President of the United States”; certiAed by Isaac Beers, president of the bank and of the Chamber of Commerce in New Haven, and Shipman, president of the New Haven Insurance Company, “that the signers of the foregoing Remonstrance are the Owners of more than seven Eights of the Navigation of the port of New Haven.” Tr (CtNhHi); with marks before signatories who died before 29 July 1820. Enclosed in Elias Shipman to TJ, New Haven, 18 June, signed by him and Joseph Darling, Richard Cutler, Thaddeus Beecher, Abraham Bradley, and Henry Daggett, Jr., the committee of New Haven merchants appointed “by the

Merchants of this Town, at their meeting on the 9th Instant, to notify Samuel Bishop Esqr. of their having prepared a Remonstrance against his being continued Collector of this District.—to read the same to him, and then enclose it to the President. In obedience to their duty they have waited on S Bishop Esqr. and now beg leave to present the Remonstrance aforesaid to the President” (RC in DLC; at head of text: “To the President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 29 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “on appmt. of Bishop”). For the controversial role of abraham bishop in Connecticut politics, see David Waldstreicher and Stephen R. Grossbart, “Abraham Bishop’s Vocation; or, the Mediation of JeCersonian Politics,” Journal

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18 JUNE 1801 of the Early Republic, 18 (1998), 617-57; Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The JeCersonian Republicans: The Formation of Party Organization, 1789-1801 (Chapel Hill, 1957), 208-10; Cunningham, JeCersonian Republicans in Power, 15-20; Malone, JeCerson, 4:75-8; Sean Wilentz, The Rise of American Democracy (New York, 2005), 102, 119. David Austin wrote a letter to TJ on 26

June calling his attention to a newspaper announcement of the address from the New Haven merchants “on the subject of the Collectors ODce at New Haven” and oCered to say things on the subject that he “would not willingly put upon paper” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; endorsed by TJ as received 26 June). q Remainder of sentence interlined.

To Thomas Mann Randolph Dear Sir Washington June 18. 1801. Yesterday came to hand your favor of the 13th. with the pleasing information of the health of the family. I recieved at the same time a letter of June 12. from mr Eppes informing me of his & Maria’s health, that he was then engaged in his harvest, and as soon as that should be over he proposed to go up to Monticello with Maria. he expressed great regret at not having removed her there sooner. I hope he will do it by slow motions & short stages.—I am glad the question of cleaning the ground was settled as you mention. I think it was placed on the true footing, that of ground to be grubbed for hire. We are still uncertain as to the fate of Egypt. the Arst arrivals must surely bring us information decisive.—at home we are opening treaties with the Southern Indians to obtain lands from them, or at any rate roads through their country. most of our vessels are selling oC, or laying up. we are about to dismiss all the Marines, except a number suDcient for the half dozen ships which Congress obliged us to keep armed; though three of them would have been quite enough. the summer will be pretty closely employed in procuring the information necessary to enable Congress to reduce the Government to a reasonable scale of expence. we are hunting out & abolishing multitudes of useless oDces, striking oC jobs &c &c. never were such1 scenes of favoritism, dissipation of treasure, and disregard of legal appropriation seen. provided they did not spend more than all the appropriations amounted to, they overspent some & neglected others without regard to the legislative will.—my tenderest love to my ever dear Martha & the young people, & aCectionate attachment to yourself. Th: Jefferson P.S. I have some idea you desired me to order the National gazette to you, or said you should order it, I do not recollect which. I shall < 384>

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see the editor to-day and if he has not recd. orders, will direct him to send it. RC (DLC); at foot of text: “T. M. Randolph”; endorsed by Randolph. For the letter from John Wayles eppes of 12 June, see TJ to Eppes, 17 June.

national gazette: for Randolph’s subscription to the National Intelligencer, see TJ to Samuel H. Smith, 8 July. q TJ Arst wrote “was such a.”

From John Daly Burk Sir Amelia County [before 19 June 1801] Strongly impressed by the belief that the Arst magistrate of a Republic is obliged not merely to administer what are termed its political concerns, but to give countenance also, and patronage to the exertions of Genius; I venture, not without reluctance, to enclose for your perusal, extracts from a poem of the epic kind, entitled the Columbiad. You will perceive from the title, that is written to eternize the glory of your Revolution, which ought to be immortal: and your Judgment will easily decide whether it is in its management and execution calculated to produce such an eCect— I am aware that considerable Objections will lie against the poem whatever may be its execution, from the recency of the event it undertakes to celebrate. The Critics to a man, contend that a subject drawn from a remote antiquity, or from an Œra, whose history is suDciently obscure to leave room for the display of the marvellous; where imagination may weave her Actions without a gross and palpable departure from popular belief, is the best subject for epic. Without combating this opinion, I hope you will agree with me that the recent discovery of America, her vast extent; her stupendous mountains, her lakes, rivers and natural curiosities; her diversiAed manners and political institutions, the battles by land & Sea; the distresses, perseverance and public spirit of her people during the revolution; the various Indian Nations, who inhabit her frontiers, whose customs the poet has to delineate and in the representation of which he may exert his genius without the censure of extravagance; but above all, the grandeur of the eCect alike interesting to liberty and philosophy, are advantages more than SuDcient to counterbalance any defects arising from the recency of the main plot: indeed, the agency of the Indians and the late discovery of a world imperfectly known give the poet all the advantages, which Kaim’s & Blair contemplated in an high antiquity— < 385>

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In all other respects, (save the execution, of which you must judge) the demands of the critics are more than satisAed: the Subject is in the highest degree magniAcent. The Shock of a revolution, which has sounded through the universe announcing the destruction of thrones & the establishment of human happiness is well calculated to All the1 mind with lofty conceptions; with a curiosity impatient and agonizing— In materials for the descriptive part (wherein lies the chief embellishment of the Poem) no subject was ever more fertile: the materials for episode to be drawn from facts alone are numerous and interesting. I send you as a Specimen, the well known Story of Miss MacRae; from the execution of which you will judge of my Ability to paint the pathetic. Neither the Nysus and Eurialus of Virgil, nor Glover’s Teribazus & Ariana in my mind, approach within many degrees of the tenderness of this pathetic Story, if told with Simplicity— In the opportunities aCorded for the delineation of characters, (which critics call the manners of the Poem.) my Subject is equally happy: the Soldiers and ODcers from allmost all countries, composing the British and American hosts furnish a Stock for this department not to be exhausted— The machinery is suited to the popular belief of all nations. A part of it is entirely new—You will discover it in the extract No. 1 where the Spirits of the just are represented leaning towards the earth from heaven, contemplating with pity the ravages of Tyranny and superstition on their Several Countries. In this attitude and disposition they are found by the Messenger of the Allmighty, who summons them to repair to his presence for the purpose of pointing out to them, the Revolution in America and unfolding the prospect of human innocence, wisdom and happiness in the new age— The moral of the Poem is obvious— The operations of the Army under Montgomery & afterwds under Gates are related in a tent by Moonlight in the camp before York Town by an ODcer of that Army— I beg your patience a little longer Sir while I explain my Motives for forwarding those extracts. Possibly you have heard how I have been compelled by the tyranny of the Irish Government to take refuge in this country; how soon after my arrival here I became subjected to new persecutions. Arrested on a Charge of libel at the suit of Mr Adams; knowing the moral certainty of Ane and imprisonment from the violence of party spirit and the mode of packing Juries considering also that even in the improbable event of an acquittal as an alien I was still at the mercy of the President and being moreover < 386>

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anxious of removing to some place suDciently near my country to permit me to assist by my zeal and exertions in any expedition that might be projected for her emancipation, I prevailed on Mr Burr to procure if possible permission for me to depart by the release of my recognizance. This solicitation was successfull: I was to leave America and to return to it no more. From an actual attempt to seize me whilst fulAlling the stipulations of this contract on board a cartel bound to Bordeaux and from well founded apprehensions that I was watched by the Spies of the British minister I was induced by the advice of some of the best men in America to postpone my departure. Want of means when I might perhaps have gone in safety has since compelled me to remain. For more than two years have I by an indirect exercize of the alien law been in fact exiled from society passing under a feigned name known only to a few conAdential friends rendered incapable of proAting by the exercize of my faculties contracting debts the while dispirited allmost hopeless. Urged at length by the energies of a Spirit, which had not yet lost its elasticity, by indignation against the Authors of my distresses I made the Secretary of State acquainted with my place of residence and declared my readiness to take my trial. After this I was induced to become Principal of a college lately founded in this county and after seven years of agitation & Calamity I began to enjoy the sweets of repose and independance But it seems as if I was destined to be the sport of fortune. A ridiculous man Suspects a criminal connection between me & his wife and attempts to assassinate me. He has since borne public testimony to his wife’s innocence but the indignities I have suCered have sunk deep into my mind and I have determined, to leave this County—I am now precisely as Milton represents our Arst parents— “The world is all before me where to choose— Should you estimate highly as I do the value of my Poem I ask for it your public patronage & exertions Three of my dramatic performances have been repeatedly represented with applause. My Compositions in prose and verse have carried oC the largest premiums ever awarded in the university where I was educated: my political Compositions & exertions (my friends imagine) have been of some use to the cause of liberty and yet by some fatality the Consequences to me from qualiAcations so imposing are nothing A small stipend arising from some oDce or employment where I might be of service (for I have no claim to a sinecure, nor would my idea of independance permit me to accept it) & where, I might < 387>

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be enabled to Anish my compositions without being subject to those ridiculous embarassments, which have allready destroyed or abridged my usefullness, is the extent of my wishes during my exile. Mr. Burr who has been to me in the place of a friend & a father will vouch for my honor & integrity: If I am not deceived, few circumstances of a private nature would aCord him more pleasure than my establishment & independance. I pray you Sir; to return with as much dispatch as the important duties you have to discharge will permit, an answer to this letter with the extracts enclosed: I have no copies of them. Direct to General Meade, who has shewn me your Battering letter, which has raised me in my own esteem. I shall wait your answer in this County— I am Sir with the greatest respect &c John D Burk You will And the copy very inaccurate often printed wrong sometimes scarce legible—It is my only one. It has not been touch’d for four years. I have neither time or spirit to write a fair copy—I have a prose Composition Anish’d—a reply to Mr. Adams’s defence and I am employ’d in writing lives of American public Characters— You must not consider me as an applicant for a place—By employment or oDce I had nothing more in view than some private Station. Such as private secretary to any departmental oDcer to which your patronage might recommend me. My Composition such as it is done with facility—I forbear to refer you to the ingenious Criticisms on the extracts from my poem published, copied from the English into the American papers. Your Judgment wants not the InBuence of Authority RC (DLC); undated; addressed: “The President of the United States City of Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” Enclosure not found, but see below. John Daly Burk (1776?-1808), a native of Ireland active in the United Irish movement, attended Trinity College in Dublin before being dismissed for espousing deism and republicanism. Faced with arrest on treason charges in 1796, he Bed to the United States. He is said to have escaped dressed in the garb of a woman, a Miss Daly, whose surname he adopted as a middle name. Burk Arst settled in Boston where he founded the anti-British newspaper, the Polar Star and Boston

Daily Advertiser, and later moved to New York and Virginia where he pursued a career as a publisher, poet, playwright, and historian. His three-volume History of Virginia, published in 1804-5, was dedicated to TJ, from whom he had borrowed source material and to whose own Notes on Virginia the author was much indebted. Burk died in Petersburg, Virginia, in a duel with the Frenchman Felix Coquebert (anb; dab; Joseph I. Shulim, “John Daly Burk: Irish Revolutionist and American Patriot,” aps, Transactions, new ser., 54, [1964], 1-60; Charles Campbell, ed., Some Materials to Serve for a Brief Memoir of John Daly Burk, Author of a History of Virginia [Albany, N.Y., 1868]; Sowerby, No. 464). Burk’s plan for an epic poem in twelve

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19 JUNE 1801 books glorifying the American Revolution, the columbiad, was never published as a separate literary work but portions of it were printed in June and July 1798 in the radical Republican New York newspaper, the Time Piece, and Literary Companion, for which Burk and James Smith were proprietors (aps, Transactions, new ser., 54, [1964], 20; Brigham, American Newspapers, 1:696; Sowerby, No. 560; Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, 204-5). well known story of miss macrae: probably a version of the widely told story of Jane McCrea, who was murdered in New York by Indians in 1777 while she was en route to be united with her Aancé, an oDcer in John Burgoyne’s army (Edward T. James and others, eds., Notable American Women, 1607-1950: A Biographical Dictionary, 3 vols. [Cambridge, Mass., 1971], 2:456-7). arrested on a charge of libel at the suit of mr adams: President John Adams had seen one of Burk’s plays, Bunker-Hill; or the Death of General Warren: An Historic Tragedy, in Five Acts, in the fall of 1797, when Adams supposedly remarked that the play portrayed his friend General Joseph Warren as “a bully and a blackguard.” Burk then dedicated the published version of the play to Aaron Burr instead of to Adams, as he had originally intended. In July 1798 Burk was arrested for sedition and libel against Adams. Burr, who was rumored to have been the Anancial sponsor of the Time Piece while Matthew L. Davis was editor, acted as a surety so that Burk could be released on bail. In December 1798 Burr submitted a proposal on Burk’s behalf that the Irish immigrant would agree to

leave the United States if the case against him were dismissed. Secretary of State Timothy Pickering authorized acceptance of the bargain on 1 Jan. 1799, and the following June Federalist newspapers announced Burk’s departure from the country when, in actuality, he moved to Petersburg, Virginia (anb; aps, Transactions, new ser., 54, [1964], 19; Kline, Burr, 1:361-2; Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, 204-20). principal of a college: see Everard Meade to TJ, 13 June. Burk’s popular dramatic performances included Bunker-Hill, which “played at the theatres in America, for fourteen nights, with unbounded applause” (New York, 1797; Evans, No. 31893), Female Patriotism, Or The Death of Joan d’Arc: An Historic Play, in V. Acts (New York, 1798; Evans, No. 33475), The Death of General Montgomery in Storming the City of Quebec (1797) as well as Prince of Susa: A Tragedy and The Exiles: A Tragedy and pantomime plays (dab; aps, Transactions, new ser., 54, [1964], 18, 20). my political compositions & exertions: see, for example, History of the Late War in Ireland, with an Account of the United Irish Association (Philadelphia, 1799; Evans, No. 35256). direct to general meade: Everard Meade of Amelia County presided at the Townes Tavern celebration on 1 May 1801 where Burk delivered the oration on the occasion of the election of TJ and Burr (aps, Transactions, new ser., 54, [1964], 37; Meade to TJ, 13 June). q MS: “the the.”

From Martha Jefferson Randolph Edgehill June 19 1801

In an absence of 3 months I blush to think that this is the Arst time I have written to my Dear Father. it does not arise however as you suppose from want of materials, & still less of inclination, but from a spirit of procrastination which by inducing me to defer allways to the last moment, Anally ocasions the total loss of opportunity. my < 389>

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aCection, my thoughts are however, perpetually with you, incessantly hovering over you, there is no one scene in your solitary establishment in which they have not visited you. and never with out deeply regretting the unavoidable necessity of your spending so much of your time cut oC from that society which alone gives a charm to Life, and which you of all others in the world estimate most highly. however the time is at hand when every thing will be forgotten in a blest reunion of every individual of those we most love once more at Monticello and as the time approaches the spirits of the family proportionally increase. you have suCered a little from the last tremendous hail storm, from the circumstance1 of 2 of the sky lights being uncover’d. they were totally demolished and I believe it is owing to the accident of the storm’s raging with so much more fury in the valley than on the mountains that you escaped so much better than your neighbours. the damage was immense in Charlottesville & Milton, allmost every window broken in some houses; we also suCered considerably and the more so as we have not been able to replace in either of the above mentioned places the glass, which has occasioned us to the violence of every succeeding rain in a degree that renders the house scarcely tenantable. your stockings are at last disposed of, but not to my satisfaction because I am sure they will not be so to yours—Aunt Carr after many ineCectual eCorts to put them out acceded at Last to the united and importunate entreaties of Mrs Randolph & Mrs Lilburn Lewis to Let them knit them for you; and Aunt Lewis dining with me a few days after and hearing of the failure of2 the means upon which I had counted in accomplishing my part of the under taking, insisted in a manner that baEed resistance upon my letting her & her Daughters take them home & do them. it is a disagreable piece of business, but one not to have been fore seen in the Arst instance and not to be avoided afterwards with out hurting the feelings & perhaps giving oCence to those Ladies. inclosed are the samples Fontrice was to have carried, of the cotton one is too Ane the other too coarse. a size between the two would answer better than either. the sheeting is also I think rather coarse but not much so. adieu dearest [beloved] Father, the children are all confusing me with messages of various discriptions but the post hour is past and I am afraid my letter will scarcely be in time. believe me with ardent aCection yours M. Randolph RC (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); torn at seal; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson President of the U.S. Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 24 June and so recorded in SJL.

mrs randolph & mrs lilburn lewis: Randolph and Lilburne Lewis, sons of TJ’s sister Lucy, married sisters, who were also their second cousins, Mary Howell Lewis and Elizabeth Jane

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20 JUNE 1801 Woodson Lewis (Boynton Merrill, Jr., JeCerson’s Nephews: A Frontier Tragedy [Princeton, 1976], 35, 48). For TJ’s relationship with his sister Lucy and her family, see same, 74-7.

fontrice: that is, Valentine Fantrees (mb, 2:1041, 1044). q MS: “cimstance.” r Preceding two words written over “miserable.”

From Stephen Drayton Paris, 20 June 1801. He addresses TJ with the respect due to him as president and as the “Patriot & Virtuous Citizen” that Drayton knows him to be. Without entering into a discussion of the constitutionality of “the prosecution which took place in 1794 against those Americans who had engaged in the Service of the french Republic at the invitation of the Citizen Genet,” Drayton declares his belief that he “infringed no Law—& that the absolute right remained with me to enter into any foreign Service whatever which was not in War against my Country.” However, he “fell a Victim to a party who viewed things in a diCerent light, & which occasioned my utter ruin.” During the Revolutionary War he faithfully served America, his native and ancestral country, without compensation, and suCered Anancial losses. For his later actions, however, he has been labeled a traitor. He found that no post was open to him and “that should I apply for the place of Constable I would be refused.” Yet he has never been false in his dealings with anyone. He is now almost 66 years of age, “near 50 of Which have been engaged in the duties of Soldier, Citizen, Patriot & Statesman.” He came to France on invitation, but the French government has not fulAlled its promises to him. Fearing that he might “fall a victim to chagrin & want” in a foreign land, he begs TJ “to beleive a Solemn truth that I am not—nay that I cannot be an Ennemy to my Native Country.” He asks for an appointment in any European country: “I implore it as an Act of mercy, as an Act of grace.” An appointment would allow him to prove his attachment to the United States and its current government. His property in America has been reduced to a small amount of land, the rest of his estate having been lost “by the vicissitudes attending a ruinous War,” by a naive trust in the integrity of others, and by his advancing his own credit to aid the American cause during the Revolution, especially during the siege of Charleston; his claim for “more than £2000 Sterling” remains on the government’s books “unpaid and unnoticed.” He hopes that this plea will stir TJ’s compassion, appealing to “the goodness of your heart.” RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); 4 p.; dated 1 Messidor Year 9 and also as 20 June 1801; signed “Etienne Drayton”; endorsed by TJ as a letter from Etienne Drayton received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. During the American Revolution, Stephen Drayton (1736-1810) became a

deputy quartermaster general with the rank of colonel in the Continental Army. On at least one occasion he carried correspondence between TJ, who was then the governor of Virginia, and Horatio Gates. In 1781, Drayton, who had been a member of the Georgia Council of Safety and the South Carolina assembly, was captured and paroled by the British in North

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20 JUNE 1801 Carolina. The British seized his estates during the war, and afterward he was unable to get compensation from the United States for the loss of his slaves. When Edmond Charles Genet landed at Charleston in 1793, Drayton, who was the secretary of the governor of South Carolina, became the president of a newly formed republican society. In coordination with Genet and Michel Ange Bernard de Mangourit, the French consul at Charleston, Drayton started to recruit men for a military campaign to capture Spanish territory. He considered his actions to be for the cause of “Universal Liberty,” but a committee of the South Carolina House of Representatives seized papers from his house. He refused to comply with an order to appear before the legislature, attempted to sue the members of the committee, and was indicted by a grand jury. He perhaps left the United States in 1795, when William Tate, another leader of the eCort to enlist Americans to aid Genet, went to France. TJ did not reply to the letter above, which is the only correspondence between him and Drayton recorded in SJL (S.C. Biographical Directory, House of Representatives, 2:202-

3; Alexander Moultrie, An Appeal to the People, on the Conduct of a Certain Public Body in South-Carolina, Respecting Col. Drayton and Col. Moultrie [Charleston, 1794], 5-8, 22-8; American Minerva, 7 June 1794; Eugene P. Link, “The Democratic Societies of the Carolinas,” North Carolina Historical Review, 18 [1941], 262-4; Eugene P. Link, Democratic-Republican Societies, 1790-1800 [Morningside Heights, N.Y., 1942], 135-7; John D. Ahlstrom, “Captain and Chef de Brigade William Tate: South Carolina Adventurer,” South Carolina Historical Magazine, 88 [1987], 186-7; Richard K. Murdoch, “Correspondence of French Consuls in Charleston, South Carolina, 17931797,” South Carolina Historical Magazine, 74 [1973], 76; Robert Alderson, “Charleston’s French Revolutionary Consul: Michel-Ange-Bernard de Mangourit, 1792-1794,” Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association [1998], 150-3; Richard K. Showman and others, eds., The Papers of General Nathanael Greene, 13 vols. [Chapel Hill, 1976-2005], 6:429-30; 9:312n, 556-7, 629-30; 10:73; Vol. 3:550; Vol. 27:2967n, 619-20n).

From Albert Gallatin Dr Sir Saturday morning [20 June 1801] Doctr. Vaughan of Wilmington (Delaware) is now in my oDce and has, in conversation, made some communications on the oDcial & electioneering conduct of A. M’Clane generally, on his active interference lately, on its eCects in Delaware, on the change of opinion thereby produced in Mr Dickinson’s mind, &c. which I think should be communicated by himself to you. I requested him to call on you; but he is afraid that he might interfere with your business, or perhaps be thought intermeddling beyond propriety—Will you be good enough to send me a line by the bearer letting me know at what hour he may call on you without interfering— With great respect Your most obt. Servt. Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); partially dated; addressed: “The President of the United States”; en-

dorsed by TJ as received 20 June and “Mc.lane” and so recorded in SJL.

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20 JUNE 1801 For the investigation of Allen McLane’s conduct, see Gallatin to TJ, 23 May 1801. The line by the bearer has not been found, but John Vaughan

met with the president and delivered a letter from John Dickinson (see TJ to Dickinson, 21 June 1801).

From Caleb Gibbs Sir Boston 20th. June 1801. I feel persuaded that the President of the United States will not think it too presuming in my addressing him at this time when I inform him it is for the well being of an Individual and the happiness of an Amiable family. The Inclosed certiAcates which I have taken the Liberty to present to the President is to shew who I am and in what manner I have passed the prime of my Life, with respect to the latter I will with deference observe, That from the 1st. of January 1795. at the Arst stage of our Naval opperations at the solicitations of General Washington then President of the United States and General Knox then Secretary of War I accepted of the appointment I now hold as Clerk of the Navy Yard at Boston at a salary of seven hundred and Afty dollars pr. annum, far inadequate for the support of an amiable wife and Ave children, and had it not been for a small part of my hard earned, earnings during eight long years military service during our Glorious Revolutionary War I should have err this been in a situation not the most agreable. The inducement for my acceptance of this appointment was that President Washington and General Knox gave me the greatest assurances of soon having a place more satisfactory and observed to me in a Letter, to accept of this for the present as something better would soon turn up. (At this period I was doing business advantageously in the Merchantile Line with as good prospects as any of my old brother ODcers who had returned to citizenship to enjoy the sweets of domestic Life, peace and Independence) In this State have I continued to the present time looking forward with anxious expectation for the better day to come, but in vain and impatience have I waited to welcome its arrival. It being generally supposed by the well thinking part of this Metropolis that a new Marshall for this district will shortly be appointed, in which case may I be permitted without oCence to apply to the President of the United States for this appointment. It is my great misfortune in having the honor of being acquainted with you Sir. but when I inform you that I have the honor of the personal and intimate acquaintance < 393>

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of Governor Adams, The Vice President of the United States, General Dearborn, Judge Lincoln, Chancelor Livingston, Governor Munroe, The Honble. John Langdon Esqr. and many other distinguished, and respectable Characters I hope it will have some weight with you both as to my character as a Citizen and as a Soldier. If it should be my good fortune to be placed in the ODce of Marshall for this district, I will venture to say that all and every exertion of mine shall be used for the good of the Republican Government, and honor, and respectability to myself and family. With the greatest respect and Consideration I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedient humble Servant Caleb Gibbs RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “The President of the United States Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 July and “to be marshal of Massachus.” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures not found. A veteran of the American Revolution, Caleb Gibbs (ca. 1750-1818) spent most of the war as commander of George Washington’s personal guard and supervisor of his household. Despite ties to Washington and Alexander Hamilton acquired through his military service, Gibbs was unable to secure a signiAcant federal appointment despite repeated applications. Besides serving as clerk of the

Boston navy yard, he was also the naval storekeeper in that city and was appointed superintendent of the navy yard in 1812. He did not receive the marshal’s appointment from TJ, but in August 1801 the secretary of the navy increased Gibbs’s annual salary to $1,200 (Howard H. Wehmann, “To Major Gibbs With Much Esteem,” Prologue, 4 [1972], 22732; Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 1:381; Syrett, Hamilton, 15:679; 23:5545; ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 276-7; Boston Gazette, 27 Jan. 1812). amiable wife: Gibbs married Catherine Hall in 1787 (Massachusetts Centinel, 17 Jan. 1787).

From Harry Innes Dr Sir, State of Kentucky June 20th. 1801 My observation respecting applicants for the oDce of Marshal in this District is by this time fully vereAed, & altho’ it may take up some of your time to read the letters address’d to you on the subject, still it is attended with this pleasing reBection, that the applications are from men of respectable characters, & therefore aCords you a more ample feild of selecting the ODcer. Mr. Hubbard [Tay]lor of this state a son of Colo. James Taylor [of] Caroline county Virginia informs me he in[ten]ds soliciting the oDce of marshal. Mr. Taylor was an early adventurer in this country, is a gentleman of unexceptionable character & is respected by those who know him. His capacity to discharge the duties of Marshal cannot be < 394>

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questioned & his situation in life will enable him with ease to procure the necessary security for the responsibility of oDce. For further information respecting Mr. Taylor permit me to refer you to the secretary of State I am Dr. Sir with respect & esteem your friend & servt. Harry Innes RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); torn; at foot of text: “Mr. JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 10 July and so recorded in SJL with notation “Taylor marshal”; also endorsed by TJ: “Taylor to be marshal.” hubbard taylor was a “distant kins-

man” of James Madison, who considered him “a pretty intelligent man.” Taylor moved from Virginia to Kentucky in 1790, was a surveyor, and became involved in politics (Madison, Papers, 8:455; 14:154, 341n; Sec. of State Ser., 1:208n; Vol. 24:69, 259).

To James Madison Dear Sir Washington June 20. 1801. I observe a great number of contracts for carrying the mails are advertised to be made within a short time hence, & for 4. years. I suppose the principal reason for making such long contracts is the trouble which would be so often recurring to the post oDce, if they were shorter. this should have it’s just weight: but it may be doubted whether contracts for so long a time as 4. years do not produce greater evils. but however this may be decided hereafter, for the present I am disposed to believe that a shorter term would be better for once. I have long been persuaded that we might greatly increase the rapidity of the movements of the mails; & have had it in contemplation to propose this when we get ourselves a little clear of more pressing business. but we shall be precluded by the 4. year contracts. I suggest to your consideration therefore the expediency of making the ensuing contracts for one year only, to give us time to try whether a more rapid conveyance be not practicable. the time for making the contracts being close at hand, an immediate determination seems necessary. accept assurances of my aCectionate esteem & respect Th: Jefferson RC (DLC: Madison Papers); at foot of text: “The Secretary of state.” PrC (DLC).

The National Intelligencer ran advertisements from 6 May through early July announcing that the General Post ODce in Washington was accepting proposals until 15 July, for carrying the mails.

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From James Madison Dear Sir [20 June 1801] I suggested some time ago to Col. Habersham the objections to a Contract for 4 years for carrying the mail. His reply was that frequent contracts would not only be very troublesome, but by lessening the value of contracts, discourage good undertakers. He added that a clause in the contracts reserved to him a right at all times to make any of regulations he might chuse, making at the same time an equivalent change in the compensation. Still, however, the conversation, left him as I thought under the impression that the term of the contracts was to be shortened. I will renew the subject with him as soon as I can. Presuming that the grounds stated for the pardon of Freeman were intended for the Ales only not for the instrument of the Pardon, the latter will be made out without specifying them. One of them, viz. that reciting the character of the testimony, may be delicate both as it respects the witness & the Court. The precedent of stating in the pardon the grounds of it, may also be embarrassing, as the omission may produce criticism, and the real grounds tho’ good, be often of a nature unAt or diDcult to be precisely stated. With assurance of the most perfect respect and attachment I remain yrs. James Madison RC (DLC: TJ Papers, 119:20537); undated; endorsed by TJ as received 2[0] June and “Departmt. of state 1801. Pardon.—Post oDce contracts” and so recorded in SJL.

pardon of freeman: see Petition of Lewis Freeman, 3 June.

To James Madison and Albert Gallatin June 20. 1801.

The application1 of William Greetham for a Mediterranean pass for a vessel owned here, tho built abroad, being unauthorised by practice; tho’ perhaps not by law, and concerning the departments of both the State & Treasury, I ask the favor of mr Madison and mr Gallatin to give me their opinions thereon: at the same time I communicate to them what passed on the subject of passports under General Washington’s administration, when the question was Arst taken up. Th: Jefferson < 396>

20 JUNE 1801 RC (DLC: Madison Papers); endorsed by Madison. PrC (DLC); pressed on same sheet below conclusion of Enclosure No. 2. Enclosures: (1) Opinion on Ship Passports, 3 May 1793 (Tr in DLC: Madison Papers, in clerk’s hand, with minor corrections by TJ and signed by him, at head of text in TJ’s hand: “Opinion given to President Washington,” at foot of text: “copy,” subjoined to enclo-

sure printed below; MS printed in Vol. 25:645-7). (2) Printed below. For the application of william greetham, see Gallatin to TJ, 18 June. q TJ Arst wrote “The question arising on the application” before revising the sentence to read as above.

e n c l o s u r e

Note on Passports When the war broke out which is now raging in Europe, our treaties with France,1 and Holland required that we should furnish to the vessels ‘belonging to the citizens of the US.’ passports in the forms prescribed by the treaties. it was very early made a question whether they should be granted to all vessels belonging to citizens of the US. or only to those built as well as belonging here. the then Secretary of the treasury was at Arst of opinion they should be conAned to home built vessels. the preceding opinion of a contrary tenure was then given to President Washington. The Secretary of the treasury, in result, came over to it, so that by the unanimous advice of the heads of departments, approved by the President, it became the rule of the government. when afterwards (1795. Sep. 5.) a treaty with Algiers (Art. IV.) rendered necessary another form of passport for all vessels ‘the property of citizens of the US.’ it seems strange that those in the habit of giving French & Dutch passports to American-owned vessels, should refuse them the Algerine or Mediterranean pass; and should again immediately on the establishment of the treaties with Spain & England (Oct. 95. & May 96.) give them Spanish & English in addition to their French & Dutch passes. the reasoning in the preceding opinion which needs not be repeated here, is concieved to be equally conclusive for the Algerine, as for the passports of the other nations.—It is said, I observe, that the act of 1796. c. 45. was understood to exclude foreign-built vessels from the Mediterranean passport. but I see nothing like it in that act. the words are ‘every vessel of the US. going to any foreign country shall be furnished with a passport of the form approved by the President for the vessels of the US.’ if, as the government deemed, these expressions still enjoined them to give the French, Dutch, Spanish & English passports to foreign-built vessels owned at home, how could they understand them as excluding those vessels from the Mediterranean pass? where is the shadow of distinction to be found in these words?—the act of Dec. 31. 1792. c. 1. had said “vessels registered by virtue of the ‘Act for registering’ &c. and no other, shall be deemed vessels of the US. entitled to the privileges appurtaining to such ships & vessels.” to what privileges? obviously the privilege of paying lower rates of duties. but tho’ not entitled to a privilege, they are not stripped of rights. protection is a right, not claimed under this act, but under the general laws for the security of property, and

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20 JUNE 1801 protection against a foreign nation is as much a right, as against an individual of our own nation. if witholding the privilege of lower duties takes away the right of protection against a foreign nation, it must also take it away as against an individual; and consequently the owner dispossessed of his vessel by a citizen, cannot maintain an action for her recovery. but this act never meant to outlaw our foreign built vessels; but only to secure to the home built the privilege of lower duties, leaving unimpaired the common rights of others. The observation is moreover sound that tho’ the law says the home-built vessel shall be furnished with a passport, it does not say the foreign built shall not. the general laws therefore entitling the citizen to a protection for his property, and no law authorising the witholding it, such witholding would be a wrong. I think therefore the home owned vessel as well entitled to a Mediterranean as to a French, Dutch, Spanish or English passport.

Th: Jefferson MS (DLC: Madison Papers); entirely in TJ’s hand; subjoined to Enclosure No. 1 listed above. PrC (DLC); with TJ’s cover letter above pressed at bottom of second sheet.

preceding opinion: see Enclosure No. 1, described above. TJ clearly argued in 1793 that U.S. citizens who owned foreign-built vessels were entitled to the protection provided by U.S. passports (Vol. 25:645-8). q TJ here canceled “Spa.”

To James Monroe Dear Sir Washington June 20. 1801. Your favor of the 16th. came to hand yesterday, & by this day’s post I inclose you a draught on Gibson & JeCerson for 50. D. payable to Majr. Wm. Duval to whom you will be so good as to explain that it is for Genl. Lawson. I now write an answer to the Genl. but will keep it back a couple of days as it furnishes me in that way an excuse for having previously placed the money in Duval’s hands. We are1 preparing and carrying into execution all the reforms in economy we can. our navy partly selling oC, partly laying up is now on an establishment of about half a million a year. It might have been reduced to 400,000.2 & still kept three frigates in the Mediterranean, had the regulations of Congress permitted it. the marines will be dismissed in a few days to about 400. which will economise about 40,000. D. about the same sum is saved by the discontinuance of useless diplomatic missions. in the erection of shipyards &c. some hundred thousands will be stopped. but the expences of this government were chieBy in jobs not seen; agencies upon agencies in every part of < 398>

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the earth, and for the most useless or mischievous purposes, & all of these opening doors for fraud & embezzlement far beyond the ostensible proAts of the agency. these are things of the existence of which no man dreamt, and we are lopping them down silently to make as little noise as possible. they have been covered from the public3 under the head of contingencies, quartermaster’s department &c.—I hope you still continue in the purpose of passing the months of August & September in Albemarle.—mr Madison’s health is sensibly improved, and we hope it is the eCect of the application of his mind to things more congenial to it than the vexatory details of a farm. present my respectful salutations to mrs Monroe & accept yourself assurances of my aCectionate & constant friendship. Th: Jefferson RC (DLC: Monroe Papers); addressed: “James Monroe Governor of Virginia Richmond”; franked; postmarked 21 June; endorsed by Monroe. PrC (DLC); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

In his Anancial memoranda, TJ described the payment he made for Robert lawson as “a charity” (mb, 2:1044). q TJ here canceled “silently.” r First digit written over “3.” s Preceding three words interlined.

From James Monroe Dear Sir Richmond June 20. 1801. Hearing that Mr. Hay is disposed to seize the few days of leasure which an interval between the courts gives him, to visit the federal city with his lady1 and that he doubts whether you wod. recognize him, I take a pleasure in fre’ing him from that anxiety. He is really a very able and respectable citizen, one who deserves and will be highly gratiAed with your attention. At what time will you be at Monticello? I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you in Albemarle while I am there. The season begins to approach when it becomes dangerous for those accustomed to a better climate to stay here. very sincerely I am yr. friend & servt Jas. Monroe RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 27 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosed in George Hay to TJ, [27 June 1801], from “Conrad’s tavern” in Washington, in which Hay presents his compliments and continues: “The inclosed letter was sent to Geo: Hay on the Evening before his departure from Richmond, by Mr. Monroe. Geo: Hay would have taken great pleasure in delivering it, with his

own hands, but he is conAned to his lodgings by the indisposition of his wife” (RC in MHi; dated “Saturday Evening”; endorsed by TJ as received 27 June and so recorded in SJL). his lady: Rebecca Brodnax Hay, who had married George Hay in 1789 (anb). q Preceding eight words interlined.

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From Jean Baptiste Ternant sir Philadelphia 20th. of June 1801 I hope you will not be displeased with an old departing friend taking a private leave of you, and requesting your kind remembrance on the occasion—I had intended going in person, to pay you my last respects before returning to Europe; But various disappointments, and above all, the bad State of my health, have really put it out of my power to undertake the journey.—Being, now going oC to secure a passage for havre, I avail myself of M.M. Letombe & Dupont’s good oDces to get this Short valedictory letter put into your hands, and to oCer particularly my warmest wishes for your public and private happyness, Remaining very respectfully sir your most obedient and most humble servant Ternant RC (MHi); at foot of text: “(Private) Mr. JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 June and so recorded in SJL. returning to europe: Ternant was France’s minister to the United States from 1791 to 1793. Following his recall, Ternant, an experienced military oDcer who had served as a volunteer during the American Revolution, initially sought a commission in the French Army. He decided, however—as TJ expressed it to

Madison at the time—that it would be “more prudent” to stay in the United States. Philadelphia directories in the late 1790s listed him as John Ternant. When he next wrote to TJ, in 1803, he was in Paris (André Lasseray, Les Français sous les treize étoiles (1775-1783) [Paris, 1935], 433-6; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1798, 140; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1799, 137; Vol. 26:61-2; Ternant to TJ, 18 Aug. 1803 [MHi]).

To John Daly Burk Sir Washington June 21. 1801. I have safely recieved your favor from Amelia with the [sheets?] of the Columbiad which it covered, and have given to them the hasty perusal which my less agreeable but more indispensable occupations have permitted. rarely indeed do they permit one moment’s deBection from the volumes of oDcial papers which every day presents. the few moments I could spare to this object, I will say, were agreeably employed & should [. . .] your sheets with much satisfaction. to my own mortiAcation however [. . .] that of all men living I am the last who should undertake to decide as to the merits of poetry. in earlier life I was fond of it, & easily pleased. but as [age] & cares advanced, the powers of fancy have declined. every year seems to have plucked a feather from her wing, till she can no longer waft me to those sublime heights to which it is necessary to accompany the poet. [so much] has < 400>

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my relish for poetry deserted me that at present I cannot read Virgil with pleasure. I am consequently utterly [. . .] [to decide] on the merits of poetry. the very feelings to which it is addressed [. . .] those I have lost, so that the blind man might as well undertake [. . .] a painting or the deaf a musical composition. On the subject of oDce, my principles, & those constantly asserted by the republicans, that no one should be removed for mere diCerence of political opinion has given little to do in this way. it is moreover only the oDces of the Arst grade [which are] at my disposal; those of the 2d. being subordinated to them: the 3d. to [. . .] and so on; the oDces of each grade being thus in the gift of the [one next] above. I will with pleasure [mention] you to the heads of departments: but not to do you injury by nourishing [. . .] which might not be fulAlled. I am bound to observe that I know there has been a vast [redundancy] of applications, so that it is not likely that any vacancy exists. indeed among [. . .] that there are many supernumerary who will have to be dismissed, or the numbers [. . .] reconciled till reduced to [. . .] suDciency by ordinary accidents. accept my respectful salutations & good wishes. Th: Jefferson P.S. the sheets are herein returned.1 PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “John D. Burke esq.”

q TJ added the postscript in the left margin.

your favor from amelia: Burk to TJ, 19 June.

To John Dickinson Dear Sir Washington June 21. 1801. I recieved with great pleasure, as I do every thing from you, your letter by Dr. Vaughan, and am thankful to you for making me acquainted with him. it is extremely important to the administration of the public aCairs, for me to be on terms of conAdence with some persons of dispassionate judgment & integrity in every state, through whom I can obtain a knolege of such matters within their state as it is essential should be known; & most particularly a knolege of characters. the real business of our government is a manageable thing; and when I reBect on the sort of men in Europe to whom public aCairs there are conAded, I have no fear of failing with such coadjutors as I have. but it is the business of removal & appointment which presents the serious diDculties; all others compared with these, are < 401>

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as nothing. there is no object I have so much at heart as to see that the interests of my fellow citizens are conAded to honest men, with understanding enough for their station. my principles, & those always avowed by the Republicans, do not admit the removing any person from oDce merely for a diCerence of political opinion. malversations in oDce, and the exerting oDcial inBuence to controul the freedom of election, are good causes for removal. the interests of mr Mc.lane the collector of your district had been warmly espoused to me by some weighty & worthy members of Congress, & his character so represented that I turned a deaf ear to propositions for his removal as long as they were made on no speciAc charge. latterly however they are brought forward on the ground of malconduct in oDce, and electioneering activity. an enquiry is instituted as to the former. but the dead letter of written testimony will not enable us at a distance to decide with that satisfaction which intuition enables you to do, who are on the spot. you would indeed render me a great private favor as well as public service if you would inform me conAdentially, what judgment you form on the question whether this man ought or ought not1 to be removed from oDce? asking it for my own personal information only, your tranquility shall never be disturbed by a communication of your opinion to any other person. it is to satisfy my own conscience I ask it, fearful of being led astray by the opinions of others not so well known to me as you are.—a mr Mendenhall is better recommended than any other as a successor if it be proper to remove Mc.lane. is he the best republican character to whom it can be given? I hope when you consider the diDculty & the duty of procuring good information in cases where I must lean altogether on the information of others, you will excuse my solliciting the aid of a judgment on which I can rely implicitly; and if you should And it not too disagreeable and would spontaneously favor me from time to time2 with your opinions and information as to persons or things as they arise3 in your own state, or on the broader scale of the Union, I should consider the acquisition of such a counsellor as among the most precious safeguards to the public interests conAded to me. Accept I pray you the homage of my constant and aCectionate friendship & veneration. Th: Jefferson RC (PHi); addressed: “John Dickenson esq. Wilmington”; franked; postmarked 22 June; endorsed by Dickinson: “Received the 25th—The President, J. C. [. . .].” PrC (DLC). FC (same); in unidentiAed hand; at head of text: “ODce copy.”

your letter by dr. vaughan: Dickinson to TJ, 25 May. q Preceding three words interlined. r Preceding four words interlined. s Preceding three words interlined.

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From Lafayette My dear friend Circy 2 Messidor June the 21st 1801 I Had Been a Long While Without Hearing from You When Your Welcome Hand Appeared Again in the Letter of Which Mr. dawson Was the Bearer—I Hastened to Paris that I Might Receive Intelligences of our Beloved American Country and Her Worthy president. They Have proved Much to My Satisfaction—the More So as Besides the patriotic ACection Which Binds me to the United States I think the Exemple of A Governement founded Upon and Supported By the plain principles of liberty Never Has Been So Necessary as it is Now to Recover the ideas of Mankind—How Much they Are Altered in france You Can Hardly Conceive—Gainers as Well as Loosers—Equality Alone Has kept Her Candid—Yet Among the Heaps of liberal Seeds thrown in the Beggining, However Vitiated Since and trampled Upon, there Has Remained Enugh Above Ground to Better Essentially the Condition of the people, and Some, I think, Still preserved Under it—But While the Rights of Men Have Become in the old World, Quite Unfashionable, it is to me a Comfort to Hope that When peace May Give time to look at My Young Adoptive Country she Will By the perfect Harmony of philantropy and freedom With Energy and Good Order Once More Set Her Elders to Rights—it Seems, My dear friend, that Both partisans and Adversaries Have Conspired to At You to Give the demonstration its full force—On Your Elevated Mind and Amiable temper I also depend to Soften the Spirit of Party at Home to that degree which in a free State it is Necessary to preserve—Your Speech Has Had Among the friends of liberty, and the pretenders to Be So, the Great Success it deserves—Every Eyes are Axed Upon You and from My Rural Retirements the Heart Goes With them. The Exchange of the RatiAcations, the political Situation of Europe, the News from Egypt Having Been Laid down Before You in ODcial dispatches I shall the less dwell Upon those Matters as I Now am With My family at a friend’s House 120 miles from paris—This Visit Has Hitherto deprived me of the pleasure to Receive Mr. dawson at La Grange—I Hope He Will Be there towards the End of the Month Where I shall, We Shall all Be Happy to See Him. The Health of My Wife is Mending—Anastasia Will Before long Make me Once More a Grand Father—Virginia is as Yet UnMarried—My Son Who Has Received Two Wounds at the Battle of the Mincio and is Now With me intends to Set out in a few Weeks for Milan Where His Regiment is Quartered—They all Request to Be < 403>

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Most Respectfully and ACectionately Mentioned to You! My Excellent friend Bureaux Pusy Has Acquainted me With the Kind Enquiries and Good Wishes You did Express to Him in My Behalf—I Have Been Highly pleased to Hear of the Services He Has Had the Happiness to Render—Be So kind as to Remember Us to Your Amiable daughters, and Accept the Assurances of My High Regard, Warm interest, and Lively Ever Lasting friendship Lafayette permit me to inclose a letter to Cen pichon, and one from mde de tessé. RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Madame de Tessé to TJ, 14 June. Other enclosure not found. The letter carried by John dawson was TJ to Lafayette, 13 Mch. 1801. For several years Lafayette’s wife had suCered from a malady that caused swelling, pain, fever, and skin eruptions and that remained with her, despite remissions, until her death in 1807. The Lafayettes’ daughter Anastasie married

Charles de La Tour-Maubourg in 1798 (Arnaud ChaCanjon, La Fayette et sa Descendance [Paris, 1976], 107, 114; Jason Lane, General and Madame de Lafayette [Lanham, Md., 2003], 228-31, 238, 2402, 262). The French defeated the Austrians in battle at the mincio River in northern Italy in December 1800 (Digby G. Smith, The Greenhill Napoleonic Wars Data Book [London, 1998], 192). cen pichon: that is, Citoyen (Citizen) Pichon.

From James Lyon SIR Sunday Morning June 21 [1801] I cannot refrain from an apology for obtruding upon you so tedious a visitor yesterday morning; but conAdent that you bear with the foibles of those whose pride or interest lead them to visit you with patience and condescention, I doubt not but you will readily pardon my temerity, when I assure you that Dr. Shaw possesses an extensive knowledge of the people of Vermont,—of their interests and wishes; is a member of their Legislature, a Major in the militia and a man of handsome property (for that State) all of which he has acquired by the practice of Physic and Surgery, in which professions none there excell him! Never did a Mussleman visit the tomb of his Prophet at Mecca with more sincere pleasure and devotion. I must again beg your indulgence for one moment while I obtrude my aCairs upon your consideration. Important national concerns must undoubtedly call for almost unremitted attention; yet the Man, I am sensible, cannot be entirely lost in the president. Some tokens of your good wishes which rest upon my remembrance with gratitude, < 404>

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and which possibly I put too liberal a construction upon, induce me to mention my present total destitution of the materials for my business (having surrendered all to my creditors) and my equal destitution of the means to procure them. I almost despair of being able to recommence my business, which it has been my intention to do, hoping that I could eCect a loan for Ave hundred dollars, which by a friend, (Dr. Rd. Dinmore, a gentleman of this City with whom I have contemplated a partnership in my business) I could give ample security for the return of in installments,—but that hope I fear is entirely visionary; therefore I should be extremely happy if you could keep me in recollection when you are Alling places of employment, where with a small share of tallent and much laborious assiduity a moderate living may be made and place me in such a situation. I need not say that I do not make this request, thinking such a place would be either easy or enviable;—no, it is precisely because I have a growing family which at present see no other possible means of providing for,—except by the occupation of a journey man printer; and I hope that not my pride alone would be hurt when spurned from some tory oDce, where I must perhaps apply for employ; or when pointed at by the tories as a monument of the folly of squandering property in support of the republican cause; and altho’ I have been long in that habit, I1 believe it is the only way that I ever squandered it. I trust that your liberality will render an apology for this note unnecessary, & while your goodness will induce you to think in a proper time, of your Humble Servt. J Lyon RC (DLC); partially dated; addressed: “Mr. JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 22 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” dr. shaw: Samuel Shaw set up a medical practice in Castleton, Vermont, in 1789, and served as a member of the state House of Representatives from 1800 to 1807 (Biog. Dir. Cong.). Lyon had previously obtained a loan

and Anancial support from TJ for his publishing endeavors. See mb, 2:1002, 1003; Vol. 32:305. rd. dinmore: Richard Dinmore, with whom Lyon established the American Literary Advertiser in Washington in March 1802 and the Alexandria Expositor in November 1802 (Brigham, American Newspapers, 1:86, 98; 2:1108). q MS: “it.”

From David Austin [22 June 1801]

Mr. Austin acknowleges the very acceptable Note from the President of 21. inst: and has the happiness to And that the matter meets the entire approbation of every body. Upon the corner stone of this < 405>

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Example, the Citizens will cheerfully build to the furtherance of their own highest interests, and for the general prosperity of the administration and of the City. The doors of the Capitol are cheerfully opened for the purposes of the 4th of July: and if the President should judge proper to move for a general display of the Civil & military powers, under his controul on that day, a procession of the inhabitants would fall in with the example, & the completest union in political opinion, & in social design would succeed. It will be highly gratifying to the nation to behold the New Ship, under the new administration, handsomely launched from the acknowleged dockyard of the Nation. With all due esteem D. A RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); undated; addressed: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 22 June and so recorded in SJL as a letter of the same day. TJ’s very acceptable note of 21 June has not been found, nor was it recorded in SJL. It was probably a reply to a brief letter from Austin of 20 June that covered an enclosure (not found) regarding an unspeciAed project or event,

which many “well aCected” persons insisted be placed “under the President’s hand” before they proceed further. The enclosure may have related to the Axing up of Lady Washington’s Chapel or to Austin’s forthcoming 4th of july oration in the House chamber (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; torn along center fold; at foot of text: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 20 June and so recorded in SJL).

From William Davy Sir Philadelphia June 22d. 1801 A Gentleman now in England has requested me to forward to you Sir! the inclosed elegant Print of General Gates, the Hero of Saratoga. I execute the Commission with the greatest pleasure, requesting your acceptance of it, from a sincere Friend to this Country. I have the honour to remain with the most profound Respect, Sir! yr ob Hble Servt William Davy RC (MHi); at foot of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson Esqr. President of the United States &c &c”; endorsed by TJ as received 25 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found.

William Davy, a merchant, lived at 58 Walnut St., Philadelphia (StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1801, 95).

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To James Dinsmore Dear Sir Washington June 22. 1801. I have just learned by letters from mr Traquair & mr JeCerson that mr Stewart is gone on, having arrived at Richmond the 17th. inst. so that I presume he is with you by this time. I am rendered uneasy by the account I have of the condition in which he was there. if it be habitual, he could not be trusted with the superintendance of the nailery. Mr. Traquair had once before got alarmed on the same appearance, but hoped from the information he collected that it was accidental. I am glad that not having brought on his family we shall have some opportunity of trying him. in the mean time I wish you to keep in your own hands the transaction of all business with the customers, recieving their orders & seeing to the delivery, keeping the accounts, recieving money &c. as mr Stewart is alone, you will be able to provide for him till I come which will now be in little more than a month. when his family comes on they are to be Axed in the house built for Powel. I send this by the way of Richmond, in hopes you may get it sooner than if I wait the return of our post day from hence. accept my best wishes. Th: Jefferson RC (DLC); addressed: “Mr. James Dinsmore Monticello near Milton”; franked. Enclosed in TJ to George Jefferson, 22 June 1801, acknowledging receipt of George JeCerson’s letter of 17 June, and noting that the information it contained on the conduct of William Stewart when he passed through Richmond alarmed TJ and caused him to write the letter above to Dinsmore and to leave it open for George JeCerson’s perusal, with the request that it be forwarded to Monticello as quickly as possi-

ble, where Dinsmore “who is worthy of all conAdence will supply what is necessary”; Stewart was not expected to go to Virginia until July and therefore no previous orders were given “for his accomodation or conduct” (PrC in MHi; faint; at foot of text: “Mr. George JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso). The letters from James traquair and George jefferson are dated 30 May and 17 June, respectively.

From George Skene Keith Sir/ Keith.hall by Aberdeen June 22d. 1801 I take the Liberty of sending your Excellency two political pamphlets, one of them a Prize Dissertation on the Excellence of the British Constitution, the other, a particular examination of the last French Constitution—The two contain as many examples as I could easily get introduced—of the diCerent beauties or defects both of ancient and modern governments— < 407>

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I have been induced to give your Excellency the trouble of this Letter, and the papers which accompany it, from the following Causes— I was in early life resolved to settle in America, at the Request of an Uncle, the Revd. John Barclay of St. Peters Church—near Easton Maryland—About 12 years ago I published a pamphlet on the Equalization of Weights Measures and Coins, which, with a manuscript sent along with it, was very favourably accepted by your illustrious Predecessor George Washington—And as I read a pamphlet by your Excellency on the same subject, I have taken the Liberty of sending other two pamphlets— I have the Honour to be with great Regard Sir—Your Most Obedient humble Servt Geo: Skene Keith RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 16 Oct. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures: (1) George Skene Keith, A Prize Dissertation, on the Excellence of the British Constitution (Aberdeen, 1800). (2) Keith, A Particular examination of the new French Constitution, which was OCered to the People for their Acceptance, or Rather Imposed on them, in December, 1799 (Aberdeen, 1801). See Sowerby, Nos. 2805-6. George Skene Keith (1752-1823) was a minister of the Church of Scotland for the parishes of Keith Hall and Kinkell in Aberdeenshire. He also published writings ranging from sermons and local histories to tracts on agriculture and political science. In the early 1790s, he forwarded to

TJ and George Washington copies of his writings on weights and measures, including his pamphlet Tracts on Weights, Measures, and Coins (1791), which took issue with parts of TJ’s 1790 report on the same subject. TJ, in turn, disparaged Keith’s work as “lax” and imprecise (dnb; Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 8:312-14; 9:431-3; Sowerby, No. 3766; Vol. 18:481; Vol. 20:592; Vol. 22:367; Vol. 24:44). Anglican clergyman john barclay immigrated to Virginia in 1756 and served several parishes in that colony and in Maryland before his death in 1772 (Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 8:314; Donald Jackson and Dorothy Twohig, eds., The Diaries of George Washington, 6 vols. [Charlottesville, 1976-79], 2:175).

To John Langdon Dear Sir Washington June 22. 1801. Your favor of the 10th. was recieved yesterday. tho’ I am in hopes that by this time you have not only determined to accept but may be on your way, still it is necessary for me to inform you that General Smith left us eight days ago, no more to return. consequently the oDce is in immediate want of you. besides this, we all propose to be absent during the months of August & September. it would seem therefore very desireable that you could be here immediately to get possessed of the current of the business. as for instance if you could be here by the 10th. of July, you would have 3 weeks to get into the course of aCairs, could then return home, and in the course of Aug. & < 408>

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Sep. settle your matters there so as to meet us here with your family by the 1st. of October. thus on the presumption that, like a good citizen, you have determined to repair to the call of your country I have laid out your time for you according to my wishes. as an encouragement to mrs Langdon & yourself, I will say, you will And this as agreeable a residence as you can possibly wish. the tranquillity of the country with the society of a city, very happily united. we have a very agreeable society indeed here, and enough of it. present my respectful salutations to mrs Langdon & accept yourself assurances of my constant & aCectionate esteem. Th: Jefferson RC (NhPoS); addressed: “John Langdon esq. Portsmouth. N.H.”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by Langdon as received 2 July. PrC (DLC).

From John Langdon Sir Portsmouth June 22d. 1801 I had the honor of Addressing you the 10th. Inst. from Hopkinton from whence I return’d few days since. I have revolved in my mind the kind oCer you have been pleased to make me of the ODce of Secretary of the Navy, have viewed it in every shape I am able, have considered the happiness I should enjoy with my best friends, and all the other great inducements I have, to be at Washington; also on the other hand have consider’d my domestic situation, the great sacriAces I have made the last twelve years, my private Business demanding my immediate Attention, the impossability of Mrs. Langdon’s accompanying me without our Children who are soon looked for from Europe, and who hope and expect to And me out of Public Business, my friends here wishing me not to leave home, my time of life, and my Incompetency to hold the important Station, all seem to pronounce it Madness in me to Accept. Indeed my Dear Sir it is impossable for you to concieve the distress I feel, Anding myself under the Necessity of again declineing your kind oCer of the Secretaryship. I should have consider’d it the highest honor, as it would have been the greatest delight of my soul to have obeyed your call, but it appears next to impossiable. I am sure your goodness will rather pitty than Blame me. my Brother has Arrived and enter’d on his Agency, he has been very solicitous that I should Accept of the appointment, which (if possiable) adds to my distress. I pray you to Accept of my greatful Acknowledgements, and to beleive me with the highest possable Attachment— Dear Sir your much Obliged John Langdon < 409>

22 JUNE 1801 RC (DLC); at foot of text: “President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 July and so recorded in SJL but as a letter dated 27 June. Langdon wrote TJ again on 2 July, acknowledging the receipt of TJ’s letter of 22 June and thanking him for “the expressions of your goodness and kindness toward me.” Langdon had hoped to explain his reasons for declining the secretaryship of the navy in person, but “the

peculiar situation of my Business at this moment” made it impossible for him to be in Washington before TJ left the city. He trusted that his letter of 22 June had reached TJ and that “before this comes to hand, some proper person may have been appointed to the oDce” (RC in DLC; at foot of text: “President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 10 July and so recorded in SJL with notation “S”).

To Robert Lawson Dear Sir Washington June 22, 1801 Your letter of the 11th. came to hand only [two days ago]. I happened in the moment of recieving it to be writing to Richmond on some money [matters] and authorised my correspondent to have 50. Dollars placed in the hands of Majr. William Duval for your use. I am sorry to learn that your health is so indiCerent as to call for a residence at the springs; tho the [season] is approaching when they will oCer you [. . .] [stay?] [. . .] at this time. I am thankful to you for your kind congratulations on my appointment to the Presidency. so great a trust calls on me for my best exertions, and they shall certainly be made, for the public good. our predecessors have left us something to do in the way of reform, and especially as to the expenditures of money. we shall endeavor to [. . .] the approbation of our countrymen. with my best wishes for the [. . .]ment of your health. accept assurances of my [. . .] esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Genl. Robert Lawson”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

my correspondent: see TJ to James Monroe, 20 June.

From Samuel Miller Sir, New-York, June 22 1801. I do myself the honor to return herewith the Chronological & Historical Table, which You were so good as to send me last Autumn. It contains a large portion of important matter; & I beg You to accept of my grateful acknowledgments for the communication of it.— < 410>

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You suggest the idea of sending this collection of facts, after it shall have been returned to you, to the Historical Society of Massachusetts. I am persuaded that Society would receive it with pleasure & gratitude. There was, not long since, a time, when their feelings, on receiving such a communication, might not have been the most pleasurable:—but New England people are the Scotch men of America. They will, probably, hereafter, be polite enough.— In attempting to exhibit something of the progress of Science, Arts & Literature, during the Eighteenth century, it is my wish to publish a brief, but distinct view of the gradual advancement of learning in the United States—It is also my wish in this view, to give the names of those individuals in our country, who have distinguished themselves as promoters of useful knowledge; or to whom any considerable portion of our progress in any particular department of science or literature, may with justice, be attributed. With respect to these objects of enquiry, so far as they concern the middle States, I have some knowledge; and, with reference to the Eastern States, I have a prospect of obtaining information. Concerning the Southern part of our country, I am altogether at a loss, being wholly unacquainted with the names of those persons, who at the beginning, & during the Arst 70 years of the century, were conspicuous for their acquirements, or for the promotion of knowledge, in the State of Virginia, particularly, & in general, in the states south of the Potowmac.— If I do not mistake, during the former half of the eighteenth century, it was customary, through a great part of our Southern country, to send young Gentlemen to Europe for education. How far this circumstance might have a tendency to keep up a taste for classic literature, in the Southern States, which began very early to decline in New England, & which is now very low there, I am ignorant. It is my particular wish to be able to form some comparative estimates of this kind; & with facts to give, as far as possible, their causes.— In the State of Pennsylvania, that degree of acquaintance with the ancient Latin & Greek authors, which, some years ago, distinguished her literati, may be ascribed, I beleive, to two or three men; & to none more than to the Revd. Dr. Francis Allison,—an instructor in the College of Philada. for a number of years.—Probably a similar remark might be made on many of the other States.— I am sensible, Sir, that asking information from You, on the topics of enquiry hinted at above, would be a presumptuous, & very improper intrusion on Your numerous & much more important oDcial engagements. But if, You could take the trouble to favor me with any < 411>

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intimation to whom my enquiries might be, with propriety, & probable success, directed, I should consider myself highly obliged and honored.— I am, Sir, with great respect Your humble Servant Saml. Miller. RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 25 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found, but see TJ to Miller, 14 Sep. 1800. Miller’s wish to publish a brief, but distinct view culminated in the publication in New York in 1803 of A Brief Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century. Part First; in Two Volumes: Containing a Sketch of the Revolutions and Improvements in Science, Arts, and Literature, During that Period (Sowerby, No. 4727).

revd. dr. francis allison: Francis Alison (1705-1779), the Irish-born Presbyterian minister and educator who introduced the Scottish Enlightenment into American education, was vice provost and professor of Greek and Latin at the College of Philadelphia, a member of what became the American Philosophical Society, and founder of an academy in Newark that became the University of Delaware (anb).

From Arthur St. Clair Sir, Steuben Ville 22d. June 1801 I have taken the liberty to enclose to you a copper Coin that was found about a year ago near to the little Miami River, and thirty Ave miles above its conBuence with the Ohio. The manner in which it was found was this:—A person, in opening a Spring of Water, had sunk about four feet in the earth, and the next day, as his Children were playing about the Spring, one of them picked up the Coin, which he supposed was money, and ran with Joy to shew it to his Father—it must therefore have been buried nearly four feet. I saw it in a few days after it had been found, but could not get possession of it till lately— it was entirely free from rust as it is now, nor can I perceive any alteration in it, except that the metal was then, perhaps, a little browner. It may not be amiss to remark that one of those ancient FortiAcations, which are so numerous in this country, lies near to the above Spring. Should this Coin, Sir, which, clearly is not european, lead to any discovery, or even a reasonable conjecture as to the people who formerly inhabited this Country, (and that it was thickly inhabited seems to be beyond a doubt, from the works discovered in every part of it, and which appear to be the remains of fortiAcations round their Towns, and some of them include more than a hundred Acres) I shall think myself very fortunate that it came into my hands, and still more so that I had it in my power to put it into yours, as your thoughts have < 412>

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been turned upon the antiquities of this Country; and the contemplation of so interesting a subject, and any thing which may tend to elucidate it, may serve sometimes to relieve you amidst the cares of Government. It is a singular thing that a People who certainly possessed at least some of the Arts should have disappeared from the face of the Earth, without any memorial of them but what barely shews that they existed and were in a state of warfare—The present race of Savages have not even a tradition respecting the FortiAcations, or by whom they were made, which I have very particularly enquired into, quite to the Missisippi. From this peice of Copper, Sir, one Conclusion, which may be useful, seems to result, to wit that this species of metal, tho very liable to be corroded by the Air, does not decay in the Earth, and I am led to it not from the perfect state of this coin only, but from other instances which I have seen. Out of one of those Mounds or Barrows, (which are found near all the old works) thro which one of the Streets of Cincinnati was laid, and which was opened by it amongst a number of Bones and other things that fell from the Graves, were two peices of thin rolled or plated Copper wrought into the shape of pullies with a square hole through the center of each, and which, tho they must probably have lain many Centuries in the Earth, were perfectly free from rust or verdigrease, and the metal to appearance as sound as when it was Arst forged. With these were found a peice of native Chrystal, about nine inches in length, and an inch and a half in Diameter, wrought into a regular Agure, perfectly round and tapering gradually and exactly both ways from the middle, and turned up at each end, and had received a coarse polish, and a peice of variegated stone, of the same shape but not quite so big, very well polished. Whatever may have been the use of these or why they were buried with the body of the owner, they seem to prove that the Arts had made considerable progress. These were all sent by Governor Sargent, I think, to the Museum at Cambridge in Massachussets Whether there may be any thing in my conjecture on the durability of Copper in the earth, or whether the discovery, should it be one, may be useful or not, the Coin I think a very great Curiosity, and I request you, Sir, to accept it as token of the great respect with which I Am Sir, Your obedient Servant Ar. St. Clair RC (MHi); addressed: “(Private) Thomas JeCerson President of the united States”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 July and so recorded in SJL.

The artifact that St. Clair (and Andrew Ellicott in his letter of 4 June) called a coin may have been a copper ornament from the prehistoric Hopewell

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22 JUNE 1801 culture. The objects from the mound at cincinnati were very likely copper earspools. The Hopewell people also made ceremonial objects from quartz crystal (N’omi B. Greber and Katharine C.

Ruhl, The Hopewell Site: A Contemporary Analysis Based on the Work of Charles C. Willoughby [Boulder, Colo., 1989], 11, 28-30, 100-1, 114-15, 131, 135, 137, 155, 157-8).

From Sir John Sinclair Dr Sir Charlotte Square Edinbg 22d June 1801 I have the pleasure to congratulate you, on Your attaining the Arst situation to which any private individual can aspire, and which I have no doubt of Your Alling, with credit to yourself, and advantage to your Country.— You will now have it in your power, to promote that Agricultural system to which you are so partial, and I hope to see, under your auspices, a Board of Agriculture established in America. For some thoughts on that subject, I beg to refer, to the Advertisement perAxed to General Washingtons letters published by me. I hope you have received the copies of that work which were directed to you, and that you have given directions for circulating the proposals which accompanied them. A Century or two hence, a copy of it, must be a singular and valuable curiosity, more especially should the art of making facsimile copies be lost. I now beg leave to inclose, the plan of a New Town I am erecting in the North of Scotland, where you will see the place destined for the monument of General Washington— I have the honour to be, with much truth and regard, Dr Sir Your faithful & obdt Servant John Sinclair RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 13 Oct. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: “Plan of the New Town of Thurso, in the County of Caithness, North Britain now Building on the Property of Sir John Sinclair of Ulbster, Bart.,” previously enclosed by Sinclair in 1799 (see Vol. 31:91). The eight-page advertisement at the beginning of the volume of Washington’s letters that Sinclair published praised Washington’s interest in agricultural improvements, quoted from his endorsement of the British Board of Agriculture, and applauded his eCorts to

establish a similar institution in the United States (Letters from His Excellency George Washington, President of the United States of America, to Sir John Sinclair, Bart. M.P. on Agricultural, and Other Interesting Topics [London, 1800], 9-16). Sinclair enclosed a copy of the publication, which included eight letters written by Washington to Sinclair between October 1792 and November 1797, in his letter to TJ of 6 June 1800. facsimile copies: in the edition, Washington’s letters were “engraved, in order to represent the hand writing of their celebrated author” (same, 15).

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From Samuel Smith Dr Sir/ Balte. 22. June 1801 I send you inclosed two letters I have recieved in behalf of Mr Forbes appointed to Havre by Mr Adams. I know Nothing of that Gentleman, but presume he Cannot be otherwise than Federal, in the late Acceptation of the Term,—From his letters he appears sensible— but It may perhaps be proper not to Appoint all the Consuls from one part of the Union.—Understanding from Mr Maddison that Mr. Doble was to be appointed for Havre I declined saying anything on the subject in favor of Mr. O’Mealy of this City & therefore proposed him for Hamburg—If Mr. Doble does not expect or wish the appointment to Havre & no more proper persons oCer—I will hope that Mr. O’Mealy’s pretension may be considered & Beg leave to refer to his letter to the Secy. of State—if he cannot get Havre, I hope he may be deemed worthy of being appointed to Hamburg— I confess I am extremely Anxious that Mr. W. Buchanan may have the Appointment to the Isles of France & Bourbon—If he is appointed I would send a Vessell (I now have here) Immdy. to him, otherwise I will give her another Destination & Order him to return home. But I would not wish the appointment on any Consideration— if any Inconvenience will arise therefrom—Believe me to be truly your freind & servt. S. Smith RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 23 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures: (1) William Stephens Smith to Samuel Smith, 15 June 1801, introducing John Murray Forbes as “a young Gentleman of great merit, and respectable Connections,” who travels to Washington to solicit from TJ the conArmation of his appointment as consul at Le Havre (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; endorsed by TJ: “Forbes to be a Consul”). (2) William Lee to Samuel Smith, 16 June 1801, recommending Forbes as “a man of strict integrity and virtue” and as possessing a liberal education, commercial talents, and a thorough knowledge of the French language (same; endorsed by TJ: “Forbes to be Consul”). For the eCorts by John Murray forbes to secure a consular appointment, see Theodore Foster to TJ, 23 Mch. 1801. TJ appointed Peter Dobell (doble) commercial agent at Le Havre in place of

Forbes in June 1801 (commission in Lb in DNA: RG 59, PTCC, dated 1 June; Vol. 33:671, 676). Michael o’mealy solicited a commercial agency in France in his letter to James Madison of 29 May, which noted that his application for oDce in 1797 had been ignored “most probably on account of my political principles.” Although not a native of the United States, O’Mealy had been a citizen of the country for seventeen years and he referred Madison to memorials in support of his previous application, to General Smith, and to other “respectable Merchants” of Baltimore to vouch for his “moral or political character” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; endorsed by TJ: “to be Consul to a French port”). For the appointment of William buchanan as commercial agent for the isles of france and bourbon, see Smith to TJ, 12 Mch. 1801.

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From Henry Tuell Sir; 22nd June 1801— And May it Please Your Excellency; To Pardon the Freedom taken by a Citisen of this District, who is Reduced to a low Circumstance, and hoping I shall be Excusd for leting my Situation be known to the Protector of our Country.—I would have spoke yesterday when you call’d at the mill where I dwell; on your way to Mr. Perces mill; but seeing you had Missed you way & was in hast; I did not wish to detain you; therefore I take this Freedom to day;—The topic is I am Streighted for Afteen Dollars, for which I am under an Execution for; by Two DiCerent men, and I fear unless your goodness, would be so good as to favour me with the loan of so much I shall be constrain;d to Joail this day I am to meat the marshal; at one oclok. Now Sir would your Goodness Extend so far, as to Releave a Destressed man—I would in Return let you have Corn Flour; or Rye, out of the Mill; as the mill Earns it; I Rent the mill by the year I make the best meal on this Creek; I would be Pounctial in Acknoledging the favour—and your Humble Petitioner shall be Ever in duty Bound to Pray I am Honnor’d Sir your Humbl Petitioner and Destressed tho Obdt Sert Henry Tuell your Humble Petitioner waits in your Honor for an Answer. and at same time Relying on your goodness and beging pardon, for the freedom he has taken, but Sir necessity which frequenly Obliges me to things Contrary to my Inclination has Induced me to it now I Rest Sir Your— Henry Tuell RC (DLC); addressed: “His Excellency Thos. JeCerson President of United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 22 June and so recorded in SJL.

perces mill: possibly Pierce Mill in what is now Rock Creek Park in northwest Washington, D.C. (rchs, 31-32 [1930], 101-2).

To David Leonard Barnes Sir Washington June 23. 1801 Your favor of the 12th came to hand yesterday evening; and that no one may suCer in your estimation by unjust suspicions, I hasten to assure you that not a word or a letter from any one to your prejudice has come to me. least of all things should I consider in the business of removal or appointment what may have been said of myself personally where anything has been said. how entirely I have kept out of sight electioneering opposition, my best friends can testify, < 416>

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several of whom were in opposition to me on the ground of political diCerence of opinion, without it’s having ever lessened our harmony or correspondence for one moment. these are not among the qualiAcations or disqualiAcations I seek for oDce. tho’ I cannot acknolege all the faults which have been imputed to me, yet I recognise enough to permit grounds of rational opposition. among these however is not that of letting personal considerations misguide my judgment in removals or appointments. accept, I pray you, assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “The honble David L. Barnes.”

From Michael Fortune Sir Philadelphia June 23d—1801 As the Author of the inclosed little Song, permit me to present it to you—The view and spirit in which it was written, will be obvious to you, and prompt you to indulge me in the liberty, I have taken, of making use of your name in order to eCect a patriotic purpose. The popular Song has sometimes produced greater eCects than the sublimer Bights of Poetry—As it is the duty of every good Citizen to support a wise and virtuous Administration, by conciliating the minds of the people, it is also the Province of the Poet to promote Union by Means of harmony— I have the honor to remain with the highest Veneration Sir Your most obedient and respectful fellow-Citizen Michael Fortune RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson. President of the United States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 25 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: JeCerson and Liberty. A New Song (Philadelphia, 1801; Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 734). Michael Fortune may have arrived in Philadelphia in 1790 on a ship from Northern Ireland. He was listed in some city directories in the 1790s as a grocer and a storekeeper. By 1800 he sold lottery tickets, and his advertisements for “Fortune’s Lucky Lottery ODce” in 1815 featured a set of verses in which a sweetvoiced cherub advised: “To the temple of Fortune proceed.” Fortune wrote lyrics

for several songs in addition to “JeCerson and Liberty,” including “The Acquisition of Louisiana” in 1804. In 1796-97 he translated into English, for publication in Philadelphia, a volume of moral instruction and a schoolbook by Moreau St. Méry, both originally written in French. Later Fortune was responsible for the English translation of Victoria NeoAureliana, a work in Latin verse prompted by the War of 1812. When the African Episcopal Church in Philadelphia held a service on 1 Jan. 1808 to mark the proclaimed end of the African slave trade, Fortune, who also sold tickets for the church’s lottery, wrote a “New Year’s Anthem” for the occasion. In 1825 he lived in Charleston, South Carolina (Philadelphia

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23 JUNE 1801 Federal Gazette, 25 June 1790; Philadelphia Gazette, 8 July 1800; Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, 4 Feb., 13 June 1808; PittsAeld Sun, 23 Jan. 1808; American Telegraph, 8 Mch. 1815; René Houdet, A Treatise on Morality: ChieBy Designed for the Instruction of Youth [Philadelphia, 1796], 120; M. L. E. Moreau de St. Méry, General View or Abstract of the Arts and Sciences, Adapted to the Capacity of Youth [Philadelphia, 1797]; [James Ross], Victoria NeoAureliana: Pax Gandavensis. Cum Interpretatione Poetica a Michaele Fortune [Philadelphia, 1816]; Absalom Jones, A Thanksgiving Sermon, Preached January 1, 1808, In St. Thomas’s, or the African Episcopal, Church, Philadelphia [Philadelphia, 1808], [23-4]; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1798, 56; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1799, 54; Richard J. Wolfe, Secular Music in America, 1801-1825, 3 vols. [New York, 1964], 1:10, 166, 448; 2:682, 900; Kenneth Roberts and Anna M. Roberts, trans. and eds., Moreau de St. Méry’s

American Journey, 1793-1798 [Garden City, N.Y., 1947], 231-2; Fortune to TJ, 29 Aug. 1825, RC in DLC). Nicolas Gouin DuAef, the publisher of Fortune’s little song, “JeCerson and Liberty,” advertised it for sale at Voltaire’s Head, DuAef ’s Philadelphia book and stationery shop. The price was 25 cents, with a discount allowed for bulk orders. Fortune’s words were set to the tune of “JeCerson’s March,” which had been composed anonymously, perhaps by Peter S. Du Ponceau, for the inauguration celebration in Philadelphia. Other writers also employed the titles “JeCerson and Liberty” and “JeCerson’s March” for songs commemorating TJ’s election (Philadelphia Gazette, 23 June 1801; Malone, JeCerson, 4:30; Philippe de Létombe to TJ, 28 Feb. 1801). No reply to Fortune’s letter of 23 June 1801 has been found or is recorded in SJL, although Fortune later referred to a response from TJ dated 26 June (Fortune to TJ, 29 Aug. 1825).

From James Mease Sir Philadelphia 23d June 1801. I have the pleasure to present you with a copy of a pamphlet I lately published on the disease produced by the bite of a mad dog, the object of which is to support the principles I maintained in my inaugural dissertation, in May 1792. A case lately occurred in this City of the disease, and bleeding was liberally used by my friend Dr Physick, but from his want of success, he is determined to pursue another course of treatment in future. The history of the case will be published in the next no. of the N. York Med: Repository, and some observations from me will follow on the subject. I also take the liberty to forward to you the outlines of a course of lectures, which I design to deliver next autumn in this City, upon the application of the principles of Natl. Philosophy and Chemistry to Arts, manufactures and the common purposes of life. It is my intention to sollicit the trustees of the Univ: of Pennsylvania to establish a professorship for the purpose under the title of “Æconomicks” but I am not certain of their complying with my desire. Should they reject < 418>

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my proposal to deliver the lectures under their patronage, and encouragement generally fail, I may probably turn my attention to objects from which a more certain success may be expected.—With sincere wishes for your prosperity and happiness, I remain your friend James Mease RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President u States”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Observations on the Arguments of Professor Rush, in favour of the InBammatory Nature of the Disease pro-

duced by the Bite of a Mad Dog (Philadelphia, 1801; Sowerby, No. 968). Other enclosure not found. For his dissertation, see Vol. 23:620.

Notes on a Conversation with Andrew Ellicott 1801 June 23. Andrew Ellicot tells me that in a conversn last summer with Majr. William1 Jackson of Philadelphia, on the subject of our intercourse with Spain, Jackson said we had managed our aCairs badly, that he himself was the author of the papers against the Spanish minister signed Americanus, that his object was irritation, that he was anxious, if it could have been brought about to have plunged us into a war with Spain, that the people might have been occupied with that, & not with the conduct of the admn & other things they had no business to meddle with. MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 113:19521); in TJ’s hand; followed on the same page by notes on various conversations, 13 Dec. 1803-26 Jan. 1804. The papers signed americanus appeared in the Gazette of the United States in July 1797. On the 14th of that month the newspaper printed a letter of 11 July from Carlos Martínez de Irujo to Secretary of State Timothy Pickering. The Aurora, on 14-15 July, also printed the letter and issued it as a pamphlet. In the long communication, Irujo complained that Pickering had dismissed Spanish concerns about a possible British expedition against upper Louisiana, had not brought that matter promptly to the attention of the president, and had misrepresented

the actions and motives of the Spanish in North America. “If your discussion of facts had been as correct and impartial as there was reason to expect,” Irujo wrote, “I should not have been under the necessity of undertaking this task.” On 15 July, the Gazette printed a piece signed “Americanus” that characterized Irujo’s letter as “a gross abuse of oDcial situation” with the intention of “disseminating the poison of foreign politics.” The writer suggested that an amendment to the Constitution should forbid the publication of such letters from foreign diplomats attempting to inBuence public opinion. “Americanus” then addressed Irujo directly in a series of letters in the Gazette, declaring in one of them that if the United States and Spain went to war the

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23 JUNE 1801 United States would certainly win. Pseudonymous writers kept the subject in the newspapers for weeks, especially in the form of attacks on Irujo by “A Native American” in the Gazette of the United States and Irujo’s replies as “Verus” in the Aurora. Pickering’s lengthy oDcial response to Irujo’s letter, dated 8 Aug., appeared in the Gazette in October 1797 (Gazette of the United States, 17, 19, 22, 27 July, 8 14, 15, 18, 24, 26 Aug., 1, 5, 27 Sep., 13 Oct. 1797; Aurora, 14-15, 18, 19, 24-27, 29 July, 3, 7, 16, 28 Aug., 13, 18, 22 Sep. 1797; New York Minerva, & Mercantile Evening Advertiser, 22 July 1797). The appearance of the Arst “Americanus” piece one day after the newspapers’ publication of Irujo’s letter to Pickering implies that “Americanus” was in

Philadelphia, where William Jackson was surveyor and inspector of the revenue. A series of articles signed “Americanus,” which the Gazette of the United States reprinted from Virginia newspapers in August and September 1797, was unrelated to the attacks on Irujo that used that pseudonym. “Americanus” was not an uncommon pen name, appearing as the signature to pieces in the Gazette in 1796 and 1798, a published letter criticizing TJ in 1798, and a piece promoting his election in 1800 (Gazette of the United States, 25 Nov. 1796, 23 Feb. 1798; Vol. 29:76; Vol. 30:255-62, 302-4; Vol. 31:241n; Vol. 32:125n). q Word interlined in place of “David.”

From Luke O’Dea Hond. Sr. June the 23d. 1801 I am informed That there is Publick Gardens To be Laid out in The City of Washington under your sanction and as you have Seen Some of the Beautifull Gardens of Europe I should Be Happy To Dow Buisness for them that Seen and understands more by all accts. than any other man in this Part of the world if the work is Not alredy Bespoke or Dowing By men of Judgement I would undertake the Drawing for the work and Anish it To any Neatness Required I Have worked some years for His majesty The King of England and in all the Publick Gardens & Privit Gardens of Note about London in Europe and am conAdent I can Give more satisfaction To you and the Publick than any other man in america I Have Done 2 Smart Pices of work on the Estern shore of Marylan one for a wm. Paca Esqr. who was once Governor of this state and one for a Mrs Chew Near the same Place. I am Nown To Mr. Mason President of the Columba Bank and some others of the Georgetown Gentry if these Things are Not to Gow on Probeble you may want me To be your own Privit Gardner as I understand the Kitchen fruit Bower1 and PlesureGardens Laying out of Hothouses and Greenhouses in the Neatest Europin forms and thier management Nurserys &c. &c. I hope you will forgive this much from my Pen and Remain Sr yr. Obedent and Humble servt. Luke O Dea < 420>

24 JUNE 1801 RC (DNAL); addressed: “The Honble. Thos JeCerson President of the United States of America City of Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 21 June and so recorded in SJL.

William paca built Wye Hall in Queen Anne’s County, Maryland (Papenfuse, Maryland Legislature, 2:633). q MS: “fower.”

To George Wythe Th:J. to G. Wythe [23 June 1801] Your’s of the 19th. is this moment recieved. the moment your former one came to hand, I engaged Capt. Lewis, my secretary to take measures for procuring paiment from the debtor, who it seems is at St. Mary’s on the Southern frontier of Georgia. he happened to have [the] opportunity of seeing the paymaster who refused to [stop] [. . .] his next paiment after seeing the debtor. Capt. Lewis thinks [. . .] yet 6. or 8. weeks before the eCect can be known. [I presume] [. . .] [to let] it go on. and if his brother shall have paid before we get the money thro’ this channel, it can easily be [restored to him thro the pay] master. I suppose it better to preserve the advantage of the [double?] chance. you must not suppose this is a trouble to me. you [taught] me the maxim that nothing is troublesome that [makes] [. . .]. you can do nothing more pleasing to me, than to give me opportunity of being serviceable to yourself or your friends. accept the [. . .] my constant & grateful aCections & high respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); undated; faint; at foot of text: “George Wythe”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso as a letter of 23 June and so recorded in SJL. your’s of the 19th.: see Wythe to TJ, 31 July.

your former one: possibly Wythe’s undated and unlocated letter to TJ, recorded in SJL as written in March and received 16 Apr. the debtor: Samuel Tinsley; see Wythe to TJ, 31 July.

From Pierre Auguste Adet Monsieur Le président Paris 5 Messidor An 9. (24 juin 1801). Lorsque j’ai appris que les suCrages de vos concitoyens vous avoient appellé à la premiere magistrature des etats unis, j’ai applaudi à leur sagesse, je les ai felicité de leur choix. Certes, le peuple américain ne pouvoit conAer à des mains plus habiles que les votres les rênes de l’administration; à un magistrat plus intègre que vous, le < 421>

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soin de faire respecter les loix; à un négociateur plus habile la direction de sa politique; à un philosophe plus éclairé le soin de propager les lumières; à un gardien plus Adèle le dépot sacré de sa liberté; à un pere plus vigilant, les interets et le bonheur de la famille. quant à vous, Monsieur le président, j’ai été quelque temps incertain si je devois me rejouir pour vous de la marque d’estime publique que vous venés de recevoir. Je savois combien peu de prix un philosophe attache aux grandeurs humaines; je savois que peu touché de l’éclat qui environne le pouvoir, seul dédommagement des soins et des soucis qui en accompagnent l’exercice, vous n’auriés pas dans un des postes les plus brillants de l’univers, ces jouissances que l’ambitieux trouve dans l’elevation. je vous aurois donc plaint sous ce rapport. mais aussi, quand je pense que vous appartenés à la classe de ces hommes que la nature produit de temps à autre pour assurer la felicité des nations auxquelles ils appartiennent, et que vous obtiendrés de vos travaux, de vos fatigues, la seule récompense que puisse désirer un Sage, le témoignage d’une conscience satisfaite qui applaudira chaque jour au bien que vous aurés fait, je vous felicite Monsieur le président de pouvoir gouter du Bonheur reservé sur la terre aux bienfaiteurs de l’humanité. Daignés agréer, Monsieur le président, avec les voeux ardents que je forme pour que vous puissiés en jouir longtemps, l’expression de mon inviolable attachement, et de mon profond Respect. P. A. Adet membre du Tribunat de la Repque. française. e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Mister President Paris, 5 Messidor Year 9 (24 June 1801) When I learned that the vote of your fellow citizens had called you to the highest public oDce of the United States, I applauded their wisdom, I congratulated them on their choice. Certainly the American people could not conAde into hands more skillful than yours the reins of government; to a public oDcer more honest than you the responsibility for making the laws respected; to a more skillful negotiator the direction of its policies; to a more enlightened philosopher the care of propagating enlightenment; to a more faithful guardian the sacred deposit of its liberty; to a more vigilant father the interests and happiness of the family. As for you, Mister President, I was for some time uncertain whether I should rejoice for you for the token of public esteem that you have just received. I knew how little worth a philosopher attaches to public recognition; I knew that, scarcely aCected by the brilliance that surrounds power, the sole compensation for the cares and worries that accompany its exercise, you would not have, in one of the most brilliant positions in the universe, those

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24 JUNE 1801 enjoyments that the ambitious man Ands in being raised to high place. I would thus have felt sorry for you in that respect. But, on the other hand, when I reBect that you belong to that class of men whom nature produces from time to time to assure the blessing of the nations to which they belong, and that you will obtain from your labors, your fatigues, the only reward that a wise man can desire, the testimony of a satisAed conscience that will daily applaud the good that you have done, I congratulate you, Mister President, on being able to taste the happiness reserved on earth to the benefactors of humanity. Kindly accept, Mister President, together with my ardent wishes that you may enjoy it for a long time, the expression of my inviolable aCection and my deepest respect, P. A. Adet member of the Tribunate of the French Republic RC (DLC); at foot of Arst page: “M. JeCerson président des Etats unis”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. 1801 and so recorded in SJL. Adet, the former minister plenipotentiary to the United States, had been a member of the Tribunate (tribunat)

since its establishment under the 1799 constitution. The 100-member Tribunate reviewed proposed legislation, recommending that the Legislative Body either conArm or reject the government’s decrees (Tulard, Dictionnaire Napoléon, 35; Stewart, French Revolution, 771-2).

From François Barbé de Marbois Paris, le 5. Messidor an 9. de la République.

Monsieur, [i.e. 24 June 1801] Je desire que la lettre ci-jointe parvienne Surement à mon frere et j’espere de l’ancienne amitié dont vous m’honorés que vous excuserés la liberté que je prens de vous l’adresser. Je crois que vous ne doutés pas de la Satisfaction que j’ai eue de vous voir placé par vos concitoyens a la tete du gouvernement des Etats unis. heureux le pays dont les destinées sont entre les mains d’un Sage. Agreés, Monsieur, mon profond respect Barbé marbois Il Se peut que l’adresse de la lettre pour mon frere ait besoin d’etre changée et je la recommande a vos Soins obligeans. e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Sir, Paris, 5 Messidor, Year 9 of the Republic I desire that the enclosed letter securely reach my brother, and I hope that the lasting friendship with which you honor me will excuse the liberty that I am taking in addressing it to you. I think that you have no doubt about the satisfaction it gave me to see you

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24 JUNE 1801 placed by your fellow-citizens at the head of the government of the United States. Fortunate is the country whose destiny is in the hands of a wise man. Accept, Sir, my deep respect. Barbé marbois It is possible that the address of the letter for my brother may need to be changed, and I commend that to your kind care. RC (DLC); English date supplied; on printed letterhead of Conseil d’État of France (see illustration), with blanks for day and year Alled by Barbé de Marbois; endorsed by TJ as received 10 Sep. 1801 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. Enclosed in George Izard to TJ, 30 Aug. 1801. mon frere: Pierre François Barbé de Marbois, François Barbé de Marbois’s younger brother, had recently been made France’s temporary vice commissary of commercial relations for the states of New York and New Jersey. He had performed a similar role before, acting as vice consul for New York, Connecticut, and New Jersey, 1791-92, and prior to that as vice consul for Pennsylvania and Delaware beginning in 1785. The United States recognized his new appointment on 8 May 1801 (FC in Lb, DNA: RG 59, Exequaturs; Abraham P. Nasatir and Gary E. Monell, French Consuls in the United States: A Calendar of Their Correspondence in the Archives Nationales [Washington, D.C., 1967], 549-50, 566; Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 8:215n; E. Wilson Lyon, The Man Who Sold Louisiana: The Career of François BarbéMarbois [Norman, Okla., 1942], 34, 48; Vol. 14:65n, 66n). l’ancienne amitié: François Barbé de Marbois held diplomatic posts in the

United States in the early 1780s, acting successively as secretary of legation, chargé d’aCaires, and consul general. In 1780 he circulated questionnaires asking for general information about the states, and TJ wrote Notes on the State of Virginia as a reply to those queries. Following his service in the United States, Barbé de Marbois was the colonial administrator for French possessions in the Leeward Islands, including Saint-Domingue. He subsequently held elective oDce in France but fell under suspicion as a royalist, and after the Fructidor upheaval in September 1797 the government exiled him to French Guiana. He was able to return to Paris after the Brumaire coup. A good relationship with the third consul, Charles François Lebrun, led to Barbé de Marbois’s appointment as councillor of state and director of the treasury. In September 1801, he became minister of the public treasury (Biographie universelle, ancienne et moderne, new ed., 45 vols. [Paris, 184365], 3:45-8; Dictionnaire, 5:247-9; Tulard, Dictionnaire Napoléon, 161, 484; Notes, ed. Peden, xii; Vol. 4:166-7; Vol. 5:58-9). Barbé de Marbois wrote to TJ from French Guiana on 4 Dec. 1798, but that letter, recorded in SJL as received from Sinnamary on 2 Feb. 1799, has not been found.

From William Barton Sir, Lancaster (Penns.) June 24. 1801.— The inclosed News-paper (published in a Country-Town) contains some “Facts and Observations”—the production of my humble pen,—“respecting the late decision of the Circuit Court at Philad. in the case of William Duane, on the question of Citizenship.” Conceiving the subject to be of high importance, as connected with our < 424>

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National Policy—and presuming that the view of it, here taken, may not be unacceptable to the President of the United States, to whose correct judgment it is entirely submitted,—I have taken the liberty of craving, for it, the Honor of his Attention.— With the most profound Respect, And sincerest personal Attachment, I have the Honor to be, Sir, Your faithful and obedt. Servt. W. Barton RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States.”; endorsed by TJ as received 27 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found, but see below. In May 1801 the U.S. circuit court in Philadelphia heard a case against William Duane brought by Federalist merchant Levi Hollingsworth. Although the trial originated as a libel suit, it evolved into an attempt to revoke Duane’s American citizenship by having him declared an alien and therefore subject to the Alien Friends Act of 1798. Barton’s facts and observations on the case appeared in the 18 and 22 July editions of the New York American Citizen, which included a dateline of “Lancaster, 24 June” and the signature “An American Citizen.” The essay compared Duane’s circumstances with a similar case involving William Loughton Smith, the former Federalist congressman from South Carolina whose own citizenship had been called into question in 1789 when he attempted to take his seat in the House of Representatives. Duane cited Smith’s case in his defense during his trial. Bar-

ton’s essay detailed the similarity of their situations: both men had been born in America, both had been taken to Europe before the Revolution while still minors, and subsequently attained their majority while resident there before returning to America. In Smith’s case, the House deemed that these circumstances did not constitute a loss of American citizenship. In Duane’s case, the circuit court came to the opposite conclusion. “This contrariety of Decisions,” Barton concluded, “will beget such a degree of doubt and uncertainty respecting it, as must necessarily be attended with great inconvenience, and even mischief.” He hoped that the next session of Congress would consider the issue and provide “a radical and complete Remedy for so monstrous an Evil” (George C. Rogers, Jr., Evolution of a Federalist: William Loughton Smith of Charleston (1758-1812) [Columbia, 1962], 165-6, 169-71; Phillips, “William Duane,” 124-6). For Duane’s criticism of the court’s decision and his conviction for contempt on 23 May, see TJ to Robert R. Livingston, 31 May.

From Tench Coxe Sir Lancaster Pa. June 24th. 1801 You will be pleased to consider me as not to disposed to accept the appointments you mention in your letter of the 17th. instant. I hope no person knows that they have been oCered to me, particularly by yourself, and I earnestly request that the fact may never be communicated. I could wish, if it is known, that you meditated the oCer, that it may be believed that on reBexion you did not think it proper to make it. Any publicity to the circumstance would injure me, and I beg you to allow me to say that it would be capable of very unpleasant remarks in < 425>

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reference to yourself and your arrangements. My enemies would treat it as an evidence of very low estimation, and your enemies would, in my opinion, present it to the world in several views injurious to yourself, your plan of government and our critically situated cause—We are yet surrounded with awful perils. I have never met with a republican, who did not think that it was necessary to relieve the people from a number of those, who under the name of federalists, monopolized the powers of the country. Nor have I met a federalist, who did not admit the moderation and reasonableness of putting half the oDces into the hands of republicans—If you do less our people will be sensibly aCected, and our opponents will not ascribe it to respectable considerations. I speak on observation and reBexion. I know that candid men, on both sides, have noticed to me the justice you would certainly do to me. You say I was “unjustly removed.” If so to with-hold from me the vacated oDces of Secys. of State, Treasury & Navy, Supervisor, Commissary of Military Stores, and my own oDce of Commissioner of the Revenue—to keep the customs of Philada. in the hands of three determined party men, to shew no consideration for My indignities, my bitter suCerings, and lawless persecutions, my large and tender family are matters, it would appear well to reconsider. The very oDces oCered, can only be reached by “removals.” Why may not the oDce No. 31 be vacated by giving to that person the two appointments oCered to me. Surely my preparation as a Merchant, as a member of the standing Comme. of our trade, as a Commissioner to our commercial convention, as the sole Commercial member of Congress, as the superintendant of our commerce in the oDce of the assistant Secy of the treasury, and as a man constantly advised with by you & all the members of our government in matters of commerce prepares me better than him. Make him Commissioner of the Revenue. Make him navy agent. Make him a Commr. for the federal city. Let not the last remaining republican in the T.D. in all the Dts. be left a suCering monument of injustice before your exulting enemies. If the Senate refuse me you will not be culpable. But I do not believe it. I am ashamed to say it, my present hardships do not arise altogether from federalists—I will not believe that a decent moderate oDce, for which I am particularly prepared will be denied me by the present Senate. If it should be so you will have done your part. The fear of your removing No. 2,2 will secure my conArmation in N. 3. My second brother is speaker of the Jersey Legislature, & of great federal inBuence.3 But has N. 3 done nothing hostile to the safety of the Country—in our late perilous trials. Did he not suCer a citizen of Pennsa. to be < 426>

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whipt like a malefactor by his Corps (the Western Army)4 without maintaining military discipline, or punishing the violators of a citizens house and person—Was not his present oDce all this time a sinecure—Was he ever qualiAed to maintain an intelligent check over the oDce N. 2. Was he punctually attending in his place—was he not the chosen instrument to lead the aristocratic band of 75,000 associators—making his oDce a sinecure, Did he not hold up political ideas of the most exceptional kind. What was my situation at the mean time—removed from an oDce worth 3000 Drs. ® ann:— menaced with banishment and assassination—abused in the federal prints—neglected by acquaintances, by friends, by connexions, by blood relations—openly told I was intentionally made to suCer in my Business—and that it was all right and I must be made to feel it more. Under all these circumstances did I not pursue in 1798, 1799 & 1800 every measure that would rescue us from war with republics—leagues wth. Monarchies—and protect the characters of our republican candidates of 1799 & 1800 from fatal obloquies. Does the Government And another man who has endured the same trials—will it be seen to restore all but me—will it fail to place me by some immediate arrangement in the modest station N. 3.—Why was there no delay to engage a place not vacated, to Genl. Muhlenberg, for which all say he is not at all calculated or prepared. Why so much delay for me— I beg you to excuse me, Sir. Your character and mine are not a little concerned in my case—nor is it uninteresting to the character of your government and administration. I am compelled to do Justice to my name, my delicate & more than half worn constitution, and above all to my large growing & tender family. The salary of my oDce since my removal exceeds 10,000 dollars. It was made for me. Both parties placed me in it. Mr. Miller did not expect to hold it—I do not ask it. I do not want—It would be my wish to be in Philada. Since the events about Capt. Jones’s nomination, Mr. Miller’s oDce being never mentioned to me, the early provision for Genl. Muhlenburg, my explicit letters, and the humble oCer of the 17th. I fear I do not stand in your mind or in the government in such a footing as to render my situation respectable or comfortable at Washington— Whatever you may perceive in this letter, Sir, of the eCusions of an aching heart, believe me were I a single man you would not have to read them. My duty to my family compels me to ask a part of that Justice which is due to me— I have the honor to be, sir, yr. respectful humble Servant Tench Coxe < 427>

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You may judge of the public expectation in regard to me from this fact, that in March, after your election was decided, seven applications were made for my present oDce—I could add many other evidences— RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); torn; with two interlineations in TJ’s hand (see notes 1 and 2); endorsed by TJ as received 2[8] June and so recorded in SJL. The three determined party men in the Philadelphia customs oDce were George Latimer, collector, William McPherson, naval oDcer, and William Jackson, surveyor, all “aggressively Federalist.” According to Coxe’s key of positions, office no. 3 was that of naval oDcer and No. 2, that of collector (see enclosure at Coxe to TJ, 19 Apr. 1801). Philadelphia’s custom house has been described as “among the most active politically” (Prince, Federalists, 86, 88, 92-3). William Coxe, Jr., served as speaker of the New jersey general assembly (Votes and Proceedings of the TwentyFifth General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [Trenton, 1801], 3). whipt like a malefactor: for the whipping of newspaper editor Jacob Schneider, see Vol. 31:152n. The same troops entered houses in Reading and attempted to force the occupants to tear down the liberty poles they had erected (Philadelphia Aurora, 24 May 1799). office all this time a sinecure: on 11 Mch. 1799, McPherson resigned as militia commander of “MacPherson’s Blues” and received a commission as brigadier general in the federal army to lead an expedition against John Fries and other tax protesters in the Pennsylvania counties of Northampton, Montgomery, and Bucks.

According to a report in the Aurora, McPherson left Philadelphia on 4 Apr. with four troops of volunteer cavalry attached to the Pennsylvania militia and two troops of “volunteer cavalry attached to the Presidential army.” Fries was arrested on 6 April and brought to Philadelphia. McPherson triumphantly returned to the city on 23 Apr. (Philadelphia Aurora, 5 Apr. 1799; Gazette of the United States, 24 Apr. 1799; Paul D. Newman, Fries’s Rebellion: The Enduring Struggle for the American Revolution [Philadelphia, 2004], 146-64; Syrett, Hamilton, 22:388). John GraC, an inspector, who was also known as the deputy collector at Philadelphia, supervised the daily operations at the custom house and made it possible for McPherson to lead the expedition and have dual positions. GraC was noted for his administrative skills and noninvolvement in party politics. McPherson was still serving as naval oDcer when he died in 1813 (Prince, Federalists, 92-4; Cooke, Coxe, 486). Coxe’s explicit letters on appointments he would accept included those to TJ of 10 and 23 Mch. and 19 and 23 Apr. my present office: Coxe resigned as secretary of the Pennsylvania Land ODce in Lancaster in 1801 (Cooke, Coxe, 399). q TJ here interlined “Naval oDcer.” r TJ here interlined “Latimer.” s Preceding sentence interlined. t Three words in parentheses interlined.

To Mary Jefferson Eppes My dear Maria Washington June 24. 1801. According to contract, immediately on the reciept of mr Eppes’s letter of the 12th. I wrote him mine of the 17th. and having this moment recieved yours of June 18. I hasten to reply to that also. I am very anxious you should hasten your departure for Monticello, but go a < 428>

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snail’s pace when you set out. I shall certainly be with you the last week of July or Arst week of August. I have a letter from your sister this morning. all are well. they have had all their windows almost broken by a hailstorm, & are unable to procure glass, so that they are living almost out of doors. the whole neighborhood suCered equally. two skylights at Monticello which had been left uncovered, were entirely broken up. no other windows, there, were broke. I give reason to expect that both yourself & your sister will come here in the fall. I hope it myself and our society here is anxious for it. I promise them that one of you will hereafter pass the spring here, & the other the fall; saving your consent to it. all this must be arranged when we meet.—I am here interrupted so with my aCectionate regards to the family at Eppington & mr Eppes and tenderest love to yourself I must bid you adieu. Th: Jefferson RC (DNCD); addressed: “Mrs. Maria Eppes at Bermuda Hundred near City point”; franked and postmarked. PrC (CSmH); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

mr eppes’s letter of the 12th: see TJ to John Wayles Eppes, 17 June. letter from your sister: Martha JeCerson Randolph to TJ, 19 June.

To James Madison June 24. 1801.

Th: JeCerson returns to mr Madison Erving’s letter to Genl. Dearborne, & approves of a commission to him as Consul at London. where to And a competent successor for Lisbon1 he knows not, unless Gilman, who refused St. Domingo, will accept this. perhaps Genl. Dearborne can judge. the place must be reserved for a man of real diplomatic abilities.—Marchant’s case will be the subject of further consultation with mr Madison.—Th:J. sends a letter from Pierpoint Edwards for Messrs. Madison, Gallatin & Dearborne, ad legendum, & to be returned. the Hippè begins to be felt. as soon as the qualms of this are a little assuaged, another broken dose should be given.— he sends to the same gentlemen mr Paul’s application for a door keeper’s place & mr Jones’s for a clerk’s or some other place. knowing how they are overrun with these things, it is with reluctance he troubles them with them; but as those places are not within his cognisance, he must either refer the applications, or reject them, which would be thought hard, & might sometimes deprive the oDces of an application of value. he makes this apology for the future as well as past references of this kind. < 429>

24 JUNE 1801 RC (DLC: Madison Papers). Enclosure not found. George W. Erving was commissioned consul at london on 3 July 1801 while Thomas Bulkeley retained his post as consul at lisbon until early 1802 when he was replaced by William Jarvis (asp, Miscellaneous, 1:307, 308; jep, 1:248, 406, 407; commission in Lb in DNA: RG 59, PTCC; Erving to TJ, 5 June). th:j. sends a letter: see Pierpont Edwards to TJ, 10 June.

ad legendum: “for reading.” mr paul’s application: a letter from Thomas Paul to TJ of 23 June has not been found but is recorded in SJL at that date with notation “Geo. T.” Paul also wrote to TJ on 19 Oct. 1801 from Baltimore and 18 Jan. 1802 from Washington, both letters not found but recorded in SJL as received 20 Oct. 1801 and 18 Jan. 1802, respectively. q Preceding two words interlined.

From Wilson Cary Nicholas Dear Sir Warren June 24th 1801 To be remembered by you amidst the pressure of important public concerns, that present themselves upon the new arrangement of the government is to me highly gratifying, it is no less so to And my feelings of personal attachment to you, the warm interest that I take in the success of your administration, and my opinion of the measures that the public good requires, concur in suggesting the same ideas; happily what I owe to the conAdence with which you have honored me and duty to my country dictate the same sentiments. I have long foreseen that the interested views of some, and the passions of others wou’d produce embarrassment in the disposition of oDces; soon after my return from Washington I took the liberty to express my sentiments very fully to Mr. Madison upon the subject of removals. I do verily believe that I have not annexed too much importance to it, when I supposed that the union of the parties that unfortunately exist in this country depends very much upon the line of conduct that is pursued with respect to appointments. I do not believe it will be possible to unite the federalists in an opposition to your administration unless they can be made to think that it is your determination to proscribe their whole party, on the contrary I most sanguinely hope that the wisdom and integrity of your measures will give satisfaction to the bulk of that party unless they can be induced to suppose that they have personal wrongs to complain of. If our government is to be a government of party and of faction it cannot be of long duration, nor perhaps is it desirable that it shou’d. In the conBict of parties the public good is disregarded,1 the rights of individuals are lost sight of, the resources of the nation are misapplied, & exhausted, liberty, happiness and every thing most precious is sacriAced, and ultimately a des< 430>

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potism is submited to, to arrest the progress of the mischief produced by faction. Nothing can contribute so much to the good of our country, or to your fame, as the union of parties under your administration, and it is my most ardent hope that at the next election you may be hail’d the chief Magistrate of the American people and not the head of a party. I think there is much more reason to expect a schism among the republicans than an united opposition from the federalists, in other countries where parties, have existed, we have found them continue united until they have subdued their opponents, but when that was once done they have subdivided and split themselves into other parties, in our case I trust our loss cannot be great, I hope it will be conAned to the interested and disappointed, and that the virtuous among the republicans & federalists will rally around you and form a phalanx that will move into submission all those who wou’d sacriAce every thing to their own views. I am not at a loss to whom to ascribe the attack upon the administration, and I have no doubt that in this instance as in most others the want of good faith will lead to its own punishment; the policy that ought to be observed toward such men is obvious, let them be as much in the wrong as possible, and have nothing to complain of with justice. I am not surprised at any act of wickedness perpetrated by the Connecticut men—they are desperate—their conduct wou’d fully justify the retribution you contemplate and yet they are only doing what was done by Mc.Kean two years past—When and where is this business to stop? I fear that the Federalists throughout America wou’d be put in very ill humour by a general removal in that State, nor am I convinced that such conduct ought to be counter acted by being imitated. I am sure that nothing wou’d be so pleasing to the leading men of that party as that all the federalists in America shou’d be turned out of oDce they know the eCect it wou’d have—it is not impossible that this step may have been taken with the expectation that it wou’d induce you to take a similar course.2 The conduct of the late administration with respect to Algiers is a thing that I cannot account for, they certainly had the command of a suDcient sum of money for all their purposes, they must be responsible to their country for all the consequences of their neglect. It is a question of real diDculty what the U.S. ought to do with respect to these six robbers. to abandon our trade in the Mediterranean cou’d not be eCected, for wherever there is a prospect of gain our people will go; and upon a restoration of peace I believe we shall And the whole world will scarcely consume the produce of the U.S. Nor indeed wou’d it be the Mediterranean trade alone that we shou’d have to abandon, for if these pirates And < 431>

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that they can do it with impunity, they will take our vessels in any part of the Atlantic. so that it seems to me that we have nothing left for it, but to pay a tribute as other nations do, or to block up their ports. If it is determined that we are to have a navy, and that in time of peace with other nations we are to keep a number of vessels aBoat for the purpose of instructing our young oDcers, I shou’d prefer the latter course but for one consideration—in time of War with any of the Maritime powers of Europe it wou’d be out of our power to keep up a cruise in the Mediterranean, and we shoud have to have the depredations of these pirates, in addition to those of a nation that we may be at war with. I am now in the midst of my harvest, our crop is a very Ane one and we are in expectation of a good price. I have expressed my opinion with a freedom that I hope you will pardon. I am Dear Sir with the greatest respect Your humble servt W. C. Nicholas RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 23 July and so recorded in SJL. Dft (DLC: W. C. Nicholas Papers); lacks Anal page. remembered by you: see TJ to Nicholas, 11 June. For the letter Nicholas

wrote madison on 1 May on the subject of removals, see Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:135-8. q Word interlined in place of “forever sacriAced.” Dft: “forever sacriAced.” r Dft ends here.

From Kezia Norris Sir, 42. South Street Baltimore June 24th 1801 Your disposition to promote establishments which have for their basis the promulgation of useful knowledge, and the exercise of philanthrophy and benevolence, has emboldened me to enclose you a plan of the Female Humane Charity School of this City, and likwise a list of donors, and annual subscribers to the same; this establishment has heretofore been conAned to the education of females only; but the directors fondly look forward to a period which they hope is not far distant, when the benevolent patronage of the Public will be so extensive, as to enable them to compleat the institution by adding the dear little orphan Boys now suCering under the double misfortune of ignorance and penury: our hearts dilate on the pleasing anticipation of fostering by Public muniAcence, a little band of Patriotic Brothers, thus snatched in their infancy from the untimely grave of ignorance to vote one day, among the defenders of their countrys Independence. < 432>

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ConAdent of your ready approbation of such an institution, I have reserved a place at the head of the subscription, for the President of the United States. With due respect, I am Sr, Yr most Obd and Humb Servt Kezia Norris Trustee to the Female Humane Charity School RC (MdHi); endorsed by TJ as received 25 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. The street address given by Kezia Norris was the same as that of Nicholas Norris, merchant (StaCord, Baltimore Directory, for 1802, 80). The Female Humane Association of Baltimore, a women’s organization, founded the nondenominational chari-

ty school in 1800 to train indigent girls for domestic service. The school was incorporated by an act of the Maryland legislature in late 1801 (A Brief Account of the Female Humane Association Charity School, of the City of Baltimore [Baltimore, 1803], 3-4; Leo J. McCormick, Church-State Relationships in Education in Maryland [Washington, D.C., 1942], 155).

To Samuel Smith Dear Sir Washington June 24. 1801. Your favor of the 22d. is recieved the last night. mr Buchanan shall recieve the appointment of1 Commercial agent to the isles of France & Bourbon as desired. mr Stacey’s being one of the midnight appointments is suppressed on that ground. mr Lewis who actually holds the former commission will resign. to make this easy to him I wish not to issue the new commission till his resignation comes in, or till the last moment to which mr Buchanan could wait without inconvenience. in the mean time he may make his arrangements & preparations, and you proceed in the destination of your vessel on the assurance that, if he does not recieve the commission sooner, it shall be sent when he is ready to depart.—not a word yet of the Genl. Greene or John Adams. should not these oDcers be called to account? Langdon writes me on the 10th. that in 10. days he shall return home & will then make up his mind. I have written him that I am afraid you have abandoned us, & pressing him to come on without delay. be so good as to present my homage to mrs Smith & accept yourself assurances of my aCectionate & great respect. Th: Jefferson P.S. Forbes stands on very diCerent ground. it is time the Republicans should begin to share in the government. < 433>

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P.S. since writing the within the Genl. Greene is arrived & at anchor at the mouth of the Branch. P.P.S. the John Adams arrived two hours after the Genl. Greene RC (ViU); with last two postscripts on address sheet; addressed: “Genl. Samuel Smith. Baltimore”; franked and postmarked. PrC (DLC); lacks last two postscripts; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

The frigates General Greene and john adams had been retained under the Peace Establishment Act and ordered to Washington, D.C., where they were to be laid up in ordinary (ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 134, 191, 265, 367, 368). q TJ here canceled “consul to.”

From Benjamin Vaughan Dear sir, June 24, 1801. I am favored with your letter of the 7th: instt. & have the pleasure to inclose a letter to my brother William, respecting a telescope. Extracts may be copied, in proportion as you make copies of your letter of order; which letter of order (provided no objection occurs on your side) may be addressed to my brother; & the telescope, when ready, be delivered to your usual correspondent. Permit me to pass to the other branch of your letter.—The practice of nations (more perhaps even than that of individuals) has diverged so widely from the path of justice; that attempts to reconcile the two have often not only the air of novelty, but sometimes even of criminality. Your Armness however happily attaches you to the study of original principles; in which alone there is consistency & satisfaction; & from which alone, in case of the amendment of the lot of human society, lasting credit is to be derived. Principles tells us, that man is not to be treated like an English pauper, & handed about from one unwilling receiver to another. If natural rights & duties then are to be consulted, few among these rights are more obvious, than that (generally speaking) man should be allowed to seek his happiness where he pleases. It seems next in order to that other right, that man may live where he is born. God’s earth is for god’s creatures; & wherever any of his creatures can be accommodated in so simple a manner, as by being admitted to gain an innocent subsistence through their own exertions, a nation should not shut its doors against them.—In the United States, the Aeld for strangers is large. We pretend too that our institutions are social. Our society also has actually Bourished by large importations of foreign< 434>

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ers. Nor did Rome or Old England suCer in their respective days, by being formed out of an alluvies of people; nor does theory lead us to suspect that they would. But unfortunately, the exception taken in this country to foreigners, has principally regarded their politics. There is no objection to receiving the bigot either in politics or in religion, but we fear not only any new enlargement of mind & conversation, but the spread of publications tinctured with the very principles which America once taught to Europe. “Revolution-principles (says Dr. Franklin) after a revolution is once established, are of no more use: they are even odious & abominable.”—This then, is exhibiting to us Europe over again, instead of that new world which was promised to mankind, while America was Aghting, & wished others to Aght for her. Taking, however, matters at the worst as to foreigners; it seems to me, that it is easier to govern the politics of a few foreigners, than to govern the prejudices of persons of a certain description respecting these foreigners. Hence we may say a priori, that any large state jealous of a few strangers has something wrong in1 it. It has in it either wrong principles, or its citizens are not steadily educated in such as are right. As to the probable conduct of particular states in the Union, should the grant of partial degrees of citizenship be left solely with them, it is likely to be as various as their circumstances. The northern states during the impulse of revolutionary principles felt liberally; but at present, as few of their leading men have lands to sell, these feelings seem to be discountenanced.2—To trust to them alone therefore to form provisions in favor of aliens, will at present be leaving the matter where congress leaves it. Congress must itself modify the exercise of its powers of naturalization, & itself establish grades of citizenship by a federal law; &, whatever may be thought of the letter of the federal constitution on this subject, I believe that an interpretation in favor of a scale of privileges suited to the times of residence of the claimant, would be popular; because happily suited to common sense on the one side & to prejudices on the other.—Foreigners, one should presume, might be content to be naturalized, in proportion as their minds become naturalized. They would consent in short to be governed for a short period, before they sought to govern. In any event, every provident man & lover of humanity must deprecate their being trusted too early with the privilege of using the neutral Bag of this country in war time, equally with3 citizens of the country; when the use of this Bag even by natives, in time of war, is so often attended < 435>

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with hazard; and the hazard would evidently be greater with persons who had old connections in foreign parts. Internally, each state may be trusted with the privilege of granting diCerent degrees of citizenship within its own individual limits, if so inclined; without an enabling law of congress. The particular states would never have thought perhaps of vesting the power of naturalization in congress; had it not been for the case of the neutral Bag, & the interchange of citizenship established between the diCerent branches of the union. It was natural that a federal law should be requisite to determine, who those were, who were to be defended by all, and to be received as inmates by all. The questions respecting alien duties, alien tonnage, & so on, are very subordinate; and the taint to the federal government to arise from too lavish a grant of citizenship to foreigners within particular states, was too feeble to make impression in those days, when America was called the last resort of mankind & the asylum of the world. Sheets of paper might be written, & perhaps wasted, on these subjects: My next letter will therefore take up a new topic. My paper scarcely leaves me room to testify at present the perfect sincerity with which I remain, dear sir, Your respectful & attached humble servant. RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as a letter by Vaughan received from Hallowell on 21 July and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Benjamin Vaughan to William Vaughan, from Hallowell, Maine, 24 June 1801, noting TJ’s desire for a telescope and asking William to consult Sir Joseph Banks, Henry Cavendish, and Sir Charles Blagden about the request, letting them know also that although Benjamin has become “one of the most extensive cultivators & busiest doctors in this quarter of the world,” he will try to fulAll any requests they may make of him; speculating that a telescope made by the Dollonds and presented to Richard Price might be purchased for TJ; and noting that he has not yet seen Francis Masson, the king’s botanist, to whom he will introduce “a capital informant,” William Dandridge Peck (RC in MHi; signed; addressed: “William Vaughan Esqr at Messr Saml Vaughan & Son’s, London”). TJ and Vaughan’s brother william, a London merchant, were not in regular

correspondence. William Vaughan had written to TJ about naval architecture in 1792 and sent a letter in 1797 that has not been found (dnb; Vol. 23:99-100; Vol. 29:530n). In Latin, alluvies refers to land or water deposited by the overBowing of a sea or a river. In a satirical essay of 1773 called “Rules by which a Great Empire may be reduced to a Small One,” Benjamin franklin taunted English Whigs who, although “nurtur’d in Revolution Principles” from the Glorious Revolution, behaved as if “such Principles, after a Revolution is thoroughly established, are of no more Use, they are even odious and abominable” (Leonard W. Labaree and others, eds., The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, 37 vols. to date [New Haven, 1959- ], 20:392). q Word supplied. MS: “wrong it.” r Preceding two words interlined in place of “have vanished.” s Preceding Ave words interlined in place of “as.”

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From Dr. John Vaughan Esteemed Sir, Wilmington June 24th 1801. In obedience to your request, I embrace the earliest opportunity of recommending a candidate for the oDce of Marshall of this state. Having consulted several of my Republican friends on the subject, I am authorized to give the aggregate opinion in favour of Joel Lewis of New Castle County—He has passed thro the whole rotine of oDce to a member of the Assembly; in the latter capacity he served several years, & I believe it may be said with great justice that few men in our district are better acquainted with the general order of public business—I, also, believe that his integrity has never been questioned. his political principles are well established & proven by the test of federal persecution—or rather calumny. I feel most sensibly the responsibility of my present function, & to preclude the possibility of unfavourable imputation hereafter, permit me to observe, that this Gentleman is a matrimonial connexion of mine, but when it is considered that he is in easy circumstances, the perquisite of the Marshall’s oDce will not be supposed to have an unjust pecuniary inBuence. Be pleased to accept, the tribute of my esteem, & the assurances of my devotion to the public weal— John Vaughan P.S. This letter will bear the post mark of Christa. Bridge, as it will not be put into the mail, until Mr. Lewis is consulted. RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thos. JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 29 June from “Washn.” and so recorded in SJL with notation “Joel Lewis to be marshll.”

