Nithard, Histories (Dallas Medieval Texts and Translations, 28) 9042949422, 9789042949423

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d a l l a s m e d i e va l t e x t s a n d t r a n s l at i o n s

28

Nithard Histories Edition, Translation, and Introduction by Marco Conti With a Foreword by Thomas F. X. Noble

PEETERS

Nithard Histories

DALLAS MEDIEVAL TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS

EDITORS

Kelly Gibson (University of Dallas) Philipp W. Rosemann (National University of Ireland, Maynooth) EDITORIAL BOARD

Charles S. F. Burnett (Warburg Institute); Marcia L. Colish (Yale University); Kent Emery, Jr. (University of Notre Dame); Hugh Bernard Feiss, O.S.B. (Monastery of the Ascension); Donald J. Kagay (University of Dallas); Theresa Kenney (University of Dallas); James J. Lehrberger, O.Cist. (University of Dallas); James McEvoy (†); Bernard McGinn (University of Chicago); James J. Murphy (University of California, Davis); Jonathan J. Sanford (University of Dallas); Francis R. Swietek (University of Dallas); Baudouin van den Abeele (Université catholique de Louvain); Nancy van Deusen (Claremont Graduate University); Bonnie Wheeler (Southern Methodist University)

SPONSORED BY

DALLAS MEDIEVAL TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS

28

Nithard Histories

EDITION, TRANSLATION, AND INTRODUCTION BY

Marco Conti (American University of Rome and Loyola University Chicago John Felice Rome Center) WITH A FOREWORD BY

Thomas F. X. Noble

PEETERS LEUVEN - PARIS - BRISTOL, CT 2022

Cover illustration: Equestrian statuette of Charlemagne or Charles the Bald. Paris, Musée du Louvre, Département des Objets d’art du Moyen Age, de la Renaissance et des temps modernes. Photo credit: Réunion des Musées Nationaux/Art Resource, New York.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. © 2022 – Peeters – Bondgenotenlaan 153 – B-3000 Leuven – Belgium. ISBN 978-90-429-4942-3 eISBN 978-90-429-4943-0 D/2022/0602/93 All rights reserved. No part of this publiction may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.

To the memory of my supervisor and dear friend of a lifetime, Stephen F. Ryle (1941–2019).

Frontispiece: Nithard’s Histories in MS. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 9768, fol. 1r. By kind permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

Table of Contents Foreword Acknowledgments Introduction

ix xiii 1

I. Nithard’s Histories 1 Content and Structure 1 Nithard’s Life 6 Date of Composition 8 Historical Outlook and Value 8 Style11 II. The Text13 The Manuscripts: Direct Tradition 15 The Manuscripts: Indirect Tradition 21 Select Editions of Nithard’s Histories23 Editions of Hariulf’s Chronicon Centulense, which includes a short ­quotation from Nithard’s Histories26 Editorial Policy 26 Policy on Orthography 27 Translation27 II. Glossary28 Personal Names 28 Place Names 49 Map69 IV. Selected Bibliography70 Editions and Translations of Nithard’s Histories70 Medieval Historical Sources 70 Modern Studies 71 Sigla and Abbreviations79

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Table of Contents

Nithard’s Histories82 Book 1 84 Book 2 106 Book 3 140 Book 4 168 Notes195 Index

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Foreword Nithard does not rank among the most familiar of the Carolingian intellectuals who fill the pages of our textbooks. He is not an Alcuin, or a Theodulf, or a Hrabanus Maurus, or a Hincmar, or a John the Scot. Nevertheless, his Histories make a legitimate claim on our attention. It is an absolutely essential source for a critical period in Carolingian history, namely, the years after the death of Louis the Pious when his sons struggled first to dominate and then to carve up the Empire. Of particular interest is that Nithard is one of a very small number of literate Carolingian laymen known to us. Nithard was a participant observer, and this in several respects. He was the illegitimate son of Angilbert, one of Charlemagne’s key courtiers, and of Bertha, one of Charlemagne’s daughters. Einhard tells us that Charlemagne so loved his daughters that he could not bear to part with them. More likely, he never gave any of them in marriage because he feared creating or exacerbating rivalries in the contentious Carolingian family. Be that as it may, Nithard began life with a privileged vantage point on the world around him. He remembered Charlemagne’s era fondly as a time of peace and stability. Nithard vanishes from the public record during the reign of Louis the Pious (814–840), Charlemagne’s sole heir after the deaths of his other legitimate sons. He reappears in the entourage of Louis’s fourth son, Charles, known as “the Bald.” Nithard served as one of Charles’s emissaries to his halfbrothers and fought in some of the great battles in the early 840s. His easy familiarity with the nobles who followed one or another of the rival Carolingians points to his elite status and to his knowledge of the aims and intentions of the rest of the contemporary elite. Marco Conti’s introduction to this volume relates carefully the two prevailing views of Nithard’s historical work. Jinty Nelson persuasively argues that Nithard had both public and private agendas. That is, he was both a member of and a spokesman for one group within the Carolingian nobility while he also had his own point of view. Courtney Booker sees Nithard as a moralist. These views are not mutually exclusive. In fact, they are compatible and complementary. Nithard had a gloomy view of his world and its failings, a point that Conti rightly emphasizes. He was powerfully distressed that everyone seemed to look out only for his own interests and not for the common good. In this he was like Paschasius Radbertus, who wrote lives of Charlemagne’s cousins Wala and Adalhard. But whereas Paschasius has a negative view of Louis the Pious, Nithard had an especially dim view of Lothar

x Foreword

and his followers. More than any other contemporary writer, Nithard permits his readers to understand the issues in the fratricidal strife of the early 840s. Modern scholars judge the issues with more nuance and circumspection than Nithard did, but are grateful for his relentlessly critical anti-Lothar screed; this frank appraisal of events from the viewpoint of one participant is particularly valuable. Nithard dipped his quill in vitriol, but that surely does not make him unusual; it merely makes him distinctive because we do not have similar texts from Lothar’s partisans or from the partisans of his brothers. Although he was a follower of Charles the Bald, Nithard was not uncritical of his patron. Likewise, he did not spare his contemporary noblemen from searing criticism for their constantly shifting loyalties. Generally well disposed to Louis the German, Nithard did criticize him on occasion. But Nithard has absolutely nothing good to say about Lothar, or about Pippin of Aquitaine, or about Pippin’s likenamed son. Nithard’s seemingly endless narration of the many diplomatic exchanges of the era permits his readers to understand what was at stake as the Carolingian world broke up. The contending brothers constantly disagreed about who was to get which lands. Lothar wanted everything and only grudgingly agreed to any sort of territorial division. Bavaria (Louis the German), Aquitaine (Charles the Bald), and Lombardy (Lothar) were clearly bracketed in most of the exchanges since it was understood that each brother had a claim to those specific territories. Everything else was up for grabs. Towards the end of his narration, Nithard makes it clear that no one really knew the true extent of the Carolingian realm or of all its material resources. Certainly honor and prestige played roles in all the struggles. But in the end the extended quarrel turned on wealth: bishoprics, abbeys, official positions, fiscal properties, and noble estates. Why? Quite simply because each brother knew that he had to have a generous share of these kinds of resources in order to win and retain followers. Those followers were put in awkward positions, too, because they might find themselves loyal to one brother but endowed with lands or offices in the territory of another. In a sense, everyone was looking out for himself, but on a fair reckoning, they had to do so. In fact, the Carolingian Empire was divided among Lothar, Charles, and Louis at Verdun not too long after Nithard stopped writing and very much in line with the negotiations with which his narration ends. As we know, the Treaty of Verdun (843) was not definitive, so rival Carolingians went right on battling each other into the tenth century. Nithard’s account may seem premature or provisional in retrospect, but it is extremely valuable nonetheless for describing the inception of these battles and for articulating the fundamental issues. Conti’s edition is valuable because it is the first one to take into account all of the manuscript evidence, however fragmentary some witnesses to the text may be.



Forewordxi

Conti’s text itself does not differ dramatically from the most widely used editions, namely, those of Ernst Müller (1907) and Philippe Lauer (1926). Experts will appreciate Conti’s critical apparatus. Conti’s translation hews close to Nithard’s rough, unpolished style. Bear in mind that Nithard was a layman and that, as far as we know, he wrote no other works. To criticize Nithard’s style for not meeting the standard attained by some of his more accomplished clerical contemporaries is to miss the significance of a layman’s having written a book like this at all. But, of course, Nithard also does not measure up well to the other known layman who wrote history—and much else too—at roughly the same time: Einhard. Still, if we were to take Einhard as our standard for Carolingian Latinity, very few writers could stand comparison to him. If Nithard had any rhetorical training, it is not much in evidence except for a few tropes: a humility topos here, a bit of captatio benevolentiae there. His vocabulary is not rich. His sentence structure, like his overall narrative strategy, is paratactic—one thing after another, after another, after another. The key point is that Nithard is not easy to translate into graceful English. Conti’s introduction relates what is known about Nithard and his book as well as about earlier editions and translations. The biographical material will be of interest to many readers while the more technical discussions will be of interest mainly to specialists. Conti’s glossary and notes are helpful for identifying persons and places and for throwing light on obscure points. Neither in the introduction nor in the annotation does Conti overdetermine the reader’s experience of the text. Nithard’s— Conti’s—readers will encounter a vigorous and partisan account of perhaps the most dynamic and troubled time in all of Carolingian history. Nithard provides food for thought and plenty of scope for alternative interpretations. Thomas F. X. Noble

Acknowledgments First of all, I wish to express my deepest gratefulness to Dr. Kelly Gibson, whose contribution as the series editor went well beyond the limits of her role: she literally reworked my volume in order to give it its current form. Secondly, my gratefulness goes to Professor Thomas Noble, who not only wrote the foreword to this volume, but also significantly improved my introduction, text, translation, and notes with his precious suggestions. I also wish to thank Professor Remie Constable, Roberta Baranoski, and the colleagues and staff at the Medieval Institute of the University of Notre Dame for their support and grant, which enabled me to produce the first draft of my translation of Nithard’s Histories in the summer of 2009. I would also like to thank the external reviewer for valuable comments and suggestions, Dr. Rebecca Straple-Sovers for copyediting, and Erin Greb Cartography for creating the map. I also take this opportunity to thank again all the colleagues who helped me with their advice and sincere support in the course of the last thirty years: Antonio Montes Moreira, Isidro Lamelas, Carol Harrison, Andrew Louth, Anna Glusiuk, Virginia Burrus, and Dennis Trout. Finally, I would like to thank Kim Deitch, Mohammed John Alder, Jonathan Povey, Amanda Harrison and Charlie Coltman, Lisa Schaffer, Caroline Redfield, Keelie Rix, Giuliana Trinchieri, and Derek Cebrian for their constant friendship and the pleasant times spent together in the different phases and locations of my research.

Introduction I. Nithard’s Histories Content and Structure Nithard’s only work, the Histories (Historiae), is a short historical narrative in four books describing the conflict between Louis the Pious’s sons, namely, Lothar, Louis the German, and Charles the Bald, in the years 840–842.1 Since Nithard was actively involved in this phase of the civil wars alongside Charles the Bald, he provides important information about his personal role in these events. The work contains two distinct sections, which can be defined as introductory (Book 1) and detailed (Books 2–4). The introductory section describes the events that caused, according to Nithard, the wars between Lothar and his brothers Charles and Louis. Book 1 begins with the death of Charlemagne in 814 and proceeds with a summary of the reign of Louis the Pious until his death on June 20, 840. In this summary Nithard concentrates on the different rebellions against Louis the Pious. He emphasizes the significance of the political turmoil and rebellions because he intends to analyze and expound upon the background of the civil wars between 840 and 842. The first person to revolt against Louis the Pious was his nephew Bernard in late 817, after he had been excluded from the Ordinatio imperii, the new division of the empire that Louis had made for his sons Lothar (b. 795), Pippin of Aquitaine (b. ca. 797), and Louis the German (b. ca. 806) in August 817.2 Bernard was quickly forced to surrender and died in 818 after being blinded.3 In 829 Louis proposed a new division of the empire at Worms, which favored Charles, his youngest son with his second wife Judith. As a result, Pippin of Aquitaine revolted against the emperor in April 830, and his elder brother Lothar quickly joined him. The rebellion collapsed quickly, and in February 831 Lothar and Pippin were tried in Aachen but treated with leniency.4 After new concessions made in favor of Charles in 832, Lothar, Pippin, and Louis the German allied against their father, whose army deserted him in Alsace at the  On the people and places mentioned, see the glossary below.  Ordinatio imperii, ed. A. Boretius, MGH, Legum Sectio 2, Capitularia Regum Francorum 1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1883), n. 136, pp. 270–73. 3  Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 2, p. 87. All page references to this work refer to the translation. 4  Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 3, p. 91. 1 2

2 Introduction

so-called “Field of Lies.” Louis was imprisoned in Soissons and forced to abdicate, while his wife Judith and his son Charles were exiled.5 In early 834 a rescue was organized by different Carolingian magnates, who did not accept Louis’s forced abdication and imprisonment.6 The emperor was released and officially reinstated at Metz cathedral in February 834. Louis the German organized a final rebellion after Pippin’s death in December 838. That rebellion broke out in early 839 and Louis the German was promptly defeated.7 At this stage the emperor made a new division of the empire into two parts at Worms (May–June 839) in order that Lothar might equally share the imperial power with his younger brother Charles. The eastern part went to Lothar and the western to Charles, while Louis the German was confined to Bavaria.8 Nithard’s Books 2–4, which represent the detailed section of his Histories, focus on the events in the conflict between Lothar and his brothers Charles and Louis from late June 840 to the end of winter 842–843. Book 2, after describing the aftermath of Louis the Pious’s death, focuses on Lothar’s provocations and attacks against his brothers, which finally led to the Battle of Fontenoy (June 25, 841). The news of Louis the Pious’s death threw the Carolingian aristocracy into confusion.9 While Lothar moved slowly from Italy to the Rhineland in order to reach Worms, a large part of the Carolingian nobles decided to join his party, while others stayed with Charles. When Lothar realized he had plenty of support, he decided to reject the division plan made by Louis the Pious at Worms in 83910 and to claim the whole empire for himself. After skirmishes occurred between Lothar and Louis the German in June 840, followed by a truce in July, Charles sent Nithard and Adalgar as his envoys to Lothar in the autumn. Their mission was to convince Lothar to uphold the division of the empire that their father had established at Worms in June 839. Lothar pretended to benevolently receive Charles’s proposals and to willingly accept  Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 4, p. 93.  There are discordant testimonies about who organized the release of Louis the Pious in 834. According to Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 4, pp. 93–95, there was a spontaneous intervention of the people in favor of Louis the Pious. According to the Annales Bertiniani, ed. Félix Grat, Jeanne Vielliard, and Suzanne Clémencet (Paris: Klincksieck, 1964), a. 834, p. 12, Louis the German organized the rescue of his father. In Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Ernst Tremp, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 64 (Hanover: Hahn, 1995), chap. 49, pp. 482–84, Count Eggehard, Constable William, and Louis the Pious’s half-brothers Hugh and Drogo are the rescuers of the emperor. Cf. Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Kingdoms under the Carolingians, 751–987 (London: Longman, 1983), 171. 7  Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 6, p. 101. 8  Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, p. 103. 9  Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 1, pp. 107–9. 10  The meeting began on May 30, 839. About the terms of the division, see Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, p. 103; Janet L. Nelson, Charles the Bald (London: Longman, 1992), 100; Pierre Riché, Les Carolingiens: Une famille qui fit l’Europe (Paris: Hachette, 1983), 159. 5 6

Introduction3

the terms of the division while also trying to delay and bribe both Nithard and Adalgar, who refused Lothar’s enticements. For this reason Lothar deprived them of the honors that Louis the Pious had conceded to them, meaning that Nithard lost his estates in the Meuse valley, where Lothar ruled during that phase of the conflict.11 The tension increased significantly when Lothar crossed the Seine in October 840 with the intention of gaining control of Neustria.12 Charles and his supporters prepared to face him in battle, but a truce in which Lothar promised not to attack his brothers Charles and Louis the German was made in November 840 at Orléans.13 Lothar’s hostile actions, however, did not stop. Charles and Louis the German decided to make an official and formal alliance in order to face their common enemy. After they successfully joined their armies in Burgundy, a new attempt at finding a settlement with Lothar was made in June 841 near Auxerre, but to no avail.14 As a result, the situation reached a new climax of tension as Lothar, who had been joined in the meantime by Pippin II,15 set his army against those of Charles and Louis the German at Fontenoy. On June 25, 841 Nithard participated in the crucial battle of Fontenoy, which saw the victory of Charles and Louis the German, despite the inferior size of their armies, over Lothar and Pippin II. According to Nithard’s testimony his role in the battle was decisive, as he lent essential support to the troops under Adalard’s command, contributing to their victory.16 Book 3 describes the laborious and difficult negotiations in which Charles the Bald and Louis the German tried to engage their brother Lothar after the battle of Fontenoy, without any significant success (June 841–March 842). After being defeated at Fontenoy, Lothar did not significantly change his policy and continued to act overtly and covertly against his brothers. A new critical point was reached in October 841, when Lothar, “in a last bid to shore up his power in western Francia,”17 moved with his troops from Thionville to Saint-Denis. Charles prepared to face him and set camp on the opposite bank at Saint-Cloud. The Seine, however, began to swell unexpectedly and Lothar found that crossing was impossible.18 At this stage he 11  Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 2, p. 111; Janet L. Nelson, “Public Histories and Private History in the Work of Nithard,” Speculum 60 (1985): 251–93, at 271–72. 12  Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 3, p. 113. 13  Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 4, pp. 115–17. 14  Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 9, p. 133. 15  When Pippin, king of Aquitaine and Louis’s and Ermengarde’s second son, died, Louis the Pious decided to disinherit Pippin’s sons and made Aquitaine a kingdom available for a future division of the empire. The territory was assigned to Charles at the division of Worms (839), but Pippin II, Pippin I’s firstborn son, opposed Charles’s rule and fought against him until his death (after 864). 16  Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 10, p. 141; see also Nelson, “Public,” 275. 17  Nelson, Charles, 121. 18  Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 3, p. 153.