From Volney Monsieur Le président Paris 5 messidor an 9 24 juin J’attendais avec impatience la permission de vous ecrire pour Vous exprimer la satisfaction vivement sentie par tous les amis de la raison, et du bonheur general, de Votre avenement à la presidence de états-unis. votre discours d’inauguration a été pour eux un sujet d’orgueil et de triomphe, puisque lá ils ont pu montrer le modèle du langage de la veritable philosophie, inséparable quoiqu’on en dise, du veritable [. . .] de gouverner. j’ai dû, plus que personne, etre sensible à ce langage, qui en me rappellant celui de Votre amitié privée m’a retracé, par contraste, le tems où je fus contraint de m’en priver < 437>

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et de quitter un pays que je voulais considerer comme une seconde patrie. maîntenant que cette Epoque de terreur est passée je veux l’oublier comme la nôtre, en vous priant néantmoins d’en empecher le retour par l’application des principes d’une indispensable justice. je reçus dans son tems l’envoy que Vous eûtes la bonté de m’adresser par Mr Maclure: mais d’aprés la note qui y était jointe, je craignis de contrarier vos vues même en vous en accusant la reception: dés lors Mr Barlow setait chargé de continuer le travail et il l’a poursuivi et acheve avec le talent que Vous lui connaissez, et le zêle de l’amitié qu’il Vous a vouée: aprés divers delais, je me suis decidé a faire imprimer ici une édition que j’envoyerai aux états-unis aAn d’assurer la conservation dun travail precieux sous tant de rapports. j’ai remis une copie de l’invocation au Cen. pichon pour la faire imprimer dans les papiers publiés comme Echantillons. j’ignore s’il l’a fait. il n’en soupçonne pas la vraie source. Le manuscrit reste dans mes mains á votre disposition j’attendrai Vos ordres à cet égard. Mr Maclure a passé ici près de trois mois: il a du prendre des idées justes de notre situation. il pourra vous en faire part de Londres où il s’est rendu pour terminer ses aCaires. Le tableau comparé de ce pays lá au notre doit être curieux: mais je doute que l’on puisse le tracer aussi librement: car ce qu’on nous en dit par Voyes detournées ressemble à notre periode de terreur. Les changemens opérés parmi nous depuis 20 mois sont presque fabuleux: nous etions en dissolution putride au dedans et au dehors, et nous sommes plus recomposés que jamais. cependant vous penserez avec raison que la desorganisation revolutionaire a laissé de fortes traces dans nos mœurs publiques et privées, ainsi qu’il est arrivé chez vous. quelques années du gouvernement actuel nous retabliront; mais notre situation a l’inconvenient d’être viagere. il est vrai que celle de nos voisins l’est presquégalement et depuis 10 ans les evênemens nous ont appris a compter plutôt sur notre bonheur, que sur les calculs de la prévoyance. nos plus grandes plaies, celle des Anances, et celle de la sureté, se cicatrisent à vue d’oeil: les tribunaux speciaux ont produit tout le bien que nous en attendions: il nous reste le mal sacerdotal, et le retour du balancier de ce coté est étennant d’hypocrisie et de fanatisme—mais sous peu une bulle papale retablira un equilibre supportable, ou sa dénégation renversera le système dans ses fondemens— quant à la paix, il est diDcile de penser après les violentes secousses des passions et des interets de tous les etats et de toutes les classes, que l’Europe en voye d’ici à plusieurs années des périodes durables. < 438>

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les partis se donneront des treves, mais non de complettes amnisties. sur le continent notre pays en concevra peu de souci, puisqu’il a rendu la balance diDcile à contrepeser. c’est autre chose sur la mer, et là est maintenant Le nœud-gordien pour tous. le sort quelconque de l’Egypte ne le tranchera pas. car si l’angleterre cedait ce pays en restant maitresse de la mer, rien ne l’empecherait de préparer une plus eDcace invasion, et une saisie simultanee de tous nos Vaisseaux. et si elle En demeurait maitresse, elle en rendra plus insupportables ses prétentions. le rôle que prendront dans cette lutte les etats du nord aura sans doute de l’inBuence, mais ce sera peut-être plus sur sa durée que sur son issue, à moins qu’elles n’adoptent un systeme plus ferme et plus positif. le Votre pourrait devenir le meilleur de tous, si le peuple des etats-unis avait le bon Esprit de mettre l’europe en quarantaine non seulement pour la peste de la guerre, mais aussi pour celle du commerce dont on lui a trop inAltré le poison. quand on nous atteste ici que ce jeune peuple consomme dans un an pour 25 millions de vin et 22 millions de rubans, dentelles, linons, &c nous trouvons qu’il a besoin de la ferule des loix, s’il ne veut tomber sous celle de la ruine et de la tyrannie. si comme il est certain ce qui est vertu et sagesse dans un individu l’est egalement dans une Nation, lœconomie, la temperance, le bon ordre peuvent seuls fonder la prosperité des etats unis, et leur politique doit être d’eviter la compagnie amie ou Ennemie de deux voisins puissans et querelleurs qui dans leurs haines n’ont de but que de se donner des auxiliaires de combat, sans se soucier de ce quils deviendront. être independent et maitre chez soi, et ne pas aller chez les autres se mêler de leurs querelles ni même de leurs aCaires, voilà quelle doit être la devise des americains s’ils ont envi[e] [. . .] ne pas ressembler a l’irlande où à l’italie. je ne vous dirai rien de ma situation privée; elle est aussi douce que le comp[orte] notre calme interieur. ma santé encore plus que mon gout metient eloigné du tourbillon des aCaires, pour ne pas être le temoin impatient des vilenies qui les accompagnent. le corps politique comme le corps humain ne gagne pas à être vû dans ses entrailles. je prepare un tableau physique des etats-unis—peut-être seratil suivi d’un tableau civil: mais comme ces etudes me fatiguent beaucoup, je les méne lentement. vous savez que madame helvetius est morte: elle a parlé de vous avec Esperance jusquau dernier moment: Cabanis me charge de Vous adresser tous ses sentimens de la plus haute estime: en me joignant à lui, permettez-moi de Vous oCrir l’assurance du plus constant attachement. C Volney rue de la Rochefoucault no 7 < 439>

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Mister President Paris, 5 Messidor Year 9, 24 June I was impatiently awaiting permission to write to express to you the lively satisfaction felt by all friends of reason, and the general happiness, upon your succession to the presidency of the United States. Your inaugural speech has been for them a subject of pride and triumph, since in it they have been able to show the model of true philosophical language, inseparable, whatever one may say of it, from the true [. . .] of governing. I was bound to be, more than anyone, sensitive to that language, which, reminding me of your private friendship, recalled to me in contrast the time when I was required to deprive myself of it and leave a country that I desired to consider as a second fatherland. Now that that period of terror is past, I wish to forget it like ours, begging you nevertheless to prevent its return through the application of the principles of an indispensable justice. I received in due time the parcel that you had the kindness to send me by way of Mr. Maclure, but according to the enclosed note I feared to contradict your wishes even by acknowledging its receipt. From that time on, Mr. Barlow took responsibility for continuing the work, and he pursued it and completed it with the talent that is known to you, as well as the zealous friendship that he has devoted to you. After multiple delays I decided to have printed here an edition that I shall send to the United States in order to insure the conservation of a work that is precious from so many aspects. I turned over a copy of the invocation to Citizen Pichon for it to be printed among the papers as a specimen. I do not know whether he has done it. He does not suspect its true source. The manuscript remains at your disposition in my hands; I shall await your orders concerning it. Mr. Maclure spent almost three months here. He must have gathered correct ideas about our situation. He will be able to communicate them to you from London, where he went to Anish his business. The comparative picture between that country and ours must be interesting, but I doubt that it can be drawn as freely: for what we are told about it in roundabout ways resembles our period of terror. The changes eCected among us in twenty months are almost fabulous: we were in putrid dissolution within and without, and we are more recomposed than ever. You will reasonably think, however, that the revolutionary disorganization has left strong traces in our public and private morals, as happened with you. Some years of the present government will reestablish us, but our situation has the defect of being transitory. It is true that the situation of our neighbors is almost equally so, and for ten years events have taught us to count more on our good fortune than on the calculations of foresight. Our greatest wounds, Anances and security, are visibly being scarred over. The special courts have produced all the good that we were expecting. There remains for us the priestly evil, and the back swing of the pendulum on that side is prolonged by hypocrisy and fanaticism—but shortly a papal bull will reestablish a tolerable equilibrium, or its denial will overthrow the system down to its foundations. As for peace, it is diDcult to think, after the violent upheavals of the passions and interests of all states and all classes, that Europe will see any en-

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24 JUNE 1801 during periods of it for several years from now. The adversaries will give each other moments of truce, but not complete amnesties. On the continent, our country will not conceive much anxiety from that, since it has rendered the balance diDcult to counterbalance. It is quite diCerent on the sea, and that is now the Gordian knot for everyone. Whatever may be the fate of Egypt, that will not cut through it. For if England gave up that country while remaining mistress of the sea, nothing would stop her from preparing a more eCective invasion and a simultaneous seizure of all our vessels. And if she remained its mistress, she would render her pretensions more intolerable. The role that the northern countries take in this struggle will probably have some inBuence, but it will concern more its duration than its outcome unless they adopt a more Arm and positive system. Yours could become the best of all, if the people of the United States had the good wit to quarantine Europe, not only against the plague of war, but also for the commerce whose poison has been excessively inAltrated in them. When it is proved to us here that this young people consumes in one year 25 millions in wine and 22 millions in ribbons, laces, Ane linens, etc., we consider that it needs the iron rule of laws, if it does not wish to fall under the rule of ruin and tyranny. If, as is certain, that which is virtue and wisdom in an individual is equally so in a nation, economy, temperance, and good order alone can found the prosperity of the United States, and their politics must be to avoid the friendly or enemy company of two powerful and quarrelsome neighbors who have no other aim than to acquire allies in combat without worrying about what may happen to them. To be independent and master at home and not to go among others to mingle in their quarrels or even in their business, that is what must be the motto of the Americans if they do not desire to resemble Ireland or Italy. I shall tell you nothing about my particular situation; it is as sweet as our internal calm entails. My health, even more than my taste, keeps me far away from the whirlwind of aCairs, so as not to be the impatient witness of the vile deeds that accompany them. The body politic, like the human body, is not improved when seen in its entrails. I am preparing a physical description of the United States—perhaps it will be followed by a civil description, but, as those studies tire me greatly, I carry them forward slowly. You know that Madame Helvétius is dead; she spoke of you with hope up until the last moment. Cabanis requires me to address to you all his sentiments of the highest esteem; joining mine with his, allow me to oCer you the assurance of my most constant aCection. C Volney Rue de la Rochefoucault, No. 7 RC (DLC); torn; addressed: “M jeCerson president des Etas unis”; endorsed by TJ as received 5 Sep. 1801 but recorded in SJL at 3 Sep. The package carried by William maclure contained TJ’s translation into English of a large portion of Volney’s Ruines. For Maclure’s role in transporting the translated chapters and Joel Barlow’s completion of the translation, see

TJ to Volney, 17 Mch. 1801. The note by TJ to accompany the chapters, presumably written in 1799 before Maclure left on his trip to Europe, has not been found, nor did TJ record it in SJL. a faire imprimer ici une édition: the New Translation of Volney’s Ruins was published in Paris in 1802 (see note to TJ to Volney, 17 Mch.). In addition to asking Louis André Pichon to publish the book’s invocation in the United States

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24 JUNE 1801 to promote the forthcoming volume, Volney apparently also sent the invocation to Britain, perhaps with Maclure. Some American newspapers then picked it up from British publications (Carolina Gazette, 16 July 1801). un tableau physique des etatsunis: Volney’s Tableau du climat et du sol des États-Unis d’Amérique, the result of his travels in the United States in the 1790s, was published in French in 1803 and in an English translation by Charles Brockden Brown, titled A View of the Soil

and Climate of the United States of America, the next year (Vol. 29:xxxviii; Vol. 30:82n). When TJ was in France, Georges cabanis lived at Auteuil under the patronage of Madame Helvétius and was part of an intellectual circle that included Volney, Benjamin Franklin, and others. Cabanis was allowed to remain in Madame Helvétius’s residence after her death in August 1800 (Howard C. Rice, Jr., Thomas JeCerson’s Paris [Princeton, 1976], 94-6; Dictionnaire, 7:752-3).

From Tench Coxe Dear Sir Lancaster Pa. June 25. 1801. I wrote by the mail of last evening in reply to your letter of the 17th. that the two places might not be left unattended to. The oCer made to me, certain parts of your letter & a publication in the Washington Intelligencer, I think of the 12th., have caused serious reBexions in my mind. I am perfectly acquainted with the sentiments of Pennsa. on one side & I think well informed on the other. For tho the federal people still forbid the intercourse of their families with our families here, it is impossible for their men to refrain from a constant intercourse with some of us. I have forced from their best people such acknowledgements of my utility to the owners of real estate in Pennsa. in the Northwestern quarter, in the scene of Connecticut pretension, & in the prompt, Arm & impartial execution of their business, that they have been compelled to pay me the strongest marks of written respect. In many of my occasional meetings with the federalists, they have discovered a disposition to converse on the Subject of oDce & public Business. I have been uniform in giving expression to my real sentiments, and to what I consider as the true & only way to the public interests. I have told them that I was satisAed, that the business of the country could not be executed to the greatest advantage without the aid of the men of Virtue & talents of both parties, and that I considered him as best intitled to the character of wise & good who gave the earliest & most eCectual promotion to that Idea. The suggestion has been recd. with every mark of cordial approbation in every place. I have perceived myself upon these occasions marked with a kind eye by men from whom I had in the times lately passed recd. neglect, and even injury. I mentioned the same idea once to a Senator of the U.S. on the federal side, and T1 declared, that if I < 442>

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were president, I would have made it understood to be my view & proposed thus to heal the wounds of my country. He declared to me, that he Armly believed the president would have been met & supported in it, and approved it highly. In regard to the republican interest, I am happy to And that they would consider it a noble sacriAce of their claim to that system of exclusion by which the federalists deprived many of us of our personal comforts—of the comforts of our tender families. They are ready for an equal division. It is always to be understood, that I meant, and so expressed it to our republicans, that no man who is a monarchist should be entrusted with the powers of the government, tho he should be left in the full enjoyment of his conscience, his property and his industry— The federalists do not expect that the exclusive system they reared up will be left in existence. They do not expect that our internal, & external revenues will be left entirely in the hands of the most innocent of their partizans any where. They know that many of them have given just oCence & should be removed. They are willing to see them exchanged, to eCect an infusion of republican Character into every division of the public business. They know that all the oDces are Alled with partizans, and that it was the professed principle of action, in the appointments from the time of my removal. They expect you to correct it, and would think it moderation & magnanimity to conAne it to a bare Majority of republicans every where. If that degree of change should not take place,2 I am certain they will ascribe it to a want of Armness, to an actual intimidation, & to a disposition in the principal oDcers to be contented with a small reform, and they will consider the experiment of reining you by the Senate as successfully made. Their prejudices and hostility are too deep to ascribe an entire abstinence from the business of restoring the equilibrium of the government to good motives. The government will not have the respect of the federal party, if it falls short of restoring the equilibrium of the government. They3 know what Justice is. With regard to the republicans, you may be assured, tho from an interested man, that if you leave the divisions of the public service, through the Union, in the hands of the federal partizans altogether their conAdence in the government will be destroyed. They will ask where is its justice, where its impartiality. The Arst federal oDcer in this borough, now keeps his family under a prohibition to visit those families that are called democratic. One of the custom house oDcers of Philada. commanded the Corps, in which the troop of this Town was, that drag’d Mr. Sneider the printer of Reading to the whipping < 443>

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post without law in an expedition to preserve law, one of the men, who applied the whip is a clerk in one of the oDces at Washington after having been removed here for taking unlawful fees, Genl. Miller a native of this county considered as a defaulter has been more than three months unremoved. The man to whom my oDce was given remains in possession of it, and I continue deprived of my personal comforts—the comforts of the largest young family in the borough— Genl. Hand, who branded us, under his hand in a paper sent every where as “a french party”4 the warmest partizan of Mr. Ross who is deeply disesteemed here, remains in oDce, and is believed to be a very bad oDcer. He was certainly till my removal. These facts occur at once, all connected with this little neighbourhood of 1000 families. Were I to travel with equal freedom, and in the same detail through the State, I could give a like picture. I have myself heard a man of as good Character as any in Philadelphia declare that he had heard an oDcer of the Customs in Philada. declare that, if he were collector he would remove every man who voted for Mr. Israel or Mr. Swanwick. It is believed you know this fact. You can know it. The same person declared, that your amiable, virtuous & judicious friend should have his neck wrung oC for endeavouring to prevent the adoption of the British treaty. Another of those oDcers, when at the head of that pernicious corps of partymen, which was to destroy the Militia, declared to me that, if there should be a war with france, those of the republicans, who brought it on would receive a marked treatment. This was while we were faithfully trying to ward it oC and they trying to bring it on. The same gentleman was the great fosterer of those corps of party men, the volunteers, who were plainly intended to supercede the Militia. He took an appointment in the regular army, of Brigadier to command the Northampton Expedition, abandoning the oDce of Arst Militia Brigadier in the State. His custom house oDce, tho a check upon the Collector, was thus vacated as to his Execution of it—He is not acquainted with trade, tho his oDce requires the most discriminating knowledge of goods, familiarity wth. the modes of commerce, and the mastership of our trade laws. If Macpherson & Jackson were removed and At men put into their places, Mr. Latimer would behave well, and he would secure their conArmation in the Senate, because he would know that if you were intentionally thwarted you would be induced to go further—This measured, but Arm conduct will be approved by all our people & many of the federalists. There is no man who has more relations among them than I, and from family opportunities; & those of public & private business I have frequent optys to know their sentiments & expectations. < 444>

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You have never said any thing to bar your making removals upon imperious principles of public policy. A man may execute his oDce well, and conduct dangerously to the public interests and safety. That many, that a Majority of the federal oDcers did so there is no doubt. That you should remove them for such reasons to a moderate extent, appears to be a very diCerent aCair from removing for a mere diCerence of political opinion. For the same reasons that I strained every nerve to secure your election, I assure you of the universal sentiment, that our country is not safe in the Hands of a Majority of them. You will be considered as not acting up to the calmly settled principles of the Republicans, if you do not guard them, with eCect, on this point, however it may be done with measure. Many are already uneasy. It is avowed in the Washington Intelligencer, in a paper ascribed generally to the Government itself, that it was necessary to appoint Attornies & Marshalls of republican sentiments to correct the wrong dispositions and conduct of the Courts. I am ready to prove enormities on the body of oDcers, other than the Court oDcers (or rather Judges) equal to what can be proved against them. Are then the former to be deliberately, & eCectually cured, upon settled & avowed principles, & is nothing to be done in the latter case? Is not an uniform principle to govern. Are the evils in the one case, to be5 left in full operation on the other. Are men, who have been instruments to destroy the militia, who have tried to banish from well performed oDces those, who voted for republicanism, who have threatened the sublimest characters in the legislature for the execution of their duty, who have nursed the hatred to republics and the prejudices in favor of foreign Monarchies, who would have defeated the choice of a President by 73 to 65, who have menaced & punished printers against Law6 and exist themselves, as purchasers of papers, to the prosecutions of our few presses, who have threatened us with punishment for a war they were themselves bringing on, who in a second oDce have sunk the duties of that they now possess, and with supreme military power to check, have suCered bitter partizans, in the garb of Soldiers to drag from the presence of his wife & children to the post a respectable master of a family; are men, it will be asked, who add to such conduct daily evidences of the same spirit to be left in the whole of the oDces. Be assured the consequences will be extremely bad, if this should be the case. Since your election I have heard an eminent man declare, in the most rude, & insolent manner & language that the reagn of the democrats would be short; the whole republican interest here is excluded from Society with the most marked inveteracy; the character of the republican party is incessantly and grossly < 445>

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viliAed; the clerks of your departments in the most public places in Washington spoke of Mr. Gallatin, on his arrival in May, in terms of the most open & bitter execration; the federal gazettes incessantly pursue their wonted course; in short the despotic spirit, which you were elected to abate, continues, and will continue till the republicans participate at least equally in the powers of the Country. It may be asked why changes should be made in the heads of departments & proceed no further. It may be suspected to be selAsh, which would have an unhappy eCect upon the conAdence of the republicans. The with-holding their fair share of the power from the republicans will be considered as dangerous, impolitic, and indisputably unjust. Their fears for safety, when the bulk of the oDces are in wrong hands, cannot cease, nor will they see any chance of relief if you do not extend it. In short, Sir, I hold it to be my duty to assure you, from invariable observation, that the friends of the Constitution, and your administration will be paralyzed, and gloomy, if they must longer perceive a moiety of the oDces kept from the hands of the republicans, and continued by you altogether in the Hands of such men as I have described.— I am sorry indeed, Sir, to have to speak of myself. But tho I could, in silence, feel myself neglected; tho I could in silence see myself oCered the lowest grade of non commissioned federal appointment, duty to my family, and I trust I may say duty to the republican cause impel me to speak. What is my case. The enclosed paper, cut from the national intelligencer, is supposed to have come from the Government. Why is the Arst—the greatest sacriAce, left unrestored. Alas, Sir, I expected from your hand, that it would By to relieve from the unjust obloquy imposed on me by Adams, Pickering & Wolcott, adverse circumstanced with the Constitution, with you, with Madison, as I have been. You say the Senate would have been more eager against me than against common Characters. My support of you, my support of the cause are the reasons, if it be so. But tho Mr. Gallatin was essentially rejected by them, you gave him the high oDce of Secy of the Treasury. My heart aches at the public Neglect you have shown me. In vain do I search for reasons for your oCering me that station. I wish to conclude my aCair—When you consider the various Situations I have Alled, and how I have Alled them, that I received them from Washington, Franklin & the Legislatures of the Union, & of Pennsa., when you remember the carefulness with which I labored, out of the love of my oDce, to promote the public Service, my defence of public liberty, my unjust loss of the ODce of Commissioner of the Revenue made for me by law, and given by the unanimous consent of < 446>

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the Senate, with the approbation of the Representatives, and that Genl. Washington would not suCer me to leave it for the post oDce, tho the latter was of less rank & value, I hope you will not consider me as unreasonable in applying, as I now do, for the immediate restoration of that oDce from which I have been so unjustly removed, that the unjust obloquy imposed upon me by yr. predecessor may be done away. I trust, Sir, it will not be delayed, for my character must have suCered greatly from being the only person so removed, that has not been restored, tho many weeks have elapsed since it was openly announced from Washington that you were determined upon that act of mere justice in every case. If you chuse to remove Major Jackson and give his place to Mr. McPherson, or to give either, the two places you oCered me, or the place of a Commr. of Washington, of Commr. of the Revenue, or a promise of something soon to either of them, I am willing to resign any pretensions you may think I have to the oDce I have been deprived of and take the Naval oDce, or the Custom house of Philada. Be assured, Sir, tho from an interested man, that you have excited suprize in the minds of many virtuous men of both parties in so long suCering my case to remain unattended to. You say I expressed a preference of Pennsa. It is true. I did & it is best, & next to necessary that I should be in Philada. but, Sir, I did not express any thing upon the Subject—till I found from your Silence and from the most correct information from Washington that you had no thoughts of introducing me into an oDce, which would heal my wounds or indemnify my losses. Then I wrote a letter, closely consulting my Pennsa. interest, and calculated to cover your omission and the unhealed wounds your predecessor had inBicted on me. I gave up cheerfully, what I saw you did not intend to give me.7 Excuse, my dear Sir, the unreservedness of this letter. I am unable to replace myself in trade, or I would not, after all I have done and suCered, ever again meddle with oDce. I would, as till 1790, give many hours to my Country; but I would not rely upon it for income. I must however now make the best of a situation produced by exertions in the cause of liberty and peace, which no man, with my family, ought ever to have made. I ask no reward for them. I ask no oDce, because I have supported your election. I wish for that, which has unjustly been taken from me in a manner prejudicial to my peace, and character; for that which you have done to like and less suCerers— My interests and inclinations lead Me to be willing to exchange my rights for an humble Object. I do not ask the rich Collectorship of Philada. not even if you vacate it, provided I can have such an object as the other. < 447>

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Be assured, Sir, it is ill policy to place in a disadvantageous, unjust, or disreputable situation, a man, who has been circumstanced as I have been. The Southern states, & the western Country have always found in me an impartial friend to distributive justice in the Union & in the State, tho it was the fashion in both to vilify them; I have promoted republican Connexions for America against all my political Colleagues & family Connexions. When it was a crime to support you I have volunteered in services respecting objects committed to you for which I have been accused to my face, injured in my absence, & never forgiven. I have done all in my power to vindicate the character & nature of our Country & Government against its most successful foreign defamers,—But I will not pursue the details. I will conAde in your justice to restore to my family the Character & income of its parent. I will rely upon your Esteem to indemnify them for what their parent has lost by his Adelity to his trust. I will repeat to you that to obviate all causes of delay I am ready to receive, at the risk of the Senate, immediately, my oDce of Commissioner of the Revenue: nor do I fear any risk, for I can bring forward some friends to Justice even from the other side—I will also repeat that my business has for some months required me in Philada., that I am now urgently called thither, that I am ready to receive any decent object (in exchange for the national Revenue oDce) in Philada. that will maintain my family, that considering Mr. Macpherson as greatly favored by giving him the two oDces you oCerd me; I am willing to take his in exche. for the Revenue oDce, that I trust this will not be denied me or delayed, and Anally, Sir, I hope that nothing will prevent your giving me some of the oDces in Pennsa. that will maintain my family or my former oDce of Commr. without delay. I have endeavoured to banish all troublesome pretensions to those honorable & lucrative Situations, which are commonly the reward of such substantial services as I have rendered, almost to the ruin of my family. It required no removal to give me the Secretaryship of the Navy. It has gone from Maryland to New Hampshire, and from there to Philada., again to Maryland & New Hampshire to seek one who would accept it. I am not afraid to appeal to my country on the question, which of the four would have Alled it with least advantage. I trust they would not be all prefered. I beg you to accept the assurances of my most ardent wishes that you may promote the utmost good of our Country—and tender of my highest respect— Tench Coxe You will remember, that at the time of your retiring from the Department of State you personally recommended your character to < 448>

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my care against the attacks which you foresaw would be made upon it—The defence I made of it in 1796, the consequences to me, the defence I again made of it in 1800, that I held at the time of your departure a valuable oDce given me by Washington with the Unanimous consent of the Senate, that on my Anding you did not include me in the conAdential arrangements of the government I last spring put in my application for that oDce if you should not make a decent provision for me in Pennsa., and that I particularly expressed a conAdence that the plans you mention would be deemed too humble for me. Mr. Madison will tell you who was talked of seriously as the person to be recommended for the oDce of Secy. of the Treasury in the event of Mr. H’s retiring after the report of his committee of enquiry in 1793 or 4. How serious have been my services since. How true to order and the laws—how true to the cause of liberty. I ask however for no favors, no honors—I have silently yielded my pretensions to them—tho eminent men have asserted my present claims to them. RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 1 July and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: see below. publication in the washington intelligencer: a piece entitled “Appointments by the President” appeared in the National Intelligencer on 12 June. The writer considered TJ’s removals and appointments, observing that while a large majority of the citizens felt a “spirit of content and approbation,” some questioned the dismissal of oDcers who had faithfully discharged their duties. The writer defended TJ’s restoration of two revenue oDcers (William Gardner, as commissioner of loans, and Joseph Whipple, as collector, both from New Hampshire, but their names were not given) to positions they had held as Washington appointees, noting that they were removed by the Adams administration for political reasons. The writer also defended the president’s removal of district attorneys and marshals (Vol 33:669, 672, 675). The article was reprinted in the Philadelphia Aurora on 20 June. Coxe enclosed a clipping of several paragraphs from the reprinted piece—those pertaining to the restoration of Gardner and Whipple (undated newspaper clipping in

DNA: RG 59, LAR, 2:0613, with passages underlined by Coxe). For Coxe’s leadership, as secretary of the Pennsylvania land oDce, in the settlement of land claims in the northwestern part of the state and the controversy between Pennsylvania and connecticut over land titles in the Wyoming Valley, see Cooke, Coxe, 361-70. William McPherson, naval oDcer at Philadelphia, commanded the expedition against tax protesters in Northampton County (see Coxe to TJ, 24 June). Captain Montgomery was commander of the cavalry unit from Lancaster responsible for the whipping of Jacob Schneider, the German-language printer of reading. According to an account, Kreider, the trumpeter, applied the whip (Philadelphia Aurora, 24 May 1799; Pasley, Tyranny of Printers, 152). man to whom my office was given: William Miller, who served as commissioner of the revenue until 1803. Coxe’s young family in Lancaster consisted of ten children in 1801 (Cooke, Coxe, 407). For the partisan activities of Federalists Henry Miller, supervisor of the revenue in Pennsylvania, and Edward hand, revenue inspector, see Prince, Federalists, 137-40.

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25 JUNE 1801 officer of the customs in philada.: probably William Jackson, surveyor, who, along with McPherson, was an active Federalist (Prince, Federalists, 86, 88). you say: see TJ to Coxe, 17 June. made for me by law: on 8 May 1792, Congress passed an “Act Making alterations in the Treasury and War Departments,” which abolished the position of assistant secretary of the Treasury held by Coxe since May 1790 and substituted the oDce of commissioner of the revenue, the position held by Coxe until his dismissal in December 1797 (Cooke, Coxe, 155, 241-2, 306-8). i wrote a letter: Coxe is probably referring to his correspondence with TJ of 19 Apr. Coxe’s defense of TJ’s character against anticipated attacks in 1796 consisted of a series of ten essays “To the Electors of the President of the United States,” signed “A Federalist,” that appeared in the Gazette of the United States from 9 to 30 Nov., criticizing John Adams. Many of

the essays appeared in his pamphlet entitled The Federalist: Containing Some Strictures upon a Pamphlet, Entitled, “The Pretensions of Thomas JeCerson to the Presidency, examined, and the Charges against John Adams, refuted” (Cooke, Coxe, 286). For Coxe’s contributions in the election of 1800, see same, 371-89. application for that office: see Coxe to TJ, 19 Apr., and enclosure. q Initial interlined by Coxe, perhaps referring to Connecticut Senator Uriah Tracy. There is a possibility the initial is an “F,” in which case Coxe could be referring to Theodore or Dwight Foster (Biog. Dir. Cong.). r Sentence to this point interlined. s MS: “Tho.” t Preceding four words interlined. u Word supplied by Editors. v Preceding four words and ampersand interlined. w Sentence added and partially interlined.

From Thomas Paine Dear Sir Paris June 25. 1801 I write this merely to say there is nothing new to inform you of. Mr. Dawson whom I saw this Morning when I gave him my letter on Machanics for you, tells me that the treaty is not ratiAed, and that he should send oC the Sloop the next day.—you will easily conclude from this delay in the ratiAcation that something is the cause of it. It is however time the vessel should depart. If she lose this Spring tide she must wait a fortnight longer. Havre is a very inconvenient port for any thing more than common Merchant vessels to enter at, besides which the british know every day what is going on at Havre, and who goes in every vessel. They learn this by the Ashermen. This is an additional reason for sending the next vessel to some port on the Atlantic. The parliamentaire from America to Havre was taken in going out and carried into England. The pretence, as the papers say, was that a Swedish Minister was on board for America. If I had happened to have been there I suppose they would have made no Ceremony in conducting me on Shore. Havre, however, is, in form, a < 450>

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blockaded port. As I only catch a few Minutes to write this scroll, and to say there is no news, you will excuse the insigniAcance of it. your much Oblged fellow Citizen Thomas Paine RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. letter on machanics: Paine sent TJ a description of a proposed method of generating power by the successive Aring of gunpowder charges aDxed to the rim of a wheel (MS in DLC, in Paine’s hand, signed by initials; dated Paris, 25 June 1801; includes two diagrams; at head of text: “On the Means of generating Motion for Machanical Uses”; at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL); see Philip S. Foner, ed., The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, 2 vols. (New York, 1945), 2:1047-50. parliamentaire: early in May, British warships stopped the cartel ship (or parlementaire) Benjamin Franklin after it left Le Havre. The ship, which was carrying passengers and ballast, was sent to Portsmouth, where it was detained for ten

days and then released. It arrived in Philadelphia in July. The passenger mistakenly thought to be a swedish diplomat was probably Peder Blicher Olsen, the new Danish consul general for the United States who was to have the powers of a resident minister. He had stopped in France on his way to his new assignment and evidently traveled to the U.S. on the Benjamin Franklin. He arrived in Washington at the end of July, too late to call on TJ, who left for Monticello on the 30th. Blicher Olsen’s letter of credence from the king of Denmark was dated 16 Jan. (Philadelphia Gazette, 20 July 1801; Richard Söderström to James Madison, 21 July 1801, in DNA: RG 59, NFC; Christian VII to president of the United States, 16 Jan. 1801, Aled with Blicher Olsen to James Madison, 31 July 1801, in DNA: RG 59, NL; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:452, 489; mb, 2:1048; note to Joseph Allen Smith to TJ, 22 Mch. 1801).

To Martha Jefferson Randolph My dear Martha Washington June. 25. 1801. Your’s of the 19. came to hand yesterday. as it says nothing of your health I presume all are well. I recieved yesterday also a letter from Maria of the 18th. she was then well & preparing to go to Eppington, and in about 4. weeks expected to set out for Albemarle. mr Eppes was engaged in his harvest much obstructed by rain, & regretting he had not before deposited Maria at Monticello. I hope she will get there safe. tho’ it is yet more than a month before I can set out for the same destination, yet I begin with pleasure to make memorandums, lay by what is to be carried there &c &c. for the pleasure of thinking of it, of looking forward to the moment when we shall be all there together. amidst the havoc made by the hailstorm in Albemarle I think myself well oC to have had only two windows demolished. I should have expected my large panes of glass would have broken easily. I inclose a little story for Anne as I have sometimes done before. tell < 451>

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Ellen as soon as she can read them, I will select some beautiful ones for her. they shall be black, red, yellow, green & of all sorts of colours. I suppose you have had cucumbers & raspberries long ago. neither are yet at market here, tho some private gardens have furnished them. present me aCectionately to mr Randolph who I suppose is now busy in his harvest. I rejoice at the prospect of price for wheat, & hope he will be able to take the beneAt of the early market. if his own threshing machine is not ready, he is free to send for mine, which is in order & may expedite his getting out. kiss the little ones for me & be assured of my constant & tenderest love. Th: Jefferson RC (NNPM); at foot of text: “Mrs. Martha Randolph.” PrC (ViU: EdgehillRandolph Papers); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Enclosure not found.

From Stephen Sayre Sir. Philaa 25th. June 1801— The chancellor Livingston on his return from Washington did me the honor of passing a night with me, at my country house in Bordenton. Before he departed, he express’d some regret, that another arrangement had not taken place, so as to have had aid from my knowledge in European aCairs and other considerations, necessarily connected with the habits & manners of the world, obtain’d only by long experience. He supposed I had not, in due time, reminded you that I had render’d, & could again render service to our country at the european courts. My answer was, that I had long since done this. He Anally advised to write again, pointing out where I might yet be useful—I have the vanity to think this not very diDcult, tho’ I have not the vanity to presume on your approbation—but Mr L. assured me, that he most sincerely beleives, there is a disposition & a wish, to do me justice and tho I am, by no means sure, whether he meant that this good will rested in the Presedent, or in the Administration, I am somewhat encouraged to bring myself again into your remembrance. Let me Arst observe—I make no claim on the Executive as connected with my demands on the Legislature. Secondly. I claim no appointment, in which I cannot fully & compleatly execute its duties. But pardon me if I plead a prior, & prescriptive right, to expect from the Executive, acting on just principles, some kind of compensation for the injustice of those, who feeling power & forgeting right, no longer remember’d the poor man who had saved the city. < 452>

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I must make one more remark—Beleive me—I am, by no means mortiAed at the appointments of Mr Livingston or Mr Pinckney—they are old servants, have great talents & large fortunes. It may seem presumption, perhaps, that I should oCer any reasons for a change in your diplomatic arrangement—indeed I do not know it is positivly made—If my reasons have no weight, they can do no injury—if they deserve consideration you will not reject them. May it not be supposed, that a Minister Resident at the Hague, instructed to visit some of the northern courts, as circumstances arise, might secure lasting advantages to our country, in settling the great interests of Europe. We cannot but be injured or beneAted by the system to follow these singular convulsions—we are more deeply concern’d in this great event, than any nation on earth—will it then bear reBection, that we are to have no agency, where we are most concern’d. Can it be necessary to have ambassadors, at particular courts, to settle matters with particular nations, & unnecessary to have one where all the great interests & happiness of the universe are under consideration? your Minister at Paris will be fully employ’d there—your Minister in London can do nothing—your Minister at Madrid will have, if possible, less opportunity than the former. The present state of things are now in train, which require nothing more than common sense & common honesty to unite Europe & America in the enviable system of protecting the inoCending trader thro the ocean of the universe forever. A simple question now agitates all Europe—It must be decided whether the ocean shall be made free, or become the element of plunder. Shall it be recorded in future history, that the United States of America, had sent a Minister, from Holland to Prussia, from Prussia to Denmark, from Denmark to Sweedon, activly intent on uniting Europe against the rights of man, a free commerce, & their own interests; but that they can claim no share in the honor of an arm’d neutrality, founded on the principles of universal protection. The combind powers have set out in error—they may perhaps continue in that error—your Minister should be instructed to correct it if not too late. I mean the right of search. It leads to vexation, to loss, & an appeal to arms—your name alone would do a great deal towards rejecting this fatal Article— As to emolument—were you to adopt my Ideas & give me the appointment, it is no temptation—but thinking as I do, I should prefer it to any thing in your gift I am, with real respect yours &c &c. Stephen Sayre < 453>

25 JUNE 1801 RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); addressed: “To the President of the United States &c &c”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 July and so recorded in SJL.

i had long since done this: see Sayre to TJ, 21 Mch.

From Volney 6 messidor [25 June 1801]

Je Voulais envoyer à Mr jeCerson un Modele en relief et geometrique de la grande pyramide d’Egypte: mais le tems de faire sa caisse a consumé celui dont il avait besoin pour se rendre au havre. ce sera pour le prochain vaisseau—je joins ici le prospectus du plus interessant ouvrage qui ait été fait sur l’egypte, comme art et comme Monument d’antiquité. C Volney e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

6 Messidor I wanted to send to Mr. JeCerson a geometric and relief model of the Great Pyramid of Egypt, but the time to make its crate consumed the time necessary to send it to Le Havre. It will be for the next ship. I attach herewith the prospectus of the most interesting work that has been done on Egypt as art and as a monument of antiquity. C Volney RC (NNPM); English date supplied; endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. 1801 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: see below. un modele: A. H. Homberg, writing on 7 July for the company Veuve Homberg & Homberg Frères at Le Havre, informed TJ that the Arm had, on Volney’s order, shipped “One Box contain’g a model of an Egyptian pyramid” on the sloop Maryland, placing it in the care of Captain John Rodgers. “Highly Battered that this furnishes us the opportunity of paying you our sincerest respects,” Homberg wrote, “we shall deem ourselves happy if we can in any occasion be of any service to you” (RC in MHi; endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL). The Homberg Arm and TJ had corresponded in 1788, when he was U.S. minister in Paris and the Hombergs raised a question about duties

on a shipment of whale oil they had imported from the United States (Vol. 9:308; Vol. 13:221-2, 299). TJ displayed the model of the pyramid of Cheops in the Entrance Hall at Monticello (Bedini, Statesman of Science, 437; Stein, Worlds, 69). In 1801, publisher Pierre Didot issued a prospectus for the Voyage dans la Basse et la Haute Égypte of Vivant Denon, who had been a member of Bonaparte’s expedition to Egypt. The book, published in Paris in 1802, was the means by which the French public became aware of Egyptian art, and Denon became the director of the museum in Paris where art and antiquities collected during France’s military campaigns were displayed. On Volney’s recommendation, TJ purchased Denon’s work for his library (Tulard, Dictionnaire Napoléon, 590, 1209-11; Sowerby, No. 3947; TJ to Volney, 20 Apr. 1802; Volney to TJ, 10 May 1803).

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From George Walton Dear Sir, Augusta, 25 June, 1801. The object of the present address is to introduce to your notice a stranger, visiting the seat of our Government, and, paying his respects to its chief Magistrate. It is the Reverend J. F. Hull, the established and principal Clergyman of this City. His talents and virtues have acquired and secured the esteem and respect of the Citizens here; as his personal decorum and deportment will, no doubt, do every where. Your recieving him with your usual condescension and politeness will add to the esteem, for which I have already so many motives; and with which, I am, Dear Sir, with great respect, Your Obt. Sevt. Geo Walton RC (DLC); at head of text: “(Private)”; endorsed by TJ as received 25 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. A signer of the Declaration of Independence, George Walton (ca. 1749-1804) was a former governor and U.S. senator from Georgia. Since 1790 he served as a judge of the state’s superior court (anb). James F. hull carried two additional letters of introduction. On 29 June, Congressman John Milledge wrote that Hull’s “talents, and correctness of Character” rendered him “amiable” to the citizens of Augusta (RC in DLC). In a letter

to TJ dated June 1801, Senator Abraham Baldwin described Hull as a native of Ireland and the son of a Presbyterian clergyman. He came to America to escape “political persecution” and Baldwin deemed him to be “a Gentleman of good education, of good morals and a good Republican” (RC in MHi; at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”). TJ endorsed both letters and recorded them in SJL at 25 Sep., connecting them with a brace to Walton’s letter, printed above, and indicating that all three were delivered by Hull.

From “A Kentucky-Citizen” Kentucky, [before 26] June 1801. TJ must know of the enthusiasm with which the western country greeted his election. Citizens of Kentucky acted “as if their salvation depended on it” and held a “great civic-feast” in Lexington to mark the inauguration—“the largest, perhaps ever known upon the continent.” Printers are publishing the inaugural address on satin, “& the whole of the large siz’d window Glass to be found in the State” has been used in framing it “for parlours.” Teachers are requiring their students “to commit it to memory—and your political-creed is considered as a master-piece.” As TJ knows, however, there will be less enthusiasm at the end of his presidency. Due to critics such as disappointed oDceseekers, who are “the most busy & impertinent men in Society,” it will require industry “to leave as permanent a name” as Washington did. “But still you may—as there is a wide Aeld open for your improved mind to speculate upon.” The

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26 JUNE 1801 writer suggests some signiAcant “national objects” to consider. The Arst is to acquire all of East and West Florida, as far west as the Mississippi River. The second object is the opening of permanent roads from the eastern states to the west, to bind the union and break down the idea of the Appalachian Mountains as a natural boundary between two regions. The third “great object” is the reduction or disbanding of the army. The writer advises the removal of the brigadier general heading the army in favor of a lieutenant colonel. He is surprised that the general [James Wilkinson] was ever given command of the army, “as he was unquestionably in the Junto with the Lee’s of Virginia to supercede Genl. Washington,” and if there was, as is “well known in Kentucky,” a plot to separate the western country from the union, Wilkinson “planted the seed.” In support of this view, the writer refers TJ to Senator Humphrey Marshall and James M. Marshall, judge of the District of Columbia. The fourth suggested object is the purchase of the Indians’ lands along the Ohio River, the Illinois River, and the eastern bank of the Mississippi to Natchez, and opening those lands to settlement, for otherwise at least 3,000 U.S. “subjects” will be drawn away each year by free land in Spanish territories. The Afth object is to build a shipyard on the Ohio River where revenue cutters can be built and then sent downriver with provisions for sale in the West Indies—also a duck cloth factory in Kentucky, a cotton factory on the Tennessee River, and the laying out of large farms, with rent payable in cotton, in what is now the Cherokees’ territory. To embark on these plans, TJ should “make a tour” this year from Pittsburgh through Kentucky and Tennessee, returning to the east through Georgia and South Carolina, “& the ensuing season to make an eastern tour on the same plan.” The writer then expands on each of the objects. As for the Arst object, “every thing that Jamaica produces” can be grown in the Floridas, where sugar and coCee, which are now “real necessaries of life,” can become staple crops. Exporting those products would also help implement “Barlows plan of a Neutrality.” As for the second object, there should be a turnpike from Georgetown to the Monongahela River—“the shortest & least expensive” route to the “great Western Empire”—and also roads from the mouth of the Little Kanawha River to Fredericksburg or Dumfries, Virginia, and from Point Pleasant on the Ohio River to Lynchburg. “There ought also to be a permanent road from Danville or the Crab Orchard in the vicinity of the rich lands of Kentucky to South-West-point on Tennessee River—thence through the Cherokee nation to Petersburg or Augusta on Savannah River. This road is much wanted,” since it will save 100 or 150 miles over present routes. It will allow the people of Kentucky and Tennessee to drive their hogs and stall-fed beef to Augusta or even Charleston, since the distance is thought to be no greater than 300 miles. Commissioners from Georgia, Tennessee, and Kentucky have been appointed to survey such a road, “but late information says the Indians refuse to let them pass through.” This road would also improve the homeward route of Kentucky boatmen, who at present travel some 1,200 miles by land to return home: it is rumored that “not half the hands ever return, in consequence of the fatigue & danger of the journey.” With the new road, boatmen could take passage on packet boats from New Orleans to Savannah, then use the road to return home to Kentucky. “Whenever the day arrives that a good Waggon road is made, the Indian claims in the Tennessee State

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26 JUNE 1801 extinguished, & the whole of the Cherokee Country purchased & settled,” the writer declares, “the Town of Augusta will be by far the largest place for merchandise and the greatest deposit of produce of any place on the continent.” The Savannah River has excellent boat navigation and will draw the trade of a vast inland region. East Indian and European goods will soon be available at Charleston and Savannah as cheaply as at Philadelphia and Baltimore. Then “the whole trade of all this country” will focus at Augusta, where merchandise will be exchanged for hemp, butter, cheese, and Bax from Kentucky and cotton—“now the staple for Mero District”—from Tennessee. The road is of such “importance to the Western Country, I trust that you will order a treaty to be held with the Indians, for leave to open a road through their country, and to purchase or rent from them 25 or 30 miles of soil on this road to plant settlers on, and give the whole business your hearty support.” Regarding the third object, reducing the army, the public is uneasy because the government runs a debt and borrows at eight percent interest. If it is necessary to maintain troops, recruit 800 men in the frontier regions, raise their pay to six or eight dollars a month during actual service, and, except when there is a need to keep them on continuous duty, employ them for only three months per year plus three muster days each quarter. Regarding the fourth object, encouraging settlement on the Ohio River and the Illinois River would create two zones of Indian occupancy, one north of the Ohio River and the other in the south. Each of those areas would be “circumscribed” by our settlements. The Indians would then be forced to “sell out, & emigrate over the Mississippi, & you would acquire lands for Settlers to last a century.” As for the Afth object, the cost of iron will come down and the cheapness of provisions in Kentucky will make it economical to build boats in the west and send them downriver with cargo. Duck cloth produced in the west “would become the Staple article for exportation, as all travellers agree there is no such country as Kentucky for Hemp.” A small cotton factory would perform the same role in Tennessee. Development of these factories could “operate in the same manner as bounties, which wise Legislatures have ever pursued.” The writer concludes by saying that he has given these “hints” to put them “in abler hands than mine. I have done what I conceived to be the duty of a Citizen and shall make no apology—I will only observe that a late author of considerable repute, remarks that the man who Arst brought the seed of Potatoes & Red Clover into Europe, or made one spear of grass grow where it did not before, rendered more essential service to man than all the prime ministers that ever existed.” RC (DLC: TJ Papers, 114:19546-51); 11 p.; unaddressed, signed “A KentuckyCitizen”; dated June 1801, “State of Kentucky”; endorsed by TJ as received 26 June and so recorded in SJL, as a letter from an anonymous writer in Kentucky, with notation “measures for that state”; with two right-angle marks by TJ to show the beginning and end of a passage of two paragraphs on the proposed road from Kentucky to Augusta in the expand-

ed discussion of the writer’s second topic (see the next document). Joel Barlow suggested the formation of a league to protect neutral commerce in an appendix to his Letter II addressed to the citizens of the United States, published in France late in 1799 (Vol. 32:1934). In part 2, chapter 7 of Gulliver’s Travels, Jonathan Swift wrote: “he gave it for his Opinion; that whoever could

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26 JUNE 1801 make two Ears of Corn, or two Blades of Grass to grow upon a Spot of Ground where only one grew before; would deserve better of Mankind, and do more es-

sential Service to his Country, than the whole Race of Politicians put together” (Jonathan Swift, Gulliver’s Travels, ed. Paul Turner [Oxford, 1986], 130).

To Henry Dearborn Dear Sir Washington June 26. 1801. I inclose you a sheet from an anonymous letter of many sheets which I have just recieved. the letter is chieBy of the sneering kind, but among a number of gigantic measures he recommends to procure fame for myself, there is one which as it may procure public good a more legitimate object1 appears worthy consideration at this moment while we are about to negociate for roads through the Indian country. the rout he proposes from Danville to South West point & thence through the Cherokee country to Augusta, on a view of the map, appears important. I mark the passage in the letter with crotchets for your perusal, & submit to your consideration whether it be worthy & practicable to become an object of the ensuing treaty. I confess I see it in an important view, and the more so as it seems to be the desire of the three states of Georgia, Tennissee & Kentucky. accept assurances of my aCectionate esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Genl. Dearborne”; addressed on verso by TJ: “The Secre” with the remainder lost; endorsed by TJ: “Department of War” and “road from Danville to Augusta thro Cherokee.” PrC (DLC). Enclosure: a portion of the letter of “A Kentucky-Citizen” to TJ, with a passage marked by TJ (see note to the previous document).

Southwest point was at the conBuence of the Clinch and Tennessee Rivers. The army built a fort there in 1797 (Carroll Van West and others, eds., The Tennessee Encyclopedia of History & Culture [Nashville, 1998], 330). q Preceding ten words interlined.

From the Delaware Baptist Association Wilmington (Del.)

Friend and Fellow Citizen, June 26th. 1801. With emotions of Gratitude to the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, who manageth the aCairs of the Terrestrial Globe, and under whose divine Auspices we taste the sweets of that liberty which thousands are destitute of, we lift up our hearts, and render the Tribute of < 458>

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Thankfulness to him who hath indulged us with worshiping according to the sacred Scriptures,1 and the dictates of our Consciences, and none to make us afraid. We not only think it our duty to obey those who rule the aCairs of Government according to Justice and Equity, but, also, to pray for them, that God would give unto every one the spirit of his respective Station. Accept, Sir, our Congratulation on your appointment to the chief Magistracy of the Nation.— While we view the happy Consequences of the American Revolution,—(viz.) Liberty2—Peace—equality of Birth—the destruction of created Titles—emancipation from brittish Tyrany—from establishment3 of ecclesiastical Dignities, and the preponderance of one Society over another, we unitedly adore the great Jehovah, for his kindness in confering on us such inestimable Priveledges. May you, dear Sir, long continue to preside over the People thus Happy!—And may the God of Battle, who hath granted us the victory over our Enemies,4 who presideth over all worlds,5 preside over you.—May his muniAcent hand cover your head, and his counsel guide your heart in all those diDculties, which, by your exalted Station, you are naturally involved.—And when, like the grand Luminary of the Day, you shall have Anished your course of service in this Stage of Action, may your immortal Spirit soar aloft into the heavenly world of unremitting Felicity. Signed by order of the Association. J. Flood Moderator J. Boggs Jun. Clk RC (DLC); in Joseph Flood’s hand, signed by Flood and John Boggs; at head of text: “The Delagates of the Delaware Baptist Association, convened in Bryn-Sion Meeting-house, Kent County and State of Delaware, To Thomas JeCerson, President of the United States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 29 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “Address.” Dft (Christie’s, New York City, 2003); dated 8 June; same hand and signatures; at head of text: “An address from the Delaware Baptist Association, To Thomas JeCerson, president of the U.S.A.”; notation: “For the Mirror.” Dft printed in the Wilmington Mirror of the Times, & General Advertiser on 9 Sep., along with TJ’s reply of 2 July.

The Delaware Association, formed among the Baptist churches of Delaware about 1795 (including the Cow Marsh, Welsh Tract, Duck Creek, Wilmington, and Mispillion churches), consisted of Ave churches in 1801 and 293 members. Joseph flood had served as minister at Baptist meetings both within and outside the association. John boggs was raised Presbyterian but in 1771 became a Baptist and was ordained a minister in the denomination ten years later (Scharf, History of Delaware, 2:854, 955, 1125, 1144-5, 1185, 1288; Richard B. Cook, The Early and Later Delaware Baptists [Philadelphia, 1880], 21, 30, 31, 74, 75). q Dft: “who hath given us leave to worship according to his revealed word.”

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26 JUNE 1801 r Word omitted in Mirror of the Times. s RC: “from” interlined in place of “non-.” Dft: “nonestablishment.”

t Dft: “oppressors.” u Dft: “who presideth over heaven and all worlds.”

From Albert Gallatin Sir Treasury Department 26th June 1801 I have the honor to enclose the opinion of the District Attorney of Pennsylvania, to whom in the absence of the Atty. General I had made application, in relation to the power of the Secy. of the Treasury to revise former unfavorable decisions of the Department on the subject of Anes penalties & forfeitures. As this business originated upon an application in the case of W. Priestmann, and it is understood that a pardon was suspended on the presumption that the Secy. of the Treasury might act, I beg leave to inform you that, in conformity with the enclosed opinion I decline taking any step in it, a decision having been made by Mr Wolcott in that case several years ago. I have the honor to be with great respect Sir Your most obt. Servt. Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); with note by TJ at foot of text: “June 26. 1801. directed a pardon to issue. Th:J”; endorsed by TJ as received 26 June and “Priestman’s case” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. district attorney of pennsylvania: Alexander J. Dallas. In the pardon of William Priestman, issued on 27 June, TJ argued that “it

hath been made to appear to me that the said forfeiture hath accrued thro’ mistake and not from fraud or design, and being therefore not within the intentions tho’ embraced by the letter of the law, is one of those cases for the relief of which the power of pardon has been conAded to the Executive” (FC in Lb in DNA: RG 59, GPR). See also Gallatin to TJ, 12 June.

From Wade Hampton Sir; Columbia. 26th. June 1801. The letter you did me the honor to write me on the 30th. May, desiring to know if it would be agreeable to me, in the event of it’s being vacant, to accept of the situation of Post master General of the united States, I have had the pleasure of recieving, but not until a few days ago, owing to my being absent when it arrived. My sincere wish for the success of your administration would have dictated a prompt oCer of my best services, & most active exertions in support of it, did not the state of my aCairs render it impossible for me to < 460>

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relinquish my private pursuits without subjecting my self, and my family, to unwarrantable sacriAces. In declining a task that I can but view as far above the reach of my feeble capacity, I beg you will be assured, Sir, of the grateful sense I must ever have of this distinguished mark of your notice, and of the high consideration and respect, With which I am, Sir, Your most obedt. Servant. W. Hampton RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 7 July and so recorded in SJL. Wade Hampton (1754?-1835), a wealthy South Carolina planter, was a Revolutionary War veteran who had also provided supplies for the American forces. As a member of the state’s ratifying convention in 1788, he voted against ratiAcation of the Constitution. He served two terms as a congressman from South Carolina, the Arst beginning in 1795, when he sought federal compensation for himself and other Yazoo Company land speculators, the second in 1803. In 1808 Hampton accepted a commission in the army and the next year replaced General James Wilkinson as commander at New Orleans. He resigned his commis-

sion after taking part in the ill-fated invasion of Canada during the War of 1812 (anb). On 30 May, TJ wrote Hampton noting that it had been suggested he would be willing to undertake the duties of postmaster general with the view of “improving the system of our post oDces.” TJ assured Hampton that there was no person he would rather have All the position, if a vacancy occurred, and that it would give him a “better hope of a successful attempt” to introduce improvements to the postal system if the South Carolinian agreed to accept the appointment (PrC in DLC; faint; at foot of text in ink: “Colo. Wade Hampton”).

From Samuel Smith Sir/ Balte. 26th. June 1801 I return you my sincere thanks for your favorable Intention respectg. Mr. Buchanan—I am pleased with it, because I am conAdent Mr. Lewis would have been a very improper Character— I am happy to And that the sending the squadron to the Mediterranean & your very early determination to that Object has met the entire satisfaction of the Commercial people—All seem to think that more ships will be necessary in Case of War with Algiers. The Boston & Adams being held in a State of preparation therefore gratiAes the Merchants Still more—It will soon be known whether that power will go to War or not—My private ACairs will prevent my again going to Washington unless you should think my services absolutely necessary in such Case, I will again go down—I suppose Mr. Langdon may want my assistance for a few days if So, It will not be refused— < 461>

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I shall require the Commission for Mr. Buchanan, on the 10th or 13th July. With Real Esteem & the sincerest friendship I am your Obedt. Servt. S. Smith RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 27 June and so recorded in SJL. The frigates boston and adams were both retained under the Peace Establishment Act. On 6 June, Smith ordered that the Boston be immediately readied to follow the Mediterranean squadron that left

Norfolk on 1 June. The following day, Smith ordered the captain of the Adams to prepare an inventory of his vessel, but not to strip it of its equipment because “it is possible the ship may be wanted for service” (ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 246, 247-8).

To Benjamin Waterhouse Sir Washington June 26. 1801. Your favor of the 8th. inst. came safely to hand with the several matters accompanying it. as the longer the vaccine matter should be unemployed, I knew the chance of it’s success would be the less, I thought it would be more likely to answer your benevolent views by having it employed here rather than risking it by a further mission to Virginia. I therefore put it immediately into the hands of Doctr. Gantt a long established, judicious & succesful physician of this place, together with your letter & the pamphlets & papers accompanying it. it turns out that it had still been too long unemployed; for of numbers inoculated with it from the 18th. to this time, no one appears to have taken the infection. in the mean time a great anxiety is produced here to obtain a succesful inoculation. I know not however how it will be obtained unless you could continue your goodness so far as to inclose by post new matter two or three times successively until we can inform you that it has at length taken. you need not be at the trouble of writing a word, for it is making it troublesome enough to you to put the matter under cover & into the post oDce. the benevolence which has dictated the measures for which we are already indebted to you, will I hope plead my excuse in this new request. I pray you to accept assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (MBCo); at foot of text: “Doctr. Benjamin Waterhouse”; with notation by Waterhouse in left margin: “N.B. The Arst letter I recvd to M. JeCerson was dated Decr. 25. 1800. It is printed in my Treatise page 22. I sent the orig-

inal a present to D Jenner, thinking that coming from the chief magistrate of the Americans, it would not be unpleasing to the originator of vaccination.” PrC (DLC).

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From David Austin May it please the President: Washington June 27th. 1801. I dropped into the hand of Gen: Dearborn, this morning, a brief note designed for the eye of the President. It is calculated, as a plaister to heal the wound, opened at N. Haven, on the subject of the Collector’s Commission. The note will present its own details. The principle of it, in Executive application, is found in the policy of dropping a stone on the surface of neither of the contending waves; but a little aside of the eager expectation of the assailing parties: that no ground of boasting may be found in the moment of executive decision. The stone dropped, as in the note is suggested, the Executive will relieve itself, at once, of the embarrassment; & strike with astonishment the whole mass; seeing so easy, so natural & desirable a method of decision is found. The Canditate there mentioned is of easy mind in respect to politicks; hath no enemies on that account; & I dare to add, on no other. It would please me to see the whole question buried in so easy & handsome a manner.— Being a native of N.H: & knowing every person of considera. there, the informa. contained in the note cannot but be accurately stated. With all due esteem D. A. RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 27 June and so recorded in SJL.

To Henry Dearborn Th:J. to the Secretary at War. June [27.] 1801. Colo. Smith the writer of one of the inclosed letters is the republican [. . .] in the place of Page lately elected to Congress in Virginia. a man of very great respectability. setting that aside, our service is not so urgent as to render it necessary to drag sons from their fathers. the aCection of citizens to their government is worth cultivating as it’s best support. these considerations would plead for [the] discharge of mr Burras’s son according to his request. but the fact [that] his son is under age, gives him a compleat right in Virginia to [take him from] the military by a Habeas Corpus, which any of the state’s [. . .] will give [him]. of this I have known examples. I therefore refer to the < 463>

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Secretary [at War] to give such orders in the case as the circumstances in his judgment [. . .] proper. mr Burras tells me Capt Mc.Call has about 70. men. a guard of these therefore, if there be none at Staunton might [. . .] to New London for the purpose which was the subject of our conversation yesterday; to wit to guard the magazine at that place. [. . .] PrC (DLC); faint. Enclosures: John Smith to TJ, 16 June, and Strother G. Settle to TJ, 22 June, neither of which has been found, but both of which are recorded in SJL as received 27 June with notation “Burras’s case.” John smith of Frederick County, Virginia, who had tried unsuccessfully to win a seat in the House of Representatives in 1793, was elected to the Seventh Congress (Biog. Dir. Cong.; Vol. 25:533, 534n).

capt mc.call: Hugh McCall had been an oDcer of the U.S. Army since 1794. On the same day that TJ wrote the letter above, Dearborn ordered the discharge of Bartholomew Burrus, who was at Winchester under McCall’s command. Burrus, a minor who had enlisted in the army on or about 26 May, was obliged to return the bounty and clothing he had received upon enlistment (Dearborn to Major Thomas H. Cushing, 27 June, Lb in DNA: RG 107, LSMA; Heitman, Dictionary, 1:653).

From John Dickinson My dear Friend, Wilmington the 27th of the 6th Month 1801 Thy Letter of the twenty Arst was recieved the Day before Yesterday, and as I value thy Esteem at a very high Rate, it gave Me great Pleasure. If it be possible, that I can render any service to thee by oCering my sentiments on things relating to this state or on the broader scale of the Union, I shall cheerfully express them, being fully persuaded that therein I shall, in the best Manner I can, serve my Country. When a person attentively surveying the World, observes the Variety of Opinions on the same subjects, and the peculiarity of Circumstances occasioning such Variety, however he may condemn some of them as erroneous or injurious, yet, if they are held in sincerity he will regard the holders of them with Complacency and not with aversion. He sees his fellow creatures wandering from salutary Truths, to which he wishes to bring them back, for their own Welfare as well as for the general BeneAt. These Dispositions are accordant with the Goodness of the Common Parent, which has invested all his rational Creatures with equal Rights, and with propensities favorable to mutual Felicity. Actual Republicanism is a system of human Invention, for carrying these benevolent and sacred Principles into ECect by the DiCusion of Happiness. Republicans therefore, < 464>

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cannot in any Consistency with the Principles of their system, proscribe any of their Fellow Citizens, merely for a DiCerence of political Opinion. “This would be making,”1 as Livy says, “two Cities out of one.” On this important point, real Republicans are not governed by Reasonings only. They discover in themselves sensations superior to Arguments. Their Benignity is not completely gratiAed, unless their adversaries share in their satisfactions. The prudence of such a Conduct is questioned by some; its EDcacy by others. To both it may be replied that parties consist of dissolvable Materials; and that every Country in Europe, and particularly England, furnishes Instances of parties agitated by the most furious Rage against each other, of which no Traces are now to be found but in the pages of History. There is one peril peculiar to a successful party, of which many Examples, antient and modern occurr—that is—of its dividing. We have not been without a domestic sample of this kind. In every age and in every Land an eager selAshness has been the source of this Evil. At present, there is little to be apprehended by Republicans on this Head, tho it may not be improper to consider such an Event as a possibility: for, then the Attention will be duely engaged in guarding against it. The greatest Danger to Rulers is, while the Passions are in ConBict. That Danger may be wiled by two Modes of proceeding. First, by engaging in Measures that will gradually withdraw the Hand from the Objects of Contest, and more especially, if the Measures are such as both parties may approve. An agreement in these latter ACairs, will be a kind of opiate against former Feuds. Secondly, by turning the Countenance of Government with Respect and Kindness upon those, who diCer from the Rulers in Opinion. Here immediately “the serious DiDculties” open to View. It is to be lamented, that many who join with us, are not well enough acquainted with the Wisdom or Temper of their profession. Their Ardor is honest, too often tendered with a vindictive Spirit, and sometimes dash’d with more than a suDciency of SelAshness. These are not the best, tho frequently the most importunate of Counsellors. Perfectly assured as I am, that the Chief Magistrate of my Country, aims at the Universal Good of his Fellow Citizens, and invited as I am by his obliging Condescension, I let my Thoughts Bow from my Pen without Reserve. It seems to Me impossible for the President to have adopted a more < 465>

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wise Method for obtaining useful Information, than that of being on Terms of conAdential Intercourse with several persons in each state on whom he can rely. Yet, that Method will not solve every DiDculty. The Character of the Administration is to be Axed, in the Opinion of the World. It is to be acknowledged to be mild, Arm, generous, digniAed. Disdaining to court its Enemies, it will not be unduely inBuenced by its Friends. The Administrator will act as the Father of his Country. Taking this elevated station, I wish him to make two or three capital promotions of his Opponents with proper pauses between the appointments, so that each may make its full Impression. I do not mean from among those in Congress, who abusing the Trust reposed in them, and sinking against better Knowledge, have for unworthy purposes, by a vile sophistry striven to confound all Distinctions between Right and wrong, audaciously violated the Constitution, and avowed Doctrines utterly incompatible with the Maxims of Liberty. Let us leave these Tarentines and the angry Deities they worship in Company together. Among these promotions I should like to see the son of our Enemy, John Adams, appointed Minister to the Court of Petersburgh. The more unexpected such an Act, the greater will be its ECect. It implies a serene ConAdence in the Provider, and that his Mind moves in a Region above the stormy or the obscuring passions. Another Consideration will come home to such a Heart as thine. This honorable Regard to a falling Family, will be soothing to them. It may render them less unhappy; and as it is a blessed Thing to have a power of doing Good to others, even a Chance of its application is valuable. As to political Considerations, internal or external, they2 appear to Me decisive. As to the Arst, it may be suDcient to add to what has been said, that the warm persons who may be displeased, will become reconciled. As to the second, I have never heard any satisfactory Reason assigned, why the greatest Northern Power has been slighted by our prompt advances to those that are inferior. The Accession of a new Prince, the points of public Law now in Controversy, and a Number of accompanying Circumstances, seems to call upon Us to form a Treaty that shall recognize Principles favorable to Mankind, and convince Russia, that We wish to come to her Market for some of her Manufactures. It strikes Me, that a perfectly friendly Intercourse with that Country and with France, is of more Importance to Us, than with any other two Nations in Europe. As to the other Promotions that have < 466>

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been mentioned, by being remarkable and seasonable, they will operate desireably in tranquilizing Minds that are too much heated. These Dispositions being made, the Distribution of other ODces may go on without giving much Disgust, especially as great Changes must be made, before one party can be brought up to an Equality with the other. Respecting this state, some of the best informed Citizens are of opinion, that no Removals should take Place, unless for Malversation in ODce, before the next Session of Congress. Called upon as I am by thy Friendship and Love of Country, I shall plainly answer the Case proposed. If nothing shall be decided by the instituted Enquiry, yet, if “electioneering Activity” be admitted as a Cause of Removal, I question, whether any Man in these states has been more zealous in that Way, than the ODcer mentioned. Two persons here wish to succeed him, John Bennet, an ODcer of Merit in our revolutionary War, and Thomas Mendenhall, who as a private Individual suCered a good Deal in that War. I have never heard the Character of either of them impeached.3 They are both worthy Republicans. I think, the last is the best qualiAed for the ODce. When any other Alterations are meditated in this State, I shall be ready to give my sentiments with a Cheerfulness and Impartiality becoming a Man, who fervently desires, thy administration may be beneAcial to thy Country and honorable to thyself, and who is with the strictest Truth thy aCectionate Friend, John Dickinson RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 3 July and so recorded in SJL. Dft (PHi); last three pages only, see note 2 below.

Regiment commanded by Colonel David Hall in April 1778 (Delaware Archives: Revolutionary War, 3 vols. [Wilmington, Del., 1911-19], 1:226, 228, 253; 3:1130).

accession of a new prince: Alexander I. john bennet joined Captain Robert Kirkwood’s company in the Delaware

q Opening quotation mark supplied by Editors. r Dft begins here. s Dft lacks preceding sentence.

From Charles Douglas Sir/ Alexandria 27th. June 1801. I beg you to permit the inclosed letter to apologise for this application. I have sought to introduce the Inoculation of the Kinepox into this < 467>

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place, (from a conviction derived from authentic inteligence, of its importance in every consideration) by an application to Dr. Waterhouse, whom from a publication in a Newspaper, I recognised for a former acquaintance at Lectures in London; whose idea of its importce. is evidenced by his application to yourself. Dr. Jenner of Berkely in Gloustershire I believe was the Arst adventurer; and was my particular acquaintance; but the distance, and novelty, together with my not being extensively concern’d in Inoculation; have conspired to prevent my applying to him.—It was he who inoculated the Duke of Yorks Regt: with their Wives, and Children, without one fatal instance; and who caused experiments to be made on sixty so inoculated, by insertions of fresh infection from all degrees of the disease, natural and inoculated; and every other method that cou’d be devis’ed—no instance of reinfection occurring to either. Shou’d you Sir think proper to conAde to me a part of the Vaccine matter, be pleased to let me know if you wish to be inform’d with the result. I have the honor to subscribe myself Sir Your most respectful & Obedient Servant. Ch. Douglas Mrs. Douglas begs leave to oCer her Respectful regards. RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 28 June and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found.

Benjamin waterhouse had been publicizing his ideas on inoculation in newspapers and by circulating copies of his letter to TJ of 8 June: see TJ to Benjamin Waterhouse, 25 Dec. 1800.

From Baron von Geismar a Hanau le 27 de Juin 1801.

Je fais mon Compliment aux Americains du Choix de President qu’ils ont fait, aiant eté temoin, plus d’une fois du tendre Interes que Vous prennes au bien etre de Votre patrie, puissies Vous vivre long Tems; et reusir en Tout, pour rendre heureux et etablir un bien etre parfait à Vos Concitoyens—Mais malheureusement pour moi Votre nouveau Poste me laisse esperes encore moins d’avoir quelque fois de Vos Nouvelles—Il y-a au dela de 2 Ans que je n’ai pas eu un mot de Votre part—Avant 14 Mois j’ai fait partir mon Nro 4 dont je joins ici la Copie. Depuis Msr Jacob Mark a envoié a plusieurs interessés des Vins de Madeira et d’autres Marchandises pour les dedomager en attendant des Interes, mais je n’ai rien eu pour ma part, j’en ettais d’autant plus Tranquile esperant que Vous continueries de prendre < 468>

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quelque Interes a mon ACaire, que je Vous prie de terminer comme Vous pourres et come Vous jugeres apropros:—Je ne doute nullement que Msrs Philip Schuyler et Msr Jacob Mark prendront mes ACaires a Coeur Si Elle est recomondée par Vous Si Vous le croyes necessaire je Vous enverrais les Originaux des Billets que j’ai en Main, et dont Vous deves tenir plusieurs Copies Si Elles Vous Sont parvenues—Je Suis embarassé de Vous etre a Charge Si long tems avec une ACaire peut etre desagreable pour Vous—mais j’ose compter Sur Votre pardon Monsieur en faveur de l’Amitié que Vous m’aves temoigné autre fois, et ne connaisant Personne ches Vous au quel j’oserais m’adreser avec cette conAance—Soies en revonge assuré que je ne desire rien au monde plus ardement, que de pouvoir rendre Service Sur ce Continent Soit a Vous, a Vos Amis, ou a Votre Patrie Je ferais passer celle ci par la Hollande par Msrs Van Staphorst et Hubbard etant, come je crois le Chemin le plus Sur Je Anis par Vous demander la Continuation de Votre Amitie et d’etre persuadé de l’attachement inalterable avec le quel je Vous Suis devoué pour la Vie Geismar e d i t o r s’

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Hanau, 27 June 1801 I compliment the Americans on the choice of president they have made, having been more than once a witness to the loving interest you take in the well-being of your native land; may you live a long time and succeed in everything to render your fellow citizens happy and establish for them perfect well-being. But unfortunately for me, your new post gives me even less hope of having news of you occasionally. It has been over two years since I have heard a word from you. Earlier than fourteen months ago, I sent my no. 4, of which I attach hereto a copy. Since then Mr. Jacob Mark has sent to several interested individuals Madeira wines and other merchandise to compensate them while they are awaiting interest, but for my part I have received nothing. I was all the more at peace about it, hoping that you would continue to take some interest in my business, which I beg you to bring to an end as you can and as you judge Atting. I have no doubt that Mr. Philip Schuyler and Mr. Jacob Mark will take my aCairs to heart if it is recommended by you. If you think it necessary I shall send you the originals of the notes that I have in hand and of which you must have several copies if you received them. I am uncomfortable in being a burden to you for so long in an aCair that may be disagreeable for you, but I count on your forgiveness, Sir, in favor of the friendship that you showed me formerly and knowing no one in your country to whom I dared address myself with that conAdence. On the other hand, rest assured that I desire nothing in the world more ardently than to be able to be of service on this continent whether to you, your friends, or your country.

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27 JUNE 1801 I shall have this pass through Holland by Messrs. Van Staphorst and Hubbard, that being, I believe, the most certain route. I end by requesting the continuation of your friendship and that you be persuaded of the unalterable aCection with which I am devoted to you for life. Geismar RC (DLC); at head of text: “Nro 5”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 Oct. 1801 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Dupl of Geismar to TJ, 16 Feb. 1800. je n’ai pas eu un mot de votre part: the last letter that Geismar had received from TJ may have been one of 23 Feb. 1799, now missing. Apparently the baron did not have TJ’s letter to him of 8 May 1800, which TJ sent by way of the Van Staphorst & Hubbard Arm in Amsterdam. That letter, in any event, was not

a response to Geismar’s “Nro 4” of 16 Feb. 1800, which TJ did not see until he received the duplicate enclosed with the letter printed above. The February 1800 communication inquired about the state of the copper mining venture in New Jersey in which jacob mark and philip schuyler were involved. Geismar was concerned about the value of his investment in the company and the prospect of selling his shares (Vol. 31:3-4, 355, 37881, 570; Vol. 32:48).

From John Christ Honored Sir, Reading June 28th. 1801 Having applied for the ODce of Inspector of the Survey, composed of the Counties of Berks Northumberland & of other Counties in the State of Pennsyla. now held by a Mr. Boyd, and my application, together with the letters of Recomendation of Thomas Mc.Kean, the Governor of this State & of Genl. Peter Muhlenberg in my favour being Aled with the Secretary of the Treasury, I take the liberty to refer your Excellency in this way, to my application & to my Recommendations—I am entirely unacquainted & uninformed as to the manner of Applying to the President of the United States, for an Appointment, & must therefore beg to be pardoned, if I have now deviated from the usual mode of applying—I forbear troubling your Excellency any further at present, because I Batter myself, that the Letters of Recommendation & other papers, which may perhaps yet be sent, will Render any thing further unecessary— I am, Sir, with the greatest Respect—Your very humble Servant John Christ RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR, 12:160-1); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr. President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received from John “Chim” on 3 July and “to be Inspector of survey of Berks &c” and so recorded in SJL with

the additional notation “T”; with note by Gallatin on verso: “Joseph Heister & many other respectable republicans in Berks object to his appointment. But it is hoped that the oDce will be abolished. A.G.”

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29 JUNE 1801 John Christ, of Reading, Pennsylvania, represented Berks County for several terms in the Pennsylvania Assembly during the 1790s. He also served as sheriC of the county for many years (Gallatin, Papers, 5:158; Journal of the Fifth House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Philadelphia, 1795], 4; Journal of the First Session of the Sixth House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Philadelphia, 1795, i.e. 1796], 4). Thomas McKean’s letter of introduction filed with the secretary of

the treasury indicated that the governor knew Henry Christ, “a zealous promoter of the American revolution,” better than he knew his son John. McKean recommended John Christ as “a good Whig and a deserving Gentleman.” On 22 June, Berks County Republicans Peter Frailey, Joseph Hiester, and Peter Filbert wrote Gallatin, warning that the appointment of Christ would mortify “the President’s republican friends.” They requested that the Treasury secretary use his inBuence with the president to prevent the appointment (Gallatin, Papers, 5:158, 224).

To Charles Douglas Sir Washington June 28. 1801. Immediately on the reciept of Dr. [Waterhouse’s letter] I [delivered it] together with the pamphlets & vaccine matter which accompanied it to Doctr. Gantt of this place, thinking it best not to risk it’s loss by sending it on to Virginia as he proposed. it proved in event that [it’s infection] was already lost, as not a single inoculation with it has succeeded. the letter is still in Doctr. Gantt’s hands. he has returned the pamphlets and prints of the appearance of the inoculated subjects. should you wish a perusal of them they will be at your service. I beg leave to tender you my salutations & respects. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Dr. Charles Douglass”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

waterhouse’s letter: Benjamin Waterhouse to TJ, 8 June.

From Mathew Carey Sir, [on or before 29 June 1801] Amidst the numerous objects which demand from you unceasing attention, it requires an apology to obtrude on you any business of a private nature. However your regard for the interests of literature will probably induce you to excuse me in the present instance. I have in the press an American pocket Atlas, which I expect to be able to publish early next month. In the former edition I gave the Census of the United States; and am desirous of enriching the < 471>

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present one with the recent Census.—I should regard it as a very particular favour, if you would be pleased to give directions to have a copy taken by any of the clerks in the oDce where the statements are recorded. I am, with the sincerest esteem, Your obt. hble. servt Mathew Carey RC (DLC); undated; at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson, President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 29 June and so recorded in SJL. In 1796 Mathew Carey Arst published a smaller version of his American maps as Carey’s american pocket atlas. Touched-up copper plates from which the maps were printed could be used over again, so that his atlases were reissued

with fresh title pages frequently over the next 20 years. Publication of the 1801 atlas was delayed until October while the publisher awaited the census returns for Tennessee, which did not arrive in time for inclusion (James N. Green, Mathew Carey Publisher and Patriot [Philadelphia, 1985], 17; Carey’s American Pocket Atlas [Philadelphia, 1801; ShawShoemaker, No. 277]).

From William Adamson Esteemed friend New York the 29th. of June 1801.— I beg to be permitted the liberty of congratulating thee on the late happy event which placed thee at the head of the federal Goverment, & gave thy Country a chief Majestrate, whose republican virtues, & political wisdom, cannot fail of consolidating her Liberty, & securing her happiness, not only for the present generation, but for ages yet remote!—May the great ruler of the universe who raised thee up for this great & beniAcent purpose, grant that thy administration may redound to thy own happiness & to that of this so favor’d nation, & that the memory thereof may be venerated to the end of time!—Already the happy presage of this desirable result is visible to a common observer, in the diminution of party Spirit, & the assuagment of those bickerings & heart burnings wch. corroded the public happiness during the three last years of the late administration, & domestic repose is no longer invaded by threats of political persecution—no longer are Banks & public institutions design’d for the facility of commerce, & the aid of industry, render’d engines of party animosity, & exclusive patronizers of political intolerance—Merchants are not now afraid to speak their sentiments thro’ apprehensions that their credit wd. be run down, nor tradesmen thro’ fear that their families might starve shd. they incur the displeasure of a favor’d party who stiled themselves the exclusive federalists; but whose main object, I ween, was to sap the foundations of this most happy constitution, & by gradual in< 472>

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roads establish a Tyranny, either Monarchical or Oligarchical, on its ruins: but the intervention of kind providence has frustrated their Bagicious machinations, & now scarce one of them dares to raise their voice against the vox populi. vox dei, but the chief leader of this fallen party resident in this City, who having become infuriate thro’ disappointed ambition, does not cease to belch his rage against the Man of the people: but this thrice favor’d people may laugh at his malignity, in the security of their rights; & the patriot emigrant who seeks asylum from persecuting despotism, under the banners of repuplican virtue, may repose under the sanctity of its sacred protection, instead of the dreadful apprehension of being deliver’d over to his merciless persecutors, hourly scaring him; as was the case wth. my virtuous frd: Arch: Ham: Rowan, who quit this Country in as much as Secretary Pickering wd. not deign to reply to his notes, requesting to know whether he shd. consider this country a safe asylum, after the passing of the Alien act.—Such & greater still are the happy eCects rebutting from the elevation of one virtuous & good man to the supreme majestracy of a nation—a nation for a while besotted by the artiAces— the subdolus artiAces & intrigues of the enemies of her Liberty, & of her happiness who to blind the eyes of the multitude, calumniated, viliAed & decry’d the virtuous, whilst they wth. equal sedulousness, extoll’d & applauded the vicious! but almighty God, for the sake of these virtuous, has saved the nation, & overthrown the machinations of the wicked, by opening the eyes of the people to view their true interests in a proper light!—There is nothing of adulation in these observations, they are the result of strict attention to the aCairs of a Country wch. I visitted with enthusiastic expectation above four years ago, & thro’ wch. I have continued all this time to travel—a Country wch. I Shd. now wish to adopt as my own, did the naturalization act not preclude me this blessing!—I fondly hope thou will not regard the liberty I hereby take as any way intrusive, but as thou art unacquainted with the language of my pen, it may be necessary to request thee to recognize me as the same person who was favor’d with an introductory Lettr. to thee from Judge Burk of Charleston S:C: under the name wch. my annex’d signature designates, & as a partner in the Mercantile House of Geo: Smith & Co. of Hamburgh, in consequence of wch. I often did myself the pleasure of visitting thee at Francis’ Hotel in Philada.—Being considerably immersed in Mercantile aCairs, I seldom put my pen to paper on the subject of politics, but having another object in view in indulging myself in this liberty, of which anon, I could not resist the impetus of my feelings to express a few words on a subject wch. so much interests them, & in < 473>

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wch: I crave thy kind indulgence towards a man who is penetrated with a just sense of the dignity of the personage to whom he thus addresses, as well as with a high veneration for his talents & his virtues! I beg now to explain my object in taking this liberty!—The house in which I am connected in trade, having the large capital of two millions of Dollars engaged in the Commission line, we wish to keep this sum fully occupied in accommodating our friends in the United States, in advancments on their consignments, &c; and as Hamburgh, from having been the emporium of European commerce, during the war, must experience a great diminution of her trade in the event of a general peace: we have it in contemplation to establish a branch of our House at Amsterdam, where many of our commercial friends already begin to consign their adventures, and centre their commercial operations: & as the consular oDce is of the greatest advantage to a commercial House, to hold in any of it’s members, on behalf of the Country whose trade it cultivates, from the inBuence it gives amongs the Merchants of that Country, & the consequent extention of it’s trade, it wd. be a favor of the utmost magnitude that thou couldst confer on me, to honor me with the appointment of Consul for the United States either at Hamburgh or Amsterdam, Shd. there be a vacancy:—the latter I should prefer!—In oCering myself a candidate for this important oDce, I do it without a view to fee or reward, as I should not accept of either, & have candidly assign’d thee my true motive for seeking the ODce, wch. should it be my good fortune to succeed to, it will be connected with my own interest as well, as it is my principle from attachment to the Country & its happy government, to fulAl the duties of with Adelity. On this occasion it may be necessary to acquaint thee that if requisite, I can get many testimonies in favor of the respectability of my House from some of the most eminent Mercantile Gentlemen in the United States, amongst whom I take the liberty of naming thy friend General Sam Smith of Baltimore, tho’ without his permissn: as I know that his friends & correspondents in London have written to his house on our behalf: & as to my own principles & character they are not unknown to Commodore Nicholson & Coll. Few here, Cap: Jones, Philada., Doctor Logan Germant:, Jno. Dickinson, Wilmington, whom I used to visit with my frd: A: H: Rowan when he lived in that neighbourhood.— Shd. I be honor’d wth. a reply, my address is at Franklin, Robinson & Co’s. here!—I am wth. great consedern. Thy respectful frd. Wm Adamson < 474>

29 JUNE 1801 RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqre.”; endorsed by TJ as received 8 July and so recorded in SJL. During his travels in America, William Adamson also visited George Washington at Mount Vernon in 1798 and may have been the “Mr. Adamson” referred to by John Barnes in his 6 Apr. 1799 letter to TJ. He continued to write infrequently to TJ, mainly to recommend Irish immigrants and refugees to the president’s attention. Adamson was probably the merchant of the same name active in New York City from around 1806 until declaring himself an insolvent debtor in 1812 (Washington, Papers, Ret. Ser., 2:73-4; New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, 14 Oct. 1806; New-York Evening Post, 2 May 1807, New-York Commercial Advertiser, 5 Feb. 1807, 12 May 1808; New York Columbian, 15 June 1812; Vol. 31:90; Adamson to TJ, 28 Dec. 1801, 30 Jan. 1803, 1 Oct. 1807). Irish nationalist Archibald Hamilton

rowan was imprisoned by British authorities in 1794 for distributing seditious writings. Escaping, he arrived in the United States in 1795 after spending a year in France. In 1798 he wrote to Timothy pickering inquiring about his status as a British subject under the recently enacted Alien Friends Act, but Pickering did not reply. Writing TJ in July 1798, Rowan announced his intention to leave America, fearing it was not the “country of Liberty and equality” that he had believed it to be. Replying on 26 Sep., TJ assured Rowan that if he chose to seek asylum in Virginia, “the laws of the land, administered by upright judges would protect you from every exercise of power unauthorised by the constitution of the United states.” Rowan remained in the United States until 1800, when he left for Hamburg (dnb; William H. Drummond, ed., The Autobiography of Archibald Hamilton Rowan [Dublin, 1840; repr. Shannon, Ireland, 1972], 323-4; Vol. 30:460-1, 528).

From David Austin Washington June 29th. 1801

In the George Town “Museum” & in the “National Intelligencer” of this day may be observed a notice of public attention to the 4th. of July, to be paid at the Capitol. The President will observe a consistancy of object in this design. It means to plant the doctrine of a new Œra, under the President’s, adminestration; considering the matter, however, totally in an abstract point of view: so that no exceptions can arrise from the applica. of the doctrine to any matter, not within the reach of the eye, or of political demonstration. The Matter will be toutched with the delicacy it justly claims: and be considered as “a day unto the Lord”; rather than conAned to any political object, immediately in hand.— If the Executive should think proper to order a muster of any managable force; to direct the means for the forming of a junction of the Citizens with the Executive display, that so a national act of goodfellowship & of common Citizenship might be displayed on that day, it might, at least, serve as smoke at the door of the tent; to silence < 475>

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the burrings of the winged tribes, thro’ the want of something on wh. to feed. An Order from the Minister of War, directing a display of the troops, or Marines & band, at the President’s door, previously understood, would lay full founda. for the united action of the body of Citizens of every description. It might have a tendency to absorb the bubbles of former things, and to consolidate, apparently, jarring interests & things in one national display. With submission & all due esteem. D. Austin RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 29 June and so recorded in SJL.

From Albert Gallatin [29 June 1801]

As I wrote to Gen. Muhlenburg on the subject of T. Coxe being appd. Collector by him—Would it not be well to write immediately, as his Commission is made out, that he must be silent on the subject? Or in what other manner is it thought At to communicate to him the non acceptance of the Collectorship by T.C.?1 That oDce is so valuable that P.M. having promised to give it as we had decided, it might be eligible still to dispose of it. It is probable he would comply if it was mentioned at once—Otherwise he may say he had engaged it— That Collectorship worth 1,500 dollars—Ash is the incumbent Carson alias Rt. Slender would like it Meredith Treasurer would take that or surveyor of supplies instead of Treasury—and Habersham might be prevailed perhaps to take Treasury in lieu of Post-master—The Salaries are equal 3000 drs. each—Treasury a sinecure requires only integrity & a very large security—Mr Meredith told me this day that he had a strong inclination to resign this fall—Mrs M. is always sick in this place—Any thing oCered in Phila. will conArm him. A. G. RC (DLC); undated; addressed: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 29 June and so recorded in SJL with notation “Deptmt. of Treasury [T.C.].” James carson applied to Gallatin for a position in May 1801. Having taught

school in Philadelphia for ten years, he sought less sedentary employment. He identiAed himself as the author of the essays signed “Robert Slender,” but Philip Freneau used that pen name in 1787 and has been credited with the popular letters that appeared in the Philadelphia Aurora

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29 JUNE 1801 between 1799 and 1801 (Gallatin, Papers, 5:32; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1800, 29; Letters on Various interesting and important Subjects; Many of which have Appeared in the Aurora. Corrected and Much Enlarged. By Robert Slender, O.S.M. [Philadelphia, 1799]; Jacob Axelrad, Philip Freneau: Champion of Democracy [Austin, 1967], 161, 172, 333; Lewis Leary, That Rascal Freneau: A Study in Literary Failure [New Brunswick, N.J., 1941], 148-9, 309-17; Donald H. Stewart,

The Opposition Press of the Federalist Period [Albany, 1969], 496-500). Samuel meredith assumed duties as treasurer of the United States in September 1789. He held the oDce until he retired in late 1801 and returned to Philadelphia (anb; Meredith to TJ, 29 Aug. 1801). q Gallatin drew a brace in the left margin encompassing this paragraph and wrote: “An answer to this is requested.”

From John F. Gaullier Monsieur Fredericksbg. June 29th 1801 Comme c’est la derniere fois que Je prend la très respectueuse liberté de vous ecrire, si vottre bonté à la patience de me lire; et d’excuser ma prolixité, J’orai satisfait à mon devoir, le reste èst au destin. Après Dieu (dans ce pays cy) vous êtes mon seul espoir! si les grands dans ce monde sonts ses representants, J’ai les droits de les invocquer: . . . peu accoutumér de demander des Graces, encore moins accoutumér en decorom due à la digniteé du premier magistrat des Etat Unis, J’ose éspèrer que mon peu d’usage trouvera grace devant vous. Depuis l’instant que J’eus L’honneur de vous voir, Batté de l’espoir d’etre Employér, Je me suis peu occupé de mon etat, exceptez icy, par la raison que si J’eus été appelez par vottre ordre, Je n’orois pus Anir ce que J’avois commencez; d’allieurs le manque d un Cheval que Je ne peut achetter; la perte de mon tems, me reduisent dans la plus affreuse necessity, L’hiver vient rien qui me puisse donner du pain . . . Je dois deux cent dollars, et ne sçai ou les prendre, les brouilles occasionés dans ma famille, pour avoir (disent ils) été trop conAent ne sonts pas les moindres de mes tourmens, la crainte de la perte de ma reputation et de course mon credit, le Comtempt de mes concitoyens pour ceux qui deviennent pauvres, oh! Monsieur il est tems que Je tombe a vos pieds . . . oh! sauvez moi de ma perte, . . . Je menployrai a tout ce qu’il vous plaira que Je puisse faire avec honneur pour gagner cette somme et payer mes dêttes imediatement, oh! cette petite avance, le tems amènera le reste. Je sçai que vous ne pouvés pas Creér, si il ni a pas de vaccance, Je ne puis être Employér, mais mes besoins sont urgent; sera til dit que Je sois le seul m’alheureux sous vottre reigne? < 477>

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Si rien ne peut mêtre accordé, du moins accordez moi ma derniere priere o! Dieu acheveraije . . . quoi que c’est ma derniere resource mes larmes eCacent l’odieuse request . . . ma femme, ma Alle Entrent o! Malheureux . . . deux heures après En certain cas, l’avis d’une femme êst une dose d’Elebore contre la folie d’un mary, quelle scene . . . oh! pardon pardon, J’alais Compromettre la dignité, l’urbanité du President, dans le crime d’un homme au desespoir . . . enAn Je n’alais pas vous demander moins, qu’une recommandation, et un passage pour retourner dans mon pays, Jai eu l’honneur de la connoissance de Madame Bonoparte, (Vingt cinq ans passés,) quand elle etoit mde de Beauharnois, cette idee, et la peur de manquer ici, me fesoit abandoner femme conections, la country que J’ai adopté, sans me resouvenir de tout ces liens, oh! misere qu’il sonts tès ECèts. Ne me jugés pas fol en lisant mes incoherances, je peut avec honneur, Adélité, et integrité remplir un post donnés par vos bontés, si j’y suis neuf, mon Zèle et bonne volonté suspleronts au défaut de talent, Je n’ay pas d’objection d’etre Employé quand ce ceroit comissaire des vivres dans l’armeé des frontieres, mon sort est en vos mains, daignér me le faire connoitre, et ajouttez à cette Grace celle de me croire avec le plus proCond respect Monsieur Vottre très humble et obeissant Serviteur John F. Gaullier

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Sir Fredericksburg, June 29th 1801 As this is the last time that I take the very respectful liberty of writing to you, if your kindness has the patience to read me and to forgive my prolixity, I shall have satisAed my duty; the rest is up to destiny. After God (in this country) you are my only hope! If the great in this world are His representatives, I have the rights to invoke them: . . . little used to asking for favors, and even less used to the decorum due to the Arst oDcer of the United States, I dare hope that my lack of use will And favor before you. Since the moment when I had the honor of seeing you, deluded by the hope of being employed, I have taken little care of my condition, except here, for the reason that, if I had been called by your order, I would not have Anished what I had begun; moreover, the lack of a horse that I cannot buy, the loss of my time, reduce me to the most frightful need; winter is coming, nothing can give me any bread . . . I owe two hundred dollars, and don’t know where to And them; the quarrels brought about in my family, for having been, they say, too conAdent, are not the least of my torments, the fear of the

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29 JUNE 1801 loss of my reputation and of course my credit, the contempt of my fellow citizens for those who become poor, oh! Sir it is time for me to fall at your feet . . . oh! save me from my ruin, . . . I will take on whatever work may please you that I can do to earn honorably that sum and pay my debts immediately, oh! that small advance, time will bring the rest. I know that you cannot create one, if there is no vacancy, I cannot be employed, but my needs are pressing; shall it be said that I am the lone unfortunate under your reign? If nothing can be granted to me, at least grant me my Anal prayer, oh! God shall I Anish . . . even though it is my last resort my tears wipe out the hateful request . . . my wife and my daughter are coming in, oh! unfortunate one . . . two hours later In certain cases a wife’s counsel is a dose of hellebore against a husband’s madness, what a scene . . . oh! pardon, pardon, I was going to compromise the dignity, the urbanity of the president, in the crime of a desperate man . . . I was going to ask of you nothing less than a recommendation and passage to return to my country, I had the honor of knowing Madame Bonaparte (twenty-Ave years ago) when she was Madame de Beauharnais, that idea and the fear of failing here, was making me abandon wife, connections, the country that I have adopted, without remembering at all those bonds, oh! poverty, what are your results. Do not judge me mad reading my incoherencies, I can fulAll with honor, Adelity, and integrity a position given by your kindnesses, if I am new at it, my zeal and good will shall make up for the lack of talent, I have no objection to being employed even as a commissary clerk in the frontier armies, my fate is in your hands, be so good as to let me know what it is, and add to that favor that of believing me to be, with the deepest respect Sir, your very humble and obedient servant John F. Gaullier RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); ellipses in original, regularized; at head of text: “Au President”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 July and so recorded in SJL. madame bonoparte: Rose de Tascher de La Plagerie, a native of Martinique,

was married to Alexandre de Beauharnais from 1779 until his death at the guillotine in 1794. In 1796 she married Napoleon Bonaparte and began to use the name Josephine (Tulard, Dictionnaire Napoléon, 244, 976-7).

From Francis Hoskins May it please your Excellency Philadelphia June 29th. 1801. Your amiable qualities emboldens me to write to you. for the presumption I ask pardon. (necessity compels) I humbly request a place as under Clerk, in any of the Custom houses, or public ODces. the sincere wish and fervent prayers of an Old Man and his family are that your Administration may be long and prosperous. I have the Honor to be < 479>

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Sir with sentiments of great respect your most obedient Servant Francis Hoskins PS General Thomas Proctor Esqr. will be kind enough to give any necessary information— The tables being novel I hope will be acceptable. the Arst is correct. The second the weight and value of Gold is supposed at a medium. in some countries, they put more or less Alloy, which makes Gold lighter and of less value. the third table which may be of use, I have been very particular and as near the truth as possible I saw calculations from one to Ave Centuries on Inspection I found the Author did not exceed 6 places of Decimals—I calculated 10. whereby I gained 14 Cents in the Arst 100 Years, and in 400 it exceeds a Million dollars. A table formed at 6 per Cent the accumulating Interest is amazing. as 500 years at 6 per Cent. amounts to above one hundred and eleven times more than that of 5 per Cent. RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 2 July and so recorded in SJL with notation “T”; also endorsed by TJ: “to be Underclerk in any of the Customhouses”; with note by Gallatin on verso: “He must apply to one of the Collectors. This department never interferes as they are solely responsible for their clerks.” Enclosure: Three tables prepared by Hoskins, 29 June 1801, with Table No. 1 showing “the diameter and solid content of the Globe in Miles, cubic yards, feet and Inches,” Table No. 2 showing “the weight and sterling value of a Globe of Gold as large as the World, and it’s amount in dollars,” and Table No. 3 showing “the amount of one dollar compound Interest at 5 per Cent per Annum from 10 to 1325 Years,” and concluding that “In 1325 years 267 days and 1 hour the principal and Interest amount to the value of a Globe of Gold as large as the World at this period, the accumulated Interest of one second of time amount to 18.876898.441409.739188 Dollars which

exceeds the specie in the Universe” (MS in DLC; in Hoskins’s hand and signed by him; above signature: “Inscribed with the most profound respect to his Excellency Thomas JeCerson Esqr. President of the United States and President of the Philosophical Society”; endorsed by TJ: “Hoskins Francis. inclosed in lre of June 29. 1801.” Enclosed in Hoskins to James Madison, 29 June (see Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:358). Francis Hoskins met with TJ in April 1800 and presented ideas for the improvement of navigation, including a “time piece for the longitude.” In 1800 he worked as a clerk in Philadelphia. He Arst wrote TJ requesting a clerical appointment in April 1801 (StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1800, 64; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:358; note to John Gardiner to TJ, 25 Feb. 1801; Hoskins to TJ, 6 Apr. 1801, in DNA: RG 59, LAR).

To James Mease Washington June 29. 1801.

Th: JeCerson presents his thanks to Doctr. Mease for the two pamphlets. that part of his proposition which relates to the union of < 480>

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chemistry with domestic arts is very interesting indeed. baking, brewing, wine vinegar, [soap,] butter, cheese, [Axing?] liquors, hatching of eggs with a long train of &c. &c. are subjects of which the chemistry1 is as little known as it is of more worth in common life than all the residue of that Aeld of that science put together. Dr. Pennington had given us hopes that science could at length be applied to domestic use: but death put oC those hopes. Th:J. will be happy to see the school of Philadelphia engaged in what will carry the value of philosophy home to the head & heart of every housekeeper. he prays Doctr. Mease to accept his salutations & respect. PrC (DLC); faint. Mease sent pamphlets with his letter to TJ of 23 June. TJ owned a copy of a book by John Penington (pennington), Chemical and Economical Essays, Designed to Illustrate the Connection between the Theory and

Practice of Chemistry, and the Application of that Science to some of the Arts and Manufactures of the United States of America (Philadelphia, 1790; Sowerby, No. 847). q Word interlined in place of “philosophy.”

To Julian Ursin Niemcewicz Dear Sir Washington June 29. 1801. Your favor of the 16th. is just recieved. I shall be at Monticello during the months of Aug. & Sep. which I believe comprehend the [seeding] time of the Polygala Seneca, in which case I will endeavor to have some saved. I know however it is become extremely rare. lest my eCorts should fail, I may mention that in that event Bartram could furnish either the plants or [seeds].—I recieved from mr Littlepage a letter dated in the winter & assuring me he should come [home] early in the spring. He was then at Altona. accept my sincere and aCectionate esteem. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of page: “Mr. Julien Niemcewicz”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

The letter from Lewis littlepage was dated 17 Jan. 1801 (Vol. 32:477-9).

From Charles Willson Peale Dear Sir New York June 29th. 1801. It gives me pleasure to inform you that I am so far on my return to the Museum with the Bones which were lately dug1 up at Shawangunk, in the county of Ulster. with the purchase of these I have also < 481>

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the right from the owner of the land to take up the remainder, when I can be prepared to undertake so important a work. I have viewed the Grounds, and have laid my plan, or rather plans to overcome, I hope, any diDculty. The pits dug to get the bones I possess, are large, and now full of water, and one of them 12 feet deep—and from the situation of the morass and the surrounding lands, it appears an Herculean task to explore the bottom where the remainder of the bones are supposed to lay—but I can assure you that I have not the least doubt of compleating the Skelleton without breaking a single bone. It appears wonderful to me that more damage was not done by the means used by the farmers to drag up those I have with me. The high preservation, with their amazing strength saved many, the delicate and slender parts suCered by the oblique direction they were drawn out, perhaps entangled with the larger bones and other substances. As soon as I arrive at Philadelphia, I intend to begin to put these together, by which means I will be enabled to form a conjecture of what is yet wanting. The grandeur of this Skeleton when compleated, will I hope excite your curiosity so far as to produce me the favour of a visit to the Museum, and that you may enjoy pleasure while contemplating the magnitude of the animal and the manner of its support, is the wish of your friend and Humble servant C W Peale RC (DLC); addressed: “To Thomas JeCerson Esqr. President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 4 July and so recorded in SJL. Peale had decided to investigate for himself the discovery of large bones at Shawangunk, a few miles from Newburgh, New York. After viewing what proved to be the “greater part of the skelleton” of a mastodon, Peale agreed on 25 June to pay the landowner, John Masten, $200 and “a handsome Gun” for the

bones that had already been recovered, plus another $100 for the right to dig out the rest of the skeleton. Early in August he began the project of excavating the remaining bones. The previous autumn TJ had learned of the discovery from Caspar Wistar, who pressed the importance of recovering as much of the skeleton as possible (Peale, Papers, v. 2, pt. 1:329-34, 342, 356; Vol. 32:231, 232n, 288-9; Wistar to TJ, 18 Feb. 1801). q MS: “dup.”

From David Austin Respected Sir. Washington June 30th. 1801. —Some of the young Gentlemen, at table, this day, observed, that of a late appropriation by Congress, for the use of the Clerkship, the Secretary of the Treasury was about to retain 5 per Ct. in view of < 482>

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compensation to additional aid required in his own oDce: I have thought that to employ my leisure hours, it would be very agreeable to receive an appointment to any duties wh. might fall within the reach of my talents in this oDce. Will the President excuse the freedom used, whilst I request that if the informa. be correct; & any such aid is needed, I might have the sanction of the President’s name in an introduction to the remembrance of the Secretary? The favor ever acknowd: by D. Austin RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “The President”; endorsed by TJ as received 30 June and so recorded in SJL. Austin made another request for an oDce in a brief letter to TJ of 6 July, this time specifying an appointment in the Navy Department. He claimed that his “acquaintance with ship-building, rigging, sailing & Aghting may be a pledge of his ability to serve the Executive, in any branch of this department to him allotted” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; endorsed by TJ as received 6 July and so recorded in SJL). Austin reiterated his interest in a navy appointment in a 17 July letter to TJ, which also suggested that appointing

a clergyman to his cabinet would counter those who attacked the president on religious grounds. “They throw it constantly in the teeth of the President, that he prefers, for oDce, Men, destitute of certain qualities wh. are calculated to give a morsel to the hope of the borders of Zion,” wrote Austin. If TJ appointed him to oDce, however, Austin felt sure that his critics “would never, more say, the President was not a friend to Zion, so long as he had a Chaplain in his counsels” (RC in same; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson Prest U: States Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 17 July and so recorded in SJL).

From Timothy Bloodworth Dear Sir Spring Hill June 30th 1801 At the request of Coll: John Pue Williams, I beg Leave to acquaint You, of the Voluntary tender of that Gentlemans Services, in any oDce in the General Government, that the President may think proper to bestow on him. Under the late Administration, no appointment would have prov’d acceptable, as the Measures persued, appear’d to be incompatable with the genuine principles of true Republicanism, which this Gentleman have Uniformly held Sacred. & ever Contended for, with a Zeal bordering on Enthusiasm, at all times, when the success of Federalism was most triumphant, he persued his opposition to the prevailing torrent, with an open, Bold, & intripid perseverance, unmindfull of the frowns of Power, & Unaw’d at threatning Danger. This Gentleman is a Brother to the present Governer of N:C:, Yet as opposite in political sintiments, as the riseing, to the setting Sun. < 483>

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he took an Active part in the Revolutionary war, & bore a Command in the regular Army. his Uniform conduct since that period, intitles him to the epithet, of a Patriot of 76. Should the President be inclin’d to accept his oCer of Service, further information may be obtaind, from Mr Mecon, who is wel Acquainted with his Charrecter. I have the pleasure to acquaint You, that the Mist of Federal delusion is on the decline, in the Circle of my acquaintance. my hopes are Sanguine, that they people will discern their true Interest, & return to the standard of Republicanism, which has for some time Languished, Under the late Administration. I fondly hope, that Youre Accession to the Presidency, will be the Means of saving Youre Country from Tyranny, & oppression. Long may You live in the enjoyment of Health, to Bless Youre Countery in the present situation, & direct the helmn of the Political Vessel, through the Boisterouse Oceon of Error & delution, whose foaming Billows has Lash’d the Europian Shores, for Centuries past, & lately advanc’d with the hasty strides of a Giant, towards this peacfull Land. which awaked my apprehention, & Alarm’d my fears, that is at present happily Allay’d, & expiring hope again reviv’d. the freedom, & happiness of my Country, is the Arst wish of my Heart, which I Batter my self she will now Enjoy, Notwithstanding the threatning danger, that Menaced her destruction. With every expression of real respect, & Esteem, I have the Honor to be, Dear Sir. Youre Very Humble Servant. Timothy Bloodworth RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 27 Aug. and so recorded in SJL with notation “Williams to oDce.” Timothy Bloodworth (1736-1814) of New Hanover County, North Carolina, served in his state’s legislature, opposed ratiAcation of the Constitution, and was elected a representative in the First Congress from 1790 to 1791 and U.S. senator from 1795 until 1801. In February 1802, TJ appointed him customs collector for Wilmington to replace GriDth J. McRee. He died in arrears to the United States for $22,500, but while in oDce he sent TJ seeds of the Bytrap plant and accounts of the spread of Republicanism in North Carolina (anb; jep, 1:406; Delbert Harold Gilpatrick, JeCersonian Democra-

cy in North Carolina, 1789-1816 [New York, 1931], 125; Vol. 33:670, 678). During the Revolutionary War, John Pugh williams served as a captain of the 5th North Carolina regiment and colonel of the militia before retiring from the army in June 1778. His brother Benjamin Williams represented North Carolina in the Third Congress and was elected to three consecutive terms as a Federalist governor, 1799-1801 (Samuel A. Ashe, ed., Biographical History of North Carolina from Colonial Times to the Present, 8 vols. [Greensboro, N.C., 1905-17], 5:467-72; Heitman, Register, 595; James H. Broussard, The Southern Federalists, 1800-1816 [Baton Rouge, La., 1978], 218-19). mr mecon: Nathaniel Macon.

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30 JUNE 1801 Bloodworth also wrote a similar letter of introduction to Albert Gallatin on 1 July and oCered Williams’s services to the Treasury Department (RC in DNA: RG

59, LAR; endorsed by TJ: “Bloodworth Timothy to mr. Gallatin} recommending John Pue Williams to oDce”).

From William Kilty, James Marshall, and William Cranch To the President of the United States. June 30th 1801 The undersigned Judges of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia are induced by the circumstances attending the cases of John Pedon and Samuel Morris, two soldiers in the sirvice of the United States to recommend them to your consideration They have been tried during the present June Term and have been found guilty by the Jury of stealing a Hog the property of Mr. Peter—. The punishment for which is—. Restoring Fourfold the value of the Goods, Putting in the Pillory, and Whipping, not exceeding forty stripes—. all of which are to be inBicted, without any discretionary Power in the Court except as to the number of stripes under that which is limited in the Law Altho’ it does not appear that the verdict was contrary to, or without evidence so as Justify the Court in ordering a New Trial, which is applied for by the Prisoners, Yet from the nature of the Transaction as it appeared to us, We are, willing and desirous that the punishment should be lessened—. We were induced to beleive that the act, however reprehensible originated in sport or mischief, and might not have been committed with an intent of stealing— It appears that as soldiers they have not been guilty of any irregular conduct, except in the present instance, and that there have been no complaints which have reached us of irregularity by the other soldiers with whom they are Quartered—. The Prisoners have heretofore sustained Good Charactors and possess as We are informed the conAdence of their ODcers, and one of them, to wit, Samuel Morris appears to be a very Young man—. We should therefore, if We had the Power, remit that part of the sentence which is of an Infamous Nature, to wit, the Pillory and stripes, and We beg leave to recommend the said John Pedon and Samuel Morris to you for the exercise of that Power of General or partial Pardon which the Constitution will enable you to Grant. < 485>

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In submitting this application, We Beg You sir, to receive the assurances of our High Consideration and respect. William Kilty J Marshall W. Cranch. RC (DNA: RG 59, GPR); in a clerk’s hand, signed by Kilty, Marshall, and Cranch; note by TJ at foot of text: “Let a pardon issue as to the Pillory & stripes Th: JeCerson June 30. 1801.” On 22 June 1801 the U.S. Circuit Court for the District of Columbia convicted john pedon and samuel mor-

ris of stealing a hog belonging to Robert peter, Jr. The two men were Aned and ordered to be placed in the pillory for a quarter of an hour and “whipped with Ave stripes each” (Tr in DNA: RG 59, GPR). TJ granted Pedon and Morris a presidential pardon of their corporal punishment on 1 July (FC in Lb in same).

From Thomas Peerce Sir george town june 30th 1801 With reluctance I trouble you with these lines fearing they may be oCensive I still Batter my self your honour will not turn them oC unnoticed when you hear that general Washington has spoke very favourable to some of my well wishers as well as to my Self tho it was with great persuasion I ever took courage to harbour any such thoughts at which time he promist to be a friend to me at any time I would apply for a place under goverment to get bread for my family which consists at this time of my wife and nine children the eldest not yet twelve years of age and my business which is the Saddling and harness makeing has been very slack for near four years and with diAculty can I feed my family and the time for their education lost waisting induces me to trouble you as it has pleased god to call him away before the removal of the goverment to this place hopeing if there should be any vacancy for a place in any of the apartments such as door keeper or messenger would gladly accept of it any recommen necessary by the respectablest and oldest inhabitants in the place can be had the foundation of these lines came from my fathers will which general Washington has seen where he wild his property to be divided between his children but was over sett by my eldest brother for want of one more witness being two only but hurtfuller to my feelings my father mother and several relations are buryed on the land in the old orchard about two hundread yards north of the presidents house which I have been told Lies in the presidents square and Some day will be removd and no one but my self in many miles perhaps < 486>

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that cares in what manner they are removd perhaps to All up some valley which has checkt a strong notion I had of removeing to some new country where I might with the blessings of god get bread on better terms than here but still am fearfull that I impose on your honour and hope you will excuse me if it should be the case and would think it a great satisfaction to speak with you and get an answer at what time it suits your honour for me to apply and remain your most obedient and very Hmble servant Thomas Peerce RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as a letter from “Pierce Thos.” received 10 July and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” In 1791 George Washington met with proprietors of land within the proclaimed boundaries of the District of Columbia to negotiate the conveyance of land to trustees for the building of the capital. Edward Peerce, likely Thomas Peerce’s eldest brother, conveyed land after the meeting with Washington in late March. A month later, Edward Peerce

sold to Samuel Davidson land that was northwest of the president’s house and within president’s square, which was bounded by H, 15th, and 17th Streets. The land contained a graveyard and apple orchard (Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 8:24-5, 46-7n; rchs, 35 [1935], 88-90; rchs, 28 [1926], 134-5; Seale, The President’s House, 1:162-3). For more on the March 1791 agreement with landowners in the Federal District and public appropriations, see Opinion on George Walker’s Case, 14 June.

From James Tilton Sir, Wilmington 30 June 1801. We discover it to be a double misfortune, that we have no republican representative, at the Court of the United States. We are not only liable to the misrepresentations of the federal faction; but are subject to the wiles and intrigues of selAsh & insidious friends. At the instance; therefore, of a number of ingenuous republicans, Mr. Rodney is prevailed upon to make a visit to Washing: for the express purpose of representing the true interest of republicanism in Delaware. We have chosen him for this important duty, because we think him known and known to be irreproachable. A whig from his infancy, he has uniformly stood forth the advocate of the peoples cause; and is, at this day, Justly placed, at the head of the republican party. I am bold in making this declaration, from a wish that you may enquire into the truth of the allegation, and employ the result of your investigation, for the interest of Delaware. We have reason to think and are persuaded, that insidious attempts have been made to precipitate certain appointments, which, though < 487>

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wished and expected, may be timed to great advantage. The oDce of Marshall having expired, we suppose a new appointment must take place, without much delay; but all our disinterested politicians agree, that every appointment which can be deferred until after the Arst tuesday in october next, the day of our general elections will favour the choice of republican candidates. The reason of this must be obvious. It is plain too, that by a little delay, you will have it in your power to be perfectly satisAed who they are that beseige you, as mere selAsh politicians, and who give you their opinion, as disinterested friends of the republican cause. The importance of the occasion, I hope, will plead my excuse for troubling you, in this manner. For every thing else, I refer you to Mr. Rodney:—and have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your most obt. Servant, James Tilton RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr: Prest. of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 7 July and so recorded in SJL. James Tilton (1745-1822), a Delaware physician educated at the College of Philadelphia, joined the militia during the American Revolution and became a

hospital surgeon at Princeton. He served in the Continental Congress in 1783 and 1784, and as a state legislator, treasurer, and commissioner of loans. A member of the American Philosophical Society, he also had an interest in agriculture and was an important organizer of the Democratic-Republican party in Delaware (anb).

Statement of Account with Thomas Carpenter Thomas JeCerson Esq. 1801 To Thomas Carpenter Dr. May 1.— Dr C To Facing an under Waistcoat with Silk 1.25 To a pr. of twilled fancy Cord Breeches, pearl buttons 7.25 To Making a Coat, trimings lining and Stays for ç 4.— the Coachman 12 plated Buttons 56 1 n yds Cloth @ 33/9 8.44 1 M yds Lace @ 7/6 1.75 K yd Crimson Cloth for facing 1.25 To a Spanish Waistcoat Compleat for Do. 4.75 To a pr twilled thicksett Pantaloons for Do. 6.25 < 488>

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wished and expected, may be timed to great advantage. The oDce of Marshall having expired, we suppose a new appointment must take place, without much delay; but all our disinterested politicians agree, that every appointment which can be deferred until after the Arst tuesday in october next, the day of our general elections will favour the choice of republican candidates. The reason of this must be obvious. It is plain too, that by a little delay, you will have it in your power to be perfectly satisAed who they are that beseige you, as mere selAsh politicians, and who give you their opinion, as disinterested friends of the republican cause. The importance of the occasion, I hope, will plead my excuse for troubling you, in this manner. For every thing else, I refer you to Mr. Rodney:—and have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your most obt. Servant, James Tilton RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr: Prest. of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 7 July and so recorded in SJL. James Tilton (1745-1822), a Delaware physician educated at the College of Philadelphia, joined the militia during the American Revolution and became a

hospital surgeon at Princeton. He served in the Continental Congress in 1783 and 1784, and as a state legislator, treasurer, and commissioner of loans. A member of the American Philosophical Society, he also had an interest in agriculture and was an important organizer of the Democratic-Republican party in Delaware (anb).

Statement of Account with Thomas Carpenter Thomas JeCerson Esq. 1801 To Thomas Carpenter Dr. May 1.— Dr C To Facing an under Waistcoat with Silk 1.25 To a pr. of twilled fancy Cord Breeches, pearl buttons 7.25 To Making a Coat, trimings lining and Stays for ç 4.— the Coachman 12 plated Buttons 56 1 n yds Cloth @ 33/9 8.44 1 M yds Lace @ 7/6 1.75 K yd Crimson Cloth for facing 1.25 To a Spanish Waistcoat Compleat for Do. 4.75 To a pr twilled thicksett Pantaloons for Do. 6.25 < 488>

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To a Suit compleat as above for the groom 27.— To a Suit Do. for the Footman 27.— To a Suit of Do. for John 26.— June 20 To a Jane Jacket and Pantaloons for the Coachman 9.50 To a Strong fustain Do. for the groom 9.50 To a Stable Frock for the groom 2.25 To a Jane jacket for the footman 5.— To facing four under Waistcoats with Sattin 6.— Buttoning a Waistcoat and 20 Buttons 50 July 1 Altering a Coat & furnishing a Silk Collar 2.50 $150.75 for self 11. servts 139.75 MS (ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers); in Carpenter’s hand, words and Agures shown in italics added by TJ, who endorsed the statement on verso with Carpenter’s name; notation in John Barnes’s hand alongside Carpenter’s total, “Exd. JB,” refers to an examination of the account in Barnes’s oDce, and checkmarks appearing next to each line of text, not shown here, were probably added during that review; at foot, Barnes wrote and Carpenter signed acknowledgments of payment on 19 Aug. for $50.75 and on 15 Sep. for $100; endorsed by Barnes. Thomas Carpenter was a tailor in Washington (Statement of Account with

Thomas Carpenter, printed at 31 Mch. 1801). coachman: Joseph Dougherty (mb, 2:1035n). footman: as of 1 May, Edward Maher and John Christoph Süverman were footmen in the president’s house. John Kramer entered TJ’s service on 27 May (Lucia Stanton, “‘A Well-Ordered Household’: Domestic Servants in Jefferson’s White House,” White House History, 17 [Winter 2006], 8, 12, 21; mb, 2:1040, 1042). john: probably John Freeman, also a footman, who began a salaried position on 4 May but had been in TJ’s service since March (mb, 2:1043; TJ to Charles Little, 31 Mch. 1801).

To Elizabeth House Trist Dear Madam Washington July 1. 1801. Your favor of the 13th. is duly recieved. I have not yet had a good opportunity of speaking with mr Gallatin on the subject of mr Fowler; but it shall be done; and whatsoever the justice due to others may permit, will with pleasure be yielded to your wishes. I must observe at the same time that such is the eCect of our conciliation plan, & so strongly has it operated on the minds of our former adversaries, that not one of them has refused to continue in service under the new administration. there has not been one single resignation from them: < 489>

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and as our principles do not admit much removal, the vacancies are few in proportion to the candidates. in truth it is the case of one loaf, and ten men wanting bread. I hear every now & then from our friend Hawkins. he is doing a great deal of good among the Creeks. they are beginning to spin, weave, raise stock, to carry beef, butter & cheese to market, to inclose their grounds, use the plough, work at the smith’s & carpenter’s trade &c. he is really acting for them as a father for his children. I have been very much pleased to hear these accounts of him lately, because at one time some unfavorable things were listened to. I presume that by this time you have learnt some of the farmer’s cares. they are so various & serious as any, and more interesting. within four weeks I shall be able to see what sort of a farming family you make. present my neighborly respects to mr & mrs Trist, & accept yourself assurances of my constant & aCectionate esteem. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Mrs. Elizabeth Trist.” your favor of the 13th: not found but recorded in SJL as received 17 June from Birdwood. TJ’s most recent letter to Trist, dated 24 Mch. and recorded in SJL, has also not been found. Alexander fowler wrote to Albert gallatin on 19 Feb. of his interest in the quartermaster or supervisor of revenue positions at Pittsburgh should they be-

come vacant and expressed a desire to resume his land claim against the United States. For Fowler’s role in the Republican schism in Pennsylvania politics, see Sanford W. Higginbotham, The Keystone in the Democratic Arch: Pennsylvania Politics 1800-1816 (Harrisburg, Pa., 1952), 38; and Meriwether Lewis to TJ, 31 Aug. 1801. our friend hawkins: Benjamin Hawkins last wrote to TJ on 1 Mch.

To the Delaware Baptist Association To the Delegates of the Delaware Baptist association Washington July 2. 1801. I join you, fellow-citizens, in rendering the tribute of thankfulness to the Almighty ruler, who, in the order of his providence, hath willed that the human mind shall be free in this portion of the globe: that society shall here know that the limit of it’s rightful power is the enforcement of social conduct; while the right to question the religious principles producing that conduct is beyond their cognisance. I rejoice too with you in the happy consequences of our revolution, namely our separation from the bloody horrors which are depopulating the other quarters of the earth, the establishment here of liberty, < 490>

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equality of social rights, exclusion of unequal privileges civil & religious, & of the usurping domination of one sect over another. The obedience you profess to those who rule under such an order of things, is rational & right: and we hope the day is far oC when evils beyond the reach of constitutional correction, & more intolerable than their remedies in the judgment of the nation, may Ax a just term to that duty. I thank you, fellow-citizens, for your congratulations on my appointment to the chief magistracy, and for your aCectionate supplications, on my behalf, to that being whose counsels are the best guide, & his favor the best protection under all our diDculties, and in whose holy keeping may our country ever remain. Accept, I pray you, my salutations and respect. Th: Jefferson RC (MdElk); at foot of text: “J. Flood esq. Moderator of the delegates of the Delaware Baptist association convened in Bryn-sion Meeting house.” PrC (DLC).

Printed in the Wilmington Mirror of the Times, & General Advertiser on 9 Sep. The association sent its congratulations on 26 June.

From David Jones Sir/ Pittsburg July 2, 1801 I write this from gen. Wilkinson’s Quarters, who has been pleased to show me a Draught of a road from Lake Erie towards Pittsburg, which is to be opened immediately, & for that Purpose a Body of Troops are preparing to march. This is the Arst Piece of real service, which the federal Troops have been imployed in, for some years, which has come under my Notice. and it is realy astonishing that it has been so long neglected. in my opinion, the general is the best QualiAed to serve his Country in this western world that the united States possesses. he has made himself compleatly master of the geography of the Country. his Intergrety cannot be doubted, & his Industry is singular, with respect to his extensive acquaintance with the spanish Dominions & Connections none exceeds him. The general extreamly attached to you & your political Principles loses no opportunity to impress the Public with the proper opinion that these measures are your own, and the Consequence is such as it should be, universal Thankfulness & praise even among the most inveterate federalists. it has grieved many good men to see the public money thrown away in supporting debauched Soldiers in the heart of < 491>

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our Country of no more use than Caterpillers; but making roads is so essential to the prosperity of a Country, that the public mind will be conciliated to their existence a little longer. I have waited patiently to see new appointments, and perhaps it is the Case, but I have been out in ohio County at grave Creek & have not seen the papers. I shall remain out here till Sept. next. In passing through Pennsylvania, I have mixed with all Companies in order to collect the general Sentiments. I can assure you Sir, that favors conferred on your enemies will be attended by no good Consequences in your favor. you have nothing to fear from them, for they have done their worst by all kinds of Abuse & Calumny, nor do they now amend their Conduct. I shall therefore take the liberty of speaking freely on the subject; and this I do with pleasure knowing that you have wisdom enough not to regard any Sentiment, which may be rong, yet some thing may be collected from every Quarter. The Party, who call themselves federal, are now trying to divide Pennsylvania at the next Election for governor. general Mughlenburg is the person contemplated as suitable to answere their Purpose. Now Sir it is in your power to frustrate the whole Scheme by removing henry Miller from the head of the inspection Department, and appoint general Mughlenburg. this will greatly oblidge the Republicans for miller is a very obnoxious Character in our State & his resentment cannot injure you, and I can assure you the Continuance of such Characters tends to alienate the minds of your Friends. Another object will be obtained, that is, if Mughlenburg is appointed, Dr Logan will be made Senator. No Doubt wisdom will tell it is not proper to disoblidge your real Friends. In my letter delivered 3d. of march, I had my reasons for mentioning the Salt Springs. I knew that wolcott by neglect or something worse suCered a Patent to issue for the second best Spring,1 & now Sir I know there is gone forward warrants laid on a good Salt Spring situate near the S.E. Corner of the military Tract perhaps 15 miles east of Muskingum. the applicant I suppose will loose no Time; but I think the public should not be injured. with respect to the appointment of my Son in law Archibald McClean at Alexandria, I have heard nothing on the Subject. should it take place, you will confer an honor on one, who wishes your administration Prosperity. with the most fervent Desire that god may support you & direct you in your present important Station, I subscribe myself your sincere Friend. David Jones N.B. I wrote in an hurry in Company, I hope Defects will be excused. < 492>

3 J U LY 1801 RC (DLC); below signature: “Thomas JeCerson President of U.S.”; endorsed by TJ as received 10 July and so recorded in SJL. For the use of troops to clear roads, including one in northwestern Pennsylvania to Lake Erie, see Henry Dearborn’s Report on the War Department, [12 May 1801]. ohio county was on the Virginia side of the Ohio River, and grave creek emptied into the river about 12 miles below Wheeling. Jones, the minister of a Baptist church in Chester County, Pennsylvania, developed an interest in the western territories when he served as a missionary in the Ohio country, 1772-73, and as chaplain to the western army, 1794-96 (Jedidiah Morse, The American Gazetteer [Boston, 1804], s.v. “Grave Creek” and “Ohio”; dab). The 1796 act of Congress that provided for the sale of lands in the Northwest Territory reserved all salt springs “for the

future disposal of the United States.” During the Arst session of the Sixth Congress in 1800, the House of Representatives considered, but did not pass, a bill that would have authorized the secretary of the Treasury to issue leases on the springs. For Jones’s interest in the springs, see his letter to TJ of 3 Mch. 1801 (U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:466; jhr, 3:602, 652, 707). Sometime after he received Jones’s letter on 10 July, TJ copied on another sheet the passage from “I knew that wolcott” through “should not be injured.” Beneath the extract he wrote an undated note to Henry Dearborn: “Is it practicable in the War oDce to discover & stop the issuing the patent which will be applied for in the above case? or how can it be prevented?” (RC in NHi: Gallatin Papers; at head of text: “Extract from a letter dated Pittsburg July 2. to Th: JeCerson”). q In the extract he made for Dearborn, TJ wrote “second best salt spring.”

To Elijah Boardman July 3. 1801.

Th: JeCerson returns his thanks to mr Boardman for mr Griswold’s sermon on religious freedom, inclosed in his letter of the 18th. of June. he had before recieved it through another channel, & had read with great satisfaction the demonstrative truths it contains. to the 10th. & 11th. pages however he could not assent; and supposes that the respectable & able author, Anding himself supported by the good sense of his countrymen as far as he has gone, will see that he may safely, in this part also, go the whole length of sound principle; that he will consequently retract the admission that the utterance of an opinion is an overt act, and, if evidently immoral, may be punished by law; of which evidence too conscience is made the umpire. he will reBect that in practice it is the conscience of the judge, & not of the speaker, which will be the umpire. the conscience of the judge then becomes the standard of morality, & the law is to punish what squares not with that standard. the line is to be drawn by that; it will vary with the varying consciences of the same or of diCerent judges, & will totally prostrate the rights of conscience in others. < 493>

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But we have nothing to fear from the demoralizing reasonings of some, if others are left free to demonstrate their errors. and especially when the law stands ready to punish the Arst criminal act produced by the false reasoning. these are safer correctives than the conscience of a judge.1 he prays mr Boardman to accept his salutations & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (Mrs. George Wright, Washington, D.C., 1945); at foot of text: “Mr. Elijah Boardman New Milford. Connecticut.” PrC (DLC).

griswold’s sermon: see Boardman to TJ, 1 Mch. and 18 June. q Preceding sentence interlined.

From John Coalter Sir— Staunton July 3rd 1801— I have not yet obtain,d a Judgt. for you against Clark, but from the appearance of our Docket have no doubt but I will get one at August Term— When I last saw you you did me the honor to consult me about the appointment of a Marshal in this District— I then mentioned a gentleman by the name of Caruthers who I thought in point of Character & property would have been a respectable appointment—after my return I found that two young men in Rockbridge County of very respectable families & of good deportment wished the appointment—Viz. Mr. Joseph Grigsby1 & Mr. John Alexander—I had thought of them both when I saw you— Mr. Grigsby would have been my choice as an active man & well acquainted with Business having served with great credit as a SheriC in that County some years ago, but having been in the late provisional army I did not know how he stood as to politics—I have since enquired & am creditably inform,d that he hath stood that ordeal & is Armly attached to Republican principles—Mr. Alexander I had thought too young—however I have since discovered that he is of age—also well acquainted with business being now concerned in the collection of the U.S. Taxes & of high respectability— Finding that the appointment has not been All,d up—Hearing also, if it was, that some Business either of a public or private nature would probably be instituted in that Court, and believing that either of these appointments would be more satisfactory perhaps than the Gentleman I before mentioned, I have been induced thus far to trespass upon you— < 494>

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With assurances that my best wishes attend you, both politically & personally I remain your obliged Friend & Huml Servt John Coalter RC (MHi); addressed: “Thomas Jefferson Esqr City of Washington”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by TJ as received 9 July and so recorded in SJL. judgt. for you against clark: in 1801 Coalter obtained a judgment against Samuel Clarke, who owed TJ money for

nails from TJ’s nailery. TJ retained Coalter to collect the money in September 1799 (Vol. 31:192). q Coalter here added in the left margin: “*Grigsby is recommended by J. Monroe, also Robt. Mc.Lanahan.”

From Jacques Joseph Ducarne de Blangy Paris, 3 July 1801. The United States, having several rivers and being bound on one side by the sea, may be interested in measures that could save the lives of ships’ crews and help to recover merchandise from shipwrecks close to shore. He was motivated to begin experimenting in these methods after he read about an incident in which 25 people perished within sight of land. He has succeeded in shooting a lifeline several hundred yards, and encloses a small printed tract that describes his work. One obstacle that he has had to overcome is the clannishness that Rousseau considered to be the greatest enemy to the sciences. In Ducarne de Blangy’s case, his work has been dismissed because he is not an artillery oDcer but a civilian, and one of provincial origin. He knows, though, that his advancements will save thousands of lives each year. He urges TJ to have a trial made using a kite to carry a line between ship and shore on a stormy day. Ducarne de Blangy is conAdent that the method will work, but his more than 70 years of age and other circumstances have prevented him from proving it himself by experiment. He points out that the method of shooting a line by rocket or cannon can also be employed as an aid to help cross large rivers such as those found in the United States. When one uses a rocket for that purpose, a barbed projectile, which he illustrates, is the best means of securing a line to the far shore of a river. He also draws two ways of arranging the rope before launching a line to a ship with a mortar. He is as proud of those developments in speciAc techniques as he is of his basic concept itself. He also encloses a manuscript summary of the methods contained in the printed work. RC (DLC); 6 p.; in French, dated 14 Messidor Year 9; at head of text: “Monsieur Le president.” Recorded in SJL as received 4 Nov. 1801. Enclosures: (1) Explanation of Enclosure No. 2, summarizing ways of reaching a ship in distress with a rope propelled from shore by mortar, rocket, or kite (MS in same; in French, in Ducarne de Blangy’s hand; at head of text: “á m. Le president des etats

unis” and “Résumé Des Moyens Détaillés Dans L’ouvrage imprimé Ci joint”—that is, “summary of means detailed in the enclosed printed work”). (2) Ducarne de Blangy, A la Nation française, aux Consuls de la République, à toutes les nations maritimes du globe et à toutes les sociétés savantes de l’Europe, ou moyen propres à sauver les équipages d’une partie des vaisseaux qui viennent échouer et périr à la côte

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3 J U LY 1801 (Paris, 1801); see Catalogue général des livres imprimés de la Bibliothèque nationale. Auteurs, 231 vols. (Paris, 18971981), 42:1081-2. Jacques Joseph Ducarne de Blangy (1728-c. 1803) was a French agronomist

and inventor who had published tracts on such topics as methods of reaping grain during rainy years and the “economic education” of bees. He began his experiments with rockets and methods of getting lifelines to ships in danger in 1791 (Dictionnaire, 1137).

From Enoch Edwards Dear Sir— Frankford 3 July 1801— Since I had the favor to receive your last Letter of June 3rd., I have obtained from Jesse Bringhurst, of Germantown more particularly his prices for Coachees—they are as follows, 1st. a Body of a Coach, lighter & a small matter longer, the drivers Seat a Circular, thrown pritty well out—between him & within blinds or Glasses draw up—the quarter lights mock-venetian— the Doors, & the Octagon behind—real venetian & Glass.—this is the kind I have got—it is Anished but little below a good Coach. neatly plated & with many conveniences—The price 650 Dollars— 2. A light Body—close behind—glass doors & Octagon. with real venetian—the other Quarters contained inside & out—price 400 Doll. 3— The same kind, but instead of curtains—Axed venetians to all the Quarters—or the top Axed on with circular Irons. very light & airy—price 440 Dollars— Besides those he makes an inferior kind—with turned posts & curtains inside & out—very convenient for rough Journeys—or for Servants & baggage—for 300 Dollars— Mr: Hanse I think will be able to Anish your Chariot in two or three weeks, a Coachmaker is frequently dependent on the Painter for his own Punctuality, that is the Case I know at present. & Mr: Hanse lays a Claim to ten or Afteen days, on Account of delay on my part in not geting your Answer as soon as I ought. about the semicircular light behind.—he is extremely anxious to please you,—and I think he will be successful. I requested in my last letter but one—to know how you intended to have it sent, & whether you wished to have a riding Coat made for it— for as soon as ever it is done I should like every thing to be ready—that if you chuse it may go oC next morning—that Letter also informed you of the removal of Mr: Savage to N York. I can however have the < 496>

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Enquiry about Mr: Adam’s Portrait made very conveniently—& you shall know the Result— I rejoice very much at your being so pleasantly circumstanced at the federal City—on the Account of Society—every year will add to that—as well as to the Goodness of your Streets & Roads. I feel for you however in Winter as I fear in that Season you must suCer Inconvenience—but Patience & Industry will overcome every thing— Tomorrow is the Anniversary of the birth day of our independent & free Existance—I sincerely wish you may see a numerous Succession of such Days. & every possible happiness that a grateful Country can aCord—I am with the utmost Respect your obedt St Eno: Edwards RC (DLC); addressed: “Thomas JeCerson—President of the United States Washington”; franked; postmarked 4 July; endorsed by TJ as received 6 July and so recorded in SJL but as a letter dated 6 July.

Levi Lincoln’s Opinion on the Betsy Cathcart [3 July 1801]

The prize Ship Betsy Cathcart, in June 1796, with a British cargo on board, in her passage from one British port to another, being captured by a French privateer duly commissioned, was in distress brought into an American port. liberty to sell on repeated applications, by the captors, was refused on the part of the U.S. For the purpose of necessary repairs the cargo was permitted to be landed,— placed in public stores.—in the joint custody of the Collector, and the Captors. The Ship, on a second survey; being condemned as unAtt to be repaired, entitled the captors to export her cargo in neutral vessels, by instructions from the Treasury Department. However it might have been improper to have condemned the vessel (to the purpose of giving permission to export in neutral bottoms her cargo) if she had become irreparable, from any delay, or fault on the part of the captors; in not repairing in season; yet it has been done in the cource of competent arrangments, and is now to be considered as regular, and that the prize came into the port in distress. The Ship then rightfully in our harbour.—unAt for repair.—useless.—and unsafe for sea, surely may be sold, and I should think even by the captors themselves, under a permit from our Government, and this notwithstanding the most unfavorable, and unlimited construction of these words < 497>

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in the treaty between the Americans and Britons, that “no refuge or shelter shall be given in their ports to such as have made a prize on the subjects or the citizens of either of the parties; but if found by stress of weather, or the dangers of the sea, to enter therein, particular care shall be taken to hasten their departure, and to cause them to retire as soon as possible.” This provision must necessarily apply1 to such ships only, as may be put to sea with safety, without repairs, or as capable of being repaired by reasonable expenditures.—It would be an abserdity if we were obliged, to subject a prize ship, by forcing her to sea, to the same danger she escapes2 by being allowed to come in; or, under the eydea3 of a treaty beneAt to the British, to suCer their enemy in the shape of one worn out, to build her anew with the sales of her cargo. I should also doubt, on the idea that the provision applied only, to such privateers, or prize vessels as are capable of departing, or retiring from our harbours, whether the cargo as well as the vessel might not legally be permitted to be sold by the captors themselves, in the same manner as they were, before the making of the British treaty.—I have still a farther doubt on the construction or meaning of the 25th. Art. of the British treaty—It makes it lawful for—“British ships of war, and privateers to carry whithersoever they please ships and goods taken from their enemies, free from the payment of fees—of detentions—seizure—search—or cognizance of the validity of prizes; with liberty to heist sail and carry their prizes to such places as are mentioned in their commissions.”—It likewise provides that “no shelter shal be given to such as have made a prize on the subjects or citizens of the British dominions.”—To such what? to what dose the word such refer?—not to prizes,—not to prizes, subjects or citizens: but to ships of war or privateers, which have made a prize upon the citizens or subjects,—the prizes captured are not the objects of exclusion from port.—In making prizes they were not active; but passive in being made prizes. If the above construction is supportable, the U.S. had a right, however imprudent, or impolitic, it might have been, to have exercised it at the time they caused the cargo to be sold under its abandonment—to have permitted the captors to have sold it themselves, even if it had not been abandoned, and even if the prize ship had been sea-worthy, and capable of carrying it away.—and more certainly, we now have a right to admitt the French under their late treaty, equally with the British, to bring in and dispose of their prizes.—To pursue the eCect of the British treaty still further, it provides that.—“It shall not be constructed, or operate contrary to former and exhisting publick treaties with other sovereigns or states.”—At the time of making this there was a treaty with France in force, the 17th. Article of which, < 498>

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on the subject of Ships of war, privateers, prizes &c, had the same provisions in favour of France, which the 25th. artl of the British treaty, has in favour of G. Britain. The latter was not to be construed so as to give G. Britain, any rights or prevelidges which were inconsistent with the rights or prevelidges secured to France by the former, and then exhisting treaty—The ratifying of the latter gave positive deAnite rights—the nullifying of the former abridged or abrogated the privelidges of France, but did not create any in favor of Great Britain. She did not hold originally any greater privelidges which were diminished by the French treaty, and which were reextended that treaty being annulled.—It is not like the repeal4 of a repealing law, which gives eCect to the former provisions, contained in the original law. In the present case there were no prexisting privelidges to G. Britain. If the United States by their former treaty with France, by the very terms of it, had not secured to her the advantages of having British prizes excluded from being brought into our ports and sold, then (that treaty out of the way) the treaty with G. Britain expressed in similar terms, had not by the terms of it, secured to her the advantage of having French prizes excluded from being brought into our ports, and sold and of cource the U.S. (there being no exclusion) could permit France without treaty, or could secure to her the privelidge by treaty, at pleasure. If the terms used in the British treaty were suDcient to prevent the U.S. giving this privelidge to France, in her late treaty with us; then they were suDcient as used in the former treaty with France, to prevent the same privelidge passing to G. Britain. The principle therefore urged for the exclusion of France in favor of G. Britain, or for any exclusion at all, from the mere operation of treaties, would in fact exclude G. Britain and let in France. But on the idea that there is no treaty exclusion, the exhisting treaties leave the power of the United States at large; and as it respects the disposition of the Prizes of both nations, places them both precisly on the same footing. The inference is, that G. Britain could have had no treaty right to complain of the sale, had it been by the captors themselves, much less can she complain of the restoration of the proceeds of the sales, in the circumstances under which these sales were made.— It is to be observed that this reasoning concludes to another point, not now the subject of our consideration.—It remains to be enquired whether, on the best established principles of the law of nation—of the maratime law of our country—or of common law, the proceeds of the sale of the prize ship Bitsy Cathcart with her cargo can regularly, be paid to the captors, or their agent without an act of Congress for that purpose, and without giving any just cause of complaint to the < 499>

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original owner; or to the British Government.—By the maritime law of England as commonly received and practiced upon in their Admiralty Courts, the captured property is not considered as changed, in favor of vendeers, or recaptors untill there has been, on a regular process, a sentence of condemnation—As yet, we have no particular, settled regular code or system of maritime law, either from statutes— or from the adjudications, preceedents, or course of our courts— The general principles commonly adopted and practised upon, by the European nations, as stated by their best writers, on the subject, have usually been resorted to, as applicable to the United States.— Therefore our maritime proceedings can not be placed on the footing of ancient and established usuages of our own—Yet our common law Courts, and prize courts, are tribunals, to which the individual subjects of foreign countries may resort with their complaints, and obtain redress of injuries—According to the law of nations, the decisions of these courts for great political reasons will be respected by other countries; so will be the exercise of any competent power on general principles, the country being two young to have many laws or customs on maritime matters. A young country must have a right to decide for itself, on general principles, in new cases.—in cases uncontroled and unregulated by particular statutes, or by customs. The case of the Betsy Cathcart, so far as it has gone, has been decided on by competent authority—The restoration of the proceeds of her sales, by the President, to the captors, will be Anishing the case, on the idea of the property’s being theirs, agreeable to general principles and the law of nations.—In this G. Britain can And no reasonable grounds of complaint.—previous to her own Statute of 29th. Geor. 2. Cap. 34. if captured property went to sea and was retaken it would not go to the origional owners, but belong to the recaptors.—this proves independently of that act of Parliament, the eCect of which is to restore captured property—that the property5 was in the captors—This is the general doctrine of the books on the law of nations; many arbitary rules have been stated by diCerent authors, by which to determine when the captured property may be considered as transfered to the captors. The one most general and most rational is—where there is no just ground for hope of a recovery, or when there is reasonable and just dispair founded on the circumstances and situation of the captured property; then it becomes the property of the captors— Grotius, lib. 3. Cap. 6. page 814, and Burtemaque Vol 2. part. 4. Cap. 7. Sec. 15. 16. Martin. lib. 8. Cap. 3. Sec. 11th. & Vattel lib. 3. Cap. 13. Sec. 196. are very explicit—“The property” says this author, “if movable commodities belongs to the enemy is acquiri the very mo< 500>

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ment they come into his power; and if he sells them to the neutral nations, the Arst owner has no right of reclaiming them; but such things must be actually and truly in the enemy’s power and carried to a place of safety. thus, at sea a ship taken by the enemy while it has not been carried into some harbour, or into the midst of a Beet; may happen to be retaken and delivered by ships of the same party; it’s fate is not decided nor owners property irrecoverably lost untill the ship be in a place of safety, with regard to the enemy who has taken, and has it entirely in his power.”— A prize’s being physically in the enemy’s power dose not depend on the actual condemnation—a mear civil transaction. She be carried in, and remain in a foreign country, and never be condemned. or her papers remitted to the country of the captors, and she be there condemned, as in the case of the Christopher taken by a French privateer and carried into a Spanish port, and remaining there was condemned in France on the remission of her papers there—Vide. Ropinson’s Adm. Repts. Vol. 2d. page 209. The abstract circumstances of a sentence of condemnation can put the prize neither more, nor less in the power of the enemy. It can be of no consequence on the question of property, as between the captors and the original owners.— Between purchasers or recaptors by the rules of the British Admiralty courts, a condemnation might have an eCect in case the property should by any means get back into a situation to be subjected to the cognizance of such courts. This can never be in the instance6 under consideration; the Ship and cargo being consumed. The property as against the British nation—or the original owners, was compleatly lost and gone by the capture; except in the cace of a recapture by them—or by some means there should be a repossession of the articles captured, and of cource the property of these articles was perfectly vested in the captors; liable to be taken from them by the enemy; as all their other property was if the enemy could get at it. The only diCerence is, by a regulation of their own, if they capture what had been previously captured from them; they give it back, on payment of salvage, if otherwise, they keep it themselves. This is done, even if the captured property had been previously, and regularly condemned.— The U.S. previous to the sale of the ship and cargo could certainly, not possessing them in her own right, have restored them to her rightfull owners—rightfull owners against herself—the captors from whom they had been received—The U.S. could have no right to retain to her own uce—could not have known who the former owners were—could not have determined on the validity of the capture— < 501>

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could not have known that the papers had not been remitted to France, and that the ship had not been condemned, by a regular process, or that it was not then in doing, or that it would not be done at some future time.—Under these circumstances could she have taken property captured in a course of war, from one nation and have given it back to its enemy? If she could not have restored the articles to the enemy, much less ought she to deliver to them, the proceeds of a sale, on an abandonment made with a design to make her liable to the abandoners.— By accepting of the articles abandoned the U.S. impliedly acknoledged themselves responsible in some degree and to some purposes; certainly not responsible to those who neither had the general nor the special property of the articles sold—If the United States were suable no action could be supported on common law principles in favor of the former owners for the proceeds of the sales. It would be no defence if sued by the captors, to say—the articles sold were prize goods, taken from their enemy, which had never been condemned. The prize may yet be libelled in France, and the captors ordered by the admiralty Court there, to bring the proceeds of the sales into Court to be delivered to those, to whom they may be adjudged.— Tr (DLC); undated; in Meriwether Lewis’s hand; endorsed by TJ: “Mr. Lincoln’s opinion”; also endorsed by TJ “at what moment property taken vests in the Captor” and “on the right of bringing prizes into our ports.” MS not found, but referred to in Lincoln’s letter of 5 July. Recorded in SJL as a letter of 3 July received from Lincoln at Worcester on the 11th, with notation “the Betsy Cathcart.” According to Levi Lincoln’s letter of 5 July, he sent this opinion to TJ in the form of a letter. That document has not been found, but TJ apparently asked Meriwether Lewis to make a fair copy, probably because of the many emendations that Lincoln mentioned on 5 July. The Betsy Cathcart (or Betty Cathcart in some documents) had been sold by the collector for the district of Wilmington, North Carolina (ndqw, Dec. 1800Dec. 1801, 272). words in the treaty between the americans and britons: Article 25 of the Jay Treaty (Miller, Treaties, 2:262). treaty with france in force: the 1778 Treaty of Amity and Commerce be-

tween the United States and France. The article referred to by Lincoln, Article 19 when the treaty was negotiated, became Article 17 after other articles were deleted during the ratiAcation process (same, 2:16-17, 32-3). The quoted passage following the four references to authorities on international law contains extracts from the section of Emmerich de vattel, Le Droit des Gens (published in English as The Law of Nations) that Lincoln cited. His other citations in that series were to Hugo Grotius’s De Jure Belli ac Pacis, Jean Jacques Burlamaqui’s Principes du Droit Politique, and the Summary of the Law of Nations of Georg Friedrich von Martens. The case of the prize ship christopher came before the British High Court of Admiralty in 1799 and was reported in Christopher Robinson, Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the High Court of Admiralty; Commencing with the Judgments of The Right Hon. Sir William Scott, Michaelmas Term 1798, 6 vols. (1799-1808), 2:209-10. On 13 July TJ received the following note from Albert Gallatin: “As soon as the

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3 J U LY 1801 President shall have transmitted his decision in the case of the Ship ‘Betty Cathcart’ the agent for the captors will receive information & may apply for the nett proceeds of sale—The Attorney General’s report is conclusive as to the main points. But it decides much more than the question submitted to him” (RC in DLC; undated and unsigned, in Gallatin’s hand; addressed: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received from the Department of the Treasury on 13 July, pertaining to “the Betsy Cathcart,” and so recorded in SJL). TJ decided on 14 July that the proceeds of the sale, $34,035.48, should go to the captors (ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 272).

Lincoln’s opinion on the Betsy Cathcart is not included in the Arst volume of the ODcial Opinions of the Attorneys General of the United States (Washington, D.C., 1852) or in the opinions printed in 1841 as House of Representatives Document 123, 26th Congress, 2d session (see Cunningham, Process of Government, 138-9). q MS: “appy.” r MS: “escapapes.” s Lewis used this spelling in his letter to TJ of 3 Apr. (Vol. 33:530). t MS: “repeat.” u MS: “poperty.” v MS: “instace.”

From William Maclure Sir London 3d July 1801 With much pleasure I sincerely congratulate you, on the fortunate and Opportunate Political change, that has taken Place since I left you; highly necessary to the happiness and prosperity of the United States; and involving within the circle of its advantages, the progress of civilisation and Knowledge in every part of the Globe; as it will aCord a free and equall representative Government the only fair tryal its likely to have for some time. Since my departure from America I have run thro’ Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Prussia part of Germany and France. left Paris a few weeks ago after 3 or 4 Mos. residence; where our friends Mr Volney and Mr Barlowe were in good health—the present Politics of that country are beyond the reach of my comprehention the exterior habits only, come within the sphere of my perception, and they were completely military—The agriculture has improved much scarce an acre idle consequently the situation of the farmers and Peasantry in all the comforts and conveniences of life much ameliorated few beggars or ill clothed people to be seen out of the large towns where the only bad eCects of the war can be seen in the houses of the ci devant Oppulent now mostly out of repair and partly uninhabited the decrease of luxury in the cities and the Population which it supported has apparently increased the population and production of the country. but the most material change and perhaps the guarantee of all the other changes brought about by the revolution is the complete division of Property scarce any individual possesses more than seven < 503>

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hundred acres of land and very few so much on this base perhaps must rest the state of society and the division of Power follow the division of property however diCerent the present state of things may appear—the Plan of a civil code of laws which has been published may give a better idea of the situation and probable consequences than any thing that has been allowed to come from the press; in the preliminary discourse much obscurity and diDculty seems to occur in laying the foundation whilst the great leading features—division of property among the children equall rights of property &c &c seems only calculated for the support of a government bottomed on the division of power in case you have not yet seen it I have forwarded a coppy by this opportunity—I shall leave this country in a few weeks for the continent shall visit part of germany and proceed towards Itally in the winter but am not decided whither thro France or the Tirole should any species of facts that may be within the reach of my observation be worth your notice or could I in any way serve you it will give me much pleasure should your more weighty avocations admit a few lines directed to the care of Mallet Freres & Co Paris or Mark Johan Jenisch Hamburg will And me wherever I may happen to be remaining with the most respectfull esteem Yours Sincerely Wm Maclure RC (DLC); addressed: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 6 Oct. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosed in Alexander Maclure to TJ, Norfolk, 19 Sep. 1801, forwarding the letter just received from his brother, who “mentions having sent two Books for you which Books have got to New York and as soon as I receive them will forward them thro’ Governor Munro at Richmond who no doubt will And opportunity of putting them safe into your Excellency’s hand” (RC in MHi; endorsed by TJ as received 6 Oct. and so recorded in SJL). William Maclure (1763-1840) and TJ, who had friends in common and shared an interest in science, were acquainted by 1798. A native of Scotland who had become a naturalized American citizen, Maclure retired from business in Philadelphia to devote his attention to natural science. In July 1799 he was elected to membership in the American Philosophical Society. He lived and traveled in Europe from 1799 to 1808, studying the con-

tinent’s geology, and after his return to the United States he undertook the systematic description and mapping of the geology of eastern North America. He became a benefactor of the Academy of Natural Sciences and served as its president from 1817 until his death. An advocate of educational reform, he participated in the establishment of the communal society at New Harmony, Indiana, in the 1820s. He spent the last years of his life in Mexico. In 1801 his brother Alexander was a Norfolk merchant (anb; aps, Proceedings, 22, pt. 3 [1884], 283; Simmons’s Norfolk Directory [Norfolk, 1801], 22; Vol. 30:426n, 507-8, 591, 625). plan of a civil code of laws: the Projet de Code Civil, présenté par la commission nommée par le Gouvernement, le 24 Thermidor An 8 (Paris, 1801); Sowerby, No. 2216. It was the framework of a national code of laws for France drafted by a commission created in August 1800. The Anal Code Civil was promulgated in 1804 (Tulard, Dictionnaire Napoléon, 429).

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Reply to a Cherokee Delegation I. HEADS OF ANSWER TO SPEECH OF THE GLASS, [30 JUNE-3 JULY 1801] II. REPLY TO THE CHEROKEE DELEGATION BY HENRY DEARBORN, [3 JULY 1801]

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On Tuesday, 30 June 1801, “a Deputation from the Cherokee Nation of Indians on behalf of the said Nation” met with Henry Dearborn at the War ODce. The delegation consisted of Ave Cherokee chiefs, their interpreter, Charles Hicks, and an assistant interpreter. The chief clerk of the War Department, John Newman, apparently kept the minutes of the conference. A chief called The Glass was the speaker for the visitors. They brought written instructions signed by Little Turkey, the principal chief of the Cherokees, and their mission was “to see the new President of the United States, to make representations to him, as the father and guardian of our country.” Dearborn learned from the instructions that the Cherokees were concerned about the removal of U.S. troops from Tennessee and about encroachments by white settlers into the Indians’ territory. He invited the visitors “to state all that you have upon your minds, all your grievances, all your requests on behalf of your nation, that the President may know and consider them” (“Minutes of a Conference, holden at the War ODce in the City of Washington,” 30 June-3 July 1801, Lb in DNA: RG 75, LSIA; safe-conduct pass, 9 July, Lb in same; Stanley W. Hoig, The Cherokees and Their Chiefs: In the Wake of Empire [Fayetteville, Ark., 1998], 80, 90). Presenting a string of wampum to begin his address, The Glass asked if the boundary between the Cherokees’ territory and the United States, negotiated along with a land cession at Tellico in 1798, was to be permanent, as the Indians had been assured it would be. He said that the Cherokees had heard that the United States in fact intended to negotiate a new treaty, “the object of which is to deprive us of more of our land.” The Cherokees also wanted to know who actually got their lands once Indian claims were extinguished—the United States itself, or, as the Indians suspected, “the frontier people.” The Glass asserted that the Cherokees had begun “manufactures” and “made many improvements” as the government’s agents had urged them to do, but if they gave up more land they would not be able to carry out the recommendation that they engage heavily in livestock raising (“Minutes of a Conference”; William G. McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic [Princeton, 1986], 42-3, 46, 61). The Glass stated that whites had killed two Cherokee people as soon as the United States withdrew troops from the frontier, and an inquiry from Dearborn prompted him to mention other killings of Cherokees that the government had done nothing about. “No satisfaction has yet been given for murders of Cherokees by White men,” said The Glass, “nor do we expect that any will be given. On our part, we endeavor to fulAl treaties: if our people do

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wrong, satisfaction is immediately given.” Dearborn apparently changed the subject, noting that the instructions from Little Turkey referred to “the advantages, which your people have derived from being taught to spin and weave.” The Glass closed his address by noting that after the Tellico treaty, the Cherokees were promised that three maps of the Cherokee-U.S. boundaries would be made, one for the War ODce, one for the state of Tennessee, and one for the Cherokees, “and that it should be certiAed, on those Maps, that no more land should be required from us.” The delegation then withdrew with Dearborn’s promise that he would present what they had said to the president and see them again on Friday morning, 3 July (“Minutes of a Conference”). JeCerson did not attend the Friday conference, but he drafted the substance of what Dearborn said to the deputation on that occasion (Document i). Dearborn retained some of JeCerson’s passages almost verbatim. He altered other passages while retaining the sense and purpose of the president’s language. And while JeCerson’s draft referred to the Cherokees in third person, Dearborn addressed them directly as “you” (Document ii). On 3 July, after Hicks translated Dearborn’s statement “sentence by sentence,” The Glass reiterated that the Cherokees had “no disposition” to give up any more land. “I suppose,” he said, referring to the president, “that our Father would not wish to see us thrown from the land allotted to us.” Dearborn replied: “Certainly not.” Then The Glass asked for “the papers, which will prevent our being imposed upon by the White people.” According to the National Intelligencer, Dearborn gave the delegation “agreeably to their request, and by direction of the President, his assurances, written on parchment, and to be deposited in the nation.” The Glass in turn presented a string of white wampum beads, attesting that they were “the emblem of peace” and “serve with us for the assurances, which White people give on paper.” He then stated the Cherokees’ opposition to “the intended road, from Georgia to Kentucky, which has disturbed the tranquillity of our nation.” “No such road will be asked for at present,” Dearborn answered, conceding, however, that the U.S. commissioners would, at the upcoming treaty talks, want to discuss other roads. The Glass then brought up a movement onto the Indians’ lands by settlers from Georgia, and when Dearborn opined that the territory in question belonged to the Creeks, other members of the deputation joined The Glass in asserting that it was the Cherokees’ land. In response to some hesitation expressed about the new agent to the Cherokees, Return J. Meigs, the secretary of war expressed conAdence that Meigs, “though somewhat advanced in life,” was able-bodied and “of a good and friendly disposition.” Dearborn also tried to allay the envoys’ concerns about price-gouging at the government trading store at Tellico and about a “house of entertainment” that had appeared there without the Cherokees’ permission. He assured the deputation: “The land certainly still belongs to you. We do not claim a single inch beyond the line, except when you have made grants for particular establishments” (“Minutes of a Conference”; National Intelligencer, 15 July 1801; McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence, 78-80). The delegation, wishing to rest their horses for the homeward journey, waited a week before leaving Washington. Dearborn gave them a gold chain—“which will never rust”—for presentation to Little Turkey as a symbol of the chain of friendship between the United States and the Cherokees.

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The secretary of war wrote to the principal chief, also, reporting the results of the conference. “Your father the President instructs me to assure you,” Dearborn informed Little Turkey, “in behalf of your nation, that he will pay the most sacred regard to the existing treaties, between your nation and ours, and protect your whole territory against all intrusions, that may be attempted by white people.” Also, wrote Dearborn, JeCerson pledged support for the Cherokees’ “laudable progress towards comfort and happiness by the introduction of useful arts.” Anyone violating treaties or the laws protecting the Indians would be brought to justice or “a faithful remuneration” paid instead. The president “will never abandon his beloved Cherokees nor their children, so long as they shall act justly and peaceably towards the White people and their Red brethren.” Such conduct on the Cherokees’ part was “all that he requires from you,” Dearborn asserted, “in return for his friendship and protection.” Dearborn also wrote to Meigs, instructing him to discourage the Cherokees from sending delegations to the capital. The desire for presents, Dearborn claimed, led the Indians “to seize every frivolous pretext for paying such visits,” which became “too frequently the sources of vast expense without any resulting good” (Dearborn to Little Turkey, 7 July, and to Meigs, 10 July, both in DNA: RG 75, LSIA; National Intelligencer, 15 July 1801; “Minutes of a Conference”). The National Intelligencer took brief notice of the conference while it was in progress, and subsequently published an account that gave detailed summaries of The Glass’s 30 June address and Dearborn’s reply. Other newspapers reprinted the story, which stated that Dearborn conveyed the president’s assurances to the Cherokees but did not attribute to JeCerson any role in the authorship of the secretary’s statement of 3 July (National Intelligencer, 1, 15 July 1801; Alexandria Times; and District of Columbia Daily Advertiser, 17 July; Hartford American Mercury, 30 July). On 3 July, the day his meetings with the Cherokee deputation concluded, Dearborn wrote to William R. Davie, James Wilkinson, and Benjamin Hawkins, the commissioners appointed to carry out the negotiations with the Indian tribes. “Having been mistaken, as to some part of the line, between the Cherokees and the White people,” the secretary wrote, “the President on further reBexion, has thought proper to direct, that the second object of your conference with the Cherokees, viz, the alteration of the boundary line, from the Ohio, between the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers, should be suspended.” Alluding to “information lately received,” Dearborn said that “it is evident that the Cherokees have testiAed much dissatisfaction on hearing that the government were about to request them to cede more land.” It was therefore “the wish of the President, that you should treat the subject with great tenderness, and that you should not press them on any other subjects than those, which relate to roads and settlers thereon. You will impress upon them the belief that the United States have no desire to purchase any of their lands unless they are quite willing to sell.” To assuage concerns about roads, Dearborn suggested that the commissioners oCer a system of passes to control travel along the roads and gates to prevent the Indians’ livestock from straying (Lb in DNA: RG 75, LSIA). The modiAcation of the government’s goals for the negotiation, however, was to no avail. Although Dearborn wrote Wilkinson that the Cherokees had left Washington “well satisAed, and will I hope make favourable impressions

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on their nation on their return,” Little Turkey, on hearing the deputation’s report of the conference with Dearborn, decided that he would not meet with the commissioners. Another murder of a Cherokee along the frontier strained the situation even further, and several chiefs, including The Glass, attempted to change the site of the meetings, which were originally scheduled to begin on 1 Aug. to allow time for the commissioners to negotiate with the Chickasaws and Choctaws that autumn. After delays, some chiefs did meet the commissioners early in September 1801, but they expressed deep concerns about encroachments on Cherokee lands and refused to discuss new roads. Unable to pursue negotiations with the Cherokees, the commissioners moved on to hold discussions with the other tribes (Dearborn to Wilkinson, 17 July 1801, Lb in DNA: RG 107, LSMA; Dearborn to chiefs of the Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Choctaws, 18 June 1801, Lb in DNA: RG 75, LSIA; Thomas Foster, ed., The Collected Works of Benjamin Hawkins, 1796-1810 [Tuscaloosa, Ala., 2003], 361-86). Commenting on The Glass’s oratory, the National Intelligencer aDrmed that his “mode of delivery, the tone of his voice, and his general expression of countenance, were mild and persuasive, and his deportment and gestures were highly digniAed and graceful.” The Glass was a chief from the Cherokees’ Lower Towns, which were located along the Tennessee River between Chickamauga and Muscle Shoals. Many of those Cherokees, who were sometimes called the Chickamaugas, were dismayed by the expansion of settlements from the American states and, as a result, supported the British side during the American Revolution. In that period and for some time after, The Glass resisted encroachments on the Cherokees’ territory, but in the years following his visit to Washington he came to be identiAed with land cessions and as an advocate of relocation. In 1808 his opponents forced him, for a time, oC the Cherokee national council, prompting him to sign appeals to Jefferson and Dearborn. “Our hearts are true to the U. States,” one of those addresses declared. The Glass became a leader in the migration of Cherokees to Arkansas. His name in English apparently came from a confusion of his Cherokee name with the word for “looking glass” (National Intelligencer, 6 July 1801; remonstrances of 2, 25, [ca. 26] Nov. 1808, in DNA: RG 107, LRUS; McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence, 20, 60, 80, 85, 95, 100-1, 115, 118, 122, 133, 144-5, 156, 160, 211, 230, 232, 417; Hoig, Cherokees, 63-4, 73, 77, 88, 96, 102, 112-13, 120; Jack Frederick Kilpatrick and Anna Gritts Kilpatrick, eds., “Letters from an Arkansas Cherokee Chief (1828-29),” Great Plains Journal, 5 [1965], 26-34; Vol. 2:285-6; Vol. 3:5, 479n).

I. Heads of Answer to Speech of The Glass [30 June-3 July 1801]

Heads of answer to the speech of the glass1 to be amended or incorporated with others as Genl Dearborne shall think best. 1. That the President recieves their visit with welcome & cordial< 508>

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ity,2 listens willingly to their representations, assures them of the friendship of the US. and that all their proceedings with them shall be directed by justice and a sacred regard to our treaties.3 2. The Whites have many people & little land.4 the Indians much [land &] few people. it is natural therefore that we should be willing to buy whenever the Indians can spare. but only with the good will of the Indians. the lands heretofore bought have been marked oC by a line. all beyond that line belongs to the Indians. whenever they shall chuse to sell more, we shall be ready to [buy:] on this subject we shall never press any thing disagreeable [to them,] and they shall now recieve the map of the last line as was promised them5 and to stand as evidence between them and us, of the lands which belong to each. 3. But where the Indian lands lie between our settlements, so that our people cannot visit & trade without passing through them, we wish for roads6 along which our people may pass, & have here & there houses to lodge in by the way; we paying them for this indulgence.7 on this subject we are about to propose their meeting us in treaty. 4. They ask who get the lands when the Indians sell them? they see that the States of Kentucky & Tenissee have been established on these purchases. 5. We rejoice to learn that they are beginning to spin & weave clothes, to raise stock & to make bread with the hoe & the plough. this is a more certain subsistence than hunting; and we shall with pleasure send persons to instruct them in all the arts necessary for these objects.8 6. We have withdrawn some of our troops, because so many were not necessary there. we shall leave enough to prevent encroachments on their land. 7. Whenever any of our wicked9 people kill or rob10 an Indian, we will certainly punish them if they can be found out, but if they do it so secretly that we cannot And who did it, or if they run away and escape from our search,11 we will faithfully give the Indians the satisfaction stipulated12 in our treaty. this is all we can do, &13 we expect the same & no more from the Indians. on this subject also we will have further talk with their great men at the treaty we are about to propose to them.14 we will there hear any just claims they have on th[is] subject, and strictly give them the satisfaction due. PrC (DLC: TJ Papers, 115:19758-9); entirely in TJ’s hand; undated; faint and blurred. Dft (DLC: TJ Papers,

114:19542-3); undated; in TJ’s hand, written on an address cover addressed in an unidentiAed hand to James Madison at

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Washington with a postmark or endorsement in another hand: “Thornton June 26th 1801 Free.” q Remainder of sentence lacking in Dft. r Dft: “with great cordiality.” s Dft: “that they will be governed in all proceedings with them by the rules of justice & the treaties existing with them.” In Dft TJ numbered this paragraph with a “1” in the margin and did not number the other paragraphs. t Dft continues “for them.” u Remainder of sentence lacking in Dft, where TJ continued without a paragraph break. In Dft TJ interlined the passage from “and they shall” to this point. v Dft: “if they cannot sell us these lands, we wish them to let us have roads.”

DELEGATION

w Dft: “privilege.” Remainder of paragraph interlined in Dft. x Dft: “and we will with pleasure send them persons to instruct them in all the useful arts.” y Dft: “bad.” qz Preceding two words interlined in Dft. qq Dft: “run away & hide themselves.” qr Dft: “settled.” qs Dft: “it is not in our power to do more.” qt Dft continues here, following a comma, “as it is our desire to give them all just satisfaction.” In Dft, TJ apparently Arst intended to end the paragraph here with “to them” and to begin a new paragraph with “A map of,” which he canceled.

II. Reply to the Cherokee Delegation by Henry Dearborn Friends and Brothers, [3 July 1801] When I had the pleasure of conferring with you three days since, I promised to lay all that you should represent, on behalf of your Nation, before your Father, the President of the United States. This has been done, and I have it in charge, from him to tell you, that he receives your visit1 with welcome and cordiality, that he listens willingly to your representations, and requests you and your Nation to be assured of the friendship of the United States, and that all our proceedings towards you shall be directed by justice and a sacred regard to our Treaties. You must be sensible, that the White people are very numerous, and that we should therefore be desirous to buy land, when you are willing to share it, but we never wish to buy, except when you are perfectly disposed to sell. The lands we have heretofore bought of you have been marked oC by a Line, and all beyond that Line we consider as absolutely belonging to our Red Brethren. You shall now receive the Map of the last Line, which has heretofore been promised to you to stand in evidence between your people and ours, and to shew which lands belong to you and which to us. Whenever you shall chuse to sell more, we shall be ready to buy, but we will not press any thing on this subject, that may be disagreeable to you. But where lands that you are unwilling to part with lie between < 510>

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our settlements, so that our people cannot visit and trade, without passing through them, we wish for roads, along which our people may pass, and for houses here and there for them to lodge in by the way. We are willing to pay you for this indulgence, and have proposed to meet your nation, in treaty, on this subject. You have asked, who get the Indian lands, when you sell them. You see that on purchases made from the Red people, the states of Kentucky and Tennessee have been established. We rejoice to learn, that you are beginning to spin and weave clothes, to raise stock and to procure bread by the hoe and the plough. These are more certain means of subsistence than hunting, and we will with pleasure And persons to instruct you in all the arts necessary for these objects. Some of our troops have been withdrawn from your frontier, because so many were not necessary there: we shall leave enough to prevent encroachments on your lands, or to bring the intruders to punishment according to law. Whenever any of our bad people kill or rob any of your people, we will certainly punish, if we can discover, them: but if they do it so secretly, that we cannot And who did it, or if they run away and escape from our search, we will faithfully give you the satisfaction stipulated in the Treaty. This is all we can do, and we expect the same and no more from you. On this subject also, we will have further talk with your great men at the Treaty, which is proposed to be held: we will there hear any just claims you have and strictly give you the satisfaction due. FC (Lb in DNA: RG 75, LSIA); in a clerk’s hand, part of the “Minutes of a Conference, holden at the War ODce in the City of Washington,” 30 June-3 July 1801; at head of text: “Agreeably to the promise made by the Secretary of War to

the Cherokee Deputation, on the 30th. Ultimo, they attended at the War ODce, on the 3d. of July, when the Secretary addressed them as follows, viz.” q MS: “visist.”

From William Keteltas Dr. Sir New York 4th July 1801 It has been a practice to Address the President of the United States upon his Coming into oDce and for his Measures While in oDce particularly by the Advocates of the late fallen Administration— There are but few instances of the Kind Since Your Election, A Circumstance No doubt highly Gratifying to You Who Can so Clearly < 511>

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penetrate the Views and designs of Men—It Cannot be Owing to A want of a Proper Respect, that the Republicans have not been More General in this Specious of Reverence, but because it was a political dust Raised by Mr Adams party to blind his Eyes the better to Mislead him Should he attempt to deviate from the Course he had taken & their Views and designs, which deception Proved his disgrace and their fall, What Greater Respect Can be Shewn any man than When A Majority of an Enlightened people ConAde to his Patriotism Wisdom Integrity and Guardianship their Most Prescious and Invaluable Rights. Surely None, this is the Constitutional Evidence of their sincere and General Attatchment to the Man of their choice and may be Calculated upon as Such While Every Other is susceptable of doubt as to its Genuineness—From the unexampled patron of Republican Simplicity in the Outset of Your Administration; I am Sure Nothing Would be More Irksom to You than to be answering fulsom Address’s from one End of the Union to the Other, Calculated in no one Shape to have a Good ECect in furthering the Cause of Liberty—But on the Contrary is often a tune to the Chief Magistrate, Causing him to Mistake the Voice of a faction, for that of the peoples—I would Not by any means infer, that Very honest and Undesigning Men, May not Run into this gross Blunder of Addressing the President with the purest Motives, This is undoubtedly the Case who in the OverBowings of their Hearts Are two Apt to Idolize the Man, loosing Sight of the Principal and themselves, he only Represents—It is thus that bad Men take Advantage of their Credulity and attempt their Ruin—Impressed as I am, that You have no Views or designs diCerent from A Majority of the people, Whose Wish is to Maintain inviolate the Constitution, and transmit Our Republican Government to posterity as our Invaluable Inheritance to them and their decendants to the latest Ages, induced Me to Communicate My thoughts to You with the same freedom I would do to My Most Intimate friend Whose Welfare I Concieved Inseperably Connected with My own. I percieve Many Serious and Great Embarasments in Your way, to the Accomplishment of What Your Just Mind has Projected for the welfare of Your Country, and Mankind in General, to Remove which if possible, is a duty Every Citizen Owes his Country, and is the best test of his Respect for You as its Chief Magistrate—A Wise and Good Magistrate, May devise the best possible plans of Administration for the security of the Equal Rights of Man, but depending upon Others of less Virtue and Wisdom than himself to Execute it, Often fails in his Views, And has to bear the Accusations that Arise from the faults of those he is obliged to ConAde in—This I Concieve to be Your Critical < 512>

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Situation, and to Shield You as far as in My power, led me to the foll’g Communication, if Not Well Recvd., is well Meant—Kings May have their Privy Council, and Presidents their Advisers from the heads of Department, but that prince or president, Who from his own Knowledge of Men and things heeds Neither, is less liable to Err in the discharge of his duty if he Means Well—This however Cannot be the Case With Respect to the appointment of persons to places of trust in the Govt., being Selected from Several Millions of people Scattered over a Vast Territory, but Must depend in A Great Measure upon the Information of Others, as to their being Worthy of ConAdence—Here it is, Where the Most Wise and best of Men May be deceived, And When You will, I fear be Often Imposed upon, by those in Your ConAdence, Who Wish to have their particular friends, Regardless of the political Reputation of the President or the public Good—Being informd. a Mr. Geltson of this City is to be apptd. Collector of this port in the place of Mr Sands, I feel a freedom in Stating that Mr. Geltson political Reputation as A Republican, is Not so Blameless, as Could be wishd.—He was one of the seven Canvassers in this State several Years since Who Wantonly destroyd the suCrages of a Whole County to favour the Views of party, A Conduct Abhorrent in the Extreem to a Virtuous Republican. A similar attempt to have defeated the Wishes of the people of the United States by A faction in Congress in desiding Your Own Election Refreshd My Memory as to the Act of Mr Geltson—This Act of the Seven Canvassers, Convulsed the State, and put at Hazzard the Very Existance of the Constitution, and though passed over by the Moderation of the people, is Not, or Ever ought to be forgotten by [those] Who truly Estimate the Sacred Right of suCrage—Should a Mr John Broom, Mr. Samuel Osgood, or Colo. Henry Rutgers, be Applicants from this City for the place of Mr Sands, they are Republicans of unexceptional Characters for ought I know, and Preferable in My Opinion to Mr. Geltson, for the Reason Assigned, If however the President Can dispense with the Objection I have Stated Against Mr. Geltson, he is in Every Other Respect QualiAed for the trust—It is to be Regreted Genl. Smith appointed Mr Ludlow in the place of Mr. Watson, It ought to have been Given to a Republican, and Not A Tory—Mr Smith Must have been Imposed upon, by some friend of Mr. Ludlows, Who Wishd to serve him, at the Expence of Mr. Smiths Reputation, and the Hazzard of the Republican Cause, It was one of the Arst Charges Against Mr Adams! that he Prefered the Tories, and Apostate Whigs, to All places of trust under his Administration in preference to decided Republi[cans.] In this he was < 513>

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Consistant, as they were At Instruments in his hands, to [Crush?] the Liberties of the people, for Which Attempt, they as the Legitimate Sovereigns, have punishd him and his party Severely by withdrawing their ConAdence from them—Honesty and Gratitude Is the best policy, and the Only policy Admissible in Republican Governments, Who Owe their Origin to the dishonest Intrigues and [persuits] of the people under Aristocratic, and Monarchic Systems, driving them to A Manly and Honest Opposition by Throwing them OC as A Grevious Burden—The Instant any other policy is adopted in A Republic than that of Honesty, that Moment In My Opinion You May date the Decline of Liberty in the State, and the fall of those Who does Not Observe it—I feel assured You have laid it down as Your Guide, as Counter to the deceptive policy Mr. Adams pursued, Which faild him, and his party, and Which will Always be the Case While the people Remain Virtuous, Enlightened, and free—Nothing Can Apologize for taking up Your Precious time in perusing this long letter, but an anxious Solicitude for the public Good Manifesting itself through Your Administration as the peoples true Mirror— With due Consideration Wm Keteltas Mr JeCerson Will do Me the favour to Conceal this Communication from the Most ConAdential friend. But to Ascertain with what Candour and Sincerity Made, will Enquire into My Moral and political Character RC (DLC); with several words in margin obscured by tape; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 15 July and so recorded in SJL. William Keteltas (ca. 1765-1812), son of Abraham Keteltas, a Yale-educated Presbyterian clergyman living in Queens County, New York, was practicing law in New York City by 1795. He joined the Democratic Society and Tammany. In 1796 he publicized the cause of two ferrymen, Thomas Burk and Timothy Crady, both Irish immigrants, who were jailed in November 1795, tried before the Court of General Sessions (consisting of the mayor and three Federalist aldermen), and found guilty. Both were sentenced to two months hard labor and Crady to 25 lashes for insulting Gabriel Furman, an alderman. In early 1796, Keteltas peti-

tioned the general assembly to impeach the magistrates for violation of the ferrymen’s constitutional rights. When it became evident that his petition would be rejected, Keteltas wrote articles critical of the legislature, accusing the assembly of a Bagrant abuse of the people’s rights. For this he was charged with a breach of the privileges of the house and jailed for the remainder of the session. Upon his release, the Republicans placed Keteltas on their ticket for the assembly. Although the Federalist candidates were victorious, the voter turnout was high and the Republican vote increased signiAcantly. Noted for his political support of the Livingstons, Keteltas backed Robert R. Livingston in his unsuccessful bid for governor against the incumbent John Jay in 1798. In 1800 Keteltas spent several months in debtor’s prison where he edited Forlorn Hope, a newspaper calling for prison reform and the abolition of impris-

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5 J U LY 1801 onment for debt (see Sowerby, No. 548). In late 1801, Keteltas received an appointment as a court clerk (Brigham, American Newspapers, 1:633; Kline, Burr, 1:332-3; 2:628-30; Alfred F. Young, The Democratic Republicans of New York: The Origins, 1763-1797 [Chapel Hill, 1967], 476-93). David Gelston served as one of the seven Republican canvassers or commissioners chosen by the New York assembly to oversee the counting of the ballots in the gubernatorial election of 1792. The eleven canvassers decided along party lines that the ballots of Otsego, Tioga, and Clinton counties should not be counted because of irregularities in the delivery of the ballots. Sparsely populated, Tioga and Clinton counties gave a majority of their votes to George Clinton. But in Federalist Otsego County, the estimated 850 votes for John Jay and 150 for Clinton would have given Jay the victory by 200 or more votes. When the decision of the canvassers became known, even Republicans were troubled. Robert R. Livingston wrote that he “would have wished that all the votes had been counted whatever might have been the event” (Young, Democratic Republicans of New

York, 304-23). For TJ’s observations on the election, see Vol. 24:105, 114-15. Aaron Burr wrote TJ on 16 Mch. and Acting Navy Secretary Samuel smith on 31 Mch. urging the appointment of Daniel ludlow as navy agent at New York City. The vice president promised Smith that the appointment would give “universal satisfaction” and “produce the most beneAcial eCects” (Kline, Burr, 1:550-2; Vol. 33:308-9). On 17 July TJ wrote Keteltas thanking him “for the sentiments & information” contained in his letter of the 4th. TJ observed that “no more welcome service can be rendered” than that of supplying information on those being considered for oDce. The president noted that he had to rely on the opinions and judgments of others to make his choices. He conAded in Keteltas: “I always wish to have information from diCerent quarters & from a view of the whole to form the best judgment I can.” The president reiterated his thanks to the New York attorney and assured him of his “high consideration and respect” (PrC in DLC; faint and blurred; at foot of text: “William Keteltas esq”).

From Levi Lincoln Dear Sir Worcester July 5th 1801 I ought to apologize for the many interlineations, and erasures in my letter respecting the Case of the Betsy Cathcart. It is a copy, by a little son who made mistakes, in copying from the original, which had been often interlined and altered. From a reperusal I fear, in some instances I have not expressed my ideas with suDcient clearness, and in others, have unnecessarily repeated them a second time. Your goodness will excuse deAciencies. The federal fever, in this State, will terminate in a hectic. It’s subject is evidently in a state of languisment. Nothing it can get hold of, seems to help it. Its doctors and its nurses are almost discouraged. They are sorely distress’d for their darling, federalism. They hoped it would be immortal, but they see it pining, and fear it will die. As is usual, on the failure of all human means, divine ones are sought for. The clergy, are at its bed-side, crying for mercy on the departing, and < 515>

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for support & consolation, to those who are to be left behind. Dissolving the union between the church and the state produces clerical convulsions. But these convulsive aCections in the clergy, like the hysteria in some females, may be cured by regimen and management. The parishioners, when they have healed themselves, I beleive, will be prepared to give the most salutary prescriptions for their parsons. It is astonishing to contemplate, the lengths of slander misrepresentation and folly, to which some of them are paid, for going. Beleiving as I do, that priests conAning themselves within their proper province, & discharging faithfully & ablely the duties of their oDce, as teachers of religion, piety, and morality, are a very usefull order of men I am constrained to hope that they will see the things, that make for them, peace, & the peace & happiness of the country, before they are forever hiden from their eyes— The Palladium, printed at Boston is undoubtedly supplied to the ministers very generally, & very extensively without any expence to them, except that, of the trouble of spreading them among their parishioners, & procuring subscriptions for their more extensive circulations. The Port folio, printed at Philadelphia, is, I beleive, sent to some Gentlemen free of expence, for similar purposes—The eCects of those measures must be counteracted by establishing some more republican presses in the eastern states—I forward one specimen (for your inspection, if you have leisure to throw your eye over it) of ecclesiastical attachment, to the existing administration, in a sermon preached before our legislature at their last election. This, tho modest in some respects, discloses the spirit of the moment. I regret that the republicans, in our legislature, did not oppose the printing of it, not for the purpose of preventing its being done, but by way of protestando, against the implications on the people of this country, & the administrators of their genl. Government. It is said, that the Government of Harvard College at their commencement the next week, have determined to have no party politicks in their public exhibitions, this, considering the complexion of past transactions of the kind, has a favorable aspect and if adhered to, will be productive of good—The measure will be quarrelled with, by the violent federalist, & widen the breech among that party. To suppress these federal rantings, is an important measure,—it is clearing away the rubbish,—making room for future improvements—and, for that conversion which always follows a conviction, repentance, & acknowledgement of a fault.— I am Sir with great aCection most respecty. Yours— Levi Lincoln < 516>

6 J U LY 1801 RC (DLC); at head of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 11 July and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: A Sermon, Preached before His Excellency Caleb Strong, Esq. Governour, the Honourable the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, May 27, 1801, the Day of General Election (Boston, 1801), by Aaron Bancroft, a Worcester minister, who lamented the end of “the golden age of America,” the undermining of “that spirit of religion, purity, and order, which thus far has been our union and strength, our honour and happiness,” and its replacement by “a system of philosophy” that would “introduce a national administration in politicks and morality, upon abstract principles”; forecasting that “InAdelity,” through “the evil pens and contagious examples of some few characters of splendid talents and captivating address,” might “weaken the moral principles and corrupt the manners of a community, which required ages to establish,” resulting in national “decripitude” (13-16). For Lincoln’s opinion on the case of the betsy cathcart, see above at 3 July.

palladium: in January 1801 the Massachusetts Mercury became the Mercury and New-England Palladium. According to an announcement by the editors, the “Arst object” of the publication was the defense of “religion and its institutions, as far as they can properly be discussed in a News Paper” (The Mercury; and New-England Palladium [broadside, Boston, 1801; Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 923]; Brigham, American Newspapers, 1:317-18). Joseph Dennie, as “Oliver Oldschool,” had begun to issue the port folio in Philadelphia in January. The declared purpose of the weekly publication was to “combat revolutionary doctrines,” and Dennie, who had worked for the Gazette of the United States and as Timothy Pickering’s private secretary, frequently used the Port Folio to attack TJ (Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines, 5 vols. [Cambridge, Mass., 1938-68], 1:223-8). In law, the term protestando refers to a form of indirect allegation or denial (Bryan A. Garner, ed. in chief, Black’s Law Dictionary, 8th ed. [St. Paul, Minn., 2004], 1261).

From Albert Gallatin [6 July 1801]

The within has just been received. I believe that the accounts of Mr Dunham are correct, & the Bying report, of which he complains, without founda[tion]. But it is a delicate question, whether when a removal is either political, or, as in this instance, grounded on private immorality, we are bound to give or to advise an approbation of the oDcial conduct of the party, without adding any thing explaining the cause of removal. A. G. RC (DLC); torn; addressed: “[Presi]dent of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 6 July from the Treasury Department and “Dunham’s case” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found.

private immorality: Aaron Dunham, appointed supervisor of the revenue for New Jersey in March 1791, was dismissed for “drunkenness & proBigacy” in early June. On 14 May, Congressman James Linn had requested an immediate

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6 J U LY 1801 investigation into the conduct of Dunham. He wrote and spoke with Gallatin concerning irregularities of payments into the Treasury for taxes collected in the state. Linn observed that the inspectors were “keen in collecting the revenue gen-

erally, but remarkably so with the republicans,” and it was widely believed that large sums remained “in the hands of the supervisor and his favorites” (jep, 1:812; Gallatin, Papers, 4:928-9; Vol. 33:1834, 669, 673, 676).

From Gideon Granger Dear Sir— SuDeld July 6th. 1801— When I ventured to express an opinion respecting ODces & ODcers I forebore remarking anything relative to the time & manner of removals; unwilling to appear forward and assuming. I have lately seen in the hands of Mr Lincoln a Letter on that Subject under the Signature of most of the leading Republicans here. As I have ever held an opinion diCerent from that of my Bretheren I am emboldened by the Situation of New England, and the Solicitation of Mr. Lincoln to state my Opinion. With them I fully agree, that the Changes proposed are necessary to further the Cause, and improve our Situation. Yet I cannot think it prudent to eCect this at a blow—to me it appears most wise to have the Removals gradual, tho’ I feel conAdent they ought to be made in the fore part of the Administration; that all consequent Agitations may be quieted before the next Electorial Election. My friends say “We are strong enough, there is nothing to fear.” But can it be wise to strike a general Blow and throw a whole State with a powerfull Majority into Agitation? By such a Measure the whole Phalanx will be united; by removing One by One those who are spared with all their friends, will at least be silent, hoping to hold each One his ODce. Nor will the ECects of such general Removal be limited to this State—They will be most sensibly felt in every part of New England (R Island excepted). What the passions of a powerful party, enjoying the ConAdence of a great part of the People, vast resources and Activity, would lead to is uncertain. I believe they would spend themselves in the Air—yet no man can foresee the Consequences. Our Object is to separate the friends Of the Constitution, the moderate federalists, from the Monarchists, to concilliate and gain the ACections & ConAdence of the former, while we reduce the latter below the power of doing Mischief.—Throughout New England, excepting only my Native State we are certain of eCecting it, by a gradual Operation marching directly to the production of that great & desirable End. But as well might the Chymist by an Instantanious Operation seperate the metal from the Dross, as any Man can < 518>

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by a bold blow eCect a Seperation between the honest federalist and the Deceitfull Monarchist. The People of New England cannot be frightened into an Approbation of Administration. They must be conciliated and persuaded, by a development of the Errors of the past, and by a course of wise and wholesome Measures of the present Administration, going hand in hand with such removals as the State of the Country requires. They are All Natives, whose Ancestors long since resided here—They have a kind of National Character & put all that pride and love of Country, that is of New England—which in Old Countries have produced such astonishing ECects.— The diCerent habits and tempers of the People in the various parts of the Union appear to require diCerent Treatment, so as to inlist their prejudices in Our favor, instead of having to contend against them. By this we shall establish the great principles of the Revolution, solemnly guaranteed by the Law of the People, The Constitution. With the Government, the Arst Object is to increase and perpetuate the peace, prosperity & happiness of the People. To this object, which is now attainable, every Other Consideration is secondary. Bold and daring Measures seem only to be warranted by great danger or necessity, not by a State of prosperity accompanied by sure prospects of complete Success. We All duly appreciate the Importance of carrying the Elections in Vermont next fall, and whoever coolly considers that One half of the People of Vermont emigrated from this State, where they have many Kindred whom they usually visit in Autumn just before their Election I think will be ready to admit that any great Agitation in Connecticut will sensibly aCect and endanger the Elections in that State. I cannot therefore avoid hoping that but little will be done with us before the Issue of that Election. If the Evil could be limited to this State it might vary the Case. Situated as I am, were I to indulge my feelings rather than yield to the dictates of my understanding—I should most cordially agree with my Brethern, whose Opinions are intitled to great Attention and Consideration. In the present State of New England I think it is our duty in Connecticut patiently to endure for a Season the present & constantly accumulating Load of Persecution Insult & Abuse—We are certain of Relief in due time, and as good Citizens we ought, for the present at least, to sacriAce our Individual prosperity & happiness rather than hazard any part of the prosperity and quiet of the Nation. The Removal of Mr. Goodrich was a very Important Measure and extremely well timed. I well knew the only Objection the federalists could make to Judge Bishop was his Age and that by delaying the appointment ’till the latter part of may, before the Knowledge of that event could < 519>

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reach Hartford, The Legislature would appoint him Chief Judge of the Court of Common Pleas for Newhaven County an ODce of great Importance from the high criminal and Civil Jurisdiction of that Court, where most causes are issued without the right of Appeal or Review, and also Judge of Probate for that District; whereby, by their own Acts, they would belie their objections of Inability resulting from Age or any Other Consideration. The Event answered my Expectations. Mr. Bishop was appointed to those ODces, and the News of the removal of Goodrich reached Hartford while the Legislature yet held in her hands the Sword of persecution stained with the blood of most of the friends of Administration. To try our federal friends so as duly to assay their pretended Moderation, many Republicans were proposed for ODce & all rejected, as were all who had claims for promotion according to Our Ancient Rules.—My Opinions which are herein suggested, have acquired additional Strength by the tour to the Northward for my health. In that Tour I visited Vermont, Newhampshire & Massachusetts and the Legislatures of the two last—In Newhampshire I had considerable opportunity to gain a knowledge of the Temper of the People—There we have nothing to fear and everything to hope—Their New Senator Judge Olcott, is an Amiable Man with many virtues, but without Talents or Informatn. a moderate federalist—not passionate—excessively fond of good Company and festivity—And I am mistaken if a little markd Respect and Attention would not make him Sail pretty smoothly down in the Republican Current. he is too old ever to wish a Re-election and will prefer that Society which is most pleasant & Honorable.—I need not trouble you, Sir, further than to state that our prospects in Massachusetts and Vermont are certainly very Battering. Pardon Me for suggesting that in my opinion the Appointment of two or Three Moderate Federalists near Connecticut River in N Hampshire & Vermont (where no Republicans can now be found) to some small ODces if Opportunity occurred would have a wonderfull eCect in our favor. The mighty Storm raised by the removal of Goodrich has principally blown over. No Case which can occur will ever excite as much passion for he had the strongest Connections.—I have entertained Serious Thoughts of visiting Washington—The Warm Weather deters me—My health has improved. I fear however that I shall not soon be able to discharge the complicated duties of my profession.— Accept, Dear Sir, Assurances of my high Esteem & Sincere friendship Gidn: Granger < 520>

6 J U LY 1801 RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thos. Jefferson Esq President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 10 July and so recorded in SJL. For the correspondence seen in the hands of Levi lincoln, which ex-

pressed the views of leading Connecticut Republicans, see description of enclosure at Lincoln to TJ, 15 June. Simeon olcott was elected to All the Senate seat vacated by Samuel Livermore (Biog. Dir. Cong.).

To George Jefferson Dear Sir Washington July 6. 1801. I inclose you a treasury draught on Colo. Carrington [for] Afteen hundred dollars to meet mr Eppes’s draughts on you [for] 800. D. payable to Dr Shore the 12th. and 500. D payable to mr [Haxhall] on the 16th. inst. the surplus to go towards covering your advances [for] the hams &c. I have furnished you lately too sparingly with cash. the fact is that my OutAt has been so very heavy that [it still?] presses very hard on all my resources private & public, & will not [leave me] at ease under two or three months. I am not able exactly to [settle our] accounts, because you meet a number of small expenses not known to me but whenever you will be so kind as to mention that you are in [arrears] & how much, it shall be immediately covered. in the mean time I will do it conjecturally. I shall go home in the Arst week of [Aug.] to remain to the last of Sep. can you not come & pass [some time] with us. accept assurances of my aCectionate esteem. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); faint; at foot of text: “Mr. George JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. In his Anancial records, TJ noted that on 6 July, John Barnes sent him a treasury draft on Edward carrington for $1,500, which he immediately remitted to Gibson & JeCerson to meet the drafts totaling $1,300 due for the horses purchased by John Wayles Eppes for the president about three months earlier. The

$200 balance was to be applied to TJ’s account (mb, 2:1045-6). On 13 July, Gibson & JeCerson wrote TJ, noting that his letter of 6 July and the draft on Carrington for $1,500 were received and the amount “entered to your credit with us” (RC in MHi; in Patrick Gibson’s hand and signed by him with company signature; at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr:”; endorsed by TJ as received 16 July and so recorded in SJL).

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From Hugh Williamson Sir New York 6th July 1801. The antients, as I conceive, had more reasons than one for painting Justice blind. In all countries the chief magistrate has much occasion to use the Eyes of other People and many of those people have an inclination to falsify or interest in concealing the Truth. In my endeavours to discover the most prevailing argument by which the strength of the republican Party has been constantly increasing, I have seen none so general, conclusive and well understood as a Axed dislike to the English nation, a Dislike that has been duly cherished by unceasing insults and injuries ever since the peace. Col: Hamilton started after the peace the general advocate of British adherents and his measures while Secy of the treasury were marked by a desire to imitate British examples. These circumstances caused his measures to be condemned by zealous americans who reason with the multitude in the stenographic method. Certain it is that the approbation of Jays Treaty which seemed too favourable to the english nation was injurious to the popularity of Genl: Washington. I believe also and am convinced that what is called attachment to the french nation in some individuals may be correctly traced to their contempt of the English nation and desire to see them humbled. If my reasonings on this subject are correct you have one great mark by which to steer in the appointment to places of proAt and trust. I am aware that some body will generally be displeased, because he is disappointed, at every appointment, but I refer to the great body of the Nation who expect no appointments and are only grieved when Tories or British adherents are promoted. As it is not possible that you should in all cases make appointments from personal knowledge of individuals you may some times get advice from people who have other objects in view than to promote your good standing with the public. I do not know that such a case has occurred but unless I had suspected the fact and wished that it might not be repeated you would not have been troubled by reading this scrawl. I have not heard since the 3rd of March of more than one appointment of a decided Tory; It took place in this city and I have heard some zealous republicans express a wish that the choice had fallen on a Whig. I mention the case of that Merchant, who is confessedly respectable, because it so happens that he is generally thought to have been recommended by a gentleman who disavows all inBuence by saying, “I am not in the cabinet” but the more notable circumstance is that < 522>

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he (the oDcer) is supposed to have been recommended by the gentleman1 who as I believe would receive more pleasure than any other man in the United States in seeing your popularity decrease. This opinion would not have been ventured if I had not with indignation and grief seen that gentleman looking one way and rowing another. If I had not seen the most incontestible Evidence that he was making interest to turn the votes of Jersey, Vermont & N York while he was holding up another appearance in a Letter to Genl Smith. If I should have been mistaken in every opinion I have advanced from the beginning of this Letter you will nevertheless admit that caution is commonly advisable and I should have been deAcient in that personal respect which I have long professed for Mr JeCerson if I neglected an occasion of suggesting a useful Hint to the President of the United States. Though it should be true that some professed Republican would not be grieved to see your popularity decline I think you may be conAdently assured that many gentlemen who zealously supported Mr Adams are sincerely desirous that your administration may prove honourable to yourself and prosperous to the community. Accept I entreat you my assurance of profound Consideration and invariable Respect Hu Williamson RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 11 July and so recorded in SJL. decided tory: Daniel Ludlow (Albert Gallatin to TJ, [21 May 1801]). The gentleman who recommended Ludlow was Aaron Burr: Burr to TJ, 16 Mch.

letter to genl smith: Burr’s letter to Samuel Smith of 16 Dec. 1800, in which Burr disclaimed “all competition” to the presidency, was printed widely in newspapers (Vol. 32:400n). q Canceled: “in this city.”

From Peter Frailey and Others Reading, Berks County in Pennsa. July 7th. 1801

We have taken the liberty of transmitting to you a recommendation in favor of John Ludwig a citizen of this place, for the oDce of inspector of this district. As it has been currently reported, and generally believed that a change is proposed in that oDce we have been induced to obtrude on your leisure by recommending John Ludwig in opposition to a certain Mr. Christ who we understand has likewise < 523>

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been recommended to your Excellency for the inspectorship of this district. We hope your Excellency will have the goodness to pardon this our seemingly unwarranted interference in the exercise of your oDcial duty, and discretion, when we shall have assigned reasons, which we deem substantial, why the said Mr. Christ who is also an inhabitant of this Borough, should not be favored with such a mark of conAdence by a Government, to which we conceive him no real friend. Tho’ he professes himself an advocate for the principles of Republicanism, we cannot be prevailed on to give sanction, by our connivance, to an imposition so glaring. True it is, that some years since, he stood fair in the estimation of, and was warmly supported by, all the Republicans of this County, but the scene is changed, and this conAdence has with great propriety & Justice been withdrawn, he having forfeited all pretensions thereto—The steps he has on several occasions taken, to thwart the plans of the Republicans of this County, who are numerous, and are governed by the genuine principles of Our excellent constitution, inspired the belief, that if he were a republican, his principles were of the mercenary kind, caused this opposition, and changed the esteem and conAdence of his fellow citizens into hatred and distrust.—Information of his appointment, would be heard with surprize & displeasure by the Republicans, generally speaking, in this, as well as the neighbouring counties. Nay, we further believe, we can, with little trouble, satisfactorily establish that he has within a few Months publicly declared, that he rejoiced at the success with which your Excellency had met in the late General Election for a Chief Magistrate of the Union, as the people would now have an opportunity of knowing the Rascals (meaning the Republicans) that wished to govern—These circumstances we can substantiate, but if, notwithstanding, your Excellency should think proper to commission him, after this representation, tho we must regret and acquiesce in the appointment, we have the consolation for our pains, that arises from a consciousness of having done our duty, in giving your Excellency the information which we conceived incumbent on us to give you.— On the other hand the Gentleman Mr John Ludwig, whom we, together with some of the most respectable inhabitants of this County, have the honor of recommending to your Excellency, is a man of Good character, generally esteemed by his fellow Citizens, and a Arm and tried friend to the Republican principles of our Constitution, whose appointment would give general satisfaction to the Republicans of this as well as of the neighbouring Counties < 524>

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We have the honor to subscribe ourselves, Your Excellency’s Most obedient Hmble. Servts. P Frailey Daniel Rose Peter Filbert Jos: Hiester RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); in unknown hand, signed by Frailey, Rose, Filbert, and Hiester; addressed: “To his Excellency Thomas JeCerson President of the United States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 July and “John Ludwig to be inspector of the district” and so recorded in SJL but as a letter of the 13th; TJ later canceled “Frailey & others” in the endorsement. Peter Frailey and Daniel Rose represented Berks County in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives. Joseph Hiester was a Republican representative in Congress (Journal of the First Session of the Tenth House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Lancaster, 1799], 4; Journal of the First Session of the Eleventh House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Lancaster, 1800], 4; Harry Marlin Tinkcom, The Republicans and Federalists in Pennsylvania 1790-1801: A Study in National Stimulus and Local Response [Harrisburg, 1950], 168, 189; Biog. Dir. Cong.). john ludwig voted against ratiAcation of the Constitution at the Pennsylvania convention in 1787 and served in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in the early 1790s (Journal of the First Session of the House of Representatives of

the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Philadelphia, 1790], 3; Journal of the First Session of the Second House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Philadelphia, 1792], 22; Journal of the First Session of the Third House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Philadelphia, 1792], 4; dhrc, 2:327, 639). These same four subscribers and seven others signed an earlier letter of support for Ludwig. Dated 4 July, the letter described Ludwig as “an old Inhabitant of Berks County, a Man of Integrity and Credit who has frequently been chosen as a Representative in the Legislature of Pennsylvania, who is now a Justice of the Peace and who is known to be one of the Armest Republicans in Berks County” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; in an unidentiAed hand; at head of text: “To the President of the United States”). Among the signers were two former Berks County representatives to the state legislature, Christian Lower and John Spayd (Journal of the First Session of the Fifth House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Philadelphia, 1795], 4; Journal of the First Session of the Sixth House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [Philadelphia, 1795, i.e., 1796], 4).

From Albert Gallatin [7 July 1801]

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor to enclose for the consideration of the President the draught of an intended circular to the Collectors on the subject of certiAcates of health. A letter from Mr King on the subject; observations of the Secy. of State, to whom the rough draught was communicated, which < 525>

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observations have produced the last paragraph but one in the circular; and a letter from Dr. Rush received since the circular was prepared are also enclosed. It is intended to have the circular printed & transmitted immediately; and as the season is far advanced, it would perhaps save some time, if the President would at once make in the draught the alterations he may think necessary— Respectfully submitted by Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); undated; endorsed by TJ as received 7 July and “certiAcate of health” and so recorded in SJL but as a letter of 12 July, perhaps the date TJ returned the draft of the circular to Gallatin. Enclosures not found, but see below. About 1 July, Gallatin communicated a rough draft of his circular on health certiAcates to Madison (see Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:366-7). Consisting of only two paragraphs, the Arst indicated that certiAcates testifying to the health of U.S. seaports might “tend to alleviate the hardships of the Quarantine laws of foreign Countries.” In the second paragraph, Gallatin stressed that the certiAcates “should uniformly comport with strict truth” and be countersigned by the naval oDcer at the port. The circular as sent to the customs collectors on 15 July consisted of nine paragraphs. Although a draft in TJ’s hand has not been found, he may have contributed signiAcantly to the extended text (Gallatin, Papers, 5:377-8). The call for health certiAcates originated in the secretary of state’s oDce. Thomas Bulkeley, U.S. consul at Lisbon, repeatedly requested that a routine procedure for the issuance of health certiAcates from U.S. customs collectors be established to alleviate quarantines. On 9 June, Madison informed Charles Pinckney, as the new minister to Spain, that the Spanish quarantine laws were “unnecessarily rigorous” and injurious to U.S. trade. He noted that Bulkeley had suggested that U.S. vessels carry certiAcates of health addressed to the consuls. Madison continued: “The idea has been stated to the Secretary of the Treasury, and it is probable that with the approbation of the Presi-

dent, it will be carried into eCect thro’ the Custom House.” On 23 June, Benjamin rush advised Madison that the quarantine laws passed by several states to control yellow fever epidemics should be abolished because the fever was not contagious and unnecessarily interrupted American commerce. To this Madison replied that the quarantine laws in Europe, which oppressed U.S. commerce, had been brought to the attention of the executive, and arrangements were being considered to diminish or alleviate the problem. Madison noted that foreign countries probably would not agree with Rush’s views on yellow fever (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:53, 276-7, 339, 354-5). The circular on health certiAcates, as transmitted to the customs collectors on 15 July, was printed in the National Intelligencer on 3 Aug. It described the information to be included in bills of health. If the port from which the vessel was sailing was free of “prevailing sickness,” the collector was instructed to enter “No plague or other contagious or dangerous disease at present exists.” But if that was not the case, the blank was to be Alled in so as to “clearly and unequivocally express the nature of the existing disorder.” In the 13 ports with naval oDcers, the oDcers were to countersign the document. In other ports the customs collector would certify them, with the board of health or municipal authority attesting to the document. If possible, owners of vessels were encouraged to obtain a certiAcation of the facts stated in the health bill from the consul or agent of the country to which the vessel was bound (Gallatin, Papers, 5:377-8; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:453-4).

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From Thomas Newton Sir Norfolk July 7th 1801 I have long known Capt. F. Bright, & have ever considered him as a faithful oDcer to the public. he commanded the Armed Brig Northampton belonging to the State & was esteemd for activity & discipline during the war—since the commencement of the General Government he has been employ’d in the Revenue service in which I have ever believed him a vigilant ODcer having the interest of his Country at heart. I am most respectfully Yr. obt Servt Thos Newton RC (NHi: Gallatin Papers); at foot of text: “Thos JeCerson Esqr President.” Francis Bright, commander of the U.S. revenue cutter Virginia, was a captain in the Virginia navy during the Revolutionary War. On 10 July, Newton wrote to

Gallatin to inform him that Bright was on his way to Washington to discuss a “plan for the future regulation of the Cutter” (ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 362, 371; Washington, Papers, Pres. Ser., 6:496-8; Gallatin, Papers, 5:337; Vol. 17:310).

From Benjamin Kneeland Sir, East Sudbury, Jul. 8th, 1801. With a Veneration for literary and patriotic Character, a Letter addresses to You with a Packet of Manuscripts, Viz. The Theory of Fevers, 6 Copies. The Theory of Generations, 6 Copies. in Request of a Communication with them, as may propose, in the Sphere of Your Intercourse. With an Acknowledgement of a Patronage at Writings; and a high Consideration for a Personage of a Name and Character, at a Station and Interest in the United States, subscribes, Illustrious President, Your most Humble and Obedient Servant Benj. Kneeland RC (MiU-C); at foot of text: “His Highness, Thos: JeCerson Esq.”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 July 1802 and so recorded in SJL.

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From Charles Pinckney Dear Sir July 8: 1801 I Will be much obliged to you to do me the favour when you recieve this to write me in answer by any Vessel that may be going directed to me at Madrid to the care of our Minister if he should be arrived or Charge d’aCairs at Paris—I am hopeful we shall sail in a fortnight & that the Vessel I go in will land me either in Holland or at Havre as I expect she goes to Hamburgh—it is the only opportunity that oCers just now & I seize it with avidity as I am anxious for the Arst Time to view the Old World & compare it with our new one.—In arts & manufactures & in Luxuries they no doubt excell us, but in the knowledge of good Government & the substantial blessings of Life, I am sure we are without an equal.—I am however now going, with, as I suspect invincible partialities or prejudices1 in favour of my own country, to see & judge for myself & try every thing by my own rules & taste.—the result of my experience & my opinions & all the intelligence & information I can collect, I shall with great pleasure transmit to you by every opportunity.— I have recieved my Instructions & the commission & all the papers sent me by Mr Madison & return you my most grateful & sincere thanks for this mark of your conAdence & friendship—I shall endeavour to deserve it & prove to you that it has not been misplaced.— if I am so fortunate as to arrive there safe I shall now have an opportunity to devote myself to those pursuits which I have ever preferred & considered as the most pleasing.— I hope you have long since recieved a letter I gave Doctor Blythe to give you on the subject of my nomination & which he promised me to deliver as soon as he arrived.—as he was very unwell & lest any accident should have happened to him I thought it best to send you a Duplicate by Post & the printed observations I allude to respecting the Misissippi Question in the former Congress.—If however the Report we have heard is true & it is most probably so that Louisiana is ceded to the French then all objection to me on the score of the Western Territory & my not being thoroughly acquainted with its rights & interests must be removed, as those questions will then of course be transferred to our Minister to the French Republic.—I trust I shall not experience any coolness or want of Support from any of our republican friends in the Cabinet or Senate.—I depend upon Mr Madison & Mr: Gallatin’s Friendship very much & upon those of our republican Friends in the Senate—& if it should appear doubtful I submit to your goodness, the best means of extricating me without < 528>

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the inconvenience of a rejection by the Senate—with the most profound attachment & respect & with aCectionate regard I am dear Sir much obliged Yours Truly Charles Pinckney RC (DLC); at head of text: “(Private)”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Pinckney was in Charleston on 8 July. He departed for Europe on 25 July and landed in holland during the second week of September (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:388; Frances Leigh Williams, A Founding Family: The Pinckneys of South Carolina [New York, 1978], 348; Pinckney to TJ, 8 Sep. 1801).

Madison’s letter of instructions was dated 9 June (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:273-9). on the subject of my nomination: Pinckney to TJ, 20 Apr. 1801. A speech that Pinckney gave in Congress in August 1786 on the Mississippi question was printed as Mr. Charles Pinckney’s Speech, in Answer to Mr. Jay (New York, 1786). q Preceding two words interlined.

To Samuel Harrison Smith July 8. 1801.

Th: JeCerson supposes mr. Smith, in addition to the 10.17 D has omitted to charge him the price of the vol. of the Universal gazette for the last year. if he will be pleased to note it at the foot hereof, mr. Barnes will recieve this note as an order for the 10.17 D and that article in addition to it & will pay it. RC (CSmH); addressed: “Mr. Samuel H. Smith Jersey avenue”; with Smith’s response to John Barnes on verso (see below). Not recorded in SJL. On 8 July, Smith informed John Barnes that the universal gazette “supposed by Mr. JeCerson within not to be paid for, was recently paid by Mr. Barnes in the sum paid by him to S.H.S.—” Smith continued: “The sum of 10 Dols. 17 Cents. S. H. Smith has deposited receipts with Mr. JeCerson for, wch. he thinks it proper to mention lest the existence of duplicate receipts might hereafter perplex an adjustment of accounts.—S.H.S. notwithstanding receipts it again, as a voucher for Mr. Barnes.” Smith then continued with the

receipt: “Recd. July 8. 1801. from Mr. John Barnes, on the account of Thos. Jefferson Esq. Ave Dollars for the subn of Thos. Mann Randolph to Nat. Intel. from June 18. 1801 to June 18. 1802—and 5 Dols. 17 Cents for the subn of Jas. Oldham to the same paper from June 11. 1801 to June 11. 1802—” (MS in same; in Smith’s hand and signed by him; at foot of text in John Gallagher’s hand: “$10.17 Recd for S H Smith this 8 July 1801— John Gallagher”; all on verso of letter printed above; endorsed by TJ: “Smith Saml. Harrison”). In his Anancial accounts for 8 July, TJ recorded: “Gave S. H. Smith ord. on J. Barnes for James Oldham 5.17 + 5.D. for his paper to TMR. ” (mb, 2:1046).

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To Enoch Edwards Dear Sir Washington July 9. 1801. Your favor of the 3d. is duly received. I have not suCered for want of the carriage: and even now mr Hanse may take his own time, for I shall shortly set out for Monticello where I shall pass the months of August & September. he may Anish it oC therefore at his leisure; and whenever it is ready a line from him or yourself notifying it to me will And me at Monticello, and will suCer but a delay of one week more for the distance. I will immediately order the person from hence who will have been previously engaged to go for the carriage with a pair of horses, and will direct mr John Barnes, here, (who [acts] for me in all private business) to remit the amount as shall be desired. I suppose the only cover necessary for the carriage on that journey will be a chemise of coarse linen. the oilcloth cover is [a] thing of no value [or] discretion. it is to be brought only to this place. the harness I suppose can be secured within—I thank you for [the] prices of the coachees. but I think were I to indulge myself in another carriage of luxury, it should be a Landau, which in fact is [a double] Phaeton, the two tops closing together, when desired, in the following [manner]. I am not certain but that mr Hanse might tempt me by good work at low prices to indulge in such a cap[rice.] could he say what the body of such a carriage would cost by itself, and what the carriage part separately? or whether it might be Axed on [the]1 carriage of the chariot he is making, as they would never be [used] together. I shall be glad to hear from you on the subject of [. . .] as I had no friend at N. York I could charge with the enquiry. being too [poor to] pave the streets of our great city, we are making gravel turnpikes, which [I] believe will be found suDcient for our state of population & more agreeable. we hope to do it at 1000. D. a mile and to shew to all towns of the 2d. & 3d. [. . .] what they may do to advantage. present me respectfully to mrs Edwards and accept yourself assurances of my esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Dr. Edwards”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

q TJ here canceled “[back?].”

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Report by Albert Gallatin, with Jefferson’s Opinion Treasury Department July 9th. 1801

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor to enclose the answer of William Watson Collector of Plymouth to the charges against him transmitted in Mr King’s letter of the 1st. of December last. From the several documents it appears that Anton Powell then resident of Havana having purchased in 1799. 1800. from James Byays of Baltimore a new built Maryland vessel registered in the name of said Byays, came in her from Havana to Plymouth, Massachusetts in March 1800 with a Cargo of West India produce That having there disposed of part of his cargo, shipped Reuben Beetle of Edgar Town Massachusetts as master, & altered his Vessel from a schooner to a Brigantine, he produced the bill of sale of the vessel from Byays to himself and one from himself to sd. Beetle. Whereupon a new Register was granted in the name of said Beetle— That this last bill of Sale was a colourable paper executed only with intention of obtaining an American Register, which he as resident at Havana even if he was a Citizen could not have obtained.— That Benjn. M Watson, Weigher, Inspector &ca. of the Port of Plymouth, and who is understood to have acted as Deputy under Mr. W. Watson the Collector, did also lend his name to said Powell, so as to cover the whole cargo.— That the Vessel having been taken by the British, the real owner Powell & said Beetle acknowledged the above mentioned facts; but that said Beetle swore that the Register had been granted to him by the Collector of Plymouth without his taking the Oath of ownership required by Law. The two charges against the Collector are 1st. his granting the Register. 2d. his employing B M. Watson—In regard to the Arst, as bills of sale were produced, the only irregularity, if any was committed, consists in not having administered the Oath to Beetle. That he did not administer it, rests on Beetles evidence in great Britain and seems corroborated by the Collectors state of health on the 24th. May 1800. when the transaction took place & by his not being able to And Beetles subscription to the declaration. The verbal declarations of Beetle to Davis form the only evidence tending to shew that the oath was administered. There is no appearance of fraud on the part of the Collector, if the oath was not administered it was only neglect probably Owing to the < 531>

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inArmity of age, and from concurrent circumstances there can be little doubt of Beetle being ready at the time to take an oath if it had been required. Under all circumstances & considering the character and respectability of Mr. Watson, it seeems that there is not in this transaction SuDcient cause of removal, unless its eCect on foreign Courts of Justice and the foreign Commerce of the United States should in the opinion of the President render that measure absolutely necessary. But it will at all events be requisite that B. M. Watson should be dismissed from any employment he may still have in the Custom House, either in the public capacity of inspector &ca. or as Deputy of Mr. W. Watson— Respectfully submitted by (signed) Albert Gallatin I concur in the above opinion in—both its points. but I think a statement of the case, as it results from the enquiry, should be made, mentioning the age, inArmity & sickness of the Collector at the moment of this transaction, his poverty, and his being clear of the fraud, as circumstances which have inBuenced the Executive against his removal; and on the other hand that the fraud having rested entirely with the Deputy he has been dismissed and will be forbidden to be employed in any oDce. this statement being furnished to the Secretary of State, to be forwarded to Mr. King will be communicated by him to the British Minister and the Judge of the Court before whom this transaction had come to light. it will satisfy them that we have no disposition to connive at the frauds of our oDcers Signed Th: Jefferson July 10. 1801 Tr (CSmH); in clerk’s hand. Enclosures: (1) William Watson to Albert Gallatin, Plymouth, Massachusetts, 22 June 1801, noting that although “greatly distressed” by the charge of misconduct brought against him at this period of life, it was “a great consolation that the President” wished to hear what he had to say in his own defense and explaining that he had no reason to suspect “any fraudulent or covert design” on 24 May when Anthony Powell and Reuben Beetle came to the collector’s oDce seeking a register for the brigatine Sally, along with a bill of sale indicating the ship belonged to Beetle, a resident of Edgartown and United States citizen, and

therefore qualiAed to receive the register; that he had no knowledge of a bill of lading being issued; and that for many years he had “discharged the duties of a public oDce with reputation” to himself and satisfaction to the government and to the people he served. (2) ADdavit of Benjamin Marston Watson, 23 June 1801, sworn before Justice of the Peace Ephraim Spooner, indicating that about 27 May 1800, at the urgent application of Powell and Beetle, he issued an invoice of the cargo for the brig Sally, a letter of advice to a mercantile Arm at Amsterdam, and a bill of lading, all papers being in his own name “stating the property as shipped” by him to Amsterdam

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9 J U LY 1801 and done to accommodate Powell and Beetle, without any pecuniary consideration or fraudulent intention on his part. (3) ADdavit of William Davis, 23 June 1801, also sworn before Spooner, testifying that as a Plymouth merchant he had observed the activities of Powell from his arrival in the port on 27 Mch. 1800, when he deposited cargo at his store, until his departure in May; that Powell informed him of the sale of the vessel at Boston to Captain Beetle; that Beetle, just before he departed, informed the Plymouth merchant that he had got his papers, that he had taken the oath administered by the collector, and “that he did swear, could do it safely and freely, the vessel being wholly and compleatly his own, and at his own risque and hazard” (all Trs in same). Enclosed in Albert Gallatin to James Madison, 12 July 1801 (same; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:407). william watson became collector at Plymouth in August 1789. Gallatin received Rufus king’s letter containing a complaint made by the Court of Admiralty in London against Watson on 25 May 1801 and immediately instituted an investigation. He sent Benjamin Lincoln, collector at Boston, an inquiry. Lincoln responded by describing Watson as a man “of probity, information, & experience, descending from an ancient and respectable family, encircled by friends distinguished for their abilities and correct pursuits.” The Plymouth collector was a man of property who had “everything to lose by an action unrighteous and dishonorable.” Lincoln did not think the “public interest unsafe in his hands” and would not send an oDcer to inquire at Plymouth unless Gallatin thought it necessary. On 26 June, Lincoln informed Gallatin that he had previously overestimated Watson as a “Gentleman of property,” having learned that he was Anancially embarrassed and, although “not desperate,” needed the emoluments of his oDce (jep, 1:9, 13; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:484-6; Benjamin Lincoln to Gallatin, 16, 26 June 1801; Gallatin to Madison, 12 July, all Trs in CSmH). Gallatin may have included the

Lincoln letters as enclosures with his report to the president. james byays: that is, James Biays, captain and ship joiner at Baltimore (John Mullin, The Baltimore Directory, For 1799 [Baltimore, 1799], 7). In the letter defending his actions (Enclosure No. 1, above), the Plymouth collector noted that Benjamin M. Watson, the weigher, was not his son, as stated by Captain Beetle to the British authorities. Watson observed that he had two daughters, only. In 1786, Ellen Watson married John Davis, who was appointed judge of the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts by John Adams in 1801, and in 1787, Elizabeth Watson married Nathaniel Niles, who as a Vermont congressman in the early 1790s aligned himself with the emerging JeCersonian Republicans (anb, 16:441-2; dab, 5:132-3). Watson was conAdent that he had administered the oath of ownership to Captain Beetle as required by law, but he could not And the supporting papers. He noted that he was “very unwell” on the day the transaction took place, and if the oath was omitted that was the cause. Gallatin made a statement of the case in his letter to Madison of 12 July. He requested that the secretary of state inform King that a full investigation into the charges against Watson led to the conclusion that “the collector was a man of unimpeachable integrity & general respectability, far advanced in years, & dependant on his oDce as his sole means of subsistance.” Gallatin noted that although Watson might not have administered the required oath, even that was doubtful “& if omitted, was the only irregularity chargeable to him, as proper bills of Sale were exhibited to him at the time.” The investigation indicated that responsibility for the fraud regarding the bill of lading rested entirely with Benjamin M. Watson, who was dismissed. Madison wrote King on 28 July and enclosed the papers pertaining to the case. King forwarded the documents to Sir William Scott, judge of the High Court of Admiralty. no disposition to connive at the frauds of our officers: the British court condemned the brig Sally,

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9 J U LY 1801 but on 22 Oct. Scott returned the papers with the endorsement: “Returning Proceedings of the Amer. Govt. respecting Coll. Watson which are highly satisfactory.” He observed to King “that the Lenity shown to the old oDcer seems to be as properly applied, as the Severity which has been practised upon the actual delinquents.” As far as Scott and the British

government were concerned, the communication “fully answered the purpose of shewing that the American Government has no disposition to connive at the misconduct of its oDcers” (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:407, 484-6; 2:195; King, Life, 3:535-6). For Lincoln’s response to the decision, see enclosure listed at Gallatin to TJ, 10 Aug.

To Robert Smith Dear Sir Washington July 9 1801. When it became necessary for me to name a successor to Mr. Stoddart, as Secretary of the Navy, my attention was naturally Arst called to those gentlemen whose line of life led them to an intimacy with ship-building & navigation. the place was therefore proposed to your brother, to mr Langdon & to Capt Jones. they have all declined it. it becomes now necessary to And one in some other line. in this [case] my attention is Arst drawn to yourself. tho the law is your particular profession, yet your habits from infancy must have made you entirely familiar with naval things, at least as much as is necessary to enable you to judge of the qualiAcations of your agents, & to direct them. for a Secretary of the navy need not actually be either a ship carpenter or seaman. I take the liberty therefore of proposing the place to you, and shall be made very happy indeed if you will under[take it.] your knolege of the law also will be an ingredient as valuable as that respecting the navy, in an administration towards which the faculty of the law has contributed little. in the absence of our attorney general we are often at a loss. your brother Genl. Smith has so far1 placed the navy on it’s peace establishment as to have saved that labour to his successor. be so good as to2 let [me] hear from you as soon as you shall be able to have made [up your] mind; and if the answer be to my wish it will relieve me from great anxiety. accept assurances of my esteem & high consideration. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Robert Smith esq.” A younger brother of Congressman Samuel Smith, Robert Smith (17571842) was a Princeton graduate and Baltimore attorney, specializing in admiralty law. His prior political experience included terms in both chambers of the Mary-

land legislature and three years of service on the Baltimore City Council. He served as secretary of the navy from July 1801 until the end of TJ’s presidency, also serving as U.S. attorney general for a brief interlude in 1805 following the resignation of Levi Lincoln. James Madison appointed Smith secretary of state in 1809, but disagreements over foreign policy forced

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9 J U LY 1801 his retirement from the post in 1811. Declining additional appointments, he returned to his law practice in Baltimore (anb).

q Canceled: “[carried?].” r Canceled: “tender.”

To Samuel Smith Dear Sir Washington July 9. 1801. Your favor of June 27. came to hand in due time. I now inclose you the commission for mr Buchanan which you observed would be wanting about this time. I would rather the appointment should be kept out of the newspapers until we recieve mr Lewis’s resignation which we daily expect. After the trouble you have been so good as to take with the Navy department, and the compleat disposition you have made of every thing in it which was pressing, it is impossible for me to press any thing further. on the contrary it becomes my duty as a public oDcer to return you thanks in the name of our country for the useful services you have rendered, and the disinterested footing on which they have been rendered. you have done for us gratis, what the emoluments of oDce have not yet been suDcient to induce others to undertake; and it is with equal truth & pleasure I testify that you have deserved well of your country. Mr. Langdon having ultimately declined, I must look into some other line of profession for a Secretary; and by this mail I propose the oDce to your brother mr Robert Smith. it is not on his reading in Coke Littleton that I am induced to this proposition, tho’ that also will be of value in our administration, but from a conAdence that he must from his infancy have been so familiarised with naval things, that he will be perfectly competent to select proper agents & to judge of their conduct. let me beseech you, my dear Sir, to give us the beneAt of your inBuence with him to prevail on his acceptance. you can give him the necessary information as to the state of the oDce, & what it is like to be: and I hope through your intercession & his patriotism, that this is the last time the commonwealth will have to knock at the door of it’s children to And one who will accept of one of it’s highest trusts.—mr Madison has had a slight bilious attack. I hope he will hold out till the end of the month when we all mean to seek asylum in climates to which our habits and conAdence call us. present me respectfully to mrs Smith, & accept yourself assurances of my constant & aCectionate esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson < 535>

9 J U LY 1801 RC (Mrs. Leonard A. Hewett, Louisville, Kentucky, 1944); addressed: “Genl. Samuel Smith Baltimore”; franked. PrC (DLC). Enclosure: Commission appointing William Buchanan of Maryland as commercial agent of the U.S. “for the Isle of France and that of Bourbon,” dated 9 July 1801 (FC in Lb in DNA: RG 59, PTCC). For Smith’s favor, see 26 June. TJ received it on the 27th. William Buchanan’s

appointment as commercial agent appeared in the National Intelligencer, 21 Aug. The announcement of Jacob lewis’s appointment as consul at Calcutta appeared in the same newspaper on 3 Aug. coke littleton: Sir Edward Coke’s The First Part of the Institutes of the Lawes of England: or a Commentary upon Littleton, 4th ed. (London, 1639); see Vol. 32:566-7.

From Samuel Smith Dr. sir/ Balte. 9. July 1801 Heretofore the Route for the Mail from Philadelphia to Pittsburg has been thro: Carlisle & Shippensburg to Chambersburg—but by a late Regulation of Mr Habersham, the Route is thro: York & Berlin to Chambersburg—This change has alarmed & greatly distressd the Citizens of Carlisle & Shippensburg, who are to Recieve their Letters from Philada. indirectly thro: Reading & Harrisburg—the Change has really an extraordinary appearance, and is Construed that Way— The good Feds of those towns say That because they have generally been federal the Change has been made by you, as a punishmt. The Republicans say that Mr Habersham has done it of himself to make your Administration unpopular.—This Acct. I have Mr. John Montgomery of Harford County, whose family are resident at Carlisle. & from whence he has Come on Tuesday past—I have at his Desire mentioned the subject & must confess I feel for the Consequence of Carlisle (the place of my Birth)— Mr. Montgomery says he has now little Doubt but Harford County will give himself & another Republican Electors—With sincere friendship I am your Obt. servt. S. Smith NB—Mr. Montgomery says the Change of the Post he presumes may have been made from Misrepresentation, perhaps from Chambersburg—or he supposes it possible that the Deputy P. Master who he understands is a Violent Fed may have Acted from Improper Motives RC (DLC: Madison Papers); endorsed by TJ as received 10 July and so recorded in SJL; also endorsed by TJ: “Refd. to Secy. of State. Th:J.”

On 10 July Madison observed that although Postmaster General Joseph habersham was perhaps not “suDciently in the views of the Administration,” he

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10 J U LY 1801 was greatly respected personally and politically “by some of the purest and most weighty” of the administration’s friends and would be diDcult to replace (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:393). deputy p. master: probably Abraham Bradley, Jr., assistant postmaster general (Richard R. John, Spreading the News: The American Postal System from

Franklin to Morse [Cambridge, Mass., 1995], 69-70). William Smithson and John Montgomery represented Harford County, Maryland, at the meeting of the electors of the state senate on 21 Sep. 1801. Republicans dominated the proceedings, electing a Republican senate (Maryland Gazette, 24 Sep.).

From Samuel Darley May it please your Excellency Fredericksburg, July 10th 1801— I am a young man, about 300 miles from home, borne down with inArmity, and unable to travel;—would you do justice to charity you will let me have some pecuniary assistance to carry me in the Stage. My friends live in the upper part of Pennsylvania and are unable to give me any aid; and I unable to work for money to carry me home;— You shall be paid, if ever I get able to send you the money— Your aEicted Fellow Citisen and subject Saml Darley RC (MHi); addressed: “The President of the United States City of Washington”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by TJ as received 11 July and so recorded in SJL.

From Thomas Newton D Sir Norfolk July 10th. 1801 My friend Mr Moses Myers having business in the City of Washington I beg leave to introduce him to you as a good citizen & worthy Gentleman. I wish we could have the pleasure of seeing you in Norfolk to make some returns for the many civilities received from you, it will always give me pleasure to render services to any of your friends travelling this way. I am most respectfully yr. obt Servt Thos Newton RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 15 July and so recorded in SJL with notation “by Myers.”

Myers was a merchant in Norfolk (Simmons’s Norfolk Directory [Norfolk, 1801], 22).

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From Daniel Parker Dear Sir, Paris July 10th 1801 It is with the greatest satisfaction that I have heard of your Election to the Presidency of the United States. I sincerely congratulate you & my Country on that event.—Among the many reasons that make your appointment to that oDce particularly agreeable to the friends of that Country, is the paciAc & conciliatory disposition that you so eminently possess; this is to them a consoling evidence that the cool prudent & conciliatory measures that will be manifested in your administration must abate & gradually extinguish that spirit of party which has raged with such disgracefull violence under the Administration of your Predecessor.—All true friends to a free Elective Goverment, have seen with concern, the high degree of Personal animosity & abuse, that has been manifested by the Parties in the U. States.— The enemies to an Elective Executive boast of these evils as inseparable from Elections, & the feelings of true Republicans are hurt to And, that this abuse, should aCord to their enemies so powerfull an Argument in favor of an Hereditary Executive.— The Inhabitants of the United States are considered by the Nations of Europe as an enlightined thinking People; who are making a fair experiment of those principles in Goverment that are considered in Europe to be Speculative & Theoritick, as wanting the Sanction of practice.—in this view, the Pride of every Citizen of the United States becomes interested in the wise, peaceable, prudent, but Arm administration of the Goverment of his Country.—The People in this Country have seen in your Predecessor the President of a party.—they look to you as A President of the U. States whose liberal & digniAed policy will be above the inBuence of Party—whose great Steady Constitutional measures will command the approbation & secure the support of every honest Citizen of that Country.— Your friends may say that their opponents are Your enemies & thus induce you to exclude from employment, talents that would be greatly usefull to you & to the United States.—Contemplating these things, as I do, at a distance, unaccompanied by that host of small & aggravating circumstances that arise from the asperity & heat of party; which are too apt to inBuence on the mind & passions; of the most cool and cautious, when near them.—and believing that it is in Your power to heal these divisions & to command the united aid of the Arst Talents & understanding in our Country, particularly in the Eastern States, has induced me to trouble you with this Letter & to suggest to you my reBections on the subject.— < 538>

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Unhappily the Eastern States have been generally opposed to your election, from as I believe, a want of knowledge of your true Character & principles, & as these will become developed by the measures that must mark the progress of your administration, they will force conviction, & tend to unite all parties in the cordial support of your Goverment.—Your knowing these facts, & I should not presume to oCer them to your consideration, were they not supported by the opinion of some of my friends in the Eastern States, whose talents & inBuence are among the Arst in that part of Country: will prevent your being easily induced to believe that those men, in the Eastern States, who have not supported your Election; are irreconcilable to your Person or Goverment.—I can assure you, that many of the most powerfull men in those States, whose talents property inBuence & active abilities intitle them to the Arst consideration, will cheerfully give you their aid & join in the support of your administration with an honest cordiality.—they will expect only a fair Constitutional administration of the Goverment, & such I am sure you will never depart from.— I long to see in the Goverment of my Country a compleat practical illustration of those principles of Liberty that I admire.—It is under your wise, moderate & prudent administration that I expect the attainment of this desirable event; but whatever pleasure I may recieve from it, will I assure you, not surpass the satisfaction I shall enjoy in the reBection, that it will have rendered illustrious & immortal the Character & talents of a man whom I so much love & respect. I have the honor to be, with the most faithful attachment & respect Dear Sir Your ACectionate Servt. Danl Parker RC (ViW); endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. During the Revolutionary War, Massachusetts merchant and speculator Daniel Parker was a partner of William Duer and John Holker in the Arm Daniel Parker & Co. Escaping the consequences of his failed speculations with company funds, Parker Bed to Europe in 1784, where he cultivated the friendship of inBuential persons and continued to promote his business schemes. Carrying introductions from William Stephens Smith and John Adams, Parker made TJ’s acquaintance

in Paris in 1787. The two men remained in contact for the remainder of TJ’s tenure in France, with Parker frequently carrying letters or undertaking errands for the American minister, as well as providing advice on Ascal matters or seeking TJ’s support for his Anancial ventures. Parker went bankrupt in 1791 and never returned to America (Robert F. Jones, “The king of the Alley”: William Duer, Politician, Entrepreneur, and Speculator, 1768-1799 [Philadelphia, 1992], 74-5, 80, 97-101; Vol. 12:289-91; Vol. 13:237n, 322-3n; Vol. 14:218-19, 307-10; Vol. 16:108; Vol. 20:351-2).

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From Craven Peyton Dear Sir, Shadwell 10th July 1801 I am in considerable want of Six Hundred Dollars if you can with convenience to your self spare that sum at this time, you will oblige me considerably. I have sent Thomas Walker for the purpose of takeing charge of it. you will be so Obligeing as to have it enclosd. in Bank Notes, Henderson was about to have a Devition last month, the instant I heard of it I had it postpond untill you coud be present & contrary to my expectation he will not part from his proportion. at Any time that you may think propar to attend & will inform me, the Commissioners shall receave notice to attend. I am with great Respt yr. mst. Ob st. C. Peyton RC (ViU); endorsed by TJ as received 14 July and so recorded in SJL. In his Anancial accounts, TJ noted on 14 July that he sent six hundred dollars “to Thos. Walker for Craven Peyton in part paiment of the shares of the Hen-

derson’s lands he has purchased for me.” With this transaction, TJ began the gradual acquisition, over the next sixteen years, of more than a thousand acres of land from the heirs of Bennett Henderson (mb, 2:1047; Vol. 31:199-200n).

From Elijah Brainerd Mr President— Vermont, Windsor 11 July 1801 Pray be so good, as to permit an unfortunate citizen to address you, with modesty & deference—From your election to the Arst oDce, in our nation, my hopes of redress, in my claim on my country, revive—not as to a pension, or any direct assistance, but because, foreign inBuence, British partiality, and the charm of nobility gilded by property, will now as I hope,1 cease to disturb the peace of our good republican government, under your administration—With great assiduity have I watched, our politics—Nothing has been more desirable, than a check, to modelling by other nations—Truly have I anticipated, with joy, our present prospects—If commerce may be improved, as a handmaid, and agriculture, as our basis of national felicity, how Armly may our Independance consolidate?— My plain request, Honored Sir, is, that, if it may be consistent, with dignity & reputation, in your administration, to aCord me some appointment in our government, in which, I may be competent, to oDciate with approbation—and acquire some assistance, in supporting a wife & six small children— Permit me to state, as concisely as possible, my reasons, for this < 540>

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request—In the year 1776, being in my 18th year of life, like a son of liberty, I entered a soldier into the service of my country— At Newyork in Septemr. was slightly wounded, on my left hip, by a cannon shot—After some months, partially recovering, pursued on, in the defence of the country—In 1779 was captivated twice, at sea, by the imperious Britons—After liberation, with loss of all my property,—In 1780 formed a resolution, of acquiring a public education, even while, destitute of any pecuniary resource—By persevering industry, & frugal economy, graduated at Dartmouth College in Septemr. 1785—Soon after settled in Randolph, in this state, a preacher where I remained in my profession about 12 years—From said wound, or bruise, I often received pain & halting, but never apprehended any thing like a sore— Till 1793, the part began to pain me incessantly, & [turnify]— Great has been my scene of sorrow, pain & woe since—The bone all wasted, as far as the bruise of said ball, extended, and now wasting— no relief from pain in that part, but by opiates—Tho’ now I am regaining my activity, can walk again with a staC, & some without—In 1798 remitted my profession, never expecting, to go abroad again— We are now embarrassed, reduced to want and distress—By Mr. Paine I made my statement, as no doubt, You will recollect, before the Senate, at their last Session in Philadelphia—But no redress, only that “my statement was allowed to be fair, and case, hard indeed”—I have a most just claim on that country, in whose defence, I have exposed my life three times, by facing that nation, which if I now had advocated more warmly, in some respects, perhaps my chance for redress had been greater, or more probable—This claim, I never mean to remit, tho’ I never expect redress—Unless some oDce may be assigned me, whereby I may avail myself of assistance— The reason why I do not pursue my ministerial profession, is because my lately acquired liberal sentiments, outrun the puritanical creeds and doxies of the New england climate— In this town, I have, this season, opened a small school—am sowing the seeds of useful information, in the minds of a few youths, and doing a little good in society—But my habits of study, mode of reasoning, and former close application to literature—my relish for universal information, in the various branches of science, and the calls of my family prompt me, to aspire after larger business—This is reputable and of great consequence, but the avails, in so new a Country, are not competent to the calls of my family—A decent style of living and a useful employment, I contemplate, & aspire after, much more, than celibrity, or publicity— < 541>

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This District Court is now supplied by Mr. Paine, a good man, and competent to the business—but as he is opulent, to a great degree, he does not need the avails, half so much, as myself, or some other man, in moderate circumstances, who may be also compentent, to judge in a Court, where the business is so small—That I should solicit, for such an oDce, if known, would be highly censured, by men of aristocratical feelings, and who wish to accumulate every perquisite to themselves—and who think, that if a man is so unfortunate, as to be reduced, or straitened in his Anances, he can have no claim to any appointment in government— The rules of judging, and the regulation of a Court may be familiarized, by experience & practice, where a mind is awake to the dictates of common sense, and the principles of right & wrong—also to the sentiments of humanity and justice—I wish to be guided not by vanity & self applause—In your wisdom, penetration, philanthropy and goodness, I most cordially conAde—You are raised to guide our national aCairs, at a very critical crisis—when consuls, are, in my humble opinion, multiplied beyond necessity, and our public revenue, not in the happiest train of quadration—That You may be enabled to retrieve former errors, in our government, and restore the pure spirit of freedom & Independance, to the nation—also acquire the highest respectability in your exalted station, in the steady & universal conAdence of our nation, born in a day—4th July—are the sincere and anxious wishes of my heart—In sentiments of respect and humility, permit me to subscribe Elijah Brainerd RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); addressed: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States Washington City”; franked; postmarked 13 July; endorsed by TJ as received 22 July and so recorded in SJL. A native of Connecticut and graduate of Dartmouth College, Elijah Brainerd (d. 1828) was pastor of the Congregational church of Randolph, Vermont, from 1786 until the end of 1797, when he was dismissed due to his continued “feeble health” (Vermont Historical Gazetteer: A Magazine Embracing A History of Each Town, Civil, Ecclesiastical, Biographical and Military, 5 vols. [Burlington, 186891], 2:999, 1000, 1030-1). On 31 Dec. 1799, Senator Elijah paine of Vermont presented Brainerd’s petition

to the Senate, requesting that he be “put on the pension list, or for such other allowance as Congress shall approve” in consideration of his wound received during the Revolutionary War. The petition was referred to a committee of three, which reported on 10 Apr. 1800 that although Brainerd’s petition contained some “peculiar” circumstances, there was nothing “suDcient in it to distinguish it from other claims which are barred by the statute of limitations” (js, 3:15-16, 71, 101). Paine was appointed to the U.S. district court for Vermont in February 1801 (jep, 1:384, 386). q Preceding three words and comma interlined.

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From Albert Gallatin Sir Treasury departt. July 11th 1801 I have the honor to enclose a letter just received from the Comr. of loans of S. Carolina refusing the appointment of Commissioner of direct tax. The assessments of North Carolina are completed; those of Georgia nearly so. South Carolina the only delinquent State. I see no other way than that of sending a blank commission to some person at Charleston in whom you may have full conAdence. Should you approve this mode; it will be only necessary that you should direct the Secretary of State to send me the blank commission, and designate the person to whom it is to be sent; and the business will be immediately attended to— With great respect Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); at head of text: “Private”; at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 11 July and “Commr. of Direct tax S. Carola.” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. On 4 June TJ had appointed John Neufville the commissioner of direct tax for South Carolina, but he declined the position (Vol. 33:676). some person at charleston: TJ turned to Governor John Drayton. On 14 July, TJ received a blank commission for the South Carolina appointment from Gallatin. The Treasury secretary advised that since there were “some papers & instructions necessary to be sent along with it,” TJ should send the commission along with a letter to Drayton back to the Treasury Department that “the whole may then be sent in one packett to the Governor” (RC in DLC; undated; addressed: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received from the Treasury Department on 14 July and “blk

commn for direct tax S.C.” and so recorded in SJL). The next day TJ wrote Drayton informing him that the direct taxes, “which had been collected every where else remained still for collection in the two Carolinas,” that the commission sent to South Carolina had been declined, and that every refusal of the commission occasioned “considerable additional delay.” To expedite the process he was turning to a “person on the spot who possesses the public conAdence to undertake for me the trust of making this appointment.” TJ informed the governor that he was sending the signed commission to him “from personal as well as public considerations.” He requested that Drayton complete the commission “with the name of some person competent to the oDce & willing to undertake it, giving us notice of the person & date.” The secretary of the Treasury would send to the governor the commission, letter, and necessary accompanying papers (PrC in DLC; faint and blurred; at foot of text: “Govr. Drayton”).