4 Introduction

tried to reopen negotiations with Charles and Louis the German, who both refused and decided instead to meet at Strasbourg to confirm their alliance with a solemn oath. They also discussed a common strategy to oppose Lothar’s machinations and obtain new concessions from him. The oaths used at the meeting—the so-called Oaths of Strasbourg, which Louis and Charles swore on February 14, 842—were reported by Nithard in their original vernacular languages, namely, Old GalloRomance and Rhine Franconian, in the text of the Histories.19 Book 4 describes the preparations for a new division of the empire between Lothar and his brothers Louis and Charles, which would later be enacted in the so-called Treaty of Verdun (August 843). Nithard’s account extends from March to December 842, describing the three brothers’ prolonged negotiations at the meetings in Mellecey, Koblenz, and Thionville. In mid-March 842 open hostilities began again; Lothar, after moving with his troops to the Moselle region, seemed determined to face his brothers in a set battle near Koblenz. However, when Louis the German and Charles converged on Koblenz, Lothar fled and moved to the north, where he attacked Aachen and plundered its treasury.20 A large assembly of bishops and priests gathered in Aachen in the presence of Louis the German and Charles in late March 842. They concluded that Lothar was unworthy of the imperial power and that the empire should be divided into two parts to be ruled by his younger brothers. This proposed reorganization of the Carolingian empire would force Lothar to again discuss with his brothers his actual role and power within it. Preliminary negotiations promptly began and Lothar’s delegation met with delegations of Louis the German and Charles the Bald at Mellecey to establish a new division. Because of these preliminary negotiations, Nithard suffered another loss of estates to Lothar and his supporters.21 In mid-June 842 Louis the German and Charles met Lothar in Ansilla and they agreed to divide the empire into three parts.22 Negotiations began on October 19, 842 in the Basilica of Saint Castor in Koblenz. However, the final division was postponed to 843 in order to accurately map and evaluate the empire’s territory.23 Lothar moved to Aachen, Louis the German to Bavaria, and Charles to the palace of Quierzy, where he married Ermentrude, niece of Adalard, in December 842.24  Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 5, pp. 161–63.  Sophie Glansdorff, Nithard: Histoire des fils de Louis le Pieux (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2012), 125 n. 302, notes that these events are not reported by Nithard, but are in the Annales Bertiniani, a. 842, p. 41. 21  Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 3, pp. 177–81. 22  Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 4, p. 181. 23  Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 5, pp. 185–87. 24  Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 6, pp. 189–91. The wedding was celebrated on December 14, 842, but Charles celebrated its anniversary on December 13: see Glansdorff, Histoire, 155, n. 359; Georges Tessier, ed., Recueil des actes de Charles II le Chauve, roi de France, commencé par Arthur Giry, continué 19 20

Introduction5

At the very end of Book 4, Nithard adds a short paragraph describing a lunar eclipse happening on March 20, 843 and the abundant snowfall that followed, but gives no details on the conflicts and negotiations occurring in early 843. Finally, in July 843 Lothar, Charles, and Louis the German met in Verdun and a new division of the Carolingian empire was made. As Janet L. Nelson has underlined, the aim of the Treaty of Verdun was a short one: “What was wanted was a three-way division of the empire that could secure … the consent for the time being of three rival Carolingians and their war-weary supporters.”25 Charles’s position, however, remained fragile, especially in Aquitaine, where Pippin II continued his military opposition to Charles. Between summer 843 and spring 844, the city of Toulouse fell into the hands of Pippin II’s supporters, and in May 844 Charles moved to the south with a small force and began besieging the city. A larger army was recruited in Francia to lend support to Charles in Toulouse, and Nithard joined it, albeit reluctantly, in late May 844. On June 14, 844 Pippin intercepted Nithard’s army and a violent battle occurred near Angoulême. Nithard was killed in action along with Richbod, the regular abbot of Saint-Riquier, and Hugh, abbot of SaintQuentin and son of Charlemagne.26 Nithard was buried in Saint-Riquier beside his father Angilbert.27 par Maurice Prou, terminé et publié, sous la direction de M. Ferdinand Lot, par M. Georges Tessier, vol. 1, 840–860 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1943), n. 246–47, 1:53–67. 25  Nelson, Charles, 132. 26  For a detailed description of the battle and its casualties, see Ferdinand Lot and Louis Halphen, Le règne de Charles le Chauve (Paris: H. Champion, 1909), 113–16; cf. Glansdorff, Histoire, xii. The epitaph of Nithard (editions in Carmina Centulensia, ed. Ludwig Traube, MGH, Poetae latini aevi Carolini 3 [Berlin: Weidmann, 1896], 265–368, at 310–11; Ernst Müller, ed., Nithardi Historiarum libri IIII, Editio tertia, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 44 [Hanover: Hahn, 1907], vii), found among the so-called Carmina Centulensia (Poems of Saint-Riquier: see Traube, Carmina, 265–74), reports the date of Iunii octavo decimoque Kalendas for Nithard’s death, which would correspond to May 15. However, since this dating form is not attested in Latin, both Traube and Müller have emended it into Iulii octavo decimoque Kalendas, that is, June 14, which is the date of the battle of Angoulême (Angoumois). Ganshof keeps the original reading of the epitaph and suggests that Nithard’s death happened on May 15, 845 while he was fighting against the Northmen, who moved through the Seine to the north of France and launched numerous detachments of soldiers on the coast of the channel and the Pas-de-Calais. See François L. Ganshof, “Note critique sur la biographie de Nithard,” in Mélanges Paul Thomas (Bruges: Imprimerie Sainte-Catherine, 1930), 335–44; Hans-Werner Goetz, “Nithard,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:1201. On Hugh the abbot, see McKitterick, Frankish Kingdoms, 83, 135, 294. 27  The supposed remains of Nithard in Saint-Riquier have been recently studied and scholars concluded that he was killed with an axe blow to the head: see Courtney M. Booker, Past Convictions: The Penance of Louis the Pious and the Decline of the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 41; Honoré Bernard, “À Saint-Riquier sur les traces de Nithard,” Bulletin de la Société des antiquaires de Picardie 158 (1994): 405–8; Hervé Guy, “Anthropologie médico-légale des restes

6 Introduction

Nithard’s Life Testimonies regarding Nithard’s life are extremely scarce, and what is known about him mostly comes from his sole work, the Histories. That we know so little about Nithard may appear surprising, considering that, as he proudly states in his work, his mother was Bertha, a daughter of Charlemagne, and his father Angilbert, one of Charlemagne’s most important courtiers and diplomats and later abbot of Saint-Riquier.28 But as Christianus Paetz underlines in his biography, Nithard’s parents were not lawfully married but had an illicit relationship, as Einhard also indirectly confirmed. As a result, evidence of their affair, which would probably have offended Charlemagne’s sensibilities, disappeared from historical works and documents.29 The date of Nithard’s birth is unknown and can only be approximated. Ernst Müller places it at the end of the eighth century, like Dana M. Polanichka and Alex Cilley, who suggest 800, while Paetz proposes an approximate date between 788 and 791.30 Other biographers make no specific hypothesis in this regard.31 ­ résumés de Nithard, petit-fils de Charlemagne,” Bulletin de la Société des antiquaires de Picardie 158 p (1994): 409–14; see also Hariulf, Chronique de l’Abbaye de Saint-Riquier (Ve siècle–1104), ed. Ferdinand Lot (Paris: Picard, 1894), 265; Philippe Lauer, Nithard: Histoire des fils de Louis le Pieux (Paris: H. Champion, 1926), vii. 28  Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 5, pp. 187–89. 29  Einhard, Vita Karoli, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 25, 6th ed. (Hanover: Hahn, 1911), chap. 19, p. 18: “Even though they were very beautiful women, and were loved by him [i.e., Charlemagne] a great deal, strange to say, he never wanted to marry any of them to a fellow citizen or a foreigner, but kept them all with him at home until his death, saying that he could not be deprived of their company. For this reason, although he was happy in other respects, he experienced the wickedness of adverse fortune [with regard to his daughters]. However, he carefully concealed everything so that no suspicion no rumor of anything shameful might arise.” Einhard’s testimony is accepted by Christianus Paetz, De vita et fide Nithardi (Halle: Academia Fridericiana Halensis, 1865), 4, whereas Franz Brunhölzl, Histoire de la littérature latine du Moyen Âge, vol. 1, pt. 2, L’époque carolingienne (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991), 153, asserts that the union of Bertha and Angilbert was later legitimized, but there is no historical evidence in this regard; cf. Dana M. Polanichka and Alex Cilley, “The Very Personal History of Nithard: Family and Honour in the Carolingian World,” Early Medieval Europe 22 (2014): 171–200, at 175–77. 30  Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, vi; Polanichka and Cilley, “Very Personal History,” 176, assume that Nithard was 14 when his mother Bertha was banished from court in 814; Paetz, Vita, 4–5, reports that in 787 Offa, king of Mercia, asked for Bertha’s hand for his son, and argues that this is the terminus post quem for Nithard’s birth, as the king’s marriage proposal was certainly made before Bertha gave birth to her two sons Nithard and Hartnid. In 791, Angilbert had already retired to the monastery of Saint-Riquier and embraced monastic life for the rest of his days, so that this event could only happen after Angilbert’s relationship with Bertha had ended, and it constitutes the terminus ante quem for Nithard’s birth. 31  Max Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters (München: C. H. Beck, 1911), 1:657; Goetz, “Nithard,” 6:1201; Glansdorff, Histoire, ix.

Introduction7

Nothing is known about Nithard’s early years and upbringing. It is possible that he was either brought up in Saint-Riquier, where there was a school for the children of aristocrats, or in his mother’s aula regia, according to the custom of royal family members.32 Considering his culture and capacity to master three languages—Latin, Old Gallo-Romance, and Rhine Franconian—it is very likely that Nithard spent the years of his literary formation at the abbey of Saint-Riquier, where he could count on excellent teachers and a rich library.33 Nithard lived and was formed in a particular cultural and historical milieu, in which the renaissance of Classical culture had a significant impact on all the literary production of the period. Even though Nithard does not show in his Histories a thorough rhetorical background or a very polished Latin style, the model of Sallust is evident in his moralistic approach to historiography and narrative angle and in his monographic treatment of the events.34 After the deaths of his grandfather Charlemagne and his father Angilbert, which both occurred in 814, there is no information about the development of Nithard’s career or his position in the imperial court under the new emperor, Louis the Pious. It is possible that Louis received his nephew Nithard in his entourage and, at this time, granted him certain estates in the area between the Charbonnière forest and the Meuse River.35 It is certain that Nithard was always faithful to Louis, never participating in any of the rebellions between 817 and 839. After Louis the Pious’s death Nithard became an important courtier and collaborator of Charles the Bald, who commissioned the Histories.36 He served as Charles’s envoy to Lothar in autumn 840 and fought against Lothar in the battle of Fontenoy. Despite losing his land twice, he remained faithful to Charles.37 In either December 842 or early 843, Nithard retired to the monastery of Saint-Riquier, of which he became lay abbot in 843.38 In spite of his new role, he did not abandon his activity as a soldier and supporter of Charles the Bald, meeting his death while fighting for Charles.  Paetz, Vita, 5.  Claudia Villa, “Nithard dalla storia alla leggenda famigliare”/“Nithard, from History to Legend,” in I Giuramenti di Strasburgo: Testi e Tradizione/The Strasbourg Oaths: Texts and Transmission, ed. Francesco Lo Monaco and Claudia Villa (Florence: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2009), 3–20, at 9–10 and 93–110, at 100; Paetz, Vita, 5. 34  Janet L. Nelson, “Peers in the Early Middle Ages,” in Law, Laity and Solidarities. Essays in Honour of Susan Reynolds, ed. Pauline Stafford, Janet L. Nelson, and Jane Martindale (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 27–46, at 43–44; Jinty Nelson, “Lay Readers of the Bible in the Carolingian Ninth Century,” in Reading the Bible in the Middle Ages, ed. Jinty Nelson and Damien Kempf (London: Bloomsbury, 2015), 43–56, at 50. 35  For this hypothesis, see Nelson, “Public,” 271–78; Glansdorff, Histoire, ix. 36  Nithard, Histories, Book 1, preface, p. 85. 37  Nelson, Charles, 125; Nelson, “Public,” 276–80; Glansdorff, Histoire, x. 38  Nelson, “Public,” 280–81; Glansdorff, Histoire, x–xi, has recently discussed in detail the problem of Nithard’s abbacy in Saint-Riquier. 32 33

8 Introduction

Date of Composition Nithard wrote his work, according to his own testimony, at the request of his patron Charles the Bald. He began writing in mid-May 841, before he entered the city of Châlons-en-Champagne with Charles and his retinue.39 The first three books probably belong to the period between May 841 and winter 842–843.40 For the section of his work concerning the battle of Fontenoy (June 24, 841), Nithard provides the precise date and place in which he wrote it: October 18, 841, in SaintCloud.41 Nithard wrote the fourth and final book of his Histories after the winter 842–843, when he retired to the Abbey of Saint-Riquier.42 He likely wrote it during the first months of his sojourn, which ended in late winter or early spring 844, when he joined an auxiliary army in order to lend his support to Charles the Bald, who was besieging the city of Toulouse. Historical Outlook and Value Since the late nineteenth century scholars have recognized the historical value of Nithard’s Histories for insight into the first years of the conflict between Louis the Pious’s children.43 They generally see Nithard’s work as an unaffected account written by a man of action, who, as an eyewitness to many of the events that he reported, gives a simple and direct depiction of the reality of his times.44 They also consider that some bias was inevitable in his stance as a historian because Charles the Bald himself commissioned the account. However, they maintain that this did not affect the basic reliability, directness, and sincerity of Nithard’s Histories.45 More recently scholars have shown that the complexity and scope of Nithard’s work is much greater than had previously been recognized.46 In particular, Nelson  Nithard, Histories, Book 1, preface, p. 85; Lauer, Histoire, 3 n. 2; Nelson, “Public,” 255.  Nelson, “Public,” 281. 41  Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 10, p. 139. 42  Nelson, “Public,” 281. 43  Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 13–61, 115; Ernst Dümmler, Geschichte des ostfränkischen Reiches (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1887–1888), 1:139–88; Nelson, “Public,” 252 and n. 4. 44  Nelson, “Public,” 253; Brunhölzl, Histoire, 153. 45  Gerold Meyer von Knonau, Über Nithards vier Bücher Geschichten. Der Bruderkrieg der Söhne Ludwigs des Frommen und sein Geschichtschreiber (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1866), 81–82; Manitius, Geschichte, 658–59; Nelson, “Public,” 252 and n. 5; Brunhölzl, Histoire, 155; cf. Polanichka and Cilley, “Very Personal History,” 172–73. 46  See especially Nelson, “Public,” 251–93; Booker, Past Convictions, 5–7, 39–42; Karl Leyser, “Three Historians,” in Communications and Power in Medieval Europe: The Carolingian and Ottonian Centuries, ed. Timothy Reuter (London: The Hambledon Press, 1994), 19–28. 39 40

Introduction9

has demonstrated that Nithard conceived of his historical narrative as a literary work of art, carefully selecting which events to report so that he could express his ideas and personal judgments through them and offer his own interpretation of their significance.47 In addition, Nelson identifies two distinct dimensions in the Histories: a public one, which Nithard presents according to the views and politics of the aristocrats supporting Charles the Bald, that is, according to the views of his social group; and a private one, which reflects Nithard’s own interests and personal involvement in the events that he reports. These two dimensions constantly interact in the shaping and fashioning of the Histories so that Nithard interprets events both through a public and a private point of view.48 In Book 4 Nithard progressively abandons the public sphere and transforms his history into a “private history.”49 Courtney M. Booker has argued that the ideological center of Nithard’s work is of a moral character.50 Throughout his Histories Nithard underlines how the Frankish empire underwent a progressive and unstoppable decline after Charlemagne’s death in 814, and how this decline had its origin, motivation, and development in the reckless greed of the new political leaders of his age. As a result, Nithard’s work shows an ideological point of view similar to Sallust’s in its open criticism and censure of material greed and the excesses of human ambition.51 Recently, scholars have further developed Nelson’s and Booker’s ideas by focusing their attention on three main aspects that, in their opinion, crucially influence Nithard’s historical vision and ideological stance: Nithard’s social class, namely, secular Carolingian nobility; Nithard’s family, which was related to Charlemagne himself and was involved in a court scandal;52 and “the secular moral values”53 on which Carolingian nobility relied and which Nithard examines in depth and discusses in  Nelson, “Public,” 251–93.  Nelson, “Public,” 269–82. 49  Nelson, “Public,” 282–84. 50  Booker, Past Convictions, 39–42; cf. Hans Patze, “Iusticia bei Nithard,” in Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag am 19. September 1971 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), 3:147–65. 51  Cf. Sallust, The War with Catiline, The War with Jugurtha, ed. John T. Ramsey, trans. J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2013); Sallust, Fragments of the Histories, Letters to Caesar, ed. and trans. John T. Ramsey (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2015). 52  That is, the affair between Nithard’s parents, namely, Bertha (daughter of Charlemagne) and the noble courtier Angilbert: see above, p. 6. 53  Stuart Airlie, “The World, the Text, and the Carolingian: Royal, Aristocratic, and Masculine Identities in Nithard’s Histories,” in Lay Intellectuals in the Carolingian World, ed. Patrick Wormald and Janet L. Nelson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 51–76, at 54, has cleverly noticed that it is “difficult, in examining Nithard’s text, to separate it, or elements within it, into a category that we can label as purely secular.” 47 48

10 Introduction

his Histories. After reexamining the purpose and character of Nithard’s work, Stuart Airlie concludes that the Histories are characterized by a specific “Carolingian aspect.”54 According to Airlie, Nithard’s work is a direct consequence of his social identity as a member of the royal house, and appears to be “part of the Carolingian house’s strategy of legitimation, a way of making the Carolingians prominent in the language of the past as well as in that of the present.”55 Therefore, Nithard’s work sets out to present the rule of the Carolingians “as inevitable, as part of the natural order.”56 But this natural order has been upset and overturned by the wars of Louis the Pious’s sons, and the praise of Charlemagne in the first book of the Histories provides Nithard with a “bitter counterpoint to his final book’s gloomy picture of the era of another Charles, Charles the Bald himself.”57 Rachel Stone focuses on the idea and concept of warfare among lay noble Carolingians, to whose class Nithard belongs, maintaining that Nithard’s secular concept of warfare does not significantly differ from that of the clergymen of his age and is characterized by a general acceptance of war, when it is against external enemies.58 Nithard only condemns the fratricidal civil wars of Carolingian rulers fighting with each other, whereas he sees the war against external enemies as “an acceptable way of obtaining peace,” describing “Charlemagne’s reign as a time of peace and concord everywhere.”59 Therefore, Nithard’s stance in relating the civil wars between Louis the Pious’s sons and, consequently, the bitterness and pessimism that he shows in discussing them mostly derive from his typical view of war, which represents one of the moral cornerstones of secular Carolingian nobility. On the other hand, Polanichka and Cilley see Nithard’s personal experiences within his family, and the position of Nithard’s family within the royal house of Charlemagne, as the two main forces influencing the historical stance and style of the Histories,60 so that Nithard’s work should be considered “as a social commemoration of personal memories.”61 In a sense Polanichka and Cilley identify Nithard’s private sphere as the most significant factor in his historical vision, especially because  Airlie, “The World,” 61.  Airlie, “The World,” 61–62. 56  Airlie, “The World,” 62. 57  Airlie, “The World,” 63. 58  Rachel Stone, Morality and Masculinity in the Carolingian Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 69–115. 59  Stone, Morality, 81. 60  Polanichka and Cilley, “Very Personal History,” 171–200; cf. Mayke de Jong, The Penitential State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 8, 192–93. 61  Polanichka and Cilley, “Very Personal History,” 174. 54 55

Introduction11

the peculiar position of Nithard’s family, involved in a court scandal, motivated his “fighting for legitimacy and honour, both familial and individual,” and gave his Histories their characteristic historical angle and style.62 Andrew J. Romig examines Nithard’s idea of Christian Frankish virtus within the wider moral code of secular Carolingian nobility in order to explain the moral foundation of his historical vision and, consequently, of his judgments on the chief characters involved in the civil wars.63 The center of this idea of Frankish virtus is the “utilitas publica—‘the common good’ or the ‘public welfare,’” and Charlemagne, Louis the Pious, and Charles the Bald act according to this guiding principle, incarnating a perfect ideal of selflessness.64 But later, in Books 3 and 4, Nithard’s experience of Carolingian nobility, including Charles the Bald and Louis the German themselves, “leads to more and more general despair over his own plight in the context of the rupture of aristocratic culture as a whole.” Therefore, the principles of virtus and selflessness appear to have been totally betrayed in the final chapters of Nithard’s Histories, which “express a profound despair driven by unmet expectations of collective moral behavior.”65 Undoubtedly, all of the aspects of Nithard’s social and familial position, as well as his philosophical and religious principles within the Carolingian ethical code, on which scholars have recently concentrated their attention, are important to reconstruct the motivations and purposes of the Histories. However, the relationship between Nithard’s experiences and principles and their literary embodiment— that is, Nithard’s historical narrative with its gloomy and desperate color and pessimistic approach—is emphasized too much, as if Nithard could only write his Histories in the way he did because of his social, psychological, or ideological position. Style The style of Nithard’s Histories, which is certainly one of the most original and impressive in the literature of the early Middle Ages, appears to be marked by two opposing elements: on the one hand, the author’s lucid analysis and rational interpretation of historical events and, on the other, his deeply emotional and openly

 Polanichka and Cilley, “Very Personal History,” 174.  Andrew J. Romig, Be a Perfect Man: Christian Masculinity and the Carolingian Aristocracy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017), 112–17. 64  Romig, Be a Perfect Man, 113. 65  Romig, Be a Perfect Man, 116. 62 63

12 Introduction

pessimistic mood in depicting them.66 Whoever reads Nithard’s work cannot fail to notice how this aristocratic writer and military officer, with his evident skill in ­political analysis, is constantly pessimistic when he depicts the events that form the subject matter of his work.67 Most scholars who have analyzed this important aspect of the Histories tend to make a distinction between Books 1–3, which generally show a balanced attitude and mood, and Book 4, which presents an evident change of tone into pessimism and misanthropy.68 However, a gloomy atmosphere pervades the entire work, without any significant difference between the first three books and the last. Already in the first lines of Book 1, Nithard reveals his pessimistic approach by defining the subject matter of his Histories—the conflict of his patron Charles and his brother Louis against Lothar—as a storm that tosses about all those who are involved in it. Nithard describes himself as writing in the middle of this storm.69 These first lines and the metaphor of the storm are particularly significant in an analysis of Nithard’s dramatically dark style. In fact, all the characters in the Histories seem to be tossed about by a constant storm. While Nithard very cleverly describes and analyzes the events of Louis the Pious’s reign (Book 1) and then the military operations, battles, and laborious negotiations between the brothers (Books 2–4), a large part of his attention is focused on the movements of the brothers and their armies, who chase each other constantly as though driven by a storm of aimless agitation so that their movements throughout the Frankish kingdom appear to be a confused, desperate, and breathless race without goal or end. If Nithard’s work is complete and was not interrupted by his death, as Nelson has persuasively argued,70 then he purposely gave it its unfinished ending in which the protracted movements, meetings, and negotiations between the fighting brothers seem to lead to nothing, and the elements of nature themselves, with their eclipses and heavy snowfalls, announce an impending final storm that might overwhelm everybody.71 Both Nelson and Airlie, and more recently Booker and Romig, have considered Nithard’s pessimism and gloomy style to be tightly connected to his views on the historical development of the Carolingian age, which he sees as prosperous under  Airlie, “The World,” 51, 62–63.  Romig, Be a Perfect Man, 116–17; Polanichka and Cilley, “Very Personal History,” 179–82. 68  Lauer, Histoire, xi; Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, trans., Carolingian Chronicles: “Royal Frankish Annals” and “Nithard’s Histories” (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1970), 30; Nelson, “Public,” 253–54; Airlie, “The World,” 73–76; Romig, Be a Perfect Man, 116. For the different explanations given by scholars up to 1985 about Nithard’s pessimism in the last part of his Histories, see Nelson, “Public,” 253–54. 69  Nithard, Book 1, preface, p. 85. 70  Nelson, “Public,” 253, 281. 71  Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chaps. 6–7, pp. 191–93. 66 67

Introduction13

Charlemagne’s rule but miserable at the time of Louis the Pious and his children.72 Nithard, therefore, uses this contrast between the happy times of Charlemagne and the grim later times as a rhetorical means to actively criticize his own age and describe the difficulties that aristocrats like him had to face and cope with.73 This general interpretation of Nithard’s historical outlook explains Nithard’s open admiration for Charlemagne’s time and harsh criticism of the decadence of the time of his successors. This also explains the dualism of Nithard’s style: on the one hand, a lucid effort to interpret the meaning of historical events, and on the other, a dark style when describing events that the author morally condemns. Through criticism, Nithard highlights the confusion in human behavior and, in particular, in the behavior of the rulers of his age. Nithard’s statement “since each walks the path that he wants, everywhere conflicts and quarrels happen” is a key sentence because in his Histories, we often see people follow their own ways for selfish and irresponsible reasons, without any consideration for the public welfare. 74 This moral confusion, reckless behavior, and lack of a common coherent policy cause endless conflicts, breathless chases, and no positive result. Through the constantly dark color of his style and the clearness and lucidity of his historical interpretations, Nithard constructively criticizes the difficulties of the Carolingian empire in the mid-ninth century and at the same time effectively denounces the moral and political confusion pervading it. II. The Text The oldest manuscript of Nithard’s Histories, dating from the late tenth or early eleventh century, is MS. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 9768, which includes both Nithard’s text (fols. 1r–18v) and Flodoard’s Annales (fols. 19v–46r). Since this manuscript, which editors usually indicate as A, is also the most authoritative, as it presents Nithard’s text in its entirety, every critical edition must be based on it. Besides A, two much later manuscripts preserve the text of Nithard’s Histories. The first, MS. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 14663 (codex B in this edition), does not significantly differ from A but omits the text in Old High German  Nelson, “Public,” 281; Janet L. Nelson, “History-Writing at the Courts of Louis the Pious and Charles the Bald,” in Historiographie im frühen Mittelalter, ed. Anton Scharer and Georg Scheibelreiter (Vienna: R. Oldenbourg, 1994), 435–42, at 440; Airlie, “The World,” 62–63; Booker, Past Convictions, 6–7; Romig, Be a Perfect Man, 116–17. See Nithard, Histories, Book 1, preface, p. 85, Book 1, chap. 1, p. 85; Book 4, chap. 7, p. 193. 73  Booker, Past Convictions, 6, calls Nithard’s typical outlook on contemporary history “nostalgia.” 74  Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 7, p. 193. See Romig, Be a Perfect Man, 113–14. 72

14 Introduction

(Rhine Franconian) and Old Gallo-Romance of the oaths given in Strasbourg by Louis the German and Charles the Bald. Therefore, previous editors have always discarded it as a mere apograph and have never included its variants in their critical apparatus. The second, MS. Troyes, Médiathèque de Troyes Champagne Métropole, 32013 (codex T in this edition), even though it presents a complete text, was practically unknown to scholars until very recently, when Booker thoroughly examined it.75 Therefore, this edition is the first to use this manuscript. T was entirely written by Pierre Pithou, a sixteenth-century French jurist and humanist, and constitutes an early critical edition of Nithard’s text, which Pithou later abandoned when he prepared his editio princeps of Nithard for publication in 1588.76 In his article, Booker demonstrates that Pithou’s critical edition in T is based on an otherwise unknown manuscript, which appears to be different from both A and its late apograph B. In addition, by examining the notes in T, Booker discovered that Pithou also recorded part of the variants of another now-lost manuscript of Nithard, which had belonged to the humanist (and Pithou’s friend) Charles de La Mothe (Motta), who had produced a now-lost study on Nithard’s text.77 As a consequence, through his examination of T, Booker demonstrates that the direct tradition of Nithard’s text amounts to at least four manuscripts, namely A, B, T, and Charles de La Mothe’s manuscript (M in this edition), variants of which were partially preserved by Pithou in T. However, one more manuscript must be added to the four mentioned above, namely, the unknown manuscript that Pithou used for his editio princeps of 1558.78 Even though scholars so far have maintained that Pithou’s editio princeps was based on A,79 a comparison of Pithou’s edition with A reveals a large number of variants between the two texts,80 which unequivocally demonstrate that Pithou’s editio princeps was based on another manuscript different from A, B, T, and M. Therefore, the variants from Pithou’s editio, indicated as Pithou in this edition, prove the existence of another exemplar in Nithard’s manuscript tradition, which appears to consist of at least five manuscripts: A, B, T, M, and Pithou’s manuscript used for his editio princeps.

 Courtney M. Booker, “An Early Humanist Edition of Nithard, De dissensionibus filiorum Ludovici Pii,” Revue d’histoire des textes, n. s., 5 (2010): 231–58. 76  Pierre Pithou, Annalium et historiae Francorum ab anno Christi 708 ad annum 990 scriptores coaetanei 12 (Paris: Claudius Chappelet, 1588), 297–375. 77  Booker, “Early Humanist,” 242–47. 78  Marco Conti, “Variants and their Traps: Pierre Pithou’s Philological Policy and his Editions of Nithard’s Historiae,” Revue d’histoire des textes, n. s., 14 (2019): 209–23. 79  Conti, “Variants,” 211–12 and n. 15. 80  Conti, “Variants,” 211–20. 75

Introduction15

In addition to these manuscripts, which represent Nithard’s direct tradition, there are two more, from the seventeenth and twelfth century respectively, which include a short quotation from Nithard’s Histories. The first, MS. Amiens, Bibliothèques d’Amiens Métropole, 531 (codex C in this edition), is a direct copy of the autograph manuscript of Hariulf’s Chronicon Centulense, a twelfth-century work on the history of the abbey of Saint-Riquier. In Book 3, chap. 5, while describing the translation of the body of Saint Angilbert, abbot of Saint-Riquier and father of Nithard, Hariulf quotes a passage from Nithard’s Histories (Book 4, chap. 5) without indicating his source. Even though this quotation was known to previous editors of Nithard’s work,81 only Müller includes some of its variants in his critical apparatus.82 The second manuscript, MS. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 235 (codex R in this edition), is a combination of two twelfth-century manuscripts that were later bound together. The second section of this manuscript contains a collection of texts by and on Angilbert. Among them there is a quotation (slightly longer than that of C) of the passage from Nithard’s Histories (Book 4, chap. 5) describing the translation of Angilbert’s body. This quotation in codex R, which is slightly more extended than that in C, has not yet been used in any editions of Nithard’s work. The Manuscripts: Direct Tradition A = MS. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 9768 (late tenth/early eleventh century), Nithardi Historiarum libri IV, fols. 1r–18v.83 The manuscript is on parchment, measuring 29 × 21.5 cm, and consisting of 46 folios written in two columns of 33 lines each. A originally consisted of 93 leaves but was dismembered in the eighteenth or nineteenth century, and leaves 47–93 of A were bound to form a new manuscript, which is currently MS. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 1964.84  Georg Heinrich Pertz (hereafter Pertz1), ed., Nithardi Historiarum libri IIII, MGH, Scriptores 2 (Hanover: Hahn, 1829), 649–72, at 650; Georg Heinrich Pertz (hereafter Pertz2), ed. Nithardi Historiarum libri IIII, Editio altera, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 44 (Hanover: Hahn, 1870), vii–viii; Lauer, Histoire, 138 n. 3. 82  Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 47–48. 83  For a detailed and updated description of MS. A, see Francesco Lo Monaco, ed., “Nithard, Historiae III 5. Testo, traduzione e nota al testo”/“Nithard, Historiae III 5. Text, Original Translation and Note on the Text,” in I Giuramenti di Strasburgo: Testi e Tradizione/The Strasbourg Oaths: Texts and Transmission, ed. Francesco Lo Monaco and Claudia Villa (Florence: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2009), 69–90 and 161–82, at 175–79. 84  MS. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 1964, which is the second section of the original complete MS. A, includes the following works: De sex aetatibus mundi (fol. 47r), a list of nine Roman emperors (fol. 47r), Historia Brittonum (fols. 47r–58r), a genealogy of the Frankish kings 81