From Albert Gallatin Treasury Department July 11th. 1801

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honour to transmit for the consideration of the President of the United States, a letter from < 543>

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David Stone Esqr. Senator in Congress for North Carolina, in answer to one from this Department, concerning a proper person to All the ODce of Surveyor for the Port of Currituck in the District of Camden. As this letter contains all the information which the Secretary has been able to obtain on the subject—and as Mr. Stone considers the Collector of Camden to be deserving of conAdence, the Secretary is of opinion, that it will be proper to appoint Malachi Jones to be Surveyor of Currituck, he having been recommended as a At character by the said Collector. Respectfully submitted by Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); in clerk’s hand, signed by Gallatin; endorsed by TJ as received 11 July and “Malachi Jones. to be Surveyor of Curatuck” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found.

collector of camden: Enoch Sawyer (jep, 1:170). On 15 July, TJ appointed malachi jones to the surveyorship at Currituck, North Carolina (Vol. 33:671, 677).

From William Kilty Sir July 11th 1801 Permit me to request your acceptance of an Edition of the Laws of Maryland which I have lately compiled under a resolution of the General Assembly of that State. The Adoption of those Laws in this part of the district of Columbia, may render a Knowledge of them desirable, and I Batter myself that by reference to the Index You will be enabled without much trouble to obtain information on any Subject that may occur. I have the Honor to be With Great Respect Your obt Servt Willm Kilty RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 11 July and so recorded in SJL.

For Kilty’s edition of the laws of maryland, see his letter to TJ of 23 Mch. 1801.

From Philippe de Létombe Monsieur le President, Philadelphie, 11 Juillet 1801. (v. St.) Arrivé ici plein de reconnoissance pour les bontés dont Vous avez daigné m’honorer pendant mon séjour à Washington, je me suis informé aussitot de la demeure de Lemaire. Elle est à douze milles d’ici, à Lansdown, chez M. Bingham, et je ne pourrai lui parler ou, en mon < 544>

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absence, lui faire parler par un de mes amis, qu’à son premier voyage à Philadelphie. J’aurai l’honneur de Vous en écrire à mon retour de New york.—Quant à Schroeder, il demande Six cents dollars de gage pour Lui et sa femme. Je lui ai répondu simplement que j’aurai l’honneur de Vous faire part de sa demande. il m’a dit que sa femme ne garderoit qu’un enfant auprès d’Elle, qu’elle sait faire toute espèce d’ameublement aussi bien que le tapissier le plus habile et que feu M. Hill a été tellement satisfait de sa conduite et de ses services en tout genre qu’il lui a fait à sa mort un legs considérable. Nous partirons demain pour New york où je verrai Monsieur Livingston, conformement à ce que Vous m’avez fait l’honneur de me dire et d’où j’aurai celui de Vous faire part de sa réponse. Je crains qu’il n’y ait plus de batiment en parlementaire pour France et Monsieur Livingston me rendroit, sous votre approbation, Monsieur le Président, le service le plus important. Permettez moi de rappeller aussi à votre bienfaisance et aux bontés dont Vous m’honorez, l’oCre la plus chère à mon Coeur, celle que Vous m’avez faite. Votre recommendation particuliere auprès de mon Gouvernement m’honorera inAniment; elle sera ma récompense la plus Batteuse de Vingt années de service dans les Etats-unis, tant en qualité de Commissaire général que de chargé d’aCaires. J’oserai encore Vous supplier, Monsieur le Président, de joindre à ce bienfait celui de me faire recommender au premier Consul, de vive voix, par votre Ministre plenipotentiaire, Monsieur Livingston, et de votre part. Je Vous supplie, Monsieur le President, de vouloir bien agreer l’hommage de mon profond Respect. Létombe e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Mister President, Philadelphia, 11 July 1801 (old style) Having arrived here full of gratitude for the kindnesses with which you deigned to honor me during my stay in Washington, I immediately found out the lodging of Lemaire. It is twelve miles from here at Lansdown, at the home of Mr. Bingham, and I will not be able to speak to him, or, in my absence, have one of my friends speak to him, until his next trip to Philadelphia. I shall have the honor of writing to you about it upon my return to New York.—As for Schroeder, he is asking wages of six hundred dollars for himself and his wife. I simply answered him that I shall have the honor of making his request known to you. He told me that his wife would keep only one child with her, that she knows how to make all kinds of furniture quite as well as the most skillful upholsterer, and that the late Mr. Hill was so well satisAed with her conduct and services of all kinds that, upon his death, he left her a considerable bequest.

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11 J U LY 1801 We shall leave tomorrow for New York, where I shall see Mr. Livingston, in accordance with what you did me the honor of telling me, and from where I shall have the honor of advising you of his reply. I fear there may be no more cartel ship for France, and Mr. Livingston would render me, with your approval, Mister President, the most important service. Permit me to recall also to your charity and the kind deeds with which you honor me, the oCer dearest to my heart, the one you made me. Your particular recommendation to my government will honor me inAnitely; it will be the most Battering reward in twenty years of service in the United States, both in my capacity as consul general and as chargé d’aCaires. I shall dare to beg you again, Mister President, to join to this kind deed that of joining to that kindness the one of having me recommended in person to the Arst consul by your minister plenipotentiary, Mr. Livingston, on your behalf. I beg you, Mister President, to kindly accept the homage of my profound respect. Létombe RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 14 July and so recorded in SJL. Carlos Martínez de Irujo had mentioned Étienne lemaire during TJ’s original search for a steward for the President’s House. lansdown, an estate owned by Lemaire’s employer, William bingham, was on the Schuylkill River outside Philadelphia. Some years earlier, when Charles Schroeder was Jean Bap-

tiste Ternant’s maître d’hôtel, Lemaire had been a cook in that household (Alberts, Golden Voyage, 222, 309-11, 320; Irujo to TJ, 13 Mch. 1801; list of Ternant’s staC, 1 July 1792, cited at Létombe to TJ, 16 June, above). Létombe arranged to travel to France with the party of Robert R. livingston aboard the U.S. frigate Boston (ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 272, 276; Létombe to TJ, 5 Apr. 1802).

To Levi Lincoln Dear Sir Washington July 11. 1801. Your favor of the 15th. came to hand on the 25th. of June, and conveyed a great deal of that information which I am anxious to recieve. the consolidation of our fellow citizens in general is the great object we ought to keep in view, and that being once obtained, while we associate with us in aCairs to a certain degree the federal sect of republicans, we must strip of all the means of inBuence the Essex junto & their associate monocrats in every part of the union. the former diCer from us only in the shares of power to be given to the executive, being with us attached to republican government, the latter wish to sap the republic by fraud if they cannot destroy it by force, & to erect an English monarchy in it’s place, some of them (as mr Adams) thinking it’s corrupt parts should be cleansed away, others, (as Hamilton) thinking that would make it an impracticable machine. we are proceeding gradually in the regeneration of oDces, & introducing republicans to some share in them. I do not know that it will be pushed further than < 546>

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was settled before you went away, except as to Essex men. I must ask you to make out a list of those in oDce in your’s & the neighboring states, & to furnish me with it. there is little of this spirit South of the Hudson. I understand that Jackson is a very determined one, tho’ in private life amiable & honorable. but amiable monarchists are not safe subjects of republican conAdence. what will be the eCect of his removal? how should it be timed? who his successor? what place can Genl. Lyman properly occupy? our gradual reformations seem to produce good eCects every where except in Connecticut. their late session of legislature has been more intolerant than all others. we must meet them with equal intolerance. when they will give a share in the state oDces, they shall be replaced in a share of the General oDces. till then we must follow their example. mr Goodrich’s removal has produced a bitter remonstrance, with much personality against the two Bishops. I am sincerely sorry to see the inBexibility of the federal spirit there, for I cannot believe they are all monarchists. I observe your tory-papers make much of the Berceau. as that is one of the subjects to be laid before Congress, it is material to commit to writing, while fresh in memory, the important circumstances. you possess more of these than any other person. I pray you therefore immediately to [state?] to me all the circumstances you recollect. I will aid you with the following hints, which you can correct & incorporate. Pichon I think arrived about the 12th. of Mar. I do not remember when he Arst proposed the question about the Insurgente & Berceau. on the 20th. mr Stoddart wrote to his agent at Boston to put the Berceau into handsome order to be restored, but whether he did that of his own accord, or after previous consultation with you or myself I do not recollect. I sat out for Monticello Apr. 1. about that time Genl. Smith sent new directions to put her precisely into the state in which she was before the capture. do you recollect from what fund it was contemplated to do this? I had trusted for this to Stoddart who was familiar with all the funds, being myself entirely new in oDce at that time. what will those repairs have cost? did we not leave to LeTombe to make what allowance he thought proper to the oDcers, we only advancing money on his undertaking repaiment? I shall hope to recieve from you as full a statement as you can make. it may be useful to enquire into the time & circumstance of her being dismantled. when you shall have retraced the whole matter in your memory, would it not be well to make a summary statement of the important circumstances for insertion in the Chronicle, in order to set the minds of the candid part of the public to rights?—mr Madison has had a slight bilious attack. I am advising him to get oC by the middle of this < 547>

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month. we who have stronger constitutions shall stay to the end of it. but during August & September we also must take refuge in climates rendered safer by our habits & conAdence. the post will be so arranged as that letters will go hence to Monticello & the answer return here in a week. I hope I shall continue to hear from you there. accept assurances of my aCectionate esteem & high respect. Th: Jefferson P.S. the French convention was laid before Senate Dec. 16. I think the Berceau arrived afterwards. if so she was dismantled when it was known she was to be restored. when did she arrive? by whose order was she dismantled? PrC (DLC); at foot of Arst page in ink: “Levi Lincoln.” Jonathan jackson, the supervisor of the revenue for Massachusetts since 1796, was aDliated with the Essex Junto. He held other federal positions from 1789 to 1795, and in 1795 declined appointment as comptroller of the Treasury (Syrett, Hamilton, 18:195; 24:575n, 580n). William lyman, a Republican from Northampton, Massachusetts, and a former brigadier general of militia, had served in the Third and Fourth Congresses (Paul Goodman, The DemocraticRepublicans of Massachusetts: Politics in a Young Republic [Cambridge, Mass., 1964], 62, 78, 225; Biog. Dir. Cong.). The U.S. frigate Boston captured the French corvette berceau northeast of Guadaloupe in October 1800 after a battle that damaged both vessels. The Berceau, which had lost its masts, was taken to Boston, condemned as a prize by the federal district court, dismantled, and sold in January 1801. The U.S. government purchased the vessel through an agent, and the oDcers and crew of the Boston, as the captors of the prize, received half the proceeds of the sale. Under Article 3 of the Convention of 1800, “Public Ships” taken by either side were to be “restored,” and Louis André Pichon mentioned warships, along with other issues related to the convention, in a letter to the secretary of state on 19 Mch. 1801. The next day Benjamin Stoddert wrote to Stephen Higginson, Sr., the navy agent at Boston, ordering him to have the Berceau

put into shape to be handed over to the French “with all her Guns, Ammunition apparel, & every thing belonging to her.” “This business should be done,” Stoddert noted, “as if no reluctance accompanied the restoration. We are now at Peace with France, & We should act as if we returned to a state of amity with pleasure. Let there be no cause of complaint against the Govt. or its agents.” On 1 Apr., in instructions to Samuel Brown, Higginson’s successor as navy agent, Samuel Smith asked Brown to determine what state the Berceau was in at the time of its capture and to restore it to “the same condition.” Following repairs, the ship was turned over to representatives of the French government at Boston on 22 June. In addition to reAtting the vessel, the United States advanced money to the ship’s oDcers for their pay and subsistence. Stoddert wrote to the chairmen of the congressional committees on naval aCairs and ways and means, suggesting on 15 Feb. 1801 that an appropriation of $100,000 for the execution of the convention would be “amply suDcient” to cover the costs of restoring the Berceau and other French vessels. The Sixth Congress was then drawing to a close, however, and Stoddert reported to Madison after the end of the session that neither chairman had “paid the least attention to the subject.” Stoddert was conAdent that the next Congress would see to the matter, and on 3 Apr. 1802 Congress did approve an appropriation of up to $318,000 for carrying the Convention of 1800 into eCect. In October 1801, Brown’s accounts indicated that

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11 J U LY 1801 repairs and supplies for the Berceau had cost $32,800 in addition to the $13,600 expended on the ship’s purchase (ndqw, June 1800-Nov. 1800, 456-8; ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 122, 150, 171, 210, 258; asp, Foreign Relations, 2:429-31, 433-7; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:49-50; U.S. Statutes at Large, 2:148; Miller, Treaties, 2:459; Palmer, Stoddert’s War, 219). The French warship insurgente, captured by the United States in 1799, was lost at sea before the signing of the convention with France (see TJ, over Lincoln’s signature, to Oliver Ellsworth and William Vans Murray, [18] Mch. 1801). for insertion in the chronicle: during the spring of 1801 the Columbian Centinel of Boston, echoed by other Massachusetts newspapers, made the reAtting of the Berceau and the payments to its oDcers a political issue. As early as April the Centinel predicted that the cost of Axing the ship would run between $30,000 and $40,000. In June, declaring that there had been no congressional appropriation for the funds, the Centinel charged that whoever authorized the expenditures for the Berceau was “guilty of a high misdemeanour” and subject to impeachment. Another Boston paper, the Independent Chronicle, took the lead in refuting the Centinel’s accusations. On 29 July the National Intelligencer, stating that much of the commentary on the subject was “replete with misrepresentation,”

printed a long statement about the Berceau. Saying that it was “believed” that orders to repair the vessel were issued before John Adams left oDce, the Intelligencer averred that the oDcers of the new administration “did no more than pursue the steps of their predecessors.” The piece in the Intelligencer cited the authority on international law Emmerich de Vattel as justiAcation for restoring the ship to the condition it was in when it was taken and stated that the desire for a quick restoration of good relations between the United States and France was the motive for restoring the ship immediately, rather than after Anal ratiAcation of the convention. The Columbian Centinel, protesting that at the time of its capture the Berceau was “a mere wreck,” declared scornfully that the Intelligencer “lugs in the ‘worm-eaten’ Vattel as the bob to its kite” (Columbian Centinel, 29 Apr., 9 May, 6, 10 June, 8 Aug.; Independent Chronicle, 7-11 May, 811, 18-22 June; Stockbridge Western Star, 11 May, 22 June 1801). when did she arrive: the Berceau arrived oC Boston in mid-November and entered the harbor on 11 Dec., after its condemnation as a prize. It was dismantled on 30 Dec. and its rigging, ropes, casks, ammunition, and other loose items were auctioned individually or in lots when the ship was sold on 15 Jan. 1801 by order of the U.S. district court (asp, Foreign Relations, 2:428-9, 436, 437; ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 27).

To Samuel Smith Dear Sir Washington July 11. 1801. Your favor of the 9th. came to hand last night, & has this morning been referred to the Secretary of State, who will ask information from Colo. Habersham & have that done which is best.—I observe the tory papers are making much to do about the Berceau; and it is not improbable that this will be one ground of attack on us in the next Congress. at any rate it must be stated by us to Congress, & therefore it is material to commit to paper, while they are fresh in memory all the important circumstances. as you know more of them than any other < 549>

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person, I must pray you, on receipt of this, to take your pen & make out for me a statement of the transaction. I can give some hints to aid you. it was on the 20th. of March that mr Stoddart gave orders to have the Berceau repaired in a handsome manner (this is the expression in his letter.) but whether he did this of his own accord, or after previous consultation with mr Lincoln or myself, I do not remember. probably he told you on your arrival what had been done & on what grounds, and it is important to ascribe to him whatsoever of the transaction he is entitled to, & particularly it’s origination. not that there is any thing wrong in it; but as it gives us a double plea, by shewing 1st. that it is right. 2dly. if wrong, their man begun it. do you recollect what fund he considered as liable to this expence? had you made up your own mind on that question? as to myself I was so new in oDce that I relied altogether on Stoddart, to whom all the appropriations were familiar, as the competent judge of the fund subject to that expence. about the 1st. of April you sent new directions to the agent to put the vessel exactly into the state in which she was before the capture. do you know how she came to be dismantled? the French convention was laid before the Senate Dec. 16. I think the Berceau arrived afterwards. if so, she was dismantled after it was known she was to be given up, & ought to have been known we were bound to repair the dismantling. pray send me, as soon as you can, all you can recollect on the subject. accept assurances of my constant & aCectionate esteem. Th: Jefferson RC (ViU); addressed: “Genl. Samuel Smith Baltimore”; franked; postmarked 12 July. PrC (DLC).

From John Steele Sir, Comptr. oDce July 11th. 1801 I have for some time past wished to obtain leave of absence from the seat of Government to visit my friends in Carolina, and by a temporary relaxation from business, shake oC if possible, a complaint which gives me great uneasiness. The Secretary of the Treasury is apprized of my intentions to beg your permission to do so, and consents to it. A desire to consult his convenience restrained me from applying sooner. The place of my residence being 400 miles from here, you will not I hope think me unreasonable in requesting the indulgence to be extended from the 14th. or 15th. instant, to the end of Septemr. Should any thing however occur to render it neces< 550>

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sary, I will endeavor to return sooner. Accept my thanks for the marks of your goodness, which I have already received, and do me the favor to be assured that I am Sir, With the most perfect consideration, Your obliged & grateful servt. Jno. Steele RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as a letter of 11 July received 10 July and so recorded in SJL.

From John Elmslie, Jr. Sir Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope 12th. July 1801 Though I had not, the honor of being personally known to you before I left America—I hope it will not be deemed presumptuous in addressing a few lines on some Philosophical subjects—The desire which you have shown to the World for the extension of science, leads me to believe that communications of this sort will not be altogether unacceptable—Africa is a Country but little known though long Noted for the richness of its natural productions—The salubrity of the air at the Cape of Good Hope has been much praised by Physicians—The serenity of the sky by Astronomers.—The beauty & variety of its blooming Heaths & Bowers have long pleased the lovers of Botany—and Naturalists have often had their curiosity gratiAed with accounts of its Insects, Reptiles &c.—One subject however as yet has almost been entirely overlooked—I mean its mineralogy—Gold excepted—we have scarce any account of its minerals, fossils or warm Springs—Kolben, Sparrman & some other writers, have but very slightly mentioned these subjects—Geology being a favorite study of mine—I no sooner set my foot on this promontory than I was pleased with the vast ranges of mountains which are in the neighbourhood of the Cape being provided with a very complete apparatus for making experiments on minerals & mineral-waters, I have been for these two years past (in the intervals of business,) amusing myself in geological researches—The degrees of heat which many of the hot springs in this neighbourhood possess—are considerably great—The water of the Bath situated in E. side of the Cardou mountains near the Elephants river which I visited in march 1800 was 108°—of Fahrenheits Ther:—& that of Brand Valley was 142°—of the same Thermometer—and what is truly curious that copious streams of cold Water should be issuing out of the sides of the mountains not 40 yards from where the hot waters issue out—I have made a number of < 551>

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experiments on both these springs & found their qualities similar and the substances which they hold in solution the same, the principal diCerence was in the degrees of heat.—The Brand Valley springs are truly an amusing spectacle, I can compare them to nothing more similar than to a number of boiling pots—which have a strong Are under them—The water is as clear as crystal and has no other particular taste or smell than common warm Water, but after standing in bottles corked for some time it contracts a strong Hepatic smell which however goes oC again on the bottles being left open—what is very singular the water does not putrify for a great length of time—I have now some of the Water, by me that I brought from the Elephants bath and it is as transparent & sweet as at the moment I took it from the bath—The water of both Baths contains—a large quantity of calcareous Earth.—Axed air—some sulphur, magnesia, marine salt & Iron &c.—The mountains in the neighbourhood of both these Baths are terribly fractured—The strata of Rocks excessively irregular, and every where arround we see the most striking marks of former convulsions—There are several other hot Springs not far from the Cape which I mean to visit in order that I may be able to give an accurate account at some future time of their waters—In these tours, besides remarking the range of the mountains & the materials which principally compose these mountains, I analysed a good many of the specimens which I brought away with me—The stones that compose the mass of these mountains are granite & silicious sandstones & the reigning mineral is Iron—but the bounds of a Letter will not permit me at present to give a particular enumeration—On the Table mountains which are close to Cape Town I have found numbers of marine Shells and on the Lions rump—copper ores, & cinnabar—Sir George Yonge has frequently informed me that he has been creditably informed that there has liquid quicksilver been found among the stones which form the Lions Head, a little below where the signal staC is Axed—Table mountain is of a considerable hight by the measurement which I took of it in June 1797—with the latest improved mountain Barometer at two distances I found the hight to be 3577.DaGjFj feet from the level of Table Bay—I mean however to take a still more accurate measurement of the mountains about the Cape, vizt. with two of these Barometers, at the same Instant of time—one at the level of the Sea, & the other placed on the top of the mountain—The stratiAcation of these mountains suggested an Idea which if supported by similar facts in other mountainous countries would lead to conArm what Astronomers have been led to conjecture from a certain motion observed in the Axed stars—occasioned by the slow revolving Poles of < 552>

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this Earth,—a revolution of which according to the calculations of the learned Indian Astronomers—takes up several millions of years— The lower most stratum of these mountains that runs into the sea is almost uniformly perpendicular to the horizon whilest the upper most stratum is perfectly horozontal—from several quarries which are dug in the sides of these mountains & which I have often inspected I found the inclination gradual from the vertical to the horozantal,—Now Some of the most ingenious writers on Geogeny allow that the original stratiAcation of this Earth must have been horozantal as being the natural Order of deposition & so far I am of the same opinion, but when some add that every inclination towards the vertical must be occasioned either by a still lower stratum subsiding which might either be occasioned by internal Earthquakes or being undermined by water and hence the incumbent strata giving way—In this I cannot altogether agree—I believe that in many instances these may be the probable causes particularly where there are evident signs of former convulsions or excavations, but if it should be found in diCerent Country to be a regular Work we must certainly look for some regular cause—But I doubt whether I have not already tresspassed too much upon your important Time & therefore shall reserve my further reBections to another opportunity— In the interim permit me to oCer you my sincere congratulations on your accession to The Presidency of the United States Your well known abilities which have been eminently conspicuous in other high stations of Government will insure to America a wise and happy administration— With the Highest Respect I have the Honor to be Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servt. John Elmslie junr. Consul of U.S. Cape of G:H RC (DLC); at foot of text: “To Thomas JeCerson Esqr. President of The United States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 14 Nov. and so recorded in SJL. John Elmslie, Jr., a native of Scotland, had a store in Cape Town by 1798 but was considered to be “of Pennsylvania” when John Adams named him consul at the Cape of Good Hope in February 1799. It is not known if he was connected to the John Elmslie, a Quaker, whom an angry Thomas McKean, then the chief justice of Pennsylvania, sent to jail in 1779 for refusing to accept the oDce of constable. In

Cape Town, Elmslie sold a variety of imported goods and maintained commercial ties to Philadelphia. He apparently left the Cape of Good Hope for England in 1817. Earlier, when he oCered his house and store for sale, his possessions included books and philosophical instruments, and in 1809 he sent compilations of his meteorological observations to the American Philosophical Society (Peter Philip, British Residents at the Cape, 1795-1819: Biographical Records of 4,800 Pioneers [Cape Town, South Africa, 1981], 116-17; Maurice Boucher and Nigel Penn, eds., Britain at the Cape: 1795 to 1803 [Houghton, South Africa, 1992], 229,

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12 J U LY 1801 247n; jep, 1:316; Anna Wharton Morris, ed., “Journal of Samuel Rowland Fisher, of Philadelphia, 1779-1781,” pmhb, 41 [1917], 181-3, 188, 278-81, 285, 290-1, 304, 312-13, 317; Rowe, McKean, 130-1; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:400-1; aps, Proceedings, 22, pt. 3 [1884], 415, 419). kolben: Peter Kolb, a German, made astronomical observations at the Cape of Good Hope from 1704 to 1712. His account of the region’s natural history, Caput Bonae Spei Hodiernum, appeared in German in 1719 and was later translated into English as The Present State of the Cape of Good Hope. The Swedish physician and natural scientist Anders sparrman visited the Cape in the 1770s. TJ acquired Sparrman’s book, A Voyage to

the Cape of Good Hope, in 1791, and owned a French edition of Kolb’s work. TJ cited both authors as sources of information on African lions in his Memoir on the Megalonyx in 1797 (Boucher and Penn, Britain at the Cape, 93, 118n; Sowerby, Nos. 3954, 3957; Vol. 11:331; Vol. 22:327; Vol. 29:295-6). In 1795, after the creation of the Batavian Republic brought the Netherlands into alliance with France, Britain seized the Cape of Good Hope. sir george yonge, who had held a variety of oDces in England, became governor of the colony in December 1799. He was recalled in 1801 under charges of malfeasance (Boucher and Penn, Britain at the Cape, 20, 22-3, 238-9, 241; dnb).

To the New Haven Merchants Gentlemen Washington July 12. 1801 I have recieved the remonstrance you were pleased to address to me, on the appointment of Samuel Bishop to the oDce of Collector of Newhaven, lately vacated by the death of David Austin; the right of our fellow citizens to represent to the public functionaries their opinion, on proceedings interesting to them, is unquestionably1 a constitutional right, often useful, sometimes necessary, and will always be respectfully acknoleged2 by me. Of the various Executive duties, no one excites more anxious concern than that of placing the interests of our fellow citizens in the hands of honest men, with understandings suDcient for their station. no duty, at the same time, is more diDcult to fulAll. the knolege of characters possessed by a single individual is of necessity limited.3 to seek out the best through the whole Union, we must resort to other information, which, from the best of men, acting disinterestedly & with the purest motives, is sometimes incorrect. In the case of Samuel Bishop however, the subject of your remonstrance, time was taken, information was sought, and such obtained as could leave no room for doubt of his Atness. from private sources it was4 learnt that his understanding was sound, his integrity pure, his character unstained. and the oDces conAded to him within his own state are public evidences of the estimation in which he is held by the state in general, & the city & township particularly in which he lives. he is < 554>

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said to be the Town clerk, a justice of the peace, Mayor of the city of Newhaven,5 an oDce held at the will of the legislature, Chief judge of the court of Common pleas for Newhaven county, a court of high criminal & civil jurisdiction, wherein most causes are decided without the right of appeal or review;6 and sole Judge of the court of Probats, wherein he singly decides all questions of wills, settlement of estates testate & intestate, appoints guardians, settles their accounts, & in fact has under his jurisdiction & care all the property real & personal of persons dying. the two last oDces, in the annual gift of the legislature, were given to him in May last. is7 it possible that the man to whom the legislature of Connecticut has so recently committed trusts of such diDculty & magnitude is ‘unAt to be the Collector of the district of Newhaven’, tho’ acknoleged, in the same writing, to have obtained all this conAdence ‘by a long course8 of usefulness’? it is objected indeed in the remonstrance, that he is 77. years of age: but, at a much more advanced age,9 our Franklin was the ornament of human nature.10 he may not be able to perform in person all the details of his oDce: but if he gives us the beneAt of his understanding, his integrity, his watchfulness, and takes care that all the details are well performed by himself, or his necessary assistants,11 all public purposes will be answered. the remonstrance indeed does not alledge that the oDce has been illy conducted, but only apprehends that it will be so. should this happen in event, be assured I will do in it what shall be just & necessary for the public service. in the mean time he should be tried without being prejudged. The removal, as it is called, of mr Goodrich, forms another subject of complaint. declarations by myself 12 in favor of political tolerance, exhortations to harmony and aCection in social intercourse, and to respect for the equal rights of the minority, have, on certain occasions, been quoted & misconstrued into assurances that13 the tenure of oDces was to be undisturbed. but could candor apply such a construction? it is not indeed in the Remonstrance that we And it: but it leads to the explanations which that calls for. When it is considered that, during the late administration,14 those who were not of a particular sect of politics were excluded from all oDce; when, by a steady pursuit of this measure,15 nearly16 the whole oDces of the United States were monopolized by that sect; when the public sentiment at length declared itself,17 & burst open the doors of honor & conAdence to those whose opinions18 they more approved; was it to be imagined that this monopoly of oDce was still to be continued in the hands of the minority? does it violate their equal rights to assert some rights in the Majority also? is it political intolerance to claim a < 555>

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proportionate share in the direction of the public aCairs? can they not harmonize in society unless they have every thing in their own hands? if the will of the nation, manifested by their various elections, calls for an administration of government according with the opinions19 of those elected; if, for the fulAlment of that will, displacements are necessary,20 with whom can they so justly begin as with21 persons appointed in the last moments of an administration, not for it’s own aid, but to begin a career at the same time with their successors, by whom they had never been approved, and who could scarcely expect from them a cordial co-operation? Mr. Goodrich was one of these. was it proper22 for him to place himself in oDce, without knowing whether those, whose agent he was to be, would have conAdence in his agency? can the preference of another, as the successor to mr Austin, be candidly called a removal of mr Goodrich? if a due participation of oDce is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained?23 those by death are few. by resignation none. can any other mode then, but of removal, be proposed?24 this is a painful oDce. but it is made my duty, and I meet it as such. I proceed in the operation with deliberation & enquiry, that it may injure the best men least; and eCect the purposes of justice & public utility with the least private distress: that it may be thrown, as much as possible, on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on antirevolutionary adherence to our enemies. The Remonstrance laments ‘that a change in the administration must produce a change in the subordinate oDcers:’ in other words, that it should be deemed necessary for all oDcers to think with their principal. but on whom does this imputation bear? on those who have excluded from oDce every shade of opinion which was not theirs? or on those who have been so excluded?25 I lament sincerely that unessential diCerences of 26 opinion should ever have been deemed suDcient to interdict half the society from the rights & the blessings of self-government; to proscribe them as27 unworthy of every trust. it would have been to me a circumstance of great relief had I found a moderate participation of oDce in the hands of the Majority. I would gladly have left to time & accident to raise them to their just share. but their total exclusion calls for prompter28 correctives. I shall correct the procedure;29 but, that done,30 return with joy to that state of things when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be, is he honest? is he capable? is he faithful to the constitution? I tender you the homage of my high respect. Th: Jefferson < 556>

12 J U LY 1801 RC (Wolf H. Graf v. Arnim, Roesrath, Germany, 1981); at foot of Arst page: “Elias Shipman esq. & others, members of a Committee of the Merchants of Newhaven”; addressed: “Elias Shipman esquire Newhaven”; franked; postmarked 13 July. PrC (DLC). Dft (DLC); undated and unsigned. TJ’s reply to the remonstrance from the merchants of New Haven of 18 June has been described by Noble E. Cunningham as “the most important public policy statement in regard to patronage made by JeCerson during his two terms” (Cunningham, JeCersonian Republicans in Power, 19). Madison, writing to Wilson Cary Nicholas on 10 July, noted, “The removal of Goodrich & appt. of a respectable Repubn. have produced a Remonstrance to the President in the strongest terms that decorum would tolerate. The spirit in that State is so perverse that it must be rectiAed by a peculiar mixture of energy and delicacy” (Madison, Papers, Sec. State Ser., 1:393). While newspaper notices in late June announced that the New Haven merchants had sent an address to the president, it was not until 27 July that some Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New York newspapers Arst printed TJ’s reply, usually following a printing of the remonstrance (Boston Independent Chronicle, Hartford Connecticut Courant, New York American Citizen, New York Commercial Advertiser, New-York Gazette, New York Daily Advertiser). time was taken, information was sought: see, for example, Pierpont Edwards to TJ, 12 May, 10 June, and TJ to Edwards, 21 July. q In Dft TJ wrote “tho questioned by some” before altering the passage to read as above. r In Dft TJ wrote “thankfully recieved” before altering to “respectfully acknoleged.” s In Dft TJ wrote “is limited. of course” before altering the passage to read as above. t Dft: preceding two words interlined in place of “I.”

u Dft: “New Haven” interlined in place of “Hartford.” v In Dft TJ wrote “Chief judge of the county court” before altering and expanding the passage to read as above. w Dft: word interlined in place of “could I deem” and then later in sentence “has” and “is” interlined in place of “had” and “was.” x In RC and Dft word interlined in place of “life.” PrC lacks emendation. y Dft: preceding six words interlined in place of “at 84.” qz In Dft TJ canceled “that he is unacquainted with our system of revenue laws; but few, before their appointment to an oDce, make themselves acquainted with the laws which relate to it.” qq In Dft TJ wrote “has the details well performed by others” before altering and expanding the passage to read as above. qr Dft: preceding two words interlined. qs In Dft TJ Arst concluded the sentence “no one was to be removed from any oDce,” then interlined “the monopoly of oDces should remain” before altering it to read as above. qt Dft: words from this point to semicolon interlined in place of “it has been avowed as a principle to exclude from oDce every man who was not of a particular sect in politics.” qu In Dft TJ wrote “practice on this principle” before altering the passage to read as above. qv Word interlined in RC and Dft. qw Dft: “against their [. . .]” canceled. qx Dft: word interlined in place of “principles.” qy Dft: preceding four words interlined in place of “on the principles.” rz Dft: preceding three words interlined in place of “vacancies are to be made.” rq In Dft TJ wrote “appointments made in the last moments of expiring authority? who were to begin their career under a new administration by whom they had never been approved, to whom they had been constantly opposed, as well as to their principles then called into action by the people?” before altering the remainder of the question to read as above.

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12 J U LY 1801 rr Dft: word interlined in place of “prudent.” rs Dft: question interlined in place of “if it may, be it so. vacancies are to be made.” rt Dft: question interlined in place of “they must be removed then.” ru Dft: preceding two questions interlined in place of “is it on the party excluding, or on that which had been excluded from oDce?”

rv Dft: TJ wrote “that shades & diCerences on political” before altering it to “unessential diCerences of.” rw In Dft TJ here wrote “characters.” rx Dft: word interlined in place of “more immediate.” ry Dft: word interlined in place of “example.” sz Dft: “disdain to follow it. shall” canceled.

To Abraham Baldwin Dear Sir Washington July 13. 1801. Having determined that our negociations with the Chickasaws, Chocktaws, Cherokees & Creeks should be conducted by the same Commissioners, going a circuit for that purpose, & that Davie, Wilkinson & Hawkins should be the Commissioners, we were obliged to postpone the commencement on account of the necessary absence of Genl. Wilkinson in the Northwest. the instructions however and every thing else necessary with the three Arst nations are now dispatched, and as to the last we take time while the Commissioners are proceeding with the former. it appears to me that the treaty with the Creeks may perhaps connect itself advantageously with the negociation between the US. & Georgia: and for that reason I hazard some thoughts to you in conAdence to use them for the beneAt of a settlement but not in my name. as to the claim of Georgia to the lands West of the Chatahooche & South of Yazoo, you doubtless think little of it. North of the mouth of Yazoo, as far as I have seen of the subject it stands nearly on similar ground with the Western claims which were ceded by Virginia, N. Carolina &c. at the same time I must say that no circumstance having ever yet obliged me to look into the subject but in a very general way I have not an accurate acquaintance with it. you are sensible that the demand of a large sum of money for the cession of what it is impracticable for you to keep, is so novel that it must produce diDculty. what would you think of our repurchasing the Talassee county for you in consideration of your cession of all right to country West of the Chatahouche? it occurs to me that this would be a pleasing thing to your state, and the citizens of the US. might be reconciled to this purchase by a proper statement of the circumstances which have attended the business of the Talassee county, and which fairly give the state of Georgia some claim on the Union. I < 558>

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suggest this thought merely as an expedient to get over a business which I fear may be very diDcult to settle on any regular principles. I have not permitted myself to look into the merits of the claim on either side, thinking it better to refer that till the progress of the business shall render it necessary. no importance therefore is to be given to my having suggested this. if it appears a negociable thing to yourself, I wish you to suggest it to your collegues, as from yourself, and if approved by them, to make us the proposition. be so good as to give me your own sentiments Arst, & those of your collegues when you shall have obtained them, and with as little delay as the case will admit, as it may have an important inBuence in shaping the objects of our treaty with the Creeks. Your favor of May 1. came safely to hand, and was recieved as one of the most friendly oDces you could render me. in the mean time I had written to Genl. Jackson on the subject and postpone the appointment in expectation of his answer; on a view of which & of your letter the appointment will be made. but as we are preparing materials which will immensely strengthen the reasons for repealing at least the late additions to the judiciary system, if not for simplifying the old part, & making it’s expense bear a more reasonable proportion to the business they have to do. but the distance & dangers of the post, forbid me to enlarge on this or any conAdential subject. accept assurances of my sincere esteem & high respect. Th: Jefferson P.S. since writing the above we have recieved Genl. Davie’s resignation of his appointment. probably we shall name Genl. Pickens in his place. Mr. Madison & myself will pass August & September at home. this for your government in directing your letters to me. mr Robert Smith, brother of Genl. Saml. has accepted the Secretaryship of the Navy. RC (Philip D. Sang, Chicago, 1960); addressed: “The honble Abraham Baldwin esq. Georgia.” PrC (DLC). negociation between the us. & georgia: by the April 1798 law that established Mississippi Territory, the president could appoint commissioners to meet with Georgia commissioners and rectify “all interfering claims of the United States and that state, to territory situate west of the river Chatahouchee, north of the thirty-Arst degree of north latitude, and south of the cession made to the United States by South Carolina.” A statute of

May 1800 aDrmed that method of resolving the matter and also authorized the federal commissioners to look into settlers’ claims. The commissioners were not allowed to contract for the payment of any money to Georgia by the United States “other than the proceeds of the same lands” (U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:549; 2:70; Vol. 31:549n). Following an agreement between Georgia and the Creek Indians on a boundary in 1785-86, the Georgia legislature designated a tract of land as Tallassee county. In 1790 the United States negotiated a boundary with the Creeks that placed the

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13 J U LY 1801 Tallassee County region within the Creeks’ territory (asp, Indian ACairs, 1:637). As Baldwin and Congressman Benjamin Taliaferro indicated to TJ on 5 Mch. 1801, the state legislature had made repeated attempts to get redress from the United States for what the state considered to be a cession of its territory to the Indians by the federal government. See 28 May for TJ’s letter to James jackson. since writing the above: William

R. Davie wrote to Henry Dearborn from Halifax, North Carolina, on 6 July, declining to serve as a commissioner for the negotiations with the four Indian tribes. The War ODce received Davie’s communication on 16 July. That day Dearborn wrote to Andrew Pickens, informing him of his appointment in Davie’s place, and to James Wilkinson and Benjamin Hawkins to notify them of the substitution (DNA: RG 107, RLRMS; DNA: RG 75, LSIA).

To William C. C. Claiborne Dear Sir Washington July 13. 1801 You will recieve from the Secretary of state a commission as Governor of the Mississipi territory, an oDce which I consider as of primary importance, inasmuch as that country is the principal point of contact between Spain & us, and also as it is the embryo of a very great state. independant of the oDcial communications which the Secretary of state will make to you from time to time, I cannot deny myself a few words, private & conAdential, the object of which will be to contribute to the shaping your course to the greatest beneAt, of the people you are to govern & of the US. and to your own best satisfaction. With respect to Spain our dispositions are sincerely amicable & even aCectionate. we consider her possession of the adjacent country as most favorable to our interests, & should see, with extreme pain any other nation substituted for them: in all communications therefore with their oDcers, conciliation and mutual accomodation are to be duly attended to, every thing irritating to be avoided, every thing friendly to be done for them. the most fruitful source of misunderstanding will be the contact of their & our people at New Orleans. temper & justice will be the best guides through those intricacies. Should France get possession of that country it will be more to be lamented than remedied by us, and will furnish ground for profound consideration on our part how best to conduct ourselves1 in that case. it would of course be the subject of fresh communications to you. As to the people you are to govern, we are apprised that they are divided into two [diverse] parties,2 the one composed of the richer & better informed attached to the 1st. grade of government; the other of the body of the people, not a very homogenous mass, advocates for the 2d. grade which they [possess] in fact. our love of freedom & the < 560>

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value we set on self government disposes us to prefer the principles of the 2d. grade, and they are strengthened by knowing that they are preferred by the will of the majority. while cooperation with that plan therefore is essentially to be observed, your best endeavors should be exerted to bring over those opposed to [it, by every means,] soothing & conciliatory. the happiness of society depends so [much on] preventing party spirit from infecting the common intercourse of life that nothing should be spared to harmonize and amalgamate the two parties in social circles. the great objection of the advocates for the 1st. grade is the expense of the 2d. every thing should be done therefore to lessen that expense. and the legislative body, the most expensive part of all our governments, should recommend themselves by making their particular expences as light as possible. I shall consider it as the happiest proof that in your nomination I have done what was best for that state, if I should And that you shall have been able to reconcile parties to yourself & to one another. the only objection to you which has been strongly pressed was the allegation that you had taken your side too strongly with the one party to be able to become agreeable or just to the other. had this been my opinion of you, the nomination would not have been made. We have appointed mr Daniel Clarke at New Orleans our Consul there. his worth & inBuence will aid you powerfully in the interfering interests of those who go, & who reside there.—I take the liberty of recommending to your particular civilities & respect mr William Dunbar, a person of great worth & wealth there, and one of the most distinguished citizens of the US. in point of science. he is a correspondent of mine in that line on whom I set great store. as a native of Britain he must have a predilection towards her; but as to every other nation he is purely American. I should think it fortunate could he be added to the friends of the 2d. grade. I have hastily put together these few thoughts that you may understand our [views] & know what line of conduct on your part will be agreeable. I again repeat that they are meant to be private & conAned to yourself alone. I shall be glad to hear from you inoDcially when convenient, your oDcial correspondence belonging to the Secretary of state. accept assurances of my friendly esteem & great respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of Arst page: “Governor Claiborne.” Claiborne received his commission as governor of Mississippi Territory, which was dated 25 May, with a brief covering

note from Madison dated 10 July. Claiborne replied to Madison on 2 Aug., accepting the appointment. In January 1802 the Senate approved the recess nomination (Dunbar Rowland, ed., The Mississippi Territorial Archives, 1798-

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13 J U LY 1801 1803, Vol. 1, Executive Journals of Governor Winthrop Sargent and Governor William Charles Cole Claiborne [Nashville, Tenn., 1905], 342-4; jep, 1:401, 405). Earlier, TJ characterized the Arst grade of government, in which the governor and judges passed laws for a territory, as “a despotic oligarchy without one rational object.” Mississippi Territory attained the second stage of government in May 1800, by an act of Congress au-

thorizing the formation of a territorial legislature (Terr. Papers, 5:92-3, 95-8; Vol. 31:336, 337n). our consul there: Daniel Clark’s commission, by which he became U.S. consul at New Orleans in place of Evan Jones, was dated 16 July 1801 (DNA: RG 59, PTCC; jep, 1:404). q Preceding two words interlined in place of “[shape] [. . .].” r Word interlined in place of “factions.”

From Robert Smith Sir, Baltimore July 13. 1801 I have the honor of acknowleging the receipt of your favor of the 9th in which you were pleased to propose to me the department of the Navy. Sincerely do I lament that you have been constrained to turn your attention to a person whose education and habits have not suDciently prepared him for the various duties of this ODce. UnqualiAed, however, as I may be at the beginning, I am disposed to accept the appointment under the persuasion that the requisite information may be acquired. If this appointment could be postponed for a few Weeks, it would to me be a great accomodation. You will easily conceive that to arrange my professional engagements will require much time. Accept assurances of my great respect and high consideration. Rt Smith RC (CSmH); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esq.”; endorsed by TJ as received 14 July and so recorded in SJL. On 15 July, TJ wrote Smith to express the “sincere joy” he felt over his acceptance of the navy secretaryship and to forward his commission. Noting that he and Henry Dearborn, the acting secretary of the navy, would soon depart Washington

for extended absences, TJ urged Smith to “come on for a few days, to qualify and take a view of the state of things.” Smith could then return to Baltimore and prepare for his removal to Washington. Such an arrangement, TJ suggested, would “be for the public good, and our own satisfaction” (PrC in DLC; faint; at foot of text: “Robert Smith esq.”).

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From Dr. John Vaughan Esteemed Sir, Wilmington July 13th 1801. Being informed that Mr. Rodney, who is now at your City, has made an unfavourable report respecting the late appointment of Marshal, I conceive it my duty to render you an account of the circumstances which he appears to have misrepresented.—It, however, is not my intention, to trouble you with a detail of the extraordinary cabal excited here by a combination of interests, organized into a caucus; neither shall I attempt a discussion of the agency which Mr. Ry. has undertaken, under the specious pretext of political disinteresdness—This would be little short of a work of superrerogation, at present, & I have submitted the bubble to its fate. In a letter from Mr. Ry. to his colleagues, received here on the 9 inst., I am reported to be charged with “having employed dishonorable means to obtain the appointment of Mr. Lewis—of having insisted on the business being done before I left you, & of violating your injunction to consult the republicans of this place on the subject &c. &c.—other unpleasant circumstances are circulated under the authority of Mr. Gallatins name, but my respect for that Gentleman forbids their being mentioned, until reduced to something like a direct charge— The charge of having used dishonorable means to obtain the appointment of Mr. L. will, I doubt not, be refuted by a simple reference to our conversation on the subject—In the course of conversation, on the Arst morning (friday) I called on you, the commission of Mr. Hamilton was found to expire in a few days, & after some general observations on the new judiciary system, you inquired whether any person had been spoken of as his successor & if I knew of any one, properly qualiAed, who would be likely to accept it. I reply’d in the negative, & after some inquiries respecting the emoluments of the oDce, the subject was passed over—In the afternoon of the same day, the subject was renewed & the inquiry repeated, when I observed, that I had had conversation with a Gentleman of my acquaintance to whom the subject had been previously proposed by some of his friends, but that he ultimately declined the proposition—you asked me if I considered him qualiAed & I reply’d in the aDrmative—you then requested me to consult him immediately on my return & inform you thereof as you did not wish a chasm to happen in the oDce—I promised to comply but expressed my doubts of his concurrence— On which you further requested me to confer with my republican brethren & endeavour to Ax upon some person I promised to do so— < 563>

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On taking my leave of you in the evening in the presence of Mr. Madison your wishes on the subject were renewed—and when I called on Saturday at the request of Mr. Gallatin, the subject was renewed & referred upon the same grounds. It will be evident from the tenor of this narration, which I Batter myself is correct, that I considered nothing more necessary than to obtain Mr. Lewis’s consent & inform you thereof—but if he declined to consult my republican brethren, which I should certainly have done. Thus it may be necessary to observe, that Mr. Lewis is the person alluded to, but whose name was not mentioned in our conversation on the subject—And, I verily believe, that if Mr. Rodney had had the direction of this business, you would not have been troubled with any clamour respecting it—I called at Mr. Rodneys to mention the matter to him, but he was gone on a pleasure excursion with Mr. Bayard [&] did not return for several days, & he was afterwards so much occupied with preparing for his present mission, that I had not an opportunity of seeing him, & was ignorant of his dissatisfaction until after his departure—So far from my designing to mislead you on this business, or having premeditated upon the accommodation of Mr. Lewis, I assure you upon my veracity as a christian that I had no such intention & that Mr. Lewis was ignorant of my visit to your city until I returned.—If I have unfortunately mistaken your wishes on this question, I shall most sincerely regret it; & I hope you will do me the justice to believe, if I have erred, it is the casual error of honest intention & an evidence of the frailty of the faculties of man.—As to the qualiAcations of the oDcer, I own & feel myself responsible, & it aCords me great satisfaction to know that Mr. Dickinson is much pleased with the appointment of Mr. Lewis; & should his demerits as a man, or disqualiAcations as an oDcer give you cause of dissatisfaction, or, should it be in your power to make a more agreeable choice, I have no doubt, Mr. Ls. will resign his commission with as much freedom as he accepted it. Permit me to add, that the present political discord, of which my late friend Mr. Rodney, has become the organ, has given me much pain of mind—I, however, have borne the torrent of calumnies poured upon me with the Armness of an innocent man—I stand on the solid basis of conscious rectitude . . . One of the mighty charges against me, is, secrecy respecting my conduct at your City & not having told those disinterested caucus Gentlemen every word that passed between us. But tho secrecy be stiled a negative virtue, the advantages are positive, & its observance as necessary in society, as in the Cabinet. I regard your free converse & politeness to me, as an < 564>

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evidence of your liberality—I shall preserve the conAdence you reposed in me as one of the greatest treasures of my life, & the combined eCorts of intrigue & defamation shall not swerve me from the purpose. The caucus has assaulted me on the more vulnerable quarters of reputation & medical profession—the former is the reward of industry, & tho the latter is the support of my family & held by the precarious tenure of public opinion, I am unalterably resolved to stand or fall in my present position. I believe with the great Algernoon Sidney, “that when a man attempts to save his life by a dishonorable action, it is a sign the almighty calls upon him to yield it up” & if he attempts to save his reputation by duplicity or intrigue, it is as evident, he no longer deserves it. Be pleased to excuse the observations this unpleasant business has drawn from me, & accept the tribute of personal esteem & political veneration, from your devoted friend & hble Sevt. John Vaughan RC (DLC); frayed at margin; at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 15 July and so recorded in SJL. For Vaughan’s eCorts on behalf of his father-in-law, Joel lewis, to be marshal of Delaware, see Vaughan to TJ, 24 June, and Joel Lewis to TJ, 16 July. The Washington Federalist of 17 July contained a piece under dateline Wilmington, 11 July, which was widely reprinted in New England and stated that Lewis had “not an atom of public respectability, or conAdence, even among the gentlemen of his own party—& des-

titute of capacity to All the most subordinate station is appointed to an oDce.” TJ was chastised for being duped by “a man despised by honest men of every side” and being at the disposal of any “lying unprincipled hypocrite, or cringing sycophant, who can borrow a horse and runaway to Washington.” Algernon sidney, seventeenth-century English political writer, philosopher, and author of Discourses Concerning Government (1681-1683), was condemned for his alleged role to overthrow the government and executed as a traitor in December 1683 (dnb).

To David Austin Sir Washington July 14. 1801. Understanding that Joseph Daugherty and Maria Murphy servants in my family propose to intermarry, and that on application to yourself to perform the ceremony, you expressed a wish to know whether it was with my knolege & approbation, I with satisfaction declare they have conducted themselves well in their several departments so as to merit and obtain my approbation, and that I know of no serious impediment why they should not be joined together in marriage each of them being free in their condition & of an age which < 565>

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requires nothing than their own consent to the ceremony. I pray you to accept assurances of my respectful consideration. Th: Jefferson PrC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “The revd mr Austin”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Joseph Dougherty and maria (Mary) murphy both entered TJ’s employ in March 1801 and remained part of his household staC for most of his presidency. A marital dispute forced Joseph’s temporary withdrawal from TJ’s service in 1807. The couple soon reconciled, however, much to the satisfaction of TJ, who reminded Dougherty that “the diCerings between man & wife, however they may aCect their tranquility, can never produce

such suCerings as are consequent on their separation.” The Doughertys were living in poverty with their three daughters in Washington in 1823, when Mary wrote TJ for assistance, “knowing that your generous heart would not let us suCer.” TJ responded by sending $25 to the family (Lucia Stanton, “‘A Well-Ordered Household’: Domestic Servants in JeCerson’s White House,” White House History, 17 [Winter 2006], 4-23; mb, 2:1036, 1206n, 1401; John Adams to TJ, 24 Mch. 1801; TJ to Joseph Dougherty, 6 Sep. 1807; Mary Dougherty to TJ, 25 Oct. 1823, 27 Jan. 1824).

From Caleb Prew Bennett Dear Sir, Christiana Ferry July [14] 1801 I beg leave to oCer my name and character to the consideration of your Excellency for the purpose of soliciting an appointment to the oDce of Collector of the port of Wilmington should it become Vacant, or for any other ODce within this State, for which I may be found qualiAed, presuming that revolutionary merit tho no claim to exclusive favor, will have its due weight with you, in the selection of characters to whom you will conAde the subortinate parts of executive Trusts. permit me to inform you that I have served as an ODcer in the Delaware Regiment during the late contest to establish that Independance, which you & your illustrious compatriots, conceived and determined with respect to my conduct in that oDce if it is necessary I can produce ample Testimonials since the War, I have been chieBy engaged in the peaceful & unambitious pursuits of Industry the fruits of which have been a good name the friendship of my fellow Citizens and a young and promising family of Children.— To make more ample provision for the latter I am stimulated, thus to address you, & am encouraged to do it by the Arst who are willing and ready to give such pledges of my Integrity and ability as will at least justify me in making this application.— your Commands addressd. to me near Wilmgtn. New Castle County will be respectfully recd. & attended to—I am &c. Caleb P. Bennett < 566>

14 J U LY 1801 Dupl (NHi: Gallatin Papers); partially dated; at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States.” RC, not found, recorded in SJL as a letter of 14 July received on 17 July 1801 with notation “to be Collector &c.” Enclosed in Bennett to Albert Gallatin, 7 July 1802 (Gallatin, Papers, 7:322). Caleb Prew Bennett (1758-1836) served with the Delaware Regiment during the American Revolution, enlisting as

a private and attaining the rank of Arst lieutenant by the end of the war. He subsequently operated a public ferry on Christiana River, then became an innkeeper at New Castle. In 1807 he was elected treasurer of New Castle County and served as a major during the War of 1812. In 1833 Bennett won a close election to become the Arst Democrat elected governor of Delaware (dab; Heitman, Register, 99).

To Craven Peyton Dear Sir Washington July 14. 1801 Your favor of the 10th. was put into my hands by Thomas Walker about 3. or 4. hours ago, and I immediately take measures to obtain the 600. Dollars desired, in such a form as he could most safely carry & might answer your purpose. I have accordingly been able to obtain 500. dollars in 10. bills of the United states branch bank of Norfolk & 100. Dollars gold. the former will be inclosed herein; the latter will be delivered to T. Walker. I pay him also 8. dollars to cover his expenses: 6. of them he will return to you, the other two he deems necessary for the road. a letter by the post would have saved you the trouble of sending him, as the post could have been trusted to carry you the money. I only mention this from a wish to have spared you the inconvenience you have incurred. I shall be at home within three weeks, & ready then to attend to the partition of the lands[.] I am sorry J. Henderson does not part with his portion[.] with a repetition of thanks for your agency in this business I am Dear Sir Your friend & servt Th: Jefferson list of the bills, each being of 50.D. letter A. 49690. 691. dated Jan. 16. 1801. 692. 2927. 3d. May 1800. 3078. do. C. 3196 do. B. 3878 2d June 1800. 3968 do. 3070 do. B. 4104. do.

ç

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14 J U LY 1801 PrC (ViU); faint; at foot of text: “Mr Craven Peyton”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

To Philippe de Létombe Sir Washington July 15. 1801 Your favor of the 11th. is at hand, and as you propose to write to me on the issue of your conference with mr Livingston, I will make that the occasion of a letter of friendly adieu to you. My views were led to mr Lemaire only on the assurance that mr Bingham was going soon to [Europe, and that his servants] were inquiring for places. if he is [not going, it is by no means my wish] to propose any thing to Lemaire. but in the event of his being no longer necessary to mr Bingham I would prefer him to any other. it was understood he would come for 30. D. pr. month. if he will [not, we] must go as far as 100. Guineas a year. should we not get him, Schreder must reduce himself & wife to 100 Guineas a year before I will employ him. I And it necessary to let them [see] that there is a Axed sum beyond which no pretensions will carry me. I have had to do the same with my other servants, who Anding that I am Axed, now stay contentedly & gladly. accept assurances of my great esteem & consideration. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); faint; at foot of text: “M. Letombe”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

Memorandum on Restitution of Prizes Whether prizes & the proceeds of them taken after the date of the treaty with France can be restored by the Executive, or need an act of the legislature? The constitution has authorised1 the ordinary legislature alone to declare war against any foreign nation. if they may enact a perfect, they may a qualiAed war, as was done against France. in this state of things they may modify the acts of war, & appropriate the proceeds of it. the act authorising the capture of French armed vessels & dividing & appropriating their proceeds, was of this kind. The constitution has given to the President & Senate alone the power (with the consent of the foreign nation) of enacting peace. their treaty for this purpose is an absolute repeal of the declaration of war, and of all laws authorising or modifying war measures. the treaty with < 568>

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France had this eCect. from the moment it was signed all the acts legalising war-measures ceased ipso facto; and all subsequent captures became unlawful. property wrongfully taken from a friend on the high sea is not thereby transferred to the captor. in whatever hands it is found, it remains the property of those from whom it was taken; and any person possessd of it2 private or public, has a right to restore it. if it comes to the hands of the Executive they may restore it: if into those of the legislature (as by formal paiment into the treasury) they may restore it. whoever, private or public, undertakes to restore, takes on themselves the risk of proving that the goods were taken without the authority of law, & consequently that the captor had no right to them. the Executive, charged with our exterior relations, seems bound, if satisAed of the fact, to do right to the foreign nation, & take on itself the risque of justiAcation. —submitted to mr Madison’s consideration. Th: J. July 15. 1801. to the preceding observations it may be added that the stipulation to restore vessels taken after the treaty is only pro major cautelâ; as, without that, the right to demand & the duty to restore, would equally exist. Nor is the objection good that till ratiAcn the treaty is not compleat: because when ratiAed, it is conArmed ab initio. These observns respect only vessels taken after the signature of the treaty. but it is said there is one vessel taken before the treaty but not yet condemned. I suspect this will stand on very diCerent ground. by the law of nature, property is transferred by the act of capture, which act is compleat when the victory is absolute. the act of Congress July 9. 1798. says ‘all armed vessels captured shall accrue to the captors, & on due condemnation shall be distributed &c.’ this conArms the natural law. the property vests by the capture; the condemnation is only the declaration of a fact, to wit, that the capture was rightful, & a partitioning among the owners. if condemnation was an act of war, it would be made unlawful3 by the treaty: but it seems to be a mere municipal act or decision between inter-claiming citizens. if the property was deAnitively transferred by the capture4 under an existing act of the legislature who were competent to the passing that act, it may be doubted whether the Presidt. & Senate, can retrospectively annul that.—the legislature can; and they ought in good faith to the foreign nation to make the restitution; but also to give indemniAcn to the captors, whose legal acquisition is taken from them for the purposes of public peace. < 569>

15 J U LY 1801 MS (DLC: Madison Papers); entirely in TJ’s hand, ends with his signature and date. MS (same); contains the text printed below the date; undated, but before Madison’s response, printed at 17 July below; entirely in TJ’s hand; addressed on verso: “The Secretary of State.” PrC (DLC: TJ Papers, 114:19641); pressed copy of Arst MS. PrC (same, 119:20539); pressed copy of second MS; with beginning portion of TJ’s Memorandum on Restitution of Prizes, [on or after 17 July 1801], pressed at foot of same sheet. pro major cautelâ: pro majori cautela “for greater caution; by way of additional security.” This term usually “applies to an act done, or to a clause put in an instrument as a precaution” (Bryan A. Garner, ed. in chief, Black’s Law Dictionary, 8th ed. [St. Paul, Minn., 2004], 1248-9). The text printed below TJ’s signature and date is on a separate sheet. It appears to be an addendum to the dated memorandum, but whether TJ conveyed the two components to Madison together or separately is unclear. TJ must have given the undated addendum to Madison no later than 17 July, since on that day TJ received a communication from Madison (printed at that date below) that mentions TJ’s reference to the act of congress of 9 July 1798 (U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:578-80). TJ responded with what was eCectively another supplement to the memorandum printed above. His reference in that response to a March 1800 act of Congress cited by Madison establishes the sequencing of the memorandums (see Memorandum on Restitution of Prizes, [on or after 17 July 1801]). On 11 July, Madison received a memorandum from Louis André Pichon, dated 10 July, that enumerated “unanswered” issues of restitution of property and prizes remaining after the treaty between the United States and France. In the margins of the document, TJ made notations in response to some of the points raised by Pichon. Next to a query from Pichon about the “meaning of the american Government on the clauses of the last treaty which relate to the admission of priva-

teers & prises,” TJ wrote: “we have too much occupation with actual cases to have time to consider what we would do in those which may possibly happen and which possibly also may not happen.” Pichon, acknowledging that France had “restored many vessels,” inquired about the president’s course of action in restoring property under the Convention of 1800. He asked if “legislative cooperation” would be necessary, and TJ commented alongside: “we have restored the Berceau without legislative interference: when another case of restoration is proposed, the circumstances of the case will enable us to say what is to be done. but should we not have oDcial information of the French restitutions?” To a statement by Pichon about consuls’ authority to take possession of private individuals’ restored property, TJ observed that “there being no Consular convention, the Consuls of France have no powers but as far as voluntary submission yields it. they can do nothing coercive.” Noting that the U.S. government had received half the proceeds of sales of prizes, Pichon asked if restitution would require “legislative concurrence.” TJ noted: “the opinion seems to be that the Executive can restore the public moiety provided it has not got into the treasury.” Finally, to Pichon’s expectation that restitution for the Insurgente might still be pending, TJ responded that “a contract to do what is impossible, is null. the Insurgente did not exist when we contracted to redeliver her.” Madison, drawing on TJ’s comments, replied to Pichon’s memorandum on 16 July (MS in DNA: RG 59, NL, in a clerk’s hand, with TJ’s notations in margin in pencil; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:398-400; 422). TJ also made a notation in the margin of a letter that Pichon wrote, apparently to the secretary of state, on 21 Apr. Forwarding a copy of instructions to colonial oDcials from the French government to implement the Convention of 1800, Pichon referred to documents that would demonstrate the cooperation of oDcials at Guadeloupe. TJ wrote in the margin: “none of these papers are now with the letter. they should be sought & translated” (RC in DNA: RG 59, NL; endorsed

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16 J U LY 1801 by a clerk as received 21 Apr.; TJ’s notation in pencil). q TJ here canceled “Congress.”

r Preceding three words interlined. s Preceding two words interlined in place of “repealed.” t TJ here canceled “still.”

From Georges Thomas Philadelphia, 15 July 1801. An unfortunate crippled Frenchman takes the liberty of presenting his misfortunes to TJ. He entered this country in 1790 in hope of becoming a citizen, but unfortunately he was injured three months after his arrival, which prevented him from working and caused him much misery. Fortunately, after a lapse of time he found employment as the contractor’s clerk supervising work on fortiAcations. He hoped to put away some money for his old age, but the project was stopped, removing that hope. He spent Ave winter months waiting for the renewal of the work, which did not happen, and has been unable to And other employment. Now in a sad state, he asks for assistance. If he could have a job overseeing some work, or as a concierge in a government oDce, or any other position so as not to be a burden on the public, his ambition would be fulAlled. If he cannot obtain a position, he asks for a loan that, together with what little money he has of his own, would help him open a small shop to earn a livelihood. He cannot do that without some assistance. He asks TJ to take his situation under consideration and tell him if he can have any hope. His address is the corner of Walnut and Eighth streets. RC (MHi); 4 p., in French; addressed: “Mr Thomas GeCerson President des Etats unis a Washingtown”; franked; postmarked 17 July; endorsed by TJ as received 20 July and so recorded in SJL.

To Mary Jefferson Eppes My dear Maria Washington July 16. 1801. I recieved yesterday mr Eppes’s letter of the 12th. informing me you had got safely to Eppington, & would set out tomorrow at furthest for Monticello. this letter therefore will, I hope, And you there. I now write to mr Craven to furnish you all the supplies of the table which his farm aCords. mr Lilly had before recieved orders to do the same. liquors have been forwarded & have arrived with some loss. I insist that you command & use every thing as if I were with you, & shall be very uneasy if you do not. a supply of groceries has been lying here some time waiting for a conveyance. it will probably be three weeks from this time before they can be at Monticello. in the mean time take what is wanting from any of the stores with which I deal, on my account. I have recommended to your sister to send at < 571>

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once for mrs Marks. Remus & my chair with Phill as usual can go for her. I shall join you between the 2d. & 7th. more probably not till the 7th. mr & mrs Madison leave this about a week hence. I am looking forward with great impatience to the moment when we can all be joined at Monticello, and hope we shall never again know so long a separation. I recommend to your sister to go over at once to Monticello, which I hope she will do. it will be safer for her, & more comfortable for both. present me aCectionately to mr Eppes, and be assured of my constant & tenderest love Th: Jefferson RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Mrs. Eppes.” John Wayles eppes’s letter of 12 July, recorded in SJL as received 15 July from Bermuda Hundred, has not been found. i now write to mr craven: see enclosure at TJ to Martha JeCerson Randolph, 16 July.

According to his Anancial accounts, TJ remitted $50 to Gabriel lilly on 8 July (mb, 2:1046). In payment for bringing his sister Anna marks to Monticello by means of his carriage horse remus, TJ paid his slave phill one dollar on 10 Aug. (Betts, Farm Book, 98; mb, 2:1049).

Albert Gallatin’s Report on Collector for Michilimackinac Treasury Department July 16th. 1801.

The Secretary of the Treasury respectfully reports, that the District of Michillimackanac was erected by the 17th. Section of the “Act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage” passed March 2, 1799; but that no appointment of Collector has yet been made, on a supposition, it is presumed, that it was unnecessary. It seems doubtful whether that clause, as well as those which erect the Districts of Illinois, Erie, & Ohio, and which have never been acted upon are not obligatory. If the President is of opinion that the clauses are not obligatory, information should be obtained as to the necessity of appointing Collectors in any of those Districts, as, by the “Act to establish the compensations of the ODcers employed in the collection of the duties on imports & tonnage & for other purposes,” passed March 2nd. 1799, they are entitled not only to the usual fees and compensations but also to a salary of 250 Dollars a year. It is presumable that if unnecessary in any of the Districts it must be at Michillimackanac. If the President is of opinion that the clauses are obligatory, it will be necessary to designate the ports of entry & to obtain information from proper characters. < 572>

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That of Saml. Duncan appears from the recommendation in his favor unexceptionable, nor can much selection be expected in that remote part. Respectfully submitted by— Albert Gallatin MS (DLC); in clerk’s hand, signed by Gallatin; at head of text: “On the subject of the application to appoint a Collector for the District of Michillimackanac”; at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 16 July and “Collector of Michillimacinac” and so recorded in SJL.

saml. duncan: David Duncan received the appointment as collector. On 25 Aug., Gallatin requested that William Irvine return Duncan’s commission, if it had not yet been forwarded, because a mistake had been made in the name (Gallatin, Papers, 5:607, 641; jep, 1:401).

From James Hopkins Honourable & very Dear Sir, Amherst County, July 16th. 1801. Immediatly after the Rect. of your last Hond. favor of the 10th. Novemr. I determin’d (as I had before intended) to make another ECort to Wait on you at Monticello in Order to pay my Duty & Respects (as well as Heart-felt Congratulations on the Triumph of Republican ECorts) before your Departure for Congress, and accordingly set out with that View, but at the end of my Arst days travel was informed (what I was before ignorant of) that Congress were to meet at an Earlier day than that Axt on by the Constitution, and that you had already set out for the Federal City.—Whereupon I returned— resolving to have Recourse to the only expedient then left me— (Vizt.) to Write you both in Answer to your Hond. favor last Receiv’d—and to Express (as well as I could) the feelings of my Heart on the happy Prospect before us—On your Exaltation to that Post—so much the Reward of your Virtue—and so loudly Demanded by the Distressing & Disgraceful Situation of our Common Country.—This was immediatly Done, and the Letter (as I am well assured) forwarded by Post from Warminster early in December—But I must confess I soon had my Doubts that my Letter was stoppt or intercepted by the way.—because therein I had particularly Requested (amongst other favours) your Complyance with the OCer your Goodness had been pleased to make:—“the Continuance of my Subscription for the Aurora.”—for during 4 or 5 Weeks after the Commencement of the New-Year that Paper never came to Warminster Post-ODce, as usual, for me.—So that I told Mr. Willis Wills (Post-Master there & a good Republican) that my Letter put into his < 573>

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hands for You had certainly Miscarry’d.—and mention’d the above as my Reason.—he Reply’d he hoped Otherwise—and that the Reason I had given was not Conclusive as to the miscarriage of my Letter.—for that there had come no Auroras for any other of the Subscribers in the Neighbourhood (of which there were several) any more than for myself, in that space of time:—but if none came by the next post, he would Comply with my Request, & write to Mr. Duane for me.— However it happen’d that the Auroras did come the next Post, and that as well for me as Others.—Whereon I again resumed the pleasing hope that my Letter had reached you.—and that (as was a general Complaint about that time) some of the Tory Post-masters had only stopt our papers by the way.—This I still indulged till seeing a Notice from Mr. Duane some time in the last month.—Requesting all his Subscribers who were Convenient to pay up their Arrears with him to Mr. Wills Post-master at Warminster.—I thought This would be a Certain Criterion whether my Letter had ever got to hand or not, and therefore enquired whether Mr. Duane had sent forward any Demand against me.—Mr. Wills assured me Yea:—That I also was in Arrear from the 7th. January last:—Wherefore the Dream is now Out, and Amounts to a Demonstration of the Verity of what that worthy Citizen (Duane) had publish’d in his paper about the time above refer’d to (vizt) “That there was a Certain Post-ODce in Virginia beyond which no Letter addressed to the Vice-President did ever pass.”—Therefore it now remains for me to make one more Essay in this way (not knowing how long Publick Cases may detain your Excellency at the Seat of Government, or whether you can allow yourself liesure to Visit Monticello again before the meeting of the New Congress)—But my Hond. Sir I blush to think (if amidst the Burthen & Embarrasments of Publick Cares & Business of such Magnitude & Importance to the Common Weal, you could have liesure to bestow a thought on so insigniAcant a Subject as myself) that all this time you must have thought me not only Negligent as to Business— but quite DeAcient in that Respect which from so many Motives both of a Publick & private Nature I am ever bound to pay.—in that I had never Answer’d your Hond. favor above referr’d to.—In Order which I must now beg leave to Repeat the Substance of what was written in December.—Observing what your Excellency was pleased to mention respecting the Lime-stone Land, I noticed “that when my last Search was made for the old Record of that Deed, and which took a Considerable time Col. J Nicholas & Mr. Carr being both Present & Assisting in the Search—which Anding to be without ECect, I took Occasion to mention “that I had expected (as the old Record was < 574>

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Certainly destroyd) that your Excellency would have OCer’d the Original Deed at one of the then last Courts, to have it Reinstated on the Record.—but supposed from Business of more Importance it had escaped your Attention”.—Is it not then surprizing that neither of those Gentlemen gave me the least Intimation either of its being oCer’d for Record or lodged in the ODce? nor did they drop me the least hint of the Act for that Purpose being Expired (in which I think Mr. Carr must be mistaken) or of any Other DiDculty that would have occurr’d to obstruct its being Readmitted to Record!— (M[ars]hls in Mod.) But to Proceed—I also requested your Excellency (besides Continuing my Aurora Subscription for the Present year) to enquire after some Professional & Literary Productions—particularly a work Entitled “The Medical Repository.” By Doctor’s Mitchel & Miller of Philadelphia—3 Octo. Vols. of which were said to be then already Publishd—& which I much desired to Procure.—But—as I made my best Apology then (when it was possible you might have a few liesure Moments)—much more should I now, for presuming to trouble your Excellency, & will therefore recite no more of the Contents—hoping your goodness will Pardon me thus far.—The sincere & hearty Congratulations added to my former Letter would be both superBuous & unseasonable now:—The adulatory Compliments which appeard to be so gratifying to your Predecessor, I know now were Despicable in your View.—And as it is unnecessary, it may well be Considerd as rather a Degradation of true Worth. I hope my Honoured Sir I shall not be suspected of an Inclination of that kind (for what could Dictate to me now but pure Esteem) when I declared—from the Arst that I was honour’d with your Acquaintance, (if it were not Vanity, I would say, Friendship) I have believed, & Cherished the Idea, That the Great & Supreme Ruler of the Universe—had Destind you One Day to be the Instrument of some Great, Notable, & Essential Good to your Country. I trust this declaration of a real Truth will not be Consider’d as arrogating to myself any pretensions to an uncommon measure of Discernment—much less to a Supernatural InBuence—no Sir—It proceeded from an Accurate, an Attentive Contemplation of your publick Deportment on all Occasions, & the Sentiments of your Great Noble & Independent Mind!—But I am very sure that this belief, Opinion, or Presage (whatever it may be Called) was not peculiar to me, but was more or less entertain’d by many Others—But I will go no further on this Head lest I should Trespass too far on your Delicacy—nor should it have been mentiond, but that this may be perhaps the last Opportunity—1 < 575>

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I may however be Permitted to add that thro’ the Sacred InBuences of the All Gracious & Wonder Working Hand of the Almighty—the time is now Arrived when this happy Presage shall be Realised.— That God has sent you like another Camillus to Rescue our Almost Expiring Liberties—and to Restore once more Peace Harmony & Happiness to your Country. We know the Publick Good will ever be your Object—and the “Vox Populi Vox Dei.”—the View of the People (when it is not fetterd or Deterr’d by Sedition Laws or Judiciary Persecution) will still Permit, thro’ the Medium of a free Press, to the Means, as well as the Methods, of Promoting & Attaining that Desired End.—Here then we see the Folly as well as Wickedness of the late Administration!—by shuting up the Avenues of publick information or Deterring the free Citizens by Judiciary Punishments from speaking the Truth—they could not but expect, either to have no Information respecting the Opinions & Sentiments of the People, or to have them Represented in a False & Perverted light.—Thank God the late Elections have shewn that the Sense & Love of Liberty (for which we had so lately put every thing else to hazard) was not quite forgotten;—not lost in the Whirlpools of Ambition, nor sunk in the Vortex of Corruption. It is this Precious Memento—this vital Spark emanating from the names & Remains of the Sages & Heroes of 1776 that has Illuminated the Patriots of 1800 & & & aroused their latent ACection for this best of Blessings; this fairest Portion of Humanity, That has Precipitated those Monsters from their Seats—and by Alling them with better Men—(especially the Principal) has Calmed our Fears, Dispeld our Delusions—and brightened the Prospect before us!—thank Heaven the Alien & Sedition Acts (those Stains of American Annals) are no more. (would to God the Wounds thereby InBicted on the Constitution could be healed by their Expiration) It is to be hoped too, that we shall be relievd from some part at least of the Number Weight & Measure of the Judiciary System—By a total & Anal Repeal of the last Law on that Head: as well as many others— Go on then Sir with Courage in the Glorious Work of Reformation you have so happily begun—You know who have been our Oppressors & Betrayers—and you know too how to appreciate & encourage Republican Virtue Talents & Integrity—You will have the Aid & Support—the Prayers & Wishes, of every Honest & good Man, whether in or Out of Congress.—Nay, yet more—“Heaven itself shall smile Propitious.”—The Divine Source & Fountain of all Good, who ever Delights in the Happiness of his Creatures, who has hitherto Preserved, Protected & Directed You, shall still be your Guide, shall < 576>

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send the Guardian Angel of Liberty.—the Good Genius of America still to Inspire & Direct your Steps— “Hail my last Hope! she Cries—Inspired by me, “Think, Talk, Wish, Write, and Act—for Liberty!” Farewell Hond Sir—that you may be, not only the Saviour of American Liberty, but the great Patron & Example of it throughout the World, is the fervent Prayer of him who is, with every Sentiment of Veneration & Respect, Yours, Ja Hopkins P.S. I have thought to keep this Open a while in hope an Oppty. of sending it safely by a private Hand—Should that fail, I will enclose & get it Superscribed by some other Hand—which perhaps may be a mean of its going safe by the Post—tho’ it has seldom happen’d that a Letter of mine has passd safely that way.— JH. July 25th. Since the above, I have Visited a Friend in Albemarle, who assures me that your Excellency is expected to be at Monticello about the latter end of the Summer.—Should this be so, I will exert my best Ability (thro’ Divine Assistance) to wait on you there—that I may once more (which my swiftly increasing InArmities, more than declining years, admonishes me may be the last time) behold in the Person of my ever Hond. Friend—a Patriotic Republican President of the United States. JH RC (DLC); addressed: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson President of the United States City of Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 6 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. last hond. favor: TJ to Hopkins, 10 Nov. 1800 (recorded in SJL but not found). According to SJL, TJ and Hopkins exchanged four other letters between 10 Aug. and 2 Dec. 1800, all missing. In addition to purchasing books on behalf of Hopkins, TJ had paid for Hopkins’s newspaper subscription for the aurora since 1797. According to TJ’s Anancial accounts of 4 Apr. 1800, this included an order on John Barnes for $5 to be given to William Duane for his paper through the year 1800. As of 1801, TJ suspended subscription payments on Hopkins’s behalf when he no longer had occasion to be in Philadelphia (mb, 2:973, 976, 996, 1009, 1016, 1017; TJ to Hopkins, 17 Sep. 1801). willis wills: postmaster at Warminster, Virginia (Amherst County), who as-

sumed the position on 21 July 1798 in place of Clough Shelton (Stets, Postmasters, 272). lime-stone land: see Vol. 28:570-2. For the Virginia statute that allowed destroyed documents to be reinstated on the record, see same. In 1796 Samuel L. Mitchill, Edward Miller, and Elihu Hubbard Smith issued from New York an eight-page prospectus for what became a quarterly medical journal, the medical repository, published from 1798 to 1824. By 1800 it had appeared in three annual volumes issued by New York printers Thomas and James Swords (Medical Repository, 1-3 [17981800]; Evans, No. 47834). According to Plutarch, the Roman hero camillus was “styled a Second Founder of Rome” (Bernadotte Perrin, ed. and trans., Plutarch’s Lives, 11 vols. [New York, 1914-26], 2:95-207). q Hopkins here canceled a mostly illegible line of text beginning “As to Public ODce.”

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From Joel Lewis Esteemed Sir, Christa Bridge July 16. 1801 It gives me pain to trouble you on the present occasion, but having been informed that eCorts have been made to render you dissatisAed with my appointment as Marshal of the Del. District.— I consider it my duty to inform you, that I valued the reception of the Commission only as a tender of your good opinion, & I do not wish to retain it under the [demand?] of your disapprobation—If, when the present clamor subsides, you have reason to believe it is in your power to make a better choice, I shall resign my Commission with pleasure into your hand, to be disposed of as you may think proper— The Representations which have been made respecting me, are so unexpected that I should have been at a loss to account for them, if I were not informed of Secret Interests in opperation for SelAsh purposes—I am said to be accused of inordinate political Zeal and criminated for warmth of natural disposition—and I frankly confess—if to have been susceptible of the political destiney of my Country— if to have exerted my best endeavours to preserve the liberties of America & expressing my enjoyment in the present State of things be criminal, then I am a political Culprit, therein, I must disregard my present enemies— My greatest crime is that I am deAnate, (or at least some of my enemies would wish to make it a crime) I possess the same principles I did in 1776 and believe I shall untill the end of my existence—I am Sir with greatfull regard your Most Obedt. and very humble Servt. Joel Lewis RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at head of text: “Thos. JeCerson Esqr. Presidt. of the U. States”; endorsed by TJ as received 17 July and so recorded in SJL. Joel Lewis of New Castle County was a former member of the Delaware House of Representatives and commissioner of the county’s levy court. His daughter Eliza

married Dr. John Vaughan of Wilmington in 1797. Despite the controversy that surrounded his appointment as marshal for Delaware, Lewis remained in the position until May 1809 (Scharf, History of Delaware, 1:493; 2:628; Henry C. Conrad, History of the State of Delaware, 3 vols. [Wilmington, 1908], 1:272; jep, 2:122).

From John McDonald Sir Columbian Inn Georgetown July 16th 1801 I have arrived here some days since, with a circulating library (a catalogue of which will be presented to you) which I intented to < 578>

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reestablish in the city of washington and make it my place of residence—I am pleased with its situation, it is truly beautiful but I am doubtful of meeting with encouragements at present suDcient to support me in attending, conducting and making the addition requisite for such as ought to be established in the metropoles— Therefore permit me to solicit your Interest for me, for a place under your immediate direction or otherwise, Altho it may be of no very considerable value, but it would accommodate me extremely in my present situation, there would at least be something certain having but the library certain besides—after fruitlessly spending seventeen years in the state of Pennsylvania in the pursuit of something certain which I hope I have now some prospect of obtaining through your interest— If I am as fortunate so as this may meet your approbation I hope to have it in my power to obtain such recommendation as you will approve of— Often have I wished that I had in my power to wait on the president of the united states so as to have it to say in a futter day that I ones had the Honour of an interview with the chief Magisttrate of the Government of my choise, Although I am a native of scotland— Permit me here to acknowledge the Kindness you was pleased to have done in retaining and paying the money to my order for the Harpsicord you bought while at Philadelphia—If it was not for you Sir the money would have been interely lost to me— I pray that you long may live in health and strength, and the ruler of the universe may enable you to Preside as President of the united states for many years yet to come, which is the sincere wish of— Your obetiant Humble Servt— John Mcdonald RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr President of the U. States”; endorsed by TJ as received 18 July and so recorded in SJL. John McDonald was listed as a broker with a circulating library at 42 Fourth Street in Philadelphia in 1800. He relocated to Georgetown, where in the fall of 1801 he assumed the care of Hugh Somerville’s circulating library, the second such in Washington, which had re-

cently moved to the north side of Pennsylvania Avenue between the President’s House and the market (StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1800, 81; National Intelligencer, 30 Oct. 1801; rchs, 7 [1904], 32-3). my order for the harpsicord: on 21 Mch. 1798, TJ recorded in his Anancial accounts “for use of John McDonald” an entry for the balance of payment for a harpsichord bought for his younger daughter (mb, 2:980).

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To Martha Jefferson Randolph My dear Martha Washington July 16. 1801. I recieved yesterday mr Randolph’s letter of the 11th. and at the same time one from mr Eppes. he had just carried Maria to Eppington with the loss of a horse on the road. they are to leave Eppington tomorrow at farthest for Monticello, so that by the time you recieve this they will be with you. from what mr Randolph writes I should think you had better go over at once with your sister to Monticello and take up your quarters there. I shall join you in the Arst seven days of August. in the mean time the inclosed letter to mr Craven (which I pray you to send him) will secure you all the resources for the house which he can supply. Liquors have been sent on & I learn are arrived, tho’ with some loss. Lilly has before recieved orders to furnish what he can as if I were there. I wish you would notify him to be collecting geese & ducks and to provide new Bour.1 of lambs I presume he has plenty. I have had groceries waiting here some time for a conveyance. would it not be well for you to send at once for mrs Marks? Remus and my chair are at Monticello, & Phill as usual can go for her. I this day inclose to Dr. Wardlaw some publications on the kine pox, with a request to make himself acquainted with them. I shall probably be able to carry on some infectious matter with a view of trying whether we cannot introduce it there. the Arst assay here has proved unsuccessful but some matter recieved 6. days ago & immediately used, will prove this day whether it takes or not; & I am promised by Dr. Waterhouse of Boston successive weekly supplies till it takes. if the matter be genuine there is no doubt it prevents the Small pox.—I send you a piece of music sent to me. if the music be no better than the words it will not shine. also some small things for Anne. kiss them all for me. present me aCectionately to mr Randolph, & be assured yourself of my warmest love. Th: Jefferson RC (NNPM); at foot of text: “Mrs. Randolph.” PrC (ViU: EdgehillRandolph Papers); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Enclosure: TJ to John H. Craven, 16 July (recorded in SJL but not found). Other enclosures not found. Thomas Mann randolph’s letter of 11 July, recorded in SJL as received on

the 15th, has not been found. one from mr eppes: see TJ to Mary JeCerson Eppes, 16 July. music sent to me: perhaps TJ forwarded JeCerson and Liberty. A New Song (see Michael Fortune to TJ, 23 June). q Preceding Ave words interlined.

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From “T. J. M” Respected Friend Philada. 7 Mo: 16. 1801 There is a Young Man of a respectable (native American) Family, whose Income is insuDcient for the maintenance of himself & two Orphans, for whom he is very desirous to provide the means of Subsistence & Education. He is therfore, induced to request that, if thou canst, with propriety give or procure him an Appointment to some ODce, the duties of which, a Quaker, or Friend, can, consistently with his Religious Principles perform—thou wilt do so. He assures thee that, he entertains the most sanguine hopes that the Recommendations he can produce (for they may be from any characters here—thou chuses) will be satisfactory to thee; and that, when thou art made acquainted with certain Anecdotes; which at a proper season may be communicated—thou wilt again partake of those heartfelt—grateful sensations—the oCspring of good, generous, & benevolent actions.— An early reply—directed to T.J.M—Post-oDce—Philada. will be esteemed a great favor—shall be thankfully acknowledged & respectfully attended to Reasons, which I doubt not thou wilt approve, prevent my subjoining my Name— I am thy real Friend P:S: This Young Man is a good Accomptant.—perhaps uncommonly so RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR, 12:0630-1); at head of text: “Thomas JeCerson Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 18 July and so recorded in SJL with notation “to be in some oDce.”

To William Wardlaw [. . .] Washington July 16. 1801 The sum of 112.90. D has been remitted to Dr. Jackson according to your desire. I some time ago received from Dr. Waterhouse of Boston the inclosed [. . .] on the Kinepox, with some of the vaccine matter for inoculation. I immediately sent it to Dr. Gantt of this place, but it did not take on trial. I wrote for & have received more with a promise of successive supplies till it takes. we shall know to-day or tomorrow whether the second supply infected. I inclose you these pieces for < 581>

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perusal, & expect to be able to bring on with me some of the vaccine matter, which I shall wish you to try on some of my family the moment of my arrival at home, which will be in the Arst week of August. if it succeeds the whole neighborhood will probably try it. there is a long & informative letter from Dr. Waterhouse to me which will be put into the papers as soon as we are able to say the inoculation has taken here. accept assurances of my friendly esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Doctr. Wardlaw.” Enclosures: see Benjamin Waterhouse to TJ, 8 June. According to TJ’s Anancial records, on 22 July TJ ordered payment of $112.90 to David jackson on Wardlaw’s account “ante June 17” (mb, 2:1048). See TJ to George JeCerson, 17 June.

i wrote: TJ to Waterhouse, 26 June. received more: a letter from Waterhouse to TJ dated 5 July, recorded in SJL as received 11 July, has not been found. long & informative letter: Benjamin Waterhouse to TJ, 8 June.

To Albert Gallatin Th: Jefferson to the Secretary of the [Treasury] July 17. 1801. The act concerning duties &c where it says that ‘the President is authorised to establish such place at or near Michillimakinac to be the port of entry,’ might have been construed to leave it discretionary in him to do it or not, had it not been followed by the imperative words ‘a collector shall be appointed.’ this seems to remove the ambiguity of the former words, and to make it a duty to bring those districts into action. if mr Gallatin will be pleased to institute the proper enquiries as to places & persons, the whole may be established at the same time. The anonimous letter from Savanna is inclosed to suggest to mr G. the enquiry whether measures have been taken to supply that port as well as others. health and aCectionate salutations. RC (NHi: Gallatin Papers); mistakenly directed to the secretary of the “Navy”; addressed: “The Secretary of the Treasury”; endorsed by Gallatin: “West & North Districts import.” PrC (DLC); with “Treasury” written over “Navy” by TJ in ink. Enclosure: Anonymous to TJ,

23 June, Savannah (recorded in SJL as received 16 July and sent to “T” but not found). For the act concerning duties, see Albert Gallatin’s Report on Collector for Michilimackinac, 16 July.

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From Gean Leach Geo Town July 17 1801

The very distressed Situation of myself & Children for the ConAnement of my Husband Emboldens me to write you these few lines respecting the papers I had The Honor of handing a few days Since Stating to your Exellency the Cause of my Husbands ConAnement & the distressd Circumstances his family is in. Praying you for his relief I hope your Excelly has determind in his favour. in which Hope I wait you Excellys determination, which will be the saving of myself & poor Little ones from asking Charity from the Charitable: May Him that Rules above preserve you. Health & long Life is the prayer of— Gean Lach RC (DNA: RG 59, GPR); endorsed by TJ as a letter from “Leach Jane” received 20 July and so recorded in SJL. confinement of my husband: Thomas Leach, Jr., a former U.S. soldier, was convicted in June by the District of Columbia Circuit Court of assault and battery against Thomas Corcoran, a district magistrate, and for resisting arrest. He was ordered to pay $50 and court costs and to give security for his good behavior for the next two years, and to be jailed until he complied with the judgment. In an undated petition to TJ, Leach explained his conduct was due to “inebriation, a total ignorance of the criminality of his conduct and a mistaken idea that he acted in self defence.” Unable to provide for his wife and children due to his conAnement, Leach hoped that his remorse and subsequent good conduct would “induce the exercise of the Prerogative of Mercy in his favor” (RC in DNA: RG 59, GPR; in an unidentiAed hand; at head of text: “To his Excellency Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”).

Leach’s petition was supported by a memorial of Daniel Reintzel and ten others recommending Leach as “a proper object for having the Ane and costs of suit aforesaid remitted him” (MS in same; in same hand as petition above; signed by 11 supporters). In a statement dated 11 July, U.S. Attorney John Thomson Mason elaborated on Leach’s case, explaining that after his attack on Corcoran he had been beaten by a mob “until his life was dispaired of.” Mason believed Leach to be “an honest, industrious, useful man,” whose poverty prevented any prospect of his release from conAnement “but by Executive interference, or the voluntary contribution of his neighbours” (MS in same; in Mason’s hand and signed by him). A statement by J. Weems, also dated 11 July, likewise recommended Leach “to the Mercy of the President of the United States,” asserting that Leach had already suCered greatly and that “his contrition has been great & sincere” (MS in same; in Weems’s hand and signed by him). For TJ’s pardon of Leach, see Corcoran to TJ, 17 Oct.

From James Madison [on or before 17 July 1801]

The following memoranda, & the inclosed letter from Mr. Dallas will present to the President the state of the information in the ODce < 583>

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of State on the subject of the indictmt. under the sedition act agst. Duane, at the request of the Senate. The President will observe, that another prosecution agst. him, at Common law, is pending in this same Court. 16. May. 1800.

Mr: Lee’s letter to Mr. Ingersol directing prosecution vs Duane for libel on the Senate, agreeably to Resoln. of Senate 25. March. 1801. Mr. Lincoln’s letter to Mr. Dallas for stay of prosecutions under sedition law, except that vs. Duane requested by Senate 31. March. Mr. Dallas’s answer (inclosed) 9. April Mr. Lincoln’s reply—authorizing him to engage counsel at public expence—is at a loss what direction to give as to the prosecution at common law, for violating Liston’s letters. the President being absent—recommends a continuance of the cause,— which is sd. to have taken place.

Lord MansAeld’s state of the doctrine of Capture & condemnation will be seen p. 692-3-4. of 2 Bur. herewith sent. The act of Congs. Mar. 3. 1800 as to salvage in cases of recaptures, enters into the enquiry. Contrary to the act referred to by Mr. JeCerson. it favors the necessity of condemnation, at least in Sec. 3. concerning alien friends.—In the case of recaptures of the property of citizens, to whom national protection is due the restitution might be construed into an indemniAcation for witholding the necessary protection. RC (DLC); undated; endorsed by TJ as received from the State Department on 17 July and “Prosecutions v. Duane & v. Thomas [& al.]” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Levi Lincoln to Alexander J. Dallas, 25 Mch. 1801, instructing Dallas to discontinue all prosecutions under the Sedition Act except that against William Duane (RC in DLC). Other enclosures not found. indictmt. under the sedition act agst. duane: see Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, 301-6; TJ to Duane, 23 May. prosecution at common law: on 14 Apr. 1800, a federal grand jury returned a bill against Daniel Thomas, Joseph Thomas, George Piper, and William

Duane for “misdemeanor in opening and publishing letters of a foreign minister.” British minister Robert liston’s letters, written to his government on 6 and 23 May 1799, were intercepted and published in the Aurora on 13 and 15 July 1799 (Philadelphia Aurora, 15 Apr. 1800; Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, 301; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:131-2n; Vol. 31:151-3, 521-2). lord mansfield’s decision of 1758 was reported in Reports of Cases Adjudged in the Court of King’s Bench since the Time of Lord MansAeld’s Coming to Preside in It, compiled by James Burrow (2d. ed., in 5 vols. [London, 1771-80], 2:693); see also TJ to Levi Lincoln, 12 June.

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17 J U LY 1801 For the law approved by Congress on 3 Mch. 1800, see U.S. Statutes at Large, 2:16-18. The act referred to by TJ

was that of 9 July 1798 (Memorandum on Restitution of Prizes, 15 July).

From Robert Maxwell State of Delaware

Dear sir Middletown 17th July 1801. I took the liberty of writing, & inclosing to you, the 15 May past, Ave letters, & the copys of letters that passed between the post Master Genrl., & myself, in Winter of 1798, during the reign of Terror, & proscription: at which time I was dismisse’d by him from Holding the post oDce in this place, without any cause as I am bold to assert, & could not bring him to assign the reasons for his conduct, as the letters would shew, & having just learnt by Mr. Rodney, that; the package has never reached you, I again use the freedom of sending you a copy of that letter, with a certiAcate from the post Master of this place that it was sent on— There must be some improper, conduct in that department, if they dare to embezzel when directed to the chief majistrate, what are those in inferior stations to expect— I would just remark that two things might have led to suspicion, of the contents, Arst my hand writing was well known, secondly the post mark of this place—Our rout is very direct to Washington, being only 25 Miles from Wilmington, to which place, I take this to have mailed, & even indorsed to prevent suspicion— I have no copys of the letters alluded to, but if you think the subject worthy your notice—could procure satisfactory Testimony of the impartial manner in which I did the business—Nay further, I would be willing they should now make their charge publickly, & I will at this distance of time, engage to refute them—Bradly has said I suppose for H— that I was not dismissed on account of Politicks, I would be glad he’d assign the cause— With due respect, Your Obdt. Servt. Robt. Maxwell RC (DLC); with Enclosure No. 1 subjoined below signature; at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 29 July and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures: (1) Maxwell to TJ, [15 May 1801] (Dupl in same; subjoined to letter above). (2) CertiAcate of Joseph Ireland, deputy postmaster at Middletown, 24 July 1801,

noting that he “put into the Mail on the 15th May last past, a packett from Robt Maxwell directed to the president of the United States at the City of Washington” (MS in same; in Ireland’s hand and signed by him). H—: Joseph Habersham.

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Memorandum on Restitution of Prizes [on or after 17 July 1801]

It is objected that the act of Congress Mar. 3. 1800. c. 14. sect. 1.2. entitles a citizen owner of a vessel to restitution until the vessel has been condemned by competent authority on paying salvage to the captor. every man, by the law of nature, and every fellow citizen by compact, is bound to assist another against violence to his person or property. tho’ therefore by the law of nature the property of the suCerer has past to his enemy by capture, yet if it be retaken, most states, if it belong to their own citizen, & is retaken by their own citizen, oblige him to restore it, on recieving paiment for the risk & trouble of recapture. this is done by the 1st. & 2d. sections of the act.1 in like manner if the property taken belonged to a friend, & was retaken by their citizen, they compel restitution, provided the laws of the friend would in the like case have compelled restitution to them. this is the object of the 3d. section of the act beforemend.2 as some limit however is necessary to the claim3 of restitution, some nations have determined it when the property was carried infra presidia of the enemy: or into their Beet, or after a pernoctatio, or 24 hours; some not till condemnation in a competent court. the latter is the English rule, and Congress in the act beforementioned has adopted it for the US. but the circumstance of condemnation is thereby made4 material only in the case of goods taken by an enemy from a fellow-citizen or friend & retaken and restitution claimed, or in the case of enemy’s property taken, and an inter-claim of partition among the captors. and the intervention of a court is made necessary in these cases, only on behalf of the rights of the friend or citizen; not out of any tenderness to the rights of the enemy whose property has been taken; not to save that to him in any case. suppose a citizen of the US. had sole5 taken a French armed vessel, & without carrying her into court at all, a treaty of paciAcation had been made containing no provision for restitution. the law of nature says the property was transferred by the capture, and no law of the US. has made it necessary for a sole-owner to go into any court. surely, after the peace, the former French owner, could not recover the property in our courts. the result of this is that adjudication is not necessary to secure the property in the captor but in the cases of recapture, or of contending parceners: that the transfer is compleat without it, by the mere act of capture. But while it is clear enough that an enemy cannot claim the beneAt of these acts requiring adjudication in certain cases, because not made < 586>

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for him, yet the doubt remains whether the treaty made by the president & Senate was not competent to render adjudication a necessary circumstance, even in favor of the enemy. the treaty has certainly done this, & retro-actively. their competence depends on the extent we give to the words of the constitution empowering them ‘to make treaties.’ these words are very indeAnite: but surely we must never admit them to be of universal comprehension: and if we must of necessity give them some deAnite extent,6 I do not know a more rational one than ‘to those things usually settled by treaty.’ the question then assumes this shape. Is the restitution of property rightfully taken in war, among the usual subjects of treaty? MS (DLC: Madison Papers); undated, but written in response to Madison’s communication printed at 17 July above; entirely in TJ’s hand; written on both sides of one sheet, TJ beginning low on the recto side as if he anticipated pressing a portion of the text on the same sheet as the addendum to his memorandum of 15 July. PrC (DLC: TJ Papers, 119:2053940); with recto of MS pressed to bottom of PrC of addendum to Memorandum on Restitution of Prizes, 15 July (see note 2 below).

q Preceding sentence interlined. r In PrC, text through this word is pressed to the same sheet as the addendum to the 15 July memorandum. Remaining text pressed on second sheet of PrC. s Preceding two words interlined in place of “this right.” t Preceding two words interlined. u Word interlined. v Preceding word interlined in place of “construction.”

infra presidia: see TJ to Levi Lincoln, 12 June.

To Dr. John Vaughan Dear Sir Washington July 17. 1801. I have duly recieved your favor of the 13th. you very truly state that your suggestion that the term of the marshal of the district of Delaware was near expiring Arst brought my attention to that circumstance: that I asked if you knew of any person proper for the appointment & who would accept of it; that you said you did not. I then begged that you would consider of it, & would on your return consult with the friends of republicanism, and name to me some person agreeable to them & who would accept. I do not remember that any particular character was alluded to in our conversations, but it possibly may have been so & has escaped my memory. it was several days after your return before I recieved your letter recommending mr Lewis. I am sorry the appointment has not been agreeable to all: but most of all I lament the appearance of a division arising among the < 587>

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friends of republican government in a state where they have no force1 to spare, where, united, it is not yet known that they form a majority. still I have so much conAdence in the sincerity of their attachment to principles, as to hope & believe they will not suCer themselves to be divided by personal attachments or antipathies. it is not possible for every one to have his own way in all things; & without mutual & just sacriAces of opinion to one another, men cannot act together. these sacriAces will give much less pain than a continuance under the tyrannies of the last three years. with extreme anxiety to see this appearance of division healed, I pray you to accept assurances of my best wishes & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (DeHi); addressed: “Doctr. John Vaughan Wilmington Delaware”; franked and postmarked. PrC (DLC). Vaughan replied to TJ on 28 July, acknowledging receipt of this letter and assuring him that he had “borne the late state of things, in hopes of avoiding the consequences designed by the tories” and Battered himself that “the business will end without injury & probably with

beneAts to the general interest—many supine republicans are awakened into action” (RC in DLC; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson Presidt. U.S. of America” and “® favr. of Colo. Burr”; endorsed by TJ as received 29 July and so recorded in SJL). q TJ Arst wrote “none” and then altered it to “no force.”

From Joseph Yznardi, Sr. Philadelphia

Exmo. señor don Thomas Jefferson. 17. Julio de 1801. Mui sor. mio y de todo mi respecto: Suplico á V.E. me permita le moleste por ultima vez con la presente en que le maniAesto serme forzoso dexar el pais pues mi salud padece inAnito y me espongo, segun los Medicos, á perderla totalmente si no lo dejo; á cuyo intento me preparo cortando mis asuntos por esta justa causa y por hallarme sin la proteccion que esperaba en los ramos de comercio puestos á mi cargo contra mi esperanza. Si me es posible esperare hasta el regreso de la Fragata Americana que fue á Francia por si tragese despachos de la corte de Madrid tan favorables como los espero, y celebraria se VeriAcase en el curso del mes, para aprovechar lä ocasion que tengo de buque en primeros de Agosto. Yo doi á V.E. las mas rendidas gracias por las atenciones con que se ha Servido distinguirme y por el regalo que me ha hecho del retrato de su persona que llevo conmigo pues aviendolo querido pagar me respondieron estar satisfecho. < 588>

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Los vinos de xerez, Pajarete, y Malaga que tengo pedidos á España deben llegar pronto y la casa de comercio de esta de Morgan y Price1 tendra cuidado de dirigirlos á V.E. ignorando si la pipa Malvacia Pedro Ximenez, y barril de Tintilla mandado á esa ha llegado tan de buena calidad como se embarcó aqui pues me han informado qe. la gente del paquete qe. lo llevo locaron á otros vinos adulterando sus calidades. En todo tiempo y lugar donde me halle tendre singular gusto en saber de la salud de V.E. y en obedecer sus preceptos y mientras tengo el honor de ofrecer á V.E. mi obediencia y de rogar á Dios gue. su vida ms. as. Exmo. Señor tiene el Honor de ser su obte. Servr Josef Yznardy

e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Excellent Sir Thomas Jefferson Philadelphia 17 July 1801 My most illustrious sir and with all my respect: I beg Your Excellency to allow me to bother you for the last time with the present letter, in which I declare that I am forced to leave the country since my health has suCered immensely and I run the risk, according to the doctors, of losing my health totally should I not leave. To this end I am preparing to cut short my aCairs, against my wishes, for this just cause and for Anding myself without the protection that I hoped for in the lines of commercial goods placed in my care. If it is possible, I shall wait until the return of the American frigate that went to France, in case it brings letters from the court in Madrid that are as favorable as I expect them to be, and I would be glad if it were to come true during the course of this month, in order to take advantage of the occasion that I have of a vessel at the beginning of August. I give Your Excellency my most humble thanks for the courtesies with which you have been kind enough to favor me and for the gift that you have made in the form of a portrait of your person that I am taking with me. When I tried to pay for it, I was told that it was settled. The wines from Jerez, Pajarete, and Malaga that I have requested from Spain should arrive soon and the Arm of Morgan and Price will be in charge of delivering them to Your Excellency—not knowing whether the cask of malmsey Pedro Jimenez and the barrel of tintilla sent to that Arm have arrived in as good a condition as when they were shipped, since here I have been informed that the crew of the packet boat that carried it purchased other wines, thus adulterating their quality. No matter the time or place I And myself, I will have the distinct pleasure of knowing about Your Excellency’s health and obeying your orders, and meanwhile I have the honor of oCering Your Excellency my obedience and of praying that God be with you for many years. Most excellent sir I have the honor to be your obedient servant Josef Yznardy

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17 J U LY 1801 RC (DLC); in a clerk’s hand, closing and signature in Yznardi’s hand; with notation by TJ in margin (see note below); endorsed by TJ as received 21 July and so recorded in SJL.

fragata americana: the Maryland. q Here in margin TJ wrote: “Morgan & Price merchts. 170. South Front. Philada.”

From John Dickinson My dear Friend, Wilmington the 18th of the 7th Month 1801 When I wrote lately by Dr. Vaughan, my sole Intention was to gratify him knowing his high Veneration for thy Character; by introducing him to thy Acquaintance. He never gave Me the slightest Intimation of any Design thereby to obtain any of the oDces in this state for himself or any other. The Arst Intelligence I ever received of his Father in Law’s appointment, was on the arrival of the Commission or nearly at that Time; and tho I was pleased with it, as having allways understood, without personally knowing him, that he was a determined Republican and a Man of property, yet I was much hurt, as it convinced Me, that the Dr. had availed himself of my Letter to promote a Measure, which he ought never to have touched upon. At the same time it appeared very strange that he should have acted with such Reserve towards Me. We have lately received from Washington such an account of the Dr.’s Misconduct in other Respects, as has astonished those who esteemed him, and a number of very worthy Republicans regret the appointment. Some Days ago I advised the Dr., that the Marshall should immediately resign the Commission into thy Hands, which, I understand, will be done. As the Purity of Cæsar A. Rodney’s political Principles and his Integrity are well known to Me, I have frequently and freely conversed with him on public aCairs relating to this state. We perfectly agreed, that We ought strenuously to promote that Spirit of Reconciliation manifested in thy Conduct, as much as We could. For this purpose, We thought, that if called upon to give our sentiments great Circumspection and Deliberation should be used in Recommendations to oDce; and that, after being assured of a person’s Republicanism and QualiAcation, We should endeavour to make a selection that would be least grating to the feelings of our opponents. In this View, he mentioned to Me two persons, either of whom he < 590>

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thought Atting for the oDce of Marshall, William Gooch and John Moody—that he should rather preferr the Arst, but it was probable, he would not accept—and that therefore he wished the other to have it. I told him, that I did not know the Man, yet, from a Reliance on his Judgment, and a Belief that he would be generally approved by our Republican Friends, I should certainly join in recommending him, if my opinion should be asked. Thus the aCair rested, as I thought, in Tranquility, to be malined in the Manner before mentioned, till it was unhappily broken in upon by another. Here permit Me to add, that the foundation of the Character I gave him in my Letter, was the very general and great Reputation which the Dr. possessed in this place. He was Family Physician to a large number of truely respectable people, not only those who agreed with him in politics, but others also; and there never was an Instance here, as I am assured, of a Man geting so soon into such an extensive practise. I have within these few Days learned, that for some Months past several persons have been displeased with parts of his Behaviour: But, these objections did not come to my Knowledge. When I wrote, every Appearance was exceedingly favorable to him. But— notwithstanding this Circumstance, and the singleness of my Intention, it distresses Me, that I have occasioned so much unnecessary Trouble on this Business. I am thy truely aCectionate Friend John Dickinson RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 21 July and so recorded in SJL.

wrote lately by dr. vaughan: Dickinson to TJ, 25 May.

From James Jackson Halscombe Plantation 11 Miles above

Sir Louisville JeCerson County July 18 1801 Your favor of the 28h of May last, addressed to me as at Savannah, reached me after some delay occasioned by my removal for the Summer Months from that City at this Place; and which I hope will apologize for your not sooner receiving an answer to that honorable mark of your conAdence—I might add the extreme illness of Mrs Jackson, from which she is not yet recovered & which required all my attention after my arrival here. You are Pleased Sir to request my opinion, as to a character best qualiAed to All the vacancy on the 5h Circuit Court bench, occasioned < 591>

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by Mr Clays declining that appointment—and after enumerating other qualities you observe that they should be of republican principles “this latter qualiAcation” you say “cannot be deemed an illiberal requisite when we consider that oDces having been so long given exclusively to those called Federalists, it is but just that republicans should now come in till their shall be a due participation” In answer thereto I have to inform you that we have as many good Lawyers in proportion as most States in the Union but as to integrity and republican principles, they are rarely found at our bar—Our late Judge was & our present district Attorney is a strong advocate of the principles called Federalism and our present Marshal is higher toned than either I do not wish to impeach the late Judges integrity for I believe him an honest Man—The Republican professional Gentlemen are mostly young Men just called to the bar and who bid fair to be highly serviceable in future but are at present too young for the proposed appointment—the choice then will be conAned to a few characters and as I entirely accord with your sentiments, to those characters the choice ought to be conAned. I did myself the pleasure whilst at my Plantation below Savannah to address Mr Maddison on this subject but as my hand is well known at the southward and I have in common with most of your Friends, enemies enough in ODce it is probable it may have met the fate of at least a dozen letters written to our representatives during the late session of Congress, not one of which they assure me ever came to hand, and I therefore again recommend William Stephens late one of our State Judges as a sound Lawyer of perfect integrity— and the least tinctured with modern federalism of any of the old Lawyers at the bar and who has for some Years uniformly supported the Republican interest in this State— There are one or two other characters equally capable though not of that standing at the bar & sound Republicans but who will not relinquish their practice—among them David Brydie Mitchel late also one of our State Judges, but who will should it be deemed proper to remove Mr WoodruC accept the Attorneys place if appointed Among a Younger class say about thirty Years of age—William H Crawford stands conspicuous, he is a sound Lawyer of great integrity, good education and of Arm republican principles, and I will vouch for his conduct in any oDce—he has been selected with two others to form a digest of the State laws in which he has had the laboring oar & is now completing its index—If Mr Gibbons’s appointment by Mr Adams & the Senate should not be deemed valid— there being no vacancy then to All—Mr Clay having declined the < 592>

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district Judges oDce after that Court in May only and which the people of this State generally hope will be the case & the appointment has been presented by the Warren grand Jury of this State—I think that those two Characters Messrs Stephens and Crawford will All those appointments well—but as I believe Mr Stephens would rather prefer the district to the Circuit bench and I should suppose no great inconvenience could arise from a short postponement, as to the Circuit appointment the Court not meeting until late in the Year and but little if any thing to do in the district Court and as Mr Stephens will undoubtedly be in a few Weeks from the time you receive this at Washington to pay his respects to you as Chief Magistrate of the Union I could with submission wish a small delay. The State has been so harassed with those would be called Federal ODcers from the Bench the Collectors & Supervisors down to the Marshals deputies Searchers and excise understrappers that I believe the People generally except the Lawyers & British Merchants would rather lose two Courts of each than have one of those Characters again set over them—for except Lawyers Merchants & Federal ODcers—The people through this whole State are Arm republicans I must beg your indulgence for thus exceeding the limits of your requisition but I beg you to be assured that I have done so with the sole view of answering one part of your letter that it is necessary to know Characters, and if it should be deemed proper to dismiss Ambrose Gordon from the Marshals oDce, which I believe all the world this way expects, Thomas Gibbons and Thomas Young two old inveterate Tories to whom he is again tied being his Securities by which they harass the innocent & old republican characters of this Country I take the liberty to mention the name of John Holland who unites the qualities of a republican with the Gentleman & amiable disposition and who I am persuaded will exercise the ODce with that humanity its nature requires whilst he performs his duty with the utmost Adelity—his connections are such as to enable him to give adequate security Since I have gone thus far & as I think you know my candid mind—should Mr Matthews be discharged all of a piece with the others—I sincerely recommend, an old breed Whig who never has deviated one atom from his principles since 1775 Col Andrew Burns—a scientiAc character, superior in genius rather than in education but every way qualiAed for that ODce, which would be his hobby horse if he obtained it although I believe if the appointment were given to him he would rather it should again be taken from him < 593>

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should the Anances of the Union admit of a repeal of the Act—Were Mr Baldwin present, in this last Character particularly and I believe in all the others he would join in most of what I have asserted Begging Sir your pardon for trespassing so much on time devoted to so many important objects as yours is and assuring you of the links in principle to which I am bound to you I remain with the greatest respect to you as Chief Magistrate of the Nation & esteem for you as an Individual Citizen Your Fellow Citizen Jas Jackson Note—The post ODce on the Augusta Route wants inspection, and at Augusta needs a change—letters & papers have arrived from the northward there a fortnight previous to their arrival at Louisville—Mr Hobby the post Master has been the Orator the Writer & the almost bully of the pretended Federal administration—he is the real editor of the Augusta Herald. this will therefore be longer delayd as I shall send it via Savannah to Charleston—the post Master of Savannah is a good ODcer I am informed Mr Walton has been mentioned to you for Circuit Judge he is too inArm having the Gout one half his time—his knowledge is of the superior kind—but his conversion has been too sudden to be trusted far—last year John Adams was the greatest man on earth & the sedition & alien laws the wisest measures—We have shaken hands—but I should with caution trust him—if either the district Court is best where he can do least damage Obedy JJ RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); above postscript: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ: “pa. 4. William Stephens. district judge. 4. Willm. H. Crawford. circuit judge. 7. John Holland. marshall vice Ambrose Gordon 4. David Brydie Mitchell. Atty. vice WoodruC 8 Andrew Burns. vice Matthews.” Recorded in SJL as received 13 Aug. our late judge: a few months after declining the appointment as judge on the circuit court, Joseph Clay, Jr., resigned as U.S. judge for the district of Georgia, a position he had held since 1796 (dhsc, 3:144). George WoodruC

was the present district attorney of Georgia and Ambrose Gordon was the district’s present marshal (jep, 1:275, 329, 385). recommend william stephens: on 15 May, Jackson had written to James Madison about federal judicial positions in Georgia “at the request of numbers who revere Mr J & yourself also.” In that letter he wrote favorably about William Stephens (RC in DLC: Madison Papers, endorsed by TJ: “Georgia. Govr. Jackson’s lre to J. Madison. Wm. Stephen to be Circuit judge”; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:175-8). One of the original editors of the Augusta Herald, William J. hobby, the postmaster of Augusta, became the newspaper’s publisher in July 1804 (Brigham,

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18 J U LY 1801 American Newspapers, 1:115; Stets, Postmasters, 109).

post master of savannah: Isaac Bennedix (Stets, Postmasters, 112).

From Thomas Mann Randolph Dear Sir, Edgehill July 18. 1801 I write at the request of one of my neighbours, George Faris, to inform you he wishes to rent 120 acres at Lego on the terms of your leases to Petty & others. He is anxious to know immediately whether he can have that farm in your estate & is unwilling to wait your return as he will lose time in looking out elsewhere. He bears a good character in the neighbourhood, is industrious & well provided with farming stock. I have had dealings with the man myself to some amount & have found him plain, just, & unsuspicious. Martha & the children are well: Geo: JeCerson came up 4 days since: he was at B. Hundred shortly before & was told by Mr Eppes & Maria they could be here early in this month: they were both well. The mention of Geo: JeCerson makes me speak of the sum you so kindly lent me credit for with them: the agreement between Lillie & myself produced that demand upon you which I have since regreted severely as I have been unable to return it: I have no means yet but from the sale of my wheat of which I have a double crop this year & am preparing to make it ready for market with all dispatch. In Tobacco I have failed totally having lost 6 Ane plant beds by one fresh in the mountain falls creek upon May 30. This crop will be generally the shortest ever made. with sincere attachment Th: M. Randolph RC (MHi); endorsed by TJ as received 22 July and so recorded in SJL. TJ paid george faris for transporting nailrod and other goods in 1796 and 1797, but no evidence has been found that he leased part of TJ’s lego tract. TJ later claimed that James petty did not carry out the terms of his lease at Lego (mb, 2:939, 945, 1003; TJ to John Wayles Eppes, 12 May 1803).

you so kindly lent me credit: on 23 Jan. 1801, TJ assured his son-in-law that he would pay the $450 Randolph owed Gibson & JeCerson by the annual settlement of his account with them. On 1 Feb., TJ authorized the Arm to retain the amount from his tobacco payment on 1 Apr. “and apply it to the credit of TMRandolph” (mb, 2:1034; Vol. 32:499, 534-5).

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From Samuel Smith Sir Baltimore 18. July 1801 I have been in such excessive Pain for a few Days from something like the Rheumatism in my Jaws, that I have not been able to attend to your Letter of 11 Inst. The Treaty with France was signed on the 4th. Octobr.; the Berceau was taken on the 12th. same Month, and arrived at Boston, in November, subsequent to well authenticated accounts being received that a Treaty was eCected; but previous to its oDcial arrival. The Letters of the Navy Department will shew the orders given, the Truth is she was dismantled & sold—the United States became the Purchaser of the Ship—The Ballast, Provisions &c. &c. were (I believe) bought by Individuals. On my taking the Direction of the Navy Department, I was informed by Mr. Stoddart that he had directed the Berceau to be Atted & delivered over to the French in a handsome Manner, that as the Treaty had directed the Delivery of that Ship, It would be unworthy a Nation so respectable to cavil for TriBes—that she ought to be prepared in such a Manner as would do us honour. Without much thought on the Subject, I said that I presumed it would be right to deliver her in the same Situation in which she was when taken—he answered, that such was his Intention & such would have been his Conduct had he remained in ODce. I understood this to be his own Determination and of his own accord. A Letter from Mr. Higgensons Navy agent (on my recollection) arrived, requiring more explicit Direction as to the Berceaus Equipment—which Induced me to give the Orders to Mr. Brown, of April, & which orders I considered merely more fully explaning those previously given by Mr. Stoddart. In every Respect the Orders were proper & right. The Articles taken out of the Berceau were as much a part of the public Ship of War as the [Hull.] It so happened that a suit of sails (made for the Merrimack) & not sold with her suited the Berceau—they would have sold for a TriBe, for half their Value, they would have suited no other Ship, the Purchaser of the Merrymack refused to buy them. There was no positive fund for carrying into Execution the French Treaty. The late Secretary was not in the habit of considering speciAc appropriations, nor is it easy in the Navy Department—I meant the Expences of the Berceau to be advanced by the contingent funds until Congress should by Law appropriate the proper fund to replace the advance—It was your duty to carry the Treaty into eCect the French were delivering up our Merchant Vessels at all their Ports. I am certain the whole conduct respecting the Berceau will be approved. It was wise & Politic & may < 596>

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serve to avoid Discussion on the Insurgente a liberal Conduct on such occasions [is] often more useful than a long argument I am Sir/ with great Respect your sincere Friend & obt. Servt. S. Smith RC (DLC); in a clerk’s hand, signed by Smith; frayed at margin; endorsed by TJ as received 20 July and so recorded in SJL. Shortly after receiving the above letter from Smith, TJ received two additional letters regarding the Berceau and the frigate Boston from Abishai Thomas of the Navy Department. On 21 July, Thomas forwarded the proceedings of a court of inquiry into the conduct of George Little, captain of the Boston, regarding accusations made by oDcers of the Berceau that they had been “plundered & otherwise ill treated when prisoners” by the Boston’s crew. On 7 Sep. a court-martial acquitted Little, declaring the charges against him “malicious & ill founded” (RC in DLC, at foot of text:

“The President”, endorsed by TJ as received from the Navy Department on 21 July and so recorded in SJL with notation “Capt. Little”; FC in Lb in DNA: RG 45, LSP; ndqw, June-Nov. 1800, 466). The following day, 22 July, Thomas forwarded a letter from Samuel Brown, the navy agent at Boston, regarding the outAtting of the Berceau and Boston. Thomas pointed out that Brown had misunderstood instructions received from the Navy Department on 6 June, and that rather than preparing the Boston “to receive her crew & provisions,” the frigate now had a full crew on board (RC in DLC, at foot of text: “President of the United State”, endorsed by TJ as received from the Navy Department on 22 July and “Berceau Boston” and so recorded in SJL; FC in Lb in DNA: RG 45, LSP).

To James Madison Th:J. to mr Madison. July 19. 1801. With respect to the prosecutions against Thomas & others for a misdemeanor at Common law we ought to presume the judges will do right, and to give them an opportunity of doing so. the Executive ought not to sit in previous judgment on every case & to say whether it shall or shall not go before the judges. I think therefore this case ought to go on to trial, without interference of the Executive till the judges shall actually have done wrong. But the prosecution against Duane being under the Sedition law, on which the judges have given repeated decisions, we know we shall have to control them ultimately, & therefore may as well do it at once, to save to all parties the expence & trouble of trial. this prosecution may therefore be absolutely withdrawn. RC (DLC: Madison Papers); addressed: “Mr. Madison”; endorsed. PrC (DLC). Not recorded in SJL. prosecutions against thomas &

others: see James Madison to TJ, printed at 17 July. On 20 July, Madison wrote Alexander J. Dallas that at “the pleasure of the President” the district attorney “should enter

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19 J U LY 1801 a nolle prosequi upon the indictment” found against duane in the U.S. Circuit Court for his libel against the Senate under the sedition law. Madison continued, however, that other prosecutions against Duane “in any other form or in any other Court” were still in force (Tr in DLC; endorsed by TJ: “Duane’s case.