16 Introduction

The section of A (fols. 1–46) that is currently at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, includes two different historical works, namely, Nithard’s Histories (fols. 1r–18v) and Flodoard’s Annales (fols. 19v–46r). An analysis of the script reveals that this part of the codex was written by two different West Franconian Caroline hands.85 The first, which dates from the late tenth century, is responsible for the first five quaternions, covering the entire text of Nithard’s Histories and Flodoard’s Annales up to year 948 (fols. 1r–38v), while the second, dating from the early eleventh century, is responsible for the last section of Flodoard’s work, namely, the years 949–966 (fols. 39r–46v).86 Three different additions, which appear to date from the eleventh and twelfth centuries, indicate that the manuscript formerly belonged to the monastery of Saint-Médard de Soissons.87 The first is an interpolation that can be read at fol. 11r, col. 2 in the text of Nithard’s Histories (Book 3, chap. 2) and concerns the relics preserved in the monastery of Saint-Médard. The second is an interlinear note (in monasterio Sancti Medardi) in the text of Flodoard’s Annales, added to the mention of the crowning of King Rudolph (fol. 22r, col. 1 = Annales, Λ/923).88 Finally, the third is a note placed before the name of Ingrannus, dean of Saint-Médard, who was appointed bishop of Laon (fol. 28r, col. 2 = Annales, ΛΘ/932).89 There are two main hypotheses for the origin of the manuscript. According to Müller, codex A was written in the monastery of Saint-Médard de Soissons.90 In support of his suggestion, Müller offers a detailed examination of the interpolation on the relics (fol. 58r–58v), and four lives of Popes from the Liber Pontificalis (fols. 58v–93r) (Lo Monaco, “Nithard, Historiae III 5,” 177). 85  Lo Monaco, “Nithard, Historiae III 5,” 175 and n. 1. 86  Camille Couderc, “De la date initiale des Annales de Flodoard,” in Mélanges Julien Havet: Recueil de travaux d’érudition dédiés à la mémoire de Julien Havet (1853–1893), ed. Léopold Delisle (Paris: Société de l’École des chartes, 1895), 721–24; Philippe Lauer, introduction to Les Annales de Flodoard, ed. Philippe Lauer (Paris: Picard, 1905), xxxv–xxxvi; Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, xi; Guy De Poerck, “Le ms. B. N. lat. 9768 et les Serments de Strasbourg,” Vox Romanica 15 (1956): 188–214, at 189. In the introduction to his critical edition of Nithard’s Histories, Lauer, Histoire, xiv–xvi, appears to change his mind about the date and authorship of A and suggests that this MS. was written in the late ninth or early tenth century by a single hand. This hypothesis follows that proposed originally by Georg Waitz, “Pariser Handschriften,” in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 6 (1881): 473–95, at 482. 87  Lauer, Les Annales, xxxvi; Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, xi; Lauer, Histoire, xv; De Poerck, “Le ms. B. N. lat. 9768,” 190; Abraham Tabachovitz, “Les Serments de Strasbourg et le ms. B.N. lat. 9768,” Vox Romanica 17 (1958): 36–61, at 41–43; Lo Monaco, “Nithard, Historiae III 5,” 86 and n. 14 and 178 and n. 14. 88  Lauer, Les Annales, 14. 89  Lauer, Les Annales, 54. 90  Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, xi. Based on the statement “in monasterio S. Medardi Suessionensi exaratus est.”

Introduction17

preserved in Saint-Médard (fol. 11r, col. 2 = Book 3, chap. 2) and concludes that only a monk from this monastery could have written A.91 Abraham Tabachovitz later rejects this hypothesis, opposing Müller’s arguments and suggesting that only a small part of the passage concerning the relics preserved in Saint-Médard (Book 3, chap. 2) was an actual interpolation.92 Therefore, Tabachovitz asserts that there is no proof that A was written in Saint-Médard, and this manuscript’s origin remains obscure. Lauer, in the most recent edition of Nithard’s work, maintains that it is not possible to make any sound hypothesis regarding where A was originally written. He suggests that A could have been written in Saint-Riquier but adds that there is no testimony to support this fascinating hypothesis.93 Finally, Guy De Poerck makes a more complex claim, asserting that A was written in Saint-Médard, agreeing in this regard with Müller, but not excluding the possibility that A was derived from an exemplar coming from Saint-Riquier.94 He supposes that Nithard might have spent a certain period of time in Saint-Riquier, where he brought his manuscript of the Histories, worked on it, and finally left it in the monastery.95 I agree with Tabachovitz’s and Lauer’s positions and confine myself to say that there is no definitive argument to demonstrate that A was written in Saint-Médard: the additions in A reveal only that a monk from Saint-Médard made some short interpolations to the text of the codex, but they do not prove that the interpolator worked on an original manuscript of Saint-Médard rather than one from a different monastery. On the other hand, the hypothesis of an autograph exemplar coming from Saint-Riquier is very intriguing but rests on assumptions rather than sound historical evidence. At the beginning of the fifteenth century, codex A was at the abbey of SaintMagloire in Paris.96 In the sixteenth century, it passed from Saint-Magloire to the hands of the canon Jean de Saint-André, who sold it to the collector Paul Petau. In 1650, Christine of Sweden bought most of Petau’s library, which she later donated to the Vatican Library together with her other manuscripts. In 1797, codex A was brought to Paris and placed in the Bibliothèque nationale de France, where it initially received the shelf mark Suppl. lat. 623, and later the current one, lat. 9768.97  Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 30–31.  Tabachovitz, “Les Serments de Strasbourg,” 41–50. 93  Lauer, Histoire, xv: “A-t-il été exécuté à Saint-Médard même ou, au contraire, apporté d’ailleurs, de Saint-Riquier par exemple, où devait se trouver le manuscrit autographe de l’auteur? C’est ce qu’il est actuellement impossible de préciser.” 94  De Poerck, “Le ms. B. N. lat. 9768,” 190–92. 95  De Poerck, “Le ms. B. N. lat. 9768,” 194–96. 96  Lauer, Les Annales, xxxvi–xxxvii. 97  Codex A should have been returned to the Vatican Library in the early nineteenth century, but it was somehow forgotten. Lauer, Histoire, xv–xvi; Lauer, Les Annales, xxxvii–xxxviii, suggests that A was not left in Paris on accident but because it included two works that were extremely important for the national history of France and the French language (i.e., the Oaths of Strasbourg). 91 92

18 Introduction

B = MS. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 14663 (fifteenth century), Nithardi Historiarum libri IV, fols. 279r–89r. The manuscript is mostly on paper, with a few parchment leaves inserted among the paper ones.98 It measures 20.2 × 21.5 cm and consists of 304 + 4 folios written in a humanist hand. The lines are undivided and their number per page varies between 50 and 54. Codex B appears to be a collection of various medieval historical works, which ends with Nithard’s Histories (fols. 279r–89r) and Flodoard’s Annales (fols. 289v–304r).99 B was prepared by copying sections from other manuscripts, or by copying entire manuscripts, which were, as a result, included in this collection: this is undoubtedly the case with A, whose texts were copied in full and placed at the end of the codex. B was not copied from a single manuscript containing the same works; this is evident from the statement that Flodoard’s Annales came from a more ancient manuscript preserved in the abbey of Saint-Magloire.100 This statement demonstrates that the copyist of B used A as the exemplar for the text of both Nithard and Flodoard, since at the beginning of the fifteenth century A was preserved in the abbey of Saint-Magloire.101 However, Booker has recently rejected this hypothesis, demonstrating that B cannot be a direct copy of A but must be a copy of a now-lost intermediary.102 This is consistent with the fact that B completely omits the Oaths of Strasbourg and presents variants and omissions that are not in A. B originally belonged to the abbey of Saint-Victor. After this institution and its congregation of regular Augustinian canons was suppressed in 1790 and the abbey was destroyed entirely in 1811, most of the manuscripts of Saint-Victor, including B, were transferred to the Bibliothèque nationale de France.103 98  Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum antiquiorum saeculo XVI qui asservantur in Bibliotheca nationali Parisiensi, ediderunt hagiographi Bollandiani (Brussels: O. Schepens, 1893), 3:280. 99  For a complete list of the historical works included in B, see Léopold Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits de l’Abbaye de Saint-Victor conservés à la Bibliothèque impériale, sous les numéros 14232–15175 du fonds latin (Paris: Auguste Durand et Pedone-Lauriel, 1869), 36–37. 100  Codex B, fol. 289r: “Non plus reperi de ista cronica quam habui de monasterio Sancti Maglorii Parisiensis, que ibidem reperitur scripta de littera uetustissima, cuius auctor, ut creditur, fuit Frodoardus presbiter Remensis ecclesie, ut coniectari potest circa finem huius codicis, ad talem signum .00HƗ” (“I could not find more than what I had from the abbey of Saint-Magloire in Paris about this Chronicle, which, in that same place, was found written in a very ancient script, and whose author, as is believed, was Flodoard, presbyter of the church of Reims, as can be supposed at the end of this manuscript at the sign .00HƗ”). 101  Lauer, Les Annales, xxxvi–xxxvii. 102  Booker, “Early Humanist,” 246. 103  Léopold Delisle, Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1874), 2:209–35.

Introduction19

T = MS. Troyes, Médiathèque du Grand Troyes, 3203 (sixteenth century), Nithardi Historiarum libri IV, fols. 2r–58v. The manuscript consists of 88 paper folios, measuring 15.2 × 11.5 cm, and is bound in parchment. Pierre Pithou wrote it in a humanistic cursive hand. Pithou prepared this as an early critical edition of Nithard’s text but abandoned it when he prepared his editio princeps of Nithard’s work, published in 1588.104 The text of Nithard’s Histories (fols. 2r–58v) is written in a single column of 19 to 21 lines per page. After a brief address to the reader (fol. 59r), Pithou adds a long set of enumerated endnotes (fols. 59r–72v), an index of places and characters (fols. 73r–87v), and a list of addenda to the endnotes (fol. 88r).105 Around 1945, Alfred Morin bequeathed the manuscript to the library of Troyes, according to the will of his father Louis Morin, who was the manuscript’s owner and curator of the library. Before entering Morin’s collection, T had been in the Collège de Clermont in Paris and in the hands of various bibliophiles.106 As Booker demonstrates, T’s content is valuable for two main reasons: first, because it contains a critical edition of Nithard’s Histories based on an otherwise unknown manuscript, which appears to be different from both A and its late apograph B; second, because Pithou’s aborted edition has a copious apparatus of notes (absent from his 1558 printed edition), which contains very precious materials from previous studies or manuscript editions of Nithard’s text. By examining these materials in detail, Booker demonstrates that another now-lost manuscript of Nithard had been in the hands of the humanist (and Pithou’s friend) Charles de La Mothe (Motta), who produced a now-lost study on Nithard’s text.107 Therefore, besides presenting a preliminary edition of Nithard’s Histories with Pithou’s emendations and comments, T gathers together and provides all the variant readings of one more manuscript of Nithard’s Histories—that is, the one used by Pithou to prepare the text of his manuscript edition—and part of the variants of another—that is, the manuscript of Charles de La Mothe (codex M in this edition)—that Pithou used in his notes. As a supplement, T also provides in the margin of the text of Nithard’s Histories all of the variants existing between the text of T and his editio princeps of 1588: “Littered throughout the entire manuscript—including the endnotes and index—are a number of marginalia, which are written in a darker ink than the main text. These  Pithou, Annalium, 297–375.  Booker, “Early Humanist,” 237–38; Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France, Suppléments, vol. 63, Dijon, Pau, Troyes (Paris: CNRS Éditions, 1984), 134. 106  For a very detailed history of the manuscript, see Booker, “Early Humanist,” 233–37. 107  Booker, “Early Humanist,” 242–52. 104 105

20 Introduction

marginalia are also in Pithou’s hand and chiefly reflect his careful comparison and collation of the Troyes manuscript with the text of Nithard he printed in 1588 (he provides the different reading of the latter in each instance, followed by the abbreviation ‘Pith’).”108 Most scholars and editors of Nithard’s work have maintained that Pithou used A as the manuscript for his editio princeps of 1588 and Booker has recently reasserted this viewpoint: “A comparison of the text of his 1588 edition with the text of lat. 9768 clearly reveals that Pithou must have used this manuscript; this is particularly evident from a comparison of Pithou’s description (on pp. 344 and 361) of the later emendations in his ‘vetus exemplar’ with those present in lat. 9768.”109 If this were true, then the numerous variants recorded in the margin of T and taken from Pithou’s editio princeps would coincide perfectly with the readings of A. However, when compared, the readings of the two texts appear to be completely different. As a consequence, considering the large number of variant readings between Pithou’s edition and both A and T, and the fact that most of these are variant readings from another exemplar rather than emendations or misprints, it can be concluded that Pithou’s editio princeps was not based on A, as most editors of Nithard believed, but on another otherwise unknown manuscript of Nithard that Pithou probably found after making his manuscript edition of T and decided to use for his editio princeps.110 Therefore, we can assume with a certain reliability that the number of the known manuscripts of Nithard’s Histories is not at least four, namely, A, B, T, and M as Booker suggests,111 but at least five, including the manuscript that Pithou used for his editio princeps. With regard to the relationship between Nithard’s manuscripts, Booker has demonstrated that T, M, and B descend from A, not as direct copies of it, but rather as descendants from intermediaries, “which were created sometime between the tenth and the fifteenth centuries.”112 So the manuscript used by Pithou for his editio princeps falls into this same category, as it appears to derive from A from later intermediaries rather than directly—just like B, T, and M. It is likely that the intermediaries between A and Pithou’s manuscript are different from those between A, B, and M  Booker, “Early Humanist,” 238–39.  Paul Petau, De Nithardo, Caroli Magni nepote, ac tota eiusdem Nithardi prosapia breve syntagma, in André Duchesne, Historiae Francorum scriptores coetanei (Paris: Cramoisy, 1639), 2:356; Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, xii; Lauer, Histoire, xvii; Glansdorff, Histoire, xxiv; Booker, “Early Humanist,” 241 n. 39. 110  Conti, “Variants,” 213–22. 111  Booker, “Early Humanist,” 249. 112  Booker, “Early Humanist,” 248. 108 109

Introduction21

on the one hand, and those between A and T113 on the other, as Pithou’s manuscript differs from all the other manuscripts because it presents many variants. The existence of at least three more witnesses in Nithard’s manuscript tradition “carries broader implications with respect to the history of Nithard’s Histories” because it demonstrates that the interest in this work during the Middle Ages was greater than previously thought. Even though such interest remained in general limited, the discovery of the existence of three more copies proves that the number of Nithard’s manuscripts was not a mere two (A and B), but five, as mentioned above.114 The Manuscripts: Indirect Tradition C = MS. Amiens, Bibliothèques d’Amiens Métropole, 531 (mid-seventeenth century), quotation from Nithardi Historiarum libri IV (Book 4, chap. 5), fol. 96v. The manuscript is on paper, measures 36.8 × 23 cm, and consists of 129 folios written by a late humanistic hand.115 It was originally at the abbey of Corbie, then moved to Amiens about 1791, and finally entered the municipal library of Amiens after its construction in 1823.116 C includes three medieval historical works, namely the Life of Saint Angilbert by Anscher, abbot of Saint-Riquier (fols. 1r–10r); a short appendix to the Life of Saint Angilbert (fols. 10v–12v); and the Chronicle of the Abbey of Saint-Riquier (Chronicon Centulense) by Hariulf (fols. 13r–128v). The copyist of C copied the text of the Chronicon Centulense from Hariulf’s autograph manuscript, which was originally preserved in Saint-Riquier and later purchased by Paul Petau.117 Unfortunately, this copy appears to be marred by frequent errors,118 but is nevertheless very important since it is the only one including Hariulf’s Chronicon that survived after the autograph manuscript from Saint-Riquier disappeared, just as did another copy made by Duchesne roughly at the same time as C’s creation.119 Despite its inaccuracies,  Booker, “Early Humanist,” 248, notes only one intermediary between lat. 9768 and the manuscript used by Pithou for his edition in T. 114  Booker, “Early Humanist,” 249. 115  Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France, Départements, vol. 19, Amiens, ed. Ernest Coyecque (Paris: Plon, 1893), 281–82. 116  For a detailed description of the original collection of Corbie and its dismemberment and relocation to different French libraries, see Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France, 19:i–lv; Delisle, Le cabinet, 2:104–41. Lot, Hariulf, lviii. 117  Lot, Hariulf, lviii and n. 3. 118  Lot, Hariulf, lviii. 119  For a complete and detailed reconstruction of Hariulf’s manuscript tradition, see Lot, Hariulf, lvii–lxx. For an analysis of the relationship between Nithard’s Histories and Hariulf’s Chronicon, and a different reconstruction of Hariulf’s manuscript tradition, see De Poerck, “Le ms. B. N. lat. 9768,” 197–202. 113