Nolle Prosequi”; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:442-3). On 28 July, Dallas endorsed a bill for libel that had been returned against Duane on 18 Oct. 1800: “The United States will no further prosecute this bill” (Gazette of the United States, 3 Sep. 1801).

To John Barnes [20 July 1801]

If mr Barnes has not sent oC the groceries to Richmond, Th:J will be obliged to him to add the underwritten articles. he has also two or three books he would send to have put into some of the packages 10. ¤ raisins P.S. also to send Th:J. 20. D. in small bills. 10. ¤ almonds 10. ¤ Ags 10. ¤ prunes. MS (ViU); undated; in TJ’s hand, except for check marks next to each grocery item and a note by Barnes at foot of text: “in a Box—with 2 Books—but no Conveyance at present”; addressed: “Mr.

Barnes”; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “The President for $20—July 20th 1801” and “® Mr Dougherty” (see mb, 2:1047).

From Daniel Clark Sir New Orleans 20 July 1801 I received a few Weeks since a Case containing the Indian Busts concerning which I had the pleasure of hearing from you last Year, and have waited some time in hope of having an Opportunity of sending it direct to Alexandria as a Port convenient to your place of residence, but being disappointed in my expectations I have shipped the Case on board the Brig Sophia Capt. Tibbett for Philadelphia who will deliver it to his Owner Mr Daniel Wm Coxe to wait your orders respecting it. I have taken the Liberty of adding to the Curiosities forwarded by Mr Brown two Castings in Plaister of a small Indian Image found some Years since in an Indian Mount in the district of Opelousas on the West of the Mississippi in this Province; the original from which they are moulded is in the possession of the Bishop of Luisiana and is made of a coarse grey Marble which must have been < 598>

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a work of diDculty to the Indians with such tools as they may be supposed to have possessed before the arrival of Europeans in America. On account of the want of Skill in the person by whom the Casting is made, the Characteristic marks do not appear as plain as in the original. It has evidently served as the Bowl of a Pipe in former days, and round the edge of the Bowl is a projecting rim intended for a rattle Snake coiled up. I shall endeavor to procure this triBe of the Bishop and if I obtain it will forward it to you, thinking it may be acceptable on account of its rarity. In the last Letter I had the honor of receiving from you you mentioned that your Pacan Trees at Monticello tho planted in 1780 had not hitherto born fruit, this must be owing to their being planted in too elevated or too dry a Soil as they bear in this Country in ten or twelve Years, and the trees in their natural State are I believe always found in the River Bottoms and in places occasionally overBowed at the annual rise of the Rivers. I have taken the Liberty of mentioning this Circumstance that you may try the Experiment on some young Trees I send herewith put up in a Case as well as a few Orange Trees which I hope will get safe to hand. I have the Honor to remain with respect Sir Your most obedient & most humble Servt. Daniel Clark RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 24 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. For the two indian busts sent by Morgan Brown from Tennessee, see Vol. 31:195-6, 309-10, 593. In October 1801 the ship carrying the statuary from New Orleans was forced to put into Norfolk in distress. Thomas Newton forwarded the stones to Washington by packet boat. Although the sculptures broke into “many pieces” in transport from Washington to Monticello, TJ was able to put them on display (mb, 2:1058; Newton to TJ, 16 Oct. 1801; TJ to Newton, 9 Nov. 1801; TJ to John Barnes, 6 Aug. 1802).

Luis Peñalver y Cárdenas, bishop of the Diocese of Louisiana and the Floridas, visited the parish of Opelousas in 1796. For Clark’s Arst description of the bowl of a pipe, see his letter to TJ of 29 May 1800 (Glenn R. Conrad, gen. ed., Cross Crozier and Crucible: A Volume Celebrating the Bicentennial of a Catholic Diocese in Louisiana [New Orleans, 1993], xxv, 24-6). TJ’s last letter was dated 16 Jan. 1800. The trees shipped by Clark were, like the sculptures, landed at Norfolk and forwarded to Washington. Earlier, Clark had sent TJ a box of pecans and a barrel of oranges (Vol. 31:237-8; Thomas Newton to TJ, 4 Nov. 1801).

From Maria Cosway L. 20 July 1801

I must not look back to the date of our last Correspondence it would alarm & discourage me from taking the pen up this Moment. Your < 599>

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kindness to me has been of all times, & your friendship & mine took its date from its beggining: Circumstances, not your will I am sure have deprived me of the pleasure I used to value so much of receiving your letters. Many Many times my thoughts [. . .] towards you, with a wish to write.—[. . .] a transition check’d my resolution [. . .] fears & doubts, it is unjust to suspect you & I wrong you my dear friend, why should I admit the Shadow of a thought that my letters may have lost the way of being acceptable, however perseivd by My imaginary Visions, several Motives crowd now to forward my [desires].— Would you not receive the congratulations of an old friend, qui vous ete sincerement devouée? While you are surrownded by those of your Country, could you permit a thought that time or distance has at all lessend My interest in what attends you? this is enough: words cannot express all I should say on the subject. & you have so much of that sympathising sentiment to enable you to Conceive more than I can write what the occasion would require.—May God Continue to be your guide, as you have [. . .] Service for the welfare of your Country & [the] happiness of your friends.— This letter was to have been presented to you by a friend of Mine who set out a Month ago, the Beli Ruspoli Brother to Prince Ruspoli of Rome as amiable as he is cleaver, travelling for his instruction as well as his pleasure. to know you was his wish, & mine to have comply’d with it, but his sudden departure prevented him Coming to me again, & the letter could not be sent after him. It will however be the lot of my Brother HadAeld to have this honor. He looks up to you for protection, & trusts in your justice. I can only beg for your indulgence in this instance of double intrusion. I shall Batter myself with the certainty of your remembrance towards me. Send me few words to assure me I live in your esteem & friendship & you will revive the happiness of ever Yours aBy: Maria Cosway P.S. I have seen several letters from America which give a most desolate account of the Catholics. Can you be of any use or relief to them? Oh I wish they may And the friend in you that I have found! God bless you— RC (DLC); torn at seal; endorsed by TJ as received from London on 24 Dec. and so recorded in SJL. last correspondence: see Vol. 28:543-4.

qui vous ete sincerement devouée: who is sincerely devoted to you. beli ruspoli: Bailli (BailiC) Bartolomeo Ruspoli (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 2:319; Syrett, Hamilton, 25:432). brother hadfield: see George HadAeld to TJ, 27 Mch. 1801.

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From Anthony Haswell Respected Sir, Bennington, Vermont, July 20th. 1801.— On the 10th. of May last, I thought it my duty to address you in a few lines on the subject of my personal concerns as a printer, and the situation of political aCairs in this quarter, as far as the printing business was concerned:—Sensible that from a concatenation of triBes great events are produced, I feel constrained once more to intrude on your politeness, in relation to the same business on which I then wrote.— Messrs. Collier and Stockwell have prosecuted their design in the publication of a paper in this place to eCect; the complexion of it you will perceive from the enclosures herewith.—The promoters of this institution among us, though not numerous are powerful, and appear systematically united: to aid them they have two federal oDcers, viz. Nathaniel Brush, esq. Supervisor of the revenue, and Micah J. Lyman, Postmaster;—both of which furnish some business, of consequence to a village printer to the federal oDce, so called.—Of these gentlemen I shall only observe, that they have been decided friends to an administration that my friends have ever consciencious disapproved of, and that Col. Brush, on the event of a former election, declared his sentiments the most aCrontively to me of any man with whom I at that period conversed.—It was reported, during the period when the success of Mr. Adams or yourself was dubious, in the former election, that Mr. Adams checked the assersions of some warm partizans in a public company, in Boston, who were reviling your character, by saying, Gentlemen, I know Mr. JeCerson, personally, and if our country is so happy as to obtain so enlightened and good a President, I shall cheerfully submit to his authority. On mentioning this report to Mr. Brush and applauding Mr. Adams’s sentiments1 his answer was, “I would just as leave that Genet had obtained the election as JeCerson.”—I was surprized at the expression, and somewhat stung with its asperity, but past it in silence.— Perhaps, (as I state from memory) the anecdote of Mr. Adams may not be litterally as then related. it is however substantially the same— the answer of Mr. Brush is literal, I am fully conscious; his conduct has been, in my view accordant; his inBuence in the present instance detrimental to republicanism.— The federal printers here, (as they are termed) have a heavy support from various quarters, a wealthy merchant in Troy supports them in part, viz. in their book business,—the printers of the Connecticut Courant have furnished them with a handsome oDce, and < 601>

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our Governor and his party are patronizing their exertions warmly, aided by the post master and supervisor, who furnish more business to the oDce than any two individuals among us;—I am distrest, being somewhat in debt, with a large family, and so pinched in circumstances as to be unable at present even to obtain a small supply of types which now lay at a store in Newyork, waiting my remittance of a small proportion of their value the principal part being already paid by me.—From this cause a successful opposition of their plan by me appears impossible, and I have therefore been constrained to oCer my business for sale, and determined to seek some place at the southward, however remote, from my present station is not a subject of much anxiety to me, where a farm may be obtained in a neighborhood aCording a few schollars who want instruction in such branches as I may be accommodated to teach, suDcient to put a labourer or two on my farm, in my stead, and enable me; if favored by providence, at some future period, to discharge my honest debts.— Governor Robinson, and his worthy friends in this quarter are well. I can however forward no particular respects from them, as no man knows an iota of the contents of my former or present writing.— With every sentiment of due respect, I am, Sir, your fellow citizen Anthony Haswell.— RC (DLC); addressed: “Thomas Jefferson, esq. President of the United States.—Washington”; endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures not found, but see below. On 13 July 1801, Thomas collier and William stockwell established a weekly newspaper, The Ploughman; or,

Republican Federalist, in Bennington, Vermont (Brigham, American Newspapers, 2:1073). printers of the connecticut courant: Barzillai Hudson and George Goodwin (Brigham, American Newspapers, 2:1419, 1434). our governor: Isaac Tichenor. q Preceding Ave words interlined.

From James Lyon Sir, July 20th. 1801. I am ashamed to be so troublesome as I am compelled to be to those whom I have taken the liberty to suppose are friendly to me; but I believe there are few men, who in their youth do not contract obligations that make them ashamed before they are thirty. Had I not a family to protect and support, misfortune would be little to me,—I could bear it, or By from it, as I am I must suCer or trouble others for assistance. I took the liberty to mention to you, in a former note, my < 602>

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wish to resume my business, or get some public employment; I have since been employed at 500$ under Mr. Gallatin, who has informed me that my situation is not incompatible with any other business; Altho’ this employment is not adequate to the maintenance of a family, yet I feel very grateful for my situation. Dr. Dinmore, who is a man of talents and a Republican, but who has been unfortunate, has been disposed to join me in printing. At the date of the enclosed letter we had every arrangement made for proceeding, in his name, but disappointment prevented. The obstacles are now so numerous that we cannot now proceed without printing materials of our own; 500$ will enable us to procure them. Our friends have advised us upon the enclosed plan,—and his friend Col. Mercer, has, with the other gentlemen, given it so much respectability that I now venture to present it to you, hoping that in some way you might give it your Patronage;—altho the paper mentions a company of a number of persons, it is probable all the advantages of the loan will result to Dr. Dinmore and myself. I will take the Liberty to call to morrow morning for the paper. With Perfect respect, your’s truly J Lyon. RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 20 July and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Richard Dinmore to postmasters, Washington, 28 May, announcing the resumed publication, under his editorship, of the weekly Cabinet and National Magazine (broadside in DLC: TJ Papers, 112:19351). For Lyon’s employment under mr. gallatin, see Vol. 32:262n. In August 1800, Lyon had established a triweekly Georgetown paper titled The Cabinet, which was discontinued the fol-

lowing March. By the end of October 1801, Lyon’s two publications were combined and appeared as the National Magazine or Cabinet of the United States under the editorship of Richard dinmore, who was also the director of a circulating library at the “Arst door west of the President’s Square,” which Lyon had proposed. TJ paid Ave dollars for a year’s subscription to the library on 2 June (Bryan, National Capital, 1:368, 588; Brigham, American Newspapers, 1:87; mb, 2:1043).

From Richard Richardson Dr. Sir, Kingston Jamacka July 20th 1801 Its with great pleasure, I have it In my power, to write you, from this, by Capt. Thomas Calvert whome I came passainger with to this place nothing strange has ocured since my arrival hear only that of seeing a number of our vessels Brought In hear, and some of them for mere nothing, I think I have counted seaven or Eight, which lay hear to undergo a trial, this place being vearey sicly, I shall leave it, as soon < 603>

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as a passage will occur, to falmouth on the north side of the Ilant, I have herd nothing of my propertey from this, nor have I made much Inquirey, amongst the peopel form their appearing vearey distant to what the peopel do of americka I think I Shall Return this fall let the Consiquence be what it may as I And a disagreeableness, being amongs the peopel of this, place or Ilant I had a passage from norfolk to this place In Eighteen days but not being much at sea I was vearey sick all the passage but since my arrival hear have got my health tolerable well again Captain Thomas Calvert whome I came passenger with was Commander of the norfolk Sloop of war his hospatallitey towards me on the passage and after my arrival hear shall be Ever duly Considered he being a gentalman well known In our Contry and more Espicially as a good seaman and a vearey active oDcer during his Command of the norfolk1 merits his attention to the publick, he being In seaveral actions and has been wounded by them Intitels him to greate Creadit I will write you when I get setteld as you may know where to address me a line from you at any time will be thankfully Received by your Humble St Rd. Richardson RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Mr Th. Jefferson”; endorsed by TJ as received 17 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosed in Thomas Calvert to TJ, Norfolk, 30 Aug. 1801, noting that a friend of Richardson’s at Kingston, Jamaica, had delivered the letter to him and that he knew Richardson as a passenger on his voyage to the island (RC in DLC; at foot of text: “Thos Jefferson Esqr”; endorsed by TJ as recieved on 17 Sep. from “N.Y.,” not Norfolk, and so recorded in SJL).

Appointed by President Adams in 1798, thomas calvert, of Norfolk, Virginia, received his commission as a lieutenant in the U.S. Navy in March 1799. He was discharged in April 1801. He served as commander of the Norfolk, a vessel acquired by the navy in 1798, from April 1800 until the ship was decommissioned and sold at Baltimore about November 1800 (jep, 1:308; ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 321, 369). q MS: “forfolk.”

From Robert Smith Sir, Baltimore July 20. 1801. Instead of proceeding to Washington immediately and of returning, as suggested by you, in the Course of a few days for the purpose of adjusting my private aCairs, I have determined to postpone my removal until Saturday next. The state of the health of one of my sons irresistiby demands my immediate attention. Under the advice of the Physicians I will tomorrow take him and Mrs. Smith to a Sulphur Spring in York County Pennsylvania. Upon my return I will without delay repair to Washington. Under this arrangement it will be con< 604>

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venient to me to remain four or Ave weeks without returning to Baltimore. Accept assurances of my high respect and esteem— Rt Smith RC (MoSHi: JeCerson Papers); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 21 July and so recorded in SJL.

From Samuel Smith sir, Baltimore 20 July 1801 Mr. Pitcairn the Consul at Hamburg is a Merchant of Considerable Credit & well supported in New York. the Merchants who do Business with him from this City Speak highly of him, as a Man of Understanding & one who has their entire ConAdence,—and in this point of View he is Considerd by those who do not know his Transactions at Paris & a part of his Commercial Conduct, known to few— I do not mention this with the most distant View to his being Continued, but to Shew the Necessity of having him replaced (when you deem it proper) by a Man of unblemished Character who will bear a Comparison with Mr. Pitcairn—I am led to this Observation by Genl. Dearborn having informed me that Mr Orr is to be appointed to Hamburg—I am very little Acquainted with Mr. Orr.— But the general Impression of that gentleman is—that he is One of those Land speculators, whose nefarious Conduct has Axed a Stigma on the American Character, and ruined a Number of useful families—I Confess those are also my impressions—and So Strongly am I impressed with this Opinion, that Nothing could induce me to trust the Man—And such be assured will be the Impression in New York and in Philada. where he is well known—It is not suDcient that a Man appears worthy—his Character ought to be free of Blemish— Believe me my Dr. sir, his appointment will be very unpopular— Mr. Iznardi, has Conducted himself, so unworthily that I have written to a friend of his Father, requesting him to State the Conduct of the son & Induce the Old Gentleman to resign for the son—If he should not—I will then take leave to represent to you his exceptionable Conduct—The Father is at present Ill & cannot Immy. be Spoken to—Believe me with great Respect truly your friend S. Smith RC (DLC); address clipped; franked; endorsed by TJ as received 21 July and so recorded in SJL.

Before he moved to Hamburg in 1798, Joseph pitcairn, a New York merchant, served as U.S. vice consul at Paris, where

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20 J U LY 1801 he lived near Talleyrand and served as one of the American intermediaries between the French foreign minister and the U.S. envoys during the XYZ negotiations (William Stinchcombe, The XYZ ACair [Westport, Conn., 1980], 32-3, 58-9, 66, 78, 111; jep, 1:163, 253; Marshall, Papers, 3:186, 288). orr is to be appointed: TJ oCered the Hamburg consulate to Benjamin Grayson Orr, a native of Virginia and prominent Washington merchant. In April, former Virginia Congressman Walter Jones had recommended him for the consulship at

Bordeaux. He noted that Orr’s business in Philadelphia in the early 1790s had taken “an adverse turn, so common with Many,” but that he acquired “much useful Experience from the Event.” Elizabeth Orr complained that after her husband applied for a “petty oDce,” without salary, other merchants began circulating falsehoods about him. Orr did not accept the Hamburg appointment (Jones to Madison, 20 Apr. 1801, in DNA: RG 59, LAR; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:482, 486; 2:235; Vol. 33:666, 668n).

To Pierpont Edwards Dear Sir Washington July 21. 1801. I recieved in due time your friendly favor of June 18. and proAted of the information it contained, as you will have seen by a certain paper inclosed to you from this place. I was glad the remonstrants of your state took the measure they did. their attack was on that class of removals which every reasonable man of whatsoever party has approved; I mean those which were made by a preceding administration in their last moments, & with a view either to force their successors to work with thwarting cooperators, or to incur odium by removing them. an opportunity was also wanting to come forward and disavow the sophistical constructions on what I had declared on the 4th. of March, to declare the justice of some participation by the republicans in the management of public aCairs, and the principles on which vacancies would be created. I verily believe there will be a general approbation of what has been avowed in the answer to the remonstrance, and that we may now proceed in our duty with a Armer step. I certainly feel more conAdent since an opportunity has been furnished me of explaining my proceedings. I consider Rho. isld. Vermont, Massachusets & N. Hampshire as coming about in the course of this year. in Congress R.I. is entirely republican, Vermont will probably be threefourths, Massachusets a majority: N.H. coming fast up: but the nature of your government being a subordination of the civil to the Ecclesiastical power, I consider it as desperate for long years to come. their steady habits exclude the advances of information & they seem exactly where they were when they separated from the Saints of Oliver Cromwell. and there your clergy will always keep them if they can. you will follow the bark of liberty only by the help < 606>

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of a tow-rope. you will greatly oblige me by continuing your information as to the eCects on them produced & to be produced by our measures, and I pray you to be assured of my friendly & high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (PHi); addressed in unidentiAed hand: “Pierpont Edwards esquire Newhaven”; stamped and postmarked. PrC (DLC).

favor of june 18: Edwards to TJ, 10 June, with a postscript dated 18 June.

From Theodore Foster Dear Sir, Providence July 21st. 1801 Be pleased to accept my sincerest Thanks, for your Letter of the 6th. Ulto., which I Recd. the 15th,—the Day the General Assembly of this State met, at Newport, which I was obliged to attend during the Session. For more than a Fortnight, after my Return home, I was so much aEicted by an InBamation in my Eyes and Face, (the ECect of a Sudden Cold), as to be unable to write. I should otherwise have done myself the Honour to have made an earlier Acknowledgment of the Obligations I am under, for the Information your Letter contained. It was the more interesting, on account of the Share this Town has in the Mediterranian Commerce, in which my Son-in-Law Stephen Tillinghast, is also personally engaged, having gone to the Mediterranian with a valuable Ship and Cargo, belonging to Messrs. Murray and Mumford, of New York: It relieved us from the Anxiety occasioned by the News Paper Publications that Hostilities had been actually commenced.— I was surprized to learn that Three Years Arrearages were due to Algiers. I hope however that the prompt Measures which your Excellency has taken to fulAl our Treaty with that Power will prevent a Rupture which, at this Time, would be peculiarly distressing. Many Vessels richly laden from the New England States have adventured to the diCerent Ports of the Mediterranean, a great Proportion of which would, in that Event be probably lost. John Rogers of this Town Brother of Dr. Wm Rogers of Philadelphia, sailed some Weeks since for Palermo in Sicily, with a Ship and Cargo, I am told, of the Value of more than an Hundred Thousand Dollors.—and I believe there are still greater Adventures from Massachusetts.—As the Northern States are greatly interested, in the present and in the expected Commerce of the Eastern World, the Fitting out of our national Ships, which have sailed and which are about to sail, for its < 607>

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Protection, is a Measure universally popular in New England. It is however hoped that the paciAc Disposition of our Country, tempered with manly Fortitude with Justice and Clemency, will, even on the Barbarous Coast of the South Side of the Mediterranian continue to be followed with their usual Advantages,— Neutrality and a Bourishing Commerce.—That Policy is generally safe which springs from a benevolent, Generous Spirit, and is founded in Justice, shewing itself Arm and undaunted, when Occasion shall require it, keeping itself however always within the Bounds of Reason and Prudence—Qua si adsent “nullum Numen abest.”— Your Answer to the Address of the Legislature of this State has been published, in all the Newspapers of New England, and has given universal Satisfaction. It has been the means as was anticipated by those who promoted the Address of adding to that ConAdence in your Administration of the Government which has been rapidly increasing ever since its Commencement. Though there is a Party who are opposed and will continue to be opposed yet I believe it will wax weaker and weaker. Unless something extraordinary shall happen I think it doubtful whether an Attempt will be made to bring forward a Candidate, at the next Election against the present President, if proper Measures are seasonably taken to preserve and continue the Public ConAdence, in the Executive Power. I suppose your Excellency has probably heard of the Entertainment given at Stephen Higginson’s in Boston, to Mr. Ellsworth, on his Arrival from Europe. It was then proposed, in a large Company of Essex Junto Federalists that Measures should be taken, for supporting the Election of General Pinckney and Mr. Rufus King as President and Vice President, at the next Election. Mr. Ellsworth was asked his Opinion.—He replied in his prompt, masterly and decisive Way.—He gave his Opinion fully and decidedly against any Attempt of the Kind, with such strong and forcible Reasons as are said to have had a great ECect, in discouraging any Attempt to support “the Phalanx of Opposition”1 recommended by General Hamilton, in his Public Address, at New York. The Reasons urged by Mr. Ellsworth have not got into Print, but will be remembered, and should Occasion require will be communicated to the Public, who will not fail of giving them the Weight they deserve.— I inclose a Copy of an Oration, delivered from this Town on the 4th Instant by Mr. Tristam Burges, not because I approve of the Sentiments he expressed, which participate too much of an intollerant unaccommodating Party Spirit. But that Your Excellency may have an Opportunity of Judging at least of the Character of the Orator, and of < 608>

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learning the Manner in which “Political Deception” is attempted to be kept up by high-toned Federalists in this part of the Country, at the same time that they charge it on the Friends of the present Administration. I was too unwell to be present at the Delivery of it.— Presuming on your Goodness and the Friendship with which you have been pleased to honour Me, I shall take the Liberty of writing, by the next Mail, on the Subject of an annual Publication, which I have sometime contemplated, intended to give an Historical and correct View of the Motives which inBuence the Counsels of the Country, more especially of the executive Power, so far as they are known, and it may be advisable to publish them, and of requesting the Favour of your Opinion of the Propriety and Feasibility of such an Undertaking, remaining in the mean Time with Sentiments of the highest Esteem & Respect most sincerely, Your Friend and Obedient Servt. Theodore Foster RC (DLC); at head of text: “President JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Tristam Burges, An Oration, Delivered in the Baptist Meeting-House, in Providence, on the Fourth of July, 1801, in Commemoration of American Independence (Providence, 1801); Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 256. New York merchant stephen tillinghast married Foster’s eldest daughter, Theodosia, in 1794. He and his business partner, Lebeus Loomis, declared bankruptcy in late 1800 (Genealogies of Rhode Island Families, From Rhode Island Periodicals. 2 vols. [Baltimore, 1983], 1:526; Syrett, Hamilton, 22:60; New York Mercantile Advertiser, 15 Jan. 1801). murray and mumford: probably John B. Murray and John P. Mumford, New York merchants with extensive shipping interests (Syrett, Hamilton, 18:456). john rogers may have been the person of the same name who acted as supercargo for the Brown family of Providence on commercial voyages to India, China, and the East Indies during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (James B. Hedges, The Browns of Providence Plantations, The Nineteenth Century [Providence, 1968], 30-5, 142-4). His brother was probably William Rogers, a 1769 graduate of Rhode Island College and professor of oratory and English lan-

guage at the University of Pennsylvania from 1789 to 1811 (University of Pennsylvania, Biographical Catalogue of the Matriculates of the College, Together with Lists of the Members of the College Faculty and the Trustees ODcers and Recipients of Honorary Degrees, 1749-1893 [Philadelphia, 1894], xxi, 519). prudence—qua si adsent “nullum numen abest”: “prudence— which if present, no divine power is absent.” Foster paraphrases the Latin axiom: “Nullum numen abest, si sit prudentia,” that is, “No divine power is absent, if there is prudence.” The axiom is an adaptation of Juvenal, Satire X, line 365: “Nullum numen habes, si sit prudentia,” that is “Thou wouldst have no divinity, O Fortune, if we had but wisdom” (G. G. Ramsay, trans., Juvenal and Persius [Cambridge, Mass., 1940], 220-1). your answer to the address: TJ to the General Assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 26 May. phalanx of opposition: in a campaign speech made at New York on 10 April, and reported in the New York Commercial Advertiser, Alexander Hamilton called on Federalists “to present such a phalanx as might enable us to support the chief magistrate, if he went right, and suDcient to deter him if he appeared disposed to go wrong” (Syrett, Hamilton, 25:375-6). A Providence attorney and active Fed-

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21 J U LY 1801 eralist, tristam burges represented his state in Congress from 1825 to 1835. In his Fourth of July oration, Burges warned his audience that political deception was the greatest threat to American liberty, detailing an extended history of how tyranny in the guise of democracy and reform had undermined freedom in ancient and modern civilizations (Biog. Dir. Cong., 703). annual publication: Foster maintained a lifelong interest in history and

became one of Rhode Island’s most assiduous antiquarians following his retirement from the Senate in 1803. Although he compiled a voluminous collection of books and manuscripts, he never published any historical writings of his own (dab; Richard M. Bayles, ed., History of Providence County, Rhode Island, 2 vols. [New York, 1891], 2:629-30). q Opening quotation mark supplied by Editors.

To Gideon Granger Dear Sir Washington July 21. 1801 I propose within about ten days to seek, for the months of August & September, a climate more congenial than that of the tide waters. I do myself therefore the previous pleasure of acknoleging [the] reciept of your favor of the 6th. & to thank you for it’s information & to hope you will continue it. my own opinion accords entirely with yours. the Arst removal in Connecticut will be justiAed by federalists as well as republicans, for, I have yet heard of no one who did not disapprove of the nominations [. . .]ed on by my predecessor as soon as he knew that I was to succeed him. the second removal was called for by the high tone of remonstrance, to [take] away the belief that I was afraid to perform the duties of my oDce. what remains to be done shall have due time & consideration. our [nation] is of large [parts.] the movements in [it’s] diCerent [parts] must respect [the] state of the whole. [whenever] a few angry people will make a noise, it [is] necessary to evacuate the bile from their stomachs. but I believe when [it] shall be seen to how moderate an extent removals will take place, & the principles which will govern in the [situation], no rational man of [either] party will disapprove the proceedings. among other lies circulated at present I see that they aCect to say that three of the administration are opposed to any removals, leaving the measure on mr Gallatin & myself. but the truth is that there is not a shade of diCerence of opinion among us on this subject: and our unanimity is the result of deliberate consultation. I [rejoice] to learn that your journey has been serviceable to your health. I [. . .] a continuance of it’s amelioration, & pray you to be assured of my friendly esteem & high respect Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Gideon Granger esq.”

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To Edmund Jenings Sir Washington July 21 1801 Your favor of Feb. 21 and mr Gourlay’s of [the twenty-second came to hand] on the 6th. of May. I learnt from them with sincere regret the death of the late mrs Randolph. my intimacy in her family in early life, [. . .] [rendered] [. . .] interests & happiness of the family a matter of great concern to me. [. . .] aCectionate recollections maintain the same dispositions in my mind. it was with regret therefore that [I And] myself obliged [. . .] with the guardianship of the grandchildren [. . .] your[self] [. . .] and also by themselves. but my present situation [. . .] my whole time, & even the whole does not suDce for their aCairs [. . .] such circumstances it would have been an injury to the children [to] have undertaken a guardianship, the duties of which must have been [. . .] performed. I sent the bill of £100 [sterl.] to my [correspondent in Richmond] with instructions to collect & pay it to the order of [mr Randolph, the uncle], which I presume was immediately done, or I should have [. . .] it. In reply to the letter of young mr Grymes [. . .] authentic copy of his grandmother’s will which I would [deliver] to his [agent?] as soon as one should be appointed. I have also [declined drawing on mr] Gourlay for the £200 as authorized because I thought it proper [a?] [guar]dian should recieve & dispose of the proceeds of the bill. I have [not yet] heard of an appointment of one. the bequest of the money to [. . .] children, and failing them by [. . .] the children [. . .] by the same construction [have as] [. . .] what [. . .] be; I am too rusty in law [. . .], & especially to yourself [. . .] whom the subject is so familiar. I am sorry mrs Randolph did not [. . .] the moiety of annuity due from her son to her. I am afraid my letters have [not] been suDciently understood by her. he will be in the power of the legatees who [. . .] when they [. . .], may be less indulgent than themselves would be [. . .] mr Gourlay will be kind enough to permit [his] [. . .] say but the same thing to him[self] & to accept, with your self, assurances of my high consideration and respect Th: Jefferson PrC (ViU: Carr-Cary Papers); faint; frayed at margin; at foot of text: “Edmund Jennings esq.”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Edmund Jenings’s favor of feb. 21 to TJ, written from London and recorded in SJL as received 6 May, has not been found.

For the guardianship of the grandchildren of Ariana Jenings Randolph, see Charles Wyndham Grymes to TJ, 2 May 1801. For the annuity due from her son, Edmund Randolph, see Vol. 31:584n.

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From Thomas McKean Dear Sir, Philadelphia. July 21st. 1801. Having lately recieved letters from several of my old friends in Delaware, chieBy relating to their political aCairs, and particularly the inimical conduct of most of those, who hold oDces there under the United States, towards Republicans, and collecting from them, that they wish you to be informed of their opinions, tho’ they seem to be unwilling to communicate them directly, owing to their not having the honor of being personally known to you, I shall take the liberty of repeating some of their observations. It appears, that the antirepublicans (even those in oDce) are as hostile as ever, tho’ not so insolent. To overcome them, they must be shaven, for in their oDces (like Sampson’s locks of hair) their great strength lieth; their disposition for mischief may remain, but the power of doing it will be gone. It is out of the common order of nature to prefer enemies to friends: the despisers of the people should not be their rulers, nor men be vested with authority in a government, which they wish to destroy; a dagger ought not to be put into the hands of an assassin. Sayings of this import are in the mouths of everybody, and self preservation seems to demand some attention to them. I do not And any but the parties, who have not been reappointed to oDce & some of their nearest connexions or immediate dependents, that are dissatisAed. On the contrary many of the Federalists or Tories have said, nothing less could have been expected, and censure them for their violent, tyrannical & provoking behavior when in oDce: and have added, when a Prime Minister in Great Britain is changed, there is usually an intire change of all subaltern oDcers down to the lowest grade; for they are fond of British precedents, and must be pleased to see them followed. Whether this arises from envy, a restless temper or the cause assigned, I cannot say; perhaps each has some share. One of the Gentlemen, who have written to me, is Wm. Killen Esquire, now Chancellor and for many years before Chief Justice of the supreme court of that State: I have been acquainted with him near Afty years; he was zealous for the American revolution and is a good citizen, he seems to be disinterested, for tho’ he wishes to have some persons removed from oDce, he recommends no others in their room. Another is Colonel Hall, who is proposed as a candidate for their next Governor and will, I believe, be chosen; he has named Colo: Nehemiah Tilton, as a Gentleman worthy of the oDce of Collector of the Port of Wilmington: Mr; Tilton is a brother of Doctor < 612>

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Tilton, & both are sensible & staunch Republicans. I cannot intermeddle further in the concerns of that State, tho’ I know most of the principal inhabitants, & am interested in their happiness; but as it may be of some use to have the sentiments of so respectable a character as Mr; Killen about removals from oDce, I shall inclose herewith his last letter to me. Altho’ I have resisted most of the applications of this kind, yet if I had omitted to say thus much, the Gentlemen, who live at so great a distance relying upon me may have refrained from adopting some other mode of conveying their wishes on this subject, and might otherwise be altogether disappointed. Cæsar Augustus Rodney Esq; of Wilmington, I have heard, is now at Washington; he is well acquainted with persons and transactions in Delaware, and worthy of your conAdence: Colo. Hall read law under me, Mr; Rodney with my son, so that their principles & integrity are thoroughly known to me. My son Robert had given me a Project respecting the Island of St. Martin’s in the West Indies; it was written prior to the late capture by Great Britain: apprehending it may be a useful hint, I have inclosed it to your Excellency. If You shall be at Washington the latter end of August or beginning of September next I purpose to have the honor of paying you my devoirs there. With sentiments of the highest esteem & attachment; I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and devoted humble servant Thos M:Kean RC (DLC); at foot of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson Esquire”; endorsed by TJ as received 23 July and so recorded in SJL. Dft (PHi); dated 20 July. Enclosure: Project by Robert McKean, undated, being a two-page description of the French- and Dutch-controlled island of Saint Martin, indicating that the French half of the West Indian island with its harbors and “salt ponds” would be a valuable acquisition for the United States, and as it was of “no real Value to

the French; but rather an Expence; might be readily obtained for some small Consideration” and become of great importance as a port of deposit for American produce, enabling the United States to counteract the British navigation laws (MS in DLC; undated; in Robert McKean’s hand). Other enclosure not found. David hall was elected governor in October 1801 (Vol. 33:629n).

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To James Monroe Dear Sir Washington July 21. 1801. In answer to your letter on the paiment of the guards at NewLondon, I beg leave to mention that it was not till about a fortnight ago that measures could be taken for their relief. a party from some recruits at Winchester was about that time ordered to proceed to New London. so soon as they arrive, the guards you ordered can be dispensed with, and if you will then have the accounts of expences made up, and forwarded to the Secretary at war, they will be discharged. On the subject of your letter of June 15. which is diDcult, as I hope soon to meet you in Albemarle, we will confer together there; explanations of your object & our means may give a better direction to our endeavors, than if undertaken with less distinct views. Mr. Madison leaves this place for Orange about the 26th. I shall set out for Monticello a week later. we rendezvous here again the last day of September. I hope that the same attention to health on your part not to pass the two sickly months on tide-waters, will Ax you in Albemarle during the same period. present me respectfully to mrs Monroe and accept yourself assurances of unalterable & aCectionate esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (DLC: Monroe Papers); addressed: “James Monroe Governor of Virginia Richmond”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by Monroe. PrC (DLC). The second letter from Monroe printed under 15 June was the one concerning guards. For the use of soldiers from winchester, see TJ to Henry Dearborn, 27 June. See Monroe’s Arst letter under 15 June for the difficult subject. On 12 July Monroe wrote TJ to recommend merchant Francis L. Taney of Maryland for federal employment. Mon-

roe had known Taney in France and praised him as “an amiable man” held in high regard by those who knew him. In 1790, Uriah Forrest had recommended Taney, who was then a recent arrival at Havre, as a prospective vice consul for that port. On 20 July 1801, the same day that he received Monroe’s letter, TJ named Taney the U.S. commercial agent for the port of Ostend (RC in DLC, endorsed by TJ as received 20 July and so recorded in SJL; commission, Lb in DNA: RG 59, PTCC; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:363; 2:278n, 295, 318; Vol. 16:429n).

From Henry Daniel Sir. Philada. 22nd. July 1801 Having been disappointed in my application to the Comissioners in this City it is therefore necessary that I shou’d have a Copy of the < 614>

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Judgement obtained in my favour against the Commonwealth of Virginia in Dunwoody County.— The Judgement was obtained in April 1798.—The Copy is to be directed to the Governor of Nova Scotia. I am Sir with due Respect Your Obdt.1 Henry Daniel RC (DLC); in unidentiAed hand, signed by Daniel; addressed: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States Washington”; franked and postmarked; endorsed by TJ as received 24 July and “(insane)” and so recorded in SJL. On 5 June 1806, Daniel wrote TJ another letter regarding the alleged judgment he received against the state of Virginia. Apparently written in his own hand

and largely incoherent, Daniel demanded to know what objections “the presardent and the governor and Counsil of the State of verginia” had against the judgment and asked that they send their answer to the British consul at Norfolk. The letter was recorded by TJ in SJL as received 14 June with the notation “insane” (RC in DLC). q Canceled: “Servant.”

To Joseph Yznardi, Sr. Dear Sir Washington [July 22. 1801.] Your favor of the 17th is [just now] recieved. I am [sorry that] the state of your health is such as to require your leaving this [. . .]. with respect to the return of our frigate we learn nothing [from] [. . .]. we know generally that the French government hold no objection to the [passages] in the treaty proposed by the Senate [& therefore] that [. . .] probably return with the ratiAcation [on?] [. . .], [& in draft?], [. . .] [. . .]ors [. . .] could arrive at Paris [to any] [. . .] [he] [. . .]ations [. . .] wines you were so kind as to send me, arrived here [. . .] suCered a little [in quantity] [. . .] not adulterated their quality which is Ane. I will thank you to inform me of their amount [that I may order some] [. . .] yourself if still in the country, [. . .] persons as you will [have the goods?] [. . .] you Ax your attention to my [. . .] both of which will be acceptable. [. . .] it is possible I shall take the liberty [. . .] to you. accept my best [wishes] for the [. . .] for your safe & [pleasant] return, & assurances of my high [. . .] consideration. [Th: Jefferson] PrC (DLC); faint, with several illegible phrases; at foot of text: “Don Joseph Yznardi”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

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To John Dickinson My dear & respected friend Washington July 23. 1801. I have duly recieved your favor of the 18th. Doctr. Vaughan’s character had been before known to me in a certain degree, & advantageously known as a friend to republican government. your letter in his favor strengthened my conAdence in it. for your satisfaction as well as from a regard to truth I assure you that nothing could be more candid than his conduct here. it was at my request he undertook to consult the friends of republicanism on his return & to recommend a marshal. he declined doing it here & of himself, & until he should know that the person would accept. I am sorry the person recommended has not been agreeable to all the republicans. but I am more concerned to see in this disapprobation a germ of division which, if not smothered, will continue you under that rule from which union is relieving our fellow citizens in other states. it is disheartening to see, on the approaching crisis of election, a division of that description of republicans, which has certainly no strength to spare. but, my dear friend, if we do not learn to sacriAce small diCerences of opinion, we can never act together. every man cannot have his way in all things. if his own opinion prevails at some times, he should acquiesce on seeing that of others preponderate at others. without this mutual disposition we are disjointed individuals, but not a society. my position is painful enough between federalists who cry out on the Arst touch of their monopoly, & republicans who clamour for universal removal. a subdivision of the latter will increase the perplexity. I am proceeding with deliberation & enquiry to do what I think just to both descriptions & conciliatory to both. the greatest good we can do our country is to heal it’s party divisions & make them one people. I do not speak of their leaders who are incurables, but of the honest & well-intentioned body of the people. I consider the pure federalist as a republican who would prefer a somewhat stronger executive; & the republican as one more willing to trust the legislature as a broader representation of the people, & a safer deposit of power for many reasons. but both sects are republican, entitled to the conAdence of their fellow citizens. not so their quondam leaders, covering under the mask of federalism, hearts devoted to monarchy. the Hamiltonians, the Essex-men, the revolutionary tories &c. they have a right to tolerance, but neither to conAdence nor power. it is very important that the pure federalist & republican should take this honest & dispassionate view of one another, should see in the opinion of each other but a shade of his own, which by a union of action will be lessened by < 616>

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one half: that they should see and know the monarchist as their common enemy, on whom they should keep their eye, but keep oC their hands. but in Delaware it seems we have a preliminary operation, to reconcile dissenting republicans: for how can federalists coalesce1 with those who will not coalesce with each other? I know too well, my friend, your moderation, your justice, your aCection to national liberty, to doubt your best endeavors to heal this two-fold separation. the purity & perspicuity of your views are respected by all parties. I hope much then from their eCect, and that operating on the good sense & patriotism of the2 friends of free government of every shade, they will spare us the painful the deplorable spectacle of brethren sacriAcing to small passions the great, the immortal & immutable rights of men. may heaven prosper you in your endeavors, and long preserve in health & life a consistent patriot, whose principles have stood unchanged by prosperous or adverse times, whom neither the civium ardor prava jubentium, Nec vultus instantis tyranni mente quatit solida? I tender you the homage of my constant & aCectionate friendship & respect. Th: Jefferson RC (R. E. Crane, Ford City, Pennsylvania, 1951); addressed: “John Dickinson esquire Wilmington Delaware”; franked; postmarked 25 July. PrC (DLC).

not shaken from his Arm resolve by hotheaded citizens urging him to do wrong, or by the frown of an oppressive despot” (Horace, Odes, 3.3.1).

civium ardor prava jubentium, nec vultus instantis tyranni mente quatit solida: “the man of integrity who holds fast to his purpose is

q TJ Arst wrote “can it be expected that federalists will coalesce” before revising the passage to read as above. r Word interlined in place of “our.”

From Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours Monsieur le Président, New York 23 Juillet 1801 J’ai bien à vous remercier de la continuation de vos bontés, et de toutes les marques que vous en avez données à moi, à ma Femme, à ma petite Fille dans notre trop court séjour à Washington-City. Mais, pour ne pas vous fatiguer de Lettres, j’ai cru devoir attendre que mon Fils le Manufacturier de Poudre, arrivé à Philadelphie quelques heures après que j’en ai êté parti, ait pu me rejoindre. J’avais à vous rendre compte du succès de son Voyage. Il a facilement joint aux connaissances approfondies qu’il avait déja toutes celles que le progrès de l’Art y a présentement ajoutées en < 617>

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France. Et il s’est mis en mesure, tant de perfectionner encore par lui même, s’il est possible, que d’être journellement instruit des progrès ultérieurs, s’il s’en fait. De sorte que nous pouvons le regarder comme un des plus habiles Poudriers du monde, et surement aujourd’hui comme le premier de ceux de l’Amérique. Il fait fabriquer en France les belles et cheres Machines qu’on ne pourrait que diDcilement exécuter ici. Elles nous arriveront successivement dès que le Port du Havre sera débloqué. Nous allons nous occuper à choisir l’emplacement que vous m’avez déja vu rechercher et que je désirerais qui fût le plus rapproché qu’il sera possible de la Ville fédérale. Il peut en attendant procéder, si vous l’approuvez, au raAnement de votre Salpêtre: opération qui me parait pour les Etats unis plus raisonnable, plus prudente, et plus économique que de le vendre. Le Salpêtre est une richesse précieuse. Vous ne pouvez savoir si, aprés la Paix générale, les Anglais laisseront les mêmes facilités de s’en procurer dans l’Inde, ni si avec la cherté nécessaire de la main d’œuvre américaine, celui du Kentucky peut être établi à aussi bon marché que l’Indien. Le Salpêtre parfaitement pur tient beaucoup moins de place, et n’est pas sujet aux mêmes déchets que le Salpêtre brut ou mal puriAé. Nous ne vous demanderons point d’argent pour ce travail. Nous prendrons notre salaire dans une part proportionnelle du Salpêtre puriAé que vous arbitrerez dans votre sagesse d’après les fraix ordinaires que l’opération exige en ce Pays, et sur lesquels l’habileté de notre Chimiste pourra le mettre à portee de vous proposer une grande économie. J’espere que cela pourra vous convenir. Voudrez vous bien en parler au Général Dearborne, auquel j’écrirais si je n’estropiais pas trop cruellement la Langue anglaise, ou si la mienne lui êtait plus familiere. Il faudrait que le Général eut la bonté de nous indiquer dans quels magasins est votre Salpêtre brut, celui qui n’est qu’à demi puriAé, celui même que l’on croit pur et qui peut ne l’être pas entierement. Il serait bon qu’il donnât l’ordre que l’on communiquât des échantillons de l’un et de l’autre à mon Als, ou même qu’on lui At voir la masse de chaque espece, aAn que d’après quelques essais sur le plus ou moins grand degré de pureté de ce Salpêtre, on pût calculer quelle quantité de Salpêtre exactement pur il en résultera; et que vous puissiez juger quelle portion vous en laisserez à l’Entreprenneur de la puriAcation pour ses dépenses, ses peines et celles de ses ouvriers. < 618>

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Je désirerais que vous nous Assiez connaitre sur cela vos intentions. Je peux vous répondre de mon Zêle et de celui de toute ma Famille.—Vous voyez que les propositions et les tentations de l’Europe n’ont séduit aucun de nous, et que nous nous dévouons aux Etats unis de l’Amerique. Ma Femme, mon Fils, mon collegue Pusy et moi, vous prions d’agréer notre respectueux attachement. Du Pont (de Nemours)

e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Mr. President, New York, July 23, 1801. I thank you very much for your continued kindness to me and for all your courtesies to me, my wife and granddaughter during our too-short visit to Washington City. But, lest I tire you with letters, I thought it best to wait until my son, the manufacturer of powder, who arrived at Philadelphia a few hours after I had left there, could rejoin me. I wanted to report to you about the success of his journey. He had no diDculty in adding to the thorough knowledge that he already had of his art, all the improvements that have lately been developed in France. And he has prepared himself both to make his own improvements if that is possible, and to be informed daily of any changes that may be made. Therefore we may consider him one of the most able powdermen in the world, and surely the best in America today. He has beautiful and expensive machinery made in France that could hardly be made here. It will arrive in successive shipments as soon as the blockade of the port of Le Havre is lifted. We will now try to And a proper location, which I was already in search of when I saw you, and which I am anxious to have as near the federal city as may be possible. In the meantime, if you approve of it, he can proceed to do the reAning of your saltpetre; which it seems to me, would be wiser, safer and more economical for the United States than to sell it. Saltpetre is a valuable possession. You cannot be sure that when peace is declared England will permit it to be exported from India as freely as heretofore, nor that the necessary cost of American labor may not make the Kentucky product as inexpensive as the Indian. Perfectly pure saltpetre can be more compactly stored and is not subject to the same waste as that which is crude or badly reAned. We will not ask for any money for this work. We will take our payment in a proper proportion of reAned saltpetre—terms on which you will decide in your wisdom after considering the usual cost of such work in this country; the skill of our chemist may make it possible for him to oCer you a very low price. I hope this may recommend itself to you. Will you be so kind enough to speak of it to General Dearborn, to whom I would write if I did not mutilate the English language so cruelly or if my own were more familiar to him.

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23 J U LY 1801 It will be necessary for the general to be good enough to let us know in what magazines is your crude saltpetre, that which is partly reAned and that which is believed to be pure and may not be perfectly so. It would be best if he would order that samples from each lot be sent to my son,—or even that he might see all of it in both kinds, so that he could make a careful examination of the quality of it all and give an estimate of the amount of perfectly reAned saltpetre it will yield. From that estimate you can decide what proportion you will leave to the manufacturer, to pay for his expenses, his skill, and the work of his men. I shall be glad to know your intentions on all of this. I can assure you of my zeal and that of all my family. You see that the oCers and the temptations of Europe have not seduced us and that we are devoting ourselves to the United States of America. My wife, my son, my partner Pusy and I beg to oCer you the assurance of our respectful aCection. Du Pont (de Nemours) RC (DeGH); at head of text: “Mr. Jefferson”; endorsed by TJ as received 27 July and so recorded in SJL. ma petite fille: Victorine du Pont, Du Pont’s oldest grandchild, was Éleuthère Irénée du Pont’s daughter. She was born in Paris in August 1792 (Thomas H. Bateman, comp., Du Pont and Allied Families: A Genealogical Study [New York, 1965], 5). Du Pont and Létombe may have called on TJ in washington on 28 June, the day on which TJ recorded the receipt of two letters they carried, Niemcewicz’s of 16 June and Ternant’s of the 20th. mon fils le manufacturier de poudre: in Paris in April, Éleuthère Irénée du Pont drew up articles of incorporation for a company to manufacture gunpowder in the United States. He and his brother Victor, who had gone to France with him earlier in the year, also began to acquire investors for the enter-

prise. According to the articles of incorporation the company would build a powder works during 1801 and begin production the following spring. Irénée, who was to manage the operation, returned to the United States, sailing from Le Havre on the Benjamin Franklin and reaching Philadelphia during July, while Victor remained in Europe to line up investors and loans. Their father had commenced the search for a location for the factory, investigating, during his trip to Washington, the falls of the Potomac and other streams around the capital city (Ambrose Saricks, Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours [Lawrence, Kans., 1965], 284-6; Bessie Gardner du Pont, trans. and ed., Life of Eleuthère Irénée du Pont from Contemporary Correspondence, 11 vols. [Newark, Del., 1923-26], 5:225-29, 236; Vol. 32:312-15; Thomas Paine to TJ, 25 June 1801). mon collegue pusy: Jean Xavier Bureaux de Pusy.

From James Lyon Sir, Washington City, July 23, 1801. Your mentioning to me, when I was last with you, the necessity, and your desire, to have a press established at Lynchburg, has brought my mind to a plan, which has cost me several months reBection to digest, and which was intended, had we been unsuccessful in the late political struggle, to be put in practice, in opposition to the < 620>

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measures of tyranny, which would have been pursued; but from the sanguine features of that system of opposition, which is now forming, by the tories, against the present administration, I am led to believe that this plan may be equally necessary, and advantageous, to be used on the defensive; and, perhaps, in any event, it may be useful in the cause of truth, reason, and philosophy, in opposition to the deciples of delusion and superstition. I conceive the grand object of those who now wish to see a system of morals established upon the basis of reason, and a system of politicks upon that of justice, to be, to make every man read, and to read that which concerns his interest & his happiness. The question then comes to be, which is the most probable method to obtain that object? It is an unerring maxim, I believe, that the nearer you carry the fountains of intelligence to a man, the more likely he is to embrace it: if he sees a manufacturer of books, papers, &c in his own neighborhood, he has many inducements, in addition to the great motive of self information, to encourage him, without the danger of mistakes with a printer abroad, or neglect of his carrier, which often deprive subscribers of their papers. Indeed I can scarcely conceive of an evil that would result from the multiplicity of presses, even in a nation with the most common manufactories, except it is possible, that from becoming general, their consequence might be reduced, and that local interests and disputes might force general discussion and information, to give place to themselves; but I hope the following plan has guarded against the only possible evil, while it leads to most of the advantages of diCusing the art of printing. I hope you will not suppose I wish to put a press at every village and every crossroad,—but if I convince you that a printing oDce may be established with almost as much facility as a post oDce, and that almost every county in the union may support one with ease it will, I am sure, not require an eCort to convince you of their utility, or to obtain your patronage to the plan that would eCect it. The present system of country papers, is very expensive to support; they cost to set up from 500$ to 1,000$, and require from 800$ to 1200$ annually to support them, hence the number must be quite limited. Papers are issued weekly, at from 1$ to 4$ per annum. They are occupied, in the proportion of about one half for advertizements,—one quarter for triBing & absurd productions, and the reader is lucky if he Ands one quarter devoted to true intelligence, and rational discussion; and perhaps, to average through a large extent of country, you would not And one eighth of each, occupied by such matter as would tend to produce an uniformity of knowledge < 621>

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and sentiment, which is certainly highly desirable in any community. To remedy these evils, and to produce an extensive uniformity of correct reading, which will produce an uniformity of sentiment,—I propose the following Plan: Let there be a press established at the seat of Government, which shall print a weekly paper, in the form of a pamphlet. I would adopt this shape, because it will introduce the propriety of a cover, in which it1 must be stiched, and which will be hily useful to the plan; the compactness and durability of a small page, gives it a preference over a folio, likewise. This paper should be Alled with general information, upon politicks, the Oeconomic arts, and miscellaneous Literature; together with a weekly abstract of intelligence; its size should be such as to contain rather more, upon an average than country papers do, exclusive of their localities, this criterion would bring it to be a half sheet of super royal paper. I would then have branch oDces established in such places in the country as would be proper and advantageous, to which these papers should be conveyed weekly in the mail, in such numbers as each place might require. In those places the persons taking upon themselves the oDce of publisher, should have small presses and a small quantity of type, for the purpose of printing the covers for the papers, and any other jobs when called upon. the cover would serve for a conveyance of all local intelligence of the County, and the expence, which would be in proportion to, the number of pages the cover should extend to, would be defrayed by those concerned in advertising, &c. Such a pamphlet would, I believe, in any of the middle or southern states, be esteemed cheap at 21/2 dollars a year. I will now attempt to demonstrate the practicability of this scheme. I will suppose what I think probable, that there might be oDces enough established, or transformed from country papers, to make a sale for 2600 numbers, weekly, of this work; this would require, in a general way about six or seven branch oDces. According to the present expense of printing in the City of Washington, the expence of printing this number, allowing the printer his usual proAt, would be 18.00$ a week, and for the paper 121/2 dollars. The postage of a newspaper two hundred miles is, I believe, a cent and an half, but these papers consisting of but half a sheet of large paper, two numbers would be printed2 on a sheet, and they would not be separated till they were taken out of the mail: this would reduce the postage one half; the postage would then stand for a year’s papers or 52 numbers, 39 Cents, to the publisher in the Country, the whole to him, before he issued them from his oDce Would stand thus; by the year or 52 numb. < 622>

23 J U LY 1801 For printing 2600 copies $18.00 for 52. or one year’s papers. For paper for 2600 copies 12.50 do. 52. 00.86 For allowance on 2600 for book keeping 12.50 and for packing &c 50 and for proAt. For the amt of postage 19.50 52 papers. 00.39 total 62.50 $ 1.25

ç

Thus you see the whole of the expence to the publisher would be $1.25 for the papers for a subscriber for a year, while he would receive $2.50. which would pay him one hundred percent, for his trouble without his advancing a cent; for he must have credit till the subscribers have paid in advance. Thus where, in any place, 100 subscribers can be procured, and there is scarcely a county in the Union in which that could not be done, a man would clear by one, or at most two days in a week, 129$ a year, this is half of a living in any interior country of the Union; and he would clear in that proportion for any greater number of patrons. The proAt of 400 sub. would in some places support a family elegantly: it is just the amt. of the Salary of the Gov. of Vermont. With respect to the expence of the materials for the purpose of printing the covers, &c. A portable press upon a cheap, but good construction, would cost about 30$. Some Small type for the covers, 25$. Large type of several kinds for handbills, blanks, &c. 30$. Furniture &c for the oDce 15$. Transportation &c 50$. total—150$. If the Country publisher should be a printer, he might earn an additional living by printing handbills, blanks, &c. with his small press; and if he was not a printer, and was obliged to hire a journeyman for printing the Covers, he might keep him at such work to clear his wages. Every publishing oDce should be connected with a small book & Stationary Store, which would help toward the support of a publisher, and be an advantage to the community. I hope I have convinced you of the practicability of this plan; and if so there is no need of a comment to shew the immence advantage of it, as it relates either to the diCusion of knowledge, uniformity of public sentiment or strengthening the republican cause. I have been informed of your intention to leave the City in a few days, for how long a time I do not know; I have therefore hastened to prepare this letter, for your inspection, and for the purpose of conversing upon this Subject, and making any necessary explanations, and correcting any errors which haste may have introduced, shall take the liberty of troubling you with a visit soon, perhaps tomorrow morning lest I should fail of seeing you. With Perfect Esteem, Your Obedient Servt. J Lyon. < 623>

23 J U LY 1801 RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr.”; endorsed by TJ as received 23 July and so recorded in SJL. weekly paper, in the form of a pamphlet: Lyon’s National Magazine,

the Arst issue of which came out in October 1801 (see Lyon to TJ, 22 Oct.). q MS: “it it.” r MS: “would printed.”

From Samuel Latham Mitchill Sir New York. July 23. 1801 I hope you will pardon my forwardness in troubling you with any thing relative to executive business. But understanding that the Consulate at Algiers had become vacant, and that Dr. George Davis sollicited an appointment to that place, I have consented to state to you merely what I know concerning the character and Atness of this candidate. He has passed reputably thro the Course of education prescribed for Students in the Arts in Columbia College, and is within a few Days to receive his Master’s Degree. In addition to this, he has applied himself to the Medical Profession, and after acquiring handsome proAciency therein, has served in the Navy of the United States several years, usefully, as I believe, and faithfully. I consider Mr. Davis, as active, intelligent and enterprizing; and likely to be faithful in every thing entrusted to him. I think I need not say more—than to assure you of my high consideration and Respect Saml L Mitchill RC (DLC: Madison Papers); addressed: “Thomas JeCerson President of the United States.” Enclosed in George Davis to Madison, 24 July 1801 (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:470-1). consulate at algiers: Richard O’Brien remained U.S. consul general until 1803 (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 5:47, 185). The younger brother of Matthew L. Davis, george davis received his commission as surgeon in the U.S. Navy in July 1799 and served on the U.S. frigates Adams and New York. He retained his naval appointment under the Peace Establishment Act of 1801, but in July he actively began to seek the consulship at Algiers. Dr. Davis conversed with Madison in Washington and followed his inter-

view with several letters to the secretary of state. The one of 24 July enclosed the letter above and a recommendation by Edward Livingston, which he urged Madison to show the president. Davis also noted that the vice president would soon visit the capital and speak on his behalf. In 1802, Robert Smith recommended Davis to head a proposed naval hospital in the Mediterranean (ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 325, 364, 369; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:404, 459, 4701; Kline, Burr, 1:525n, 580-1; 2:684). On 11 Aug. John Kemp, professor of mathematics at Columbia College, whom TJ had consulted in 1790 when preparing his report on weights and measures, also wrote the president recommending Dr. Davis for an appointment “to some Port on the Mediterranean.” As a student at

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24 J U LY 1801 Columbia, Davis was under Kemp’s “immediate tuition” for several years. Kemp respected Davis for “his talents his acquirements and his laudable Ambition to attain distinction as a man of Science and letters; but More particularly for his candour his Strict Sense of honour and unblemished integrity.” Kemp concluded:

“Having no view but that which regards the public good and the success of your administration, I beg you to pardon this intrusion if such it can be considered” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR, endorsed by TJ as received 20 Aug. and so recorded in SJL; Vol. 16:xxxii, 580-1, 614).

From Samuel Smith sir/ Balte. 23 July 1801 The Inclosed letter from Mr. Iznardi is in Consequence of my letters recommending his resigning for his Son, to Avoid the necessity I Concieved you would be under from his late Conduct of removing him—The Old Gentleman will probably be here as Soon as he can— I should be glad to know what Can be done to Comfort him without agreeing to the Continuance of his Son—There is a young Gentleman here lately one of our unfortunate Merchants, but higly respected that would go to Cadix with Mr. Iznardi, but I do not see how he could go but as Consul, to which he is very very Competent. The Gentlemans Name is George M:Candless, a Native of this City & a good Republican—I am with real & unfeigned friendship your Obedt. servt. S. Smith RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 24 July and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found (see TJ to Smith, 25 July).

To Thomas McKean Dear Sir Washington July 24. 1801. Your favor of the 21st. is duly recieved. it is on a subject the most diDcult of all we have to act on. my idea is that the mass of our countrymen, even of those who call themselves Federalists, are republican. they diCer from us but in a shade of more or less power to be given to the Executive or Legislative organ. they were decoyed into the net of the Monarchists by the XYZ contrivance. but they are come, or coming back. so much moderation in our proceedings as not to revolt them while doubting or newly joined with us, and they will coalesce, & grow to us as one Besh. but any violence against their quondam leaders before they are thoroughly weaned from them, would carry them back again. some states require a diCerent regimen from others. < 625>

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what is done in one state very often shocks another, tho’ where it is done it is wholsome. South of the Patomac not a single removal has been asked. on the contrary they are urgent that none shall be made. accordingly only one has been made, which was for malversation. they censure much the removals North of this. you see therefore what various tempers we have to harmonize. yet to restore that harmony which our predecessors so wickedly made it their object to break up, to render us again one people, acting as one nation, should be the object of every man really a patriot.1 I am satisAed it can be done, and I own that the day which should convince me of the contrary would be the bitterest of my life. by the time you recieve this, you will probably see in the public papers my answer to the Newhaven remonstrance. I gladly availed myself of the opportunity it furnished of correcting the misconstructions of what I said on the 4th. of July, and of explaining the course I am pursuing. I hope the ardent republicans will acquiesce in it. it will furnish new texts for the Monarchists. but from them I ask nothing, I wish nothing but their eternal hatred. if that evidence of my conduct were to cease, I should become suspicious to myself. but between the Monarchist & the Federalist I draw a clear line. the latter is a sect of republicanism. the former it’s implacable enemy. I am persuaded that you will approve of the course of proceedings explained in my answer to New haven, and that our friends in general, seeing what our plan is, will be2 satisAed of it’s expediency. but there is a rock ahead, far more dangerous than that of monarchism. it is the discord shewing itself among the republicans. in no place is it so threatening as in Delaware. the republicans there are fallen into open schism, & that at the approach of an all important election, wherein their whole force united is not certainly known to be suDcient. if you, my dear Sir, can be instrumental to their reconciliation, you will save the republican cause in that State, which otherwise is lost. some threatening symptoms shew themselves in Pensylvania also. I hope that mutual sacriAce will produce accomodation.—I am much gratiAed by recieving your letters. anxious as I am to harmonize my fellow citizens (do not suppose I mean the Hamiltonians, Essex men &c incurable monocrats) I am rejoiced to recieve information from every quarter, to know the opinion of every one. your station enables you to take a broad view, and your communications therefore are always of the Arst value. accept assurances of my friendly esteem & high consideration. P.S. I leave this the 30th. inst. to be absent during the months of August & Sep. which I am afraid to pass on the tide waters. I hope < 626>

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the circumstances on which your visit to this place depends will admit it’s being postponed till our return, as it would give me the greatest pleasure to recieve you here. RC (PHi); addressed: “His Excellency Governor Mc.Kean Philadelphia”; franked; postmarked 27 July; endorsed by McKean. PrC (DLC). only one has been made: TJ removed David Meade Randolph, U.S. marshal for Virginia, for “packing juries”

and holding back money from the Treasury (Vol. 33:673, 675). what i said on the 4th. of july: that is, the 4th of March, in his Inaugural Address. q TJ Arst wrote “really patriotic” before altering it to read as above. r Canceled: “better.”

From Charles Willson Peale Dear Sir Museum July 24th. 1801. Believing you would be pleased in knowing my success in a trip up the north river, by the purchase of the Bones in the possession of Mr. Mastens. Although an object of great importance to me, in undertaking the journey I had very faint prospects of the issue. On my return to New York elated with the hopes of seeing the Skeleton of the Mamoth put togather, I hastily wrote to inform you of my good fortune. The abuse these bones had meet with by the rash methods which the farmers took to drag them up from the Morass, will cause me an inAnite deal of labour to connect the pieces togather. Although I have got the greater part, there are some essential pieces yet wanting, which Doctr Wistar & several members of the Philosophical Society urge me to procure, hastening to the spot and posponing my labours of joining the Bones togather. The Society will hold a special meeting this evening, with the intention of lending me 500 Drs. to enable me to meet the expences, which cannot be small, as the place where the bones lay, is now Alled with water—and the means I wish to make use of will be very diCerent from that practiced by the farmers—Having powerful Pumps will greatly facilitate the process, and an Idea has been suggested to me by Mr. Meredith, that you would give an order for me to obtain the loan of a patent pump from one of the frigates here or at New York for so short a time as I should want it. I must make a large dike to keep out the Water from the springs which probably are numerous in the morass. The expence of which with takles independant of the hire of Labourers will amount to a considerable Sum, therefore it becomes an object with me to save < 627>

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the expence of purchasing pumps. A speedy answer to my request will very much oblige your friend & Humble Servt. C W Peale. RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 25 July and so recorded in SJL. At the special meeting called by two vice presidents, the American Philosophical Society unanimously approved a resolution that granted Peale $500 for four months without interest. Twenty-six people including Peale—a large group

for an APS gathering at that time— attended the meeting. The society appointed Robert Patterson, Peter S. Du Ponceau, and the society’s treasurer, John Vaughan, to oversee the loan. Peale subsequently gave a bond and a mortgage on property in Philadelphia as security (aps, Proceedings, 22, pt. 3 [1884], 313-14).

From Joel R. Poinsett New York No. 128 Broad Way July 24th 1801

In an Application I made a few days since to Mr. Livingston for permission to embark with the Embassy, he informed me that he had referred all applications to you. If Sir Mr. Livingston’s suite is not already full, and if it will not commit the dignity of the Embassy, I entreat you will grant me the Permission, as Health and Information the objects of my Pursuit will be more highly gratiAed in such pleasurable Society, than in a solitary Passage to France. Had I been aware of the necessity of applying to you Sir, I would have prefered my Request in Person, when I had the honor of being presented to you by my Friend Mr. Sumter, to accompany whom is one of the chief Inducements to this application. I have the honor to be with the most Perfect Consideration your Excellency’s Obedet: St. J. R. Poinsett RC (DLC: Madison Papers); at head of text: “His Excellency Th President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 16 Aug. and so recorded in SJL; also endorsed by TJ: “referred to Secy. of State.” Enclosed in Thomas Sumter, Jr., to James Madison, 6 Aug. (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 2:20). Joel Roberts Poinsett (1779-1851) was a native of Charleston, who spent many of his early years abroad. Abandoning his medical studies in Edinburgh, he returned to Charleston in 1800 and departed the following year to undertake a

grand tour of Europe. He went on to a distinguished diplomatic and political career, which included service as the Arst U.S. minister to Mexico (1825-1830) and as secretary of war in Martin Van Buren’s cabinet (anb). Poinsett would not be among Robert R. livingston’s suite that departed from New York for France in the frigate Boston in October (George DangerAeld, Chancellor Robert R. Livingston of New York, 1746-1813 [New York, 1960], 309; pmhb, 59 [1935], 8; TJ to Madison, 22 Aug. 1801).

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From Benjamin Waterhouse Cambridge July 24th. 1801

The thread enclosed in this Quill was imbued in the vaccine virus on Thursday Evening the 23d of July. At the same time the needle was infected in the same Buid and it is highly probable will communicate the disease if it be thrust under the scarf skin, and drawn slowly & gradually through it. Benjn. Waterhouse RC (DLC); addressed: “The President of the United States Washington”; franked; postmarked Boston; endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. On 26 July, Waterhouse sent another supply of cowpox with the following note: “Vaccine virus on a needle, and on the thread, taken Sunday morning 26th. of

July, from a young and healthy subject; on the 8th. day of the disease, another inoculation,” with weather “moderate, and rainy for several days in succession” (RC in DLC; addressed: “The President of the United: States Washington”; franked; postmarked Boston, 27 July; endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL).

Meriwether Lewis’s ClassiAcation of Army OfAcers [after 24 July 1801]

Explanation of the notes set opposite (in the column of remarks) to the names of the several oDcers composing the Army of the United States.— Denotes such oDcers as are of the 1st. Class, as esteemed from a superiority of genius & Military proAciency. ditto . . ditto second class, respectable as ODcers, but not altogether entitled to the 1st. grade— ditto . . ditto. Republican. ditto ODcers whose political opinions are not positively ascertained ditto Political apathy. ditto Opposed to the Administration, otherwise respectable oDcers. ditto opposed to the Administration more decisively.— ditto ditto most violently to do. and still active in its viliAcation. < 629>

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ditto. professionally the soldier without any political creed— ditto. unworthy of the commissions they bear— ditto unknown to us.— MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 114:19697); in Lewis’s hand; undated, but composed as a key to symbols he added to a 24 July 1801 War Department list of oDcers (see below). The chief clerk of the War Department, John Newman, prepared a list of commissioned oDcers, including surgeons and surgeon’s mates, of the army’s general staC, cavalry, two regiments of artillerists and engineers, and four regiments of infantry. The list, dated 24 July 1801, is arranged as a table with columns for each oDcer’s name, rank, date of commission at present rank, and state from which appointed. Newman left a Anal column for additional remarks. In that column Lewis put symbols next to most of the 273 names on the list, according to the system explained in his memorandum above. Fifteen oDcers who left the service by resignation, dismissal, or death are identiAed by comments Lewis wrote in the remarks column. The 15 oDcers’ departures from the army ranged in time from 1 Aug. 1801 (the resignation of

Lieutenant Warham Shepard) to 1 June 1802 (honorable discharges for Lieutenant Waters Clark, Major John H. Buell, and Captain William Scott). TJ apparently consulted the list during that period in planning a reduction in the size of the army (MS in DLC: TJ Papers, 114:19699-19705, in Newman’s hand except for symbols and comments inserted in “Remarks” column, signed by Newman with notation “From the War ODce Register, July 24. 1801,” and including additional columns for oDcers of the general staC to show their positions on the staC and the dates of those appointments; Heitman, Dictionary, 1:260, 306, 521, 870, 880; Theodore J. Crackel, Mr. Jefferson’s Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 18011809 [New York, 1987], 36-8, 49, 193-4n, 196n; see also Donald Jackson, “JeCerson, Meriwether Lewis, and the Reduction of the United States Army,” aps, Proceedings, 124 [1980], 91-6; Cunningham, Process of Government, 126-7; Cunningham, JeCersonian Republicans in Power, 66-8).

From “A. Z.” U.S. July 25th. 1801. Hypothesis 4th.

Having lately read your justly celebrated Notes on the State of Virginia, it occurred to my mind to account for the shells of Ashes being on the mountains in Virginia and So. America in the following manner— On the annexed Agure, let A.B.C.D. have once been the Agure of the Earth—the parts covered with red dots the land, the parts with black lines the water—by the motion of the Earth around it’s axis it Battened at the poles, and in time assumed the Agure within the black line E.F.G.H. at which time, by means of the attraction of the opposite parts I.A.G. and K.C.G. they seperated, or broke asunder at the Pole, < 630>

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at G.—now, as the centre of gravity of one part might be in a direction to the centre of gravity of the other part, so would the parts in coming together be more or less turned over—so, that when the two parts came into contact, what was, before the fracture, at the bottom of the ocean, might, after the contact, become the top of a mountain— I am aware the hypothesis may stand opposed to many and weighty objections from your great discernment—but have this consolation. that how many soever the shafts of ridicule winged at the hypothesis and it’s author, they will never hit the man— A. Z. RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL; with conjoined diagram on a separate page, picturing the Earth as a circle and using dots and lines as described above to depict a large sea reaching almost to the poles on the north and south and surrounded by land on the east and west, with a superimposed oval to show eCects of Battening at the poles. hypothesis 4th: in Query VI of Notes on the State of Virginia, TJ discussed three suggested explanations for the presence of fossil seashells near the foot of North Mountain in Virginia and in the Andes. Those explanations were,

Arst, a tremendous deluge; second, “some great convulsion of nature” by which the Boor of the sea was thrust upward to a high elevation; and third, a suggestion by Voltaire that nature might create shelllike forms without the presence of marine life. In TJ’s opinion, “the three hypotheses are equally unsatisfactory; and we must be contented to acknowledge, that this great phænomenon is as yet unsolved.” The Arst edition of the Notes did not include the “convulsion of nature” possibility, which TJ introduced, along with the language referring to “three hypotheses,” in a substantial revision of his discussion of the subject in 1786 (Notes, ed. Peden, 31-3, 265-6; Ford, 3:118-19).

From Sebastian Bauman Sir, Post-ODce New york July 25. 1801 By this day Post I have recieved a letter from you, Covering one for London addressed to Edmund Jennings Esquire, the letter is open and has neither wax nor wafer to it; probably you may have omitted to Seal it, or desinged that it Should go open. Please Sir, to let me know your Pleasure by the return of the Post, whether I shall Seal the letter or forwarded in the manner it is. the British Packet which arrived here two days ago, will (probably) Sail again the Arst week in August next. I am with sincere respect Sir, Your most obd. and very Humble Servt. S. Bauman RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson. President of the united states”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 July and so recorded in SJL.

one for london: TJ to Edmund Jenings, 21 July. On 29 July, TJ thanked Bauman for bringing the unsealed state of the letter to his attention. TJ noted: “tho’

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25 J U LY 1801 on a matter of common business yet it is accidentally that it has gone to the post oDce without being sealed. I will ask the favor of you to stick a wafer in it & commit

it to the British mail” (PrC in MHi; at foot of text: “Mr. S. Bauman”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso).

From William Bingham Dear Sir/ Philadelphia July 25th 1801 Being about to embark for Europe, (induced to change the Scenes which Surround me, from a recent melancholy Event having rendered them peculiarly distressing) I shall be extremely gratiAed at having an opportunity of executing any of your Commissions, or in any other Manner of being Serviceable to you during my Residence abroad— Permit me to express my cordial good Wishes for the Success of your Administration, which I Batter myself will preserve our Country in its present prosperous State—So enviable, when compared with the agitated Scenes, which Europe will probably be aEicted with, for a long Series of Years— I have the honor to be with the most respectfull Consideration Sir Your obed hbl Serv Wm Bingham RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 28 July and so recorded in SJL.

recent melancholy event: the death of his wife, Anne Willing Bingham. See Elijah GriDths to TJ, 6 June.

From Theodore Foster Dear Sir, Providence, Saturday July 25th. 1801. At the Close of my Letter, by the last Mail, I mentioned the Liberty I should presume to take, in requesting your Opinion of the Adviseableness and Practicability of an annual Publication, intended to give a correct Historical View of the great National Measures, adopted by the Government, illustrative of the Reasons and Motives of the Public Counsels more especially those of the Executive Power, so far as they may be known and it may be proper to publish them.—I hope your Excellency will forgive this great Liberty I take, in thus trespassing on your valuable Time, when I assure you, my Object is to aid in support of your Administration of the Government, on the excellent, Political Principles, expressed in your Inaugural Speech of the 4th of March last, being fully persuaded that a Publication well < 632>

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executed, on the Plan I contemplate, as indicated, in the inclosed Prospectus of the Title Page, will prove greatly beneAcial to the Government as well as the People at large—I have somewhere seen this metaphorical Line “Anser, Apis, Vitulus Populos et Regna gubernant” meaning that the Pen, Parchment and Wax govern the World.— There is a kind of Magic Power attending the Skilful Management of these three great Instruments of Government. The Pen, certainly, when holden by a judicious Hand is almost omnipotent in moulding and controuling Public Opinion. A single Publication well-timed, well-written and well-circulated will often manifestly inBuence an whole Nation. May I not say that this has been the Case, with the Speech of the 4th of March last?—Deep and durable are the Impressions made by it’s Publication, every where in print.—It has thus spoken through the Eyes, to the Hearts and the ACections of all the People, by an astonishing—a divine Power, inconceivable and indescribable, which the Goodness of the Deity, has bestowed on Man to communicate by the Aid of the Pen and the Type to mere inanimate Paper. If there is such a thing as the Ti; qivo u, so celebrated among the Greeks of old, it is the Power of addressing the World, by the Pen, in the Hands of a prudent, discrete, and wise Man, by which he can excite and vivify all the Passions of the human Character through1 a whole Community of People.—From a Belief that a Short, well written Historical Sketch of the Measures pursued by the Government, in which the Motives leading to their Adoption are concisely, though perspicuously stated and explained would tend to preserve the Tranquillity of the Public Mind, by keeping it informed of the Views of the Government all honestly intended and directed, to the Promotion of “the greatest Happiness of the greatest Number,” I am induced to think of the Publication, under a Title similar, or nearly similar to the One inclosed, provided I shall be so happy as to obtain your Approbation of the Undertaking.—I tremble, under the Apprehension of the Want of Ability, to bring the Work up, to my Idea of what it ought to be. But as I know my own Sincerity and feel a conAdence that it will be popular and useful in our own and in foreign countries if patronized by the Great ODcers of the Nation who in that case, would naturally feel intrested, in its Success as its Object will be the Celebrity and Vindication of the Government, which I expect will be administered on genuine republican Principles. I have therefore presumed not only to think of the Undertaking, but to do so in the Hope of Public and extensive Patronage both in the Compilation and the Circulation I contemplate its being anonymous that it may be open to < 633>

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the Aid of any able Pen, disposed to promote the Object of the Publication the Honour and the Glory of our Country. In the Biographical and some other Parts this will be more especially necessary.— The more the real Situation of the United States is known the more respectable will they appear, in their own View and in the Estimation of the World, and nothing will tend more to give an high and Just Idea of our Country, rapidly advancing in the Career of National Greatness and Glory, than a good Publication of the Kind contemplated, extensively circulated and admitting nothing but what is interesting and useful, in the Picture it pourtrays of the History, the Literature and the Genius of the passing Year—Julius Casar, Marcus Antoninus, the Great King of Prussia and others distinguished, in History, have immortalized themselves and their Actions by their own Pens and most of the great Statesmen who have eminently blessed Mankind have left Memorials of their Fame either written by their own Hands, or, by those whom they have patronized to go down the long Stream of Time to after Ages to excite the Admiration of Posterity, far more honourable to them than Statues Monuments or Mausoleums—the Vulgar Reward merely of Princes while Fame the Daughter of the Admiration of virtuous Deeds, proclaims to the Universe, the Worth of those Statesmen who by a good and virtuous Life, devoted to their Country’s Service sincerely aim as much as is in their Power to promote its greatest possible Tranquillity and Happiness,— Who like Titus Vespassian, the Roman Emperor calling to Mind once, at Supper that he had done nothing of Importance for any one that Day pronounced the justly admired Sentence “Amici, perdidi Diem”—actuated by the noble and patriotic Principle that he deserved not to be an Emperor, if he did not, each Day, bestow some Favour or BeneAt, on the State.—Should “The American Annual History” aided in its Publication by the Pens and the Patronage of the First Characters of our Country be introduced to the World by my humble Instrumentality and by any Means equal my Idea of what it may be, in its Usefulness to the Government and the People, I shall deem the Undertaking one of the happiest Circumstances of my Life. The Writers in it may be unknown if they wish it, a Circumstance which may induce some Gentlemen to aid, in the Compilation who would otherwise decline it.—I am sure I can keep a Secret and be forever faithful to those who place a ConAdence, in Me even should it be possible that any after Coolness should arise between the Editor and his Correspondents. I think of publishing one Volume Yearly about the Size of the British Annual Register by Subscription at a moder< 634>

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ate Price that it may have a more general Circulation & on the various Topics mentioned in the Prospectus that the Tastes of various Classes of Readers may be gratiAed.—As the Undertaking will be of Importance to Me, if I embark in it I hope you will excuse the Prolixity of this Letter and the Trouble I give you, in its Perusal and in Soliciting the Favour of a Line from your Excellency, in Reply, informing me of your Opinion of its Adviseableness and Practicability a Favour which I shall most gratefully acknowledge, keeping it entirely secret that any Correspondence has passed between us, on the Subject, if so wished by your Excellency, to whom alone have I mentioned that I have had an Idea of such a Publication. With the most sincere Wishes that you may enjoy all possible Happiness I remain very respectfully and with Sentiments of the highest Esteem Your obliged Freind and Servt Theodore Foster RC (DLC); at head of text: “To his Excellency Thomas JeCerson Esq President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. Ti; qivo u (for Ti; qeivo u): divine element amici, perdidi diem: “Friends, I have lost a day.” The quotation is attributed to Titus (Titus Flavius Vespasiamus), emperor of Rome from 79 to 81,

whose brief reign was marked by many acts of benevolence and generosity (Suetonius, Lives of the Twelve Caesars, trans. Alexander Thomson [New York, 1883], 494-5; Michael Grant, The Roman Emperors, A Biographical Guide to the Rulers of Imperial Rome 31 BC-AD 476 [New York, 1985], 55-9). q MS: “though.”

From Albert Gallatin 25th July

The enclosed is the rough draft of a circular to the Collectors & is intended to correct several abuses which have crept in many ports. But it is submitted for the purpose of ascertaining whether it is proper to take this opportunity of communicating the sentiments expressed in the two last paragraphs marked #. In the Arst it is only intended to let them know that it is expected that they will, although federal, divide the oDces in their nomination & which in the large ports are really numerous inBuential & sometimes lucrative. And it is supposed that there is no danger in avowing the sentiment that even at present so far as respects subordinate oDcers talent & integrity are to be the only qualiAcations for oDce.—In the second paragraph, the idea intended to be conveyed is that an electioneering collector is commonly a bad oDcer as it relates to his oDcial duties (which I do sincerely < 635>

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believe to be true) & that the principle of a corrupting oDcial inBuence is rejected by the present Administration in its own support & will not be forgiven when exercised against itself. If it is thought better not to touch the subject let both paragraphs be erased, as the Arst is introduced only as introductory to the other. If it is thought proper to express at present & in this communication those or similar sentiments, it is my wish that the two paragraphs be modiAed & corrected both as to sense & style. With respect Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); addressed: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as a “circular to Collectors” from the Treasury Department received on 25 July and so recorded in SJL.

e n c l o s u r e

Circular to Customs Collectors # The Law, having given to the Collectors, the Appointment of a number of inferior ODcers, Subject to my Approbation, there is, on that Subject, on which we must act in Concert, but one Sentiment that I wish to communicate; it is, that the Door of ODce, be no longer shut, against any man, merely on account of his political Opinions; but that, whether he shall diCer or not, from those, avowed, either by You, or by myself, Integrity, and Capacity suitable to the Station, be the only QualiAcations, that shall direct our Choice.— # Permit me, since I have touched this topic, to add that, whilst freeedom of opinion, & freedom of suCrage at public elections are considered by the President, as imperscriptible rights, which, possessing as citizens, you cannot have lost by becoming public oDcers; he will regard any exercise of oDcial inBuence to restrain or controul the same rights in others as injurious to that part of the public administration which is conAded to your care, and practically destructive of the fundamental principles of a republican Constitution— Dft (NHi: Gallatin Papers); undated; Anal two paragraphs only, with the Arst being in a clerk’s hand and the second in Gallatin’s hand; torn away from Arst part of circular to collectors, perhaps that issued by the Treasury Department on 20 Aug. (see below).

These two paragraphs were not included in the Treasury Department circular of 20 Aug., which contained directions to the collectors on the submission of accounts. For the circular, see enclosure listed at Gallatin to TJ, 29 Aug.

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From Albert Gallatin Treasury Department 25th July 1801

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor to enclose the within letter, in order to know whether, on account of the suggestions of the Charleston Collector in relation to dangers from Saint Domingo, the President thinks At to except that cutter from the general arrangements contemplated. If any danger be apprehended from that quarter, the Cutter may be preserved, but disarmed & reduced in consequence to a less number of hands than are now employed— Respectfully submitted by Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 25 July and “revenue cutter at Charleston” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. charleston collector: James Simons, who evidently wished to keep the

revenue cutter South Carolina in service. For the decision to replace the large revenue cutters with smaller cutters designed for the protection of the revenue instead of for war, see Gallatin to TJ, 16 June (second letter), and Enclosure No. 3.

From Tobias Lear Dear Sir, Cape François, July 25th: 1801.— Agreeably to the Memo. which you gave me, I have now the pleasure of sending you some of the Liqueurs & Sweetmeats of this place.—They are packed in two Boxes with a card of Direction on each “The President of the US.”—ship’d in the Schooner Betsy of Alexandria, Saml. Gilpin Master, and addressed to the care of Colo. Gilpin of that place, to whom you will have the goodness to order the Amount to be paid—vizt 175. Livres 13 Sous—equal to 21QaRjj dolls.—I should have sent more; but as I was not myself a judge of the quality, I thought it best to send a small quantity at Arst, as a sample, and I hope they will prove so good as to bring me an order for a further supply.— I enclose a bill and a memo. of the diCerent kinds of liqueurs which are also labeled on the bottles.— I shall not trouble you here, my dear Sir, with public matters, as I write to the Secretary of State by this opportunity, and send him a Copy of the Constitution formed for this Island.—It was, however, my intention to have said something on the general state of Cultivation &c. hereabouts; but I And myself too much indisposed to attempt it at present.—My indisposition arises from a slight cold which I took < 637>

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last evening.—It will soon go oC.—The Climate, so far as I have experienced it, is very salubrius.— I shall always feel highly gratiAed if I can, by the execution of any commission, or by any means, promote your wishes; for I am, with the highest respect & sincere Attachment Dear Sir, Your Obliged Friend— Tobias Lear.— RC (DLC); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 20 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures: (1) Invoice for two boxes, one containing 18 bottles of liqueurs and 4 bottles of sour lime syrup (“Sirop de limon”), the other box containing pots of guava jelly, citron, ginger, pineapple, and tamarind pulp, for total charges of £175.13 or $21.12 (MS in DLC: TJ Papers, 134:23105; undated; at head of text: “Doit Le Cn Lear à Bozie” [debit of Citizen Lear to Bozie]; in French in an unidentiAed hand, with the $21.12 probably added by Lear). (2) List of contents of the two boxes, including, for the cordials, 2 bottles each of creme of orange Bower, huile (oil) de Venus, cannelle, parfait amour, absinthe, and creme d’anis, and 6 bottles of noyau (MS in same, 134:23104; in the same hand, but with the numbers of bottles added by Lear, who also totaled the bottles of liqueurs and preserves, adding the 4 bottles of “syrup Punch” to the liqueurs and noting that the articles were to be packed in two boxes; on verso, a calculation, probably by Lear, converting the total of 175 livres to $21; also on verso, an apparently unrelated listing of items in French in an unidentiAed hand). No memorandum from TJ to Lear about the liqueurs and preserves has been found. On 17 Aug. George Gilpin wrote from alexandria to notify TJ of the arrival of the two boxes (RC in MHi; at foot of text: “To the President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 27 Aug. and so recorded in SJL). TJ replied from Monticello on 28 Aug., advising Gilpin that he had written to John Barnes that

day, requesting Barnes to pay Gilpin the costs, including “any additional charges,” and receive the goods. In his Anancial memoranda for 5 Oct. 1801, TJ recorded a payment of $22.58 to Gilpin for the items shipped by Lear (PrC in same, at foot of text: “George Gilpin esq. Alexandria,” endorsed by TJ in ink on verso; mb, 2:1054). constitution: in July, ToussaintLouverture announced a constitution for Saint-Domingue, written by a panel of commissioners he had appointed earlier in the year. The instrument, which abolished slavery, made Toussaint governor for life and allowed him to choose his successor. Samuel H. Smith received a copy of the constitution in conAdence from Louis André Pichon, and on 10 and 12 Aug. Smith’s National Intelligencer printed a detailed account of the promulgation ceremony held at Cap-Français on 8 July and a translation of the constitution. Although the constitution referred to SaintDomingue as a French colony and contained no declaration of independence, the new government was to go into eCect immediately, and Bonaparte viewed it as a proclamation of sovereignty by Toussaint. Some of its features resembled recommendations that Alexander Hamilton made early in 1799, when Toussaint’s representative, Joseph Bunel, was in the United States and Timothy Pickering asked Hamilton for suggestions regarding a constitution for Saint-Domingue (Thomas O. Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804 [Knoxville, Tenn., 1973], 11820; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:428, 429n, 478; Tulard, Dictionnaire Napoléon, 1500-1; Syrett, Hamilton, 22:473-5, 492-3).

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From Martha Jefferson Randolph Edgehill July 25 1801

Your letters found us all together at Edgehill. Maria does not look well but considering all things she seems to be in as good health as can be expected. my own has been uncommonly so, since my return from Monticello. with your request of going over immediately it is utterly impossible to comply; Mrs Bache’s family being with us at present, and to remain, untill the Doctor’s return. Maria stays with us untill you join us and from what she says will not I hope require my attentions untill I am able to bestow them entirely upon her. we have not sent for Aunt Marks because of the present size of our family which would render it, (with the expected addition) impossible to accomodate her—she might feel hurt at the idea of being alone at Monticello1 your other commissions shall be faithfully executed with regard to Lilly &c, and altho it will not be in my power to be with you as soon as I could wish yet the idea of being so near you and the pleasure of seeing you sometimes will enliven a time otherwise dreary and monotonous adieu ever dear Father believe me with unchangeable aCection yours M. Randolph RC (NjMoHP: Lloyd W. Smith Collection); endorsed by TJ as received 29 July and so recorded in SJL.

your letters: TJ wrote both of his daughters on 16 July. q Randolph here partially erased “or.”

From Isaac Shelby Honoured Sir Danville in Kentucky. July 25th. 1801 I take the liberty to address this letter to you on behalf of Mr. John Smith, who oCers himself a candidate for the marshalls oDce of this state, should you deem it necessary to superscede the man now in oDce—Mr. Smith is a Gentleman of good character, and respectable family, with suDcent information to enable him to discharge the duties of that oDce with propriety; If he should be so fortunate as to receive the appointment, I have no doubt but it would meet the general approbation of his fellow citizens in Kentucky— I have the honour to be Sir Your Mo Ob. Servant Isaac Shelby RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 3 Sep. and so recorded in SJL.

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To Samuel Smith Dear [Sir] Washington [July 25]. 1801. Yours of the 23d. came to hand last night. I am unacquainted with the particular conduct of young Yznardi, but if it has been strongly improper I wish his retirement: because having rejected a midnight nomination there, the person substituted should be above exception. I see but one remedy, which is to make mr Yznardi, the father, Consul. [I am] persuaded he can render us better services than any other, & in fact [it is] himself & not his son who has ever been considered as the real Consul. I leave this place on Thursday next, 30th. inst. accept my aCectionate esteem & respect. Th: Jefferson P.S. I return mr Yznarde’s lre. PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text, overwritten by TJ in ink: “Genl. S. Smith”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

To Benjamin Waterhouse Dear Sir Washington July 25. 1801. Your favor of the 17th. arrived last night, together with the new Vaccine matter which was immediately sent to Doctr. Gantt. the 2d. as well as the 1st. supply of matter had failed. we hope the 3d. will be more succesful. how might it answer to put the matter into a phial of the smallest size, well corked, & immersed in a larger one Alled with water & well corked. it would be eCectually preserved against the air, and I doubt whether the water would permit so great a degree of heat to penetrate to the inner phial, as does when it is in the open air. it would get cool every night, and shaded every day under the cover of the stage, it might perhaps succeed. I leave this place on the 30th. inst. for Monticello, being unwilling to risk myself on the tidewaters during the months of Aug.1 & September, when situations which generate bilious complaints are most dangerous. my own is entirely exempt from that danger. should you be so good as to continue forwarding matter till it succeeds, it will now be best to address the packages to Dr. Gantt, from whom, so soon as he succeeds, I shall ask a transmission of fresh matter to Monticello,2 where I shall endeavor to introduce it. it will be a great service indeed rendered to human nature to strike oC from the catalogue of it’s evils so great a one as the small pox. I know of no one discovery < 640>

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in medicine3 equally valuable. Accept assurances of my great esteem and respect. P.S. I re-inclose Doctr. Letsom’s lre. RC (MBCo); at foot of text: “Doctr. Benjamin Waterhouse.” PrC (DLC). Waterhouse’s favor of 17 July, recorded in SJL as received 24 July, has not been found. Edward gantt reported failure with the third supply of smallpox vaccine from Waterhouse in a letter to TJ of 17 Aug.

Th: Jefferson

q Written over partially erased “July.” r Here Waterhouse inserted an “x” keyed to a note he added below TJ’s postscript: “The mr. sent agreeably to this direction was the Arst that succeeded. B.W.” s Preceding two words interlined.

From Joseph Yznardi, Sr. Exmo. Sor. dn. Thomas Jefferson Philadelphia 25. de Julio 1801. Mi mas venerado Sor. mio: respondo á su mui apreciable dandole inAnitas gracias pr. la continuacion del favor qe. me dispensa en su amistad qe. procurare conservar con las atenciones y respectos qe. debo y queda a mi cuidado en proveerle de quanto pueda necesitar de España. Mi delicada enfermedad ha principiado á declinar con la frescura qe. han producido las lluvias y en el interin encuentre ocasion favorable pa. mi regreso me he determinado á despedirme de V.E. personalmte. dexando esta la proxma. Semana quando tendre el honor le renovarle mis propuestas politicas pa. responder á los ministros de S.M.C. á mi llegda. á su corte pues Spre constantemte. manifestare el Arme deseo qe. me anima á qe. las dos naciones mantengan una cordial y permanente amistad. Celebro inAnito la esperanza qe. V.E. tiene en qe. se ratiAque el tratado qe. el Senado adicionó ó restringio de la Republica Francesa y qe. por este medio continue la armonia principiada. Despues de mi ultima he tenido carta de Madrid del 5. de Mayo pr. las qe. se me anuncia haber desado aquella corte pa. las Fronteras de Portugal el Principe de la Paz pa. quien fueron dirigidos mis despachos con cuyo motivo sospecho no tendre respuesta pr. Mr. Dawson como debia esperar, y asi mismo dicen haber desembarcado en Bayona el hermano de Mr. Bonaparte con 6. mil auxiliares Franceses de lo qe. inAero conociendo el resorte de las tropas Españolas y la rivalidad contra los Portugueses qe. esta vez habran forzosamte. de obedecer los deseos de Gabinete de castilla. < 641>

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La Esquadra Española qe. estaba en el Ferrol Sarpó de aquel puerto y llegó felizmte. á el de cadiz donde debe reunirse á 12 navios qe. de nuevo se han armado alli que si logran la reunion de las fuerzas en Brest qual creo es el plan podran aun todavia las dos naciones representar algun poder á pesar de asegurarse de haber compuestose Inglaterra con los poderes de la Norte qe. lo dudo. Tambien se me dice qe. el exercito de los Franceses en Egipto reunido á las tropas qe. permanecian en Alexandria destruieron totalmte. á los Ingleses cuya noticia necesita de conArmacion qe. siendo favorable contribuira mucho al sistema presente de cosas. Como dige á V.E. quando tuvo la bondad de restituir el consulado á mi casa de cadiz pr. los empeños en qe. se hallaba en sus conexiones mercantiles y pr. las defensas de varios pleitos de presas qe. solo yo podia traerlos á verdadera conclusion en favor de los ciudadanos de America sus dueños debo recordar a V.E. mis obligaciones á conservar dicho oAcio durante la guerra con la dignidad y decoro propio de un caracter qe. he provado considerando la conAanza qe. merezco al govierno Español conviene qe. se terminen los asuntos principiados pr. mi á ambas naciones en cuya epoca daré aviso (quando mi hijo no convenga continue) pa. qe. le nombre persona propia á la qe. instruire de buena voluntad, pues en dha. Epoca pienso retirarme pues aunqe. puedo servir con bastante caracter en Madrid he desistido de ello. De la candidez de esta propuesta espero V.E. inferira el desinteres y determinacion de rectitud qe. poseo como los Armes desos de conservar los derechos adquiridos en favor del empleo y sobre lo que á nuestra vista V.E. tendra la bondad de conferir en la materia: en el interin tengo el honor Exmo. Sor. de ser su mas atento y obediente Servidor. Josef Yznardy e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

Most Excellent Sir Don Thomas Jefferson Philadelphia, 25 July 1801 My most worshipful Sir: I respond to your most appreciated letter giving you inAnite thanks for the continued favor that you grant me through your friendship, which I will endeavor to maintain with the courtesies and regard that I owe, and I will take care to provide you with whatever you may need from Spain. My delicate illness is coming to an end with the coolness that the rains have produced, and meanwhile I have found a favorable opportunity for my return. I have decided to bid Your Excellency good-bye in person, leaving this country next week. When I have that honor, I will renew my political proposals to respond to the ministers of His Catholic Majesty upon my

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25 J U LY 1801 arrival at his court, as always and constantly I will express the strong desire that motivates me for the two nations to maintain a cordial and permanent friendship. I welcome immensely Your Excellency’s hope that the treaty which the Senate amended or limited from the French Republic will be ratiAed, and that with this the harmony that has begun will continue. After my last letter, I received a letter from Madrid of May 5th in which I was informed that the prince of the peace, to whom I have sent my letters, has left the court for the Portuguese border. I suspect, therefore, that I will not have an answer by Mr. Dawson as I had hoped. Also, it is said that Mr. Bonaparte’s brother has landed in Bayonne with six thousand French auxiliaries from which I deduce, knowing the resilience of the Spanish troops and the hostility against the Portuguese, that this time they will necessarily obey the wishes of the Castilian cabinet. The Spanish squadron that was in Ferrol has set sail from that port and has happily arrived at the port of Cadiz, where it will join 12 warships that have recently been put into commission. If they manage to meet up with the forces in Brest, which I believe is the plan, the two nations will still be able to show some force despite assurances that England has reached an agreement with the powers of the north, which I doubt. I am also told that the French army in Egypt together with troops stationed in Alexandria totally defeated the English, a piece of news that has to be conArmed, but if it is favorable, will very much contribute to the present state of things. As I said to Your Excellency when you had the kindness to restore the consulate to my Arm in Cadiz for the obligations it had in its commercial relations and for defending the various lawsuits involving seizures, only I could have brought them to a reliable conclusion in favor of the American citizens, their owners. I must remind Your Excellency of my responsibility to retain that job during the war, with the dignity and decorum of character that I have shown considering the trust that I owe the Spanish government. It is best for me to conclude the dealings that I have initiated between the two nations, at which time I will send notice (if and when it is no longer desirable that my son continue) so that a suitable person may be named, whom I will gladly instruct, as at that time I plan to retire because although I can serve with much character in Madrid, I have waived my right to do so. From the sincerity of this proposal, I hope that Your Excellency will infer that my unselAshness and determination are honest, as well as my strong desire to keep the rights that I have acquired on behalf of the position, in addition to what, in our view, Your Excellency will have the kindness to bestow. Meanwhile I have the honor Most Excellent Sir to be your most attentive and humble servant. Josef Yznardy RC (DLC); in a clerk’s hand, signed by Yznardi; endorsed by TJ as received 28 July and so recorded in SJL. su mui apreciable: TJ to Yznardi, 22 July. mi ultima: Yznardi’s letter of 17 July.

Manuel Godoy, principe de la paz (prince of the peace), directed the military campaign against Portugal and represented Spain in the subsequent treaty talks (Douglas Hilt, The Troubled Trinity: Godoy and the Spanish Monarchs [Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1987], 118-24).

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From “A Boston Merchant” Sir Boston Masstt. July 26 1801 Your REPLY to the merchants of the respectable City of NewHaven has just come to hand—Your boasted majority who are they. why Negro’s or what in New England are there cattle as the majority by whom you have been chosen. as you will see dele[...] in a peice in a late centinel of this town?—Let your Vengence of which you intimate as much fall on this spirited town. the Arst to avenge its countrys wrongs againts the tyranny of Britian. I say let it there fall & your noble majority of blks. will see who are for our virtuous ADAMS or ignomious JeCerson. with due respects to serve in what I may A Boston Merchant RC (DLC); addressed: “His Exy. Thos. JeCerson Esqr President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received from anonymous 13 Aug. and so recorded in SJL.

To Albert Gallatin Dear Sir Washington July 26. 1801. I do not see suDcient reasons for preserving a revenue cutter at Charleston on a larger scale than elsewhere. I see no reason to expect pirates from St. Domingo, no instance of it having yet occurred. if there be any such danger, it is not peculiar to S. Carolina, but threatens all the Southern states more or less according to their situation. if such danger should become imminent it will behove us to furnish a more adequate defence. the revenue cutter, on it’s present plan, answers neither purpose well, either as a military or revenue instrument. Mr. Madison happened to be with me when I opened your circular to the Collectors. I approve so entirely of the two paragraphs on the participation of oDce, & electioneering activity, that on the latter subject I proposed very early to issue a proclamation, but was restrained by some particular considerations. with respect to the former we both thought it better to be kept back till the Newhaven remonstrance & answer have got into possession of the public; and then that it should go further & require an equilibrium to be Arst produced by exchanging one half of their subordinates, after which talents & worth alone to be enquired into in the case of new vacancies. whenever, from observing appearances after the Newhaven papers have got abroad, you < 644>

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shall think the public mind in a proper state for this reformation, you will be so good as to send out a circular, either with, or without previous communication to me. health & aCectionate respect. Th: Jefferson RC (NHi: Gallatin Papers); addressed: “The Secretary of the Treasury.” PrC (DLC).

circular to the collectors: see Gallatin to TJ, 25 July (Arst letter), and the enclosure, which TJ probably returned to Gallatin with this letter.

From Calvin Jones Sir, SmithAeld N.C. July 26. 1801. The importance of the Militia I trust will be duly appreciated by an administration that is unfriendly to a Standing military force. I have for 3 years laboured to improve their discipline and with some little success—but not in a degree proportionate to the importance of the object. The Laws have been in many respects defective and though lately revised, come far short of perfection. I had the honour to be a member of a committee of the Legislature of this state which framed a Bill to revise the whole System of Militia laws. It became a law and though it increased the power of an enterprizing oDcer to reform the Militia, they still remain defective. I mention these circumstances because I believe the imperfections of these laws cannot be completely remedied but by an act of Congress The pamphlet which I have now the honour to enclose was written to assist in disciplining the militia—I take the liberty of presenting it to you because I believe you will be pleased with any endeavour however triBing, that is directed to an object of such high consequence I am with perfect consideration your Excellency’s Most humble Servant Calvin Jones RC (MiU-C); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson President of the U.S.”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. Massachusetts native and physician Calvin Jones (1775-1846) moved to North Carolina around 1795, where he was the Arst to promote Edward Jenner’s vaccination against smallpox. A man of varied interests and accomplishments, he was elected to the North Carolina House

of Commons three times (1799, 1802, and 1807) and was adjutant general of the state militia from 1808 to 1813 (anb). The North Carolina General Assembly revised the state’s militia laws in December 1800. The new act subjected oDcers and enlisted men to an extensive list of penalties for neglecting their service requirements (Collection of the Militia Laws in Force in North Carolina [Raleigh, 1805], 1-18; Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 9029).

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To Pierce Butler Dear Sir Washington July 27. 1801. Your favors of the 19th & 21st. are duly recieved. mr Pintard’s application is with the Secretary of state. there is considerable competition for the consulship of Madeira, & mr Pintard’s application is not for himself but for his nephew, perhaps in Commendam. your recommendation of Capt. Conelly will be duly attended to. we do not however expect to send another squadron to the Mediterranean till the Spring. the one now gone will remain to the beginning of winter, during which the Barbary cruisers are laid up. We have recieved through mr King information from the British government that his Majesty understanding we were sending a squadron to the Mediterranean to protect our commerce there, had given orders that the ports of Gibraltar, Mahon & Malta should recieve us freely & his stores there be open to our supply. this, with some other indications gives us hope that that government may be disposed to treat us with more justice & respect. a moderate degree of both will enable us to convince them that we sincerely wish to cultivate peace & commerce with them, & to carry an even hand between them & their rivals. accept assurances of my friendly esteem & high consideration & respect Th: Jefferson P.S. I leave this on the 30th. to pass August & September at Monticello PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Pierce Butler esq.” Butler’s letters of 19 and 21 July have not been found. Aaron Burr had lobbied for John Pintard to succeed his cousin, John Marsden Pintard, as consul at madeira, but John Pintard informed Madison in a meeting on 25 July that he did not want that position. The Pintards hoped that Lewis Searle Pintard, their younger cousin who served for a time as acting consul, would get the appointment (Kline, Burr, 1:512-17, 546; 2:609-10n; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:421; Vol. 33:666, 667n). capt. conelly: Charleston shipmaster John Connolly desired a commission in the navy (Aedanus Burke to Butler, 14

Sep. 1801, in DNA: RG 59, LAR; Charleston City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, 1 Feb. 1798, 22 Aug. 1799). gibraltar, mahon & malta: writing to Levi Lincoln on 25 July, James Madison declared that the oCer of assistance to American warships was the “strongest” recent sign of British intentions “to cultivate a good understanding with us.” Lord Hawkesbury, the British secretary of state for foreign aCairs, had summoned Rufus King late in May to convey, “for the information of the President,” the crown’s oCer of aid. Hawkesbury also expressed his government’s dismay over the transfer of Louisiana from Spanish to French control (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:250-1, 396-7, 476).

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From Samuel Davidson Sir Georgetown 27th. July 1801— In consequence of your friendly assurances of examining into the merits of my claim, respecting certain alterations in the Plans of the City, from the Arst location thereof; I have in the accompanying Memorial endeavoured to state the same, with the corroborating facts I sensibly feel your polite, and ready attention to the subject, and doubt not but I shall receive every redress which the nature of the case will allow, and which impartial justice shall dictate. Well convinced of the legality of my claim, and of the propriety and even necessity, of admiting it in order to restore to its former elegance of design, that Section of the City:—I had determined to take no harsh or disagreeable step to enforce my right. The City had too many enemies to contend with, and I was too much interested in its prosperity, not to wait until Congress assumed the Jurisdiction—and a perfect and permant plan must be established. When a revision under their sanction should take place, I imagined it the proper time to advance and substantiate my claim. I consider it a fortunate circumstance, that those Gentlemen whose testimony can prove the facts upon which my claim rests, are now in the City, or Georgetown; Major L’Enfant, the Engineer who gave the plan of the City; Mr. Ellicott, the Surveyor who laid oC the same on the ground; Mr. Blodgett, Agent to the Commissioners in their Sales of Lots; and Mr. John M Gantt, one of the Trustees. I have understood that the aCairs of the City will receive the attention of Congress at their next meeting, when those inacuracies or misunderstandings which have arisen will be Anally settled. While I rejoice in the prospect, it is my duty to avail myself of your kindness, and present my Memorial when the Gentlemen who know the facts can be referred to.— I am Sir With respect Your obedt. Servant Saml: Davidson RC (DLC: Samuel Davidson Papers); at head of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 27 July and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. Samuel Davidson (d. 1810), a Georgetown merchant, protested legal recognition of the “Appropriation Map,” which represented alterations to L’Enfant’s design of Washington of 1791 based on

surveys directed by Andrew Ellicott. Davidson’s purpose, in the opinion of the District of Columbia commissioners, was “to obtain additional property within the President’s Square.” In 1791, Davidson purchased land that later became part of President’s Square and conveyed the same to trustees Thomas Beall and John Mackall Gantt, whereupon the land became subject to appropriation for public use by the president. A committee of the

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27 J U LY 1801 House of Representatives addressed Davidson’s claim in a report issued on 8 Apr. 1802 “respecting the adjustment of the existing disputes between” the commissioners and “other persons who may conceive themselves injured by the several alterations made in the plan of the said city” (rchs, 33-34 [1932], 151;

Bryan, National Capital, 1:137-9, 324-5; asp, Miscellaneous, 1:330-5; jhr, 4:184; Vol. 17:457; James Reed Dermott to TJ, 7 Mch. 1801; Thomas Peerce to TJ, 30 June). For more on Davidson’s claim, see Alexander White to TJ, 8 Aug.

To Philippe de Létombe Dear Sir Washington July 27. 1801 Purposing to set out in a few days for Virginia, where I mean to pass the months of August & September, & presuming that before my return you will be departed for Europe, I avail myself of a few moments to bid you farewell. the Secretary of state will express to you oDcially the sense we have entertained of the manner in which you have discharged your functions here, but I feel that I should not be contented with myself were I to permit you to depart without adding my private and particular assurances of attachment. I have now known you seventeen years. through a considerable portion of the time my public duties have kept me in relation with you. I have found you ever attentive to the interests & the rights of your own country & fellow citizens in the Arst place, but just and accomodating to the rights and the convenience [of] those with whom you had to transact them. the stile of your applications has been such as always to produce a desire to comply with them: & your conduct in society has attached to you as much private esteem as your public transactions have of respect and satisfaction. it is with sincere regret therefore that we see you leaving our shores, no more to return to us. if it shall promote to your personal interests & happiness, it will be a great consolation to us. no one wishes this m[ore] than myself, & that your country may duly reward a life spent usefully in their service. I shall be anxious to learn that after a pleasant voyage you may have a happy meeting with your friends and kind reception by your employers. from myself be pleased to accept assurances of my sincere esteem & attachment, & of my high consideration & regard. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “M. Le Tombe.” Enclosed in TJ to Létombe, 29 July. The secretary of state wrote Lé-

tombe a valedictory letter from Virginia dated 25 Aug. (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 2:66). seventeen years: Létombe arrived in the United States in 1781 as French

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27 J U LY 1801 consul for New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. He was made consul general that year, and apparently he and TJ became acquainted around the time that TJ went to France in 1784. They certainly knew one another by 1786, when Létombe, who had been in France for a year on leave, carried some correspondence to the United States for

TJ. Recalled to France in 1792, Létombe returned to the U.S. as consul general in 1795 and was named minister plenipotentiary in 1797 (Abraham P. Nasatir and Gary Elwyn Monell, French Consuls in the United States: A Calendar of their Correspondence in the Archives Nationales [Washington, 1967], 563; Vol. 10:191).

To Thomas Mann Randolph Th:J. to TMR. Washington July 27. 1801. I expect to leave this on Thursday; but unforeseen business may protract it. I expect consequently to be with you on Sunday or some early day after that. we have nothing to be depended on from Egypt. the Northern diCerence is probably settled. the K. of England has desired it to be notiAed to our government that, understanding we were about to send a squadron into the Mediterranean for the protection of our trade, he had given orders that we should be recieved freely in the ports of Gibraltar, Minorca, & Malta, & that his stores there shall be open to our supply. we learn from other sources that the change of administration here has impressed them with a necessity of treating this country with more justice & conciliation. our predecessors had oCered to cut short the diDculties of the VIth. article of the treaty by giving them 600,000. £ sterling instead of the 25. Millns. of dollars they claim. there seems reason to believe it will be accepted. presuming that mr Eppes & Maria are at Monticello, & that yourself & Patsy may have joined them there as I recommended, I will thank you to lodge notice for me at Defoe’s whether I shall And you at Edgehill or at Monticello, on Sunday or whenever after I may arrive. it may save me an useless deviation, which counts always at the close of a long journey. my tenderest aCections to my dear Martha & the little ones. health & aCectionate esteem to yourself. Th: Jefferson RC (DLC); endorsed by Randolph. For the proposal to settle the amount owed by the United States to British creditors under the 6th article of the Jay treaty, see Notes on Resolution of American Debts to British Creditors,

printed at 13 June, and Summary of British Debt Claims, [July 1801 or after]. lodge notice for me at defoe’s: as he left Monticello for Washington in the spring of 1801 and again in 1803, TJ purchased oats at Defoe’s shortly after he started his journey (mb, 2:1039, 1096).

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To Henry Sheaff Sir Washington July 27. 1801. Your favor of the 22d is recieved. the wines sent to this place have been all safely delivered here, and tho’ I have not exact information of the parcels which have arrived at my house in Virginia, yet I have no doubt all have got there. the Sauterne has been much admired, the Claret approved by many, but not equally by all. the Sherry having gone to Monticello I can say nothing of it: but if it be of the quality formerly sent it will give satisfaction. I have set down your bill as payable at 90. days, say the Arst week in September. it’s amount 533.80 D this delay has been an accomodation, on account of the very heavy expence of my outAt here, which impress all my resources private as well as public. I shall probably have occasion to call for some other supplies on my return from Virginia to which place I am expecting to pass there the months of August & September. Accept my best wishes. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); at foot of text: “Mr. Henry SheaC”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. SheaC’s favor of 22 July, recorded in SJL as received on 25 July, has not been found. Also recorded in SJL, but unlocated, are six other letters, ranging from 20 Apr. to 1 June, exchanged between the merchant and TJ.

According to TJ’s Anancial accounts, on 28 Aug. he ordered John Barnes to pay SheaC for wine, including 120 bottles of sauterne and 220 bottles of claret for the President’s House and a supply of sherry for Monticello (mb, 2:1050, 1115).

To Henry Dearborn Th: Jefferson to Genl. Dearborn Washington July 28. 1801. I am just making the last arrangements for my departure. the inclosed proposition of Monsr. Dupont for the puriAcation of our Saltpetre being of some magnitude I have thought it best to forward his letter to you, that you may decide on it yourself, and give him an answer. we have nothing material from Europe except the communication from his Britannic Majesty that understanding we were sending a squadron into the Mediterranean he had given orders for their free reception at the ports of Gibraltar, Mahon & Malta, & that the stores there should be open to us. mr Madison sets out to day; myself the day after tomorrow. mr Smith entered into oDce yesterday. accept assurances of my aCectionate esteem and high consideration & respect. < 650>

28 J U LY 1801 RC (PWacD: Feinstone Collection, on deposit PPAmP). PrC (DLC). Enclosure: Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours to TJ, 23 July. mr smith entered into office: TJ wrote Dearborn on 15 July to say that although he had “at length” found a secretary of the navy to “relieve” Dearborn, Robert Smith wanted “a delay which is probably incompatible with your calls for [departure].” TJ suggested that if Dearborn would call on him they could “confer on the best [means] of relieving that diDculty.” TJ also enclosed an application, “to be disposed of as you think best” (PrC

in DLC; very faint; at foot of text: “Genl. Dearborn”; enclosure: possibly William Smyth to TJ, 14 July 1801, not found, but recorded in SJL as received 15 July with notation “W”). On 27 July, TJ informed Smith that Dearborn needed to be “absent for some time to come” and that, under the act of Congress allowing the president to authorize an acting secretary, he was requesting Smith “to perform the duties of Secretary [at War] during the absence of General Dearborn” (PrC in DLC; faint; at foot of text: “Robert Smith esquire Secretary of the Navy”). For the 1795 act of Congress, see John Marshall to TJ, 2 Mch. 1801.

To Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours Dear Sir Washington July 28. 1801. Being closely engaged in my last arrangements for leaving this place I have barely time to acknolege the reciept of your favor of the 23d. and to inform you that I have this day inclosed it to General Dearborne who is at home, (Hallowell in the district of Maine) with a request that he will do in it what he thinks best, & communicate with you on the subject. I shall now be absent till the last of September. I am happy to And you are safe at home; at least I presume you are so & that neither yourself, Made. Dupont nor our little friend experienced any injury on the road. I presume it, because knowing the interest I take in your happiness, you would have mentioned it if any thing had befallen you. my respectful salutations to Madame Dupont, health and aCectionate attachment to yourself. Th: Jefferson RC (DeGH); addressed: “Monsr. Dupont de Nemours near New York”; franked and postmarked. PrC (DLC); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

Albert Gallatin’s Report on Collection of Internal Revenues The Secretary of the Treasury, respectfully submits to the President the following Facts and Observations on the subject of the Laws, providing for the Collection of internal Revenues.— < 651>

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By the existing Regulations, the United States are, for the purpose of collecting internal Revenues, divided into sixteen Districts, each State forming one District, with the Exception of the District of Ohio, which includes the State of Kentucky, the North-West Territory, and the Territory of Indiana.— The Territory of Mississipi is not included in any District; and the Laws, relative to the internal Revenues, have never been carried there into eCect.—The Eastern and western Divisions of the District of Columbia, remain respectively attached to the Districts of Maryland and Virginia.—The President is authoris’d “to subdivide the Districts, into Surveys of Inspection, and the same, to alter, at his Discretion.”1 and also, “to form and erect such new Districts and Surveys, and to make such Alterations and Additions to, the several Districts, and in, and to the several Surveys thereof, as from time to time, shall appear, in his Judgement expedient and necessary”2—2dly. “to appoint, with the Advice of Senate a Supervisor to each District, and as many Inspectors to each Survey therein, as he shall judge necessary, placing the latter under the Direction of the former.”3—and “to appoint, with the advice of Senate such and so many Supervisors, Inspectors of Surveys, and Inspectors of Ports, therein and therefor, as may be found necessary.”4—And, where, in the Judgement of the President, a Supervisor can discharge the Duties of that ODce, and also, that of Inspector, he may direct the same.—Inferior ODcers of Inspection, call’d “Collectors of Revenue,” are appointed by the Supervisors, and have, under their immediate Superintendance, part of a Survey, call’d a “Division,” consisting of one or more Towns, Townships, or Counties.—Under these Powers, the following Arrangements have been made:—The Districts of New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Georgia and Tennessee, do severally form each, one Survey, in each of which, the Duties of Inspector, are perform’d by the Supervisor of the District, comprehending the same, which amounts to this, that in those nine Districts, there is no Inspector.—Massachusetts, forms three Surveys: Pennsylvania four, Maryland three, Virginia six, North Carolina Ave, South Carolina three, and Ohio two, making, for these seven Districts, twenty six Surveys, and twenty two Inspectors, the Supervisors of the Districts of Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Ohio, being also Inspectors of one of the Surveys of their respective Districts.— By the Law of July 11th. 1798, each of the Supervisors of the District then existing, has a certain Salary, and Allowance for ClerkHire; and a Commission, varying from one half, to two pr Cent, < 652>

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(according to the Districts and Species of Duties) on the product of internal Duties, collected in their respective Districts: the Inspectors of Surveys, then existing, and not also, Supervisors, have each, a Salary and Allowance for Clerk-Hire, amounting together to 700 Dollars: and, as well as Inspectors of Surveys, to be established after the Law, are entitled to a Commission, on the Duties collected, within their respective Surveys, varying from K to two pr Cent: the Collectors are entitled to Salaries, varying, within certain limits at the Will of the Supervisor, and to a Commission of six pr Cent on Duties, collected within their respective Divisions.— From thence, it follows, that the Power, vested in the President, of erecting new Districts and Surveys, has become nugatory; since, (excepting the Commissions of Inspectors) the Supervisors and Inspectors of new Districts and Surveys, shou’d not be entitled to receive any Pay.—but his Power of altering Surveys, and therefore, of reducing, two, or more Surveys into One, remains entire.— By directing that the seven Districts, which are now divided into Surveys, shall each, severally, form only one Survey, as is the case in the nine other Districts; and that the Supervisor of each, shall perform the Duties of Inspector, all the Inspectors, will at once be abolished.—This is the Reform, which, with the Exceptions hereafter stated,5 the Secretary of the Treasury begs leave to submit to the President.—The Considerations, which have induc’d that Proposition, are not, of new Impression, and have receiv’d the Approbation of many respectable ODcers, now, or heretofore, attached to this Department; and of several Supervisors.— In point of Economy, 24,000 Dollars, or about three pr Cent, on the net Product of the whole internal Revenue would be saved by abolishing all the oDces.6—but this, tho’ not to be contemned, is not the principal reason, which recommends a Change.—The Collectors, now, pay to, and account with, the Inspectors: these pay, to the Supervisors; and, whenever they have settled, for any one Quarter, the Accounts of all the Collectors, in their Survey, render their own Account also, to the Supervisor, and this last, pays to the Treasury; and, whenever he has settled, the Account of all the Inspectors, in his District, renders his Account to the Commissioner of the Revenue, from whence, the accounts are transmitted, for Settlement, to the Auditor’s, and Comptroller’s ODce.—No Correspondence exists between the Collectors and the Supervisors: none, between, either the Collectors, or Inspectors, and the Treasury.—The Secretary has not yet, been able to procure, even the Dates, to which, the last Accounts of the Inspectors and Collectors, have been render’d to the Supervisors, for < 653>

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Settlement.—Whenever the Accounts of a Supervisor, are not renderd in time, he may always charge the Delay to one of the Inspectors.—The Delinquency of a single Collector, stops the Settlement of Accounts, of a whole State, without it’s being possible, for this Department to trace the evil, to it’s Source.—And altho’, the Supervisors, having the exclusive power, of appointing and removing Collectors, may be suppos’d to be responsible for their Conduct, this Responsibility, is almost, altogether annihilated, by the intermediate Class of Inspectors who stand between them and the Collectors, and have the immediate Superintendance, of that inferior Class of ODcers.— This Evil has long been felt, and it is believ’d, that a Remedy, wou’d before this time, have been applied, had there not been, some Hesitation between the plan, of simply abolishing the Inspectors, of the existing Surveys, and that, of altering, at the same time, the existing Districts, so as to increase, to a certain degree, their number and that of Supervisors.— It has already been suggested that this last plan cannot be fully executed without legislative Aid; and no solid Objection, seems to exist, to the Arst being carried fully into eCect, except, so far, as relates to the Districts of Virginia, and Ohio. From the Communications receiv’d from the Supervisor of Virginia, it seems, that the great extent, and scatter’d Population of the Western part, of that District, render it doubtful, whether a Supervisor at Richmond, may well superintend the whole; and although the Secretary of the Treasury, is not convinc’d of the necessity of retaining, either of the two Inspectors, of the Surveys, lying, beyond the blue Ridge, yet, not wishing to recommend, any Alteration, which may not be found perfectly practicable, he will submit to the President, the Propriety of retaining both.— The District of Ohio, is far too large, and the Dependence of the North-West, and Indiana Territory, which form the second Survey thereof, on the Supervisor, residing at Kentuckey, is attended with insuperable DiDculties.—The Accounts of Collectors, at Illinois, Cincinnati and Detroit, must be render’d at Marietta the place of Residence of the Inspector. From thence they travel back, to Lexington, where the Supervisor resides, and from Lexington, are, at the end of Years, transmitted to this Department.—It is propos’d, that the 2d. Survey of Ohio, be erected into a separate District, forming one Survey; that the Inspector of that Survey, be immediately appointed, but that the Commission of Supervisor,—(which is also design’d for him,) shall be withheld, untill Congress, shall have provided by Law, for the Compensation, of that ODcer. Until then, he will receive, only the pay < 654>

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of an Inspector, but, by the Survey, being erected, into a new District, shall be accountable, immediately, to the Treasury Department. From these Considerations, the following Propositions, are respectfully submitted, to the President, Viz: 1st. that from and after, the 30th. of September next, being the End of the present Quarter, the Districts of Massachusets, Pensylvania, Maryland, North Carolina, and South Carolina, shall severally form, each, one Survey; and that the Duties of Inspector, of each of the said Surveys, shall be performd by the Supervisor of the District comprehending the same.— 2dly. that the several Counties, of the District of Virginia, forming the Arst, second, third, and fourth Surveys, (which include all the Counties, east of the blue Ridge) shall from the same date7 form one Survey, to be call’d the Arst Survey, and that the Duties of Inspector, in and for the same, shall be performd by the Supervisor— 3dly: that the second Survey, of the District of Ohio, shall be erected into a new District, To be denominated the North-West District.— 4thly. That the Powers of the Inspectors of the Surveys, thus suppressed, including the present Inspector of the second Survey of the District of Ohio, shall, from the passing of the Act of the President, extend only to settling the Accounts of the Collectors, ending the 30th. of June last, and to the Distribution of Stamps. 5thly. that the Collectors, in the Surveys thus suppressed, shall, for all Duties accruing after the 30th. of June last, account directly, with the Supervisor of the District. Respectfully Submitted by, Albert Gallatin Treasury Department 28th July 1801 MS (DLC); in a clerk’s hand, signed by Gallatin, with dateline and several emendations also in Gallatin’s hand; notes in margin in a clerk’s hand (see notes 1-4 below); at foot of text in Gallatin’s hand: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 28 July and so recorded in SJL. The laws providing for the collection of internal revenues, cited in the report above, included the act of 3 Mch. 1791, which placed taxes on “Spirits distilled within the United States” and changed the duties on imported spirits; the act of 5 June 1794, which made “further provision for securing and collecting the Duties on foreign and domestic distilled Spirits, Stills, Wines and Teas”; and the act of 11 July 1798, which regu-

lated and Axed “the compensations of the oDcers employed in collecting the internal revenues of the United States, and to insure more eCectually the settlement of their accounts” (U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:199-214, 378-81, 591-4). Tench Coxe was one of the former respectable officers of the Treasury Department who noted that if a class of internal revenue oDcers were eliminated, it should be the inspectors of surveys (see Coxe to TJ, 23 Mch. 1801). On 16 July, Coxe sent Gallatin two packets containing more than Afty papers, which had been transmitted from the oDce of the revenue commissioner to the oDce of the secretary of the Treasury, “shewing the course & state of the revenue service, and the conduct of the supervisors” (Gallatin, Papers, 5:390).

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28 J U LY 1801 q In left margin: “4th. section Act 3rd March 91.” r In left margin: “Sect. 1. Act June 5th. 1794.” Closing quotation mark here and opening quotation mark preceding “to appoint” supplied by Editors. s In left margin: “Sect. 4th. Act March 3d. 91.” t In left margin: “Sect. 1. Act June 5th. 94.”

u Preceding two words interlined by Gallatin in place of “of the District of Ohio.” v Preceding eight words interlined by Gallatin. w Preceding four words interlined by Gallatin.

From Jacob Lewis Sir Barneys Hotel Georgetown July 28th. 1801 Since I had the honor of waiting upon you this morning Mr. Madison has Inform’d Mr Erving on my behalf that he had left a blank Commission, & that if I chose it might be All’d up with the Consulate of Morlaix or Calais, either of which he suppos’d I might hold without any prejudice to the hope of my Establishment In the Isle of france, & In the expectation even very soon of a removal to some place of more Importance;— I have consider’d it might be improper for me to wait upon you again without your permission & Anding that Mr Madison has left the City; Permit me Sir, respectfully to observe, that having a wife & family it wou’d be extremely inconvenient & expensive for me to remove my domicile to any place where I cou’d not consider it as worth my while to Ax my permanent residence; Having had the satisfaction of being assur’d by you that you Consider’d me innocent of the Charges alledged against me, & of receiving so strong a testimony of your Conviction upon this subject as the oCer of an appointment, may I not presume to hope that if from any reasons whatever, It shou’d not be your will, to reinstate me in my former place, you will relieve my embarrassing situation by giving me a more eligible appointment than either of the two mention’d; neither of which wou’d be of any advantage to me. In the letter which I had the honor to receive from the Secretary of State I was Invited to clear myself from the imputations against me; I came forward to Justify myself, & I trust that both you & Mr Madison remain Convinced of my having been the Victim of Calumny: The preparations which I have made to leave the Country In Consequence of the renewal of my Commission when I was last in this City has Created very large expences, & placed my family in a very unpleasant situation; & the arrangements which I have made here, as well with my friends abroad on this Accot. must if I am ulti< 656>

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mately disappointed, create me more embarrassments; & while I remain in a State of uncertainty I’ts out of my power to give any satisfactory Information to my friends, or to any persons with whom I have taken commercial arrangements; who will either with-draw or Continue their ConAdence, according to the Eligibility of the situation In which I am to be placed; my reputation & fortune must materially suCer;— and those men whom my political sentiments have made my Enimies will triumph at my ruin; the more so, as it may seem to have been aCected by a political friend; I hope Sir you will be so Indulgent as to Excuse the liberty which I take In making this detail calculated to shew the Urgency of my situation.— Permit me Sir to add that an intimation which fell from you this morning makes it proper for me to say; tho’ from the Circumstance of my having an Establishment & friends In the Isle of france among whom is the Arst Carracter In that Colony President of the Colonial Assembly, whose three Children are In my Care, as well as the arrangements which I have made for going there, render it InAnitely more Eligible for me than any other Situation; Yet to suit your views I shall with pleasure accept of any other situation which may aCord a tolerable prospect of advantage & which you may see At to direct for me; those of this discription which I understand to be open are, Canton (by the return of Mr. Snow) Cadiz, Leghorn, Lisbon St. Petersburg the Arst is objectionable on accot. of my family— I wait your determination, to return with my Companion of the Voyage—Mr Erving who leaves this City Tomorrow. I have the honor to be with perfect Consideration & Respt. yr. most. obt. Hu Serv J Lewis RC (MoSHi: JeCerson Papers); endorsed by TJ as received 28 July and so recorded in SJL. charges alledged against me: see Lewis to TJ, 20 Mch. 1801. when i was last in this city: see same. On 29 July, Lewis received a commission as U.S con-

sul at Calcutta (FC in Lb in DNA: RG 59, PTCC). On his way to India, he stopped in London. When British authorities refused to grant him an exequatur in March 1802, explaining that there were no foreign consuls in Calcutta, he returned to the United States (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 2:40, 3:96, 119).

From Levi Lincoln Sir Worcester July 28th 1801 By yours of the 12th mentioning a former letter which I have since had the honor of receiving, I was put into a state of some anxiety. The < 657>

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one of the 11th from some circumstance or another did not come to hand untill several days after the one of a later date. It is said by the Worcester post-ODce tht. it went on to Boston & afterwards came back. On its reception, not suspecting it had been the letter I had been looking after, I opened it, without a previous attention to the seal; But on an immediate critical examination there could be found no appearance of any practice, unless indeed the superscription is to be considered as such. Of this on inspection you will be able to decide, for which purpose it is inclosed. Its having no appearance of coming from the President, not appearing to be his hand writing, or spelling, would have been considered as designed, on the principle of greater safety, had it come regularly to hand. From the arduous situation, and the conBicting complexity of circumstances, into which the principles and the measures of the past administration and it’s supporters have placed you; It must aCord peculiar pleasure to know that the ruinous storm of passion prejudice and madness is abating, that the temper, and the habit of faultAnding, and of hostility, with us, is yielding to a spirit of acquiescence, accomodation and attachment to the new order of things: That the tone of private conversation, & public exhibition, have meliorated; and that the ruEed surfaces, of political circles, are tranquillized. This is undoubtedly to a great degree the state and tendency of things in Massachusetts. Nothing more is necessary to complete, or at least, to increase and establish this most desirable state of the public mind, than steadiness, Armness, and independence, in a strict adherence to those great republican principles, which you have so happily avowed, as the guides of your administration, and by seasonable explanations and statements, to exhibit Government to the view of the people, on the real principles, on which it is administered. The knowing of the federalists, know this, and see that the Executive must & will become popular, and attach to its measures the citizens, en masse; They consider the new order of things as established beyond the hope of any material alteration, and that it is their wisdom, their duty & their interest to make the best of it. Your answer to the New Haven remonstrance is much admired here, by the republicans, and will be productive of very salutary aCects. The principles it contains alarm the Gentlemen in oDce, will put them on their behaviour, and prove to some of them a converting ordinance and of course an useful one. It has produced an exaltation of the public pulse, & excited the ravings, and the rantings only of madmen—But when resentment is substituted for sentiment,—feeling for principle,—and roiling for reasoning, it augurs well to the cause which has provoked it. Such < 658>

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writings can hurt only their authors, and the cause they are designed to serve— Not long since I passed a week in Boston, in Cambridge, at Commencement, & it’s neighbourhood, saw & conversed with many of the leading federalists on the subject of Government, its principles, and its administration, and endeavoured to learn the true state, & real character of the apparent opposition. The avowals of a sincere acquiescence, as a duty, and of giving a fair experiment to the new system were general. Declarations in favor of respecting the constituted authorities, of viewing their measures with candor, and of yeilding them federal aid, were very frequently made. The College exhibitions were decent, no abuse of individuals, no arraignment of systems, no denunciation of parties. The Gentlemen with whom I discoursed seemed to be agreed, in saying, that they were opposed to your election from a fear that your principles of Government were not suDciently energetic, but being elected, like good citizens they would give you their support—That they were so far from being pleased with, or countenancing the scurrility and abuse which were continually issuing from the federal presses, that they disliked, discountenanced, & wished to prevent them. Judge Lowell, I mention him in particular, because he is one of the most respectable of the federal sect, and would be likely to know & express the sentiments of the party, observed that they were so distant from wishing to imbarrass your Administration, that they were desirous of strengthening it, & giving it reputation— He called at my lodgings spent some time with me, was desirous of conversing on public matters, appeared candid, spoke handsomely of many southern characters, highly of some, urged me very much to see him at his seat, for the purpose of more conversation—Having been always in the habit of respecting his integrity I beleived him sincere, and was pleased with his frankness— The history of federalism which I have been giving will to you appear strange, and I fear will be thought to be the eCect of an easy credulity. I may be deceived, but have a conAdence in the result of my own observations. My impressions have been diCerent, formed by news-papers and the conversations which I have had with warm republicans. They now admit there is this apparent alteration, a surprising ostensible change, but they say it is an acted part, that opportunities are waited for, and at some future time, four years hence, they will come out, and rally on their old ground.—There is no danger of this. Let the federalists do right, for the present, and nothing is to be apprehended, from their after exertions. The body of the people have been federalists from deception, and imitation. If the leaders < 659>

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counterfeit the republican character, the lead, will beleive it real & copy them; and these once brought back to their interest, will not abandon it at the next election, or at any future time, during the Existence of the present generation. The news paper clamor undoubtedly originates with the editors themselves and an inferior description of writers, aided by some busy clergy men, I am sure the leading & respectable federalists would think themselves slandered at the imputation of countenancing it—They say it is disliked, they appear to be disgusted—and indeed it has become too paltry to be by them indured—This dislike of themselves is a sort of half way conversion to others. They are almost perswaded; and your principles of administring the Government, of gaining it friends by destroying the principle of enmity; of spreading it’s inBuence, by a spirit of kindness; of refuting reproaches, by magnanimity of conduct and of silencing opposition by winning it over, will not only almost, but altogether make them republicans— The eCects of removals will be very diCerent in diCerent places. In Connecticut there is but one opinion and one wish, among the republicans. In Massachusetts it is other wise. In the former place, an attempt to get the General Government, under the inBuence of an arrogant oDcial clamor, and an ecclesiastical terror, has been general; in the latter, this has been the measure of a few, of little weight in society, still diminishing, still sinking. With them, corrosives, and instances of amputations, will be useful; with us healing applications. I indulge, to an opinion, with anxious diDdence, which may, in any degree, militate with the one, that, yourself, or the Gentlemen with you, may have formed. were you on the spot, you could better decide. You, as I have done, think too much of our news paper opposition. Be assured it is contemptible, and kept alive by a few desperate, and dying scribblers. Rhode Island is tranquillised, and its jaring parts brought together, excepting on a question among themselves, who have the merit of doing it? who shall possess most of the executive conAdence? and who shall be considered as republican leaders?—In respect to Boston, my real opinion is requested. Fidelity obliges me to give it. The political situation of this town is somewhat peculiar: what was formerly called the Essex Junto, is broken and now form two parties, the one which is very small retaining a respect for their former opinions, the other wishing to be considered as having acted & thought with the great body of federalists, & with them, will undoubtedly come over to the side of Government. with this last description of characters, the public oDcers appear to be placing themselves. None acknowledge an attachment to the Hamiltonian < 660>

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principles & measures. I cannot learn that Mr —— has been more active or violent than the rest of the Gentlemen in oDce, beleive he has conducted prudently under existing circumstances, have not seen him, have no particular connection with him, he is esteemed by both parties as an amiable man, and a very faithful and able oDcer, was once a warm and an enlightened republican, is a man of reading, sense, & candor. on these properties & habits, there are grounds for hope and calculations. Nature designed him for a republican, and she may yet challenge him as her own—His removal, if thought to be necessary or useful, may be made in future, when Government has strengthened herself by having made her principles and arrangements more known. At present, it might check that accomodating temper which is certainly prevailing, and will terminate in that consolidation of our fellow citizens, which is the object of your wishes. When things are progressing the right way, there is some hazard, in changing them There is one further view of this subject to be taken. Some warm & worthy republicans, are for general removals and some of these, expect to All the vacancies, and also some others, who are not of that consideration, and respectability of character, as would give reputation to Government. A third class of high standing, and weight of character, and whose feelings, reputation, and interest are equally connected with the success of your administration, think it best, for the present, there should be no more removals with us. (Mr Otis, & some in the district of Maine excepted). Should the contemplated vacancy be made, Generals, Hull & Jackson, Docter Jarvis & Mr Austin, would be candidates, with many others, with equal pretensions, in their own opinions. Their respective connections, would think their particular friend ought to prevail. But one could have it. The rest would feel disappointed, disobliged. The preference, involving a relative imputation in the unfortunate rivals, each would be better pleased with the oDce remaining as it is, than to see it in the hands of a prefered competitor. There being no one character possessing preeminent, and designating pretensions to the oDce, and the republicans not agreeing (as in Connecticut) on their candidate, the appointment would probably occasion more zeal, tho’ secret uneasiness, than the removal itself would. Our friend Genl. L—— merits Governmental attention. His services, and his suCerings, have been great, long and steady. It would be happy if the United States could And imployment for him, to mutual advantage. I do not know what his present circumstances, situation, and wishes are. It has been said that he went from this country under imbarrassments. If so it is < 661>

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hoped, that he has extricated himself. His presence and his independent, and unimbarrassed exertion, in the County of Hampshire, will be of very great importance, to that part of the Country. It is the very place where he is most wanted, as an advocate for republican measures, and a promising candidate for a representative to a future Congress—I will endeavour to become acquainted with his circumstances and prospects—I do not know, what can be done for him, at the present moment. I doubt the policy of turning out of oDce, in this Government, & puting him in. My impressions are strong on this subject, as it respects this State. The great desideratum, the coalition of parties would not be promoted by it. I hope, and I feel a pride in beleiving, that while Washington defended our Country, and subsequent administrations, if they preserved, divided and endangered it; the more glorious & diDcult work of rendering it united, safe & happy, is in reversion for yourself—I know the republicans, who have been agonizing against oppressions, who have stemed a torrent of abuse, been, persecuted, hunted, Aned, imprisoned, and almost beaten with stripes, by the past, merit every attention from the present Government; And that nothing less exalted than republican virtue, can with composure see the oDces of a free Country enjoyed by its enemies, “the children’s bread eaten” by —— But they ought to recollect, they have a much more important interest, a much deeper concern staked, in the spread and the triumphs of liberty, whose energies might be weakened, if not destroyed, by an accommodation to the private feelings, or interest, even of injured merit— On the reception of yours of the 11th., I wrote to Mr Brown the acting navy Agent, for the facts respecting the Berceau; have not yet received them; have been waiting for them for the purpose of making to you a more complete statement, than I am able to do without them. From an unwillingness to delay longer, I now transmit my own recollections on the subject, which are beleived to be substantially correct. Soon after Pichon’s arrival, he stated by note, and verbally repeatedly, that the Arst consul immediately on signing the treaty, anticipated its ratiAcation on our part,—had given orders to surcease captures every where, had caused all American property, not detained, under the idea of its being contraband merchandise destined for an enemys port, to be restored; and that he had, in favor of the Americans, made, for the trial of this property, summary & unexpensive arrangements. In return, Pichon requested to know, what French state ships, had been taken, what property not diAnitively condemned at the signing of the treaty, where they were,—in what < 662>

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situation, they were, and a return of them—Observing, as the article which was rejected by our Government, was conceded to by his, at the instance of the American commissioners, there could be no doubt of the Anal ratiAcation of the treaty. An application was made to the secretary of the Navy for information on the above matters. I was informed by him, as the facts could not be suDciently ascertained by any documents in his oDce, he had written to the proper oDces to obtain them. This from the nature of the business required time. Pichon repeated his notes, and verbal applications on the subject, & was very desirous of an answer in writing—He wished to make a communication to his government. I beleive while things were in this situation Stodart gave the orders for the Berceau, being put into hansome order to be given up, he being informed by myself, or by you, that you thought it proper she should be restored—I do not recollect at this time, there had been any directions, concerning her repairs. In a conversation, as it lies in my mind, previous to this, with Stodart, he having caused her to be purchased for the Government, he stated some repairs as necessary. I beleive both before and after you assumed the administration, he either in pursuance of directions from the former President, or from the course of his oDce, or from a sense of propriety & necessity, made arrangements for restorations involving cost & expence. The purchase of a ship, is an instance of consequence. Not long before you left the seat of Government for Monticello, Pichon addressed a note to the secretary of State, pro tem, requesting among other things, a restoration of the Berceau, the Insurgente, & other state ships, in the condition they were in, when taken. From the note, which is in the oDce, its date & precise tenor may be known—In an interview induced by the above note, after some conversation respecting the condition in which the ships, by treaty, ought to be restored, and payment for those which could not be restored. Mr Pichon observed, that the amount of the repairs of the Berceau, could be no object in a pecuniary view to France, separate from a particular inconvenience he felt to do it himself, from not being able in the then situation of the two countries, to dispose of bills or paper on his country. that he knew his Government would not be critical in her demands, but act on generous & liberal principles, that the Berceau was the only ship which we probably should give up, and however her repairs might be a matter demandable, his Government had rather receive them as a token of sincerity and friendship then as a matter of right—I was not satisAed that the United States, were obliged to put her into a better state, than she was in, at the time she surrendered, but was fully impressed, with the propriety & policy of doing < 663>

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it. I stated the above circumstances to Genls Dearborn & Smith; they thought with me on the subject. I understood Pichon himself, had conversation with Smith of the above import. I recollect of stating to you, Pichon’s wishes, and my own ideas in favor of a compliance, but think you then gave no opinion. Afterwards Genl Smith informed me, he had given orders for her being repaired—The foregoing are the material facts, as recollected—I thought it right then, and now think it one of the last acts, which ought to be complained of. Both countries had anticipated the ratiAcation of the treaty. Both were obliged to construe it, as far as was necessary to do acts under it. The Arst consul had done it for himself—It was constitutionally with the President to construe for the United States. To have refused, on a demand persisted in, would have been considered as giving a construction to be adhered to. If doubtfull and not acquiesed in, it might have endangered the returning friendship, if not the ratiAcation of the treaty. If complied with as a matter of right, it would have Axed the principle, as applicable to other property. The expedient, will probably dispose of the diDculty resulting, from our deciding in favor of ourselves on a national & doubtfull question. If the right was doubtfull, and there must have been a decision, surely American liberality, in a little matter, would act generously, or at least decide in favor of a middle way—It will be of use to consider that the Berceau was but one, of several articles, which were to be given up, & I beleive she was condemned and sold, if not libelled, after a knowledge of the treaty had reached us. The rest of the articles, ships and chattels, we could neither restore or tell where they were. It was just, that the injury in not restoring, should meet with some compensation in the quality of what was given up. It may be further remarked, that the Barbary powers were on the point of making war on us, That our frigates were then preparing for the Mediterranean, for the protection of our trade, then in Jeopardy, that the harbors of France and of Spain & their friendship were of indispensible importance to the success of the expedition. Sending this small Instance of liberality, this proof of national friendship, in advance of our ships, was probably carrying it to a good market— I beleive the idea of repairing, was upon no particular fund or appropriation, but on a set of circumstances that carried with them the propriety and necessity of anticipation—The Executive had ratiAed the treaty, with an exception—The old administration had taken some measures, in a course of its execution; Congress by reducing the navy had, indirectly, recognized their own approbation of it, and < 664>

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thereby impliedly pledged themselves for the necessary pecuniary appropriations, and to the amount that the President’s construction of the treaty should make requisite. Some money became indispensable, on the most narrow construction of the article for restoration. The Berceau, with other ships & property, were to be returned in the condition there were in, at the moment of capture or to be paid for, according to their then value. This was in doing, in part, under the old Government, by the purchase of the Berceau & some repairs; When you came into the administration & the matter became an object of your attention. The question of expending monies, for the execution of the treaty, without funds, was decided under Mr. Adams’s administration; you adopted no new principle; It was only entered a little further in degree—he could have laid the matter before Congress & obtained an appropriation, you could not for the object was not of suDcient magnitude to justify your convening the Legislature. The remaining alternative would have been, to have kept & supported the french prisoners, untill after you should regularly be made acquainted with the treaty’s Anal ratiAcation, and the Berceau, at cost, untill after the meeting of the next Congress, and untill such repairs could be afterwards made as should become necessary from the adoption of one or the other construction of the treaty, which probably would not have been completed untill in the course of the next spring—Indeed if she had not been purchased by the administration (without funds) she would have been by an individual, and Government must have paid for her a price of very diDcult estimation. In either alternative, it must have cost the United States more than double the sum they are now chargeable with, from adopted measures— I have had frequent occasion, to give explanations, of this business, and of the supplies to the french oDcers, which have generally given satisfaction. The candid, with us, are not displeased—A few unprincipled, & unimportant characters make the clamor—A single writer, even the editors themselves, are competent to all which is seen in the news papers—In my conversation with Judge Lowell, he observing that the diCerence between the federalist & Republicans was not so great as was generally apprehended. I remarked yt on some important principles there was a diCerence; That they, from an idea of a deAciency of power in the Executive, were for strengthening it, by placing at its disposal a large physical power, & by the very existence of which, to make a strong restraining impression on the minds of the citizens, as also by calling about the President at a great expence; InBuencial characters, who would have an interest in supporting, were < 665>

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for extending the power of the Executive, if not in violation of the Constitution, as far as would consist with its most liberal construction, and on adherence to its forms. He acknowledged it was in some degree true, and said there were instances when it became necessary to exercise powers not expressly, constitutionally & legally provided for. That there was no existing provision for the disposition which had been made of the Berceau, yet, that it was necessary, that he did not mention it, by way of complaint, for he should have done the same thing—Whether he refered to the giving her up before the treaty was ratiAed, or to the repairs, or to both, I do not know, in either case his observation illustrated the subject under consideration. I have heard no man of any consideration in society complain of your conduct in this particular— My memory is not perfectly clear respecting a second application for supplies to the French—It is well recollected on the application of Leiutenant Clementes, stating in a petition in behalf of the oDcers of the Berceau, their injuries, their privations & necessitous circumstances; that they were in debt to private families where they had been boarding; that they could not leave the country without making payment, of which they possessd no means. you gave directions, to have each of them supplied to the amount of a certain sum, or at a certain rate—the french consul giving security for its repayment. On Clemens being informed of this provision, at the oDce, he said it was inadequate to their necessities, and (as I think refusing the letters & orders which were oCered him) waited on you at your lodgings & their obtained directions for an allowance equal to the amount of what would have been their wages from the time of their capture, the french Consul giving security for its repayment. Some time afterwards Mr Pichon in a note addressed to the then acting Secretary of State, mentioning his own unfavorable situation for making some necessary supplies, requested the aid of the United States, pledging himself & his Government, that any advances, should be repay’ed in France, or else where, as soon as arrangements could be made for that purpose. My recollection is somewhat confused as to the object of these supplies, but I think for a body of French prisoners who had been conAned in Fredericktown—and that your directions were in favor of the supplies on the terms mentioned. The note is in the oDce & will explain the circumstances—In the Arst instance the common sailors who were said to be destitute, were directed to be furnished with decent clothing, without any stipulation for repayment—The above supplies may be considered as coming out of the appropria< 666>

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tions for the maintenance of French prisoners. The United States would have felt injured & disgraced, had these supplies been withheld under the pressing circumstances which called for them—I do not recollect any thing more respecting the above mentioned transactions. So soon as I obtain returns from Mr Brown, the navy agent, of other particulars they shall be forwarded—I will procure & transmit as soon as is in my power the list of ODcers you request, and will endeavour to become acquainted with their future & present political measures & principles, both in public, and in their more private circles. If they will come round and act sincerely, and cordially with the powers which be, they will occasion more joy, and have greater inBuence on the common people, than twenty who have never strayed. I ought to have mentioned that Brown may be prevailed on to accept of the oDce of Navy Agent. He is one of the best men in the world for this business. I pressed him in your name, & by the authority of the U.S—I hope Dearborn has settled it with him. As the public mind is here at rest respecting the Berceau, and no inconvenience can result from a delay, I shall omit a public statement, untill I can know that the general cast of the above account meets your approbation, in point of policy, & correctness; and the rather as the publication, by strong conjecture, through my private explanations, would probably be traced to its real author, & thereby, in a sort commit, the subject. I am unwilling to conAde, to my own discretion solely, a matter in which your administration, and your feelings may be concerned. In writing thus largely and unreservedly it is to be feared I have more than fatigued. My object was, to increase your means of judging, by my detail of facts. and my wishes were, to submit, on subjects of solicitude, ideas, to your reviewing consideration, by the observations I have made. If improperly, goodness and candor will excuse it in one, whose highest wishes & present felicity are involved in the success of your public measures—Permit me to hope, for the honor of hearing from you, as often as may be convenient—I shall be troubling you with communications from time to time. If Massachusetts gets right, all will be right—The other eastern states will be with her. A few more republican news-papers, and the thing is accomplish’ed. Exertions are making to obtain them. Editors alone are wanting, suDcient encouragement would be given them. I mean soon to spend some time in Boston, shall improve the opportunity to political purposes. material occurrences, if any, shall be forwarded— Accept Sir assurances of my sincerest friendship and highest respect Levi Lincoln < 667>

28 J U LY 1801 RC (DLC); at head of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 20 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: TJ to Lincoln, 11 July. yours of the 12th: no letter from TJ to Lincoln of 12 July has been found or is recorded in SJL. According to SJL, the only letter that TJ wrote on the 12th was the one to the New Haven merchants, so perhaps he sent Lincoln a copy of that document with a covering note that he did not enter in his epistolary record. converting ordinance: a theological debate that began with English Puritans in the 1640s and continued later in New England, with Solomon Stoddard and Jonathan Edwards devoting particular attention to the problem, centered on the Lord’s Supper and whether it was a “converting ordinance,” a sacrament that conveyed grace and acted to seal an individual’s conversion (Jonathan Edwards, Ecclesiastical Writings, ed. David D. Hall, vol. 12 of The Works of Jonathan Edwards [New Haven, 1994], 40-3, 47, 62, 183, 187-90, 326n, 407-10, 614; E. Brooks HoliAeld, The Covenant Sealed: The Development of Puritan Sacramental Theology in Old and New England, 15701720 [New Haven, 1974], 113-17, 21217). John lowell, the presiding judge of the First Circuit Court, was considered part of the Essex Junto and had been a federal judge since 1789 (anb; Vol. 32:386n). mr —: Jonathan Jackson (see TJ to Lincoln, 11 July). genl. l—: William Lyman. The reference to children’s bread is from the New Testament: “But Jesus said unto her, Let the children Arst be Alled: for it is not meet to take the children’s bread, and to cast it unto the dogs” (Mark 7:27). soon after pichon’s arrival: on 19 Mch., the day after L. A. Pichon presented his credentials, he reported Bonaparte’s readiness to implement the Convention of 1800 (asp, Foreign Relations, 2:430). For the Senate’s rejection of Article 2 of the Convention of 1800, which antici-

pated the settlement of spoliation claims and was inserted at the instance of the american commissioners during the treaty negotiations, see Stephen Thorn to TJ, 19 Feb. 1801. In his letter to the secretary of state on 19 Mch., Pichon conveyed his government’s expectation that its ships of war would be returned in the state they were in at the time of their capture, and that the insurgente, if lost, would be replaced by the United States. TJ made brief notations in the margin of Pichon’s letter identifying those topics and querying, with regard to the restitution of warships, “vessels to be given up in what condn?” (RC in DNA: RG 59, NL, in French, with TJ’s notations in pencil, including an additional notation placing the name of Dr. Edward Stevens next to a reference Pichon made to improper conduct by unnamed American agents toward French colonies; asp, Foreign Relations, 2:431). Philippe de Létombe informed the secretary of state on 1 Mch. that the officers of the berceau had no means of subsisting themselves in Boston. Létombe asked the United States to help the oDcers, with the expectation that the French government would reimburse the funds. In April, the navy agent at Boston gave Lieutenant Clement, the commander of the Berceau, $870.83 as the equivalent of 4,750 livres for his pay and that of four other oDcers from 13 Oct. 1800 to 13 Mch. 1801. The U.S. also advanced some money for the oDcers’ subsistence. On 3 Apr. 1801, Pichon requested the aid of the united states in subsisting, until they could be embarked for France or its colonies, French seamen who had been held prisoner in the U.S. He pledged that the needed provisions would be charged “to the account of the French republic.” The United States moved over 100 of the sailors to Boston from Frederick, Maryland, and New York City to help make up a crew for the Berceau upon its restitution (asp, Foreign Relations, 2:429-30, 433-5, 438; ndqw, Dec. 1800Dec. 1801, 185, 229, 238; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:146n; Pichon to secretary of state, 3, 20 Apr. 1801, in DNA: RG 59, NL).

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28 J U LY 1801 brown may be prevailed on: on 1 Apr. 1801, Samuel Smith had asked Samuel Brown of Boston, on TJ’s behalf, “to do the duties of Navy Agent.” When Brown tried to decline the position, Smith wrote again on 29 Apr. to echo Henry Dearborn’s opinion that Brown’s

services “must be made use of ” at least temporarily. Smith stressed the need to put “characters of the Arst respectability” into government oDces. Brown stayed in the position until August 1807 (ndqw, Dec. 1800-Dec. 1801, 171, 208, 374).

From Levi Stutson Honourable Sir— Boston July 28th. 1801. The unwarrantable Freedom which I now take, in the very singular, (and prehaps unprecedented) method of addressing You, tho’ in the most exalted station, which a Grateful and magnanimous people can place you—I humbly desire you to forgive,—nor can I doubt of the generous readiness, with which your complyance, will honour the urgent request, and especially when the cause of this application, meets with the candid discernment of your Just consideration; which is what I have taken the Liberty to solicit, from the pure inducement of necessiated Frankness, by an appeal to the dictates of your Philanthropic and unprejudiced reason;—It is with inAnite regret I have to inform your Excellency, with what, under any supportable circumstances, I should feelingly forbear from the mortiAcation of troubleing you with this address—that is the execrable misfortune of my long suCering in being designatedly placed among those, whom the arrogant intollerance of Political sentiments and party prejudice, hath long stygmatized and condemn’d to aprobrious suCering under the dorment state of civil oppression—by means of which and my Armness of attachment, to those fundamental principles, set forth in your admirable Republican Inaugural speech, the high Federalstyled rancour and malicious prejudice which so discordently sways a very considerable part of the most inBuencial and richer parts of this metropolis hath too evidently determined to keep me among many others within their power, in that persecuted state of Sentimental inveteracy, which your correct pen has so righteously described, and which without ambiguity by every Republican mind can never be too much conAded in and admired.— I will not further engross on your Excellencys time,—but just to beg of you the invalueable favour, to take me so far into consideration, as to aCord me an opportunity to exert my endeavours in some situation which your Judgment may see At to place me in—and I pledge < 669>

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myself for every exertion to do honour thereto and to aCord all possible sattisfaction—The enclosed CertiAcate, will I humbly presume be amply characterestic of me and my abilities— I have the Honour to remain—with the highest sentiments of duty and Esteem—Your Excellency’s Most Obt. and very humble Servt. Levi Stutson RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); endorsed by TJ as received 20 Aug. and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” Enclosure: CertiAcate of William Donnisison, William Andrews, and 14 other inhabitants of Boston, dated 27 July 1801, describing Stutson as “well experienced in the Mercantile and Commercial business, as well as a competant accountant” and recommending him for “any Situation of conAdence and capacity similar thereto, which might be committed to his charge” (same). Enclosed in Stutson to “Honourable Sir,” 28 July 1801, asking that his letter be presented to the president and to forward any reply to William Andrews, Summer Street in Boston (same).

The letter printed above is the only correspondence with Levi Stutson recorded in SJL. A sea captain of that name is listed in the 1800 Boston city directory as residing on Sea Street. He commanded the ship Polly, which made voyages to the southern states, Spain, and the West Indies around this time. He was deceased by early 1807 (The Boston Directory. Containing the Names of the Inhabitants, Their Occupations, Places of Business, and Dwelling-Houses [Boston, 1800], 103; Boston Massachusetts Mercury, 26 Apr., 12 July 1799; Charleston Carolina Gazette, 11 Dec. 1800; Boston Constitutional Telegraphe, 21 Nov. 1801; Boston New England Palladium, 21 Apr. 1807).

To William Bingham Dear Sir Washington July 29. 1801. I have duly recieved your favor of the 25th. I had before felt a sincere concern for the circumstance which has made you wish for a change of scene, having myself entertained a very high esteem for the character which has left us and learnt from experience the indelible eCects of such a loss. time is the only medicine & but an imperfect one. I thank you for the oCer of services abroad. I have long since withdrawn myself from foreign correspondences, and therefore have nothing to trouble you with. I feel with due sensibility your good wishes for the success of my administration. those who will be satisAed with a government of energy enough to protect persons & property sacredly, will not, I trust, be disappointed: while no eCort will be spared to prevent unnecessary burthens to the labouring man. I pray you to accept of my best wishes for your journeying, and assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “William Bingham esq.”

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To Hugh Henry Brackenridge Dear Sir Washington July 29. 1801. My business not permitting me to be a very punctual correspondent, I did not, at the time, acknolege the receipt of your favors of Jan. 30. & Feb. 17. I am just now on my departure for Monticello where I propose to pass the months of Aug. & Sep. rather than on the tidewaters. we are still uninformed of the fate of Egypt. indeed the only thing new of any importance is the communication from his Britannic Majesty that understanding we were sending a squadron into the Mediterranean for the protection of our commerce, he had given orders for our free reception in his ports of Gibraltar, Mahon & Malta, and that his stores there should be open to us. this circumstance, with the reformation they are making in their Admiralty courts bespeak a little disposition to be more just & friendly to us. if they will also cease to impress our seamen most of the stumbling blocks will be removed from between us. nothing more would be necessary to make us cultivate their friendship with sincerity. we are proceeding on such economical reforms as are within the executive will. those which require the legislature must wait till winter. we are also going on slowly and cautiously in substituting some of those who have been excluded from oDce in place of the least deserving of the hitherto monopolists. Accept assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (DLC); at foot of text: “Judge Breckenridge.” Dispatches recently received from Rufus King in London reported on a bill before Parliament to modify British admiralty courts in the West Indies and

at Halifax. Parliament approved the measure, which reduced the number of courts, provided for the appointment of qualiAed presiding judges, and changed some procedures for condemnation of prizes (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:133-4, 196-7, 379).

From Anthony Butler Sir Philadelphia July 29th 1801 Believing from various Information, that a Change in the oDce of the Collector of this Port is a Measure decided on by you; upon that Conviction alone, I beg leave to lay before you my application for that oDce and to solicit your favorable Decision thereon. I must confess that it is with Hesitation & great Deference I approach you on this Business—knowing & feeling as I do, the painful Task which devolves on you, in the decision of such a multiplicity of < 671>

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applications of a similar nature—, Believe me Sir ’nought but the Preservation of a numerous Family, victims of British & french Depredation & political Animosity, could have induced me to add to the number of those thus trespassing on you. There was a time when the united States had not an oDce, for which, from a motive of Interest or Support, I would have applied, but I had not then been hurled from the most brilliant mercantile Consequence to my present unfortunate Position. Not having the Honor to be personally known to you The friends who will interest themselves for me will I doubt not give you such Testimonies of my political & moral Life as may be perfectly satisfactory to you & I hope I do not Batter myself, that in case I should be so fortunate as to succeed, by saying, that the appointment would meet the approbation, of all those merchants who are known to be the Friends of the present administration & (conceding Mr. Lattimers Removal is unavoidable) of a majority of the other Party. In every Event, Permit me to oCer up my wishes for the Success of all your measures & for your personal Health and Felicity. I have the Honor to be Sir your most respectful Serv Anthony Butler RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCerson Esq.”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 Aug. and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.” collector of this port: George Latimer. In a letter to Albert Gallatin of the same day, Butler speciAed “the President’s answer to the merchants of New Haven” as a reason for his “certainty” of Latimer’s

removal from oDce, discussed his mercantile losses, and mentioned his nine children (Gallatin, Papers, 5:460-1). Butler withdrew his application for oDce in a letter to TJ of 5 Oct., citing “Information from an Authority” that “no Change was contemplated in the oDcers of that department” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; torn; at foot of text: “His Excellency Thomas JeCer[son Esq.]”; endorsed by TJ as received 7 Oct.).

From William Caruthers Sr. Lexington 29th July 1801 Although I have not been in the habit of Troubling You or any Other person who has better and more important business to attend to than my Nonsence perhaps it may with propriety be Called Yet in this instance I have taken that liberty—The object of this letter is to comminicate to You an Oppinion I have for some time entertained though Never Communicated to any person before in Order to be corrected, if eronious for this reason amongst others that if the thing < 672>

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Should ever be found practicable it will be of most Service to the County who may Arst put it into practice—as many things have been found easy to immitate after the Arst hint Which were not before thought of—It is my Oppinion Sr. that at Some period of Time if mankind Continue to progress in liberty and improvement that the Electric Bued as it is Called Will by some nation be made use of as a means of Anoying thier enemy—Yet it may be altogethe a Chimerical notion of mine Taken up for Want of more information on the Subject for I have never had either time or Opportunity to make any experiments on the Subject either to Establish the hypothesis or prove its absurdity but Will here mention a few that I Would make if leisure And Opportunty Served Arst What eCect a Receiver highly Charged hermetically Sealed and Violently projected so as to Break Or Discharge itself against an object Would have—Whethe the Violent Motion and mode of Dischage Would increase the Shock more than the Common mode of Discharging a Phial—if it Should be found to be the Case Shells in the form of Boms might be Constructed of a Size perhaps to answer the purpose Mentioned in the Arst of this letter but their Will be Considerable DiDquilty in enclosing the Charge so that None Escape untill the time Designed— Your Being no doubt Thoroughly acquainted With this branch of Science so far as it is Discovered can at Once Determine Whether any experiment of this Kind is Worth Trial—Or perhaps Similar Exper. may have been made by Some person before Now for I have read very little On the Subject—I have thus Written to You On a Subject I dared Not to mention to One of my equals for fear of ridicule Should You think it Worth any Attention drop me a line On the Subject and if Not Just Commit this to the Bames and Give Yourself no Trouble of Answering I have Some money in my hands of Yours arising from the Sale of Salt petre made from Your Cave at the Natural Bridge the reason I have not remitted it is one of the felowes ran away Without Paying his rent and I expect to recover it as he is only about 40 Miles oC and send all at once— With the highest Consideration I am Your Obt Humbl Sert Wm Caruthers RC (MHi); at head of text: “Honble Thomas JeCerson”; endorsed by TJ as received 8 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. William Caruthers (d. 1817) was a merchant in Lexington, Virginia, who was interested in a variety of subjects and

became, in 1808, a trustee of a female academy in the town. His earlier correspondence with TJ, which is recorded in SJL but has not been found, consisted of letters from Caruthers to TJ of 14 July, 4 Nov., and 8 Nov. 1796, received on 26 July, 7 Nov., and 12 Nov., respectively,

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29 J U LY 1801 and one letter from TJ of [22?] Oct. 1796. In that correspondence they apparently made an arrangement for the extraction of saltpeter from TJ’s property in Rockbridge County and agreed that Caruthers would be TJ’s agent in paying taxes on the tract, which included the natural

bridge. After the letter printed above, they did not correspond again until July 1809, when Caruthers reminded TJ that he still had the money, totaling about $90, from the saltpeter mining (rs, 1:367-8; mb, 2:1262, 1283; Vol. 25:299; Vol. 28:408, 410).

From George Clinton Dear Sir Albany 29th. July 1801 Mrs: Tudor intending to pass through the City of Washington on her way to the Springs in Berkeley County Virginia permit me to recommend her to your Friendly Notice and Attention—She is the Wife of Judge Tudor of Boston a Gentleman of much respectabillity and steady adherent to the virtuous Principles of our Revolution & his good Lady possesses the same Sentiment in an immenent Degree— She will be accompanied by one of her sons, a well informed young Gentleman and of excellent Character. As a lady is concerned I Batter myself you will pardon this Liberty Your’s sincerely, Geo: Clinton RC (NNPM); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 7 Sep. and so recorded in SJL. mrs: tudor: Delia Jarvis, daughter of Boston Loyalists Elias and Deliverance Jarvis, married William Tudor in 1778. A Harvard graduate, judge tudor had served as John Adams’s law clerk from 1769 to 1772, when he was admitted to the bar. In July 1775, Washington appointed him judge advocate of the Continental Army. In August 1776 he was promoted to lieutenant colonel and became the judge advocate general.

Tudor resigned in April 1777 and returned to Boston, where he established a law practice and held state political oDces. Although considered a Republican during the late 1790s, from 1801 to 1804 he served as a Federalist in the Massachusetts Senate. one of her sons: William Tudor, Jr., who graduated from Harvard in 1796 and became the founder and Arst editor of the North American Review (anb, 19:919-20; Robert J. Taylor and others, eds., Papers of John Adams, 13 vols. to date [Cambridge, Mass., 1977- ], 2:104-5; Sibley, 17:252-65; Madison to TJ, 16 Aug. 1801).

From John Drayton Sir. Charleston July 29th: 1801. I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 17th: June, accompanied with sundry papers from the Naval depart< 674>

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ment; And, whenever any French Consul or Commercial Agent repairs to this place, I shall request him to hasten the discharge of the French prisoners here: unless, you should otherwise direct. I am also favored with your dispatches of the 15th: July; and feel myself much indebted to you, for the conAdence you have reposed in me, respecting the same: believe me Sir, it shall not be misplaced. This business has been fortunately arranged sooner, than my hopes had led me to expect: and I have the pleasure to inform you, that Edward Darrell Esq of this City, has, this day accepted the appointment of Commissioner for the Arst division of this State, under the act of Congress providing for the enumeration of lands, dwelling houses, and slaves. He is a Gentleman, who has been at the bar for some years, in habits of business; and, is Lieutenant Colonel commanding the regiment of Artillery in this City. The oDce he has accepted being of invidious nature, without proAt or pleasure, I hope, as he has been induced to accept the same merely from a desire of forwarding the public business, and thereby of giving what support he is able to your administration, to which he is sincerely attached, it may not be a bar, to any promotion, with which the Federal Government may be pleased to entrust him. I shall further endeavour to assist this business, by writing to each of the other Commissioners in this State; whom I will urge to proceed without delay: and in Ane, will leave nothing undone, which I can do, towards enabling you to carry the above mentioned law into eCect, with energy & dispatch. As I trust much to a well regulated Militia, for those defences, which a republican government requires, my endeavours in this State are much directed to eCect due obedience & subordination, throughout its diCerent departments. A Court martial, which has lately been holden here, having cashiered one oDcer, and suspended another, has given me an opportunity of pressing those principles on the militia of this State; which I Batter myself will be attended with beneAcial eCects. I have done myself the honor of enclosing you, a copy of the Orders, which are issued on the occasion. And trust, that in due time a proper return shall be transmitted to you of the Militia of this State: among which, is a body of uniformed Cavalry, well mounted and conditioned of not less than Afteen hundred men, that I can draw to any one point in this State, at a short notice. I must apologize, for intruding these matters on your time and attention; and, my excuse must be, that, it proceeds from an earnest desire, of promoting the public welfare: which I have been taught to < 675>

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consider, as the sacred duties of a Man & a Citizen. And I avail myself of this opportunity, of tendering to you the assurance of high respect & consideration, with which, I have the honor to be Sir Yr. most obedient Sevt. John Drayton RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: see below. dispatches of the 15th: july: see Gallatin’s Arst letter to TJ of 11 July. copy of the orders: in his general orders issued on 23 July to the South Carolina militia, Drayton conArmed the sentence of a court-martial that found Captain William Fair and Lieutenant Retier Whittemore, oDcers in the 28th militia regiment, guilty of disobedience and of “unmilitary, unbecoming and mutinous conduct.” Fair was dismissed from service, while Whittemore was suspended

for a term of twelve months. Drayton used the occasion to emphasize the importance of a well-ordered militia in a republic, where “the citizen and soldier are intimately blended,” and to declare his intention to uphold the authority of courtsmartial to dismiss any commissioned oDcer from service, no matter how high his rank, and that such dismissals would be published in general orders across the state. Drayton’s orders of 23 July also directed that a complete return of the militia in South Carolina be prepared and that a copy be forwarded to the president of the United States (Charleston City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, 27 July 1801).

Executive Order on Revenue Districts An Order Of the President of the United States— making certain Alterations in the Districts therein mention’d, and erecting a new Revenue District, to be denominated “the No West District”— Sect. 1. In pursuance of divers Acts of the Congress of the United States, vesting in me certain powers and Authorities, in relation to the internal Revenues thereof, the following Alterations of, and Additions to, the Arrangements heretofore made, for securing and collecting the said Duties, are hereby adopted and established.— Sect. 2d. The Districts of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, North Carolina, and South Carolina, shall, from and after the thirtieth day of September next, severally form, each one Survey; and the Duties of Inspector of each of said Surveys, shall be perform’d by the Supervisor of the District, comprehending the same.— Sect 3d. The several Counties of the District of Virginia, originally and heretofore contain’d within, and forming the Arst, sec< 676>

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ond, third and fourth Surveys of the said District, shall, from and after the thirtieth day of September next, be contain’d in, and form but one Survey, (to be thereafter denominated the Arst,) and the Duties of Inspector, in and for the same, shall be perform’d, by the Supervisor of the said District Sect 4th. The second Survey, of the District of Ohio, according to it’s present Limits, heretofore established, by the President, of the United States, shall be, and is hereby, erected into an entire new District, to be denominated “the No West District”1 And the said District shall consist of one Survey, and may from time to time, be divided into such, and so many Divisions, as by the Supervisor thereof, shall be found, expedient and necessary. Sect 5th. The Collectors of Revenue, in the Districts of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, North Carolina, and South Carolina, and in the Arst second third and fourth Surveys, of the District of Virginia, shall render their Accounts of Duties, arising from and after the thirtieth day of June last, and pay over the monies, arising from the same, to the respective Supervisors, of the said Districts— Given under my Hand, at The City of Washington On the twenty ninth day of July, one Thousand eight Hundred and One.— Th: Jefferson MS (InHi); in a clerk’s hand, signed by TJ; endorsed: “Order of the President, ‘making certain alterations in the Districts therein mentioned, and erecting a new Revenue district, to be denominated the North West District.’ dated July 29. 1801.” FC (Lb in DNA: RG 233, TRC, 7th Cong., 1st sess.); at foot of text: “A true copy of the original on Ale at this oDce. Wm. Miller. Revenue ODce, Decemr. 30. 1801.” Tr (PHi: Tench Coxe Papers); in an unidentiAed hand; endorsed. Tr (ViW); in an unidentiAed hand; endorsed. Tr (PHi); lacks Sections 3 and 4; endorsed.

Aug. Using information supplied in Albert Gallatin’s Report on Collection of Internal Revenues of 28 July, Samuel H. Smith explained the importance of the changes. He pointed out that by the order revenue collectors would report directly to revenue supervisors, eliminating the revenue inspectors and thereby increasing eDciency and accountability in the collection of the direct taxes. For the decision to publish the order, see Gallatin to TJ, 10 Aug., and TJ to Gallatin, 14 Aug. 1801. divers acts of the congress: see Gallatin’s report, 28 July.

The order of the president appeared in the National Intelligencer on 19

q Closing quotation mark supplied by Editors.

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From Albert Gallatin Sir Treasury Department 29th July 1801 I have the honor to enclose a statement of the monies collected on account of the marine hospitals from when the law began to operate to the 31st of March 1801, showing also the disbursements made for the relief of sick seamen during the same period by the Agents appointed for that purpose, & the unexpended balances remaining on the last mentioned day in hands of said Agents or of the Collectors of the several States. The ports where hospitals have been erected, or where the Collectors as Agents have been directed to grant temporary assistance are designated in the last column of the Statement. It thereby appears that in the district of Maine and in every Atlantic State North Carolina & New Hampshire excepted, one port has been selected for the application of the monies collected in the State, that in North Carolina three distinct ports have participated in the application of the money, & that no directions have been given in relation to the expenditure in New Hampshire, where the monies collected remain in hands of the Collector. From Savannah, the port of Georgia where the money was directed to be expended, not a single return has been received. The money detained on the pay of seamen belonging to the navy has been applied partly in the purchase of the Gosport hospital & partly in supplying the deAciencies arising in the three ports of Newport, Norfolk & Charleston S.C.—In every other hospital port the sums collected from seamen, other than those employed in the navy, in the State to which the port belongs, have exceeded the sums expended. In New-port & Norfolk the number of sick seamen belonging to the navy having caused a great proportion of the expense, the application of the navy funds to supply the deAciency has been a natural course. But even in Norfolk & perhaps still more in Charleston the expense attending the relief of sick seamen not belonging to the navy has uniformly exceeded the Sum collected from them in Virginia & South Carolina respectively; and as the navy funds are stated to be nearly exhausted, whilst the expense continues to be incurred in those two ports, the question is how the deAciency shall hereafter be supplied? The only two practicable means are to draw from the Treasury some part of the navy appropriation, or to apply to those ports some of the hospital money collected in the adjoining States where a surplus may exist. < 678>

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It must be recollected that the hospital money whether received from merchant seamen, or from seamen belonging to the navy, does not come in and is altogether unconnected with the Treasury. But if the sums to be hereafter received from seamen belonging to the navy as “hospital money” shall be found insuDcient to defray the expense incurred on their account when sick on shore, there can be no impropriety in supplying the deAciency out of those monies in the Treasury which, by law, are especially appropriated for “hospitals, medicines &c” for the use of the navy. It has indeed been suggested that the estimate on which that appropriation was grounded contemplated only hospitals on board the public vessels; but there is nothing in the law itself which does forbid a broader construction. The original law for the relief of sick seamen had restricted the application of the monies collected to the State where collected. The supplementary law has permitted its application in an adjoining State, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island & Massachusets excepted. Hence it is lawful to apply the surplus of monies collected in North Carolina in Charleston & part of the surplus of Maryland in Norfolk. This last mode so far especially as it relates to Norfolk seems unexceptionable. It seems that Baltimore may suDce to itself, that the sums collected in Alexandria ought to be spent there, and that Norfolk being the common port of Chesapeak both for Maryland & Virginia, being the port where Government has purchased a public hospital, & being from its situation that port, where sick seamen on board any vessel bound for the bay, will naturally be deposited, it is but natural & just that the surplus of the Money collected in Maryland, after defraying the necessary expense in Baltimore should be spent there. In order, however, to lessen the expense there as much as possible, Doctr. Balfour who belongs to the navy but is now unemployed shall be ordered, at his own request, to proceed to Norfolk & take care of that hospital. The modes adopted by the several Agents have varied in the diCerent States. In some ports as Boston & Charleston S.C. regular hospitals with the establishment of physicians, & nurses have been instituted. In New York & Philadelphia, the State marine hospitals or similar institutions have been used, paying so much per week to the institution for every sick seaman who has been admitted. In small ports occasional assistance has been aCorded as it was required. It appears upon the whole that the best mode has been adopted, according to local circumstances, almost everywhere. But the mode of using State hospitals already established being far more economical than that of establishing new ones, it is much to be wished that the < 679>

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existing State hospital had been used in Charleston as it has in Philadelphia & New York. A correspondence took place on that subject between the Collector of Charleston & the Intendant of that city, in which a natural spirit of accommodation was not perhaps suDciently displayed. The result was that the City absolutely refuses now to admit in their hospital any sick seaman, & that the funds collected in South Carolina are not suDcient to defray the expence in that sickly & expensive port. The surplus existing in most States may be applied under the law, either in the purchase of stock intended to constitute a permanent fund, or in the purchase of ground & erecting suitable buildings for permanent hospitals, or in aCording relief in other ports of the same State besides that one where an Agent has heretofore been appointed. Want of suDcient information, & the possibility of some alterations in the law seem to render it premature to decide at present which, of those modes should be adopted. And it seems suDcient to submit to you the propriety of authorizing, according to law & where it shall be found necessary, the application in any port of monies collected in an adjoining State, &, provided it is essentially necessary, the application in a port, where sick seamen belonging to the navy may be admitted in more than usual numbers, of part of the navy appropriations for hospitals & medicines. It will also be recommended, if it shall be approved by you, to the Collector of Charleston to renew with that city the negotiation heretofore on foot, for the purpose of having sick seamen admitted in the city hospital at a certain Axed price— I have the honor to be with the highest respect Sir Your most obt. Servt. Albert Gallatin NB. The column in the annexed Statement of sums due to Agents shows the deAciency existing on 31st March last in those ports, & it has since that time been increasing. It is necessary to add that the Statement is, though essentially, not perfectly correct; owing to some mistakes in the accounts of several collectors not yet discovered, and to the returns of some small ports not being yet received. Georgia, as before stated, is altogether wanting.— A. G. RC (DLC); addressed: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 29 July and “Marine Hospitals” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: “A General Statement of Receipts & Expenditures of the Marine Hospital” as of 31 Mch. 1801, arranged

in tabular form by states, giving the amount collected from private vessels beginning in late 1798 and extending into 1801, totaling $100,641.45; the sums remitted by the navy; the total sums expended; the sums due by collectors and agents; the sums due to agents; and the

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29 J U LY 1801 locations of the hospitals receiving the funds (MS in DLC; 1 p.; undated; in clerk’s hand, with notes in pencil at foot of statement in Gallatin’s hand, including information on the monies due to the agent at Norfolk and concluding that the true balance on 31 Mch. was $59,367). law began to operate: on 1 Sep. 1798, shipmasters or owners began to pay collectors 20 cents per month for every seaman employed on their vessels, as provided by the “Act for the relief of sick and disabled Seamen” of 16 July 1798. The sum was to be taken out of the seamen’s wages (U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:605-6). According to the marine hospital statement, the designated ports where hospitals were situated were Portsmouth, New Hampshire; Portland, Maine; Newport, Rhode Island; New London, Connecticut; Boston; New York City; Philadelphia; Baltimore; Charleston; Norfolk, Virginia; Wilmington, New Bern, and Edenton, North Carolina; and Savannah, Georgia. Over $1,500 had been collected in New Hampshire, but the monies remained with the collectors and agents. The statement indicated that no hospital was designated in New Jersey, and the monies from that state were disbursed at New York City and Philadelphia. Delaware did not appear on the list of states in the statement, but funds were

collected at Wilmington and usually disbursed at Philadelphia. Tennessee was the last state listed. It had no hospital and no report submitted for 1801 (asp, Commerce and Navigation, 1:491-2). In 1799 the “Act for the relief of sick and disabled Seamen” was extended to include seamen belonging to the navy, with the secretary of the navy authorized to collect and distribute the funds. According to the marine hospital statement, the navy had remitted $2,450 to the hospital at Newport, $2,500 at Norfolk, and $4,500 at Charleston (U.S. Statutes at Large, 1:729). George balfour, of Virginia, began serving as a surgeon in the U.S. Navy in March 1798. He was one of fourteen surgeons retained under the Peace Establishment Act of 1801 (ndqw, Dec. 1800Dec. 1801, 135-6, 316). sums due to agents: on the 31 Mch. marine hospital statement only the agent at Norfolk had a sum due to him of $2,908.48. According to notes in Gallatin’s hand at the foot of the statement, the amount due at Norfolk was reduced by $1,500, because monies remitted by the navy had not been credited by the agent, leaving a balance due of $1,408.48. But without funds from the navy, the agents at Newport, Norfolk, and Charleston would have had deAcits.

From Albert Gallatin Dr Sir July 29th 1801 I enclose the hospital money statement which ought to have accompanied my letter of this morning, and add a letter, on the subject of repairs of Gosport hospital, received from the Collector of Norfolk who acts as Agent. I really do not know out of what fund the repairs can be paid. I forgot to mention that a blank commission will be wanted for Inspector of the internal revenues for the Survey forming the new District North of the Ohio. No person is yet recommended, although I wrote in order to obtain information as to the proper person. Sproat of Marietta the inspector of the same territory, goes out of course as his Commission becomes vacated by the new arrangt. < 681>

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He was an indiCerent oDcer & his place of residence is extremely inconvenient. I am with sincere respect Your obt. Servt. Albert Gallatin In relation to the blank commission, it will only be necessary that you should direct Wagner to deliver me one. This case will not admit of delay & as soon as proper information is received the vacancy should be Alled. In every other instance I foresee no possible inconvenience to send you by mail the commissions & wait for your answer. Those which are contemplated are for Collectors of Savannah, Hampton, Cherry Stone, Cincinnati Ohio Erie & Illinois—& for surveyorship of Petersburg. To whom should application be made for information on this last? It is worth only 3 or 400 dollars. RC (DLC); addressed: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ: “Marine hospital.” Enclosure: William Davies to Gallatin, Norfolk, 18 June 1801, reporting that it was estimated that $1,125.17 would be needed to make the repairs required at the hospital to “accommodate the sick in the wing of the building now occupied by them,” and that an additional $2,092.33 would be needed for repairs in the other parts of the hospital “to prevent further destruction, and to keep it in order for completion, when the number of patients” would render it essential, noting that the whole of the expense might have been avoided if $200 had been expended for the preservation of the building, and warning that “If not now properly secured against further injury, a great increase of expence will be the inevitable consequence, if the Hospital in the extent of its plan is ever to be completed” (RC in DLC; addressed: “Albert Gallatin Esquire Secretary of the Treasury Washington City”; franked and postmarked; endorsed in part: “cost of repairs to the Hospital”). Statement noted at preceding letter.

direct wagner to deliver me one: on this day, Jacob Wagner sent the president a blank commission “adapted to the oDce of Inspector of a Survey.” Uncertain of the name of the survey, he left that blank, but noted that he would inquire about it at the Treasury oDce the next day. Wagner also informed TJ that earlier that day he had “put up for conveyance, the commissions of the new District Attornies for Massachusetts and Maine” and inquired “whether the former Attornies should receive a notiAcation of their being superseded, thro’ the Department of State” (RC in NHi: Gallatin Papers; addressed: “The President of the U. States”). On 3 Aug. the National Intelligencer reported the appointment of Silas Lee as district attorney for Maine in place of Daniel Davis, appointed to a judgeship in Massachusetts, and George Blake as district attorney for Massachusetts. Blake replaced Harrison Gray Otis (Vol. 33:677). For the removal of the collectors at Savannah, Georgia, and Hampton and Cherrystone, Virginia, see Gallatin’s Report on Delinquent Collectors, 9 June 1801.

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From Albert Gallatin Dr Sir Wednesday evening 29 July 1801 The enclosed was delivered to me open this evening by Colo. Burr. It encloses an open letter for Mr Madison; but the whole in fact is designed for you. I had not heard that Mr Lewis the new Marshal had oCered to resign. If it is thought proper that he should & he has not oCered to do it, I will, if you approve of it, write to Doctor Vaughan, on the grounds of public utility, advising that step. I may do it with propriety, because his letter to you, recommending his father in law, was enclosed open to me. On that subject it is desirable that I should have your directions. The packett being delivered open to me by Colo. Burr & seeing the signature of Cesar Rodney, I guessed at the contents & asked him (Colo. Burr) his opinion. He said they seemed alive on the subject, but declined interfering. With great respect Your obt. Servt. Albert Gallatin RC (DLC); addressed: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received on 29 July from the Treasury Department and “Joel Lewis” and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Caesar A. Rodney to James Madison, Wilmington, 17 July (see below). Rodney’s letter for madison regarded the appointment of Joel Lewis as marshal, upon the recommendation of his son-in-law Dr. John Vaughan, who had failed to consult other Delaware Republicans. They were now protesting the appointment, and Rodney urged the admin-

istration to accept Lewis’s resignation, “agreeably to the public Will.” Rodney concluded his long postscript, dated 28 July, by reporting that he had “conversed very freely” with Burr on the subject of the marshalship. After spending an evening with the Delaware Republicans, the vice president “had an opportunity from Seeing for himself and conversing with others of discovering the real sentiment here.” Rodney wanted Burr to share the information with the administration (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:430-4).

To Benjamin Hichborn Dear Sir Washington July 29. 1801. [I recieved] from you a letter of Jan. 5. as you passed through Philadelphia, & another of Feb. 1. by mr Hatch, which, according to your permission, I did not acknolege at the time. being just on my departure for Monticello, where I mean to pass the months of Aug. & Sep. I cannot deny myself the satisfaction of dropping you a line, tho’ we have little new to communicate. the chief article is the communication from his Britannic Majesty that understanding we were sending a squadron [into the] Mediterranean for the protection of our commerce, he had given orders for their free reception at his < 683>

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ports of Gibraltar, Mahon & Malta, & that his stores there should be open to our use. this, with some reformation of their courts of admiralty bespeak a disposition to treat us with a little more justice & respect, and is all that is necessary to render us cordially friendly to them. if they would abstain from impressing our seamen, little would then remain to disturb [our harmony].—we are going on suppressing useless expences where they are within the Executive controul, & preparing to propose others to the legislature where their authority is requisite: endeavoring too by degrees and on mature enquiry to encroach on the monopoly of oDce hitherto enjoyed, by removing revolutionary tories, avowed monarchists, federalists who have been very intolerant themselves, & those guilty of malversation or delinquency, and introducing into a moderate participation of public trust those who have been for some time excluded as out[casts]. [certain] papers will make a noise about it. but we see they are determined to blame every thing & therefore1 consider their clamours as [. . .] of course, whatever we do, & consequently not to be regarded. accept my best wishes & assurances of my high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson P.S. I shall always be happy to hear from you. PrC (DLC); faint; at foot of text: “Colo. Benjamin Hitchborne.”

q Canceled: “[do not?].”

To George Jefferson Dear Sir Washington July 29. 1801. I inclose you a draught of the Columbia bank on the bank of the US. for 250. D. which mr Barnes assures me is as good as bank notes [get.] it will be paid either in Philadelphia or New York. this he knows of his own experience. it is intended to cover a balance due from me to Hen[ry Duke] of Hanover, of about 150. Dol. and to pay mr Ast 91.[30] D for the insurance company. he [has] some demand of interest [paiments,] that I think [. . .] unjust & unlawful yet I shall pay on his informing me of [the sum. I am] not able to state the exact sum due to Duke because my papers are packed up; but probably I shall be able to write it to you from Monticello before he calls for it. but I know it is very nearly about [. . .] that sum may be paid him if he calls before I give you further information & the balance may be afterwards [settled]. I leave this tomorrow [morning] for Monticello < 684>

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which I shall reach [on] Sunday. I propose staying the months of Aug. & Sep. & shall be happy to see you there. [accept] assurances of my aCectionate friendship Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); faint; at foot of text: “Mr. George JeCerson.” On 13 Aug. TJ sent henry duke, a brickmason at Monticello from 1797 to 1799, an order on Gibson & JeCerson for £47.15.0, to settle the account with interest. The Anal sum was $168.46 (mb, 2:958, 1048-9, 1067). pay mr ast: on 17 Aug. 1800, TJ recorded in his Anancial accounts that the premium for insurance on buildings at Monticello would be $83.80, with additional expenses of $7.50, bringing the total to $91.30. Later TJ recorded that

between 4 Mch. 1801 and 4 Mch. 1802 he paid William Frederick Ast $118.25 for insurance (mb, 2:1025, 1048, 1067; Vol. 32:104-7). On 3 Aug. 1801, Gibson & JeCerson informed TJ that his letter of 29 July, along with the draft on the Bank of the United States, were received and would be appropriated as directed by him (RC in MHi; in Patrick Gibson’s hand, with company signature by him; at foot of text: “Thomas JeCerson Esqr. Monticello”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 Aug. and so recorded in SJL).

To Philippe de Létombe Dear Sir Washington July 29. 1801. Proposing to set out tomorrow for Monticello, and knowing that mr Bingham is on his departure for Europe, I have thought it best to dispatch Rapin express to Philadelphia in order to engage Le Maire. every information I recieve convinces me he will suit me inAnitely better than Schroeder. several circumstances respecting the latter render him less eligible than the other. Rapin will be able to satisfy all the doubts of Le Maire if he has any, & he will either bring him back with him & deliver up the house to him in my absence, or he will come back & recieve him when Le Maire shall And it convenient to come. I have the pleasure to inclose you the letter I had promised, to repeat my thanks for all your kindnesses and to assure you that you carry with you my friendly esteem & high consideration & respect. Th: Jefferson PrC (MHi); at foot of text: “M. Le Tombe”; endorsed by TJ in ink on verso. Enclosure: TJ to Létombe, 27 July. R. Gatier of Philadelphia, knowing that Joseph rapin wanted to return to that city, where his family was, but unaware of TJ’s decision to hire Étienne Lemaire, wrote TJ on 26 July to oCer his

services as “Maitre d’hotelle.” Gatier was a stranger to TJ, and that brief letter is the only correspondence to or from him recorded in SJL. He did not state his qualiAcations for the position, but named Honoré Julien and Noël De Clary to vouch for him. De Clary was “garçon de cuisine” at the President’s House. His name Arst appeared in TJ’s Anancial

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29 J U LY 1801 memoranda during July 1801, although TJ noted wages for an unnamed person as “garçon de cuisine” for the period 26 Apr.-26 May. TJ recorded De Clary’s name simply as “Noel” and paid him wages of $12 per month plus a drink allowance of $2. He last appears by name in TJ’s Anancial memoranda in May 1803,

after which TJ stopped listing the staC members’ names when they were paid each month (RC in MHi, in French, at foot of text: “à Mr. Thomas JeCerson President Des Etats Unis,” endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL; mb, 2:1042, 1045, 1054, 1056, 1061, 1077, 1100).

To Charles Willson Peale Dear Sir Washington July 29. 1801. I have to acknolege the reciept of your favors of June 29. & July 25. to congratulate you on the prospect you have of obtaining a compleat skeleton of the great incognitum, and the world on there being a person at the critical moment of the discovery who has zeal enough to devote himself to the recovery of these great animal monuments. Mr. Smith the Secretary of the Navy will give orders immediately to the Navy agent at New York to lend you a pump. the same gentleman acting in the war-oDce instead of Genl. Dearborne who is absent, will give an order to Genl. Irvine at Philadelphia to lend you a couple of tents. it has been a great mortiAcation to me to And myself in such a state as to be unable to come forward and assist you in resources for this enterprize: but the outAt of my oDce has been so amazingly heavy as to place me under greater pecuniary restraints for a while than I ever experienced. I trust they will not continue so long but that I shall be able to throw in my contribution before you will cease to want it. I set out tomorrow morning for Monticello to pass there the months of Aug. & Sep. whenever your skeleton is mounted, I will certainly pay it a visit. accept assurances of my great esteem & attachment. Th: Jefferson RC (TxU); at foot of text: “C. W. Peale.” PrC (DLC); endorsed by TJ in ink on verso.

From Samuel H. Smith July 29. 1801—

Samuel H. Smith presents his respectful compliments to Mr. Jefferson, and sends, accompanying this note, the Bee sent to S.H.S. from the Post oDce thro’ mistake, and the French Calender which ought to have been returned long since. The only apology S.H.S. can < 686>

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oCer for this conBict is the having sent it on the very day on which Mr. JeCerson last left the city for Monticello, and its being returned owing to his absence The accompanying letter for Mr. Randolph Dr. Barton has sent to S. H. Smith with the particular request that it may not be forwarded by post, but be put into the hands of Mr. JeCerson RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures not found.

the bee: Charles Holt’s New London newspaper. dr. barton: Benjamin Smith Barton.

From Matthew Groves Dr. Sir, Boston 30th. July 1801 the unfortunate person who Does himself the honor to adress Your excellencey, solicits if Agreeable to your honor, some little oDce in the government service. such as a weigher and gauger, or any thing better which your excellencey wou’d be pleasd to bestow, or recommend to the Collector of this port. what gives me ConAdence to make this application arises from the following Circumstances together with the Philosophic, brilliancy, liberallity, and elegance, which I observ’d [in] Your excellenceys speech. (I do not sir profess to be a judge, but I never in my life was so pleas’d with any piece either of reading or writing. and the world has not nor never will, produce any thing that had so great a tendency to unite all parties) encourages me to adress you in the following manner— I was told sir, that you are a great student in Astronomy, of this truth I was well Convinc’d long before I heard it from others, as no man can be truly great without a general Knowledge of that grand Science. The person who is now engaged in writing this letter to your excellency, is also a student in Astronomy, and an unfortunate man prompted by laudable ambition to engage in the study of the longitude at Sea. I Contracted a disposition for that study, so early in life as when a boy at lattin grammar school, on hearing a seaman Observe that many had endeavour’d to gain by study, and None had Succeeded; I in Consequence of that observation undertook a sea life for no other purpose, with a Ax’d resolution to gain that problem or perish— The Idea upon which my hopes are founded is by Observations made upon the eclipses of the satalites of Jupiter, the Conceptions which I have of my System in making these Observations is I believe < 687>

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New and Original, and I am ConAdent, from the method which I have invented that these Observations may be made with much less magnifyg powers than is generally Suspected, so much so, that the motion of a ship at sea woud be no impedemint to the Observation— This study sir, has brought poverty upon me, (a natural Consequence upon me) and being in my Afty fourth year makes it late for me to enter again upon a sea life, Therefore sir I am perswaded that one word from the lips of your excellencey will place this unfortunate ambitious man, in a situation to support himself wife and Eight Children [and make us] Comfortable and happy.— I woud further observe to your excellency that I unbusom’d myself to three of our richest merchants. thinking thereby to gain some little assistance to purchase instruments, &c, but the wretches in this part of the Country are generally destitute [of] publick Spirit, and when I consider the state of my own Anances. I get very dull So much so, that it draws a painfull anxiety bordering upon wild dispair upon me and I am borne down by every thing that is in the power of imagination to inBict, Nature at times appears to abandon me, and leaves me shatter’d like a wreck deserted amongst the rocks upon the sea shore, when I And myself unsupported and alone Contending with so powerfull an adversary. No more Dr. Sir. But shou’d think it a great honor if your Excellencey wou’d Condescend to send me a line in answer (as soon as it shoud be your Excellenceys pleasure) from the greatest Statesman and Philosopher in the united States to the most unfortunate one, I do myself the honor to subscribe myself as always Your Excellency’s friend and Humble Servant— [Matthew C. Groves] N.B. Your excellencey can form some Idea of my veracity from the following Circumstances. The only friend which I ever had in this place was the Honobl. Thomas Russell Esqr. who is now no more. I saild for that gentleman twenty one years in the west India trade Nineteen years of which I was Consgn’d to myself— Your Excellencey will be pleas’d to excuse the writing, and grammatical part as it is wrote by one who was draged up to a sea life. I Remain as above Your Excellencys friend Assuredly M. C. Groves RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); frayed at margin; signature damaged at fold; postscript in margin: “Your excellency will observe that I should not be subject to those feeling if I was in any regular way of

Business, or had funds to support me in this pursuit M. C. Groves”; addressed: “To His Excellency Thomas JeCerson Esqre. President of the united States of America”; endorsed by TJ as received 13

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30 J U LY 1801 Aug. and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC.”; also endorsed by TJ: “to be weigher guager or any thing.” Groves also sent TJ an undated, threepage “train of curious patriotic reBections,” which he was inspired to write by a monument on Bunker Hill erected by

King Solomon’s Lodge of Charlestown in honor of Joseph Warren. Groves identiAed himself as a freemason (MS in same; in Groves’s hand and signed by him; addressed: “To His Excellency Thomas Jefferson Esqr President of the united States of America”).

From George Helmbold Honoured Sir, Georgetown, District of Columbia July 30th 1801 Presuming the press of business would render it inconvenient for you to grant me a personal interview, I take this method of soliciting your attention—Men of information have frequently advanced it as their opinion, that so respectable a portion of the population of the United States as the Germans consist of, ought to have more attention paid them by government, on the score of diCusing information, than the former Administration thought proper to pay them—As a german I cannot but observe and lament their total ignorance of the most interesting and important acts of government—Hence it arises that they so frequently commit infranctions on the laws, and are more easily diverted from supporting government by malevolent and designing characters—Nay, I am certain means are now taking to divide the republican interst in Pennsylvania, by misrepresenting every ODcial act of the present administration; in order to ward oC the intended evil, information should be profusely distributed, particularly among the Germans; and the eCectual means would be, to direct the laws of the late session to be published in one, two, or more german papers, and to endeavour to obtain an act from the national legislature sanctioning the printing of the laws of the United States in the german language—Could the above objects be eCected, I, as a co–partner in a German press at Philadelphia, issuing a paper to a large respectable number of subscribers would engage to publish them on a correct, neat and economical plan—My next request is, should you deem it proper to make any future appointments in Pennsylvania, I venture to solicit your attention to me. I am publicly known in my native city, and trust that any information you may request would prove highly satisfactory—I am now engaged in publishing an “American Gallery” in conjunction with Mr. Gilbert Stuart, the celebrated painter, and venture to solicit your recommendation of the plan to the attention of your friends—Mr Stuart and I < 689>

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shall visit the City in October next for the purpose of obtaining paintings of Messrs. Madison, Gallatin &c. when we hope to have the honour of conversing with you in person. I remain, Your humble Servant— George Helmbold, jun. RC (NN); at foot of text: “Thos: Jefferson Esqr. President of the U.S.”; endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL with notation “S.”; also endorsed by TJ: “refd. to the Secretary of State to consider the proposition of publishing the laws in German. Th:J. Aug. [. . .]. 1801.” TJ forwarded Helmbold’s letter to Madison on 7 Aug. But Helmbold had also written directly to Madison on 30 July. Jacob Wagner forwarded the letter, along with his memorandum on it, to Montpelier. Wagner thought “the idea of printing the laws in german, in one of the papers in Pennsylvania, an important one.” On 8 Aug., Madison authorized him to have the laws printed as recommended. Wagner responded to Madison on 17 Aug., noting that he had learned that the Pennsylvania legislature had previously objected to printing federal laws in German because “it would be giving two texts of the law.” Wagner, however, suggested that no objection could be made to publishing a translation, “rendered upon the responsibility of the editor of a gazette only, tho’ paid for by the public, and designed to furnish an imperfect light to those who are now in utter darkness. Very many Germans in that state understand no other language but their own.” Helmbold was subsequently granted the printing contract, under which he printed the laws of the U.S. for 1800 and 1801 in German and charged $119 for his services (Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 2:1314, 21, 25, 35, 49, 75, 425; TJ to Madison, 7 Aug.; Madison to TJ, [12 Aug.]). american gallery: in July 1801,

Helmbold began to advertise his plan to publish the American Gallery of Distinguished Public Characters. The publication would include portraits of “the most distinguished Public Characters in America,” including TJ, George Washington, John Adams, Aaron Burr, Thomas MiEin, George Clinton, Horatio Gates, Thomas McKean, Samuel Smith, and others. gilbert stuart was to undertake a series of paintings for the work, while David Edwin would execute the engravings. Subscribers could choose whose portraits to include, their order of appearance, and the size, “whether whole-length or poster size.” Helmbold advertised his scheme until at least August 1802, but apparently never completed the project (Philadelphia Gazette, 8 July 1801, 27 Aug. 1802; Gazette of the United States, 20 July 1801). Helmbold wrote TJ again on 7 Aug. to reiterate his interest in a federal appointment, specifying “purveyor of public Supplies, Surveyor of the Revenue, Inspector of Carriages or almost any ODce of inferior consequence.” Observing that TJ seemed to favor granting appointments to veterans of the American Revolution, Helmbold explained that he was too young to serve during the war but that his father had “both fought and bled at Trenton.” Helmbold assured the president that his private character would “stand the test of the Strictest scrutiny” (RC in DNA: RG 59, LAR; at foot of text: “Thos. JeCerson Esqr. President of the U.S.”; endorsed by TJ as received 13 Aug. and so recorded in SJL with notation “OC”).

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From Philip Mazzei [30 July 1801]

richiede, e che non è possibile di ottenere qualora si voglion dire delle verità. Dalle correzioni fattevi colla penna. Ella concepirà, che, a motivo del necessario segreto, non potei averne le prove per correggerle. Il Capn. Ramsdell partì Analmente da Napoli, dopo subìti altri cattivi trattamenti, conforme faranno sentire (credo io) al Governo i Proprietari del carico spedito qua da FiladelAa. Tutto qual che sento m’induce a raccomandar sempre più, che si provveda àgl’interessi dei negozianti e naviganti Americani, mentre il commercio coll’Italia credasi utile agli Stati. È giunto a Parma il Rè d’Etruria, e ieri veddi da un suo Editto, che à mandato qua un Ministro a prenderne possesso in suo nome. Non ò alcun dato certo per formar congetture. Le dirò quel che scrissi, quando seppesi il Trattato di Luneville, a un Toscano grande amico mio, e più ancora della libertà, che era in Parigi. “La Toscana è troppo piccola cosa per aver potuto sperar’altro che di esser destinata a chiudere un buco, e tra i buchi questo è forse il meno cattivo. Bisogna dunque consolarsene, e regalare ai nostri antagonisti (che ne son desolati) anche la nostra porzione di malcontento.” La lor desolazione procedeva dal desiderio di riavere il passato Principe, dal quale speravan tutto in ricompensa della lor persecuzione contro i Patriotti, la quale bramavano di poter ricominciare. e d i t o r s’

t r a n s l a t i o n

[30 July 1801] . . . requires and which it is impossible to obtain if one wishes to state some truths. The corrections I made in ink will suggest to you that owing to the necessary secrecy I was unable to proofread them. Captain Ramsdell at long last sailed from Naples after suCering additional rough treatment, as I think the owners of the cargo shipped there from Philadelphia will bring to the attention of the government. All that I hear impels me to urge more emphatically than ever that provisions be made to protect the interests of merchants and mariners if trade with Italy is considered useful. The king of Etruria has arrived in Parma, and yesterday I saw by an edict of his that he has sent here a minister to take possession in his name. I have no sure data on which to venture a guess. I will quote what I wrote to a Tuscan in Paris, a great friend of mine and even more of liberty, when news of the Treaty of Lunéville came out: “Tuscany is too small a thing to hope that she would be used for anything other than to plug a hole, and of all holes this

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30 J U LY 1801 one is perhaps the least bad. It behooves us therefore to And consolation in that and make a present of our share of dissatisfaction to our adversaries, to add to their desolation.” Their desolation sprang from their desire to have the former ruler back, from whom they hoped to get anything as a reward for their persecution of the Patriots, which they yearned to be able to resume. Dft (Archivio Filippo Mazzei, Pisa, Italy); part of a conjoined series of Mazzei’s drafts of letters to TJ, where it precedes Mazzei’s letter of 28 Sep. 1801 (see Margherita Marchione and Barbara B. Oberg, eds., Philip Mazzei: The Comprehensive Microform Edition of his Papers, 9 reels [Millwood, N.Y., 1982], 6:903); fragment; undated, but date assigned on the basis of information in Mazzei to TJ, 15 Nov. 1801 and 10 Apr. 1802. The RC of the letter above apparently enclosed a copy of Mazzei to TJ, 2 July, recorded in SJL as received from Pisa on 15 Oct., but not found, and a printed Italian translation of TJ’s Arst Inaugural Address (Discorso del Signor Tommaso JeCerson, with corrections in Mazzei’s hand and notation on title page in TJ’s hand “translated by Philip Mazzei,” Marchione and Oberg, eds., Philip Mazzei, 5:151-7; Sowerby, No.

3261). No letter from Mazzei between 2 July and 28 Sep. is recorded in SJL. rè d’etruria: Louis I, king of Etruria. According to the London Times of 14 Aug., the king and queen of Etruria arrived in Parma on 17 July. An oDcial proclamation thereafter announced Louis’s possession of the sovereignty of Tuscany and designated his ministro, Caesar Ventura, Marquis de Gallinetta, “Minister Plenipotentiary of his Etruscan Majesty,” to be his representative and take the customary oath of Adelity and obedience (London Times, 14 and 17 Aug.; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 2:32). trattato di luneville: for the Treaty of Lunéville, see Vol. 32:372-3n. passato principe: former ruler Ferdinand III.

From Francis Peyton Dear Sir, Alexandria 30th. July 1801. Enclosed you will recieve an estimate of the taxes formerly imposed by the Commonwealth of Virginia, on that part of the District of Columbia included within the county of Alexandria. the statement is procured from the Clerk of our Court who I supposed possessed the best information on the subject, I must beg your permission to return half the money sent me for the horse nettings as I shall then have retained the full value of them in their present situation Wishing you an agreeable journey, I am with great respect D Sir, yr. Obt. Servt. Francis Peyton RC (ViW); endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure not found. As part of an act passed on 3 May 1802

concerning the District of Columbia, Congress directed that taxes in the county of alexandria in the federal district be assessed and levied in the same manner as they were under the laws of

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30 J U LY 1801 Virginia, as they stood in force within the county on the Arst Monday of December 1800. The District of Columbia had been divided into the counties of Washington and Alexandria in February 1801 (U.S. Statutes at Large, 2:105, 194). return half the money: in a note to Peyton written on 28 July, TJ ac-

knowledged the receipt of “the pair of horse nettings in good order” and enclosed $10 in payment (RC described in Swann Galleries, Inc., New York, Catalogue No. 1333, 1984, Item 100). TJ also recorded the transaction in his Anancial memoranda under the same date (mb, 2:1048, 1049).

From Hugh Williamson Sir New York 30th July 1801. If the subject of this Letter should be deemed improper that impropriety would be increased by giving you the trouble of reading an Apologie. It is probable that a young gentleman in Boston, Mr Charles BulAnch has the honour of being known by you for I think I heard him say that he had been at your house in Paris on his return from Italy. Mr BulAnch is the only son of Dr. BulAnch of Boston a gentleman who lately possessed a large Estate. About 12 years ago he married a Miss Apthorp. who added a handsome Estate to his expected patrimony. By traveling he had improved his taste for architecture and after building in Boston some detached houses he attempted to improve the Town by constructing an elegant Circus. In that weighty undertaking he expected the cooperation of a considerable company but the other individuals left the burden, where the responsibility chanced to be, on his shoulders. The workmen understood the art of crimenal attack better than he did the art of defence whence it followed that his whole Estate and the Estate of his father who was his surety were swept oC by Anishing those buildings. He has a numerous and increasing family but he is left without property or Trade or liberal Profession and his Hope of sustenance is only rested on his general character of being an honest, temperate industrious man. I am conAdent that you would have a pleasure in believing that every ODcer whom you may commission was possessed of such Talents, Virtues, Adelity and diligence as fall to the lot of Mr BulAnch. Of his merits or demerits as a politician I have not any knowledge, but he is incapable as I think of invective and presume that he is esteemed by both classes of his fellow Citizens. The majority of freemen in Boston are confessedly Republicans and Mr BullAnch has for some years been chosen by them one of the select men and placed at the Head of that Corporation with a small annuity. But this allowance would < 693>

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hardly buy Bread for his children, leaving them and him without cloaths. I think there have been no changes for a long time of national ODcers in Boston, perhaps some changes or new appointments may be made and I believe there are few People in Boston on whom the bestowment of an ODce could give more general satisfaction. Wherefor I hope that you may have the goodness to think of Mr BullAnch as a gentleman whose situation makes an ODce very desirable and whose Talents and Virtues seem to render him equal to the Duties and the Trust. I do not say that I have taken the liberty of recommending Mr: BullAnch meerly because I wish that your appointments may be marked by propriety of character and therefore honourable to Government; his mother was Apthorp and his wifes father of the same family were the Aunt and Unkle of a woman whose memory while I live will be dear to me as life itself. Whatever InBuence this may have on my wishes I think it has none upon my opinions. I have the honour to be with the most perfect Respect Your obedt Servant Hu Williamson RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR); at foot of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as received 6 Aug. and so recorded in SJL with notation “BullAnch for oDce.” For TJ’s acquaintance with charles bulfinch while in Paris in 1786, see Vol. 10:211.

woman whose memory: Williamson had married Maria Apthorpe of New York City in 1789. She died in 1790 shortly after the birth of their second child (William S. Powell, ed., Dictionary of North Carolina Biography, 6 vols. [Chapel Hill, 1979-96], 6:218).

From Robert Leslie Sir Philadelphia July 31st 1801 This will be handed you by Adam Gordon Esqr, a gentleman I have been intimately acquainted with ever Since my return from London. he expects to establish himself at the Natches, in the Messisipi Terretory, and would be hapy in rendering the government any Services in his power, he has been informed that there are appointments shortly to be made in that Territory, for which I have no doubt he will be found quallify’d, I am conAdent that my situation does not, by any means, intitle me, to take the liberty of recommending a Friend to your patronage, but Mr Gordon informs me, that he can refer to Mr Sprigg, member of < 694>

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Congress, to whom he is well known. or to Mr Dent, whome he has no doubt will furnish such recommendations as will be Satesfactory. I am Sir with the greates respect. your very Humble Servent Robert Leslie RC (MHi); at head of text: “The President of the United States”; endorsed by TJ as a letter from “Leslie Robt. (decd)” received 9 Nov. 1805 “by mr Gordon” and so recorded in SJL. adam gordon was probably the per-

son of that name admitted to the Philadelphia bar in 1794 and listed in the city directory as residing at 128 South Second St. in 1801 (John Hill Martin, Martin’s Bench and Bar of Philadelphia [Philadelphia, 1883], 272; StaCord, Philadelphia Directory, for 1801, 53).

From George Wythe G’ Wythe to Th’ Jefferson. 31 of July, 1801. Peter Tinsley, the brother of the oDcer, concerning a demand against whom i took the liberty to write a letter to thee not long since, apprehends, that the letter may make some impression thy mind unfavourable to the oDcer, and may produce a suspicion in others of some unjustiAable conduct in captain Tinsley. this i write for the purpose of declaring that i know of no such conduct; and that i could not learn, after inquirie, where he was, and knew not to whom, beside thyself, i could applie for information in what manner i might hope to obtain paiment of a demand on behalf of an old servant. farewell. RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 13 Aug. and so recorded in SJL. Peter Tinsley, chief clerk of Wythe’s High Court of Chancery, was the brother of the officer, Samuel Tinsley, against whom Wythe had previously made a demand. In a letter of 19 June, Wythe said that he had earlier asked TJ “to put me in the way of getting from an oDcer, at a distant post, some money which he owed to a freed woman living with me. his brother hath this day agreed to discharge the debt. i hope you had no trouble about it” (RC in DLC; endorsed by TJ as received 23 June and so recorded in SJL). From Hanover County, Samuel Tinsley, a former captain of a Virginia state regiment and a Revolutionary War veteran, was stationed on the Georgia frontier, distinguished himself in In-

dian battles, and under TJ’s reduction of the army, received an honorable discharge in 1802, at which time he was the oldest captain in the United States Army (Heitman, Register, 544; vmhb, 36 [1928], 268; wmq, 3d Ser., 12 [1955], 552). While the nature of Tinsley’s obligation is unclear, the freed woman he was indebted to was Lydia Broadnax, a slave Wythe manumitted after the death of his second wife in 1787. She continued to serve as his cook and housekeeper when Wythe moved from Williamsburg to Richmond (Andrew Nunn McKnight, “Lydia Broadnax, Slave, and Free Woman of Color,” Southern Studies, New Ser., 5 [1994], 18, 19; Imogene E. Brown, American Aristides: A Biography of George Wythe [Rutherford, N.J., 1981], 298-305).

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Summary of British Debt Claims [July 1801 or after]

British claims under the VIth. article, distinguished into Classes, including interest to diCerent dates within the year 1798. £ s d sterl for interest during the war alone. 120,645- 11- 1 K for paiments into the Treasuries, Loan oDces &c. 171,795- 0 6 L on acct of impediments under the instalment laws of S. Carolina. 337,868- 2- 0 for alledged unlawful decisions of courts. 24,658- 4- 3 M by Arms in part citizens of the US. 162,483- 12- 4 M debts due from states late provinces 4,839- 14- 0 all description of refugees except N. Carolina. 753,182- 4- 2 M on account of debts discharged in depreciated1 paper money 205,795- 15- 5 L Proprietary debts 296,775- 13- 8 Legal impediments generally 3,560,585- 10- 4 L 24,809,969.37 D. = 5,638,629MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 30:41686); undated; entirely in TJ’s hand; endorsed by TJ: “British debts.” On 17 July 1801, GriDth Evans, secretary to the board of commissioners created to carry out Article 6 of the Jay Treaty, sent Madison “a statement of the Claims” received by the board. TJ saw the statement by 27 July, since on that day in his letter to Thomas Mann Randolph he referred to the $25 million total. Evans’s statement grouped the claims by categories or classes. In the document above, TJ copied the heading and the amount for each category in the statement, omitting Evans’s explanatory remarks about the categories. Evans indicated in his cover letter to Madison that interest on the claims had been calculated to the beginning of 1798 “in most cases.” TJ also copied Evans’s Agures for

8- 1

the total amount of the claims in pounds sterling and in U.S. dollars. Unable to ascertain if the conversion rate speciAed by Congress was 4.40 or 4.44 dollars per pound sterling, Evans used the 4.40 Agure. Noting the “loose and irregular manner” in which the claims were presented to the commissioners, Evans expressed his opinion to Madison that “there are a few claims & parts of claims so extremely wide of the universal understanding of the Treaty, that as well from their extravagance, as from other reasons collected from existing circumstances I am impressed with the opinion they will not be prosecuted” (Moore, International Adjudications, 22, 353-5; Madison, Papers, Sec. of State Ser., 1:435). q Word interlined by TJ, to make his summary match the wording of Evans’s statement.

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Appendix I Letters Not Printed in Full E D I T O R I A L

N O T E

In keeping with the editorial method established for this edition, the chronological series includes “in one form or another every available letter known to have been written by or to Thomas JeCerson” (Vol. 1:xv). Beginning with Volume 33, when JeCerson’s substantial presidential correspondence necessitated greater selectivity, the Editors summarized or brieBy described in annotation a larger proportion of letters than had been their practice in recent volumes. The situation was like that which our predecessors faced as they edited JeCerson’s papers from his tenure as governor of Virginia or secretary of state. The present Editors are following their guidelines, but have also chosen to prepare an appendix of the letters falling within the period covered by the volume that are not printed in full. Arranged in chronological order, the list includes for each letter the correspondent, date, and location in the volume where it is noted. Among the letters to JeCerson that are not printed in full are brief letters of transmittal, multiple testimonials recommending a particular candidate for oDce, repetitive letters from a candidate seeking a post, and oDcial correspondence that the president saw in only a cursory way. While letters written by JeCerson typically are printed in full, in some instances the brevity and routine nature of his reply or the near illegibility of an especially blurred press copy, when it is the only extant text, suggest the advantage of summarizing the letter in annotation. Using the list in this appendix, the table of contents, and Appendix ii (correspondence not found but recorded in JeCerson’s Summary Journal of Letters), readers will be able to reconstruct JeCerson’s chronological epistolary record from 1 May to 31 July 1801. Letters falling outside of this span, but that are most usefully discussed in annotation here, will be listed in an appendix to their chronologically appropriate volume. From Nathaniel Macon, 1 May. Noted at Macon to TJ, 20 Apr. To Hugh White, 2 May. Noted at TJ to the Aliens of Beaver County, Pennsylvania, 2 May. From Christian G. Hahn, 4 May. Noted at Hahn to TJ, 20 Mch. From James Ewing, 6 May. Noted at William Imlay to TJ, 6 May. To John Hoomes, 7 May. Noted at TJ to Hoomes, 17 Apr. To John West Butler, 8 May. Noted at Butler to TJ, 13 Apr. From Abishai Thomas, 8 May. Noted at Benjemin Bryen to TJ, 16 Mch. From John H. Stone, 10 May. Noted at John Gardiner to TJ, 25 Feb. From John Barnes, 11 May. Noted at TJ to James Stuart, 12 May. From Colin C. Wills, 11 May. Noted at Wills to TJ, 20 Apr. From Arthur Fenner, 12 May. Noted at the General Assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations to TJ, [9 May]. From Benjamin Perkins, 15 May. Noted at TJ to Thomas Perkins, 24 Mch. From Thomas Newton, 16 May. Noted at Newton to TJ, 16 May. From Joseph T. Scott, 19 May. Noted at Scott to TJ, 13 June. From James Stuart, 22 May. Noted at TJ to Stuart, 12 May.

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APPENDIX I From Samuel Smith, 23 May. Noted at Joseph Yznardi, Sr., to TJ, 8 June. To Arthur Fenner, 26 May. Noted at TJ to the General Assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 26 May. From Charles Pinckney, 26 May. Noted at Pinckney to TJ, 26 May. From Gabriel Duvall, 27 May. Noted at William Kilty to TJ, 27 May. From John Thomson Mason, 27 May. Noted at William Kilty to TJ, 27 May. From Rose Nelson, 27 May. Noted at William Kilty to TJ, 27 May. From Charles Burrall, 29 May. Noted at John West Butler to TJ, 13 Apr. From Henry Dearborn, [ca. 29 May]. Noted at Dearborn to TJ, 17 June. From John F. Mercer, 29 May. Noted at William Kilty to TJ, 27 May. To Wade Hampton, 30 May. Noted at Hampton to TJ, 26 June. From David Austin, 31 May. Noted at Austin to TJ, 26 May. To Charles Burrall, 1 June. Noted at John West Butler to TJ, 13 Apr. From William Hylton, 1 June. Noted at Hylton to TJ, 27 Mch. To João, 1 June. Noted at TJ to the Executive Directory of the Batavian Republic, 30 May. From Harry Innes, 3 June. Noted at Walter Carr to TJ, 2 June. From Harry Innes, 3 June. Noted at Innes to TJ, 3 June. From John Fowler, 5 June. Noted at Walter Carr to TJ, 2 June. To Robert R. Livingston, 5 June. Noted at Livingston to TJ, 5 June. To Carlos (Charles) IV, 6 June. Noted at TJ to David Humphreys, [17] Mch. From Samuel Smith, 8 June. Noted at Charles Webb to TJ, 16 June. From John Carne, 9 June. Noted at Lewis Goldsmith to TJ, 20 May. To James Taylor, Jr., 11 June. Noted at Taylor to TJ, 4 June. From John Brown, 12 June. Noted at Walter Carr to TJ, 2 June. From District of Columbia Commissioners, 12 June. Noted at Opinion on George Walker’s Case, 14 June. To Henry Moore, 12 June. Noted at Albert Gallatin to TJ, 12 June. From Samuel Smith, 13 June. Noted at Rufus Low to TJ, 5 June. From Alexander White, 13 June. Noted at Opinion on George Walker’s Case, 14 June. To Albert Gallatin, 16 June. Noted at Gallatin to TJ, 16 June (second letter). From David Austin, 17 June. Noted at Austin to TJ, 17 June. From District of Columbia Commissioners, 17 June. Noted at Opinion on George Walker’s Case, 14 June. From Elias Shipman and others, 18 June. Noted at Remonstrance of the New Haven Merchants to TJ, [18 June]. From Albert Gallatin, [ca. 19 June]. Noted at Gallatin to TJ, 18 June. From Navy Department, [ca. 19 June]. Noted at Henry Dearborn to TJ, 18 June. From George Wythe, 19 June. Noted at Wythe to TJ, 31 July. From David Austin, 20 June. Noted at Austin to TJ, [22 June]. To George JeCerson, 22 June. Noted at TJ to James Dinsmore, 22 June. From James Garrard, 24 June. Noted at Walter Carr to TJ, 2 June. From Thomas Paine, 25 June. Noted at Paine to TJ, 25 June. From David Austin, 26 June. Noted at Remonstrance of the New Haven Merchants to TJ, [18 June]. From George Hay, [ca. 27 June]. Noted at James Monroe to TJ, 20 June. From Francis Hoskins, 29 June. Noted at Hoskins to TJ, 29 June. From John Milledge, 29 June. Noted at George Walton to TJ, 25 June.

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APPENDIX I From Abraham Baldwin, June. Noted at George Walton to TJ, 25 June. From John Langdon, 2 July. Noted at Langdon to TJ, 22 June. From Daniel Rose and Others, 4 July. Noted at Peter Frailey and Others to TJ, 7 July. From George Wythe, 4 July. Noted at Henry Dearborn to TJ, 14 Aug. From David Austin, 6 July. Noted at Austin to TJ, 30 June. From A. H. Homberg, 7 July. Noted at Volney to TJ, 25 June. From William Maclure, 9 July. Noted at Maclure to TJ, 20 Nov. To Henry Dearborn, [ca. 10 July]. Noted at David Jones to TJ, 2 July. From Harry Innes, 11 July. Noted at John Jouett, Jr., to TJ, 12 Jan. From James Monroe, 12 July. Noted at TJ to Monroe, 21 July. From Albert Gallatin, [ca. 13 July]. Noted at Levi Lincoln’s Opinion on the Betsy Cathcart, [3 July]. From Gibson & JeCerson, 13 July. Noted at TJ to George JeCerson, 6 July. From Albert Gallatin, 14 July. Noted at Gallatin to TJ, 11 July. From Charles Scott, 14 July. Noted at John Jouett, Jr., to TJ, 12 Jan. To Henry Dearborn, 15 July. Noted at TJ to Dearborn, 28 July. To John Drayton, 15 July. Noted at Albert Gallatin to TJ, 11 July. To Robert Smith, 15 July. Noted at Smith to TJ, 13 July. From David Austin, 17 July. Noted at Austin to TJ, 30 June. To William Keteltas, 17 July. Noted at Keteltas to TJ, 4 July. From Clement Biddle and others, 20 July. Noted at Thomas McKean to TJ, 10 Aug. From Abishai Thomas, 21 July. Noted at Samuel Smith to TJ, 18 July. From Abishai Thomas, 22 July. Noted at Samuel Smith to TJ, 18 July. From R. Gatier, 26 July. Noted at TJ to Philippe de Létombe, 29 July. From Benjamin Waterhouse, 26 July. Noted at Waterhouse to TJ, 24 July. From George Boyd, 27 July. Noted at Walter Boyd to TJ, 28 Apr. To Robert Smith, 27 July. Noted at Henry Dearborn to TJ, 28 July. To Francis Peyton, 28 July. Noted at Peyton to TJ, 30 July. From Dr. John Vaughan, 28 July. Noted at TJ to Vaughan, 17 July. To Sebastian Bauman, 29 July. Noted at Bauman to TJ, 25 July. From Amariah Frost, 29 July. Noted at TJ to Samuel Hanson, 17 Mch. From Jacob Wagner, 29 July. Noted at Albert Gallatin to TJ, 29 July. To Valentine White, 29 July. Noted at TJ to Andrew Moore, 5 Aug. From Charles Clay, 30 July. Noted at TJ to Wilson Cary Nicholas, 4 Aug. From Albert Gallatin, undated. Noted at Gallatin to TJ, 23 May. From Thomas Leach, Jr., undated. Noted at Gean Leach to TJ, 17 July. From Robert Leslie, undated. Noted at Leslie to TJ, 2 June.

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Appendix II Letters Not Found E D I T O R I A L

N O T E

This appendix lists chronologically letters written by and to JeCerson during the period covered by this volume for which no text is known to survive. JeCerson’s Summary Journal of Letters provides a record of the missing documents. For incoming letters, JeCerson typically recorded in SJL the date that the letter was sent and the date on which he received it. He sometimes included the location from which it was dispatched and an abbreviated notation indicating the government department to which it pertained: “N” for Navy, “P” for the Postmaster General’s ODce, “S” for State, “T” for Treasury, and “W” for War. “OC.” designated a person seeking oDce. From James Dinsmore, 1 May; received 6 May from Monticello. From David Austin, 2 May; received 6 May from Philadelphia; notation: “S.” From John Peyton, 2 May; received 6 May from Milton. From John Archer, 3 May; received 9 May from Harford county; notation: “OC. N.” From Aaron Burr, 3 May; received 7 May from New York; notation: “OC.” From Archibald Stuart, 3 May; received 13 May; notation: “OC.” To Roberts & Jones, 4 May. To Henry SheaC, 4 May; notation: “2. casks Sher. & gross clar. Monto. 1 gross clar. 1 gross Sauterne here.” To James Traquair, 4 May. From David Austin, 5 May; received 8 May from Philadelphia. From Thomas McKean, 6 May; received 20 May from Philadelphia; notation: “for Myers. OC.” From J. C. Cornwell, 7 May; received 8 May; notation: “OC. W.” From Arthur Fenner and Theodore Foster, 7 May; received 16 May from Newport; notation: “OC.” To Edmund Randolph, 7 May. To Roberts & Jones, 7 May. To Henry SheaC, 7 May. From David Leonard Barnes, 8 May; received 19 May from Providence; notation: “OC.” From Thomas Perkins, 8 May; received 16 May from “Naaman’s cr. mills.” To Robert Rives, 8 May. From William Stewart, 8 May; received 11 May from Philadelphia. To James Traquair, 8 May. From James Traquair, 8 May; received 11 May from Philadelphia. From Henry SheaC, 9 May; received 13 May. From Gabriel Lilly, 11 May; received 18 May; notation: “by Fontrees.” From Henry SheaC, 11 May; received 20 May from Philadelphia. To William Stewart, 11 May. From Aaron Burr, 14 May; received 16 May from New York; notation: “OC.” From Jonathan Maxcy, 16 May; received 23 May; notation: “R.I. coll. [for Howel]. OC.”

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APPENDIX II From Stanton, Tillinghast, and others; received 16 May; notation: “OC.” From John Watson, 16 May; received 20 May from Milton. To Christian G. Hahn, 17 May. From Wheeler Martin and others, 18 May; received 27 May from Providence. From Taber, Vinson, Pitman, and Mumford, 18 May; received 16 June from Newport; notation: “OC.” From John Rowe, 18 May; received 25 May from Boston; notation: “W.” From James Clark (“Clarke”), 19 May; received 20 May from Washington. To Gabriel Lilly, 19 May. From Aaron Burr, 20 May; received 23 May from New York. From Reuben Perry, 22 May; received 27 May. From Alexander Garrett, 23 May; received 27 May from Charlottesville. From Samuel Lewis, 23 May; received 26 May from Philadelphia; notation: “OC. W.” From James Monroe, 23 May; received 27 May from Richmond; notation: “Blake.” From Roberts & Jones, 23 May; received 26 May from Philadelphia. From Daniel Trump, 24 May; received 26 May. From George Clinton, 25 May; received 29 May from New York. From St. George Tucker, 25 May; received 27 May from Dumfries. From Treasury Department, 28 May; received 29 May; notation: “Commr. dirct. tax S.C.” From William Lovell, 30 May; received 1 June. From Thomas Mann Randolph, 30 May; received 3 June from Edgehill. To Thomas Claxton, 31 May. From John Evans, 1 June; received 1 June from Baltimore; notation: “OC.” From Henry SheaC, 1 June; received 3 June from Philadelphia. From John Frederic Wrede, 1 June; received 24 Sep. from Oldenburg. From Amos Stillman, 2 June; received 8 June from Farmington; notation: “W.” From John Carter, 3 June; received 27 June from Providence; notation: “[to be Post M. at Provdce] OC.” From James Dinsmore, 5 June; received 10 June from Monticello. From Christopher Ellery, 5 June; received 16 June from Newport; notation: “[Nicholls]. OC.” From Mary Lewis, 5 June; received 10 June. From Mason Locke Weems, 6 June; received 9 June from Dumfries. From John Perry, 9 June; received 17 June from Shadwell. From Henry Moore, 10 June; received 11 June from Alexandria; notation: “T.” From Andrew and William Ramsay, 10 June; received 12 June from Alexandria. From Catherine Church, 12 June; received 29 June; notation: “made. Dupont.” From John Wayles Eppes, 12 June; received 17 June from Bermuda Hundred. From Joseph Irvin, 13 June; received 17 June from “Albem.” From Reuben Perry, 13 June; received 17 June. From Elizabeth House Trist, 13 June; received 17 June from Birdwood.

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APPENDIX II From William Wardlaw, 13 June; received 17 June. From Pierpont Edwards, 15 June; received 26 June from New Haven; notation: “Brown.” From John Rowe, 15 June; received 22 June from Boston; notation: “[pardon]. W.” From Robert R. Livingston, 16 June; received 19 June from New York. From John Smith, 16 June; received 27 June; notation: “Burras’s case.” To James Dinsmore, 17 June. To Joseph Irvin, 17 June. To Gabriel Lilly, 17 June. To John Perry, 17 June. To Reuben Perry, 17 June. From Pierpont Edwards, 18 June; received 23 June from New Haven. From John Watson, 19 June; received 24 June from Milton. From James Dinsmore, 20 June; received 24 June from Monticello. From Francis Willis, 20 June; received 27 June from “Gloster cty.” From Strother G. Settle, 22 June; received 27 June; notation: “Burras’s case.” From Anonymous, 23 June; received 16 July from Savannah; notation: “T.” From Thomas Paul, 23 June; received 23 June from Georgetown. From F. Rotch, 24 June; received 3 Sep. from Paris. From F. Rotch, 24 June; received 3 Sep. from Paris. To James Dinsmore, 25 June. To Gabriel Lilly, 25 June. From Gabriel Lilly, 25 June; received 6 July. To Roberts & Jones, 25 June; notation: “sash weights.” From John Langdon, 27 June; received 1 July from Portsmouth. From Reuben Perry, 27 June; received 6 July from Shadwell. To Elijah Boardman, 28 June. From Roberts & Jones, 29 June; received 1 July; notation: “1 ton rod. 1035 ¤. hoop.=218.82 D.” From Samuel J. Potter and others, 30 June; received 20 Aug. from Newport; notation: “OC.” From Constant Taber and others, 30 June; received 20 Aug. from Newport; notation: “OC.” From Christopher Ellery, 1 July; received 20 Aug. from Newport; notation: “OC.” From Philip Mazzei, 2 July; received 15 Oct. from Pisa. From Barclay Townsend, 3 July; received 4 July. From James Dinsmore, 4 July; received 8 July from Monticello. From J. Smith, 4 July; received 17 July from Fort Pitt; notation: “W.” From Thomas Tillinghast, 4 July; received 16 July from East Greenwich; notation: “W.” From Benjamin Waterhouse, 5 July; received 11 July. From John Horeley and others; received 7 July; notation: “on bd. Calypso. Baker. British ship of war. S.” To James Dinsmore, 9 July. To Gabriel Lilly, 9 July; notation:“50. D.” To Reuben Perry, 9 July; notation: “100. D.” From F. Rotch, 9 July; received 3 Sep. from Paris.

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APPENDIX II From William Branch Giles, 10 July; received 14 July from Richmond; notation: “Dr. Shore vice Heth.” From John Hobby, 10 July; received 21 July from Portland. From Bishop James Madison, 10 July; received 25 July from Williamsburg. From Thomas Mann Randolph, 11 July; received 15 July. From John Wayles Eppes, 12 July; received 15 July from Bermuda Hundred. From William Irvine, 12 July; received 14 July from Philadelphia; notation: “Dav. Duncan to be Collectr. Michillim. T.” From George House, 14 July; received 21 July from New London. From James McMullan, 14 July; received 14 July; notation: “W.” From William Smyth, 14 July; received 15 July; notation: “W.” To John H. Craven, 16 July. From Gabriel Lilly, 16 July; received 22 July. From Benjamin Waterhouse, 17 July; received 24 July. From William Davis, 18 July; received 29 July from Boston; notation: “OC.” From William A. Sterling, 18 July; received 25 July from Boston. From Joseph B. Varnum, 18 July; received 6 Aug. from “Darcutt” (i.e., Dracut). From Joseph Barbour, 19 July; received 6 Aug. from Edenton; notation: “W.” From Pierce Butler, 19 July; received 25 July from Philadelphia. From J. H. Nichols, 19 July; received 6 Aug. from Portsmouth, New Hampshire; notation: “W.” From Laurence Van Vleck and others, 20 July; received 20 Aug. from “Curaco Decade”; notation: “S.” From Pierce Butler, 21 July; received 23 July from Philadelphia. From Samuel Eddins, 21 July; received 24 July from Richmond; notation: “To be keeper of Lighthouse.” From Valentine White, 21 July; received 29 July from Hot Springs, Bath County; notation: “T.” From Henry SheaC, 22 July; received 25 July. From Muhlenberg and Hiester, 23 July; received 24 July from Philadelphia; notation: “Dr. Leib. inspectr. or Surveyr.” From Benjamin Smith Barton, 26 July; received 4 Nov. from Philadelphia. From William Branch Giles, 27 July; received 6 Aug. from Amelia; notation: “Thweet for oDce.” From John Rowe, 27 July; received 6 Aug. from Boston; notation: “W.” From John Armstrong, 28 July; received 6 Aug. from New York; notation: “Bayley for oDce.” From Meriwether Jones, 28 July; received 6 Aug.; notation: “Eddins to keep lighthouse.” From John Hoomes, 29 July; received 13 Aug. from Bowling Green; notation: “Eddins to oC.”

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Appendix III Financial Documents E D I T O R I A L

N O T E

This appendix brieBy describes, in chronological order, the documents pertaining to JeCerson’s Anances during the period covered by this volume that are not printed in full or accounted for elsewhere in this volume. These include orders for payment, invoices, and receipts. Because JeCerson was responsible for the costs of running the president’s house, his Anancial documents include receipts of payment submitted by the steward, Joseph Rapin (Lucia Stanton, “‘A Well-Ordered Household’: Domestic Servants in JeCerson’s White House,” White House History, 17 [2006], 10). The Memorandum Books are cited when relevant to a speciAc document and provide additional information. Order on John Barnes for payment of $12 to Colin C. Wills, 12 May (MS in ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; addressed: “Mr. Barnes”; signed by Wills acknowledging payment; endorsed by Barnes). See mb, 2:1041. Invoice submitted by Catherine Williamson, addressed to Joseph Rapin, for “Making 2 Dozen Towls & aprons,” at £0.7.6 per dozen, totaling £0.15.0, 1 June (MS in CSmH; in an unidentiAed hand). Order on John Barnes for payment of $295.50 to Joseph Rapin, 2 June (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapin acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “Househd. a/c” and “former a/c 3d. a/c” and “former 3d. a/c”). See mb, 2:1042. Receipt of payment of $13.50 by Joseph Rapin to John S. [Love], for one load of coal, Washington, 3 June (MS in CSmH; in [Love’s] hand and signed by him). Invoice submitted by Middleton Bett to Joseph Rapin, with seven entries for milk and cream from 31 May to 6 June, totaling £1.4.4K (MS in CSmH; in Bett’s hand and signed by him acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ: “Rapin. vouchers. May 31-June 6. 1801”). Order on John Barnes for payment of $20 to “the bearers, two foreign ecclesiastics,” Washington, 9 June (MS in ViU; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; addressed: “Mr. John Barnes Georgetown”; endorsed by TJ: “Lora revd mr”; endorsed by Barnes: “Private a/c”). See mb, 2:1043. Order on John Barnes for payment of $50 in $5 bills to Joseph Dougherty, 9 June (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand; addressed: “Mr Barnes”; signed by Dougherty acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “his own use”). See mb, 2:1043. Order on John Barnes for payment of $73.96 to Joseph Rapin, Washington, 9 June (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapin acknowledging payment on 10 June; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “Househd. a/c”). See mb, 2:1043.

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APPENDIX III Order on John Barnes for payment of $81.74, “say £30–13–0L,” to Joseph Rapin, Washington, 15 June (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapin acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “Mr Rapin’s weekly a/c”). See mb, 2:1043. Order on John Barnes for payment of $84.95, “say £31–17–1,” to Joseph Rapin, Washington, 22 June (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapin acknowledging payment on 23 June; endorsed by Barnes). See mb, 2:1044. Order on John Barnes for payment of $76 to Rapine & Conrad, Washington, 23 June (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Thomas Claxton for Rapine & Conrad acknowledging payment on 14 July; endorsed by Barnes and Rapine & Conrad). See mb, 2:1046. Order on John Barnes for payment of $40.28 to Joseph Dougherty, Washington, 24 June (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Dougherty acknowledging payment on 26 June; endorsed by TJ and Barnes). See mb, 2:1044. Order on John Barnes for payment of $111.44, “say £41–15–9,” to Joseph Rapin, Washington, 29 June (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapin acknowledging payment; endorsed by Barnes). See mb, 2:1045. Order on John Barnes for payment of $13.75 to Joseph Dougherty, Washington, 6 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Dougherty acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “Presidents Household”). See mb, 2:1045. Order on John Barnes for payment of $261.87, “say £98-4,” to Joseph Rapin, Washington, 6 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapin acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “Presidents Houshd”). See mb, 2:1045. Order on John Barnes for payment of $40 to Joseph Rapin, Washington, 8 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapin acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ and Barnes). See mb, 2:1046. Order on John Barnes for payment of $32.40 to Henry Ingle, Washington, 10 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by William Huber in acknowledgment of receipt of payment for Ingle on 11 July; endorsed by TJ and Barnes). See mb, 2:1046. Order on John Barnes for payment of $72.64 to Joseph Dougherty, Washington, 13 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Dougherty acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ and Barnes). See mb, 2:1046. Order on John Barnes for payment of $85.23 (£31.19.2) to Joseph Rapin, Washington, 13 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapin acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “Presidents Househd.”). See mb, 2:1046. Order on John Barnes for payment of $5 to Mary Turnbull, Washington, 13 July (MS in MHi; signed by Turnbull acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ and Barnes). See mb, 2:1047.