22 Introduction

C ­preserves a quotation from Nithard that is very important for understanding the position of Nithard’s Histories in the context of medieval historiography. R = MS. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 235 (twelfth century), quotation from Nithardi Historiarum libri IV (Book 4, chap. 5), fols. 83r–83v. The manuscript is on parchment and consists of I + 84 folios. It is a combination of two different manuscripts of different size that were later bound together. The first manuscript measures 18.5 × 10.5 cm and occupies the first 73 leaves of R. It is written in a Carolingian minuscule in the late twelfth century on full pages of 23 lines. It includes a collection of works by the Benedictine historian and theologian Guibert of Nogent (ca. 1055–1124).120 The second manuscript measures 205 × 105 mm and occupies the last 11 leaves of R (fols. 74–84). It is written in Carolingian minuscule at the end of the twelfth century on full pages of 39 lines. This second section of R is a compilation of the following works by and on Angilbert: (1) Scriptura Angilberti (fols. 74r–77v); (2) Carmina Angilberti (fols. 77v–78r); (3) Institutio Sancti Angilberti abbatis de diversitate officiorum (fols. 78v–82v);121 (4) Excerpta et instrumenta (fols. 83r– 84r): among these excerpts at fol. 83r–83v there is a quotation from Nithard’s Histories on the translation of the body of Saint Angilbert (Book 4, chap. 5). According to De Poerck, the second manuscript of R (fols. 74–84) is a copy of a more ancient miscellaneous manuscript compiled by the monks of Saint-Riquier in the ninth century.122 This exemplar, which is now lost, was removed from SaintRiquier when the monastery was threatened by invasions of Northmen in the ninth century, ending up in the abbey of Gorze (near Metz). In the eleventh century, Gervin, abbot of Saint-Riquier, found it there and brought it back to its original location.123 In the twelfth century, Hariulf used this manuscript in Saint-Riquier and included part of it in his Chronicon, while a complete copy of it was made at the same time in the same monastery: this complete copy is the second section (or manuscript) of R. The original exemplar from the ninth century was probably destroyed in the fire that occurred in Saint-Riquier in 1719, and we now possess only its partial transcription in Hariulf’s Chronicon and a full copy in R. De Poerck’s reconstruction of the history of R is certainly accurate. On the other hand, his theory concerning the relationship between R and C124 appears to be wrong 120  André Wilmart, Codices Reginenses latini, vol. 1, Codices 1–250 (Vatican City: Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937), 557–58. 121  1, 2, and 3 form the so-called Libellus Centulensis. 122  De Poerck, “Le ms. B. N. lat. 9768,” 196–97; Libellus Centulensis, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH, Scriptores 15, pt. 1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1887), 173. 123  On Gervin, see Histoire littéraire de la France (Paris: Osmont, 1746), 7:351–55. 124  See pp. 22–23.

Introduction23

since the text of the last chapter of the first part of the Libellus Centulensis (fols. 74r–78r) is different in R and C. Instead, it is more likely that R used an exemplar that was different from that used by Hariulf and consequently C. Probably Hariulf employed a slightly later manuscript in which the last chapter of the Libellus Centulensis, and possibly other parts that are not extant, had been changed and expanded, and therefore contained an updated version of Angilbert’s text. The short quotation of Nithard’s Histories in R provides another significant testimony to the history of this text in the Middle Ages. It also presents a more extended quotation and better text than C, which is a later manuscript (from the seventeenth century) and appears to have been written by an inaccurate scribe, as mentioned above.125 Select Editions of Nithard’s Histories Pithou = Pierre Pithou, Annalium et historiae Francorum ab anno Christi 708 ad annum 990 scriptores coaetanei 12 (Paris: Claudius Chappelet, 1588), 297–375. As mentioned above, most editors of Nithard’s Histories have so far maintained that Pithou’s editio princeps of 1588 is based on the text of A. Recently, Booker has suggested that Pithou, after preparing his manuscript edition of Nithard in T, decided to abandon it because he had, in the meantime, found a better manuscript, namely A, which he chose to use for his printed edition.126 However, a comparison of the text of A with that of Pithou’s editio princeps demonstrates that there are many variants between the two texts. In a recent article, besides listing all the variants between A and Pithou’s editio princeps, I analyzed their possible origin in order to establish whether they were the result of Pithou’s emendations on the text of A or even mere misprints due to a careless printer. However, considering the large number and nature of these variants, my conclusion is that Pithou used for his editio princeps another otherwise unknown manuscript of Nithard, which he probably found after making his manuscript edition of T.127 Therefore, Pithou’s editio princeps is particularly valuable and significant in a reconstruction of Nithard’s text because it provides all the variants of an otherwise unknown manuscript that can be added to the four already known, namely, A, B, T, and M. At this stage, since Pithou used two manuscripts different from A for both his manuscript edition in T and his editio princeps, should we conclude that he had no knowledge of A, even though scholars have asserted that he actually studied A when  See p. 21.  Booker, “Early Humanist,” 241–42 and n. 39. 127  See above, pp. 20–21, and Conti, “Variants,” 211–23. 125 126

24 Introduction

it was in Paul Petau’s collection?128 My hypothesis is that Pithou, after producing his first manuscript edition and his editio princeps, may have been finally able to examine A. This may explain why he recorded the variants between his editio princeps and his first manuscript edition in the margin of T:129 he possibly intended to use the updated text of T, augmented with the variants of his editio princeps, as the critical apparatus of a new edition based on A. However, since there is no evidence that Pithou began this new phase of editorial work on Nithard’s text, we can only suppose that he left it at a very preliminary stage.130 Pertz1 = Georg Heinrich Pertz, ed., Nithardi Historiarum libri IIII, MGH, Scriptores 2 (Hanover: Hahn, 1829), 649–72. In 1829, Pertz published in the MGH the first authoritative modern edition of Nithard’s text based on the oldest manuscript of Nithard’s work, that is, A. Scholars have mostly dismissed Duchesne’s earlier edition based on A,131 published in 1639, as quite inferior to Pertz’s because of frequent arbitrary emendations.132 However, Pertz based his edition on collations made by previous scholars since A was not accessible in the early nineteenth century, as it was believed to be hidden in Rome’s Vatican Library but was already in the Bibliothèque nationale de France.133 In spite of these limitations, Pertz’s first edition is significant as it represents the basis of all later editions of Nithard’s text. Pertz2 = Georg Heinrich Pertz, ed., Nithardi Historiarum libri IIII, Editio altera, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 44 (Hanover: Hahn, 1870). Pertz’s second edition is certainly superior to the first because it is based on a fresh collation of codex A, which was discovered in Paris instead of Rome, where it had been unsuccessfully sought forty-two years earlier.134 Even though there are few ­additions in terms of textual emendations, the orthography is much more consistent and appears to be based on the actual spellings of codex A instead of being normalized as in Pertz’s first edition.  Lauer, Histoire, xvii.  See above, pp. 19–20, and Conti, “Variants,” 223. 130  A possible trace of Pithou’s preliminary work on a new edition of Nithard also based on A is in his handwritten emendations in the margin of a copy of his printed edition Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, département Philosophie, histoire, sciences de l’homme, 8-L45-1, available online: https:// gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k118653b 131  Petau, De Nithardo, 2:359–81. 132  Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, xii. 133  Pertz1, 650. 134  Pertz2, viii. 128 129

Introduction25

Holder = Alfred Holder, Nithardi Historiarum libri quattuor (Freiburg im Breisgau: J. C. B. Mohr; Leipzig: Paul Siebeck, 1895). Holder’s edition mostly follows and reuses the emendations and readings of both of Pertz’s editions (1829 and 1870), proposing very few new emendations. It appears to be an almost perfect reproduction of Pertz’s editions, therefore its contribution to the reconstruction of Nithard’s text is very limited. Müller = Ernst Müller, ed., Nithardi Historiarum libri IIII, Editio tertia, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 44 (Hanover: Hahn, 1907). After the publication of Pertz’s two editions in the MGH, Müller produced a new edition for the same series in 1907. Even though Müller’s edition inevitably follows Pertz’s editorial style and policy and incorrectly departs from readings correctly made in both of Pertz’s editions, it appears to be superior to them in many respects. In the first place, Müller added to his edition a new introduction in which he reconstructs Nithard’s life and manuscript tradition with many new details. In the second place, he produced a much more detailed critical apparatus by using both A and the fragment from C, as well as new emendations that nineteenth-century scholars had proposed in their monographs on the history of the Frankish kingdoms.135 He also added to his apparatus the unpublished philological notes by Philipp Jaffé on Nithard’s text.136 For these reasons, Müller’s edition is the most complete and thoroughly researched among those published in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Lauer = Lauer, Philippe, Nithard: Histoire des fils de Louis le Pieux (Paris: H. Champion, 1926). Lauer’s edition is valuable for its accurate facing translation, useful historical notes, and ample introduction on Nithard’s life, times, manuscript tradition, and literary style. From the point of view of textual criticism, however, Lauer’s edition confines itself to reproducing Müller’s text without any significant additions. Sophie Glansdorff, Nithard: Histoire des fils de Louis le Pieux, Édition et traduction de Philippe Lauer, revues par Sophie Glansdorff (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2012). This recent reissue of Lauer’s edition, revised by Sophie Glansdorff, is very useful for its excellent and thorough historical notes. Its text, however, reproduces that established by Lauer without significant changes.

 Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, v, provides a list of these works.  Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, xiii.

135 136

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Editions of Hariulf’s Chronicon Centulense, which includes a short quotation from Nithard’s Histories Achery1 = Luc d’Achery, Veterum aliquot scriptorum, qui in Galliae bibliothecis, maxime Benedictinorum latuerant, Spicilegium, vol. 4 (Paris: Carolus Savreux, 1661). D’Achery’s first edition of the Spicilegium includes the editio princeps of Hariulf’s Chronicon, which is based on Duchesne’s copy of Hariulf’s autograph manuscript.137 Since Duchesne’s now-lost copy presented some gaps, the quotation from Nithard’s Histories (Book 4, chap. 5) in Hariulf’s Chronicon, Book 3, chap. 5, appears to be incomplete.138 Achery2 = Luc d’Achery, Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant, vol. 2 (Paris: Montalant, 1723). In his second Spicilegium, d’Achery provided a much better text of Hariulf’s Chronicon since he used codex C, which presents a complete text, together with the incomplete copy by Duchesne. Lot = Hariulf, Chronique de l’Abbaye de Saint-Riquier (Ve siècle–1104), ed. Ferdinand Lot (Paris: Picard, 1894). Lot’s edition of Hariulf’s Chronicon provides the best and most accurate text for this interesting historical work. The quotation from Nithard’s Histories is presented with a detailed critical apparatus, even though Lot did not use the text of R.139 Editorial Policy This new edition is of course based on A, but at the same time takes into consideration all the other available testimonies to Nithard’s Histories. The apparatus contains the variants of B, T, M, and Pithou’s manuscript (used for his editio princeps), as well as those of C and R. This is to give the reader a complete picture of Nithard’s manuscript tradition, which was only partially reconstructed in previous editions. In addition to the  See above pp. 20–21 and Lot, Hariulf, lix.  According to De Poerck, “Le ms. B. N. lat. 9768,” 198, the copy made by Duchesne is still available as MS. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 12893 (seventeenth century). However, this MS. does not contain Hariulf’s Chronicon, but another historical work, namely the “History of Corbie” by Jacques Baron (see Léopold V. Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits de Saint-Germain-des-Prés conservés à la Bibliothèque impériale, sous les numéros 11504–14231 du fonds latin [Paris: Auguste Durand et Pedone-Lauriel, 1868], 78). The MS. containing Hariulf’s Chronicon is MS. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 11733, but Lot has demonstrated that this is a copy from d’Achery’s first Spicilegium (Lot, Hariulf, lix n. 2). 139  Lot only published in his Hariulf edition the section of R that included a part of Angilbert’s Libellus Centulensis missing from C but did not use R in addition to C in his critical apparatus. He added the section of R including the second part of the Libellus as an appendix: see Lot, Hariulf, 296–306. 137 138

Introduction27

manuscript witnesses, the apparatus also contains the variants and conjectures of all the main previous editions, including those of Hariulf’s Chronicon that contain a short quotation from Nithard, in order to provide a clear picture of the different interpretations given by scholars on Nithard’s text when it presents evident errors or obscurities. My philological standpoint in the reading and treatment of the text of A is conservative, when possible. A large part of the emendations proposed by previous editors are correct beyond doubt, as they emend obvious errors of the copyist, and I have adopted them in my edition. However, a few of their emendations seem to me to be a bit too arbitrary and forced: in those cases, I have preserved the text of A, which offers better readings that have at least the authority of their age. Policy on Orthography The orthography of the critical edition is based on that of codex A, which naturally reflects the typical Latin spellings used in Gallic monasteries in the tenth century. Since the manuscript always distinguishes the two vowels in the diphthong ae by writing them in full or abbreviating with ę or æ, I have always written this diphthong as ae, as this reflects the intention of A’s copyist. When A wavers between two spellings of the same word (e.g., Dionysius and Dyonisius, Lodhuuuicus and Lodhuuicus, leuuuas and leuuas, quantocius and quantotius, tertius and tercius, Conflentum and Conflentim), I have chosen to use a single spelling (Dionysius, Lodhuwicus, leuwas, quantocius, tertius, Conflentum) for the sake of consistency. Following modern editorial usage, I have written in full all the other typical abbreviations of nasal consonants as well as -us, -er, per, pro, pre, and esse, which occur frequently throughout the manuscript. I made no distinction between u and v and simplified the two uu used by A in Germanic names and words into w in order to make the reading more comfortable (i.e., leuwas instead of leuuuas in Book 2, chap. 4), but have not done this for the Oaths of Strasbourg (Book 3, chap. 5), where I kept the manuscript’s exact spelling. Translation As Thomas F. X. Noble states in his foreword to this volume, “Nithard is not easy to translate into graceful English”: the style of his Latin is “rough and unpolished,” “his vocabulary is not rich,” and “his sentence structure is paratactic.”140 However, as mentioned above, Nithard is able to transform the rough and rhetorically limited material of his Latin into an extremely effective instrument to describe the despondency and darkness that pervade his world. In my translation, I have tried to be as faithful as  See above, p. xi.

140

28 Introduction

possible to the original rhythm and roughness of Nithard’s Latin in order to convey its genuine character in English. For this reason I have preserved the original length of the sentences, even when they are quite extended, without breaking them into smaller units so that the reader may see the correspondence between the English translation and the original Latin text. In accordance with the most recent editions, especially those by Müller (1907) and Lauer and Glansdorff (2012), I have followed the original punctuation of the manuscripts in the division of the sentences without breaking them, even when they appeared quite extended. On the other hand, I have conformed to the modern usage of commas, colons, and semicolons within the sentences, by following, with very few exceptions, Müller’s and Lauer and Glansdorff’s model in my Latin text. When Nithard’s vocabulary shows its limitedness, I have not enriched it in English by using synonyms or periphrases but provided a literal translation that may best reflect the author’s unpolished Latin style. When the text appears too obscure or ambiguous, I have tried to give it the most clarifying interpretation, also consulting the translations of other scholars, particularly Lauer and Glansdorff. When personal names or pronouns referring to the different characters in Nithard’s narrative are implied in the Latin text, I have added them to the translation in brackets so that the reader might immediately realize that they were not present in the original text. I have done the same when personal names of characters were referred to in general terms (e.g., “pro filio” in Book 1, chap. 3 is rendered as “on his son [Charles’s] behalf”). These added names and pronouns make the translation more easily comprehensible to the reader, especially when Nithard uses very long sentences. III. Glossary Personal Names Adalard Adalard (Adalhard) the Seneschal (ca. 810–880), son of Leuthard I of Paris, was appointed by →Louis the Pious as seneschal. “In a Carolingian court, a post like Adalard’s (the seneschal organised the feeding and accommodation of the royal household) gave access to the king and also control over others’ access” (Nelson, Charles, 42). Lit.: Nelson, Charles, 42, 110; Lauer, Histoire, 44 n. 2; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 18 n. 4; Hubert Guillotel, “Une autre marche de Neustrie,” in Onomastique et parenté dans l’Occident médiéval, ed. Christian Settipani and Katharine S. B. Keats-Rohan (Oxford: Unit for Prosopographical Research, Linacre College, University of Oxford, 2000), 7–13; Glansdorff, Histoire, 52 n. 148; Philippe Depreux, Prosopographie de l’entourage de Louis le Pieux (781–840) (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1997), 80–82.