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APPENDIX III Receipt of payment submitted by Philip Fisher to Joseph Rapin, for purchase of four cakes of blacking from M. Roberts, totaling $0.75, Georgetown, 13 July (MS in CSmH; in Fisher’s hand and signed by him acknowledging payment). Receipt of payment submitted by John Ott to TJ, for ten pounds of prunes, totaling $2.50, Georgetown, 13 July (MS in CSmH; in Ott’s hand and signed by him acknowledging payment). Order on John Barnes for payment of $10 to Lloyd Gray, Washington, 14 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by “Loyd Gray” acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ and Barnes). See mb, 2:1047. Invoice submitted by Middleton Bett to Joseph Rapin, with seven entries for milk and cream from 12 to 18 July, totaling £0.18.6L (MS in CSmH; in Bett’s hand and signed by him acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ: “Rapin. Vouchers July 11-17. 1801”). Order on John Barnes for payment of $16.95 to Joseph Dougherty, Washington, 20 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; addressed: “Mr. Barnes”; signed by Dougherty acknowledging payment; endorsed by TJ and Barnes). See mb, 2:1047. Order on John Barnes for payment of £20.1.11L, “say $53.60,” to Joseph Rapin, Washington, 20 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapin acknowledging payment on 22 July; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “Presidents Household”). See mb, 2:1047. Order on John Barnes for payment of $67 to Jones & Kain, Washington, 23 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Jones & Kain acknowledging payment on 27 July; endorsed by Barnes: “$ by New a/c” and “Private a/c”). See mb, 2:1048. Invoice submitted by Henry Ingle to TJ for tools, with eight entries from 5 May to 19 June, totaling $5.61, Washington, 25 July (MS in MHi; in Ingle’s hand; endorsed by TJ: “Ingle Henry. pd by ord. on J. Barnes”). Invoice submitted by Peter Miller to TJ for loaves of bread, with twelve entries from 13 to 25 July, totaling $22.75 (MS in ViU: Edgehill-Randolph Papers; in Miller’s hand and signed by him acknowledging payment). Order on John Barnes for payment of $15.35 to Joseph Dougherty, Washington, 28 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Dougherty acknowledging payment on 3 Aug.; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “Stable a/c”). See mb, 2:1048. Order on John Barnes for payment of $5.61 to Henry Ingle, Washington, 28 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by William Huber in acknowledgment of receipt for Ingle; endorsed by Barnes: “Private a/c”). See mb, 2:1048. Order on John Barnes for payment of £31.15.4, “say $84.71,” to Joseph Rapin, Washington, 28 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapin acknowledging payment on 10 Aug.; endorsed by Barnes: “Househd a/c”). See mb, 2:1048.

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APPENDIX III Order on John Barnes for payment of $13.08 to Rapine & Conrad, Washington, 28 July (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; signed by Rapine & Conrad in acknowledgment of payment; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes as “private a/c” and dated by him 6 Aug.). See mb, 2:1048. Order on John Barnes for payment of $16 to Joseph Dougherty for Jones & Kain, [29 July] (MS in MHi; in TJ’s hand and signed by him; undated, with date supplied from mb; signed by Dougherty acknowledging payment on 3 Aug.; endorsed by TJ; endorsed by Barnes: “Stable a/c Carriage &c”). See mb, 2:1048.

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INDEX Aaron (Bible), 93, 94n Aborn, Thomas, 146, 147n, 266 Academy of Medicine (Philadelphia), 270n Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, 504n accountants, 581, 670n “Acquisition of Louisiana” (Michael Fortune), 417n Adams, Abigail, 64n, 220n

Republicans, 513-14; leader of a party, not a nation, 538; criticism of, 576; restoration of French prizes, 663-4; and Convention of 1800, 665 Relations with JeCerson commissioners to France, 64n; cheerfully submits to TJ’s administration, 601

Adams, John Minister to Great Britain secretaries, 62-3, 64n; and negotiations with Algiers, 311n; and D. Parker, 539n Opinions vanity of, 575 Personal ACairs relationship with E. Gerry, 22-3; and Mercy Otis Warren, 220n; law clerks, 674n; portraits of, 690n President makes appointments, 19, 20n, 58, 131n, 147n, 218n, 251n, 304n, 415, 533n, 553n, 592, 604n; late-term appointments, 23, 64n, 94n, 129, 131n, 132n, 146, 147n, 213n, 333, 334n, 433, 556, 606; leaves Washington, 23; and extradition of H. Jones, 26, 163-4; and J. Robbins case, 26, 27n, 164n; and marine hospital at Norfolk, 26, 27n; and David Humphreys, 60-1; and proposed military academy, 87n; removal from oDce an act of God, 111, 116-17; and President’s House, 135n; and Direct Tax in S.C., 136n; and Truxtun’s seniority, 139, 140n; and Tripoli, 159, 160n; correspondence with governors, 162, 174; administration praised, 188n, 594, 644; petitions to, for pardons, 242n; and Ellicott, 250; and British debt claims, 323-4; and D.C. development, 335n; applications to, for appointments, 357n; removals by, 357n, 426, 447, 449n; and prosecution of sedition trials, 386-7, 389n; and Algiers, 431; Battered by Federalists, 512; preferred Tories over

Adams, John Quincy, 130n, 466 Adams, Samuel, 52, 176n, 394, 497 Adams, Fort, 151n Adams (brig), 86n Adams (U.S. frigate), 29, 30, 330, 461, 462n, 624n Adamson, William: letter from, 472-5; congratulates TJ, seeks appointment, 472-5; identiAed, 475n Addison, Thomas, 304 Adet, Pierre Auguste: letter from, 4213; congratulates TJ, 421-3 adultery, 323, 387 Aeneid (Virgil), 386 Africa: colonization schemes for, 156; American captives in, 310, 311n; geology of, 551-3; merchants, 553n African Episcopal Church, 417n agriculture: farmers as citizens, 36; commerce “handmaid” to, 71, 189, 540; investments in, 231; recommendations for a national board or society, 414; threshing machines, 452 Aikin, Charles Rochemont, Concise View of All the Most Important Facts which have Hitherto Appeared Concerning the Cow-Pox, 274-5, 277n Alabama River, 120 A la Nation Française, aux Consuls de la République, à Toutes les Nations Maritimes du Globe et à Toutes les Sociétés Savantes de l’Europe (Jacques Joseph Ducarne de Blangy), 495-6n Albemarle Co., Va., 240n alcoholism: in navy, 16n; accusations of, 88, 206-7, 360-1; among Monticello artisans, 104n, 376, 407; removals from oDce due to, 517-18 Alexander, Andrew, 258 Alexander, John, 258, 494 Alexander, Samuel, 194n Alexander I, Emperor of Russia, 285n, 466 Alexander (ship), 11

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INDEX Alexandria, Egypt, 134, 285n, 642, 643 Alexandria, Va.: Orphan’s Court, 20; justices of the peace, 20n, 303-4; packet service to, from, 106, 599n; custom house, 118n; physicians, 118n; collector of internal revenue at, 319; merchants, 360n; collector of customs at, 381n; smallpox vaccination at, 4678; marine hospitals, 679; taxes in, 692-3 Alexandria Advertiser and Commercial Intelligencer, 246n Alexandria Expositor, 405n Algiers: tribute for, 29, 115, 205, 222n, 266-7, 330, 350n, 351, 431-2, 461, 607; estimate of marine force of, 31n; consuls at, 61n, 624; ransom of U.S. prisoners in, 61n, 311n; Dale’s instructions regarding, 115n; treaty with U.S., 115n, 380, 397; attacks U.S. shipping, 138-9, 140n; status in Ottoman empire, 160n; interest in French tapestries, 203-4; confused with Tripoli, 308-9; cruisers, 646. See also Mediterranean Sea; Mustafa Baba, Dey of Algiers Alien Friends Act (1798): evasion of, 35, 387; prosecutions, persecutions under, 425n, 473, 475n; criticism of, 576; support for, 594 aliens. See immigrants Alison, Francis, 411, 412n Alliance (ship), 16n almonds, 598 Alston, Joseph, 188n Altona, 481 “American Citizen” (W. Barton), 425n American Citizen and General Advertiser (New York), 224n, 309-10n, 425n. See also Denniston & Cheetham American Literary Advertiser (Washington, D.C.), 405n American Philosophical Society: loans money to C. W. Peale, ix, 627-8; seeks to acquire mastodon skeleton, ix, 482n, 627-8; elects members, 87n, 121n, 183n, 412n, 488n, 504n; publishes Transactions, 120, 153, 154, 248; receives communications, specimens, 172n, 553n; TJ as president of, 277n, 312n, 329n, 480n; meetings, 312n; oCers prizes, 312n American Revolution: veterans of, xliii, 16n, 69, 77n, 80, 84, 86n, 122, 124, 169n, 191, 207, 211n, 243, 256, 307n, 391n, 394n, 461n, 467, 484, 488n,

541, 566, 690n, 695n; and Denmark, 31-2; and citizenship, 35-6; commissaries, 70n, 122; Loyalists, 110, 126n, 158n, 176n, 177, 256, 316-17, 324, 326, 616, 674n, 684, 696; quartermasters, 122; privateers, 140n; in S.C., 157n; and France, 207, 400n; naval aCairs, 261n, 527; in N.Y., 360n; in Mass., 364n; gloriAcation of, 385-6; slaves lost during, 392n; persistent principles and spirit of, 459, 484, 490-1, 519, 576, 593; and Cherokees, 508; in Boston, 644; judge advocates, 674n “Americanus” (W. Jackson), 419-20 Ames, Fisher, 344 “Amour Médecin” (Molière), 294n Amsterdam: banks, 85n; Short’s mission to, 289; consul at, 474; merchants, 532n Anacostia River: navy yard at, 30, 111, 257, 330, 434 Anderson, Mr. (commissary of boundary survey), 250, 251n Anderson, Robert, 7 Andrews, Asa, 281n Andrews, William, 670n Annual Register (Great Britain), 634-5 Anstey, John, 324-6 Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius (Roman emperor), 634 Antwerp, 206n Apalachicola River, 183, 184n, 216 Appalachian Mountains, 456 Appleton, Thomas, 48, 51, 132 aprons, 705 Apthorp, John, 694 Apthorp, Susan, 694 Archer, John: letter from cited, 701 architecture: calls for simpler, chaster, 128; Boston, 693 Argus (revenue cutter), 357n Ariana, 386 Armstrong, Gen. John: advises on appointments, 158n; letter from cited, 704 Army, U.S. See War, U.S. Department of Arnold, John, 118, 119, 120n arsenals, 22, 69n, 82-3, 85-6n, 347-8, 614 art: lack of patronage for, 79-80; Egyptian, 454 Ash, James, 355, 476 Ashley, Warren, 101, 185, 229 askos: Roman, copied, 194n, 233

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INDEX Ast, William Frederick: letter from, 567; and TJ’s insurance premium, 56-7, 684, 685n “Astronomical, and Thermometrical Observations, made on the Boundary between the United States and His Catholic Majesty” (Andrew Ellicott), 120n Astronomical Observations . . . from the year MDCCLXXXVII to the year MDCCXCVIII. Volume III (Nevil Maskelyne), 249, 251n astronomy, 118-20, 172n, 183-4, 249, 251n, 293, 552-3, 554n, 687-8 atlases, 471-2 attorneys: Federalists as, 3, 195, 592, 593; in Ga., 3, 592-3; in S.C., 15; in R.I., 195, 196n, 341; in Ky., 244; in Va., 307n; in New York City, 514n; in Baltimore, 534n; Republicans as, 5923; in Boston, 674n; in Philadelphia, 695n Atwood, Edward, 368n, 378 Aubert, Jacques, 44, 45 Augusta, Ga., 455, 457, 458, 594 Augusta (U.S. brig), 296, 300n Augusta Herald, 594 Aurora (Philadelphia): prints letters, documents, 9n, 477n, 584n; reports TJ’s return to Washington, 48n; reports scheme to block Gallatin’s nomination, 67n; unproAtability of, 72, 299; advertises G. Stuart’s sheriC ’s sale, 80n; and TJ hosting lodgers at President’s House, 246n; and IrujoPickering correspondence, 419n; distribution of, interfered with, 573-4; subscriptions to, 573-4, 575, 577n. See also Duane, William Austin, Benjamin, Jr., 661 Austin, David: letter to, 565-6; letters from, 111-13, 116-17, 180-1, 221-2, 279, 305-6, 349-50, 350-2, 368-9, 376-7, 405-6, 463, 475-6, 482-3; oCers plans, advice, 112, 116-17, 180-1, 222, 349-50, 350-2, 369n; seeks appointment, 112, 116, 180-1, 305-6, 482-3; seeks union of all Christians, 112, 368; and New Haven collectorship, 117, 384n, 463; letters from cited, 181n, 369n, 384n, 406n, 483n, 698, 699, 701; observations on Barbary aCairs, 221-2, 305-6; requests interview with TJ, 279; establishes Lady Washington’s Chapel, 368-9, 406n; at Yale, 369n; Fourth of July

discourse, 376-7, 406, 475-6; National “Barley Cake,” 377n; acknowledges note from TJ, 405-6; performs wedding ceremony for TJ’s servants, 565-6 Austin, David, Sr. (1732-1801), 94n, 117, 554, 556 Austin, John P., 117 Austin, William, 207n Australia, 156 Austria, 273, 284 Auvergne, France, 287 “A.Z.” (pseudonym): letter from, 630-1; theory on fossil locations, 630-1 Babcock, Elisha, 77n Bache, Benjamin Franklin, 72, 74n, 296, 298, 300n Bache, Catharine Wistar, 639 Bache, Sarah Franklin, 73, 170 Bache, William, 257, 639 Bailey, Theodorus, 127, 158-9n, 256, 704 Bainbridge, William, 29, 31n, 378n Baker, William: letter to, 208; appointed marshal for Potomac District, 192n, 208; identiAed, 208n; as reference, 304 Balch, Stephen Bloomer, 368 Baldwin, Abraham: letter to, 558-60; letter from, 3-4; recommends aspirants for oDce, 3-4, 559; seeks Creek cession, 130n, 558-9, 560n; introduces J. F. Hull, 455n; letter from cited, 455n, 699; and settlement of western land claims by Ga., 558-60; as reference, 594 Baldwin, Simeon, 241n Balfour, George, 679, 681n Baltic Sea, 285n Baltimore, Md.: custom house, 14n; merchants, 14n, 66n, 381n, 433n, 461, 605; navy vessels at, 29, 30; trade with Louisiana, 217; trade with W. Indies, 261n; schools, 432-3; Female Humane Association, 433n; mariners, 533n; ship joiners, 533n; attorneys, 534n; city council, 534n; marine hospitals, 679, 681n Bancroft, Aaron: Sermon, Preached before His Excellency Caleb Strong, Esq., 516, 517n Bank of the United States: bills of, 55, 68, 100, 106, 369, 567; speculation in stock of, 88n; drafts on, 102, 103n,

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INDEX Bank of the United States (cont.) 684, 685n; counterfeit bills of, 240-1, 242n; investments in, 333, 334n; branches, 567 banks: use of bank notes, 55, 68, 99, 540, 598; bills of, counterfeited, 2401, 242n; drafts on, 684, 685n. See also Columbia, Bank of (Georgetown); Pennsylvania, Bank of Banks, Henry, 204n Banks, Sir Joseph, 436n Baptists, 458-9, 490-1, 493n Barbary states. See Algiers; Mediterranean Sea; Tripoli; Tunis Barbé de Marbois, François: letter from, 423-4; identiAed, xli-xlii, 424n; forwards letter to brother, xlii, 423-4; and TJ’s Notes on the State of Virginia, xlii, 424n; provides accounts of Egypt, 282; letter from cited, 424n Barbé de Marbois, Pierre François, xlii, 423-4 Barbee (Barbé), William, 240 barbers, 210 Barbeyrac, Jean, 254n Barbour, Joseph: letter from cited, 704 Barclay, John (d. 1772), 408 bargemen, 171n barilla, 49 Barker, William, xli Barlow, Joel: at Yale, 369n; translates Volney’s Ruines, 438, 440; Joel Barlow to his Fellow Citizens, 456, 457n; and W. Maclure, 503 Barnes, David L.: letter to, 416-17; letters from, 131-2, 314-15; appointed district judge, 66, 121, 130, 131-2, 145, 195, 340-1; identiAed, 132n; writes Madison, 132n; drafts congratulatory address to TJ, 146; defends his character, 314-15, 416-17; letter from cited, 701 Barnes, John: letters to, 37-8, 369, 598; letters from, 42, 113; handles Anancial transactions, 37-8, 42, 48n, 99, 103n, 113, 227, 235, 236n, 295, 369, 489n, 521n, 529, 577n, 638n, 650n, 684, 705-8; obtains items, handles shipments, 64, 109, 185, 598; letter from cited, 103n, 697; and Short’s aCairs, 197, 235, 288, 293n Barnes, Joseph: letters from, 48-51, 1324; seeks appointment, 48-51, 132-4 Barnet, Isaac Cox, 334n Barnet, Oliver, 5 Barney, Joshua: letter from, 260-1;

declines command of frigate, 140n, 260; seeks appointment, 260-1; identiAed, 261n Baron, George, 87n barracks, 198-200, 202-3, 331 Barraud, Philip, 68 Barron, James, 378n Barron, Samuel, 29, 378n Barry, John, 139, 140n, 367, 378n Barton, Benjamin Smith: family of, 183n; forwards letter to T. M. Randolph, 687; letter from cited, 704 Barton, William: letters from, 182-3, 424-5; seeks appointment, 182-3; defends Duane’s citizenship, 424-5 Bartram, John, 306n Bartram, John, Jr.: letter to, 306-7; TJ orders strawberries from, 306-7; identiAed, 306n; source for plants and seeds, 481 Bartram, William, 306n Bas-Rhin, France, 99n Bassett, Burwell: letter from cited, 172n; recommends Lambert, 172n Bassett, Richard, 213n Batavia, Dutch East Indies, 263 Batavian Republic: minister to U.S., 578; U.S. relations with, 129, 130-1n, 176, 208-9, 309, 453; letters to, from Executive Directory, 208-9; formation of, 554n. See also Amsterdam bathhouses, 312n Bauman, Sebastian: letter from, 631-2; and unsealed letter from TJ, 631-2; letter to cited, 631-2n, 699 Bayard, James A., 564 Baylies (Bailies), Gustavus, 145, 146n Bayonne, France, 641, 643 Beall, Thomas, 335n, 647n Beauharnais, Alexandre de, 479n Beaver Co., Pa.: letter to, 8-9; thanked by TJ, 8-9 Beckley, John, 122-3, 171, 182 Bee, Thomas, 14, 186 Bee (New London, Conn.), 105n, 686 Bee (revenue cutter), 356n Beecher, Thaddeus, 383n beef, 456 Beers, Isaac, 383n Beetle, Reuben, 531, 532-3n Belgium, 282 Bell, Mr. (Petersburg, Va.): sells horse to TJ, 100, 227, 375 Bell, Andrew, 130, 243 Bell, William (mariner), 363 Belt, Joseph Sprigg, 303, 304n

< 712>

INDEX Benjamin Franklin (ship), 292, 294n, 450, 451n, 620n Bennedix, Isaac, 594, 595n Bennet, John, 467 Bennett, Caleb Prew: letter from, 566-7; seeks appointment, 566-7; identiAed, 567n Berceau (French corvette): capture and restoration of, 547-50, 568-70, 596-7, 662-7; crew of, 665-6, 668n Berkeley Co., Va., 674 Bermuda, 270n Bermuda Hundred (Eppes estate, ChesterAeld Co., Va.), 256, 327, 378, 595 Besier, Augustinus Gerhard, 209n Betsy (schooner), 637 Betsy Cathcart (ship), 320-1, 497-503, 515 Bett, Middleton, 102, 705, 707 Bevins, James, 171n Biays (Byays), James, 531, 533n Bible: allusions from, 93, 116-17, 181, 612, 662, 668n; book of Psalms, 376-7n Bibliothèque Britannique, 152, 154 Biddle, Clement: letter from cited, 699 Bingham, Anne Willing, 270, 632, 670 Bingham, William: letter to, 670; letter from, 632; and books for Library of Congress, 14n; death of wife, 270n, 632, 670; residence of, 544, 545, 546n; and Lemaire, 544-5, 568; prepares to depart for Europe, 568, 632, 670, 685 Binns, John Alexander: Treatise on Practical Farming, 79n Bishop, Abraham: appointed collector, 94n; Federalists oppose, 94n, 301, 382-3, 547; Oration Delivered in Wallingford, 94n; urges removal of Federalists in Conn., 341-2 Bishop, Samuel: and remonstrance of New Haven merchants, vii, 381-3, 547; recommended, appointed collector, 93, 94n, 130, 131n, 301, 519-20, 554-5; mayor of New Haven, 242n, 301, 382, 555; TJ defends appointment of, 554-5 blacking, 707 blacksmiths, 104n. See also Stewart, William (blacksmith) Blagden, Sir Charles, 436n Blair, Hugh: publication of sermons by, 321-2; Lectures on Rhetoric, 322n; reputation of, 385

Blair, James: Our Savior’s Divine Sermon on the Mount, 321-2 Blake, George, 344, 345n, 682n Blake, James, 205-6n, 702 Blicher Olsen, Peder, 451n blinds, 194, 370-2 Blodget, Samuel, Jr., xli, 647 Bloodworth, Timothy: letter from, 4835; recommends J. P. Williams, 483-5; identiAed, 484n BloomAeld, Joseph, 6n Blyth, Elizabeth Frances Allston, 46, 47n Blyth (Blythe), Joseph, 46-7, 528 Boardman, Elijah: letter to, 493-4; letter from, 377; warns of party spirit, 377; TJ thanks for sending pamphlet, 4932; letter to cited, 703 boatmen, 456 Boggs, John, Jr.: letter from, 458-60; congratulates TJ, 458-60 Bonaparte, Joseph, 286n Bonaparte, Josephine, 478-9 Bonaparte, Lucien, 286n, 641, 643 Bonaparte, Napoleon: and Conseil d’État, xlii; image of, on medals, 71, 73n; interest in smallpox vaccination, 273; Paine’s memorandum to, 282, 285n; and ratiAcation of Convention of 1800, 286n, 662, 664, 668n; TJ recommends Létombe to, 545, 546; and Saint-Domingue constitution, 638n boots, 102 Bordeaux, France, 284, 334n, 387, 606n Boston: Federalists in, 21, 344, 660; navy vessels at, 29, 30; Charlestown Navy Yard, 30, 330, 393, 394n; Castle Island, 81-2; harbor defenses, 81-2, 85n; navy agent at, 88, 547, 548n, 596, 597n, 662, 667, 668n, 669n; trade with Louisiana, 217; newspapers, 388n, 516, 517n, 547; naval storekeeper, 394n; collector at, 533n, 687; American Revolution in, 644; postal service, 658; French prisoners in, 668n; merchants, 670n; attorneys, 674n; marine hospitals, 679, 681n; Freemasons, 689n; architecture, 693; selectmen, 693; Republicans in, 693-4 Boston (British frigate), 230, 267 Boston (U.S. frigate), 30, 330, 461, 462n, 546n, 548n, 597n, 628 “Boston Merchant” (pseudonym): letter from, 644; criticizes TJ’s reply to New Haven remonstrance, 644 Boswell, James, 118n

< 713>

INDEX botany, 98-9 Boudinot, Elias: letter to, 167-8; letter from, 352-4; and Leslie’s coining scheme, 167, 236-8, 352-4; receives recommendations from TJ, 167-8; and Reich, 167-8, 169, 297, 353-4; and expenses of the Mint, 353 Boulton, Matthew, 168n, 237 Bourbon Island (Réunion), 415, 433, 536n Bourne, Sylvanus: letter from, 57-8; and compensation of consuls, 57-8 Bowen, Daniel, xliii Boyd, George: letter from cited, 699 Boyd, John, 470 Boys, William, 269-70 Brackenridge, Hugh Henry: letter to, 671; TJ sends political, foreign news to, 671 Bradford, Samuel, 131n Bradley, Abraham, Jr., 536, 585 Brainerd, Elijah: letter from, 540-2; seeks appointment, 540-2; identiAed, 542n Brazil, 105n, 175 bread, 707 Bremen, Germany, 285n Brent, William (1775-1848), 225n, 335n Brest, France, 642, 643 bridges, 285, 312n, 335-6n Brief Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century (Samuel Miller), 412n Bright, Francis, 527 brimstone, 82 Bringhurst, Jesse, 496 Broadbent, John, 50, 51n, 133 Broadnax, Lydia, 695n Brodeau, Ann: letter to, 103; invited to dine with TJ, 103 Brooks, John, 81, 85n Broome, John, 513 Brown, Charles Brockden, 442n Brown, Elijah: letter to, 268-9; letter from, 27-8; declares support for TJ, 27-8; identiAed, 28n; thanked by TJ, 268-9 Brown, James (Ky.), 244 Brown, John (Ky.): letter from cited, 232-3n, 698; recommends W. Carr, 232-3n Brown, John (R.I.), 146, 341 Brown, John (Scottish physician), 270n Brown, Lewis R., 171n Brown, Morgan, 598, 599n Brown, Robert (Pa.), 355n Brown, Samuel (Boston): and restora-

tion of the Berceau, 548-9n, 596, 597n, 662; appointed navy agent, 667, 669n; maintenance of French prisoners, 667 Brown family (R.I.), 609n Brush, Nathaniel, 601-2 Bryan, Samuel, 96 Brydie, Alexander, & Co., 240n Buchanan, William: recommended, appointed commercial agent, 415, 433, 461-2, 535, 536n Buell, John H., 630n BulAnch, Charles, 155n, 693-4 BulAnch, Hannah Apthorp, 693 BulAnch, Thomas, 693 Bulkeley, Thomas, 430n, 526n Bull, Jonathan, 344n Bunbury, M. Simmones, 364-7 Bunel, Joseph, 638n Bunker Hill, battle of, 689n Bunker-Hill; or the Death of General Warren: An Historic Tragedy, in Five Acts (John Daly Burk), 389n Bureaux de Pusy, Jean Xavier, 404, 619, 620 Burges, Tristam: Oration, 608-10 Burgoyne, John, 389n Burk, John Daly: letter to, 400-1; letter from, 385-9; defended by E. Meade, 322-3; forwards “Columbiad,” seeks appointment, 385-9, 400-1; History of Virginia, 388n; identiAed, 388n; Bunker-Hill, 389n; works by, 389n Burk, Thomas, 514n Burke, Aedanus, 473 Burlamaqui, Jean Jacques: Principes du Droit Politique, 254n, 500, 502n Burns, Andrew, 593 Burr, Aaron: letters from, 178-9, 246-7; advises on appointments, 6n, 127, 128n, 178-9, 341, 515n, 646n, 683; applications to, for appointments, 6n, 154-5; and M. L. Davis’s appointment, 36; as reference, 126, 127n, 359, 394, 624n; letters from cited, 179n, 515n, 701, 702; family of, 188n; and Cheetham, 224n; forwards news of Conn. politics, 246-7; and removals in N.Y., 310n; and J. D. Burk, 387-9; criticism of, 523; and election of 1800, 523; images of, 690n Burrall, Charles: letter from cited, 698; letter to cited, 698 Burrow, Sir James: Reports of Cases Adjudged in the Court of King’s Bench, 321, 584

< 714>

INDEX Burrows, William Ward, 373n Burrus, Mr., 463-4 Burrus, Bartholomew, 463-4, 703 Butler, Anne Elizabeth, 193 Butler, Anthony: letter from, 671-2; seeks appointment, 671-2; letter from cited, 672n Butler, Frances, 193 Butler, Harriot Percy, 193 Butler, John West: letter to cited, 697 Butler, Pierce: letter to, 646; advises on appointments, 7n, 221; resigns from U.S. Senate, 7n; daughters of, 193n; recommends aspirants for oDce, 646; letters from cited, 646n, 704 butter, 457 Bynkershoek, Cornelius van: Quaestionum Juris Publici, 254n Cabanis, Pierre Jean Georges, 439, 441, 442n Cabinet (Georgetown), 603n Cabinet and National Magazine, 603 Cadell & Davies (London), 14n Cadiz, Spain: consul at, 58, 166n, 311n, 625, 657; observatory at, 120; Spanish naval forces at, 642, 643 Caesar, Julius, 634 Calais, France, 656 Calcutta, 536n, 657n calendars, xli, 686 Callender, James Thomson: receives Anancial assistance from TJ, 100, 109, 185-6, 205; Prospect Before Us, 114; remission of Ane, 185-6, 190; Political Progress of Britain, 205; threatens TJ, 205, 229-30; TJ ends relationship with, 205, 229-30 Calvert, Thomas: forwards R. Richardson’s letter, 603; letter from cited, 604n Camden, Charles Pratt, Earl of, 214, 216n Camillus, 576, 577n Campbell, David: letter from, 315-16; and inns on Cherokee lands, 315-16; letters to, from cited, 316n Campbell, Hugh G., 378n Campoformio, Treaty of, 73n Canada, 178-9, 461n canals: for TJ’s mill, 327, 328n candles, 312n candlesticks, 135 cannon: manufacture of, 46, 83, 86n; return of, in army, 82

Canton, 657 Cape of Good Hope, 275, 551-4 Cap-Français, Saint-Domingue, 16n, 44, 45, 638n Capitol, U.S.: temporary building for House of Reps., 225, 234-5; D. Austin’s Fourth of July discourse at, 376-7 Carey, Mathew: letter from, 471-2; Carey’s American Pocket Atlas, xli, 471-2; and TJ’s copying press, 194; as bookseller, 322n; prints maps, 328n; requests census data, 471-2 Carey’s American Pocket Atlas (Mathew Carey), xli, 471-2 Carlos (Charles) IV, King of Spain: and David Humphreys’s recall, 59; and U.S.-Florida boundary, 249; permits U.S. to trade at Veracruz, 278; U.S.Spanish relations, 641, 642-3; letter to cited, 698 Carmichael, William, 63, 289 Carne, John: forwards books for TJ, 149; letter from cited, 149n, 698 Carpentaria, Gulf of, 156 Carpenter, Thomas: account with TJ, 488-9 carpenters, 370-1 carpets: for Monticello, 52-3, 89-90, 235; for President’s House, 135 Carr, Mr. (Va.), 574-5 Carr, Eleanor Carr (Nelly, Mrs. Samuel Carr), 5 Carr, John (b. 1801), 5 Carr, Martha JeCerson (Mrs. Dabney Carr, TJ’s sister), 4, 5n, 390 Carr, Overton, 5 Carr, Peter (TJ’s nephew), 4 Carr, Samuel (TJ’s nephew): letter to, 4-5; TJ orders Ash from, 4-5; and W. Baker, 208n Carr, Walter: letter from, 232-3; seeks appointment, 232-3; identiAed, 232n carriages: descriptions of, 52, 79, 90, 201-2, 235, 496, 530; TJ orders, from Philadelphia, 52-3, 55, 79, 89-90, 194, 201-2, 235, 496, 530; accidents, 113n; prices, 201-2, 289, 496; coachees, 202, 235, 496, 530; Paine’s design for carriage wheels, 284-5, 286n; phaetons, 374, 530; breaking horses to, 374-5; covers for, 530; landaus, 530 Carrington, Edward, 101, 319, 521 Carrol, John, 102 Carson, James, 476

< 715>

INDEX Carswell, Samuel, 103n Carter, John (R.I.): letter from cited, 702 Caruthers, John, 258, 494 Caruthers, William: letter from, 672-4; theory on military uses of electricity, 672-4; identiAed, 673-4n; letters to, from cited, 673-4n Case of Jonathan Robbins (Charles Pinckney), 125n Cashell, George, 102 Cathalan, Stephen, Jr.: letter from, 3334; seeks to retain consulship, 333-4 Cathalan, Stephen, Sr., 334 Cathcart, James Leander: provides estimate of Tripolitan forces, 31n; consul at Tripoli, 159, 160n, 334n; negotiations with bey of Tripoli, 221-2, 308 Catholics, 599n, 600 Catlett, Kemp, 327 Catlett, Peter, 360n Cavendish, Henry, 436n Cayenne, French Guiana, 146, 147n, 266 census: returns for 1800 delayed, 471-2 Chaillot, Grille de (Paris), 289, 294n chairs, 135 Chalmers, George: Estimate of the Comparative Strength of Britain, 324 Chambers, Joseph Gaston: letter from, 147-8; congratulates TJ, 147-8; plan for repeating Arearms, 147-8; identiAed, 148n Charleston, S.C.: Republicans in, 14-15, 187, 188n; collector at, 15, 187, 188n, 221, 281n, 680; Federalists in, 15n, 187, 188n, 221n; merchants, 104n; navy agent at, 157, 158n; workhouse, 157; French prisoners at, 157-8, 304-5, 374, 675; custom house, 187; elections in, 187, 188n; intendant and wardens, 187, 680; newspapers, 221n; and American Revolution, 391; Democratic-Republican societies in, 392n; French consul at, 392n; market for foreign and western commerce, 457; perceived threat from SaintDomingue, 637, 644; revenue cutter at, 637, 644; militia, 675; marine hospital, 678-80, 681n Charlottesville, Va.: hailstorm at, 390 Chase, Samuel, 186n Chattahoochee River, 558 Chauveau, Pierre, 44-5 cheese, 457 Cheetham, James: identiAed, 224n. See also American Citizen and General Ad-

vertiser (New York); Denniston & Cheetham Chemical and Economical Essays (John Penington), 480-1 chemistry, 418, 480-1 Cherokee Indians: land cessions sought from, ix, 129, 130n, 315, 456-7, 50511, 558-9; send delegation to Washington, ix, xlii, 130n, 505-11; agent to, 83, 86n, 315-16; trading houses, factories, 83, 86n, 506; annuity for, 129; road through lands of, 129, 130n, 315, 384, 456-7, 458, 506-11; ferry leased by, 315; inns on lands of, 315-16, 509, 511; Green Corn ceremony, 316; acculturation of, 505, 507, 509, 511; boundary with U.S., 505, 507, 509, 510; Tellico treaty, 505; murder of, 505-6, 508, 509, 511; land dispute with Creeks, 506; desire presents, 507; and American Revolution, 508; Lower Towns, 508; migration to Arkansas, 508 cherries, 257 Chesapeake (U.S. frigate), 29, 30, 330 Chesapeake Bay, 207, 261n, 679 Chester, John, 130 Chew, Mrs., 420 Chickamauga Indians, 508 Chickasaw Indians, 129, 130n, 151, 508, 558 China, 88, 140n, 251, 609n. See also Canton Chipman, Nathaniel: Sketches, 19 Chisman, Mount Edward, 280n Choctaw Indians, 129, 130n, 250, 508, 558 Chotohocha River. See Apalachicola River Christ, Henry, 471n Christ, John: letter from, 470-1; seeks appointment, 470-1; identiAed, 471n; opposition to, 523-4 Christianity: union among all denominations of, 112 Christian VII, King of Denmark, 451n Christopher (ship), 501, 502n chronometers, 118, 119, 120n Church, Angelica Schuyler, 141, 142, 143 Church, Catherine: letter from cited, 702 Church, John Barker, Sr., 142, 143 cider: Hughes crab apple, 55; ordered by TJ, 55, 106, 124 Cilley, Bradbury, 129, 131n

< 716>

INDEX Cincinnati, 413, 654, 682 Cincinnati, Society of the, xliii citron, 638n City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston, S.C.), 221n Claiborne, William C. C.: letter to, 5602; advice, instructions on Miss. Terr., 560-2 Clark, Bowling, 174 Clark, Daniel: letter from, 598-9; consul at New Orleans, 561, 562n; shipments for TJ, 598-9 Clark, James: letter from, 212, 369-72; design for closets, 212; seeks payment of account with U.S., 369-72; letter from cited, 702 Clark, Waters, 630n Clark, William, 73n Clarke, Samuel, 494, 495n Claxton, Thomas: letter to, 233; letter from, 134-6, 193-4; and furnishings for the President’s House, 134-6; purchases items for TJ, 194, 706; and inscription for silver ewer, 233; letter to cited, 233n, 702; account with TJ, 332-3 Clay, Charles: letter from cited, 699 Clay, Joseph (Pa.): letter from, 168-9; recommends W. Henderson, 168-9 Clay, Joseph, Jr. (Ga.): declines judgeship, 3, 4n, 197, 592-3, 594n Clement, Lieutenant, 666, 668n clerks: Treasury Department, 71, 73n, 103n, 272, 603; applications for clerkships, 171-2, 183n, 331-2, 429, 430n, 479-80, 482-3; House of Representatives, 172n; law, 244, 674n; salaries, 393, 394n; criticize Gallatin, 446 Clinch River, 458n Clinton, DeWitt, 224n Clinton, George: letter to, 127-8; letter from, 674; elected governor, 13, 127, 128n; advises on N.Y. appointments, 36-7, 127-8, 158n; family of, 165n, 256; and Cheetham, 224n; gubernatorial election of 1792, 515n; introduction for D. Tudor, 674; images of, 690n; letter from cited, 702 clock weights, 46n closets, 212 cloth: cotton, 456; duck, 456, 457; prices, 488 clothes: mourning, 11, 44, 53; military, 82, 84, 85n Cloud, Abner, 303 coal, 705

Coalter, John: letter from, 494-5; advises on appointments, 494-5 Coane, Robert: letter from, 189; seeks to be TJ’s steward, 189 Cochran, Charles Burnham, 15 coCee: trade, 45n, 49; urns, 194 coins: cap of liberty removed from, 72, 73-4n; by Reich, 73-4n; methods of coining, 236-8, 352-3, 354n; Chinese, 251; found in Ohio, 251, 412-14 Coit, Joshua, 357n Coke, Sir Edward, 535, 536n Colhoun, John Ewing, 6, 7n Collier, Thomas, 76, 77n, 601, 602n Collins, Charles, Jr., 147n Collins, Charles, Sr., 145, 146n Colmar, France, 99n Columbia, Bank of (Georgetown), 113, 420, 684 Columbia College, 624, 625n “Columbiad” (John Daly Burk), 385-9, 400-1 Columbian Centinel (Boston), 246n, 549n, 644 Columbian Foundry (Georgetown), 46n Compact Maritime (Thomas Paine), 285n Concise View of All the Most Important Facts which have Hitherto Appeared Concerning the Cow-Pox (Charles Rochemont Aiken), 274-5, 277n Confusion of Babel Discovered; or, An Answer to Jeremy Belknap’s Discourse upon the Lawfulness of War (William Scales), 41n Congregationalists, 542n Congress (U.S. frigate), 30, 330 Congress, U.S.

< 717>

House of Representatives investigation of Sargent, 80-1; and Schuylkill Arsenal, 85n; clerk of, 172n; temporary building for, 225, 234-5; meets in Senate chamber, 225n; speaker of, 300n; and J. Clark’s petition, 372n; chamber, 376n, 406n; and citizenship of W. L. Smith, 425n; doorkeeper, 430; and lease of salt springs, 493n Legislation diplomatic establishment, 12, 13n, 623; Library of Congress, 14n; naturalization, 34-5, 271-2, 435-6; president’s salary, 38n; and allowances for consuls, 57-8; superin-

INDEX Congress, U.S. (cont.) tendent of military stores, 69; medal for Truxtun, 74n; proposed military academy, 87n; construction of frigates, 138-9, 140n; and the Mint, 167, 353, 354n; recording of laws, 172n; enforcement of neutral rights, 251-2; and District of Columbia, 304n, 647-8, 692-3n; appropriations for army, navy, 329-30, 331n, 596; revenue cutters, 356-7n; granting of passports, 379-80, 397; and Treasury Department, 450n, 482; and Northwest Terr., 493n; and naval prizes, 499-500, 548n, 568-9, 570n, 584, 585n, 586; and Convention of 1800, 548n, 550, 596; western land claims, 559-60n; customs collectors, 572, 582; militia laws, 645; temporary appointments, 651n; collection of internal revenues, 655n, 675; marine hospitals, 678, 679, 681n; publication of laws in German, 689. See also Alien Friends Act (1798); Judiciary Act (1801); Peace Establishment Act (1801); Sedition Act (1798) Public Opinion president’s communications should be by letter, 110 Senate and Adams’s nominations, 64n, 139, 218n, 304n, 334n, 592; may reject TJ’s nominations, 66-7, 355, 372, 426, 444, 446, 528-9; Greene’s commission, 131-2; chamber, 225n; doorkeeper, 430; pension requests, 541, 542n; and Convention of 1800, 550, 668n; and TJ’s nominations, 561n Connaissance des temps: ordered by TJ, 292, 294n Connecticut: commissioner of loans, 423; merchants, 43n; support for TJ in, 56; Danbury, 56n; newspapers, 56n, 76, 77n; council, 92; governor, 92; union of clergy and Federalists in, 923, 255, 606-7, 660; marshal for, 130, 131n; supervisor for, 130, 131n; French prisoners in, 158n; elections, 246n; legislature, 246n, 301, 309, 520, 547, 555; militia, 246n; settlers from, in Pa., 300n; postmasters, postal service in, 344; moderate removal pol-

icy recommended, 518-20; inBuence in Vt., 519; French consul for, 649n; collection of internal revenues in, 652; marine hospitals, 679. See also Federalists; Middletown, Conn.; New Haven, Conn.; New London, Conn.; Republicans; SuDeld, Conn. Connecticut Courant (Hartford), 601, 602n Connelly, John (Pa.), 270n Connolly, John (S.C.), 646 Conrad & McMunn (Washington), 399n Constantinople, 277 Constellation (U.S. frigate), 30, 139, 140n, 164n, 365 Constitution (U.S. frigate), 29, 30, 139, 140n, 207n, 330-1 Constitution of the United States: Federalists threaten, 23, 223-4, 472-3, 513; revision and amendment called for, 23, 419n; and citizenship, 34-5; principles of, aDrmed, 70; freedom of the press, 213; and presidential pardons, 213, 214, 485; opposition to ratiAcation, 220n, 461n, 484n, 525n; and judiciary, 228; and funds for President’s House, 267; and Sedition Act, 297; and appointments and removals, 343; TJ, Republicans best able to defend, 512; and freedom of speech, 554; declaring war, enacting peace, 568-9, 587, 664 contempt of court, 213-16 Convention of 1800: ratiAcation of, 209n, 286n, 450, 615, 641, 643, 6623, 665-6, 668n; signed, 260; and free trade, 282-4, 286n; exchange of ratiAcations, 403; disposal of prizes in U.S. ports, 498-9; restitution of prizes, 548, 568-70, 596, 662-7; implementation of, 548n, 570n, 596, 665, 668n; submitted to Senate, 550; spoliation claims, 668n convoys: impracticality of, for American vessels, 282; in W. Indies, 350n, 351-2 Cooke, William (S.C.): letter from, 1045; seeks appointment, 104-5; identiAed, 104-5n; recommendation of, 105n cooks, 685-6n, 695n Cooper, Thomas: letter from, 128, 1689; attorney for Duane, 74n, 297; recommends aspirants for oDce, 128, 168-9; as Luzerne commissioner, 297, 300n coopers, 170n

< 718>

INDEX Copenhagen, 61n, 285n copper: from Italy, 49; for Monticello, 295; Indian artifacts, 412-14; mined in N.J., 470n; printing plates, 472n copying press, 194 Coquebert, Felix, 388n Corcoran, Thomas, 583n cordials, 638n corn, 78, 240n Cornwell, J. C.: letter from, 247-8; seeks appointment, 247-8; letter from cited, 248n, 701 Corny, Anne Mangeot Ethis de, 143n Corny, Louis Dominique Ethis de, 143n Corny, Marguerite Victoire de Palerne de: letter from, 141-3; renews correspondence with TJ, 141-3; identiAed, 143n; letter to cited, 143n Cosway, Maria HadAeld: letter from, 599-600; and Madame de Corny, 143n; TJ’s friendship with, 599-600 cotton, 216-17, 390, 456, 457 Couley, Mr. (New York), 49, 133 counterfeiting, 240-2 Courts, U.S. Circuit Fifth, 3-4, 14-15, 110n, 186, 188n, 197, 591-5; prosecutions by, under Sedition Act, 73, 74n, 186n, 597-8n; Third, 74n, 213-14, 298, 299, 424, 598n; and prosecutions against Duane, 213-16, 297-8, 299, 424-5, 597-8n; Second, 240, 241n; clerks, 241n; Fourth, 364n; and Marchant’s case, 364n; and case of Pedon and S. Morris, 485-6; District of Columbia, 485-6, 583n; First, 668n District clerks, 244 Public Opinion dominated by Federalists, 129-30, 197, 213, 228, 445, 487, 591-2; and freedom of the press, 213, 576 Supreme Court appointments to, 7n courts-martial: in navy, 15-17, 364-8, 377-8, 597n; in army, 150-1; of militia oDcers, 675, 676n cowpox. See smallpox Coxe, Daniel W., 278n, 598 Coxe, Tench: letter to, 372-3; letters from, 425-8, 442-50; Republican con-

victions of, 3-4; as commissioner of the revenue, 183n, 381n; furnishes export data to J. T. Scott, 328n; seeks appointment, 354-5, 372-3, 425-8, 442-50, 476; Federalist, 449, 450n; family of, 449n; and reform of revenue service, 655n Coxe, William, Jr., 426, 428n Crady, Timothy, 514n Crafts, William, 157, 158n, 305n Cranch, William: letter from, 485-6; case of Pedon and S. Morris, 485-6 Craven, John H.: as TJ’s agent, 240n, 571; leases land, 327; letter forwarded to, 580; letter to cited, 580n, 704 Crawford, William H., 592-3 cream, 705, 707 Creek Indians: conferences, treaties with U.S., 129, 130n, 250, 558-60; B. Hawkins’s agency, 250, 251n, 490; acculturation of, 490; land dispute with Cherokees, 506; boundary with Georgia, 558-60 Crèvecoeur, Michel Guillaume St. John de, 286n Crimes of Cabinets; or, A Review of their Plans and Aggressions for the Annihilation of the Liberties of France and the Dismemberment of her Territories (Lewis Goldsmith), 149 Cromwell, Oliver, 606 cucumbers, 452 Cummings, Mr. (Pa.), 328 Cunningham, Noble E., 557n Currie, James, 183n curtains, 135 Cushing, Thomas H., 84, 86n Cutler, Richard, 383n Cutting, John Browne, 291-2, 294n Cutting, Nathaniel, 294n Cuvier, Georges: Leçons d’Anatomie Comparée, 68 Daggett, Henry, Jr., 383n Dale, Richard: commands Mediterranean squadron, 29, 268, 330, 331; instructions to, 115n; seniority of, 139, 140n; retained in service, 378n Dallas, Alexander J.: as reference, 123n; as U.S. attorney, 165, 166-7n, 215; and Duane’s sedition trial, 169-70, 297, 298, 300n, 583-4, 597-8n; and Priestman’s case, 460 Dalton, Tristram: as D.C. commissioner, 51-2, 225-6, 335-6n

< 719>

INDEX Daniel, Henry: letter from, 614-15; judgment against Va., 614-15; deemed insane by TJ, 615n; letter from cited, 615n Darley, Samuel: letter from, 537; asks TJ for money, 537 Darling, Joseph, 383n Darne, Thomas, 303-4 Darrell, Edward, 136n, 221, 675 Dart, John Sandford, 187-8n Dart, Thomas Lynch, 187n Dartmouth College, 541, 542n Dassevael, Steven, 209n Daugherty, Joseph. See Dougherty, Joseph Daveiss, Joseph Hamilton, 244, 245n Davidson, Samuel: letter from, 647-8; property in President’s Square, 487n, 647n; claim re alterations to plan of Washington, 647-8; identiAed, 647-8n Davie, William R.: appointed, declines Indian commission, 129, 130n, 177, 507, 558, 559, 560n Davies, William, 681, 682n Davis, Daniel, 129, 131n, 682n Davis, Ellen Watson, 533n Davis, George, 624-5 Davis, John, 533n Davis, Matthew L.: recommended, opposed for appointment, 36-7, 127, 1589n, 256; editor of Time Piece, 389n; family of, 624n Davis, William (Boston): letter from cited, 704 Davis, William (Plymouth), 531, 533n Davy, William: letter from, 406; forwards print of Gates, 406; identiAed, 406n Dawson, John: carries letters, news to Europe, 106, 107, 143n, 281, 292, 403; arrives at Paris, 107n, 286, 287; carries ratiAed convention to France, 286n; sends dispatches to U.S., 293n; returns to U.S., 309, 641, 643; invited to visit Lafayette, 403; sends Maryland back to U.S., 450 Day, Augustus, xlii Dearborn, Henry: letters to, 458, 463-4, 650-1; letters from, 373, 377-8; conference with Cherokee delegation, ix, xlii, 505-11; appointed secretary of war, xlii, 22; Report on the War Department, xlii, 81-7; portrait of, xliixliii, 356 (illus.); advises on Mediterranean squadron, 115; attends cabinet meetings, 115, 326; and

Southwestern Indians, 130n, 458, 507-8, 560n; applications to, for appointments, 151, 171-2n, 651n; and case of S. Nicholson, 207; and British debt claims, 326; acting secretary of the navy, 340n, 377-8, 562n, 651n, 664, 667, 669n; and Mullowny’s case, 340n; and reduction of Marine Corps, 373; letter from cited, 373n, 698; forwards courts-martial proceedings, 377-8; as reference, 394; advises on appointments, 429, 605; and P. Edwards’s letter, 429; and D. Austin, 463; Burrus case, 463-4; lease of salt springs, 493n; letters to cited, 493n, 651n, 699; and P. S. Du Pont’s gunpowder proposal, 618, 619-20, 650-1; absent from Washington, 651, 686; and the Berceau, 664; and appointment of S. Brown, 669n Deas, William A., 136 Death of General Montgomery in Storming the City of Quebec (John Daly Burk), 389n Decatur, Stephen, Sr., 140n, 378n Declaration of Independence, 3, 455n De Clary, Noël, 685-6n deeds, 574-5 deerskins. See peltry Defoe, Mr., 649 De Jure Belli ac Pacis (Hugo Grotius), 254n, 500, 502n Delagoa Bay, Africa, 156 Delany, Sharp, 381n Delaware: legislature, 114n, 578n; Middletown, 114n, 585; postmasters, 114n, 585; marshal for, 130, 131n, 437, 488, 563, 578, 587-8, 590-1, 616, 683; U.S. attorney for, 130, 171n; commissioner of loans, 171n; few removals demanded in, 309; presidential electors, 348; Baptists, 458-9, 490-1; and American Revolution, 467n, 566, 567n; U.S. district court, 487; elections, 488; physicians, 488n; ferries, 567n; governors, 567n, 612; inns, 567n; New Castle County, 567n, 578n; collection of internal revenues in, 652; marine hospitals, 681n. See also Federalists; Republicans; Wilmington, Del. Delaware, University of, 412n Delaware Baptist Association: letter to, 490-1; letter from, 458-60; congratulates, thanked by TJ, 458-60, 490-1 Democratic-Republican societies, 123n, 392n, 514n

< 720>

INDEX Democratic Society of New York City, 514n Denmark: and American Revolution, 312; armistice with Britain, 60, 61n, 285n; U.S. relations with, 129, 451n, 453; evacuates Hamburg, 281; joins league of armed neutrality, 285n. See also Copenhagen Dennie, Joseph, 517n Denniston, David, 224n, 263 Denniston & Cheetham: letter to, 264-5; letters from, 223-4, 316-17; urge removal of Federalists, 223-4, 264-5, 309-10n, 316-17; criticized by R. R. Livingston, 263. See also American Citizen and General Advertiser (New York); Cheetham, James Denon, Vivant: Voyage dans la Basse et la Haute Égypte, 455n Dent, George, 177, 191, 192n, 208, 695 Description du Cap de Bonne-Esperance (Peter Kolb), 551, 554n desertion, 378n Detroit, 654 Detroit (sloop), 86n Dexter, Samuel, 87n, 111, 112-13n, 151 Dickerson, Mahlon, 74n, 297 Dickinson, John: letters to, 401-2, 61617; letters from, 179, 464-7, 590-1; recommends Dr. J. Vaughan, 179, 401; and conduct of McLane, 392, 393n, 401-2, 467; advises on appointments, 464-7; as reference, 474; and appointment of Joel Lewis, 564, 5901, 616-17 Didot, Pierre, 455n Dill, Thomas: letter from, 9-11; oCers religious advice, 9-11 Dillenburg, Germany, 156n Dillon, Mr. (Va.), 327 Dinmore, Richard, 405, 603 Dinsmore, Andrew, 295 Dinsmore, James: letters to, 295, 407; and property of J. Holmes, 102, 103n; instructions to, re work at Monticello, 295; letters from cited, 295n, 701, 702, 703; and conduct of Stewart, 407; and management of nailery, 407; TJ’s high opinion of, 407n; letters to cited, 703 Direct Tax (1798): payment of, 101; commissioners, 136, 543, 675, 702; opposition to, 428n, 443-4, 449n Discourses Concerning Government (Algernon Sidney), 565n District of Columbia: commissioners, ix,

198-200, 313, 314n, 370, 371, 372n, 647n; sale of lots in, xli, 198-200, 202-3, 487n, 647-8n; letters to, from commissioners, 51-2, 225-6, 234-5; market for, 51-2; Marine barracks in, 198-200, 202-3; temporary building for House of Representatives, 225, 234-5; building regulations in, 225-6; superintendent of public buildings, 225n; Republicans in, 303-4; divided into counties, 304n, 692-3n; militia, 304n; appropriation of lots for public use, 334-6; bridges in, 335-6n; letters from commissioners cited, 335-6n, 698; U.S. circuit court, 485-6; alterations to plan of, 647-8; collection of internal revenues in, 652; taxes, 6923. See also Georgetown, D.C.; Washington, D.C. D’Ivernois, François, 154n Dobell, Peter, 415 Dollond, Peter, 272, 436n Dolomieu, Dieudonné Sylvain Guy Tancrède (Déodat de Gratet de), 293, 294n Donald, Alexander, 272n Donath, Josiah, 48n Donnisison, William, 670n Dougherty, Joseph: clothing for, 488-9; marriage of, 565-6; handles payments, 598n; personal account with TJ, 705; stable accounts, 706, 707, 708 Douglas, Charles: letter to, 471; letters from, 117-18, 467-8; seeks appointment, 117-18; identiAed, 118n; requests vaccine matter, 467-8, 471 Douglas, Susannah Randolph, 117, 468 Dowse, Edward: letter from, 88; defends S. Nicholson, 88; identiAed, 88n; letter from cited, 88n D’Oyley, Daniel, 187, 221 Drayton, John: letter to, 374; letters from, 157-8, 674-6; recommended by Hunter, 6; advises on appointments, 136n; and return of French prisoners, 157-8, 304-5, 374, 674-5; identiAed, 157n; View of South Carolina, 157n; appoints commissioner of Direct Tax, 543n, 675; letter to cited, 543n, 699; and state militia, 675-6 Drayton, Stephen: letter from, 391-2; seeks appointment, 391-2; identiAed, 391-2n Drayton, William Henry: Memoirs, 157n Droit des Gens (Emmerich de Vattel), 500-1, 502n

< 721>

INDEX Duane, Elizabeth, 72, 74n Duane, Margaret Bache, 74n, 298 Duane, William: letter to, 169-70; letters from, 71-4, 168-9, 296-300; recommends aspirants for oDce, 71-4, 1689; seeks patronage, 71-4, 296-300; bookselling, stationery business of, 72, 74n, 169, 298, 299; family of, 72, 74n, 298; supplies books for Library of Congress, 72, 74n; sedition trial of, 73, 74n, 169-70, 297-8, 300n, 583-4, 597-8; as reference, 113; citizenship of, challenged, 213-14n, 297, 298, 424-5; imprisoned for contempt, 21316, 297, 298, 300n; letter forwarded to, 239; sends political news, 296300; Anancial diDculties of, 299; and payment of overdue subscriptions, 574; publishes Liston’s letters, 584. See also Aurora (Philadelphia) Ducarne de Blangy, Jacques Joseph: letter from, 495-6; proposal for rescuing ships in distress, 495-6; A la Nation Française, 495-6n; identiAed, 496n duels, 151n, 388n Duer, William, 539n DuAef, Nicolas Gouin, 418n Dugnani, Antonio: Short forwards letter from, 293; letter from cited, 293n Duke, Henry, 684, 685n Dunbar, William, 561 Duncan, David, 573, 704 Dunham, Aaron, 517-18 Dunlap, James, 102 Du Ponceau, Peter Stephen, 215, 418n, 628n du Pont, Victorine, 617, 619, 620n, 651 du Pont, Victor Marie, 620n du Pont de Nemours, Éleuthère Irénée: plan to manufacture gunpowder, 61720, 651 Du Pont de Nemours, Françoise Robin Poivre: travels to Washington, 358, 359, 617, 619; exchanges regards with TJ, 619, 620, 651 Du Pont de Nemours, Pierre Samuel: letter to, 651; letter from, 617-20; proposal to purchase military clothing, 82, 85n; travels to Washington, 358, 359, 617, 619; forwards letters, 361-2, 400, 620n; plan to manufacture gunpowder, 617-20, 651 DuVal, William, 307, 360, 398, 410 Duvall, Gabriel: letter from cited, 192n, 698; recommends Harwood, 192n Dwight, Timothy, 94n, 344, 345n, 369n

D’Wolf (DeWolf), Charles, 146-7n D’Wolf (DeWolf), James, 146-7n D’Wolf (DeWolf), John, 146-7n Dyke, Bate: letter from, 89; plan for navigation, 89 Eagle (U.S. brig), 365-6, 367n Eagle Iron Works (Philadelphia), 46n Eastern Branch. See Anacostia River East Indies, 609n Eaton, William, 31n, 160n eclipses, 172n, 183-4 economics, 418 Eddins, Samuel: letter from cited, 704; recommended for oDce, 704 Edgehill (Randolph estate), 257, 302, 639, 649 Edinburgh, 153, 154, 322n, 628n education: puriAcation of, from French inBuences, 94n; of women, 103n, 4323, 673n; progress of, in U.S., 411-12; economics, 418; legal, 542 Edwards, Enoch: letters to, 52-3, 79, 235, 530; letters from, 89-90, 201-2, 496-7; carpets for Monticello, 52-3, 89-90, 235; TJ orders carriage from, 52-3, 79, 89-90, 201-2, 235, 496, 530 Edwards, Frances Gordon, 53, 89, 202, 235, 530 Edwards, Henry Waggaman, 301 Edwards, Jonathan, 668n Edwards, Pierpont: letter to, 606-7; letters from, 90-4, 301-2; urges removal of Federalists in Conn., 90-4, 341-2, 344n; and L. Freeman’s pardon, 242n; and New Haven remonstrance, 301-2, 606-7; supports S. Bishop’s appointment, 429; letter from cited, 703 Edwin, David, xlii, 690n Egypt: British expeditionary force, 134, 167n, 439, 441, 642, 643; French expedition to, 160n, 455n, 642, 643; battle of Alexandria, 281, 285n; scientiAc expedition to, 294n; accounts from, 309, 384, 403, 649, 671; art, 454; pyramids, 454 Elbe River, 281, 285n election of 1796, 7n, 450n election of 1800, 7n, 258, 296, 445, 523, 576 election of 1804, 344, 608, 659 electricity, 673 Elgin, Thomas Bruce, Earl of, 277 Ellery, Christopher: letter to, 265-6; letter from, 195-6; recommends A. Rob-

< 722>

INDEX bins, 195-6, 265-6; identiAed, 196n; letters from cited, 702, 703 Ellicott, Andrew: letters from, 69-70, 118-21, 183-5, 248-51; recommends Ingels, 69-70; navigation improvements, 118-21; boundary survey, 119, 120, 183-5, 248-51; astronomical research, 120, 183-4, 248-9, 250; “Astronomical, and Thermometrical Observations,” 120n; pamphlet for surveyors, 183, 184n; defends Sargent, 184-5, 217n; and discovery of artifact in Northwest Terr., 251, 413n; Journal of Andrew Ellicott, 251n; and W. Jackson’s writings against Spain, 419-20; as surveyor of Federal District, 647 Ellsworth, Oliver, 344, 608 Elmer, Ebenezer, 6n Elmslie, John (Quaker), 553n Elmslie, John, Jr.: letter from, 551-4; observations on the geology of Africa, 551-4; identiAed, 553-4n embezzlement, 15n EnAeld, William, 322 Enterprize (U.S. schooner), 29 Episcopal Church, 322n Eppes, John Wayles (TJ’s son-in-law): letter to, 374-5; invited to Washington, 196, 580; purchases horses for TJ, 196, 227, 374-5, 379, 521; engaged in harvest, 374, 384, 451; invited to Monticello, 374, 384, 594, 595, 649; letters from cited, 375n, 572n, 702, 704; TJ’s aCection for, 429, 572; travels to Eppington, 580; health of, 595 Eppes, Mary JeCerson (Maria, Polly, Mrs. John Wayles Eppes, TJ’s daughter): letters to, 196-7, 428-9, 571-2; letter from, 378-9; invited to Monticello, ix-x, 374, 378-9, 384, 428-9, 451, 571-2, 580, 595, 649; pregnancy, x; invited to Washington, 111, 196-7, 428-9; health of, 196, 374, 384, 451, 595, 639; correspondence with TJ, 196-7, 200; TJ’s aCection for, 375; Lafayette sends regards to, 404; travels to Eppington, 451, 571, 580; harpsichord for, 579n; at Edgehill, 639 Eppington, Va., 196, 378, 429, 451, 580 Erie: collection district, 572, 682 Erie, Lake, 83, 87n, 491 Erving, George W.: letter to, 176; letter from, 261-2; and books for Library of Congress, 74n; oCered, accepts Lisbon

consulship, 176, 261-2; identiAed, 176n; appointed consul at London, 429; travels with Jacob Lewis, 656-7 Esch, Henry, 152-4 Essex (U.S. frigate), 29, 263-4 Essex Junto, 546, 548n, 608, 616, 626, 660, 668n Estimate of the Comparative Strength of Britain during the Present and Four Preceding Reigns (George Chalmers), 324 Ethis de Corny, Anne Mangeot. See Corny, Anne Mangeot Ethis de Ethis de Corny, Louis Dominique. See Corny, Louis Dominique Ethis de Etruria, 691, 692n Europe: considers Americans enlightened, thinking people, 538; republicanism in, 538; Grand Tour, 628n Euryalus, 386 Eustis, William, 207n Evans, GriDth, 696n Evans, John: letter from cited, 702 Ewing, James: letter from cited, 43n, 697; seeks to retain oDce, 43n Examiner (Richmond), 101. See also Jones, Meriwether exequaturs, 657n Exiles: A Tragedy (John Daly Burk), 389n Experiment (U.S. schooner), 29, 30, 330 facsimiles, 414 Fair, William, 676n Falmouth, Eng., 149 Fantrees (Fontrees), Valentine, 5, 110, 390, 701 Faris, George, 595 Farmer’s Journal (Danbury, Conn.), 56 Farnsworth, Oliver, 146, 147n farriers, 102 Fauchet, Jean Antoine Joseph, 260 Faw, Abraham: letter from, 20; seeks appointment, 20 Federalist: Containing Some Strictures upon a Pamphlet, Entitled, “The Pretensions of Thomas JeCerson to the Presidency, examined, and the Charges against John Adams, refuted” (Tench Coxe), 449, 450n Federalists: in Conn., vii, xliii, 90-4, 105, 246-7n, 255, 301-2, 309, 341-3, 3445n, 377, 431, 518-20, 547, 557n, 6067, 610, 660; misinterpret Inaugural Address, vii, 606, 626; in army, viii,

< 723>

INDEX Federalists (cont.) 22, 96, 629; attorneys as, 3, 195, 592, 593; in Ga., 3, 592-4; in N.J., 5-6, 78, 517n; called aristocrats, 6, 105; in S.C., 7n, 15n, 187, 188n, 221; compromise with, impossible, 17, 246n, 546; and Great Britain, 17, 77-8, 612; leaders irreconcilable, 17, 66, 105, 258-9, 262, 265, 340, 431, 466, 518, 546, 616, 625, 626, 659-60; lose public support, 17, 340, 608; in New England, 17, 21, 23, 105, 343-4, 518-20, 538-9, 546-7; in R.I., 17, 146-7n, 195, 340-1, 518, 608; in Vt., 17, 76, 601-2; associated with monarchy, 20, 93, 443, 445, 472-3, 513-14, 518-19, 547, 616-17, 625-6, 684; in Va., 20, 228, 258-9, 494, 574; in Boston, 21, 344, 660; in Mass., 21, 105, 130, 218-19, 220n, 343-4, 515-16, 548n, 608, 65862, 667, 674n; in New York City, 21, 514n; in N.Y., 21, 76, 77n, 127n, 2234, 256, 309-10n, 316-17, 513-14, 608, 609n; in Pa., 21, 95-6, 296, 329n, 340, 442, 445-6, 492, 536; in Philadelphia, 21, 72, 168, 269-70, 425n, 426; printers, newspapers, 21, 76, 246n, 389n, 405, 445, 446, 516, 517n, 547, 549, 594, 601-2, 659-60, 684; removal of, expected, urged, 21, 78, 91-4, 187, 223-4, 228, 255, 296-7, 301-2, 309-10n, 316-17, 329n, 340-5, 426, 444-5, 518-19, 592, 593, 612, 616, 660-1; and militias, 22, 246n; Constitution threatened by, 23, 213, 223-4, 228, 466, 472-3, 513, 546; seized by frenzy, madness, 66, 76, 658; attempt to block TJ’s nominations, 66-7, 446; interfere with postal service, 72, 95, 377, 536, 559, 573-4, 577, 585, 592, 594; called Tories, British party, 77, 213-14n, 215, 219, 228, 297, 310n, 513, 522, 574, 588n, 593, 612; speculate in B.U.S. stocks, 88n; clergy allied with, 92-3, 255, 259, 342, 515-16, 606-7; party organization of, 92-3; threaten disunion, 93; removal of, for political opinions unjust, 95, 177, 372, 445, 465; threaten, use economic reprisals, 95, 187, 221, 298-9, 427, 472, 517n, 593, 662; threaten, remove Republican subordinates, 113-14, 168, 272, 296, 297, 317, 445, 585, 635-6, 662, 684; former Loyalists among, 126n, 213-14n, 297, 316-17, 513, 616, 684; in Me., 129; in

N.H., 129, 520; judiciary dominated by, 129-30, 197, 213, 228, 445, 487, 591-2, 593; appointment of, opposed, 177, 492; renewed opposition by, expected, 177, 218-19, 246n, 608, 609n, 612, 621, 659-60; return to Republican ranks, 258, 265, 484, 489, 518, 658-61; in navy, 296; jury packing by, 297, 386, 627n; in Md., 340; plan for election of 1804, 344, 608, 659; will accept some removals, 426, 442-3, 612; removals would unite, 431, 51819; monopolize public oDces, 443, 467, 555-6, 591-3, 635, 644, 671, 684; attempt to thwart TJ’s election, 445; appointments to reconcile, 466, 520; in Del., 467, 487, 588n, 612, 616-17; in N.C., 483-4; refuse to resign from oDce, 489-90; Batter J. Adams, 512; support among, for TJ’s administration, 523, 539, 546-7, 601, 658-61; TJ accused of punishing, 536; Essex Junto, 546, 548n, 608, 616, 626, 660, 668n; in southern states, 547; and restoration of the Berceau, 547-50; in Miss. Terr., 560-1; oDces their source of strength, 612; favor strong executive branch, 616, 625, 665-6; TJ considers most to be republicans, 616-17, 625-6; divisions among, 660 Felice, Cyrille, 263-4 Female Humane Association (Baltimore), 432-3 Female Patriotism, Or The Death of Joan d’Arc (John Daly Burk), 389n Fenner, Arthur: letter to, 266; letters from, 70-1, 121; congratulates TJ, 701; and address by R.I. legislature to TJ, 71n, 189n; letters from cited, 71n, 697, 701; and Howell, 121, 145-6, 266; forwards letters, 144; letter to cited, 189n, 698 Fenwick, Joseph, 334n Fenwick, Mason & Co. (Georgetown), 304n, 334n Ferdinand III, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 691-2 Ferdinand IV, King of Naples, 51 Ferguson, David, 102 Ferguson, Hugh: letter from, 122-3; seeks appointment, 122-3 Ferrer y Cafranga, José Joaquín, 120-1n ferries, 567n Ferrol, Spain, 642, 643 Few, Catherine Nicholson, 318n Few, William, 318, 474

< 724>

INDEX Ags, 49, 598 Filbert, Peter: letter from, 523-5; advises on appointments, 471n, 523-5; letter from cited, 525n Findley, William: letter from, 95-7; advises on Pa. appointments, 95-7 Areplaces, 46n Ares: insurance against, 56-7, 684, 685n Arewood, 102 First Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England. Or, A Commentary upon Littleton (Sir Edward Coke), 535, 536n Ash: ordered by TJ, 4-5, 109, 185 Fish, Nicholas, 127, 158n, 164-5, 256 Fisher, Elisha, 332 Fisher, Philip, 707 Bags: exchanged by U.S. and France, 260, 261n Bax, 457 Fleurieu, Charles Pierre Claret, 286n Flint River, 183 Flood, Joseph: letter to, 490-1; letter from, 458-60; congratulates, thanked by TJ, 458-60, 490-1 Booring, 312n Florida: marking of U.S.-Spanish boundary, 119, 120, 183-4; governor of, 125n; rumored to have been ceded to France, 186, 205; Spanish militia in, 216; acquisition of, urged, 456; Catholics in, 599n Flower, Benjamin, 69, 70n Foncin, John, 81 Fontrees. See Fantrees (Fontrees), Valentine Forbes, John Murray, 415, 433 Forlorn Hope (New York City), 514-15n Forrest, Uriah, 225, 614n Fortune, Michael: letter from, 417-18; sends TJ a copy of “JeCerson and Liberty,” 417-18; identiAed, 417-18n Fosdick, Nicholl, 344n Fossett, Joseph (1780-1858, Joe, TJ’s slave), 104n fossils, 630-1 Foster, Theodore: letters to, 66-7, 266-7; letters from, 144-7, 607-10, 632-5; and R.I. politics, appointments, 66-7, 1447, 266-7, 607-10; health of, 607, 609; plans annual publication, 609, 632-5; antiquarian interests, 610n; letter from cited, 701 Fourth of July. See Independence Day Fowler, Alexander, 489, 490n Fowler, John: letter from cited, 232-3n, 698; recommends W. Carr, 232-3n

Fox (brig), 49 Foxall, Henry, 46 Frailey, Peter: letter from, 523-5; recommends aspirants for oDce, 355n, 5235; advises on appointments, 471n; letter from cited, 525n France Agriculture horticulture, 306n, 337, 339; agronomy, 496n; improved state of, 503 Art interest in Egyptian art, 455n Economy whale oil imported from U.S., 455n Foreign Relations with Spain, 59; with Austria, 284; with German states, 284, 286n; with Batavian Republic, 554n Navy blockade of Sémillante, 230, 267; in W. Indies, 260; American oDcers in, 260-1; gunboats, 282; weakness of, 282; reinforced by Spanish navy, 642, 643 Politics and Government Conseil d’État, xli-xlii, 356 (illus.), 424n; coup of 18 Brumaire, xlii, 424n, 438, 440; Tribunate, 423n; exile of suspected royalists, 424n; military events dominate, 503; civil code, 504 Science and Learning inBuence of French military science, 87n; philosophes, 94n; scientiAc societies, 99n; smallpox vaccination, 273, 276-7; medical schools, 277; astronomy, 293; Bureau des Longitudes, 294n; expedition to Egypt, 294n; manufacture of gunpowder, 617-18, 619 Society calendar, xli, 686; altered condition of, 403, 503-4; impact of land redistribution, 503-4 U.S. Relations with French consuls in U.S., xlii, 392n, 424n; resumption of trade, xlii; secretary of U.S. legation, 12-13, 62-4; U.S. commercial agents in, 13; and Louisiana, 111, 174-5, 186, 205, 528, 560, 646n; U.S. consul general

< 725>

INDEX France (cont.) to, 154-5; French prisoners in U.S., 157-8, 304-5, 374, 665-7, 668n, 674-5; French role in American Revolution, 207; and free ships, free goods, 253-4n, 282-3; exchange of Bags, 260, 261n; reaction to TJ’s election, 281; delays ratiAcation of Convention of 1800, 282-3, 450; and treaty of amity and commerce, 283, 286n, 498-9, 502n; French attitudes toward U.S., 310; Americans in French service, 391-2; and granting of passports, 397; U.S. market for French goods, 439, 441; friendly relations with France encouraged, 466-7, 549n, 664; and naval prizes, 498-9, 547-50, 568-70, 586, 596-7, 662-7, 668n; consular convention between U.S. and France, 570n; immigrants to U.S., 571; French consul general, 649n; French minister plenipotentiary, 649n War with Britain and Second Coalition prospects of peace with Britain, 50, 99, 134, 167n, 281-2, 284, 438-9, 440-1, 474; armistice with Naples, 51; in Egypt, 134, 160n, 282, 285n, 439, 441, 455n, 642, 643; considers expedition to England, 282; occupies forts on Rhine, 284, 286n; treaty with Portugal, 286n Francis’s hotel (Philadelphia), 473 Franklin, Benjamin: commissioner in Paris, 64n, 261n, 442n; family of, 72, 87n, 298; “Rules by which a Great Empire may be reduced to a Small One,” 435, 436n; and T. Coxe, 446; age of, 555 Franklin, Robinson & Co. (New York City), 474 fraud: insurance, 79n; ship’s register, 531-4 Frazier, James, 281n Frederick, Prince, Duke of York and Albany, 273 Frederick II, King of Prussia (Frederick the Great), 634 Fredericksburg, Va., 109n Frederick William III, King of Prussia, 73n Freeman, John, 208n, 489

Freeman, Lewis: letter from, 240-2; seeks pardon, 240-2, 396 Freemasons, 689n French Guiana, 424n French language: Livingston, Gerry unable to speak, 12, 292-3; spoken by U.S. consuls, consular candidates, 49, 63, 146, 155, 248, 310, 331-2; TJ translates Volney’s Ruines, 438, 440, 441n French Revolution: support for, 99n; resistance to, 293, 294n; refugees, 3367, 338-9; impact of, 503-4 Freneau, Peter, 221n Freneau, Philip, 476-7n Frethy, Edward: account with TJ, 210 Friends, Society of, 553n, 581 Fries, John, 428n Frost, Amariah: letter from cited, 699 Frost, Elisha, 241 Furman, Gabriel, 514n Gage, Captain (Boston), 362 Gallagher, John, 529n Gallatin, Albert: letters to, 242, 396-8, 582, 644-5; letters from, 136, 158-9, 170-1, 190, 226-7, 243, 279-80, 318, 318-19, 320, 339-40, 354-5, 3567, 379-81, 392-3, 460, 476-7, 517-18, 525-6, 531-4, 543, 543-4, 572-3, 6356, 637, 651-6, 678-81, 681-2, 683; letters from cited, 171n, 381n, 502-3n, 543n, 698, 699, 702; letter to cited, 357n, 698 Personal ACairs prepares for residence in Washington, 242; TJ invites to dinner, 242 Politics as reference, 96, 123n, 528; source for news of Pa. politics, 96; appointment of Joel Lewis, 563-4, 683 Secretary of the Treasury draft circular to collectors, vii-viii, 635-6, 644-5; Report on Collection of Internal Revenues, viii, 651-6, 677n; urges reorganization of internal revenue oDces, viii, 318-19; applications to, for appointments, 6n, 103n, 128n, 355n, 470, 476n, 483, 485n, 489, 490n, 603, 672n; appointed, 22, 110, 111, 112; advises on appointments, 36, 158-9, 310n, 476-7, 480n, 543-4, 681-2; Federal-

< 726>

INDEX Gallatin, Albert (cont.) ists attempt to thwart nomination, 66-7n, 446; advises on Mediterranean squadron, 114-15, 308; attends cabinet meetings, 114-15, 326; and collection of Direct Tax in S.C., 136, 543; and Duane’s sedition trial, 169-70, 297; and conduct of McLane, 170-1, 392-3; and remission of Callender’s Ane, 190; case of S. Nicholson, 207; operation of General Stamp ODce, 226-7, 31819; confusion over Perth Amboy collectorship, 243; Priestman’s case, 279-80, 320, 460; Report on Delinquent Collectors, 280-1; and British debt claims, 316, 326; and appointment for Habersham, 318, 476; and Mullowny’s case, 339-40; and T. Coxe, 354-5, 476; and revenue cutters, 356-7, 527n, 637, 644; comments on J. Clark’s account, 371-2; and granting of passports, 379-81, 396-8; and P. Edwards’s letter, 429; criticized by clerks, 446; case of the Betsy Cathcart, 502-3n; and Dunham’s removal, 517-18; circular on health certiAcates, 525-6; investigation of W. Watson, 531-4; leave of absence for comptroller, 550; collector for Michilimackinac, 572-3, 582; marine hospitals, 678-81, 682n Gallatin, Hannah Nicholson, 193, 242, 318n gambling, 327 Ganges (U.S. ship), 278, 339-40, 367n Gantt, Edward, 462, 471, 581, 640 Gantt, John Mackall, 336n, 647 gardens, 420-1 Gardner, William (N.H.), 357n, 449n Gardner, William P., 71, 73n Garrard, James: letter from cited, 2323n, 698; recommends W. Carr, 232-3n Garrett, Alexander: letter from cited, 702 Gary, Captain, 11 Gates, Horatio, 386, 391n, 406, 690n Gatier, R.: letter from cited, 685n, 699; seeks to be TJ’s steward, 685n Gaullier, John F.: letters from, 108-9, 477-9; seeks appointment, 108-9, 4779; identiAed, 109n Gazette of the United States (Philadelphia), 419-20n, 517n

Geismar, Baron von: letter from, 46870; business aCairs, 468-70; letter to cited, 470n Gelston, David, 127, 513, 515n General Greene (U.S. frigate), 30, 330, 433-4 Genet, Edmond Charles, 253-4n, 391-2, 601 Geneva, 152, 153, 276 Geneva, Academy of, 154n geology, 99n, 504n, 551-3 George III, King of Great Britain: illness of, 166, 167n; and U.S. trade with Spain, 278; opens Mediterranean bases to U.S. Navy, 646, 649, 650, 671, 683-4 Georgetown, D.C.: iron foundry in, 46n; banks, 113, 304n; merchants, 304n, 334n, 647n; turnpike from, suggested, 456; newspapers, 475, 603n George Washington (U.S. ship), 29, 115n, 330 Georgia: attorneys, 3, 592-3; district attorney, 3; Federalists in, 3, 592-4; courts, 3-4, 455n; Republicans in, 3-4, 592-4; U.S. district court, 4n, 593, 594n; seeks Creek cessions, 129, 130n, 456, 506, 558, 559-60n; Tallassee Co., 129, 558, 559-60n; Cumberland Island, 248; lacks desirable appointments, 318; Council of Safety, 391n; boundaries, 421; clergy, 455; Presbyterians, 455n; and roads to western states, 456-7, 458, 506; collection of internal revenues in, 543, 652; digest of laws, 592; marshal for, 592, 593; postal service, 592, 594; U.S. attorney for, 592; newspapers, 594; marine hospitals, 680. See also Augusta, Ga.; Savannah, Ga. German language: spoken by U.S. consuls, consular candidates, 49; letters to TJ written in, 72, 75n, 156n; publications in, 449n, 689, 690n Germans: in Pa., 296, 689 German states: immigrants from, 71, 73n, 74-5; and smallpox vaccination, 276; and French troops along Rhine, 284, 286n Gerry, Elbridge: letter from, 21-4; advises on politics, 21-4; relationship with J. Adams, 22-3; and Short, 292-3 Gerry, Samuel R., 281n Gibbon, James, 100 Gibbons, Thomas, 592, 593

< 727>

INDEX Gibbs, Caleb: letter from, 393-4; seeks appointment, 393-4; identiAed, 394n Gibraltar: smallpox vaccination at, 277; British naval base at, 646, 649, 650, 671, 684 Gibson, Patrick, 521n, 685n Gibson & JeCerson: letter to, 227; handle TJ’s business aCairs in Richmond, 47, 53, 100n, 185, 227, 230-1, 236n, 240, 398, 521n, 595n, 685n; letters from cited, 521n, 685n, 699; and sale of TJ’s tobacco, 595n. See also JeCerson, George Gideon, Jacob, 320 Giles, William Branch: letter from, 2279; urges removal of Federalists, 227-9; travels to Washington, 228, 229-30; letters from cited, 704 Gilman, Nicholas, 82, 85n, 429 Gilmor, Robert, & Sons, 14n Gilpin, George: forwards boxes for TJ, 637, 638n; letters to, from cited, 638n Gilpin, Samuel, 637 ginger, 638n girandoles, 135 Girard, Stephen, 45n Glancy, Jesse: letter to, 65; letter from, 7-8; declares support for TJ, 7-8; thanked by TJ, 65 glass, 47-8 Glass, The (Cherokee chief): heads Cherokee delegation, ix, 505-8; reply to address by, 508-11 Glover, Richard, 386 Godoy y Álvarez de Faria, Manuel de, 641, 643 Goes, Maarten van der, 209n gold, 480, 506, 567 Goldsmith, Lewis: letter from, 149; Crimes of Cabinets, 149; sends books to TJ, 149; identiAed, 149n Gooch, William, 591 Goodrich, Elizur: removal of, as collector, vii, 91, 93, 94n, 301-2, 381-3, 51920, 547, 555-6, 557n; appointed professor of law, 94n Goodwin, George, 601, 602n Goodwin (Goodwyn), Charles, 7n, 15, 221 Gordon, Adam, 694-5 Gordon, Ambrose, 592, 593 Gourlay, Robert, 11, 53, 611 Govan, James, 44, 101 Govan & Weir (London), 44 Governor Jay (revenue cutter), 356n

GraC, John, 428n Granger, Erastus, 105 Granger, Gideon: letters to, 17, 610; letters from, 105-6, 518-21; exchanges political news, 17, 105-6; health of, 105, 342, 520, 610; advises on Conn. appointments, 341-2, 344n, 518-21, 610 Grave Creek, Va., 492, 493n Gray, Lloyd, 707 Great Britain Agriculture Board of Agriculture, 414n Economy market for U.S. agriculture, 54, 351; shortage of grain, 167n Foreign Relations with Denmark, 60, 61n, 285n; embargo of Baltic and North Sea ports, 281, 285n; with Russia, 281, 285n; with Portugal, 284; with Prussia, 285n; with Sweden, 285n; with Batavian Republic, 554n Laws contempt and libel, 213, 214, 216n; principles of neutral rights, 251-3; admiralty courts, 261n, 501, 502n, 533n, 671, 684; ownership of prizes, 320-1, 321n, 497-502, 586 Navy attacks Danish Beet, 61n, 285n; impressment of American seamen, 67, 291, 294n, 296, 671, 684; blockades the Sémillante, 230, 267; and smallpox vaccination, 276-7; strength of, 281-2, 439, 441; blockades Le Havre, 284, 286n, 450-1, 618, 619; enters Baltic Sea, 285n; threatened by combined French and Spanish Beets, 642, 643 Politics and Government deAnitions of citizenship, 32; change of ministry, 50, 51n, 134, 324; fear of revolutions, 436n; political parties, 465 Science and Learning medical training, 117; learned societies, 153, 154; meridian at Greenwich, 184; smallpox vaccination, 273, 276-7, 468

< 728>

INDEX Great Britain (cont.) Society Jews in, 149n; impact of immigration on, 434-5; Annual Register, 634-5; Puritans, 668n U.S. Relations with and American political parties, 17, 778, 522, 612; and extraditions, 26, 27n, 125, 163-4, 206; immigrants to U.S., 46n, 77n, 89, 126n, 199n, 221, 242n, 312n; Britain nominates U.S. consuls, 49; interference with U.S. shipping, 58, 260, 261n, 282, 31011, 531, 603, 613n; spoliation claims, 176n; dispute over neutral rights, 251-4, 254-5, 282-4; reaction to TJ’s election, 281; resolution of debt claims, 323-7, 649, 696; preRevolutionary War trade with U.S., 324; and granting of passports, 397-8; and Louisiana, 419n, 646n; detains Benjamin Franklin, 450, 451n; accuses U.S. customs oDcers of fraud, 532, 533-4n; opens Mediterranean bases to U.S. Navy, 646, 649, 650, 671, 683-4; TJ seeks friendly relations with, 646, 671, 684; refuses to issue exequatur, 657n; reforms admiralty courts, 671, 684 War with France and Two Sicilies, 49-50, 133; prospects for peace, 50, 99, 134, 167n, 281-2, 284, 438-41, 474; signs armistice with Denmark, 60; and Egypt, 134, 167n, 281-2, 285n, 439, 441, 642-3; defense against French invasion, 281, 285n; seizes Cape of Good Hope, 554n; and league of armed neutrality, 642-3 Greene, Ray: receives erroneous commission, 66, 131-2, 145; resigns from Senate, 195, 196n; supports D. L. Barnes’s appointment, 341 Greenup, Christopher, 232n Greenwich, England, 184, 249 Greetham, William, 379, 381n, 396 Gregg, Andrew, 355n Grenville, William Wyndham, Lord, 323-4 GriDth, William, 213-14n GriDths, Elijah: letter from, 269-70;

makes recommendations, oCers opinions, 269-70 Grigsby, Joseph, 494 Griswold, Roger, 94n Griswold, Stanley, 377, 493 Grotius, Hugo: De Jure Belli ac Pacis, 254n, 500, 502n Groves, Matthew: letter from, 687-9; seeks appointment, 687-9; letter from cited, 689n Grubb, George Gray, 257, 258n Grymes, Ariana, 11, 44, 53, 97, 101, 611 Grymes, Charles Wyndham: letter to, 53-4; letters from, 11-12, 97-8; asks TJ to be guardian, 11-12, 53-4, 97-8, 611; and estate of Ariana Randolph, 44, 101 Grymes, John Randolph, 44 Grymes, Mary, 11, 44, 53, 97, 101, 611 Grymes, Philip, 11 Guadeloupe, W.I., 570n Guardian of Liberty (Newport), 146, 147n Guerard, Robert G., 281n Gulliver’s Travels (Jonathan Swift), 457-8n Gunnell, Presly, 304 gunpowder, 82, 617-20, 651 gypsum. See plaster of paris Habersham, Joseph: as postmaster general, 95, 110; complaints against, 11314, 536-7, 549, 585; oCered new appointment, 318, 476; and Yazoo companies, 318n; and postal contracts, 396; alters postal routes, 536-7, 549 HadAeld, George, 600 Hahn, Christian G.: letter from cited, 697; letter to cited, 702 Halifax, Nova Scotia, 671n Hall, Benjamin, 207n Hall, Daniel, 136n Hall, David, 467n, 612 Hall, Dominick A., 188n Ham, William, 356 Hamburg, Germany: Danes evacuate, 281, 285n; consul at, 415, 474, 605-6; merchants, 473, 504 Hamersly, R., Jr.: letter to, 65; letter from, 7-8; declares support for TJ, 78; thanked by TJ, 65 Hamilton, Alexander: as opposition leader, 256, 473, 616, 626, 660-1; as secretary of the Treasury, 381n, 397,

< 729>

INDEX Hamilton, Alexander (cont.) 449; and American Revolution, 394n; pro-British sentiments of, 522; calls for “phalanx” of opposition, 608, 609n; and Saint-Domingue constitution, 638n Hamilton, John, 26, 163-4, 173, 206 Hamilton, Paul, 6, 7n Hamilton, Robert, 130, 131n, 563 Hammer, Frédéric L.: letter from, 98-9; seeks plant, animal specimens, 98-9; identiAed, 99n Hammond, George, 254n Hampton, Wade: letter from, 460-1; recommended by Hunter, 7; oCered, declines postmaster generalship, 460-1; identiAed, 461n; letter to cited, 461n, 698 hams: TJ orders, 18, 54, 100, 101, 185, 227, 229; exported to Britain, 54; price of, 185 Hancock, John, 162 Hand, Edward, 95, 355, 444 Hanna, John A., 355n Hanover, Germany, 285n Hanse, Conrad, 52, 90, 201, 496, 530 Hanson, Samuel, 208n, 304 Hardware River (Albemarle Co.), 327 Harison, Richard, 91-2 Harpers Ferry, Va., 83, 86n harpsichords, 579 Harris, John (military storekeeper), 69 Hartford, Conn., 43n Harvard College: expulsions from, 16n; graduates, 41n, 132n, 219n, 674n; as Federalist stronghold, 219, 516, 659; museum, 413; commencement ceremonies at, 659 Harwood, Thomas, 191-2 Haswell, Anthony: letters from, 75-7, 601-2; seeks printing contract, 75-7; identiAed, 77n; newspapers in Vt., 601-2 Hatch, Israel, 683 Hauterive, Alexandre Maurice Blanc de Lanautte d’: State of the French Republic, 149 Havana, Cuba, 217, 279n, 332, 340n, 531 Hawkesbury, Robert Banks Jenkinson, 324, 325, 646n Hawkins, Benjamin: appointed Indian commissioner, 129, 130n, 507, 558, 560n; as Creek agent, 250, 490 Hawkins, John Isaac, 257 Hawkins, Jonah L., 102

Haxall, William, 100, 375, 521 hay, 102 Hay, George: and extradition of H. Jones, 164n; recommended by Monroe, 399; letter from cited, 399n, 698 Hay, Rebecca Brodnax, 399 health certiAcates, 525-6 Heard, John, 130, 131n, 243 Heath, William, 81, 85n Helmbold, George: letters from, 79-80, 689-90; publishes portrait of TJ, xlii; and assistance for G. Stuart, 79-80; plan to publish American Gallery, 689-90; seeks contract to print laws in German, 689-90; letter from cited, 690n; seeks appointment, 690n Helvétius, Anne Catherine de Ligneville, 439, 441, 442n hemp, 30-1, 457 Henderson, Bennett (d. 1793), 540n Henderson, J., 540, 567 Henderson, William (Pa.), 168-9 Henley, David, 83, 86n Herald (U.S. ship), 16, 330 Herald of Liberty (Washington, Pa.), 269 Hermann, Jean, 98, 99n Hermann, Jean Frédéric, 99n Hermione (British frigate), 26, 27n, 1634, 173 Heth, William, 704 Hichborn, Benjamin: letter to, 683-4; TJ sends foreign, political news to, 683-4 Hicks, Charles, 505, 506 Hiester, Gabriel, 355n Hiester, John, 355n Hiester, Joseph: letter from, 523-5; popularity among Germans, 296; recommends aspirants for oDce, 355n, 523-5, 704; advises on appointments, 470-1n; letter from cited, 525n, 704 Higginbotham, David, 198 Higginson, Stephen, Sr.: navy agent at Boston, 88n; hosts reception for Ellsworth, 344, 345n, 608; and restoration of the Berceau, 547-8, 596 Hill, Henry (Philadelphia), 358, 545 Hill, William Henry, 177 Hillhouse, James, 67n History of the Late War in Ireland, with an Account of the United Irish Association (John Daly Burk), 389n History of the Rise, Progress and Termination of the American Revolution (Mercy Otis Warren), 220n

< 730>

INDEX History of Virginia (John Daly Burk), 388n Hoban, James, 225, 234-5, 313, 314n Hobby, John: letter from cited, 704 Hobby, William J., 594 Hodgdon, Samuel, 69n hogs, 456, 485, 486n holidays. See Independence Day Holker, John, 539n Holland: and granting of passports, 3978. See also Batavian Republic Holland, John, 593 Hollingsworth, Levi, 425n Hollingsworth, Zebulon, 130, 131n Hollins, John, 260 Holmes (Holms), John, 102-3 Holt, Charles, 687n Homberg, A. H.: forwards pyramid model to TJ, 454n; letter from cited, 454n, 699 Homberg, Veuve, & Homberg Frères (Le Havre), 454n Hoomes, John: letter from, 99-100; sells horse to TJ, 38, 42, 99-100; letter to cited, 697; letter from cited, 704 Hopewell culture, 413-14n Hopkins, James: letter from, 573-7; distrusts postal service, congratulates TJ, 573-7; letters to, from cited, 577n Hopkins, John, Jr., 26, 161, 163n Horely, John: letter from cited, 703 horses: prices, 38, 42, 100, 227, 375, 521; TJ purchases, 38, 42, 55, 99-100, 196, 227, 374-5, 379, 521; sale of, 87n; cost to maintain, 102; breaking of, 374-5; blindness of, 375; bloodlines of, 379; Remus, 572, 580; loss of, 580; nettings, 692, 693n Horton, George, 270n Hoskins, Francis: letter from, 479-80; seeks clerkship, sends mathematical tables, 479-80; identiAed, 480n; letter from cited, 480n, 698 hospitals: marine, 26, 27n, 68n, 624n, 678-81; St. Bartholomew’s, London, 270n Hotchkiss, Obadiah, 242n House, George: seeks appointment, 357n; letter from cited, 704 Howell, David: recommended, appointed U.S. attorney, 121, 145, 178-9, 265, 266, 341; as boundary commissioner, 178 Huber, William, 706, 707 Hudson, Barzillai, 601, 602n Hudson, Christopher, 327

Hudson, N.Y., 312n Hudson Aqueduct Company, 312n Huger, John, 136n Hughes, James, 244 Hull, James F., 455 Hull, William, 81, 85n, 207n, 661 Humphreys, Clement, 296, 300n Humphreys, Daniel: The Inquirer, 55 Humphreys, David: letter from, 58-62; recommends H. Preble, 58, 61n; seeks to remain minister to Spain, 58-62; opposes navy reductions, 60-1; urges warships be sent to Mediterranean, 60-2, 221, 222n; “Thoughts on the Necessity of Maintaining a Navy,” 61; writings, 61-2n; Miscellaneous Works, 61n; “Remarks on the War Between the United States and Tripoli,” 61n; as secretary of legation, 62; recalled, 63, 309 Humphreys, Joshua, 296, 300n Hunt, Levi, 136-7 Hunt, Levi, Jr.: letter from, 136-7; seeks loan from TJ, 136-7 Hunter, John: TJ’s notes on recommendations by, 6-7; identiAed, 7n Huntington, Hezekiah, 344n Hyde, Elisha, 344n Hylton, William: letter to, 262; seeks letter of recommendation, 262; letter from cited, 698 Île de France (Mauritius): and smallpox vaccination, 275; commercial agent at, 415, 433, 536n, 656-7 Illinois: collection district, 572, 654, 682 Illinois River, 456, 457 Imlay, William: letter from, 42-3; seeks to retain oDce, 42-3; appointed commissioner of loans, 43n; identiAed, 43n; letter to cited, 43n immigrants: TJ supports rights of, 8-9; Irish, 9n, 124n, 211n, 386, 388n, 412n, 417n, 455n, 475n, 514n; rights and naturalization of, 31-6, 271-2, 425n, 434-6, 473; beneAcial to America, 34-5, 434-5; British, 46n, 77n, 89, 126n, 199n, 221, 242n, 312n; German states, 71, 73n, 74-5; indentured, 71, 74-5, 353; colonization plans for, 156, 204n; attracted to Louisiana, 174-5, 456; support Republicans, 175, 435; French, 204n, 571; Madeira, 331; Scots, 504n, 553n, 579 impeachment, 15n

< 731>

INDEX Inaugural Address (1801): Federalists misinterpret, vii, xliii, 606, 626; praise for, 8, 56, 58-9, 70, 314, 316, 455, 632-3, 669, 687; reactions to, in Europe, 58-9, 107, 403, 437-8, 440; references to, 383; publication of, 455 Independence Day: public celebrations of, viii-ix, 9n, 406; Federalists scorn TJ on, 93, 608-10; as political “passover,” 350n; D. Austin’s public discourse on, 376-7, 406, 475-6; as “birth day” of independence, 497 Independent Chronicle (Boston), 547, 549n India: U.S. trade with, 49, 88, 140n, 264n, 609n; sending smallpox vaccine to, 275; as source of saltpeter, 618, 619. See also Calcutta Indian aCairs, U.S.: annuities, presents, 83, 86n; consolidation of agencies, 83, 86n; trading houses, factories, 83, 86n; negotiations with southern tribes, 129, 130n, 384, 458, 508-9; land cessions sought from, 456-7; removal of, 456-7; domestication of, 490. See also Cherokee Indians; Chickasaw Indians; Choctaw Indians; Creek Indians Indiana Territory, 359, 652, 654 Indians: art, antiquities of, 412-14, 598-9 indigo, 216-17 Ingels, George, 69-70 Ingersoll, Jared, 297, 300n, 584 Ingle, Henry: letter from, 191; table for TJ, 191; makes blinds for TJ, 194; receives payments, 706, 707 ink powder, 194 Innes, Harry: letters from, 243-5, 394-5; letters from cited, 232n, 245n, 698, 699; recommends aspirants for oDce, 232n, 245n, 394-5; and U.S. marshal for Ky., 243-5, 394-5; as judge, 359 Innes, John, 194n Inquirer: Being an Examination of the Question lately agitated, respecting the legitimate Powers of Government (Daniel Humphreys), 55, 56n insanity, 615n insects, 99n Institutes (Justinian), 254n insurance, 56-7, 684, 685n Insurgente (frigate): capture of, 139, 140n; loss and indemniAcation for, 547, 549n, 570n, 597, 663, 668n interpreters, 505, 506 Ireland: immigrants from, 9n, 124n,

211n, 386, 388n, 412n, 417n, 455n, 475n, 514n; dissidents in, 167n, 388n, 475n; reaction to TJ’s election, 281; and consul at Dublin, 310, 311n Ireland, Joseph, 585n iron, 46, 457 Irujo, Carlos Martínez de, 419-20n, 546n Irvin, Joseph: letter from cited, 702; letter to cited, 703 Irvine, James, 211n Irvine (Irving, Irwin), Gen. William: appointed superintendent of military stores, 69n, 96, 97n, 210, 211n; and Schuylkill Arsenal, 82, 85n; and D. Duncan’s appointment, 573n, 704; and loan of tents to C. W. Peale, 686; letter from cited, 704 Islam, 404 Israel, Israel, 270n, 444 Israel, John, 269, 270n Israel, Joseph (master of Trial), 165, 166, 167n Italian language, 49 Italy, 48-9, 691. See also Leghorn (Livorno), Italy; Naples; Sicily Jackson, David, 375n, 581, 582n Jackson, Henry, 155n, 207n, 661 Jackson, James: letter to, 197; letter from, 591-5; advises on appointments, 197, 559, 591-5; identiAed, 197n Jackson, Jonathan, 547, 548n, 661 Jackson, Mary Charlotte Young, 591 Jackson, William: accused of writing “Americanus” letter, 419-20; removal of sought, 426, 428n, 444, 447, 450n Jamaica: R. Richardson’s estate in, 138n, 230-2; admiralty court at, 163, 164n, 261n; produce of, 456; American vessels taken to, 603; unhealthy climate of, 603 James River, 207 Jarvis, Charles, 661 Jarvis, Deliverance, 674n Jarvis, Elias, 674n Jarvis, William, 430n Jay, John, 63, 283, 514n, 515n Jay Treaty: ratiAcation of, 24, 260; and extradition, 125n; opposition to, 173n, 296, 300n, 351, 444; boundary issue, 178n; and free trade, 283, 286n, 351; execution of, 283-4; appropriations for, 300n; and debt claims, 323-7, 649, 696; Loyalists’ claims, 324; and

< 732>

INDEX naval prizes, 498-9; impact on Washington administration, 522 JeCerson, George: letters to, 18-19, 44, 100, 235-6, 375, 521, 684-5; letters from, 54, 101, 109, 185, 197-8, 229, 302, 376; handles TJ’s business aCairs in Richmond, 18-19, 44, 54, 100, 101, 109, 235-6, 369, 375, 376, 521, 611, 684-5; handles shipments for TJ, 44, 109, 185, 197-8, 229, 257, 302; and sale of TJ’s tobacco, 54, 100; collects payments, handles transactions for Short, 197-8, 235, 375; visits Randolphs, 327, 595; and conduct of Stewart, 376, 407; letter to cited, 407n, 698; T. M. Randolph indebted to, 595. See also Gibson & JeCerson JeCerson, Martha (Patty) Wayles Skelton (Mrs. Thomas JeCerson), 364n, 670 Jefferson, Thomas Agriculture on use of plaster of paris, 79n; agricultural investments superior to commercial, 231; experiments with strawberries, 306-7; exchanges seeds, plants with friends, 306-7n, 337, 339, 361, 481, 484n; “farmer’s cares” various and interesting, 490. See also corn; tobacco Business and Financial ACairs orders Ash, 4-5, 109, 185; orders hams, 18, 54, 100, 101, 185, 227, 229, 521; buys horses, 38, 42, 55, 99-100, 196, 227, 374-5, 379, 521; buys tools and ironmongery, 46n, 191, 194; orders carriage from Philadelphia, 52-3, 55, 79, 89-90, 194, 235, 306, 496, 530; orders cider, 55, 106, 124; sends halves of bank bills, 55, 68; payment of insurance premium, 56-7, 684, 685n; buys porcelain, 88n; newspaper subscriptions, 101, 292, 294n, 3845, 529, 577n, 603n; account with J. Holmes, 102-3; powers of attorney, 287-8, 293n; orders plaster of paris, 302; Hardware River land, 327; account with Claxton, 332-3; buys Henderson property, 540, 5678; lime and limestone, 574-5; harpsichord for Mary J. Eppes, 579; covers obligation for T. M. Randolph, 595; land rentals, 595; salt-

peter mining on Rockbridge Co. lands, 674n; orders horse nettings, 692, 693n. See also Barnes, John; Gibson & JeCerson; JeCerson, George; Monticello; Short, William Character and Image mingles freely with citizens, viii-ix; defender of the Constitution, 18, 65, 271, 512; “father” to all Republicans, 75; friend to arts and science, 75, 80, 120, 387, 432, 471, 551; humility of, 141, 142, 575; friend to agriculture, 147-8; friend to commerce, manufacturing, 189, 314; criticized for lodging boarders at President’s House, 245-6; friend to humanity, 349n; lacks prejudices, 349n; praised as philosopher, man of letters, 349n; will unite the county, 349n; reputation in Va., 368; leader of a nation, not a party, 431, 538; political power backed by “negro” majority, 644 Correspondence on corresponding with governors, 247, 161-2, 173-4, 205; receives anonymous letters, 41, 455-8, 581, 582, 630-1, 644, 703; diminution of European correspondence, 143n, 670; and copying press, 193, 194n; urges Mary J. Eppes to write more often, 196-7, 200, 428; too busy to write often, 257, 671; declines writing letters of recommendation, 262; oDcial vs. unoDcial correspondence, 262; uses caution, disguise in writing, sending letters, 296, 559, 658; plan of correspondence with J. W. Eppes, 428; and interception of mail, 574, 585; receives letters from the insane, 615n; accidentally sends unsealed letter, 631-2 Governor of Virginia and W. Rose, 364n Law and contempt of court, 213; naval prizes, 320-1, 547-50, 568-70, 5867; judges should be given opportunity to do right, 597-8 Library books obtained for, 19, 107, 149, 287, 328, 455n, 504n, 544, 598n, 706; subscribes to H. Blair’s sermons, 322n

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INDEX 224, 264-5, 309, 343, 610, 616, 625; removals needed to restore Republican unity, 127; judiciary removals, 129-30, 131n, 197, 449n; criticizes J. K. Read’s recommendation, 164n; and Sargent’s removal, 217n; “general sweep” in Conn., 309, 342-3, 431, 547; reappoints Republicans, 357n, 447; opposes removals for diCerence of opinion, 372, 401, 402, 416-17, 490; reduction of useless oDces, 372-3, 384, 398-9; can only appoint oDces of Arst grade, 401; discourages applicants, 401, 489-90; appointment of clerks, 429; sends blank commissions, 543n, 681-2; postpones appointments, 559; cabinet unanimous on removal policy, 610; Republican appointees must be above exception, 640; and “electioneering” by Federal oDcers, 644; appointment of Revolutionary War veterans, 690n

Jefferson, Thomas (cont.) Minister to France secretaries, 62-3, 64n; receives honorary degree, 137n; and Lormerie’s purchase, 204n; residence in Paris, 294n, 693; and Rochon, 294n; and Volney, 442n; and Hombergs, 454n; and D. Parker, 539n; and C. BulAnch, 693 Nailery Stewart placed in charge of, 104, 111, 376, 407; blacksmiths at, 104n; nailrod and iron stock for, 227, 595n; account with S. Clarke, 494, 495n Opinions on Washington society, ix, 173, 196, 200, 235, 245-6, 257, 409, 429; secretary of legation a diplomatic apprenticeship, 62; on diplomatic appointments, 63; on Callender, 205; on agricultural vs. commercial investments, 231; connection between virtue and happiness, 322; simple systems the most manageable, 373; dislikes poetry, 400-1; criticizes form of territorial government, 562n; on marriage, 566n; time an imperfect medicine, 670 Patronage and Appointments principles regarding removals, vii, 68, 556, 606; reply to New Haven merchants, vii, 554-8, 606, 626, 644, 658, 672n; Republicans entitled to share of oDces, vii-viii, 197, 309, 433, 546-7, 555-6, 591-2, 606, 616, 644, 671, 684; notes on patronage, 6-7; Federalists criticize, 17; fears Senate will reject nominations, 66-7, 372, 426; recess appointments, 67n, 110n, 208n, 561n; removals due to misconduct and delinquency, 68, 125-6n, 127, 130, 281n, 532, 556, 626, 627n, 684; and “midnight appointments,” 94n, 129, 131n, 334n, 433, 556, 606, 610, 640; mistrusts applicants, 109-10; relies on friends, congressmen for advice on, 109-10, 197, 221, 265-6, 402, 465-6, 513, 515n, 554, 559; and postal appointments, 110; diDculty of making appointments and removals, 127, 401-2, 489-90, 554, 616, 625; moderate approach toward, 127, 129-30,

Personal ACairs attends Independence Day festivities, viii-ix; trustee of Ariana Randolph, 11-12, 53, 97-8, 101, 611; prepares for residence in Washington, 17, 64; orders wine, 38, 44, 55, 68-9, 100, 101, 106, 124, 227, 257, 259, 589, 615, 650, 701; sends wine to T. M. Randolph, 44, 198; seeks portrait of S. Adams, 52, 496-7; declines all guardianships and executorships, 53, 611; expense of outAt in Washington, 55, 68-9, 100, 240, 521, 650, 686; inquires about G. Morris’s silver service, 64, 151-2, 267; sends dinner invitations, 103, 193, 200, 242; invites family to Washington, 111, 196, 200, 429; Madisons reside with, at President’s House, 111, 196, 200, 246n, 257; strangers ask for money, 1367, 416, 537, 571; health of, 174; assembles household staC, 189, 357-9, 489n, 544-6, 568, 685; seeks to alter table, 191; orders copy of Roman askos, 194, 233; grooming, 210; sends music to M. J. Randolph, 257, 580; stockings, 333n, 390; gives money in charity, 369n, 398, 410, 705; seeks vegetables and berries in Washington, 452; receives model of Egyptian pyramid,

< 734>

INDEX Jefferson, Thomas (cont.) 454; clothing for servants, 488-9; tailoring, 488-9; gives blessing to servants’ marriage, 565-6; receives Indian statues, 598, 599n; receives liqueurs and sweetmeats, 637-8; eCect of wife’s death on, 670. See also President’s House Political Theories majority and minority rights, vii, 5556; Republicans and Federalists both republicans, vii, 616-17, 625-6; economy in public expense, viii, 63, 74n, 110, 130-1n, 234, 561, 684; return government to republican principles, viii, 262; strength of republican government, 18; encouragement of agriculture and commerce, 70-1, 189; emphasizes republican simplicity, 110; importance of states’ powers, 188-9, 374; application of presidential pardons, 213; and contempt of court, 213; freedom of the press, 213, 268-9, 493-4; importance of impartial judiciary, 213; neutral rights, 251-4; admits grounds for rational opposition, 417; free speech, 493-4, 554; militia preferable to standing army, 645 Politics supports rights of aliens, 8-9, 271-2; predicts demise of Federalists, 17; ends relationship with Callender, 205, 229-30; fears divisions among Republicans, 309, 587-8, 616-17, 626; accused of punishing Federalists, 536; and Miss. Terr. politics, 560-1, 562n. See also Federalists; Republicans Portraits by Edwin, xlii, 356 (illus.); publication of, xlii, 690n; by R. Peale, xlii, 38, 42; by Tiebout, xlii; by Savage, 53n; on medals, 73n; given as gifts, 588, 589 President calls for reconciliation and harmony, viii, 17, 18, 23, 56, 65, 127, 262, 264-5, 271, 555, 561, 616, 625-6, 660; military reductions, viii, xlii, 110-11, 373n, 384, 398-9, 630n, 645, 695n; conference with Cherokee delegation, ix, 505-11; friend

< 735>

to immigrants, 8-9; and courtsmartial, 15-17, 364-8, 377-8; assembles cabinet, 22, 110, 111, 534-5; calculates marine forces of Barbary states, 31n; salary, 37, 38n; establishment of public market in Washington, 51-2; and impressment of American seamen, 67; election, inauguration celebrated, 73n, 123n, 389n, 418n, 455; and Library of Congress, 74n; proposed military academy, 87n; communicates to Congress by message, 110; does away with levees, 110; reduces diplomatic establishment, 110, 129, 130-1n, 176, 208-9, 309, 398-9; and cession of Louisiana by Spain to France, 111, 186, 205, 560; cabinet meetings, 114-15, 125, 129-31, 308, 325, 326; orders navy vessels to Mediterranean, 114-15, 159, 160n, 266-7, 308-9, 607-8, 646, 683-4; and Tripoli, 115, 159-61, 205, 2668, 308, 373; tribute for Algiers, 115n, 205, 266-7, 308-9, 373; extraditions, 125-6, 206; and Southwestern Indians, 129, 130n, 458, 558-9; and Truxtun’s seniority, 139-40, 201; return of French prisoners, 157-8; and Yznardi’s conduct as consul, 166-7n; and U.S. Mint, 167; halts prosecutions under Sedition Act, 169-70, 583-4, 597-8; and W. Duane’s legal trials, 169-70, 213-14; and conduct of McLane, 170-1; and disposition of D.C. lots, 198-200, 202-3, 334-6; temporary building for House of Reps., 234-5; issues pardons, 242n, 320n, 364n, 396, 460n, 486n, 583n; and military commissions, 257; case of the Betsy Cathcart, 320-1, 497-503; and British debt claims, 323-6, 696; revenue cutters, 357n, 644; granting of passports, 379-81, 396-8; and postal contracts, 395-6; roads through Cherokee territory, 457n, 458; improvement, reorganization of postal service, 461n; Burrus case, 463-4; lease of salt springs, 493n; investigation of W. Watson, 532; recommends Létombe to Bonaparte, 545, 546; capture and restoration of the Berceau, 547-9; restitution of naval prizes, 547-50, 568-70, 586-7, 668n; negotiations with Ga., 558-9;

INDEX Jefferson, Thomas (cont.) repeal of Judiciary Act, 559; relations with Spain, 560; support for, among Federalists, 601; relations with Great Britain, 646, 649, 671, 683-4 Religion on establishment of religion, 17; decries religious intolerance, 24n, 490-1, 493-4, 606-7; accused of atheism, 39, 92-3, 483n ScientiAc Interests and Chambers’s plan for repeating Arearms, 148n; knowledge of medical theories, 270n; seeks to purchase telescope, 272, 434, 436n; smallpox vaccination, 273-7, 462, 471, 580, 581-2, 629, 640-1; and carriage wheel construction, 286n; and Rochon, 294n; weights and measures, 408n, 624n; interest in chemistry, 480-1; megalonyx, 554n; and seashell fossils, 631n. See also mastodon Secretary of State and David Humphreys, 60; and convention with Spain on fugitives, 125n; praises Lambert, 172n; applications to, for appointments, 183n; and neutral rights, 253-4n; and P. R. Randall, 310, 311n; and citizenship of consuls, 333; and granting of passports, 381n, 396-8; report on weights and measures, 408n Slaveholder hires slave labor, 208n; purchases slaves, 208n; payments to slaves, 572n; smallpox vaccination for slaves, 580, 581-2 Travels between Monticello and Washington, ix, 4, 7n, 9n, 17, 19, 47, 48n, 64, 196, 259, 375, 429, 451, 530, 535, 547, 548, 559, 562n, 567, 572, 577, 580, 582, 610, 614, 623, 626-7, 640, 646, 648, 649, 650, 651, 671, 683, 684-5, 686; invited to visit Winchester and Staunton, 259; urged to make tour of western and southern states, 456 Vice President asylum for A. H. Rowan, 475n

Writings notes on J. Hunter’s recommendations, 6-7; notes on cabinet meetings, 114-15, 125-6, 129-31, 326-7; notes on conversations, 221, 255, 256, 419-20; opinion on neutral rights, 251-4; notes on British debt claims, 323-6, 696; opinion of G. Walker’s case, 334-6; works dedicated to, 388n; notes on passports, 397-8; translates Volney’s Ruines, 438, 440, 441n; Heads of Answer to Speech of The Glass, 505-10; Memoir on the Megalonyx, 554n; memorandums on restitution of prizes, 568-71, 586-7; executive order on revenue districts, 676-7. See also Inaugural Address (1801); Notes on the State of Virginia “JeCerson and Liberty” (Michael Fortune), 417-18, 580n JeCerson College (Va.), 322-3, 387 “JeCerson’s March” (Peter S. Du Ponceau), 418n jelly, 638n Jenings, Edmund: letter to, 611; and estate of Ariana Randolph, 53, 611; letter from cited, 54n; TJ accidentally sends unsealed letter to, 631-2 Jenisch, Mark Johan, 504 Jenner, Edward, 273-7, 462n, 468, 645n Jernigan, William: letter from cited, 364n Jews, 149n João, Prince Regent of Portugal: letter from cited, 209n; letter to cited, 209n, 698; and recall of W. L. Smith, 209n Joel Barlow to his Fellow Citizens of the United States of America. Letter II, 456, 457n Joell, Thomas, 188n John Adams (U.S. frigate), 30, 330, 433-4 Johns, Kensey, 348, 349n Johnson, Joshua, 226-7 Johnson, Samuel, 117, 118n Johnson, Thomas de Mattos, 280n Johnson, William, 6, 7n Jones, Mr. (oDce seeker), 429 Jones, Calvin: letter from, 645; urges revision of militia laws, 645; identiAed, 645n Jones, David: letter from, 491-3; advises on politics, western aCairs, 491-3

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INDEX Jones, Edward (Treasury clerk), 381n Jones, Evan, 218n, 562n Jones, Hugh (mariner), 26, 163-4, 173, 206 Jones, Malachi, 544 Jones, Meriwether: TJ’s subscription to the Examiner, 101; and R. Richardson’s inheritance, 138n, 231; recommends J. K. Read, 164n; and Callender, 229; editor of the Examiner, 231; letter from cited, 704 Jones, Thomas: recommended by GriDths, 269; letter from cited, 270n; seeks appointment, 270n Jones, Walter, 606n Jones, William (Pa.): letter to, 123-4; letter from, 150; oCered, declines secretaryship of the navy, 123-4, 150, 172-3, 427, 534; as reference, 474 Jones, Willie (N.C.), 177 Jones & Kain, 707, 708 Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor, 31-2 Jouett, John, Jr., 244, 245n Journal of Andrew Ellicott, Late Commissioner on Behalf of the United States (Andrew Ellicott), 251n Judd, William, 344n Judiciary Act (1801): repeal of, 3, 23, 110, 176, 186-7, 228, 559, 576, 593-4; opposition to, 186-7, 576; creates judicial appointments, 213n Julien, Honoré, 135, 685n Jupiter (planet), 687 jury packing, 297, 386, 627n Justinian: Institutes, 254n Juvenal: Satires, 609n Kames, Henry Home, Lord, 385 Kean, John, 355n Keith, George Skene: letter from, 407-8; sends pamphlets to TJ, 407-8; works by, 407-8; identiAed, 408n Keith, John, 186 Kemp, John: letter from cited, 624-5n Kempton, Alexander, 89 Kentucky: Lormerie’s land in, 203, 204; marshal for, 232-3, 243-5, 394-5, 639; legislature, 232n, 245n; governor, 233n; attorneys, 244; U.S. district court, 244n; U.S. attorney for, 245n; militia, 271; immigrants to, 307n, 394-5; inaugural celebrations in, 455; measures to beneAt, suggested, 455-8; boatmen, 456; shipbuilding, 456, 457; seeks roads to eastern states, 456-7,

458, 506; hemp, 457; Cherokee cessions in, 509, 511; as source of saltpeter, 618, 619; collection of internal revenues in, 652, 654. See also Lexington, Ky.; Montgomery Co., Ky. “Kentucky Citizen” (pseudonym): letter from, 455-8; suggests measures to beneAt Kentucky, 455-8 Kersey, William, 151n Keteltas, Abraham, 514n Keteltas, William: letter from, 511-15; advises on appointments, 511-15; identiAed, 514-15n; letter to cited, 515n, 699; thanked by TJ, 515n kettles, 135 Killen, William: urges removals in Del., 612-13; letter from cited, 613n Kilty, William: letters from, 191-2, 4856, 544; recommends Harwood, 191-2; case of Pedon and Morris, 485-6; sends TJ copy of Laws of Maryland, 544 Kin (King), Mathias, 98-9 kinepox. See smallpox King, Alexander, 18n, 105, 106n King, Nicholas: letter to, 202-3; letter from, 198-200; and disposition of D.C. lots, 198-200, 202-3; identiAed, 199-200n King, Rufus: recall of, urged by Republicans, 24, 228, 305; obtains atlas for War Department, 84; and U.S. trade with Spain, 278; negotiates settlement of British debt claims, 323-6; suggested as vice presidential candidate, 344, 608; minister to Great Britain, 453; and issuing of health certiAcates, 525; investigation of W. Watson, 5314; and opening of British bases in Mediterranean, 646; reform of admiralty courts, 671n King Solomon’s Lodge (Charlestown, Mass.), 689n Kirby, Ephraim: appointed supervisor, 130, 131n; reports news of Conn. politics, 246-7; urges removal of Federalists in Conn., 341-2, 344n Kirby, William, 280 Kirkwood, Robert, 467n Kitchell, Abraham, 243 Kneeland, Benjamin: letter from, 527; sends medical writings to TJ, 527 Knox, Henry: letter from, 80-1; supports Sargent, 80-1, 217n; and H. C. Swan, 155n; defends S. Nicholson, 207n; as secretary of war, 260, 393

< 737>

INDEX Kolb, Peter: Description du Cap de Bonne-Esperance, 551, 554n Kosciuszko, Tadeusz: letter from, 106-7; congratulates TJ, 106-7; in American Revolution, 207; head of Polish exiles in France, 361 Kramer, John, 489n Kreider, Mr. (Pa.), 449n Krieger, Henry: letter to, 65; letter from, 7-8; declares support for TJ, 7-8; thanked by TJ, 65 Lady Washington’s Chapel (Washington, D.C.), 369n, 406n Lafayette, Anastasie Louise Pauline du Motier de. See La Tour-Maubourg, Anastasie du Motier Lafayette de Lafayette, George Washington Louis Gilbert du Motier de, 403 Lafayette, Marie Adrienne Françoise de Noailles, Marquise de, 403, 404n Lafayette, Marie Antoinette Virginie du Motier de (Virginie, daughter of the Marquis de Lafayette), 403 Lafayette, Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de: letter from, 403-4; and Madame de Tessé, 336, 338, 404; congratulates TJ, sends family news, 403-4 La Fontaine, Jean de, 141, 142, 143n La Grange, France, 403 Lamb, John, 311n Lambert, John, 243 Lambert, William: letter from, 171-2; seeks appointment, 171-2; letters from cited, 172n; presentations on eclipses, 172n Lamorinnière, Fournier: letter from, 445; seeks TJ’s assistance, 44-5 lampblack, 327 lamps, 135, 194, 332n land speculation: in D.C., xli; in Ohio, 86n; Yazoo lands, 197n, 318, 461n; criticism of, 605 Langdon, Elizabeth Sherburne, 173, 409 Langdon, John: letters to, 172-3, 408-9; letters from, 302-3, 409-10; oCered, declines secretaryship of the navy, 172-3, 302-3, 309, 408-10, 433, 461, 534, 535; identiAed, 173n; as reference, 394; letters from cited, 410n, 699, 703 Langdon, Woodbury, 303, 409