Introduction29

Adalbert Adalbert (?–841), count of →Metz and duke of the →Austrasians, was killed by →Louis the German in the battle of May 13, 841, in the Riesgau, on the borders of Bavaria. Lit.: E. Hlawitschka, “Adalbert, Gf. v. Metz,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1:97; Lauer, Histoire, 59 n. 3, 66 n.1; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 27; Annales Fuldenses sive Annales regni Francorum orientalis, ed. Friedrich Kurze, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 7 (Hanover: Hahn, 1891), a. 841, p. 32; Glansdorff, Histoire, 69 n. 186; Airlie, “The World,” 69–71; Depreux, Prosopographie, 69–72. Adalgar Count Adalgar (?–after 850) served as →Louis the Pious’s ambassador to →Lothar after 836. In July 840, he accompanied Nithard in his mission as →Charles the Bald’s envoy. Lit.: Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 4, p. 155; Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 55, p. 506; Lauer, Histoire, 40 n. 3; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 15; Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 14 n. 3; Glansdorff, Histoire, 48 n. 139; Depreux, Prosopographie, 73–74. Angilbert Angilbert (ca. 750–February 18, 814), Nithard’s father, was one of the most important courtiers and diplomats of →Charlemagne as well as a prominent intellectual and accomplished poet. In 790, he became the new abbot of the monastery of →Saint-Riquier, where he stayed until his death in 814. He was canonized by Urban II in 1100, and his feast is celebrated on February 18, the day of his death. Lit.: H. Beumann, “Angilbert,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1:634–35; Wilhelm Wattenbach, Wilhelm Levison, and Heinz Löwe, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter: Vorzeit und Karolinger, vol. 2, Die Karolinger vom Anfang des 8. Jahrhunderts bis zum Tode Karls des Grossen (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1953), 236–40; Villa, “Nithard,” 4–13 and 94–100; Glansdorff, Histoire, 150 n. 346. Arnulf This character has not been identified. According to Lauer, Arnulf may be the father of Baldwin I, count of Flanders, as the name Arnulf was common among his descendants. On the other hand, Glansdorff suggests that he might be an illegitimate son of →Louis the Pious who later became the count of →Sens. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 55 n. 5; Glansdorff, Histoire, 65 n. 175.

30 Introduction

Bardo Count Bardo (?–856), who is mentioned for the first time by Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 7, p. 167, was a close ally of Abbot Warin of Corvey. He died in 856 during a campaign led by →Louis the German against the Daleminzes and Bohemians. Lit.: Annales Fuldenses, a. 856, p. 47; Eric J. Goldberg, Struggle for Empire: Kingship and Conflict under Louis the German, 817–876 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2006), 107 and n. 103; Glansdorff, Histoire, 122 n. 190; Sophie Glansdorff, Comites in regno Hludouici regis constituti: Prosopographie des détenteurs d’offices séculiers en Francie orientale, de Louis le Germanique à Charles le Gros (826–887) (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 2011), 85–87. Bernard (duke of Septimania) Bernard, duke of →Septimania (795–844), was the son of William, duke of Toulouse during →Charlemagne’s reign, and cousin of →Louis the Pious. He was able to win Louis’s confidence especially during the conquest of Barcelona by the Emir of Cordova. In 829, he gained the office of chamberlain and served as guardian of the young →Charles the Bald. During the phase of the civil war described in Nithard’s Histories, Bernard’s attitude towards Charles the Bald and →Louis the German was constantly ambiguous and treacherous, although he was officially their ally. Charles finally imprisoned him and had him executed in May 844. Lit.: Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 44, pp. 454–59; Eleanor Shipley Duckett, Medieval Portraits from East and West (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1972), 197–218; Depreux, Prosopographie, 137–39; Riché, Les Carolingiens, 154; Janet L. Nelson, “The Frankish Kingdoms, 814–898: The West,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, c. 700–c. 900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 110–41, at 116; Booker, Past Convictions, 75; Glansdorff, Histoire, 10 n. 27. Bernard (king of Italy) Bernard (797–818) was the king of Italy from 813 to 817. →Charlemagne had originally entrusted the kingdom of Italy to his son →Pippin (son of Charlemagne and →Hildegard [wife of Charlemagne]), who died in 810. Bernard received the kingdom of →Lombardy from Charlemagne in 812. However, according to Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 2, p. 87, Bernard, succeeding his father, was appointed king of Italy by →Louis the Pious in 814. In 817, Bernard rebelled against Louis the Pious. After being defeated in →Chalon-sur-Saône, Bernard was first condemned to death at a trial held

Introduction31

in →Aachen in 818. Louis granted Bernard his life, but Bernard died a few days later because of the tortures and blinding with a red-hot iron that he had suffered. Lit.: Thegan, Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Ernst Tremp, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 64 (Hanover: Hahn, 1995), chaps. 22–23, pp. 210– 14; Thomas F. X. Noble, “The Revolt of King Bernard of Italy in 817: Its Causes and Consequences,” Studi Medievali 15 (1974): 315–26; Riché, Les Carolingiens, 152; Philippe Depreux, “Das Königtum Bernhards von Italien und sein Verhältnis zum Kaisertum,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Bibliotheken und Archiven 72 (1992): 1–25; Depreux, Prosopographie, 134–37. On the tortures and punishment inflicted on the rebellious king of Italy, see Geneviève Bührer-Thierry, “‘Just Anger’ or ‘Vengeful Anger’? The Punishment of Blinding in the Early Medieval West,” in Anger’s Past: The Social Uses of an Emotion in the Middle Ages, ed. Barbara H. Rosenwein (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), 75–91, at 81–91. On the different views expressed by Carolingian historians (including Nithard) on Bernard’s revolt, see Rosamond McKitterick, History and Memory in the Carolingian World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 266–73. For a general discussion of these events see McKitterick, Frankish Kingdoms, 134–36; Nelson, “Frankish Kingdoms,” 112–14; Booker, Past Convictions, 72, 169–70; Glansdorff, Histoire, 7 n. 15–16. Bertha Bertha (ca. 779–after 829), Nithard’s mother, was a daughter of →Charlemagne and →Hildegard (wife of Charlemagne). Lit.: Th. Zotz, “Bertha (7.B.),” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1:2023; Villa, “Nithard,” 13–19 and 103–7; Cécile Treffort, “Nithard, petit-fils de Charlemagne: Note sur une biographie controversée,” Bulletin de la Société des antiquaires de Picardie 158 (1994): 415–34, at 419–23. Bertmund Bertmund, prefect of Lyons, was responsible for blinding →Bernard (king of Italy) after his trial in 818. Lit.: Booker, Past Convictions, 172. Bovo This character is only mentioned by Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 2, p. 113, as one of the notables who defected from →Charles the Bald in August 840. He is otherwise unknown.

32 Introduction

Carloman Carloman (ca. 830–880) was the elder son of →Louis the German and →Emma. Lit.: J. Jarnut, “Karlmann, frk. Kg. (3.K),” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:996; Glansdorff, Histoire, 121 n. 287. Charlemagne Charles the Great (ca. 742–814) was the eldest son of Pippin the Short. Charlemagne reigned as king of the Franks from 768 to 800 and as emperor from 800 to 814. When he died on January 28, 814, his son →Louis the Pious became his successor. Nithard considers him as the perfect monarch and his reign as a model of good governance and economic prosperity. Nithard also alludes to the wars against the Saxons (772–785), Avars (788–799), Saxons and Danes (793–813), and Arabs (812–813) that resulted in expansion and protection of his kingdom. Lit.: Nelson, “Public,” 281; Booker, Past Convictions, 6–7; Glansdorff, Histoire, 4 n. 6; see below, pp. 85–87. Charles (son of Charlemagne and Hildegard) Charles was the first son of →Charlemagne and →Hildegard (wife of Charlemagne). He was born ca. 772 and died on December 4, 811, when he was thirtynine. Lit.: B. Schneidmüller, “Karl d. J., frk. Kg.,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:966–67. Charles the Bald Charles was the second child (his elder sister Gisela was born in 821) of →Louis the Pious and his second wife →Judith. He was born on June 13, 823, and died in October 877. Nithard became one of his most prominent courtiers and collaborators in 840 and remained faithful to him (albeit with some reservations) up to his death in 844. Lit.: Nelson, Charles; Depreux, Prosopographie, 150–53; B. Schneidmüller, “Karl (II.) der Kahle, Ks., westfrk. Kg.,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:957–68; see above, p. 7. Cobbo Cobbo was a Saxon count and brother of Abbot Warin of Corvey. In 845, he was →Louis the German’s ambassador to Horich, king of the Danes. Years of birth and death are unknown.

Introduction33

Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 129 n. 2; Glansdorff, Histoire, 139 n. 324; Glansdorff, Comites, 102–6. Conrad After →Judith was captured in →Compiègne by →Lothar and forced to take the veil (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 3, p. 89), her brothers Conrad and →Rudolph were tonsured and then kept under custody in an unknown location in →Aquitaine. Later, in April 842, Conrad was among →Charles the Bald’s envoys to →Lothar during the negotiations at →Mellecy (Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 3, p. 179). Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 11 n. 6; Glansdorff, Histoire, 12 n. 30; Glansdorff, Comites, 106–9; Depreux, Prosopographie, 156–57. Drogo Drogo (ca. 801–855) was an illegitimate son of →Charlemagne and his concubine Regina. He became bishop of →Metz on June 28, 823. He died twenty-two years later, on December 8, 855. Lit.: Sophie Glansdorff, “L’évêque de Metz et archichapelain Drogon (801/802– 855),” Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 81 (2003): 945–1014; Glansdorff, Histoire, 6 n. 14; Depreux, Prosopographie, 163–67. Ebbo Ebbo (ca. 775–851), archbishop of →Reims, had joined the insurrection against →Louis the Pious in 833 and had presided over the synod at →Soissons, which had officially deposed Louis (see Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 4, p. 93, where Nithard did not mention Ebbo and his participation in the revolt). Later, in early 835, Ebbo was imprisoned in →Fulda and then deposed. →Lothar met Ebbo in →Worms in June 840. Flodoard reports this event and reproduces the text of the imperial edict through which Lothar restored the see and diocese of Reims to Ebbo (cf. Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, MGH, Scriptores 13 [Hanover: Hahn, 1881], Book 2, chap. 20, p. 473). Lit.: Peter R. McKeon, “Archbishop Ebbo of Reims (816–835): A Study in the Carolingian Empire and Church,” Church History 43 (1974): 437–47; Booker, Past Convictions, 191–92; Nelson, Charles, 105; H. Goetting, “Ebo,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 3:1527–29; Depreux, Prosopographie, 169–74.

34 Introduction

Eberhard Eberhard (ca. 805–866), marquis or duke of Friuli, married Gisela, →Charles the Bald’s elder sister. He had already been an envoy of →Lothar at the court of →Louis the Pious in 836. Later, he founded the monastery of Cysoing (Nord-­Pasde-Calais). Lit.: H. Schmidinger, “Eberhard, Mgf. v. Friaul,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 3:1513; Glansdorff, Histoire, 136 n. 320. Egbert Dümmler supposes that this Egbert must be the →Hegibert mentioned by Nithard in Histories, Book 2, chap. 10, p. 137. Lit.: Wilhelm Wattenbach, Ernst Dümmler, and Ludwig Traube, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter bis zur Mitte des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: Cotta’sche Buchhandlung Nachfolger, 1904), 1:179 n. 4; Glansdorff, Histoire, 137 n. 321. Egfrid Egfrid had been appointed by →Charles the Bald as count of →Toulouse just before the revolt of →Pippin II in →Aquitaine (June 842), which Nithard mentioned in Histories, Book 4, chap. 4, p. 183, but nothing else is known about this character. Contemporary historical sources mention another Egfrid, who was probably a relative. Lit.: Nelson, Charles, 126; Lauer, Histoire, 133 n. 4; Glansdorff, Histoire, 143 n. 334. Emmon Emmon, bishop of Noyon (840–859), was among those bishops who had restored archbishop →Ebbo to the see of →Reims. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 93 n. 2; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 43; Glansdorff, Histoire, 103 n. 259. Eric Eric had the title of vassus dominicus (royal or imperial vassal) and belonged to the party that revolted against →Charles the Bald and Aldric, bishop of →Le Mans, in 840

Introduction35

in order to join →Lothar (Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 3, p. 115). Later, in 841, Eric submitted to Charles the Bald (Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 5, p. 119). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 54 n. 156, 61 n. 169. Ermengarde (first wife of Louis the Pious) Ermengarde (ca. 778–818) was the daughter of Ingeram, count of Hesbaye, and Hedwig of Bavaria. She married →Louis the Pious in 794 and gave him six children including →Lothar I (795–855), →Pippin I of →Aquitaine (797–838) and →Louis the German (ca. 804–877). She died on October 3, 818, in Angers. Lit.: Gansdorff, Histoire, 9 n. 20; Depreux, Prosopographie, 188–89. Ermengarde (wife of Lothar) Ermengarde (ca. 804–851) was the daughter of →Hugh (count of →Tours). She married →Lothar in October 821 in →Thionville. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 8 n. 18. Ermentrude Ermentrude or Hirmentrude (825–869), was the daughter of count →Vodo of →Orléans and →Ingeltrude. She married →Charles the Bald on December 14, 842. She gave him eleven children. Lit.: Nelson, “Frankish Kingdoms,” 120; Glansdorff, Histoire, 154 n. 357. Frederic It is difficult to identify this character, who may be a former envoy (missus) of →Louis the Pious or a Saxon count. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 85 n. 215; Depreux, Prosopographie, 198. Fulbert A count who is only mentioned by Nithard and is otherwise unknown. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 25 n. 67. Gerard (count of the city of Paris) Gerard (?–June 25, 841) was the brother of →Adalard the Seneschal. After ­supporting →Charles the Bald until late 840, he joined →Lothar’s party. Having

36 Introduction

married Bertha, sister of →Ermengarde (wife of Lothar), he was Lothar’s brotherin-law. Lit.: U. Winzer, “Gerhard II., Gf. v. Paris,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 4:1308; Glansdorff, Histoire, 31 n. 95. Gerard Gerard, whom Nithard mentioned in Histories, Book 2, chap. 3, p. 113, together with →Adalard and →Hegilo, cannot be the same as →Gerard (count of the city of Paris). He was possibly the son-in-law of →Pippin I of →Aquitaine. Lit.: Gansdorff, Histoire, 52 n. 149. Gerberga Gerberga (?–834) was the daughter of William of Toulouse and sister of →Bernard (duke of →Septimania). →Lothar had her executed after he conquered →Chalon-sur-Saône in 834, during his rebellion against his father →Louis the Pious (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 5, p. 97). Lit.: Thegan, Gesta Hludovici imperatoris, chap. 52, p. 244; Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 52, pp. 490–97. See also Booker, Past Convictions, 152–53; Suzanne Fonay Wemple, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister, 500 to 900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981), 95; Glansdorff, Histoire, 25 n. 69; Airlie, “The World,” 68 n. 64. Gislebert Gislebert (?–after 885), count of →Maasgau, joined →Charles the Bald’s party in September 841. In 848, he joined →Lothar until he decided to support Charles again in 863. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 43 n. 4; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 17; Glansdorff, Histoire, 51 n. 145. Gozhelm Gozhelm (?–834) was a count and the brother of →Bernard (duke of →Septimania) and →Gerberga. Lit.: Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 52, pp. 490–97; Glansdorff, Histoire, 26 n. 70.