Larimore, Jane, 332, 333n La Rochefoucauld, Alexandrine Charlotte Sophie de Rohan-Chabot, Duchesse de, 287, 293n Latimer, George: delinquent accounts of, 281n; deters advertising in the Aurora, 298-9; as Federalist partisan, 426, 428n, 444; removal of, sought, 671-2 Latimer, John, 368n, 378 La Tour-Maubourg, Anastasie du Motier Lafayette de, 403, 404n La Tour-Maubourg, Charles de, 404n Latrobe, Benjamin Henry, 128, 211 law: contempt, 213-16; and neutral rights, 253-4n; and naval prizes, 3201, 497-503, 584; U.S. maritime law in its infancy, 500; quarantine laws, 526n; admiralty law, 534n; qualiAcations for judges, 542; common law, 584, 597; judges should be given opportunity to do right, 597; militia laws, 645; clerks, 674n; military judge advocates, 674n; installment laws, 696 Laws of Maryland (William Kilty), 544 Lawson, Robert: letter to, 410; letter from, 307-8; seeks charity from TJ, 307-8, 360-1, 398, 410; identiAed, 307n Leach, Gean: letter from, 583; seeks pardon for husband, 583 Leach, Thomas, Jr.: seeks pardon, 583; letter from cited, 583n, 699 lead, 82 Leamy, John, 278n Lear, Tobias: letter from, 637-8; appointed general commercial agent, 65; forwards liqueurs and sweetmeats to TJ, 637-8 Learner, Michael, 102 leather: morocco, 201, 235 Lebon, Philippe, 331 Lebrun, Charles François, 424n Leçons d’Anatomie Comparée (Georges Cuvier), 68 Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres (Hugh Blair), 322n Lee, Charles, 584 Lee, John (Me.), 130, 131n Lee, Richard (English barrister): Treatise of Captures in War, 254n Lee, Silas, 131n, 344, 345n, 682n Lee, William (1772-1840): carries letter for E. Gerry, 21; seeks appointment,

< 738>

INDEX 23; appointed commercial agent by Adams, 333-4; recommends Forbes, 415n Lee family, 456 Leghorn (Livorno), Italy: consul at, 48, 51, 132, 657 Lego (TJ’s estate), 595 Le Havre, France: British blockade, 284, 286n, 450-1, 618, 619; commercial agent at, 415; merchants, 454n; vice consul at, 614n Leib, Michael, 355n, 704 Leiper, Thomas, 257, 270n Lemaire, Étienne: and W. Bingham, 544-5, 546n, 568; wages, 568; hired as steward of President’s House, 685 lemons, 49 L’Enfant, Pierre Charles, 647 Leslie, Robert: letters from, 236-9, 6945; carries letters for TJ, 167, 236; proposes new method of coining, 167, 236-9, 352-3; letter from cited, 239n, 699; suggests staC reduction at Mint, 239n; recommends Adam Gordon, 694-5 Létombe, Philippe André Joseph de: letters to, 568, 648-9, 685-6; letters from, 357-9, 544-6; and French prisoners, 157-8n, 305n, 374, 668n; Ands steward for TJ, 357-9, 544-6, 568, 685-6; forwards letter, 400, 620n; TJ recommends, to Bonaparte, 545, 546; returns to France, 545-6, 568, 648; and the Berceau, 547; visits Washington, 620n; TJ’s bids farewell to, 6489; summary of diplomatic services, 648-9n Letters from His Excellency George Washington, President of the United States of America (Sir John Sinclair), 414 Lettsom, John Coakley, 641 Levant, 134 Levy, Nathan, 16 Lewis, Eli: letter to, 65; letter from, 7-8; declares support for TJ, 7-8; thanked by TJ, 65 Lewis, Elizabeth Jane Woodson Lewis, 390-1n Lewis, Jacob: letter from, 656-7; resignation of, expected, 433, 535; opposition to, 461; appointed consul at Calcutta, 536n; seeks appointment, defends conduct, 656-7 Lewis, Joel: letter from, 578; recommended, appointed marshal, 131n,

437; appointment criticized, 563-4, 578, 587-8, 590-1, 683; identiAed, 578n Lewis, Lilburne (TJ’s nephew), 390-1n Lewis, Lucy JeCerson (Mrs. Charles Lilburne Lewis, TJ’s sister), 390-1n Lewis, Mary: letter from cited, 702 Lewis, Mary Howell Lewis, 390-1n Lewis, Meriwether: classiAcation of army oDcers, viii, 629-30; western expedition of, 73n; TJ’s private secretary, 151n, 200, 502n; resides in President’s House, 200; insulted by Callender, 205, 229; and S. Tinsley’s debt, 421 Lewis, Randolph (TJ’s nephew), 390-1n Lewis, Samuel: letter from cited, 702 Lexington, Ky., 455, 654 Lexington, Va., 673n libel, 213, 214, 216n Liberty: depicted on U.S. coins, 72, 73-4n liberty poles, 428n Library of Congress: books for, 13-14, 72, 74n; librarian of, 270n Lilly, Gabriel: overseer at Monticello, 327, 571, 580, 639; agreement with T. M. Randolph, 595; letters from cited, 701, 703, 704; letters to cited, 702, 703 lime, 327 lime syrup, 638n Lincoln, Benjamin, 81, 85n, 533n Lincoln, Levi: letters to, 320-1, 546-9; letters from, 340-5, 497-503, 515-17, 657-69; attends cabinet meeting, 11415; advises on appointments, 130, 343, 518, 661-2; acting secretary of state, 131, 132n, 156n, 160n, 166-7n, 297, 300n, 666; and remission of Callender’s Ane, 190n; absent from Washington, 213, 460, 534; and Duane’s sedition trial, 297, 300n, 584; case of Betsy Cathcart, 320-1, 497-503, 515; reports on New England politics, 3405, 657-62; as reference, 394; inBuence of clergy in New England, 515-17; resigns as attorney general, 534n; and restoration of the Berceau, 546-9, 550, 662-7; relations with Great Britain, 646n Linn, James: letter from, 5-6; advises on N.J. appointments, 5-6, 517-18n; seeks appointment, 6n; recommended for oDce, 243

< 739>

INDEX lions, 554n liqueurs, 637-8 Lisbon: consul at, 176, 261-2, 429, 526n, 657 Liston, Robert, 125, 584 LitchAeld Monitor, 77n Little (British subject), 125 Little, George, 597n Little Kanawha River, 456 Littlepage, John Carter: letter to, 62; brother’s return to U.S. expected, 62 Littlepage, Lewis, 62, 63, 64n, 361, 481 Littleton, Sir Thomas, 535, 536n Little Turkey (Cherokee chief), 505-8 Livermore, Edward St. Loe, 129, 131n Livermore, Samuel, 521n Livingston, Edward, 158-9n, 624n Livingston, Robert R.: letters to, 62-4, 213-14, 251-4; letters from, 12-13, 214-16, 254-5, 263; unable to speak French, 12; advises on appointments, 12-13, 165n, 255, 256; and T. Sumter, Jr., 12-13, 62-4; plans visit to Washington, 13; declines secretaryship of the navy, 173n; and W. Duane’s contempt case, 213-14, 214-16; and TJ’s opinion on neutral rights, 251-4, 254-5; notes on conversations with, 255, 256; criticizes Denniston & Cheetham, 263; letter to cited, 263n, 698; appointed minister to France, 281, 284, 311, 453; and Convention of 1800, 284; prepares to depart for France, 309, 545, 546, 568, 628; as reference, 394; and Sayre, 452; as gubernatorial candidate, 514n; gubernatorial election of 1792, 515n; and Louisiana, 528; letter from cited, 703 Livy, 465 Lloyd, James, 207n Locke, John, 41n locks, 191, 194 Logan, Deborah Norris, 78 Logan, George: letter from, 77-8; advises on appointments, 77-8, 355n; candidate for U.S. Senate, 300n, 492; as reference, 474 Lomax, John Tayloe, 200 Lomax, Thomas: letter from, 200; recommends sons, 200 London: booksellers, 14n; medical education in, 117, 270n, 322n; consul at, 176n, 429; mint at, 237; St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, 270n; physicians, 276; merchants, 436n

London Vaccine Institution, 273 Long, Frederick, 102 longitude, xli, 183-4, 249, 480n, 687-8 Loomis, Lebeus, 609n Lora, Reverend, 705 Lormerie, Louis Philippe Gallot de: letter from, 203-4; oCers tapestries to U.S., 203-4; letters to, from cited, 204n lotteries, 417n Louis I, King of Etruria, 691, 692n Louis XVI, King of France, 167n Louisiana: applications for appointment in, 105n; ceded to France by Spain, 111, 174-5, 186, 205, 528, 560, 646n; immigration to, 174-5, 216, 456; military forces of, 216; population, 216; cotton production in, 216-17; imports and exports, 216-17; sugar production in, 216-17; acquisition of, 417n; and Great Britain, 419n, 646n; Opelousas, 598, 599n; Catholics, 599n Love, John S., 705 Lovell, William: letter from cited, 702 “Lover of Republicanism” (pseudonym): letter from, 41; urges TJ to be independent, 41 Low, Rufus: letter from, 263-4; seeks navy commission, 263-4; identiAed, 264n Lowell, John, 659, 665 Lower, Christian, 525n Loyalists. See American Revolution Ludlow, Daniel: candidate for supervisor, 37; criticism of, 37, 513, 522-3; appointed navy agent, 158n, 256, 513, 515n, 522; loan of pump to C. W. Peale, 686 Ludwig, John, 523-5 Lunéville, Treaty of, 286n, 691 Lyman, Micah J., 601-2 Lyman, William, 547, 548n, 661-2 Lynchburg, Va., 620 Lyon, James: letters from, 404-5, 602-3, 620-4; publishes Political Mirror, 20n; seeks appointment, 404-5, 6023; seeks loan, 602-3; plan for establishing country newspapers, 620-4 McAllister, Matthew, 3 McArthur, John, 19-20 McCall, Hugh, 464 McCandless, George, 625 McClean, Archibald, 492

< 740>

INDEX McClenachan, Blair: letter from, 124; seeks appointment, 124; identiAed, 124n McClenachan, Robert, 495n McCrea, Jane, 386, 389n McCullough, William, 243 McDonald, John: letter from, 578-9; seeks appointment, 578-9; identiAed, 579n McDowell, Samuel, Jr., 233n, 243-5 McElroy, Archibald, Jr.: dismissed from navy, 296; letter from cited, 300n; seeks reappointment, 300n McGuire, Thomas, 95, 97n McHenry, James, 84, 87n, 250 McIver, John, 221n McKean, Joseph, 613 McKean, Robert, 613 McKean, Thomas: letter to, 625-7; letter from, 612-13; advises on appointments, 78, 355n, 612-13, 625-7; letter from cited, 78n, 701; elected governor, 96; patronage practices, 96, 183n, 431, 612-13; appointments by, 210, 296, 300n; recommends aspirants for oDce, 470; as chief justice of Pa., 553n; images of, 690n McKeehan, David, 95, 97n McLane, Allen: accused of misconduct, 170-1, 348, 392-3, 402, 467; and Mullowny’s case, 339-40 Maclure, Alexander: letter from cited, 504n Maclure, William: letter from, 503-4; and Volney, 438, 440, 441-2n, 503; observations on conditions in France, 503-4; identiAed, 504n; letter from cited, 699 McMullan, James: letter from cited, 704 McNeill, Daniel, 378n Macon, Col. (Va.), 101, 185 Macon, Nathaniel: letter to, 109-10; letters from, 176-7; advises on N.C. appointments, policies, 109-10, 176-7; as reference, 484; letter from cited, 697 McPherson, William: removal of, sought, 426-7, 428n, 444, 447, 448; as militia leader, 443-4, 449n McPherson’s Blues, 428n McRee, GriDth J., 484n Madagascar, 156 Madeira, 331, 363, 646. See also wine Madison, Dolley Payne Todd: letter to, 193; returns to Washington, 5; invited to dine with TJ, 103n, 193; resides at

President’s House, 111, 196, 200, 246n, 257; letter to cited, 193n Madison, James: letters to, 67, 193, 395, 396-8, 429-30, 597-8; letters from, 396, 583-5 Congress and T. Coxe, 449 Personal ACairs arrives in Washington, 5, 7n, 26, 68; health of, 68, 399, 535, 547; diDculties in procuring housing, 111, 193n; and Lawson, 307. See also Montpelier Politics and appointments and removals, viii, 7n, 536-7n, 557n, 683 President appointments, 104-5n, 157n, 534n Relations with JeCerson TJ visits, 7n; invited to dine with TJ, 103n, 193; resides at President’s House, 111, 193, 196, 246n, 257 Secretary of State applications to, for appointments, 4n, 146n, 164n, 172n, 232, 357n, 415, 429, 592, 594n, 624n, 646, 656; and John Thompson’s impressment, 67; advises on Mediterranean squadron, 115; attends cabinet meetings, 115, 326; briefs consuls and ministers on Barbary aCairs, 115n; and Sargent’s removal, 1256n, 184-5; and reduction of diplomatic establishment, 130-1n, 209n; Priestman’s case, 279, 320n; and British debt claims, 324-5, 326, 696n; and Cathcart’s citizenship, 333, 334n; as reference, 395; and postal contracts, 395-6; and granting of passports, 396-8; advises on appointments, 429, 564; and P. Edwards’s letter, 429; W. C. Nicholas’s letter to, 430; issuing of health certiAcates, 525-6; and C. Pinckney, 528; investigation of W. Watson, 532, 533n; sends Claiborne’s commission, 560, 561n; restitution of naval prizes, 569, 570n, 584, 587n; and W. Duane’s sedition trial, 5834, 597-8; and Saint-Domingue constitution, 637; relations with Great

< 741>

INDEX Madison, James (cont.) Britain, 646n; valedictory letter to Létombe, 648; publication of laws in German, 690n. See also State, U.S. Department of Madison, Bishop James: letter to, 68; and Munford and Barraud, 68; letters from cited, 68n, 704 MagoDn, James: letter to, 19; sends copy of Chipman’s Sketches, 19 Maher, Edward, 489n Mahón, Minorca: British naval base at, 646, 649, 650, 671, 684 Maine: and immigration and naturalization, 35; army garrisons in, 82; Portland, 82, 681n; Federalists in, 129; U.S. attorney for, 129, 131n, 344, 345n, 682n; Penobscot collectorship, 130; boundary, 178; Hallowell, 651; removals expected in, 661; marine hospitals, 678, 681n Mainoni, Étienne-Bernard, 73n Malcolm, William, 360n Mallet Frères & Cie. (Paris), 504 Malta: consul at, 49; British naval base at, 646, 649, 650, 671, 684 Malta, Knights of, 294n Maltbie, Jonathan, 357n Mangourit, Michel Ange Bernard de, 392n Manhattan Company, 241, 242n, 256 MansAeld, William Murray, Lord, 214, 216n, 321, 584 manufacturing: of cannon, 46, 83, 86n; promotion of, 77-8, 123n, 456, 457 maps, xli, 14n, 84, 87n Marbois. See Barbé de Marbois, François Marchant, Elihu: seeks pardon, 360, 362-4, 429 Marchant, Sarah Norton, 363, 364n Margaret Tingey (schooner), 259 Marines, U.S.: band, viii, 476; barracks for, 198-200, 202-3, 331; reduction of, 373, 384, 398 Maritime Compact (Thomas Paine), 281, 282, 285n Mark, Jacob, 468-9 Marks, Anna Scott JeCerson (Mrs. Hastings Marks, TJ’s sister), 151n, 572, 580, 639 Marks, Hastings (TJ’s brother-in-law), 151n Marks, Joanna Sydnor, 151n Marks, Peter, 151n

Marks, Peter S.: letter from, 150-1; seeks appointment, 150-1; identiAed, 151n marriage, 565-6 Marseilles, France, 333, 334n Marsh, Daniel, 243 Marshall, Humphrey, 456 Marshall, James M.: letter from, 485-6; as reference, 456; case of Pedon and Morris, 485-6 Marshall, John, 323 Martens, Georg Friedrich von: Summary of the Law of Nations, 500, 502n Martin, Wheeler: letter from cited, 702 Maryland: militia, xliii; U.S. attorney for, 130, 131n; French prisoners in, 158n, 666, 668n; Chester collectorship, 281n; Vienna collectorship, 281n; Montgomery Co., 303; Federalists in, 340; education, 433n; legislature, 534n, 537n; elections in, 536, 537n; Harford Co., 536, 537n; Republicans in, 536, 537n; compilation of laws of, 544; collection of internal revenues in, 652, 655, 676-7; marine hospitals, 679. See also Baltimore Maryland (U.S. sloop): carries Dawson to France, 29, 286n; ordered to give passage to T. Paine, 281; searched by British, 284; returns to U.S., 287, 288, 293n, 450, 454n, 588, 589, 615 Maskelyne, Nevil: Astronomical Observations, 249, 251n Mason, Anna Maria Murray, 193 Mason, John (Georgetown merchant): letter from, 303-4; wife of, 193n; and justices of the peace for D.C., 303-4; identiAed, 304n; and Cathalan, 334n; president of Bank of Columbia, 420 Mason, John Thomson: as reference, 20; letter from cited, 192n, 698; recommends Harwood, 192n; and W. Duane, 297; as attorney, 371; and pardon for T. Leach, 583n Mason, Jonathan, 67n Mason, Stevens Thomson, 297 Massachusetts: physicians, 16n; exports from, 79n; army garrisons in, 82; Marblehead, 82, 281n; Salem, 82; SpringAeld armory, 83, 86n; elections in, 105, 218-19; governors, 105, 218; legislature, 105, 218, 344, 516, 674n; marshal for, 130, 131n, 393-4; French prisoners in, 158n; lieutenant governor, 218; and smallpox vaccination, 273, 277; Ipswich collectorship, 281n;

< 742>

INDEX Newburyport collectorship, 281n; militia, 344, 345n, 364n, 548n; U.S. attorney for, 344, 345n, 682n; western, 345n; American Revolution in, 364n; Martha’s Vineyard, 364n; Nantucket, 364n; clergy, 515-16; Worcester, 517n, 658; Plymouth collectorship, 531-4; U.S. district court, 533n, 548n, 549n; supervisor for, 548n; newspapers, 549n, 667; trade with Mediterranean, 607-8; French consul for, 649n; collection of internal revenues in, 652, 655, 676-7; postal service, 657-8; Hampshire Co., 662; inBuence of, in New England, 667; marine hospitals, 679. See also Boston; Federalists; Republicans Massachusetts Gazette, or the SpringAeld and Northampton Weekly Advertiser, 77n Massachusetts Historical Society, 411 Massachusetts Mercury (Boston), 517n Massachusetts Spy (Worcester), 77n Masson, Francis, 436n Masten, John, 627 mastodon: remains discovered in Hudson Valley, ix, 481-2, 627-8, 686 Mathews, George, 593 Matthieu, John S. M., 49 Mawney, John, 146 Maxcy, Jonathan: letter from cited, 701 Maxwell, George, 5 Maxwell, Robert: letters from, 113-14, 585; removed as postmaster, 113-14, 585; identiAed, 114n Mayer, Jacob, 78 Mayo, John, 198 Mazzei, Philip: letter from, 691-2; exchanges seeds, plants with TJ, 306n; sends news from Europe, 691-2; letter from cited, 692n, 703 Meade, David, 323n Meade, Everard: letter from, 322-3; supports Daly, 322-3, 388; letters from cited, 323n; letter to cited, 323n Mease, James: letter to, 480-1; letter from, 418-19; Observations, 418; sends pamphlet, lecture outlines, 41819, 480-1 Mease, Sarah Butler, 193 Mecca, 404 medals, 71-2, 73-4n, 75 Medem, Anna-Dorothea von (Grand Duchess of Courland), 361, 362n Medical and Physical Journal (London), 277

Medical Repository (New York), 418, 575, 577n medicine: physicians, 16, 46-7, 117, 242n, 269-70, 404, 462, 488n, 591, 624-5, 645n; apothecaries, 16n, 117; medical schools, education, 117, 322n, 624-5; dentists, 118n; bleedings, 269, 418; treatment by stimulation, 269, 270n; political diCerences among physicians, 269-70; lack of patronage for, 270; medical societies, 270n; opiates, 270n, 541; rabies, 418; health certiAcates, 525-6; fevers, 527; rheumatism, 596; sulphur springs, 604. See also hospitals; smallpox; yellow fever Mediterranean Sea: navy squadron sent to, 29-30, 114-15, 140n, 159, 160n, 181n, 230, 266-8, 308-9, 330-1, 461, 462n, 607-8, 646, 649, 664, 683-4; trade of, 49, 133-4, 431-2, 607-8, 691; sending of warships to, urged, 60-1, 133-4; Barbary cruisers, 134, 646; vessels warned to avoid, 308; Mediterranean passes, 379-81, 396-8; proposed naval hospital in, 624n; British navy bases in, 646, 649, 650, 671, 683-4. See also Algiers; Tripoli; Tunis Meeks, Edward: letter from, 359-60; seeks appointment, 359-60; identiAed, 360n megalonyx, 554n Meigs, Return Jonathan, 86n, 315, 506, 507 Memoirs of the American Revolution (William Henry Drayton), 157n Mendenhall, Thomas, 348-9, 402, 467 Mercer, John F.: letter from cited, 192n, 698; recommends Harwood, 192n; and establishment of Republican newspapers, 603 Mercury and New-England Palladium (Boston), 516, 517n Meredith, Margaret Cadwalader, 476 Meredith, Samuel, 476, 477n, 627 Merrimack (U.S. ship), 596 Mexico, 175, 628n Miami Indians, 211n Michilimackinac: collection district, 5723, 582, 704 Middletown, Conn.: collector at, 93, 94n, 130 MiEin, Fort, 82, 85n MiEin, Thomas, 122, 690n Milan, Italy, 48

< 743>

INDEX militia: Federalists and, 22; reformation, reorganization of, 22, 645; importance of, to republican government, 675, 676n milk, 102, 705, 707 Milledge, John: letter from cited, 455n, 698; recommends J. F. Hull, 455n millennialism, 41n Miller, Arthur, 250, 251n Miller, Edward, 575, 577n Miller, Henry, 95, 97n, 444, 449n, 492 Miller, Peter, 707 Miller, Samuel: letter from, 410-12; progress of learning in U.S., 411-12; Brief Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century, 412n Miller, William: commissioner of the revenue, 226-7, 318, 355, 427, 449n, 677n mills, 416 Milton, John, 258, 387 Milton, Va., 44, 390 Mincio River, battle of, 403 Minor, John: letter from cited, 109n; recommends Gaullier, 109n Mint, U.S.: silver and gold for, 64, 237, 267, 353, 354n; designs of coins, 72, 73-4n; Federalists in, 72; chief coiner, 73n, 353, 354n; engravers, 73n, 75, 353, 354n; applications for employment in, 75, 167; expense of, criticized, 167, 353; staC of, 236, 239n; production of, 236-7, 352-3; coining process at, 237, 352-3, 354n; secrecy at, 238, 239 Mirror of the Times, & General Advertiser (Wilmington, Del.), 459n Miscellaneous Works (David Humphreys), 61n Mississippi Gazette, 151n Mississippi River, 59, 218n Mississippi Territory: governor of, 81n, 125-6n; judges, 81n; source for patronage, 318; C. Pinckney’s speech on, 528; establishment of, 559n, 562n; relations with Spain, 560; descriptions of, 560-1; politics, 560-1; legislature, 561, 562n; collection of internal revenues in, 652. See also Claiborne, William C. C.; Natchez; Sargent, Winthrop Mitchell, William, 102 Mitchill, David Brydie, 592 Mitchill, Samuel Latham: letter from, 624-5; publishes Medical Repository,

575, 577n; recommends G. Davis, 624-5 Mobile, W. Fla., 216 Mobile River, 120 Molière (Jean Baptiste Poquelin): “L’Amour Médecin,” 294n Monongahela River, 456 Monroe, Elizabeth Kortright, 141, 142, 143n, 399, 614 Monroe, James: letters to, 161-3, 185-6, 205-6, 206, 398-9, 614; letters from, 24-7, 163-4, 173-4, 229-30, 345-7, 347-8, 360-1, 399; as minister to France, 24, 260, 261n, 283, 286n, 293n; and recall of King, 24; on correspondence between governors and president, 24-7, 161-2, 173-4, 205; correspondence with J. Adams, 26, 27n, 164n; and extradition of H. Jones, 26, 163-4, 173, 206; and Norfolk navy yard, 68, 69n, 125n, 161; and Callender, 100, 185-6, 205, 229-30; letters from cited, 205-6n, 614n, 699, 702; recommends aspirants for oDce, 205-6n, 614n; correspondence with Madison, 209n; and removal of condemned slaves, 345-7, 614; and guard for federal armories in Va., 347-8, 614; and Marchant and Lawson, 360-1; as reference, 394; TJ sends news to, 398-9; Albemarle Co. property, 399, 614; introduces G. Hay, 399; forwards mail, 504n Monroe, John: letter from, 19-20; appointed U.S. attorney, 19; recommends aspirants for oDce, 19-20, 495n; criticism of, 258 Montgomery, Capt. (Pa.), 449n Montgomery, John (Md.), 536, 537n Montgomery, Richard, 386 Montgomery Co., Ky.: letter to, 271; thanked by TJ, 271 Monticello: postal service to, from, ix, 530, 548; TJ invites family to, ix-x, 374, 378-9, 428-9, 451, 571-2, 580, 649; groceries and supplies for, 4-5, 46n, 109, 185, 227, 571, 580, 598; sashes for, 47-8, 185; carpets for, 52-3, 89-90, 235; insurance of, 56-7, 684, 685n; biannual visits to, planned by TJ, 64-5, 196; various visitors to, 68n; wine sent to, 100, 227, 257, 650, 701; carpenters, housejoiners at, 102, 295, 369n; stonecutters for, 104, 231; management of work at, 104n; TJ invites

< 744>

INDEX friends to, 141, 142; furnishings for, 194; shelves and closets, 212n; brickmason at, 231, 685n; plastering, 231, 295; wine cellar, 257; copper for, 295; dome, 295; Boors, 295; plants, trees for, 306n, 599; eCorts to clear land for Craven’s lease, 327, 384; damaged by hail, 390, 429, 451; housing for artisans, 407; TJ prepares for visit to, 451; threshing machine at, 452; wheat harvest at, 452; pyramid model displayed at, 455n; slaves at, 572, 580; livestock, 580; sheep Bock, 580; smallpox vaccination at, 580, 581-2, 640; Native American art, 599n. See also JeCerson, Thomas: Nailery; JeCerson, Thomas: Travels Montpelier: TJ visits, 7n; Madisons return to, 193n, 559, 572, 614, 650, 656 Moody, John, 591 Moore, Elieb, 28n Moore, Henry: letter from cited, 319n, 702; letter to cited, 319n, 698 Moore, Stephen, 230, 259 Moore, Thomas (Del.), 171n Moorhead (British subject), 125 Moreau de St. Méry, Médéric Louis Elie, 417n Morgan & Price (Philadelphia), 589 Morlaix, France, 656 Morris, Gouverneur: letters to, 64-5, 267-8; letter from, 151-2; oCers silver service to TJ, 64, 151-2, 267; TJ sends news of foreign aCairs to, 2678; as minister to France, 289 Morris, Richard Valentine, 378n Morris, Robert: letter from, 46; recommends Foxall, 46 Morris, Robert, Jr., 46 Morris, Samuel, 485-6 Morse, Jedidiah, 328, 329n Morse, Samuel, 56 Morton, Jonathan, 138n Mosby, Littleberry, 197 Moses (Bible), 93, 94n Mott, James, 6n Moultrie, Alexander, 14-15 Moultrie, William, 14, 15n MountBorence, James Cole, 64n Mount Vernon, 475n Mr. Charles Pinckney’s Speech, in Answer to Mr. Jay (Charles Pinckney), 528, 529n Muhlenberg, Frederick Augustus Conrad, 296, 300n, 309

Muhlenberg, John Peter Gabriel: appoints inspectors, 103n, 355; and divisions among Pa. Republicans, 300n, 492; elected to U.S. Senate, 300n; appointed supervisor, 354, 355, 427, 492; recommends aspirants for oDce, 470; and T. Coxe, 476; letter from cited, 704 Mullowny, John, 278, 339-40 Mumford, John P., 609n Mumford, Paul M.: letter from cited, 702 Mumford, William, 263, 264n Munford, William G. (d. 1804), 68 Munson, Elijah, 242n Munson, Walter, 242n murder: by British subjects in U.S., 125; by Indians, 389n; of Indians, 505-6, 508, 509, 511 Murphy, Mary (Maria), 565-6 Murray, Alexander, 378n Murray, John B., 609n Murray, William, 244 Murray, William Vans: recall of, 130n, 208-9; and ratiAcation of convention of 1800, 282, 285-6n; sends dispatches to U.S., 293n Murray & Mumford (New York), 607 Museum (Georgetown), 475 Muskingum River, 492 Mustafa Baba, Dey of Algiers, 115n mutiny: case of the Hermione, 26, 27n, 163-4, 173; rumors of, in British army, 167n Mutual Assurance Society, 56-7, 684, 685n Myers, Moses, 537 Nantes, France, 284 Naples, 49-51, 133, 691 Natchez, 129, 251n, 694 National “Barley Cake,” or, The “Rock of OCence” Into A “Glorious Holy Mountain”: in Discourses and Letters (David Austin), 377n National Intelligencer (Washington): prints news of Barbary aCairs, 61n, 221, 222n; as Republican organ, 97; advertises Austin’s discourse, 376n, 475; T. M. Randolph’s subscription to, 384-5, 529n; advertises for postal contracts, 395n; considerations on appointments and removals, 442, 445, 446, 449n; reports on Cherokee

< 745>

INDEX National Intelligencer (cont.) delegation, 506-8; prints circular on health certiAcates, 526n; publishes appointments, 536n, 682n; and restoration of the Berceau, 549n; publishes Saint-Domingue constitution, 638n; and reorganization of revenue districts, 677n. See also Smith, Samuel Harrison National Magazine or Cabinet of the United States (Georgetown), 603n, 624n “Native American” (pseudonym), 420n Natural Bridge, Va., 673 natural history, 98-9 navigation, 118-20, 480n Navy, U.S.: reduction of, viii, 28-30, 602, 65, 110-11, 173, 257, 384, 398-9; pumps, ix, 627-8, 686; search for secretary, xliii, 65, 123-4, 150, 152, 172-3, 302-3, 354, 408-9, 433, 448, 534, 535, 562; courts-martial in, 15-17, 364-8, 377-8, 597n; alcoholism in, 16n; purchase of navy yards, 26, 27n, 30, 125n, 161, 163n, 329-30, 398; sends squadrons to Mediterranean, 29-30, 114-15, 140n, 159, 160n, 181n, 230, 266-8, 308-9, 330-1, 461, 462n, 6078, 646, 649, 664, 683-4; construction of 74-gun ships, 30, 300n, 329, 331n; expenses, appropriations, 30; timber for, 30, 329, 331n; returns of public stores, 30-1; cannon for, 46; appointment of navy agents, 88, 158n, 256, 303n, 513, 515n, 667, 669n; frigates carry tribute to Algiers, 115n; construction of frigates, 138-9, 140n; in W. Indies, 139, 296, 300n, 308; disputes over seniority in, 139-40, 201; and French prisoners in U.S., 157-8, 304-5, 668n; gunpowder stores, 210; oDcers’ commissions and warrants, 257, 263-4; vessels laid up, 257; and recovery of specie at Veracruz, 278-9; Federalists in, 296; naval constructors, 296, 300n; applications for commissions, 300n, 646; dock construction, 329-30, 331n; provision ships, 331; registration of ships of war with customs collectors, 339; desertion in, 378n; letter from cited, 378n, 698; salary of navy yard clerks, 393, 394n; urged to blockade Barbary ports, 432; marine hospitals, 624n, 678-81; British open Mediterranean bases to, 646, 649, 650, 671, 683-4. See also

Marines, U.S.; Peace Establishment Act (1801); Smith, Robert; Smith, Samuel (Md.); Stoddert, Benjamin Nelson, Horatio, 281, 285n Nelson, Rose: letter from cited, 192n, 698; recommends Harwood, 192n Netherlands. See Batavian Republic Neufville, John, 543 neutrality, league of armed: and death of Paul I, 61n, 166, 167n, 281; demise of, 282, 285n, 642, 643, 649; and neutral rights, 282-3, 286n; formation of, 285n; U.S. urged to consider joining, 453 neutral rights: TJ’s opinion on, 251-4; R. R. Livingston’s opinion on, 254-5; T. Paine’s opinion on, 282-4; deAned in treaties, 286n New and Universal Gazetteer; or, Modern Geographical Dictionary (Joseph T. Scott), 328-9 Newbury Township, Pa.: letter to, 65; letter from, 7-8; declares support for TJ, 7-8; thanked by TJ, 65 New England: coalition of church and state in, 17, 515-16; Federalists in, 17, 21, 23, 105, 343-4, 518-20, 538-9, 546-7; Republicans in, 17, 343-4, 51820, 606; scheme to separate from the Union, 23; and immigration and naturalization, 35; people called “Scotch men of America,” 411; progress of learning in, 411-12; moderate policy recommended in, 518-19, 538-9; mostly native-born, 519; importance of religion in, 541; trade with Mediterranean, 607-8; Puritans in, 668n New Hampshire: Republicans in, 93, 173n, 520, 606; Federalists in, 129, 520; marshal for, 129, 131n; U.S. attorney for, 129, 131n; Continental agent for, 173n; postal service, 302; commissioner of loans, 449n; French consul for, 649n; collection of internal revenues in, 652; marine hospitals, 678-9, 681n. See also Portsmouth, N.H. New Harmony, Ind., 504n New Haven, Conn.: collector at, vii, xliii, 91, 93, 94n, 117, 130, 301-2, 381-4, 463, 519-20, 554-6; Remonstrance of the Merchants of, vii, 301-2, 381-4, 547, 606, 610; TJ’s reply to merchants of, vii, 554-8, 606, 626, 644, 658, 672n; contemporary images of, xliii, 356 (illus.); newspapers, xliii;

< 746>

INDEX mayor of, 93, 94n, 301, 382, 555; jail, 241; physicians, 242n; silversmiths, 242n; banks, 383n; Chamber of Commerce, 383n; New Haven Insurance Company, 383n; Court of Common Pleas, 520 New-Haven Chronicle, xliii New Holland, 156 New Jersey: French vice commissary of commercial relations, xlii, 424n; marshal for, 5; U.S. attorney for, 5; Federalists in, 5-6, 78, 518n; Republicans in, 5-6, 243, 309, 518n; supervisor for, 5-6, 517-18; commissioner of loans, 43n; Legislative Council, 243; few removals demanded in, 309; legislature, 426, 428n; copper mining, manufacturing in, 470n; and election of 1800, 523; collection of internal revenues in, 652; marine hospitals, 681n. See also Perth Amboy, N.J. New Jersey, College of (Princeton), 157n, 534n New London, Conn., 357n, 681n, 687n Newman, John, 505, 630n Newman, Samuel, 149n New Orleans: population, 216; consul at, 218n, 561, 562n; inconvenience of trading at, 218n; packet service to, from, 456; and U.S.-Spanish relations, 560 Newport, R.I.: harbor defenses, 81, 85n; newspapers, 147n; attorneys, 195, 196n; marine hospital, 678, 681n newspapers: Republican, 19-20, 23, 756, 221, 405, 443, 449n, 516, 547, 549n, 601-2, 603, 620-4, 659-60, 667; seek printing contracts, 19-20, 221; distort truth, 28; Federalist, 756, 221n, 405, 445, 446, 516, 517n, 547, 549, 594, 601-2, 659-60, 684; confuse Algiers with Tripoli, 308-9; distribution of, interfered with, 573-4; content of, 621-2; cost of publishing, subscriptions, 621-3; book and stationery business as adjuncts to, 623; journeyman printers, 623; exaggerate opposition to TJ’s administration, 660; German, in Pa., 689 Newton, Isaac, 41n Newton, Thomas: letters to, 55, 68-9; letters from, 106, 124-5, 230, 527, 537; and Norfolk navy yard, 27n, 689, 125n; supplies wine to TJ, 38, 55, 68-9, 106, 124-5, 230, 259; TJ orders cider from, 55, 106; letter from cited,

125n, 697; and navy squadron’s departure, 230; recommends Bright, 527; recommends Myers, 537; forwards packages, goods to TJ, 599n New Translation of Volney’s Ruins (Constantin François Chasseboeuf Volney), 438, 440, 441-2n “New Year’s Anthem” (Michael Fortune), 417n New York: French vice commissary of commercial relations, xlii, 424n; elections in, 13, 128n; legislature, 13, 165n, 514n; supervisor, 36-7, 127, 1645, 256; Albany District, 127; marshals for, 127; French prisoners in, 158n; presidential electors, 164-5; congressmen, 165n; lieutenant governor, 165n; commissioner of loans, 178, 179n; overseers of roads, 312n; American Revolution in, 360n; militia, 360n; gubernatorial election of 1792, 513, 515n; Presbyterians, 514n; Clinton Co., 515n; Otsego Co., 515n; Tioga Co., 515n; and election of 1800, 523; collection of internal revenues in, 652. See also Federalists; Republicans New York (U.S. frigate), 30, 330, 624n New York City: Federalists in, 21, 514n; navy vessels at, 29, 30; navy yard at, 30, 330; naval oDcer, 126-7, 158-9n, 256, 316-17; collector at, 127, 281n, 316, 513; packet service to, from, 149n, 631; navy agent at, 158n, 256, 513, 515n, 686; Republicans in, 178, 514n; trade with Louisiana, 217; British admiralty court in, 316-17; revenue cutter, 356n; militia, 360n; newspapers, 389n; merchants, 474, 475n, 605n, 607, 609n; attorneys, 514n; Court of General Sessions, 514n; Democratic Society, 514n; Tammany Society, 514n; postmaster, 631; French prisoners in, 668n; marine hospitals, 679-80, 681n Niagara River, 84, 87n Nicholas, Col. J., 574 Nicholas, Joshua, 150, 151n Nicholas, Margaret Smith, 309 Nicholas, Philip Norborne, 164n Nicholas, Wilson Cary: letter to, 308-10; letter from, 430-2; TJ sends foreign, domestic news to, 308-10; advises on policy, 430-2 Nichols, J. H.: letter from cited, 704 Nichols, Jeremiah, 281n Nichols, Walter, 702

< 747>

INDEX Nicholson, James: and M. L. Davis’s appointment, 36; recommended, appointed commissioner of loans, 178, 179n; family of, 318n; as reference, 474 Nicholson, Joseph H.: letter from, 2067; defends S. Nicholson, 206-7 Nicholson, Samuel: accused of misconduct, 88, 206-7; seniority of, 139-40; on furlough and half pay, 378n Niemcewicz, Julian Ursin: letter to, 481; letter from, 361-2; requests plant specimen, 361-2, 481 Niles, Elizabeth Watson, 533n Niles, Nathaniel, 533n Nîmes, France, 233 Nisus, 386 Noble, E. (Naples), 51 Nomeny (servant, Paris), 289, 294n Norfolk, Va.: British consul at, 26, 1634, 173, 206; marine hospital at, 26, 27n, 68n, 678-9, 681, 682n; navy yard at, 26, 27n, 30, 125n, 161, 163n, 330; navy squadron assembles at, 29, 30, 114, 181n, 230, 308, 462n; exports from, 54; cider from, 55; packet service to, from, 106, 599n; harbor defenses, 207; Sémillante blockaded at, 230; smallpox vaccination in, 273; collector at, 356, 681; revenue cutter at, 356; merchants, 504n, 537n; banks, 567 Norfolk (U.S. brig), 604 Norris, Kezia: letter from, 432-3; sends plan for charity school, 432-3 Norris, Nicholas, 433n North American Review, 674n Northampton (brig), 527 North Carolina: Edenton collectorship, 177; Federalists in, 483-4; Republicans in, 483-4; American Revolution in, 484n, 696; governors, 484n; legislature, 484n, 645; collection of internal revenues in, 543, 652, 655, 676-7; Camden collectorship, 544; Currituck surveyorship, 544; western land claims, 558; militia laws in, 645; medicine, hospitals, 645n, 678-9, 681n; New Bern, 681n. See also Wilmington, N.C. Northwest Territory: collection of internal revenues in, viii, 652, 655, 676-7, 681; less attractive to immigrants than Louisiana, 175; judges, 183n; secretary, 217n; artifact found in, 251, 41214; marshal for, 359; prehistoric

Indians in, 412-14; salt springs, 492; missionaries in, 493n. See also Ohio Norton, Beriah: seeks pardon for son-inlaw, 360, 362; identiAed, 364n; letter from cited, 364n Notes on the State of Virginia: and F. Barbé de Marbois, xlii, 424n; republication of, 98, 631n; TJ esteemed as author of, 98, 99n; information supplied from, 328n; on seashell fossils, 630-1 oats, 102, 649n O’Brien, Richard, 61-2n, 221, 222n, 624n Observations on the Arguments of Professor Rush, in favour of the InBammatory Nature of the Disease produced by the Bite of a Mad Dog (James Mease), 418 observatories, 118-20 Ocmulgee River, 129 Oconee River, 129 O’Dea, Luke: letter from, 420-1; oCers to design garden, 420-1 Ohio: land speculation in, 86n; Chillicothe, 251; collection district, 572, 652, 654, 677, 682; Marietta, 654, 681. See also Northwest Territory Ohio Co., Va., 492, 493n Ohio River, 456 oil, 49, 312n, 455n Olcott, Simeon, 520 Oldham, James, 295, 529n “Oliver Oldschool” (J. Dennie), 517n O’Mealy, Michael, 415 Ontario, Lake, 87n oranges, 49, 599 Oration, Delivered in the Baptist Meeting-House, in Providence, on the Fourth of July, 1801 (Tristam Burges), 608-10 Oration Delivered in Wallingford, On the 11th of March 1801, Before the Republicans of the State of Connecticut (Abraham Bishop), 94n orphans, 20, 432, 581 Orr, Benjamin Grayson, 605, 606n Orr, Elizabeth, 606n Osgood, Samuel, 127n, 513 Ostend, 614n Otis, Harrison Gray, 74n, 661, 682n Otis, Samuel A.: letter from, 13-14; books for Library of Congress, 13-14 Ott, John, 707 Ottoman Empire, 134, 160n, 277

< 748>

INDEX Our Savior’s Divine Sermon on the Mount (James Blair), 321-2 Ovid, 152n Oxford University, 176n Paca, William, 420 packet ships, 106, 149n, 456, 599n, 631 Page, Charles, 319 Page, Mann: letter from, 207; recommends Vermonnet, 207 Page, Robert, 463 Paine, Elijah, 541-2 Paine, Seth, 221n Paine, Thomas: letters from, 281-6, 4501; Maritime Compact pamphlet, 281, 282, 285n; sends news of Europe, thoughts on neutral rights, 281-6; suggests gunboat invasion of Britain, 282, 285n; designs carriage wheels, 284-5, 286n; designs bridges, 285; Compact Maritime, 285n; plan for power generation, 450, 451n; and blockade of Le Havre, 450-1; letter from cited, 451n, 698 paper: stationery, 72, 74n, 169, 332n, 418n, 623; copying, 194; machine for ruling, 312n pardons: president’s authority to issue, 213, 214, 485; petitions for, 240-2, 362-4, 485-6, 583; granted by TJ, 242n, 320n, 364n, 460n, 486n, 583n; terms of, 320, 396, 486n Paris: consuls, commercial agents at, 13, 63, 154-5, 292, 605n; merchants, 44, 45, 504; debtor’s prison, 155n; smallpox vaccination in, 274, 277; hotels, 294n; museums, 455n Parker, Daniel: letter from, 538-9; advises on New England politics, 538-9; identiAed, 539n Parker, Daniel, & Co., 539n Parsons, Enoch, 130, 131n, 344n Particular examination of the new French Constitution (George Skene Keith), 407-8 parties, political: criticism of, vii, 88, 93, 95-6, 144-5, 343, 377, 430-1, 465, 538, 561, 608 Passamaquoddy Bay, 79n passports, 231, 379-81, 396-8 Patapsco (U.S. sloop), 29 patents, 312-13n Patriot (revenue cutter), 356 Patterson, Robert: letters from, 69-70, 272; recommends aspirants for oDce,

69-70, 272; and APS loan to C. W. Peale, 628n Paul, Thomas: seeks appointment, 429; letters from cited, 430n, 703 Paul I, Emperor of Russia: death of, 50, 51n, 61n, 134, 166, 281; formation of league of armed neutrality, 285n Payne, Anna: letter to, 193; invited to dine with TJ, 103n, 193; resides at President’s House, 111; letter to cited, 193n Peace Establishment Act (1801): implementation of, viii, 110, 173, 330-1, 384, 398, 434n, 534; oDcers retained, discharged under, 29, 30, 65, 300n, 378n, 604n, 624n, 681n; vessels retained, sold under, 29-30, 65, 110-11, 257, 330-1, 462n; terms of, 308 Peace Treaty, DeAnitive (1783), 254n Peale, Charles Willson: letter to, 686; letters from, 481-2, 627-8; and mastodon skeleton, ix, 481-2, 627-8, 686; portrait of Dearborn, xlii-xliii; numismatic interests, 251 Peale, Rembrandt: portraits of TJ, xlii, 38, 42 pecans, 599 Peck, William Dandridge, 436n Pedon, John, 485-6 Peerce, Edward, 486, 487n Peerce, Thomas: letter from, 486-7; seeks appointment, 486-7 peltry, 83, 86n, 216 Peñalver y Cárdenas, Luis, 598 Pendleton District, S.C.: representatives from, 7n; declares support for TJ, 278; letter from 16th Regiment, 27-8; thanked by TJ, 268-9 Penington, John: Chemical and Economical Essays, 480-1 Pennsylvania: York County, 7-8; immigrants in, 8-9; Irish in, 9n; legislature, 69, 96, 123n, 296, 300n, 471n, 525n, 690n; elections in, 73, 96, 270, 296, 492; oCers land to War Department, 82, 85n; roads, 87n, 491-2; Greensburg, 95, 97; inspectors of the revenue, 95, 354-5, 372, 449n, 470, 523-4; mechanics, 95; postal service, 95, 97, 536; supervisor for, 95, 97n, 183n, 354, 449n, 490n; Democratic Society of Pennsylvania, 123n; U.S. attorneys, 166n, 279, 300n; prothonotaries, 183n; Germantown, 202, 235; state gunpowder magazine, 210; newspapers, 269, 689; Germans in,

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INDEX Pennsylvania (cont.) 296, 449n, 689; U.S. senators, 296, 300n; Luzerne commission, 297, 300n, 442, 449n; progress of learning in, 411; land oDce, 428n, 449n; militia, 443-4; Northampton Co., 444, 449n; Berks Co., 470, 471n, 523-4, 525n; governors, 492; Baptists, 493n; and ratiAcation of U.S. Constitution, 525n; Quakers in, 553n, 581; sulphur springs in, 604; collection of internal revenues in, 652, 655, 676-7. See also Beaver Co., Pa.; Federalists; Newbury Township, Pa; Pittsburgh, Pa.; Republicans Pennsylvania, Bank of: building of, 47, 104, 128, 211; directors, 123n Pennsylvania, University of, 418, 481, 609n Pennsylvania Society for the Encouragement of Manufacturing and the Useful Arts, 123n Pensacola, Fla., 216 Perkins, Benjamin: letter from cited, 697 Perkins, Thomas: letter from cited, 701 Perry, John: letter from cited, 369n, 702; letter to cited, 369n, 703 Perry, Reuben: carpenter at Monticello, 295; letters from cited, 369n, 702, 703; letters to cited, 369n, 703 Perth Amboy, N.J., 130, 243 Peter, Robert, Jr, 485, 486n Petty, James, 595 Peyton, Craven: letter to, 567-8; letter from, 540; purchases land for TJ, 540, 567-8 Peyton, Francis: letter to, 177-8; letters from, 179-80, 692-3; oCered, declines marshalship of Potomac District, 1778, 179-80; horse nettings for TJ, 692, 693n; sends tax estimates, 692; letter to cited, 693n, 699 Peyton, John: letter from cited, 701 Philadelphia: prime meridian calculated at, xli; Federalists in, 21, 72, 168, 26970, 425n, 426; navy yard at, 29, 30, 330; iron manufacturing in, 46n; merchants, 46n, 123n, 278n, 332-3n, 359n, 425n, 589, 672; glass, glaziers, 47-8; cabinetmakers and upholsterers, 48n; artists, 52, 53n, 80; carriage makers, 53n, 201-2; lumber inspectors, 69n; newspapers, 72, 516, 517n, 689; postal service, 72, 536; engravers, 73n; former seat of government, 78; arsenals, 82, 85n; collector

at, 103n, 281n, 298-9, 381n, 426, 428n, 447, 671-2; grocers, 103n; Republicans in, 103n, 168, 269-70; schools, 103n; naval oDcer at, 122, 168, 426-7, 428n, 447; purveyor of public supplies, 122; surveyor at, 122, 420n, 428n, 450n; TJ’s election celebrated in, 123n, 418n; Irish in, 124n; waterworks, 128, 211; custom house, 168, 426, 428n, 443-4; coopers, 170n; gaugers, 170n; silversmiths, goldsmiths, 194n, 333n; militia, 211n, 428n; trade of, 217, 553n, 607; alms house, 269; churches, 269; physicians, 269-70; Academy of Medicine, 270n; yellow fever, 270n, 359n; Bartram’s Garden, 306n; booksellers, stationers, 332n, 418n; shopkeepers, 333n; collector of internal revenues, 354-5, 372, 476; confectioners, 359n; inns, hotels, 359n, 473; prices at, 371; African Episcopal Church, 417n; lotteries, 417n; inspector of the revenue at, 420n; libraries, 579n; marine hospitals, 679-80, 681n; Germans in, 689; attorneys, 695n Philadelphia (U.S. frigate), 29, 267, 308 Philadelphia, College of, 412n, 488n Philadelphia Gazette, 112n Philadelphia Society for the Encouragement of Domestick Manufactures, 123n Phill (d. 1809, TJ’s slave), 572, 580 Phillips, Nathaniel, 145, 146n, 266 Phillips, Samuel, Jr., 218, 219n Phillips Academy, 219n Phrygian cap, 73n Physick, Philip Syng, 418 Piattoli, Scipione, 361, 362n Pichon, Louis André: arrival in U.S., 230n; and French prisoners in U.S., 374, 666; Lafayette writes to, 404; and publication of Volney’s Ruines, 438, 440, 441n; and the Berceau, 547, 548n, 570n, 662-6; forwards copy of Saint-Domingue constitution, 638n; presents credentials, 668n; restitution of prize vessels, 668n Pickens, Andrew, 7, 559, 560n Pickens, Ezekial, 188n Pickering, Timothy: removals by, 63; as secretary of state, 125, 251n; withdraws printing contracts, 221; and Ellicott, 250; and Jay Treaty, 283, 286n; applications to, for appointments, 331, 332n; and J. D. Burk, 387, 389n; cor-

< 750>

INDEX respondence with Irujo, 419n; and T. Coxe, 446; and case of A. H. Rowan, 473, 475n; private secretary, 517n; and Saint-Domingue constitution, 638n Pickford, Mr. (Georgetown), 42 Pictet, Marc Auguste: letter from, 1524; recommends Esch, sends writings, 152-4 Pierce, Isaac, 303, 304n Pinckney, Charles: letters from, 46-7, 186-8, 528-9; recommends Blyth, 467; and convention with Spain on fugitives, 125; Case of Jonathan Robbins, 125n; advises on S.C. appointments, 186-8; letter from cited, 187-8n, 698; recommends T. L. Dart, 187-8n; criticizes South-Carolina State Gazette, 221n; appointed minister to Spain, 228, 453, 528-9; and Spanish quarantine laws, 526n; Mr. Charles Pinckney’s Speech, in Answer to Mr. Jay, 528, 529n; fears nomination will be rejected, 528-9 Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth, 344, 608 Pinckney, Thomas, 290 Pinckney Treaty, 250 pineapple, 638n Pintard, John, 646 Pintard, John M., 165, 166, 646n Pintard, Lewis Searle, 646 Piper, George, 584n, 597 Pitcairn, Joseph, 605-6n Pitman, Thomas G.: letter from cited, 702 Pittsburgh, Pa., 490n, 491, 536 “Plan of the New Town of Thurso, in the County of Caithness, North Britain now Building on the Property of Sir John Sinclair of Ulbster, Bart.” (Sir John Sinclair), 414 plasterers, 295 plaster of paris, 78-9, 302 Pleasants, Samuel, 101 Ploughman; or, Republican Federalist (Bennington, Vt.), 77n, 601, 602n Plutarch’s Lives, 577n poetry: TJ dislikes, 400-1 Poinsett, Joel R.: letter from, 628; seeks passage in the Boston, 628; identiAed, 628n Poland, 361, 362n Polar Star and Boston Daily Advertiser, 388n Political Mirror (Staunton, Va.), 19-20 Political Progress of Britain (James Thomson Callender), 205

Pollard, John: letter from, 168-9; recommends W. Henderson, 168-9 Polly (ship), 670n pomatum, 210n Poplar Forest (TJ’s estate), 18, 174 porcelain, 88n Port Folio (Philadelphia), 516, 517n Portsmouth, N.H.: navy yard at, 30, 330; harbor defenses, 82, 85n; merchants, 173n; postal service, 302; navy agent, 303n, 409; collector at, 357n, 449n; marine hospital, 681n Portugal: U.S. legation to, discontinued, 129, 130-1n, 176, 209n, 309; prospects for peace with France and Spain, 166; threatened, attacked by France and Spain, 167n, 284, 286n, 641, 643; closes ports to Britain, 284, 286n. See also Lisbon Portuguese language, 331 postal service: schedules, eDciency of, ix, 161, 197, 227, 302, 390, 407, 530, 536, 548, 585, 594, 657-8, 686; distrusted, 72, 95, 296, 344, 377, 559, 573-4, 577, 585, 592, 594, 657-8, 687; postmasters, 77n, 95, 97, 113-14, 205, 240n, 573-4, 577n, 585, 594, 601-2, 702; postmaster general, 95, 110, 4601, 476; removals in, expected, 95; printers should not be postmasters, 110; contracts for carrying mail, 3956; improvement, reorganization of, 461n; assistant postmaster general, 536; safe to carry money, 567; unsealed letters, 631-2. See also Habersham, Joseph Potocki, Ignacy, 361, 362n Potomac District: marshal for, 177-80, 191-2, 208; creation of, 208 Potomac River, 620n Potter, Henry, 109-10, 176 Potter, Samuel J.: letter from cited, 703 Pougens, Charles, 287, 292 Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia), 222n Powell, Mr., 407 Powell, Anthony, 531, 532-3n Powell, James, 280, 318 Preble, Edward, 29, 263-4, 378n Preble, Henry, 58, 61n Presbyterians, 368, 412n, 455n, 459n, 514n President (U.S. frigate), 29 President’s House: Independence Day festivities at, viii-ix; construction, alterations to, xli, 135-6n, 313, 314n;

< 751>

INDEX President’s House (cont.) contemporary images of, xli, 356 (illus.); descriptions of, xli, 135-6, 212; groceries and supplies for, 18, 38n, 100, 229, 705, 706-7; furnishing of, 64, 134-6, 151-2, 267; stable and household accounts, 102, 705-8; Madisons temporarily reside at, 111, 193, 196, 200, 246n, 257; M. Lewis resides at, 200; TJ criticized for hosting boarders at, 245-6; servants at, 489n, 685-6n; wine sent to, 650, 701. See also JeCerson, Thomas: Personal ACairs “President’s March,” viii press, freedom of: Federalist judges threaten, 213; abuses by press inseparable from its freedom, 268-9 Price, Chandler, 278n Price, Richard, 436n Priestley, Joseph, 147 Priestman, William, 279-80, 320, 460 Prince Edward Co., Va., 307n Prince Ernest Packet (packet ship), 149n Prince of Susa: A Tragedy (John Daly Burk), 389n Principes du Droit Politique (Jean Jacques Burlamaqui), 254n, 500, 502n Pringle, John Julius, 6, 7n Prize Dissertation, on the Excellence of the British Constitution (George Skene Keith), 407-8 prizes, naval: ownership of, 320-1, 497503; restitution of, 547-50, 568-71, 584, 586-7, 596-7, 662-7 Procter, Thomas: letter from, 210-11; removal of federal gunpowder, 210-11; identiAed, 211n; letter from cited, 211n; as reference, 480 Projet de Code Civil, Présenté par la Commission Nommée par le Gouvernement, le 24 Thermidor An 8, 504 Prospect Before Us (James Thomson Callender), 114 Prospect of Exterminating the Small Pox, Part II, Being a Continuation of a Narrative of Facts Concerning the Progress of the New Inoculation in America (Benjamin Waterhouse), 277n ProudAt, James, 270 Prout, William, 199, 202 Providence, R.I., 607, 702 prunes, 598, 707 Prussia: U.S. legation to, discontinued, 129, 130-1n, 176, 309; joins armed

neutrality, 285n; occupies Bremen and Hanover, 285n; U.S. relations with, 453 pumps, ix, 627-8, 686 Purdie, George, 229 Puritans, 668n Purviance, John H., 288, 293n pyramids: model of, sent to TJ, 454 Qaramanli, Yusuf, Pasha and Bey of Tripoli: letter to, 159-61; TJ to write to, 115; declares war on U.S., 134, 160n; writes to Adams, 159, 160n; TJ sends declarations of peace and amity to, 159-61; identiAed, 160n; negotiations with Cathcart, 222n, 308 Quaestionum Juris Publici (Cornelius van Bynkershoek), 254n Quakers. See Friends, Society of quarantines, 525-6 Quesada, Juan Nepomuceno de, 125 quicksilver, 49 raisins, 49, 598 Rallying Point For All True Friends To Their Country (James Simons), 187, 188n Ramsay, Andrew: letter from cited, 702 Ramsay, Ephraim: letter from, 14-15; recommended for oDce, 6; plantation of, 7n; recommends aspirants for oDce, 14-15; identiAed, 15n Ramsay, William: letter from cited, 702 Ramsdell, Capt., 691 Randall, Paul Richard: letter from, 31011; seeks appointment, 310-11 Randolph, Anne Cary (TJ’s granddaughter): TJ’s aCection for, 111, 201, 257, 384, 452, 580, 649; TJ sends items to, 200, 451, 580; health of, 327, 595 Randolph, Ariana Jenings: estate of, 1112, 44, 53, 97, 101, 611 Randolph, Cornelia JeCerson (TJ’s granddaughter): TJ’s aCection for, 111, 201, 257, 384, 452, 580, 649; health of, 327, 595 Randolph, David Meade: and remission of Callender’s Ane, 185, 190; account with U.S., 190; and E. Marchant’s case, 363; removal of, 626, 627n Randolph, Edmund: and estate of Ariana Randolph, 11-12, 44, 53, 97, 101, 611; and Short’s salary, 294n; as refer-

< 752>

INDEX ence, 331; as secretary of state, 331; L. Lincoln forwards letter from, 344; and E. Marchant’s case, 360; letter to cited, 701 Randolph, Ellen Wayles, II (TJ’s granddaughter): TJ’s aCection for, 111, 201, 257, 384, 452, 580, 649; TJ sends books to, 200-1, 451-2; health of, 327, 595 Randolph, Martha JeCerson (Patsy, Mrs. Thomas Mann Randolph, TJ’s daughter): letters to, 200-1, 451-2, 580; letters from, 389-91, 639; invited to Monticello, ix-x, 378-9, 390, 451-2, 571-2, 580, 649; pregnancy, x, 327; invited to Washington, 111, 196, 2001, 429; health of, 174, 200, 302, 327, 429, 451, 595, 639; TJ’s aCection for, 257, 384, 649; TJ sends music to, 257, 580; correspondence with TJ, 389-90; sends news, 389-91; stockings for TJ, 390; Lafayette sends regards to, 404; at Edgehill, 639 Randolph, Peter (d. 1767), 11 Randolph, Peyton, 11 Randolph, Richard, 198n Randolph, Thomas JeCerson (TJ’s grandson): TJ’s aCection for, 111, 201, 257, 384, 452, 580; health of, 327, 595 Randolph, Thomas Mann (TJ’s son-inlaw): letters to, 110-11, 256-7, 384-5, 649; letters from, 174-5, 327-8, 595; TJ sends wine to, 44, 100, 101, 198, 257; TJ sends news to, 110-11, 257, 384-5, 649; and French possession of Louisiana, 174-5; invited to Washington, 196; letters from cited, 257n, 580n, 702, 704; cares for TJ’s aCairs at Monticello, Shadwell, 327-8, 384, 595; subscription to National Intelligencer, 384-5, 529n; harvests, 452, 595; TJ’s aCection for, 580; indebted to G. JeCerson, 595; letters forwarded to, 687 Randolph, Virginia (sister of Thomas Mann Randolph), 174 Ranger (brig), 364n Rapin, Joseph: and President’s House accounts, 38, 42, 705-7; steward of the President’s House, 38n, 135; leaves TJ’s service, 357-8, 685 Rapine, Conrad & Co. (Washington, D.C.), 706, 708 raspberries, 452 Rastatt (Rastadt), Treaty of, 71, 73n

rattlesnakes, 599 Rawle, William, 279, 320 Read, George, Jr., 130, 171n Read, Jacob, 67n Read, John K., 26, 163-4 Reich, John: letter from, 74-5; recommended by Duane, 71-2, 297; medals by, 71-5, 167, 169, 353-4; coins by, 734n; identiAed, 73n; seeks appointment, 74-5, 167-8, 169, 353-4 religion: involvement of clergy in politics, 17, 92-3, 219, 255, 259, 342, 51516, 606-7, 660; separation of religion, government, 39-41, 259, 490-1, 606-7; deism, 92-3, 388n; national fasts and thanksgiving, 259; clergy supplied with newspapers, 516; newspapers defend, 517n; importance of, in New England, 541; converting ordinances, 658, 668n. See also JeCerson, Thomas: Religion “Remarks on the War Between the United States and Tripoli” (David Humphreys), 61n Remus (TJ’s horse), 572, 580 Report of the Secretary of the Navy, Accompanying Sundry Documents Marked No. 1, to 5 inclusive, Relative to the Naval Establishment of the United States (Benjamin Stoddert), 329, 331n Reports of Cases Adjudged in the Court of King’s Bench (Sir James Burrow), 321 Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the High Court of Admiralty (Christopher Robinson), 501, 502n republicanism: return of government to principles of, viii, 262; strength of, as form of government, 18, 71, 220, 662; in Europe, 71, 99n, 388n, 538; Federalists oppose, threaten, 213, 546, 547; south, west, and middle states unite to defend, 270; conciliatory spirit of, 464-5; considered speculative and theoretical, 538; Federalists and Republicans both republicans, 616-17 Republicans: entitled to fair share of oDces, vii, viii, 197, 433, 443, 446, 555-6, 591-2, 606, 635, 644, 671, 684; expect appointments, vii, 95, 223-4, 228, 255, 256, 296-7, 309-10n, 329n, 340-4, 355n, 426, 443-4, 446, 492, 612-13, 616, 660-1; in army, viii, 629; in Conn., xliii, 90-4, 105, 246n, 255, 301-2, 309, 341-3, 344-5n, 357n,

< 753>

INDEX Republicans (cont.) 518-20, 557n, 610, 660, 661; in Ga., 3-4, 592-4; in N.J., 5-6, 243, 309, 518n; in S.C., 6-7, 14-15, 187, 188n, 221; in N.Y., 13, 127, 158-9, 164-5, 178, 223-4, 256, 263, 309-10n, 316-17, 513, 522-3; in New England, 17, 3434, 518-20, 606; in R.I., 17, 66, 93, 195, 340-1, 518, 606, 660; in Vt., 17, 75-6, 93, 520, 533n, 601-2, 606; printers, newspapers, 19-20, 23, 75-6, 224n, 269, 388n, 405, 443, 449n, 516, 547, 549n, 601-2, 603, 620-4, 659-60, 667; in Va., 19-20, 172n, 219, 228, 258, 494, 573-4; former Loyalists, tories among, 37, 256, 522; TJ “father” to all, 75; encourage arts and manufactures, 77-8; must establish national dress and character, 77-8; called anarchists, disorganizers, 91, 93; accused of atheism, deism, 92-3; in Mass., 93, 105, 176n, 218-19, 520, 548n, 606, 659-62, 667, 674n; in N.H., 93, 173n, 520, 606; removal of Federalists will strengthen, unite, 93, 223-4, 296-7, 301-2, 317, 344-5n, 443-4; no removals for diCerence of opinion, 95, 372, 401, 402, 465; threatened with economic reprisals by Federalists, 95, 187, 221, 298-9, 472, 593, 662; urge moderation in removals, 95, 96-7, 256, 309, 343, 443, 518-20, 660, 661; divisions among, 95-6, 127, 158-9, 169, 224n, 256, 296, 300n, 309-10n, 340, 354, 355n, 431, 465, 471n, 492, 563-5, 578, 587-8, 590-1, 616-17, 626, 661, 683, 689; in Pa., 95-7, 124n, 169, 26970, 296-7, 300n, 309, 329n, 354, 355n, 445-6, 470-1n, 492, 524, 536, 537n, 626, 689; in Philadelphia, 103n, 168, 269-70; subordinates threatened, replaced by Federalist superiors, 11314, 168, 171n, 272, 296, 317, 585, 6356, 662; immigrants support, 175, 435; in New York City, 178, 514n; reduction of diplomatic establishment, 228, 351; former Federalists return to, 258, 341, 484; in D.C., 303-4; in Del., 309, 348, 467, 487-8, 563-5, 578, 587-8, 590-1, 612-13, 616-17, 626, 683; and France, 444, 522; in N.C., 483-4; dislike of Great Britain, 522; in Md., 536, 537n; in Miss. Terr., 560-1; few attorneys, professionals among, 592, 593; appointees must be above exception, 640; in Boston, 693-4

revenue cutters, 356-7, 456, 527, 637, 644 Reynolds, Benjamin, 170-1 Reynolds, James: letter from, 168-9; recommends W. Henderson, 168-9 Rhine River, 284, 286n Rhode Island: Federalists in, 17, 146-7n, 195, 340-1, 518, 608; Republicans in, 17, 66, 93, 195, 340-1, 518, 606, 660; and Greene’s commission, 66; U.S. district court, 66, 130, 131-2, 145-6, 195, 340-1; importance of commerce to, 70-1, 314; legislature, 70-1, 146, 188-9, 314, 607, 608; U.S. attorney for, 121, 130, 132n, 144, 145-6, 178, 195-6, 265, 266, 341; Bristol collectorship, 145, 146-7n, 266; slave trade in, 145, 146-7n; Warren and Barrington surveyorship, 145, 146n, 266; French prisoners in, 158n; attorneys, 195, 341; commissioner of loans, 196n; and smallpox vaccination, 273; trade with Mediterranean, 607-8; French consul for, 649n; collection of internal revenues in, 652; marine hospitals, 679. See also Newport, R.I.; Providence, R.I. Rhode Island, College of (Brown University), 137, 196n, 609n, 701 Rhode-Island Republican (Newport), 147n Rhodes. See Rodes (Rhodes), Matthew Richardson, Joseph, 138n Richardson, Richard: letter to, 230-2; letters from, 137-8, 603-4; training in stonecutting and plastering, 104, 138n, 231; inherits Jamaican estate, 137-8, 230-2, 603-4; receives payment, 227, 230-1; TJ oCers Anancial advice to, 231; TJ provides certiAcate and passport to, 231-2 Richmond, Va.: price of tobacco at, 54; collector at, 100; newspapers, 101; postmaster, 205; Rocketts Landing, 362; jail, 362-3; reputation as unhealthy, 399 Rittenhouse, David, 183n, 184 Rives, Robert: letter to cited, 701 roads: military, 87n, 491-2; through Indian territory, 129, 130n, 315-16, 384, 456-7, 458, 506-8, 509, 511; overseers, 312n; poor condition of, 374; demand for, 456-7; between eastern and western U.S., 456-7; cost of constructing, 530; gravel, 530; in Washington, D.C., 530

< 754>

INDEX Robbins, Asher, 195-6, 265 Robbins, Jonathan, 26, 27n, 125n, 164n Robbins, Mary Ellery, 195, 196n Roberts, John: letter to, 271; thanked by TJ, 271 Roberts, M., 707 Roberts, Michael, 332 Roberts & Jones (Philadelphia): letters to cited, 701, 703; letters from cited, 702, 703 Robespierre, Maximilien François Marie Isidore de, 331 Robinson, Christopher: Reports of Cases Argued and Determined, 501, 502n Robinson, Moses, 602 Robotham, Richard: letter from, 311-13; sends description of ventilator, 311-13; identiAed, 312n Rochambeau, Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, Comte de, 143n Rochon, Alexis Marie de, Abbé, 293, 294n Rockbridge Co., Va., 258, 494, 674n Rodes (Rhodes), Matthew, 101 Rodgers, John, 454n Rodney, Caesar A.: travels to Washington, 487; Republican leader in Del., 487-8, 590; opposes appointment of Joel Lewis, 563-4, 683; recommended by T. McKean, 613 Roederer, Pierre Louis, 286n Rogers, John (R.I.), 607, 609n Rogers, Richard: letter from, 126-7; seeks to retain oDce, 126-7; identiAed, 126-7n; removal of, 127, 158, 256, 316-17 Rogers, Dr. William, 607 Roman askos: TJ orders copy of, 194n, 233 Roman empire, 73n Rose, Daniel: letter from, 523-5; recommends Ludwig, 523-5; letter from cited, 525n, 699 Rose, Robert H., 50, 51n Rose, William: letter from, 362-4; and E. Marchant’s case, 360, 362-4; identiAed, 364n Ross, James, 67n, 444 Ross, James (poet), 417n Ross, Thomas, 355 Rossell (Rozell), William, 5, 6n Rotch, F.: letters from cited, 703, 704 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 496 Rowan, Archibald Hamilton, 473, 474, 475n

Rowe, John: letters from cited, 702, 703, 704 Royal Society of Edinburgh, 153, 154 Royal Society of London, 153, 154 Rühle von Lilienstern, August Friedemann: colonization plan of, 156; identiAed, 156n; letter from cited, 156n Ruines; ou, Méditation sur les Révolutions des Empires (Constantin François Chasseboeuf Volney), 438, 440, 441-2n “Rules by which a Great Empire may be reduced to a Small One” (Benjamin Franklin), 435, 436n Rumford, Count. See Thompson, Benjamin (Count Rumford) Rush, Benjamin: students of, 47n; numismatic interests, 251; prescribes bleeding, 269; organizes Academy of Medicine, 270n; and quarantine laws, 526 Ruspoli, Bailli Bartolomeo, 600 Russell, Benjamin, 246n Russell, Jonathan, 145, 146-7n, 266, 341 Russell, Thomas, 688 Russia: Britain sends emissary to, 281, 285n; Polish insurgence against, 362n; U.S. relations with, 466. See also Paul I, Emperor of Russia Rutgers, Henry, 513 Rutledge, Edward, 157n rye, 102 St. Andrew’s Society (Alexandria, Va.), 118n St. Bartholomew’s Hospital (London), 270n St. Christopher, W.I., 364, 365, 367-8n St. Clair, Miss (Mrs. William Boys), 269 St. Clair, Arthur: letter from, 412-14; character of, 3; and coin discovery, 251, 412-14 Saint Croix River, 178 Saint-Domingue, W.I.: commercial agents at, 16, 65, 78, 429; émigrés from, 45n; merchants, 45n; mahogany from, 48n; U.S. relations with, 65; internal conBict, 188n; Santo Domingo (city), 205-6n; French navy at, 261n; constitution of, 637, 638n; perceived threat from, 637, 644; climate of, 638; abolition of slavery on, 638n St. Helens, Alleyne Fitzherbert, Baron, 281, 285n

< 755>

INDEX St. Kitts, W.I. See St. Christopher, W.I. St. Martin, W.I., 613 Saint Marys River, 421 Saint-Maurice, Madame Gratien de, 293, 294n St. Petersburg, Russia, 281, 657 Sally (brigantine), 532-3n Sally (sloop), 47 salt, 363, 492, 613n saltpeter: returns of, in military stores, 82; reAning of, 618, 619-20, 650; on TJ’s property, 673, 674n salt springs, 493n Sampson (Bible), 612 Sands, Joshua, 127, 281n, 317, 513 Santo Domingo. See Saint-Domingue, W.I. Saratoga, battle of, 406 Sargent, Winthrop: letters from, 161, 216-18; removal of, 80-1, 125-6n, 1845, 217n; investigated by House of Representatives, 81n; travels to Washington, 161, 184, 217n; provides description of Louisiana, 216-18; as governor of Miss. Terr., 250; forwards Indian artifacts, 413 sashes, 47-8, 185 Satires (Juvenal), 609n Savage, Edward, 52, 53n, 90, 496-7 Savannah, Ga.: attorneys in, 3, 592; mayors of, 3; merchants, 105n; collector at, 280, 318, 682; revenue cutter, 356n; packet service to, from, 456; market for foreign goods, 457; anonymous letter from cited, 582n, 703; unhealthy climate of, 591; postmaster, 594; marine hospital, 678, 681n Savannah River, 7n, 457 Sawyer, David, 49, 133 Sawyer, Enoch, 544 Sayre, Stephen: letter from, 452-4; seeks appointment, 452-4; advises on foreign policy, 453 Scales, William: letter from, 38-41; thoughts on separation of church and state, 38-41; claims loss of rights, 41n; Confusion of Babel Discovered, 41n; identiAed, 41n; letter from cited, 41n Schneider, Jacob, 426-7, 428n, 443-4, 445, 449n Schroeder, Mrs., 357-8, 545, 568 Schroeder, Charles: seeks employment as TJ’s steward, 357-8, 545, 546n, 568, 685; identiAed, 359n Schubart, Herman, 60, 61n Schuyler, Philip A., 469, 470n

Schuylkill Arsenal, 69n, 82, 85n Scot, Robert, 75, 353, 354n Scotland: reaction to TJ’s election in, 281; Church of Scotland, 408n; New Englanders called “Scotch men of America,” 411; plan of new town in, 414; immigrants from, 504n, 553n, 579 Scott, Charles: letter from cited, 699 Scott, Joseph, 363 Scott, Joseph T.: letters from, 168-9, 328-9; recommends W. Henderson, 168-9; New and Universal Gazetteer; or, Modern Geographical Dictionary, 328-9; identiAed, 328n; works by, 328n; letter from cited, 329n, 697; seeks appointment, 329n Scott, William (army oDcer), 630n Scott, William, Lord Stowell, 533n seal hunting, 312n Searle, Nathaniel, Jr., 178 Searle, Nathaniel, Sr., 178 Sedgwick, Theodore, 344, 345n Sedition Act (1798): persecutions, prosecutions under, 73, 74n, 76-7, 169-70, 297-8, 386-7, 389n, 583-4; TJ halts, pardons prosecutions under, 169-70, 300n, 583-4, 597-8; indemniAcation for suCerers under, 185-6; criticism of, 576; support for, 594 Selim III, Sultan of Ottoman Empire, 160n Sémillante (French frigate), 230, 267, 268 seneca root, 361, 481 Sermon, Preached before His Excellency Caleb Strong, Esq. Governour, the Honourable the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts (Aaron Bancroft), 516, 517n servants: wages, 38n, 545, 568, 686n; indentured, 71, 75, 353; bedding for, 135; theft by, 289, 294n, 365; in navy, 364-5, 367n; training of indigent girls as, 433n; clothing for, 488-9; marriage of, 565-6. See also cooks; JeCerson, Thomas: Personal ACairs; stewards Settle, Strother G.: letter from cited, 464n, 703 Sever, James, 139, 140n, 296, 300n Several Methods by Which Meridional Lines May be Found with Ease and Accuracy (Andrew Ellicott), 183, 184n Shaw, Samuel, 404, 405n

< 756>

INDEX Shawangunk, N.Y., 481, 482n SheaC, Henry: letter to, 650; sells wine to TJ, 44, 100, 650; letters to, from cited, 650n, 701, 702, 704 sheeting, 390 SheDeld, Enoch, 362 SheDeld, John Baker Holroyd, Earl of, 324 Shelby, Isaac: letter from, 639; recommends J. Smith, 639 Shelton, Clough, 577n Shepard, Warham, 630n Shepherd, John, 102 Sherburne, John Samuel, 129, 131n Shields, William B., 114n Shipman, Elias: letter to, 554-8; forwards New Haven remonstrance, 383n; letter from cited, 383n, 698; TJ’s reply to New Haven merchants, 554-8 Shippen, William, 270n Shoemaker, Edward, 332 Shore, Dr. John, 100, 374, 521, 704 Short, Peyton, 293 Short, William: letter from, 286-94; reports death of Paul I, 51n; as TJ’s secretary in Paris, 62-3, 64n; and books for Library of Congress, 74n; Va. lands, 101; business aCairs, 197-8, 235, 287-8, 291, 375; TJ’s debt to, 235, 375; claim on U.S., 286-94; plans return to U.S., 287; powers of attorney, 287-8, 293n; salary due to, 290-1, 294n; seeks appointment, 292; and brother, 293; and Madame de Tessé, 336, 338 Sicily, 48-51, 133-4, 607 Sidney, Algernon, 565 silk, 49 silver: G. Morris’s table service, 64, 1512, 267; ewer for TJ, 194n, 233, 333n; urns, 194n, 333n; claim to produce, from tin, 238; from Veracruz, 278-9; assaying and coining of, 354n silversmiths, 194n, 242n, 333n Simmons, Anthony, 194n, 332, 333n Simons, James: replacement as collector sought, 15, 187; Rallying Point For All True Friends To Their Country, 187, 188n; competence as collector, 221; delinquent accounts of, 281n; recommends retaining revenue cutter, 637; and Charleston marine hospital, 680 Simons, Keating Lewis, 188n Sinclair, Sir John: letter from, 414;

“Plan of the New Town of Thurso,” 414; urges establishment of board of agriculture, 414 Sitgreaves, John, 177 Sitgreaves, Samuel, 324 Sketches of the Principles of Government (Nathaniel Chipman), 19 Skinner, Tompson J., 344, 345n Skipwith, Fulwar: restored as commercial agent, 63, 64n, 292; TJ’s opinion of, 63 slavery: abolished in Saint-Domingue, 638n; said to be source of TJ’s political power, 644 slaves: Roman, 73n; enumeration of, 136; hiring of, 208n; manumission of, 208n, 695n; perceived inferiority of, 274; and smallpox vaccination, 274, 580, 581-2; Gabriel’s insurrection, 345; removal of condemned, from Va., 345-7, 614; ongoing threat of insurrection by, 345-8; lost during American Revolution, 392n; payments to, 572n; compared to cattle, 644 slave trade: in Rhode Island, 145, 1467n; opposition to, 350n; end of, celebrated, 417n “Slender, Robert” (pseudonym), 476-7n smallpox: vaccination, 118n, 273-7, 4678, 471, 580-2, 645n; preparation and transportation of vaccine matter, 275, 462, 580-2, 629, 640; methods of vaccination, 275-6, 629 Smilie, John, 355n Smith, Cornelius, 240-1, 242n Smith, Elihu Hubbard, 577n Smith, George, & Co. (Hamburg), 473-4 Smith, Henry (sawyer), 102 Smith, Isaac, 280n Smith, J. (Fort Pitt): letter from cited, 703 Smith, John (Ky.), 639 Smith, John (Va. congressman): and Burrus case, 463; letter from cited, 464n, 703 Smith, Margaret Smith (Mrs. Robert Smith), 604 Smith, Margaret Spear (Mrs. Samuel Smith), 433, 536 Smith, Robert: letter to, 534-5; letters from, 562, 604-5; and Truxtun, 140n; and J. Humphreys, 300n; appointed secretary of the navy, 534-5, 559, 562, 650; identiAed, 534n; delays arrival in Washington, 562, 604-5, 651n; letters

< 757>

INDEX Smith, Robert (cont.) to cited, 562n, 651n, 699; family of, 604; recommends G. Davis, 624n; as acting secretary of war, 651n, 686; loan of pump to C. W. Peale, 686 Smith, Samuel (Md.): letters to, 433-4, 535-6, 549-50, 640; letters from, 2831, 31, 257-8, 268, 304-5, 329-31, 415, 461-2, 536-7, 596-7, 605-6, 625; acting secretary of the navy, viii, xliii, 65, 115, 123, 125n, 163n, 172-3, 203, 3045, 308, 326, 340n, 408, 534, 535, 547, 548n, 664, 669n; reports on status of the navy, viii, 28-31, 329-31; member of the Society of the Cincinnati, xliii; portrait of, xliii, 356 (illus.), 690n; letters from cited, 16n, 264n, 278n, 368n, 698; as reference, 20, 415n, 474; forwards papers to TJ, 31, 257-8, 364, 368n; Federalists attempt to thwart nomination, 66-7n; attends cabinet meetings, 115, 326; and Mediterranean squadron, 115, 268, 308, 461-2; and tribute for Algiers, 115n; Burr writes to, 127n, 128n, 515n; and Norfolk navy yard, 163n; site for marine barracks, 203; and case of S. Nicholson, 206-7; letter forwarded to, 230; and Low’s case, 264n; and recovery of U.S. property at Veracruz, 278n; and return of French prisoners, 304-5; health of, 309, 596; and British debt claims, 326; and Mullowny’s case, 340n; compiles list of navy captains, 378n; leaves Washington, 408; recommends aspirants for oDce, 415, 433-4, 605-6, 625; appointment of Ludlow, 513, 515n; and appointment of R. Smith as navy secretary, 535-6; and changes in postal routes in Pa., 536-7, 549; and the Berceau, 547, 548n, 549-50, 596-7, 664; conduct of Yznardi, Jr., 605, 625, 640; and appointment of S. Brown, 669n Smith, Samuel Harrison: letter to, 529; letter from, 686-7; reports on Fourth of July festivities, viii-ix; receives printing contracts, 74n; TJ meets with, 384-5; and TJ’s subscription to the Universal Gazette, 529; receives copy of Saint-Domingue constitution, 638n; and reorganization of revenue districts, 677n; forwards newspapers, letters, 686-7. See also National Intelligencer (Washington)

Smith, William Loughton, 130n, 209n, 425n Smith, William Stephens, 62, 64n, 415n, 539n Smith, William Stevens (S.C.), 188n Smithson, William, 537n smuggling, 217 Smyth, John: letter from, 331-2; seeks appointment, 331-2; identiAed, 332n Smyth, William: letter from cited, 704 Snow, Samuel, 657 soap, 49 Sophia (brig), 598 Southack, John: letter from, 78-9; seeks TJ’s opinion on plaster of paris, 78-9; identiAed, 79n South America, 630 Southard, Henry, 5, 6n South Carolina: appointments and removals in, 6-7; Republicans in, 6-7, 14-15, 187, 188n, 221; Silver BluC, 7, 15; courts, 7n, 15; and election of 1800, 7n; election of 1796 in, 7n; Federalists in, 7n, 15n, 187, 188n, 221; Ninety Six District, 7n; U.S. attorney for, 7n; attorney general, 14, 15n; attorneys, 15; marshal for, 15, 221; legislature, 15n, 28n, 46-7, 157n, 187, 188n, 392n; physicians, 46-7; presidential electors, 46-7; Georgetown District, 47n; commissioners of the Direct Tax, 136, 543, 675, 702; American Revolution in, 157n; governors, 157n; lieutenant governor, 157n; U.S. district court, 157n; opposition to Judiciary Act in, 186-7; elections, 187, 188n; St. Thomas and St. Dennis Parish, 188n; printing of federal laws in, 221n; Beaufort collectorship, 281n; western land claims, 559n; collection of internal revenues in, 652, 655, 6767; militia, 675, 676n; marine hospitals, 678-80, 681n; installment laws, 696. See also Charleston, S.C.; Pendleton District, S.C. South Carolina (revenue cutter), 637 South-Carolina State Gazette, and Timothy’s Daily Advertiser (Charleston), 221n southern states: and immigration and naturalization, 35; and smallpox vaccination, 274-7; demand few removals, 309, 626; prejudice against, 328, 329n; progress of learning in, 411-12; Federalists in, 547 Southwest Point, Tenn., 315, 458

< 758>

INDEX Southwick, Solomon, 127 Spadara, Giuseppe, 51 Spain: navigation of the Mississippi, 59; relations with France, 59; U.S. relations with, 59-60, 64n, 186, 228, 249-51, 278, 419-20, 526n, 560, 6413, 664; cedes Louisiana to France, 111, 186, 205, 528, 560, 646n; U.S.Florida boundary, 119, 120, 249-51; proposed convention with, on fugitives, 125n; prospects for peace with Portugal, 166, 284; declares war on Portugal, 167n, 284, 286n, 641, 643; poor harvest in, 167n; poor reputation of military, 216; governance of Louisiana, 216-17; does not recognize foreign consuls in colonies, 218n; and trade with Veracruz, 278; and granting of passports, 397-8; quarantine laws, 526n; navy, 642, 643; trade with U.S., 670n. See also Cadiz, Spain Spanish language, 331-2 Sparrman, Anders: Voyage, 551, 554n Spayd, John, 525n Spooner, Alden, 77n Spooner, Ephraim, 532-3n Sprigg, Richard, Jr., 694 springs, 492, 604, 674 Sproat, Ebenezer, 681-2 spyglasses, 135 Squirrel (British ship), 67 Stacey, George, 433 stagecoaches, 161 Stanton, Joseph, Jr.: letter from cited, 702 State, U.S. Department of: appointment of secretaries of legation, 12-13, 62-4; consular appointments, 13, 48-51, 58, 62-3, 154-5, 176, 261-2, 266, 334n, 415, 429, 461, 462, 474, 536n, 605-6, 614n, 624-5, 646, 656-7; contracts sought from, 19-20, 74n, 76-7, 221, 689, 690n; compensation of consuls, 57-8, 176; reduction of diplomatic establishment, 110, 129, 130-1n, 176, 208-9, 284, 309, 398-9; memorandum of proceedings for April 1801, 156n; clerks, 172n, 183n, 331-2, 429; passports, 231, 379-81; and Short’s accounts with, 288-92, 294n; and British debt claims, 325; citizenship of consuls, 333-4; geographic balance needed in appointments, 415; fraudulent ship registers, 531-4; publication of laws in German, 689, 690n

State of the French Republic at the end of the year VIII (Hauterive), 149 stationery. See paper Steele, John (comptroller of treasury): letter from, 550-1; and Callender’s Ane, 190n; and revenue cutters, 3567n; and Clark’s account, 370-2; requests leave of absence, 550-1 Steele, John (Pa.), 300n Stephens, William, 3-4, 592-3, 594n Sterett, Andrew, 29 Sterling, William A.: letter from cited, 704 Sterne, Laurence, 322 Stevens, Edward, 16, 65, 668n stewards: TJ seeks to hire, 189, 357-9, 544-6, 568, 685 Stewart, William (blacksmith): engaged to oversee Monticello nailery, 104, 111, 211, 376; erratic behavior of, 104n, 376; identiAed, 104n; letters to, from cited, 104n, 376n, 701 Stillman, Amos: letter from cited, 702 Stock, John, 47, 48n stockings, 333n, 390 Stockwell, William, 76, 77n, 601, 602n Stoddard, Solomon, 668n Stoddert, Benjamin: and Norfolk navy yard, 26, 27n, 163n; and cannon contracts, 46n; and S. Nicholson, 88; and Truxtun’s seniority, 139, 140n; and French prisoners in U.S., 157-8n, 305n; as secretary of the navy, 263, 534; recommends sending squadron to Mediterranean, 308; Report of the Secretary of the Navy, 329, 331n; and the Berceau, 547, 548n, 550, 596, 663 Stone, David, 544 Stone, John H.: letter from cited, 697 Storer, Ebenezer, 88n Strasbourg, France, 99n straw, 102 strawberries, 306-7 Strong, Caleb, 105, 218 Stuart (Stewart), Archibald: letter from, 258-9; advises on Va. appointments, 258-9; letter from cited, 259n, 701 Stuart, Gilbert: portrait of S. Smith, xliii; debts of, 79-80; patrons of, 155n; plans to publish American Gallery, 689-90 Stuart (Stewart), James: letter to, 1023; and TJ’s account with J. Holmes, 102-3; identiAed, 103n; letter from cited, 103n, 697 Stutson, Levi: letter from, 669-70;

< 759>

INDEX Stutson, Levi (cont.) seeks appointment, 669-70; identiAed, 670n SuDeld, Conn.: letter to, 18; thanked by TJ, 18, 105 sugar, 49, 216-17 suicide, 478, 479 sulphur, 49, 604 Summary of the Law of Nations, Founded on the Treaties and Customs of the Modern Nations of Europe (Georg Friedrich von Martens), 500, 502n Sumter, Thomas, Jr.: appointed secretary of legation, 12-13, 62-4, 628 Sun of Liberty (Danbury, Conn.), 56 Süverman, John Christoph, 489n Swan, Hepzibah Clarke: letter from, 154-5; seeks appointment for husband, 154-5; identiAed, 155n Swan, James, 154-5 Swanwick, John, 444 Swartwout, John, 37 Sweden, 281, 285n, 453, 554n sweetmeats, 637-8 Sweitzer, Henry, xli Swift, Jonathan: Gulliver’s Travels, 457-8n Switzerland, 337, 338 Swords, James, 577n Swords, Thomas, 577n syrup of punch, 638n Systematical View of the Laws of England; As Treated of in a Course of Vinerian Lectures (Richard Wooddeson), 254n Taber, Constant: letters from cited, 702, 703 Tableau du Climat et du Sol des ÉtatsUnis d’Amérique (Constantin François Chasseboeuf Volney), 439, 441, 442n tables, 191 tailors: TJ’s account with, 488-9 Talbot, Silas: and Windship’s courtmartial, 15-16; seniority of, 139, 140n, 201; retained in service, 378n Taliaferro, Benjamin, 130n, 560n Talleyrand-Périgord, Charles Maurice de (Bishop of Autun), 285n, 606n tamarind, 638n Tammany Society of New York City, 514n Taney, Francis Lewis, 614n tapestries, 203-4

Tate, William, 392n Taylor, Creed, 197 Taylor, Hubbard, 394 Taylor, James (Caroline Co., Va.), 394 Taylor, James, Jr. (Norfolk): letter from, 259; TJ orders wine from, 68-9, 106, 230, 259; identiAed, 259n; letter to cited, 259n, 698 tea, 194 telescopes, 272, 434, 436n Tellico, Tenn., 86n, 505 Tennessee: Indian agent in, 83, 86n; troops in, 83-4, 86n; Cherokee cessions in, 129, 130n, 315, 456-7, 509, 511; Mero District, 129, 130n, 315, 457; Sumner County, 129; ferries, 315; Knoxville, 315; Wilderness tract, 315; inns on Cherokee lands, 315-16, 509, 511; seeks roads to eastern states, 456-7, 458; cotton, 457; census returns, 472n; removal of U.S. troops from, 505, 509, 511; collection of internal revenues in, 652; marine hospitals, 681n. See also Southwest Point, Tenn.; Tellico, Tenn. Tennessee River, 456, 458n Tensaw River, 120 tents, ix, 686 Teribazus, 386 Ternant, Jean Baptiste: letter from, 400; and C. Schroeder, 357-8, 546n; returns to France, 400; identiAed, 400n Tessé, Adrienne Catherine de Noailles, Comtesse de: letter from, 336-9; impact of French Revolution on, 336-9; and Lafayette, 404 theft: on ships, 247; by servants, 289, 294n, 365; penalties for, 485-6; by soldiers, 485-6 Theus, Simeon, 136n Thomas, Abishai: principal clerk of Navy Department, 163n, 378n; letters from cited, 597n, 697, 699 Thomas, Daniel, 584n, 597 Thomas, Georges: letter from, 571; seeks appointment, loan, 571 Thomas, Isaiah, 77n Thomas, Joseph, 584n, 597 Thompson, Benjamin (Count Rumford), 153, 154 Thompson, James A., 281n Thompson, John (father), 67 Thompson, John (son), 67 Thornton, Anna Maria: letter to, 103; invited to dine with TJ, 103; neighbor of the Madisons, 193n

< 760>

INDEX Thornton, William: letter to, 103; as D.C. commissioner, 51-2, 225-6, 3356n; invited to dine with TJ, 103; residence in Washington, D.C., 103n; neighbor of the Madisons, 193n Thornton, William (Culpeper, Va.), 212 “Thoughts on the Necessity of Maintaining a Navy” (David Humphreys), 61 Three Brothers (brig), 364n threshing machines, 452 Thurso, Scotland, 414 Thweat, Archibald, 704 Tibbett, Capt., 598 Tichenor, Isaac, 76, 77n, 602 Ticonderoga, Fort, 207 Tiebout, Cornelius, xlii Tilden, Daniel, 246n Tilghman, William, 74n, 213-14n Tillinghast, Stephen, 607, 609n Tillinghast, Theodosia Foster, 609n Tillinghast, Thomas: letters from cited, 702, 703 Tilton, James: letter from, 487-8; investigates McLane, 171n; advises on appointments, 487-8; identiAed, 488n; recommended by T. McKean, 612-13 Tilton, Nehemiah, 612 timber: for navy vessels, 30, 329, 331n; mahogany, 47-8; prices, 47-8; Louisiana, 216-17 Time Piece, and Literary Companion (New York), 389n Times (London), 692n Timor, East Indies, 156 Timothy, Benjamin Franklin, 221n Tinsley, Peter, 695 Tinsley, Samuel, 421, 695 Titus (Titus Flavius Vespasiamus, Roman emperor), 634, 635n “T.J.M.” (pseudonym): letter from, 581; seeks appointment, 581 tobacco: prices, 18, 54; shipment, sale of TJ’s, 18, 54, 100, 595n; as crop at Monticello, Poplar Forest, 174; poor harvest by T. M. Randolph, 595 Todd, James: letter to, 65; letter from, 78; declares support for TJ, 7-8; thanked by TJ, 65 Todd, Thomas, 244 Tompkins, Gwyn R., 245n tools, 707 Tough, J. (Sicily), 51 Toussaint-Louverture, 65, 638n towels, 705 Townes Tavern (Amelia Co., Va.), 389n

Townsend, Barclay: letter from cited, 703 Tracts on Weights, Measures, and Coins (George Skene Keith), 407-8 Tracy, Uriah, 67n, 246n Traquair, James: letters from, 104, 21112; recommends stonecutter for Monticello, 104; letters to, from cited, 104n, 701; recommends Stewart and Latrobe, 211-12; and conduct of Stewart, 407 Treasury, U.S. Department of the: collectors of revenue, viii, 652-3, 677; duties of supervisors, viii, 652-5, 676-7; inspectors of the revenue, viii, 88n, 95, 354-5, 372, 470, 523-4, 652-5, 676-7, 681-2; reorganization of revenue districts and oDcers, viii, 318-19, 651-5, 676-7; appointment of revenue supervisors, 5-6, 36-7, 95, 97n, 127, 130, 131n, 164-5, 354, 355n, 490n, 517-18, 548n; appointment of customs collectors, 15, 94n, 117, 127, 130, 131n, 145, 146-7n, 243, 266, 281n, 348-9, 484n, 513, 544, 572-3, 582, 682; Are in oDce of, 22, 111, 112n; commissioners of loans, 42-3; accusations of misconduct in, 71; clerks, 73n, 103n, 272, 381n, 446, 479, 480n, 482-3, 603; stationery contract with W. Duane, 74n; appointment of customs inspectors, 103n; salaries and compensation, 110, 171n, 318, 355, 372, 476, 572, 652-3, 655n, 682; appointment of naval oDcers, 126-7, 168; commissioners of the Direct Tax, 136, 543, 675; appointment of customs surveyors, 145, 146n; weighers and gaugers, 1701, 531, 687; bargemen, 171n; revenue cutters, 171n, 356-7, 527; commissioner of the revenue, 183n, 226, 31819, 354-5, 381n, 448, 450n; General Stamp ODce, 226, 318-19, 655; superintendent of stamps, 226-7; delinquent accounts with, 280-1, 318, 518n, 627n, 653-4; removal of delinquent collectors, 280-1; registration of ships of war with customs collectors, 339; repairs to oDce of, 369-72; auditor, 371, 653; comptroller, 371, 653; and granting of passports, 379-81; assistant secretary of the Treasury, 450n; treasurer of the U.S., 476, 477n; issuing of health certiAcates, 525-6; fraudulent ship registers, 531-4; removal of oDcers for fraud, 532, 533n;

< 761>

INDEX Treasury, U.S. Department of the (cont.) establishment of collection districts, 572, 582; appointment power of collectors, 635-6, 644; electioneering by collectors, 635-6, 644. See also Gallatin, Albert Treatise of Captures in War (Richard Lee), 254n Treatise on Practical Farming (John Alexander Binns), 79n Tredwell, Benjamin, 177n Tredwell, Samuel, 177 Trenton, battle of, 690n Trinity College (Dublin), 388n Tripoli: estimate of marine force of, 31n; threatens, declares war against U.S., 49-50, 115, 134, 160n, 205, 266-8, 308; sending of warships to, urged, 61n, 115, 134; Dale’s instructions regarding, 115n; cruisers, 134, 646; consul at, 159, 160n; treaty with U.S., 159, 160n, 308; tribute for, 160n. See also Mediterranean Sea; Qaramanli, Yusuf, Pasha and Bey of Tripoli Trist, Elizabeth House: letter to, 48990; A. Fowler’s application, news of friends, 489-90; letter from cited, 490n, 702; letter to cited, 490n Trist, Hore Browse, 490 Trist, Mary Brown, 490 Trump, Daniel: letter from, 47-8; and sashes for Monticello, 47-8; letters from cited, 48n, 702; handles Anancial transaction for TJ, 295 Truth its own test and God its only judge (Stanley Griswold), 493 Truxtun, Thomas: letter to, 201; letter from, 138-40; retained in navy, 29, 378n; medal for, 74n; seniority of, disputed, 138-40, 201; identiAed, 140n; and extradition of H. Jones, 164n; and blockade of Sémillante, 267, 268 tuberculosis, 270n Tucker, St. George: letter to, 245-6; recommends Barraud, 68n; and boarders at President’s House, 245-6; letter from cited, 246n, 702 Tudor, Delia Jarvis, 674 Tudor, William, 674 Tudor, William, Jr., 674 Tuell, Henry: letter from, 416; seeks loan from TJ, 416 Tunis: estimate of marine force of, 31n; Dale’s instructions regarding, 115n; assists Yusuf Qaramanli, 160n; consul

at, 160n, 176n; status in Ottoman empire, 160n; interest in French tapestries, 203-4; cruisers, 646. See also Mediterranean Sea Tunstall, Thomas, 244 Turnbull, John, 102 Turnbull, Mary, 706 Tuscany. See Etruria Tyng, Dudley A., 281n United Irishmen, Society of, 388n United States Economy speculation in lands, xli, 86n, 155n, 197n, 318, 461n, 605; imprisonment for debt, 16n, 514n; trade with Asia, 49, 88, 140n, 264n, 609n; trade with Mediterranean, 49, 133-4, 4312, 607-8, 691; trade with W. Indies, 49, 134, 261n, 350n, 456, 531, 670n, 688; encouragement of manufacturing, 78, 123n; trade with Louisiana, 216-17; trade with Veracruz, 278-9; embargo of Europe suggested, 439, 441; trade with France, 439, 441; whale oil, 455n; quarantine laws injure U.S. commerce, 526n; trade with Spain, 670n Education and Science maps of, xli, 356 (illus.); lack of support for in U.S., 119 Foreign Relations with Spain, 59-60, 641, 642-3; impact of Barbary war on Europe, 61n; with Saint-Domingue, 65; reduction of diplomatic establishment, 110, 129, 130-1n, 176, 208-9, 228, 284, 309; boundaries, 119, 120, 558-9; and extradition of fugitives, 125; with Batavian Republic, 129, 130-1n, 208-9, 453; with Denmark, 129, 451n, 453; with Portugal, 129, 130-1n; with Prussia, 129, 130-1n, 453; and Yznardi’s conduct as consul, 166-7n; and neutral rights, 2515, 282-4, 453; avoidance of entangling alliances, 439, 441; potential alliance with neutrality league, 453; with Sweden, 453; with Russia, 466. See also France: U.S. Relations with; Great Britain: U.S. Relations with

< 762>

INDEX United States (cont.) Public Opinion asylum for oppressed people, 74, 436, 455n, 473 Society beneAts of immigration, 34, 434-5; architecture, 128; colonization schemes, 156; mobility of, 174-5; penchant for gain, 431 United States (U.S. frigate), 30, 139, 140n, 300n, 331, 365 Universal Gazette (Washington, D.C.), 529 Universalists, 269 upholsterers, 370-1 urns, 194 Van Buren, Martin, 628n Van Cortlandt, Catharine Clinton Taylor, 165n, 256 Van Cortlandt, Joanna Livingston, 165n Van Cortlandt, Philip: letter from, 1645; recommends brother for oDce, 164-5; identiAed, 165n Van Cortlandt, Pierre, Jr., 164-5, 256 Van Cortlandt, Pierre, Sr., 165n Vanderhorst, Arnoldus, 136n Van Polanen, R. G., 57, 58 Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 291, 469, 470 Van Vleck, Laurence: letter from cited, 704 Varnum, Joseph Bradley: letter from cited, 704 Vattel, Emmerich de: Droit des Gens, 500-1, 502n, 549n Vaughan, Benjamin: letter to, 271-2; letters from, 31-6, 434-6; thoughts on immigration and naturalization, 31-6, 271-2, 434-6; telescope for TJ, 272, 434, 436n Vaughan, Eliza Lewis (wife of Dr. John Vaughan), 578n Vaughan, Dr. John: letter to, 587-8; letters from, 437, 563-5; recommended by Dickinson, 179, 401; and conduct of McLane, 392, 393n; and appointment of Joel Lewis, 437, 563-5, 587-8, 590-1, 616, 683; marriage of, 578n; letter from cited, 588n, 699 Vaughan, John (Philadelphia): letter from, 147; forwards brother’s letters,

36n, 147; and APS loan to C. W. Peale, 628n Vaughan, William: and telescope for TJ, 434, 436n; letter from cited, 436n Vengeance (French frigate), 74n, 140n ventilators, 311-13 Ventura, Caesar, marquis de Gallinetta, 691, 692n venus Bytrap, 484n Veracruz, Mexico, 278-9 Vermonnet, Jean Arthur Marie de, 207 Vermont: Federalists in, 17, 76, 601-2; Republicans in, 17, 75-6, 93, 520, 533n, 601-2, 606; and immigration and naturalization, 35; newspapers, 75-6, 601-2; governors, 77n, 623; postmasters, 77n, 601-2; legislature, 404; militia, 404; physicians, 404, 405n; elections, 519; inBuence of Conn. in, 519; and election of 1800, 523; schools, 541; U.S. district court, 542; Congregationalists, 542n; Bennington, 601-2; supervisor for, 601-2; collection of internal revenues in, 652 Vermont Gazette, 76-7 Vermont Journal, 76, 77n “Verus” (Carlos Martínez de Irujo), 420n veterans. See American Revolution Vichy, France, 287 Victoria Neo-Aureliana (James Ross), 417n View of South Carolina, as Respects Her Natural and Civil Concerns (John Drayton), 157n View of the Soil and Climate of the United States of America (Constantin François Chasseboeuf Volney), 442n Vinson, Samuel: letter from cited, 702 Virgil, 386, 401 Virginia Agriculture hams from, 18, 54, 101, 185, 229; fertilizer, 78, 79n; wheat harvest, 452, 595 Council of State guarding federal armories against slave insurrection, 347-8, 614 Economy Are insurance, 56-7, 684, 685n; merchants, 240n, 258, 673n; roads, 259, 456; lampblack manufacturing, 327; taverns, inns, 389n; saltpeter, 673, 674n. See also Alexandria, Va.;

< 763>

INDEX Friends Act, 475n; western land claims, 558; collection of internal revenues in, 652, 655, 676-7; marine hospitals, 678-9

Virginia (cont.) Milton, Va.; Norfolk, Va.; Richmond, Va. Education and Science workhouses, 109n; Western State Hospital, 270n; smallpox vaccination in, 273-4, 277, 580; JeCerson College, 323n; Matthew Whaley Free School, 364n; theories on seashell fossils in mountains of, 630-1

Society attorneys, 307n; duels, 388n; histories, 388n; churches, religious groups, 492, 493n; springs, 674

General Assembly removal of condemned slaves, 345-7, 614 House of Delegates members, 258, 307n; clerk, 347n; removal of condemned slaves, 347n Laws to restore county records, 575; taxes, 692-3; High Court of Chancery, 695n Military bounties for Revolutionary War veterans, 84; militia, 307n; navy, 527; Continental regiments, 695n Politics Republicans in, 19-20, 172n, 219, 228, 258, 494, 573-4; Federalists in, 20, 228, 258-9, 494, 574; and extradition of H. Jones, 26, 163-4, 206; and J. Robbins case, 26, 27n; attorney general, 164n; postmasters, 240n, 573-4; sheriC, 240n; and election of 1800, 258; legislature, 258; calm regarding, prevails, 2589; Cherrystone collectorship, 280, 682; Hampton collectorship, 280, 682; Yeocomico collectorship, 281n; TJ’s reputation in, 368; establishment of Republican newspapers in, 620-1; Petersburg surveyorship, 682. See also Alexandria, Va.; Richmond, Va. Relations with U.S. U.S. attorneys, 19, 258; and sale of Gosport lands, 69n, 161, 164n; Harper’s Ferry armory, 83, 86n; U.S. commissioner of loans, 164n; U.S. marshals, 227, 258, 494, 627n; supervisor, 319, 654; federal armories in, 347-8, 614; postal service, 390, 573-4, 577; and Alien

Virginia (revenue cutter), 527n Virginia Argus (Richmond), 101 Voigt, Henry: and Reich, 73n; and Leslie’s coining scheme, 236-8, 353, 354n Volney, Constantin François Chasseboeuf: letters from, 437-42, 454; sends news of Europe, 437-42; translation of Ruines, 438, 440, 441-2n; Tableau du Climat et du Sol des ÉtatsUnis d’Amérique, 439, 441, 442n; sends pyramid and prospectus to TJ, 454; health of, 503 Voltaire, François Marie Arouet, 631n Voyage dans la Basse et la Haute Égypte (Vivant Denon), 455n Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope (Anders Sparrman), 551, 554n Wabash Indians, 211n Wagner, Jacob: Notes on a Letter from Rühle von Lilienstern, 156; and applicants for appointments, 332n, 357n; prepares blank commissions, 682; letter from cited, 682n, 699; publication of laws in German, 690n wagons, 4-5, 110 Walker, Benjamin, 126 Walker, George: TJ’s opinion on case of, 334-6 Walker, Thomas, 540, 567 Waln, Robert, 14n Walton, George: letter from, 455; seeks appointment, 3, 4n, 594; recommends J. F. Hull, 455; identiAed, 455n wampum, 505, 506 War, U.S. Department of: Federalists in army, viii, 22, 96, 629; M. Lewis’s classiAcation of army oDcers, viii, 629-30; reorganization, reduction, viii, xlii, 81-7, 457, 630n, 645, 695n; Republicans in army, viii, 629; tents, ix, 686; arsenals, armories, 22, 69n, 82-3, 85-6n, 347-8, 614; Are in oDces of, 22, 84, 85n, 87n, 111, 112n; can-

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INDEX non for, 46, 82, 83, 86n; superintendent of military stores, 69-70, 82, 96, 97n, 210, 211n; Dearborn’s report on, 81-7; military clothing, 82, 84, 85n; military returns, 82-3, 84, 86n; quartermaster department, 83, 85-6n; sells vessels on Great Lakes, 83, 86n; bounties for Revolutionary War veterans, 84; inspectors, 84, 86n; library for, 84, 87n; military academy proposed, 84, 87n, 119; rations for army, 84; regiments of cavalry, 84, 86-7n; use of soldiers as laborers, 84, 87n, 491-2; vacancies in army, 84; courtsmartial in army, 150-1; clerks, 172n, 505, 630n; engineers, 207; gunpowder stores, 210; repairs to oDce of, 370-1; minors in the army, 463-4; provisional army, 494; judge advocates, 674n. See also Dearborn, Henry; Indian aCairs, U.S. Warburton, William, 118n Wardlaw, William: letter to, 581-2; letter from cited, 375n, 703; TJ sends publications on smallpox to, 580, 581-2 WarAeld, William, 102 Warminster, Va., 573-4 War of 1812, 417n, 461n, 567n Warren, James: letter from, 218-19; reports on Mass. politics, 218-19 Warren, Joseph, 389n, 689n Warren, Mercy Otis: letter from, 220; congratulates TJ, 220; History of the Rise, Progress and Termination of the American Revolution, 220n; identiAed, 220n Warren (U.S. ship), 279n Washington, George American Revolutionary War recommends Vermonnet, 207; personal guard, 394n; and Conway Cabal, 456; and W. Tudor, 674n Death and Memorialization biographies of, 322n; monument to, in Scotland, 414; legacy of, 455; images of, 690n Personal ACairs interest in agriculture, 414 President relations with France, 24, 27n; appointments, 42, 43n, 126, 131n, 139,

140n, 183n, 260, 393, 394n, 446-7, 449n; and David Humphreys, 60; and American captives in Algiers, 61n; correspondence with governors, 161-2; administration praised, 188n; and Washington, D.C., 225, 487n; inBuence on the country, 258; and Jay Treaty, 351, 522; and granting of passports, 381n, 396-7; weights and measures, 408; as reference, 486 Retirement visitors, 475n Washington, D.C.: reputation as unhealthy, ix, 64, 548, 610, 614, 626, 640; social life, ix, 173, 196, 200, 235, 245-6, 257, 409, 429, 497; Supervisor of Public Buildings, xli; market, 51-2, 452; booksellers, 74n; stationers, 74n, 299; government relocates to, 78, 298, 486; tornadoes at, 111, 112n; design of public buildings, 128; Six Buildings, 193n; surveyor, 199-200n; building regulations in, 225-6; description of, 235, 245-6, 257; prospects for, 235, 245-6, 497; justices of the peace, 3034; masons, stonecutters at, 313-14; public buildings, 313-14; churches, 368; hotels, boardinghouses, 368, 399n; Presbyterian Meeting House, 368; Lady Washington’s Chapel, 369n, 406n; carpenters at, 370-1; upholsterers at, 370-1; wages at, 370-1; price Axing among workmen at, 371; mills, 416; gardens, 420; physicians, 462; cemeteries, 486, 487n; orchards, 486, 487n; President’s Square, 487n, 647n; tailors, 489n; streets and roads in, 497, 530; libraries, 578-9, 603n; merchants, 606n; newspapers, 621-4; alterations to plan of, 647-8. See also Anacostia River; District of Columbia Washington Federalist, 112n, 350n, 377n, 565n Waterhouse, Benjamin: letters to, 462, 640-1; letters from, 273-7, 629; promotes smallpox vaccination, 273-7, 462, 468, 471; supplies vaccine matter to TJ, 274, 275, 580, 581-2, 629, 6401; Prospect of Exterminating the Small Pox, 277n; letters from cited, 582n, 629n, 641n, 699, 703, 704 Waties, Thomas, 186 Watson, Benjamin Marston, 531-2

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INDEX Watson, James, 513 Watson, John: letter to, 240; payments to, 235-6, 240, 375; identiAed, 240n; letters from cited, 240n, 702, 703 Watson, John (Pa.), 97 Watson, William, 531-4 weather: tornadoes, 111, 112n; hail, 390, 429, 451 Webb, Charles (surgeon): letter from, 364-8; court-martial of, 364-8, 377-8; identiAed, 367-8n; letter from cited, 368n Webb, William, 47 Weems, J., 583n Weems, Mason Locke: letter to, 321-2; and publication of H. Blair’s sermons, 321-2; identiAed, 322n; letter from cited, 322n, 702 weights and measures, 408, 624-5n Welsh, James, 171n Weser River, 281, 285n Western State Hospital (Staunton, Va.), 270n West Indies: trade with U.S., 49, 261n, 350n, 456, 531, 670n, 688; U.S. Navy in, 139, 308; French navy in, 260, 261n; suggested U.S. acquisitions in, 613n; admiralty courts in, 671n West Point, N.Y.: military academy at, proposed, 84, 87n, 119 Weymouth, Capt. William Walker, 362, 364n whale oil, 311n, 455n wheat, 452, 595 Whelen, Israel, 82, 85n, 86n Whipple, Joseph, 357n, 449n Whiskey Insurrection, 211n White, Alexander: as D.C. commissioner, 225-6, 335-6n; letter from cited, 335n, 698 White, Hugh: letter from cited, 9n; letter to cited, 9n, 697 White, Joseph Moss: letter from, 55-6; sends pamphlet, news of Conn. politics, 55-6 White, Valentine: letter to cited, 699; letter from cited, 704 Whittemore, Retier, 676n Whittlesey, Chauncey, 93, 94n Wilkes, John, 216n Wilkins, Charles, 244, 245n Wilkins, John, Jr., 85-6n Wilkins, Nathaniel, 280 Wilkinson, James: ordered to Niagara, 84, 87n, 558; submits army returns,

84, 87n; and proposed military academy, 87n; appointed Indian commissioner, 129, 130n, 507, 558, 560n; in Miss. Terr., 250; criticism of, 456; replaced as commander at New Orleans, 461n; praise for, 491 Wilkinsonville, Cantonment (army post), 84, 87n Willcox, Joseph, 344n Willett, Marinus: letter from, 36-7; advises on N.Y. appointments, 36-7 William and Mary, College of, 67n, 322n Williams, Benjamin, 483-4 Williams, David Rogerson, 221n Williams, John, 76, 77n Williams, John Pugh, 483-4 Williams, Jonathan, 87n Williamson, Catherine, 705 Williamson, Collen: letter from, 313-14; seeks employment, 313-14 Williamson, Hugh: letters from, 522-3, 693-4; advises on politics, appointments, 522-3; recommends C. BulAnch, 693-4 Williamson, Maria Apthorpe, 694 Willis, Abel, 106 Willis, Francis: letter from cited, 703 Wills, Colin C.: letter from cited, 697; payments to, 705 Wills, John S., 251 Wills, Willis, 573-4, 577n Wilmington, Del.: collector at, 170-1, 339, 348-9, 402, 467, 566, 612-13; postal service, 585; physicians, 591; marine hospitals, 681n Wilmington, N.C.: collector at, 484n, 497, 502n; marine hospital, 681n Wilson, William, 300n Windship, Amos: letter from, 15-17; seeks pardon, 15-17; identiAed, 16n wine: ordered by TJ, 38, 44, 55, 68-9, 100, 101, 106, 124, 198, 227, 230, 257, 259, 589, 615, 650, 701; Madeira, 38n, 55n, 468-9; trade, 49; Brazil, 55n, 106, 124, 230, 259; claret, 100, 257, 650, 701; London Particular, 106, 124; sherry, 257, 650, 701; prices, 259n; U.S. market for French, 439, 441; adulteration of, 589; Jerez, 589; Malaga, 589; pajarete, 589; Pedro Jimenez, 589; “tent” (tinto), 589; sauterne, 650, 701 Wirt, William, 347n

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INDEX Wistar, Caspar, ix, 482n, 627 Wolcott, Alexander, 94n, 130, 131n, 341-2 Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.: and McLane, 170; and Priestman’s case, 279, 320n, 460; and revenue cutters, 356n; suit against, 371; and T. Coxe, 446; and lease of salt springs, 492, 493n women: and pregnancy, childbirth, x, 327; education of, 103n, 432-3, 673n; invited to dine at President’s House, 193, 200; as shopkeepers, 333n Woodcock, Thomas: letter from, 180; sends religious statement, 180 Wooddeson, Richard: Systematical View of the Laws of England, 254n WoodruC, George, 592 Woodside, John, 272 workhouses, 109n Wrede, John Frederic: letter from cited, 702 Wyoming Valley, Pa., 300n, 442, 449n Wythe, George: letter to, 421; letter from, 695; and S. Tinsley’s debt, 421, 695; letters from cited, 421n, 695n, 698, 699 XYZ aCair, 293, 605, 606n, 625

Yale University: as Federalist stronghold, 92, 345n; moral puriAcation of, 94n; graduates, 196n, 514n; and American Revolution, 369n Yazoo Companies, 197n, 318, 461n Yazoo River, 558 yellow fever, 270n, 279n, 359n, 526n Yonge, Sir George, 552, 554n Yorktown, battle of, 256n, 386 Young, Thomas, 593 Yrujo. See Irujo, Carlos Martínez de Yznardi, Joseph, Jr., 605, 625, 640 Yznardi, Joseph, Sr.: letter to, 615; letters from, 165-7, 278-9, 588-90, 6413; health of, 165, 166, 615, 642; conduct as consul, 165-7, 642, 643; proposes trade agreement, 166, 167n; letters from cited, 167n; sends news of Europe, 167n, 641-3; and trade with Veracruz, 278-9; prepares to leave America, 588-90, 615, 641, 642-3; wine merchant, 589, 615, 641, 642; and son’s conduct as consul, 605, 625, 640; liaison between Spain and U.S., 641, 642-3 Zane, Jesse S.: letter from, 348-9; recommends Mendenhall, 348-9

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A comprehensive index of Volumes 1-20 of the First Series has been issued as Volume 21. Each subsequent volume has its own index, as does each volume or set of volumes in the Second Series.

THE PAPERS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON are composed in Monticello, a font based on the “Pica No. 1” created in the early 1800s by Binny & Ronaldson, the Arst successful typefounding company in America. The face is considered historically appropriate for The Papers of Thomas JeCerson because it was used extensively in American printing during the last quartercentury of JeCerson’s life, and because JeCerson himself expressed cordial approval of Binny & Ronaldson types. It was revived and rechristened Monticello in the late 1940s by the Mergenthaler Linotype Company, under the direction of C. H. GriDth and in close consultation with P. J. Conkwright, speciAcally for the publication of the JeCerson Papers. The font suCered some losses in its Arst translation to digital format in the 1980s to accommodate computerized typesetting. Matthew Carter’s reinterpretation in 2002 restores the spirit and style of Binny & Ronaldson’s original design of two centuries earlier. ✧