Introduction37

Gregory IV Gregory (about 795–844) was the son of a Roman patrician and a priest of the titulus141 of Saint Mark in Rome. He was chosen to be pope in 827 and was consecrated one year later, after an envoy of →Louis the Pious was sent to Rome to ratify his election. Pope Gregory’s intervention in favor of →Lothar in 833, during the war of Louis the Pious with his sons, shows a possible desire of the church to extend its political control over the empire. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 15 n. 8; Thomas F. X. Noble, “Louis the Pious and the Papacy: Law, Politics and the Theory of Empire in the Early Ninth Century,” Ph.D. diss. (Michigan State University, Department of History, 1974). See pp. 197–98 n. 28 below. Guntbald A monk and emissary of →Louis the Pious. Information about this Guntbald is extremely scarce and mostly derives from Nithard, who gives him an important role in the reorganization of the empire (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 3, p. 91). He may be the same monk mentioned in a privilege in favor of the monastery of Kempten, which Louis signed on February 25, 831. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 12 n. 1; Glansdorff, Histoire, 15 n. 38; Johann Friedrich Böhmer, Regesta imperii, vol. 1, Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter den Karolingern, 751–918, rev. E. Mühlbacher, completed by J. Lechner, introduction by L. Santifaller, with foreword, concordance tables, and additions by C. Brühl and H. Kaminsky (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1966), n. 883. Guntbold According to Nelson, the Guntbold mentioned in Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 6, p. 121, and Book 3, chap. 2, p. 147, was the archbishop of Rouen. On the other hand, Lauer suggests that he was Guntbold, count of →Troyes. Glansdorff asserts that it is still impossible to identify this character. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 54 n. 3; Nelson, Charles, 112; Glansdorff, Histoire, 64 n. 173. Hartnid Hartnid, Nithard’s brother, is only mentioned in Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 5, p. 189. Lauer has noticed that his name is an anagram of Nithard’s name,  A church built on the remains of a private house or apartment used as a meeting place for the Christians before the end of the persecutions in the early fourth century. 141

38 Introduction

and Glansdorff explained how the variation of the word roots in a name (Nīth and Hard) was a common way for Germanic groups to assert a person’s membership in a family. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 139 n. 6; Glansdorff, Histoire, 151 n. 348. Hatto Hatto, an →Austrasian count and bailiff of →Charles the Bald from 838, was the brother of →Adalbert of →Metz. After joining →Lothar’s party, he attempted to prevent Charles the Bald, →Louis the German, and →Carloman from crossing the Moselle in March 842 in order to protect Lothar (Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 7, p. 169). After these events, he does not reappear in any surviving historical sources. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 114 n. 2; Nelson, Charles, 97–98; Glansdorff, Histoire, 124 n. 299. Hegibert It is difficult to identify this character. In 838–840, in the entourage of bishop Aldric of →Le Mans, we find both a vassus dominicus Egibert and a count Agbert. According to Lauer, Hegibert may be an ancestor of Hegilbert, count of Ribemont (Oise). Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 74 n. 4; Glansdorff, Histoire, 84 n. 212. Hegilo According to Lauer, this Hegilo also accompanied count →Adalgar in his campaign against the Slavs (Obotrites) in 838. Lit.: Annales Bertiniani, ed. Félix Grat, Jeanne Vielliard, and Suzanne Clémencet (Paris: Klincksieck, 1964), a. 838, pp. 25–26; Lauer, Histoire, 45 n. 4; Glansdorff, Histoire, 53 n. 150. Helisachar Helisachar (?–before 840) was a relative and counsellor of →Louis the Pious. Later, he became abbot of the monasteries of Saint-Aubin, →Saint-Riquier, and Inde. Lit.: J. Fleckenstein, “Helisachar,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 4:2122; Glansdorff, Histoire, 17 n. 44; Depreux, Prosopographie, 235–40.

Introduction39

Herbert Herbert (?–after 830), brother of →Bernard (duke of →Septimania), was arrested, blinded, and imprisoned during →Lothar’s revolt against his father →Louis the Pious in April 830. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 13 n. 31. Herenfrid He only appears in Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 2, p. 113, and is otherwise unknown. Heriold Probably Heriold or Harold, king of the Northmen (?–before 850), who took power around 812. He had received, together with his brother Roric, the trading post of Dorestad (modern Wijk bij Duurstede in the province of Utrecht, Netherlands) from →Louis the Pious. Later, in 841, →Lothar granted Heriold the property of the island of Walcheren (presently in the province of Zeeland, Netherlands). Lit.: Annales Bertiniani, a. 841, p. 39; Lauer, Histoire, 114 n. 3; Glansdorff, Histoire, 124 n. 300. Hildegard (wife of Charlemagne) Hildegard (758–783), daughter of count Gerold of Vinzgouw and Emma of →Alamannia, married →Charlemagne in 771 and gave him four sons and five daughters. The sons who survived to adulthood were →Charles (son of Charlemagne and Hildegard [wife of Charlemagne]), →Pippin (son of Charlemagne and Hildegard [wife of Charlemagne]), and →Louis the Pious. Lit.: Roger Collins, Charlemagne (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), 41–42. Hildegard (half-sister of Charles the Bald) Hildegard (b. ca. 802–†?) was a daughter of →Louis the Pious and →Ermengarde (first wife of Louis the Pious), and half-sister of →Charles the Bald. She was probably the abbess of Notre-Dame de →Laon. Her rebellion against her brother Charles is reported in Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 4, p. 155. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 96 n. 2; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 45 and n. 8; Glansdorff, Histoire, 106 n. 265; Airlie, “The World,” 65–66.

40 Introduction

Hilduin Hilduin (?–after 855) was the abbot of →Saint-Denis from 814 as well as of →Saint-Germain-des-Prés and Saint-Médard de →Soissons. Lit.: J. Prelog, “Hilduin v. St-Denis,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:20; Glansdorff, Histoire, 31 n. 94; Depreux, Prosopographie, 250–56. Hirmenald He is only known from Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 10, p. 137. He may be identified as Hirmenald, abbot of Aniane in 835–837. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 85 n. 214. Hugh (the abbot) Hugh (Hugus or Hugo) the abbot (802–844) was an illegitimate son of →Charlemagne and his concubine Regina. He was abbot of →Saint-Quentin and SaintBertin from 834. It is possible that he was initially among the supporters of →Charles the Bald and later, in 841, passed to →Lothar’s party. Lit.: B. Schneidmüller, “Hugus n. 4,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:159; Glansdorff, Histoire, 6 n. 14; Depreux, Prosopographie, 264–68. Hugh (count of Tours) Hugh (Hugo) was count of →Tours from 807 until his deposition in 828. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 10 n. 24; Depreux, Prosopographie, 262–64. Hugh (envoy of Charles the Bald) The Hugh (Hugo) mentioned in Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 3, p. 113, as an envoy of →Charles the Bald together with →Adalard, →Gerard, and →Hegilo, should not be identified as →Hugh (the abbot). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 51 n. 147. Ingeltrude Mother of →Charles the Bald’s wife →Ermentrude.

Introduction41

Joseph Joseph was probably a bishop. After being an envoy (missus) of →Louis the Pious to Italy in 829, he was an envoy of →Lothar in 839 (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, p. 103) and again in 842 (Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 3, p. 177). Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 125 n. 6; Glansdorff, Histoire, 37 n. 112, 136 n. 319; Depreux, Prosopographie, 278. Judith Judith of Bavaria (?–April 19, 843) was the daughter of Welf, count of different estates in Bavaria and Rhineland, and the Saxon Hedwig, duchess of Bavaria. →Louis the Pious married her in February 819 after →Ermengarde (first wife of Louis the Pious)’s death. The choice of Judith represented a significant political change, as the emperor’s attention shifted to the territories of Bavaria, →Alamannia, and →Saxony, where Judith’s family had interests and relations. In this way Louis could more easily protect the borders of the empire from the attacks of the Slavs and reinforce his political action upon the territories east of the →Rhine. Lit.: Riché, Les Carolingiens, 152–53; M. Rampton, “1. Judith,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:797; Depreux, Prosopographie, 279–86; Nelson, “Frankish Kingdoms,” 115; Glansdorff, Histoire, 9 n. 21. Lambert (count of Nantes) Lambert (?–837) is attested as the count of Nantes from 814. In 830, →Louis the Pious sent him to the →Breton March to protect it from →Lothar’s army, but he defected and joined Lothar’s party. When Lothar was forced to flee into Italy in 834 (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 5, pp. 95–97), Lambert briefly continued his struggle against Louis before joining Lothar in Italy, where he stayed until his death in 837. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 20 n. 53; Depreux, Prosopographie, 288–91. Lambert (son of the count of Nantes) Lambert (?–852), mentioned in Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 5, p. 119, was most likely the son of →Lambert (count of Nantes). He was among the opponents of bishop Aldric of →Le Mans, a faithful supporter of →Charles the Bald. In 843, Lambert killed Renaud, count of Nantes, with the help of the Bretons and took his place. However, nine years later he himself was killed. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 60 n. 168.

42 Introduction

Lothar I Lothar (795–September 29, 855) was the first son of →Louis the Pious and →Ermengarde (first wife of Louis the Pious) of Hesbaye. He was king of the Franks and co-emperor with his father from 817 to 840 and then sole emperor until his death. Nithard portrays him as responsible for the civil war that resulted in the progressive and inevitable ruin of the Carolingian empire. Lit.: Egon Boshof, “Einheitsidee und Teilungsprinzip in der Regierungszeit Ludwigs des Frommen,” in Charlemagne’s Heir: New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious, ed. Peter Godman and Roger Collins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 161–89; H.-W. Goetz, “Lothar I,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:2013– 14; Pierre Riché, Dictionnaire des Francs: Les Carolingiens (Paris: Bartillat, 1997), 152–53; Airlie, “The World,” 66–67; Depreux, Prosopographie, 298–314; Maria Schäpers,  Lothar I. (795–855) und das Frankenreich (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2018). Louis the German Louis the German (ca. 804–August 28, 877) was the last son of →Louis the Pious and →Ermengarde (first wife of Louis the Pious). Louis took part in the revolts against his father (830–833) and later joined his half-brother, →Charles the Bald, in opposing →Lothar, who tried to extend his power over the entire empire after their father’s death in 840. Through the Treaty of →Verdun (August 843), Charles, Lothar, and Louis divided the western, middle, and eastern parts of the empire, respectively, between them. Nithard’s account generally shows a favorable attitude towards Louis the German, even though he cannot help but emphasize how his struggles against Louis the Pious and his involvement in the civil wars against Lothar were among the main reasons for the dissolution of the Carolingian empire. Lit.: W. Störmer, “Ludwig II,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:2172–74; Riché, Dictionnaire, 155–56; Goldberg, Struggle; Depreux, Prosopographie, 315–22. Louis the Pious Louis the Pious (778–June 20, 840) was the fifth child of →Charlemagne and →Hildegard (wife of Charlemagne). He was the youngest son, as his twin brother Lothar had died very young. In 781, his father appointed him king of →Aquitaine. Since both his elder brothers →Charles (son of Charlemagne and Hildegard [wife of Charlemagne]) and →Pippin (son of Charlemagne and Hildegard [wife of

Introduction43

­ harlemagne]) died in 811 and 810, respectively, Louis became co-emperor with his C father in 813. When Charlemagne died in January 814, Louis inherited the empire. His reign was troubled by different rebellions (involving his nephew →Bernard [king of Italy] as well as his sons →Lothar, →Pippin I, and →Louis the German), and can be taken as the beginning of the dissolution of the Carolingian empire. Lit.: Peter Godman and Roger Collins, ed., Charlemagne’s Heir: New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); J. Fleckenstein, “Ludwig I der Fromme,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:2171–72; de Jong, Penitential State, 41–64. Matfrid Matfrid (?–836) is attested as the count of →Orléans from 815 and might be a relative of →Hugh (count of →Tours). After being deposed in 828, he was sent into exile in Italy, where he died in 836. Lit.: B. Schneidmüller, “Matfrid, Gf. v. Orléans,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:380– 81; Philippe Depreux, “Le comte Matfrid d’Orléans sous le règne de Louis le Pieux,” Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 152 (1994): 331–74; Glansdorff, Histoire, 10 n. 25; Depreux, Prosopographie, 329–31. Nomenoë Nomenoë (or Nomenoi) (?–851) was duke of the Bretons from 831 to 851. He supported →Charles the Bald during the years of the civil war but in the late 840s joined →Lothar’s party and remained faithful to him until his death. Lit.: H. Guillotel, “Nomenoë,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:1228–29; Glansdorff, Histoire, 63 n. 170; Depreux, Prosopographie, 335–37. Odulf Count Odulf was probably the lay abbot of the monastery of Saint-Josse. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 43 n. 5; Nelson, Charles, 106, 121; Glansdorff, Histoire, 51 n. 146. Otbert It is difficult to identify this Otbert mentioned in Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 6, p. 123. Glansdorff suggests that he might be the count of Avallon. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 67 n. 180, 50 n. 142.

44 Introduction

Otgar Otgar (?–847) was archbishop of →Mainz from 826. He participated in the rebellion against →Louis the Pious in 833 but was later pardoned by the emperor. He maintained his office up to his death in 847, even though he constantly opposed →Louis the German. His successor to the see of →Mainz, Rabanus Maurus, dedicated to him one of his works, Liber ad Otgarium. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 59 n. 2; Booker, Past Convictions, 237 and n. 122; Glansdorff, Histoire, 68 n. 185; Depreux, Prosopographie, 339–40. Pippin (son of Bernard, king of Italy) Pippin, mentioned in Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 3, p. 113, was the only son of →Bernard (king of Italy). He was faithful to →Louis the Pious, who granted him estates in the area between the →Seine and the →Meuse. According to Depreux, his properties were located in Vermandois. Lit.: Depreux, Prosopographie, 413–14; Glansdorff, Histoire, 53 n. 154; Airlie, “The World,” 64 and n. 50. Pippin (son of Charlemagne and Hildegard [wife of Charlemagne]) Pippin was the fourth child and second son that →Charlemagne had with →Hildegard (wife of Charlemagne). He was born ca. 777 and died on July 8, 810, at age thirty-three. Lit.: B. Schneidmüller, “6. Pippin,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:2171. Pippin I Pippin I (797–838), king of →Aquitaine, was the second son of →Louis the Pious and →Ermengarde (first wife of Louis the Pious). He participated in both the rebellions of his brothers →Lothar and →Louis the German against their father in 830 and 833. However, he reconciled with Louis the Pious in 834. When he died in 838, since both his sons →Pippin II and Charles were still minors, the kingdom of Aquitaine was assigned to →Charles the Bald. Lit.: B. Schneidmüller, “4. P. I,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:2170; Riché, Dictionnaire, 186; Depreux, Prosopographie, 341–48. Pippin II Pippin II (ca. 823–after 864) was the eldest son of →Pippin I, king of →Aquitaine and →Ingeltrude (also called Rigarde), a daughter of →Theodobert, count of

Introduction45

Madrie. Helped by the nobles of Aquitaine, he tried to regain power over the region, which had been assigned to his uncle →Charles the Bald (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 8, p. 105). Later, in 840, he joined →Lothar’s party and constantly fought against Charles the Bald until he died while his prisoner (after 864). Nithard was killed in a battle against Pippin II’s troops on June 14, 844, near →Angoulême. Lit.: Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 61, pp. 540–47; B. Schneidmüller, “P. II,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:2170–71; Glansdorff, Histoire, 39 n. 117. Rabano Rabano was a standard-bearer of →Charles the Bald. The Annales Bertiniani mention Rabano as one of the casualties of the battle of →Angoulême, where Nithard himself was killed on June 14, 844. Lit.: Annales Bertiniani, a. 844, p. 47; Annales Fuldenses, a. 844, p. 35; Glansdorff, Histoire, 102 n. 258. Richard (bailiff) Richard (?–839) was ostiarius, that is, bailiff or palace usher of →Louis the Pious until 833, when he joined →Lothar’s party. In 836 and again in June 839, he acted as Lothar’s ambassador to Louis the Pious, as Nithard relates in Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, p. 103. He died in August 839. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 37 n. 113; Depreux, Prosopographie, 363–65. Richard (brother of Angilbert) Richard (ca. 755–825), count of Amiens, was →Angilbert’s elder brother. Ricuin Glansdorff proposes three different possible identifications: Ricouin, count of Nantes, who was a supporter of →Louis the Pious in 834–835; a count Ricouin, who was imprisoned by →Pippin II in 844; a count Ricouin who lived in the kingdom of Lothar II (son of Lothar I) in 866–869. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 85 n. 213; Depreux, Prosopographie, 365–66. Rudolph →Conrad.

46 Introduction

Senila Senila was a count who opposed →Lothar’s army in 834 (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 5, p. 97) and was executed together with →Gerberga and →Gozhelm after Lothar conquered →Chalon-sur-Saône. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 22 n. 2; Glansdorff, Histoire, 26 n. 70. Sigenulf Sigenulf (or Siconolf) (?–ca. 851) was the brother of →Sigihard (or Sicard) (?–839), prince of Benevento. In 839, Sigihard was assassinated by Radelchis and Sigenulf was held prisoner in Taranto. The people of Salerno, however, proclaimed Sigenulf the new prince of Benevento in opposition to Radelchis and then set him free from his prison in Taranto. A war between Radelchis and Sigenulf ensued, lasting ten years. In the course of the war, both Radelchis and Sigenulf hired Saracen troops. These troops invaded the city of Benevento in late 842 and caused serious devastation in the surrounding territory. This conflict ended with the intervention of Louis II, king of Italy, who divided the territory of Benevento into the principalities of Benevento and Salerno and appointed Sigenulf as the prince of Salerno. Lit.: Paolo Delogu, “Lombard and Carolingian Italy,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, c. 700–c. 900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 290–319, at 311; Glansdorff, Histoire, 153 n. 355. Sigihard →Sigenulf. Theobald It is difficult to identify this Theobald (or Theutbald). One hypothesis is that he may be a count of →Langres, while Nelson suggests that Theobald was the future bishop of Langres (ca. 838–856). Glansdorff identifies this Theobald with a count whom →Charles the Bald appointed as lay abbot of Saint-Jean-et-Saint-Lézin d’Angers before 848. Lit.: Nelson, Charles, 111; Glansdorff, Histoire, 59 n. 164. Theodobert Count of Madrie and father of →Ingeltrude (Rigarde), wife of →Pippin I and mother of →Pippin II.

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Theodoric (son of Charlemagne) Theodoric (ca. 804–?) was an illegitimate son of →Charlemagne and his concubine Ethelind. Lit.: Depreux, Prosopographie, 382–83. Theodoric (count) Count Theodoric, together with Count →Eric, supported →Lothar in his military campaign of November 840 (Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 3, p. 115). Two documents (diplomae) concerning the rule of the monastery of Saint-Calais (in 838 and 863) mention Theodoric. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 54 n. 155; cf. Gesta Aldrici, PL 115:29B–106B. Theoton The name “Theoton” was reconstructed by von Simson by emending the reading of the manuscripts et Odo (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 5, p. 97) into Teodo. Theoton (?–834) was arch-chancellor from 832 and abbot of Saint-Martin of →Tours and Marmoutier. His death in Brittany at the battle against →Lothar’s supporters in 834 is mentioned in both the Annales Bertiniani and Annales Fuldenses. Lit.: Annales Bertiniani, a. 834, p. 13; Annales Fuldenses, a. 834, p. 27; [von] Simson, Jahrbücher des fränkischen Reiches unter Ludwig dem Frommen (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1876), 2:104 n. 10; Glansdorff, Histoire, 24 n. 65; Depreux, Prosopographie, 387–88. Vivian The Histories (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 5, p. 97) is the only historical source that mentions Vivian. According to Glansdorff, he may be the father of the homonymous count Vivian, who was chamberlain and abbot of Saint-Martin of →Tours in the mid-ninth century. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 25 n. 66. Vodo Vodo or Odo (?–834) was count of →Orléans from 830. He was a supporter of →Louis the Pious and was killed in action while fighting against a group of

48 Introduction

→Lothar’s partisans in 834 (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 5, p. 97). His ­daughter →Ermentrude married →Charles the Bald in December 842 (Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 6, p. 191). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 24 n. 64. Wala Wala (ca. 755–836) was abbot of the monastery of →Corbie from 826 to 830 and then of the monastery of Bobbio until his death on August 31, 836. He was a cousin of →Charlemagne as well as his faithful counselor. He continued his action during the reigns of →Louis the Pious and →Lothar, playing an extremely significant role in the events of these difficult years. Lit.: Lorenz Weinrich, Wala. Graf, Mönch und Rebell. Die Biographie eines Karolingers (Lübeck: Matthiesen, 1963); Henry Mayr-Harting, “Two Abbots in Politics: Wala of Corbie and Bernard of Clairvaux,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 40 (1990): 217–37; Mayke de Jong, Epitaph for an Era. Politics and Rhetoric in the Carolingian World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 19–68, 151–227; Booker, Past Convictions, 42–43, 160; Glansdorff, Histoire, 17 n. 43; Depreux, Prosopographie, 390–93. Warin Warin (?–853) was count of Mâcon. In 830, he participated in the rebellion against →Louis the Pious but in 834 had an active role in his release. Later, he became an important collaborator and counselor of →Charles the Bald (cf. Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 5, p. 97, Book 2, chaps. 5–6, pp. 117, 123, and Book 4, chap. 4, p. 183). Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 23 n. 3; Nelson, Charles, 111; Constance Brittain Bouchard, “Those of My Blood”: Constructing Noble Families in Medieval Francia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 190; Glansdorff, Histoire, 26 n. 71, 88 n. 223; Depreux, Prosopographie, 396–97. Warnar Warnar was the brother of →Lambert (count of Nantes), whom Nithard mentioned in Histories, Book 2, chap. 5, p. 121. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 55 n. 4; Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 19 n. 2; Glansdorff, Histoire, 65 n. 174.

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William William (826–850) was the eldest son of →Bernard (duke of →Septimania) and Dhuoda. It is for him that Dhuoda wrote her celebrated Liber manualis. →Louis the Pious and later →Charles the Bald served as the guardians of William, whom they granted the properties of his uncle Thierry (Bernard’s brother) in →Burgundy. In June 841, when William went to serve Charles the Bald (Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 2, p. 145), he was fifteen years old. After Charles had Bernard executed in May 844, William became a supporter of →Pippin II. Charles condemned William to death in 850. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 84 n. 1; Glansdorff, Histoire, 94 n. 236.

Place Names Aachen Aachen (Aquis or Aquisgrani in Latin, Aix-la-Chapelle in French) was the political and cultural capital of →Charlemagne’s empire and the emperor’s main residence in the last period of his life (cf. Einhard, Vita Karoli, chap. 22, p. 27). In Histories, Book 4, chap. 1, p. 171, Nithard defines Aachen as the capital of →Francia, but according to Müller, a copyist who lived at a later age than Nithard added this sentence. Glansdorff offers a different interpretation, suggesting that Nithard might have wanted to exalt the victory of →Louis the German and →Charles the Bald by using the concept of prima sedes even though Aachen had already lost its primacy at the time. Lit.: W. Brückner, “Aachen,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1:1–3; Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 40 n. a; Glansdorff, Histoire, 126 n. 304. Alamannia In the ninth century, the territory of Alamannia covered approximately the area that today includes Swabia in Germany, Alsace in France, and the eastern and central part of Switzerland. Angoulême Angoulême is presently in the district of →Angoumois, in the department of Charente, and in the region of Poitou-Charentes (→Aquitaine). Near this town, by the river Agout, a battle broke out on June 14, 844, between the troops of →Pippin II and some supporters of →Charles the Bald, who were defeated. Nithard was

50 Introduction

among them and was fatally wounded in action. This battle near Angoulême is also called the battle of the Angoumois. Lit.: Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 113–16; Nelson, “Public,” 291; “Angoulême (Engolismen.),” in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. Albert De Meyer (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1924), 3:242–57; Ch. Higounet, “Angoulême,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1:638–40; Glansdorff, Histoire, xii. Angoumois →Angoulême. Ansilla One of the islands of the river →Saône in the territory of Saint-Symphorien d’Ancelles, about 14 km (8.6 mi.) south of →Mâcon. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 130 n. 1; Glansdorff, Histoire, 141 n. 328. Aquitaine A kingdom in the southwest of France along the Atlantic Ocean and the Pyrenees. It roughly corresponds to the current region of Aquitaine. Attigny A small village in the →Vosges department (Lorraine) in northeastern France. During the Carolingian era, it was an important center and the seat of a royal palace. Lit.: K. F. Werner, “Attigny,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1:1178. Austrasia (Austrasians) Austrasia was one of the sections into which the Merovingian kingdom was divided after Clovis’s death in 511. It covered part of the territories of present-day France, Belgium, Luxembourg, Germany, and the Netherlands. An important city was →Metz in the Moselle department in Lorraine (France). Auxerre Main city in the Yonne department (→Burgundy) in France. It was a bishopric since the fourth century, one of the earliest in Gallia.

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Lit.: “Auxerre (Autissiodorum),” in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. Albert De Meyer (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1931), 5:939–58; Ph. Contamine, “Auxerre,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1:1279–81. Auxois Presently Semur-en-Auxois in →Burgundy (France). Bar Presently Bar-le-Duc, a town in the →Meuse department (Lorraine) in France. In the Carolingian era, the region where Bar was located was divided into two sections (Barroises). The first Barrois was north of the district of →Ornois, around the present city of Bar-le-Duc, and the second was south of the district of Blésois, around the present city of Bar-sur-Aube. Lit.: Jean Moreau, Dictionnaire de géographie historique de la Gaule et de la France (Paris: Picard, 1972), 1:38–39, 2:31. Berny Presently Berny-Rivière, a town in the district of →Soissons (canton of Vic-surAisne) in Picardy (northern France). Bingen Presently Bingen am Rhein, in Rhineland-Palatinate (west-central Germany). Seat of an important Benedictine monastery, which was founded by Hildegard of Bingen in the twelfth century as a branch of the Rupertsberg monastery. Lit.: H. Seibert, “Rupertsberg,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 7:1107. Blaisois Presently Ville-en-Blaisois, a town in the department of Haute-Marne, in northeastern France. In the Carolingian era, Blasois also indicated the region southwest of the district of →Ornois, around the river Blaise. Lit.: Jean Moreau, Dictionnaire de géographie historique de la Gaule et de la France (Paris: Picard, 1972), 1:52, 2:42; Glansdorff, Histoire, 30 n. 88.

52 Introduction

Blois Today the capital city of the department of Loire-et-Cher in central France. In the mid-ninth century, Blois was part of the territory under the rule of Robert the Strong, who rebelled against →Charles the Bald in 858. In 861, Blois was returned to Robert when he made a treaty with Charles, who appointed him Count of Anjou. Lit.: K. F. Werner, “Blois,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 2:282–84. Bourges Currently the capital city of the department of Cher in central France. →Charlemagne made it the capital of →Aquitaine after unifying the region of Berry. Lit.: R. Kaiser, “Bourges,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 2:510–15. Breton March The Breton March was located in northwestern present-day France, and its central territory was the county of →Le Mans in the region of the Pays de la Loire. Lit.: Julia M. H. Smith, Province and Empire: Brittany and the Carolingians (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 60–115; McKitterick, Frankish Kingdoms, 41–48; Guillotel, “Une autre marche de Neustrie,” 7–13. Brienne The area surrounding the current town of Brienne-le-Château in the department of Aube (north-central France). Briotte Namely, the wood of Briotte near →Fontenoy in the Yonne department (→Burgundy) in north-central France. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 78 n. 2; Glansdorff, Histoire, 88 n. 223. Burgundy A territory in east-central France, which roughly corresponds to the present-day region of Bourgogne. Its main cities are Dijon, →Auxerre, Autun, →Sens, →Mâcon, and →Nevers. Lit.: J. Richard, “Burgund,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 2:1090–92.

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Centulum Latin name of →Saint-Riquier. Châlons-en-Champagne Formerly Châlons-sur-Marne in the department of Marne (Champagne-Ardenne region) in north-eastern France. The territory of Châlons had a significant phase of expansion in the Carolingian age, and →Charles the Bald allowed the construction of a mint in the city. Lit.: M. Bur, “Châlons-sur-Marne,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 2:1666–69. Chalon-sur-Saône Chalon-sur-Saône, a town in →Burgundy (east-central France) in the present-day department of Saône-et-Loire. In 834, when →Lothar rebelled against his father →Louis the Pious, the city was taken away from →Warin, who was now supporting Louis after rebelling against him. In the same year, Lothar’s troops set Chalon on fire. Lit.: “Chalon-sur-Saône,” in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. Roger Aubert (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1953), 12:287–90; M. Chauney, “Chalonsur-Saône,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 2:1663–66. Champagne A region in northeastern present-day France, bordering Belgium. Charbonnière The forest of the Charbonnière constituted a natural border between →Neustria and →Austrasia. It was located between the river Sambre (a left tributary of the →Meuse) in the south and the city of Leuven/Louvain in the north. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 42 n. 3; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 16; Glansdorff, Histoire, 50 n. 143. Chartres Chartres is the capital city of the department of Eure-et-Loir in the north of France. It was attacked and seriously damaged by the Northmen in 857 or 858.

54 Introduction

→Charles the Bald reconstructed it and donated to the city a precious relic, the shirt of the Virgin Mary, which later protected the city from further Northmen’s attacks in 911. Lit.: “Chartres,” in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. Roger Aubert (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1953), 12:544–74; A. Chédeville, “Chartres,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 2:1746–50. Châtrais The area surrounding the town of Châtres in the department of Seine-et-Marne (region of Île-de-France) in north-central France. Chouzy Presently Chouzy-sur-Cisse in the department of Loire-et-Cher in central France. Chouzy lies at the confluence of the rivers Cisse and Loire. Clermont Presently Clermont-Ferrand, capital city of the department of Puy-de-Dôme in the Auvergne region (south-central France). Clermont rebelled against →Louis the Pious during the civil war (837–840), but was reconquered by the emperor in 840, and later became the seat of one of →Charles the Bald’s garrisons. Lit.: G. Fournier, “Clermont,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 2:2153–57. Compiègne A town in the department of Oise (northern France). Lit.: D. Lohrmann, “Compiègne,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 3:101–2. Corbie One of the main Benedictine monasteries in the Frankish kingdom. It was founded in the mid-seventh century (around 657–661) and became an extremely important scriptorium during the reign of →Charlemagne and the Carolingian age. Its location presently belongs to the department of Somme (Picardy, northern France). Lit.: G. Peters, “Corbie,” International Encyclopaedia for the Middle Ages-Online. A Supplement to LexMA-Online (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006).

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Einrichi Presently Einrichgau, a territory on the right bank of the →Rhine between the mountain range of Taunus and the river Lahn in the Hesse region. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 113 n. 8; Glansdorff, 123 n. 295. Épône A town in the department of Yvelines in the Île-de-France region (northern France). Étampes Presently a town in the metropolitan area of Paris (department of Essonne). Étampes existed already as a vicus (country village) in the Gallo-Roman age. In the Merovingian and Carolingian period, it became an important center on the Roman road connecting Paris to →Orléans. Lit.: A. Rigaudière, “Étampes,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 4:46–48. Fagit A site between →Briotte and →Solemnat, whose toponym has presently disappeared. According to Glansdorff, Fagit was located just east of the woods of →Briotte. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 78 n. 3; Glansdorff, Histoire, 89 n. 224. Fontenoy A small village in the department of Yonne (→Burgundy) in north-central France. For the Battle of Fontenoy (June 25, 841), see Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 10, pp. 133–41. Francia In the ninth century, the region of Francia covered the territory between the rivers →Seine and →Rhine (present-day northeastern France, north Belgium, and northwestern Germany). It was divided into East and West Francia after the Treaty of Verdun. Its capital city was →Aachen (cf. Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 1, p. 171). Lit.: B. Schneidmüller, “Francia,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 4:680–81; Goldberg, Struggle, 73.

56 Introduction

Frisia The region of Frisia roughly covered the present-day Netherlands and northern Germany. Fulda One of the most important Benedictine monasteries in Germany, founded by Saint Sturm, a disciple of Saint Boniface, presently in Hesse (central Germany). The Annals of Fulda, covering from 714 to 901, were written in this monastery by different authors. Lit.: “Fulda,” in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. Roger Aubert (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1981), 19:339–61; M. Sandmann, “Fulda,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 4:1020–23. Gâtinais The region including the valley of the river Loing and its surrounding area (northcentral France). Haettra (Hattuaria) This county was located north of →Moilla (Mülgau) and covered, in the mid-ninth century, the territory between the →Meuse and the →Rhine around Cleves, Gelder, and Krefeld in northwestern Germany and the eastern part of the Netherlands. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 29 n. 81. Hammolant (Hamaland) This county lay along the river Ijssel, between the →Rhine in the south and the city of Deventer in the north (present-day Netherlands). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 29 n. 82. Hamwich Southampton in Hampshire (south coast of England) or, as Glansdorff suggests, a harbor very close to Southampton. On the other hand, Lauer identifies Hamwich with Harwich (Essex). Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 124 n. 2; Glansdorff, Histoire, 135 n. 316.

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Koblenz One of the main cities in Rhineland-Palatinate, situated at the confluence of the river →Rhine with the Moselle (west-central Germany). Because of the constant expansion of the city, a new church, →Saint Castor, was built in the first half of the ninth century. Lit.: “Koblenz,” in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. Roger Aubert (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 2004), 29:399–400; D. Kerber, “Koblenz,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 4:1020–23. Langres A town in the department of Haute-Marne (Champagne-Ardenne) in northeastern France. It became a bishopric in the early third century and was an important religious center in the Merovingian and Carolingian age. Lit.: I. Eberl, “Langres,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:1701–3. Laon The capital city of the department of Aisne (Picardy) in northern France. Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 4, p. 155, reports how →Hildegard (half-sister of →Charles the Bald), abbess of Notre-Dame de →Laon, captured one of his envoys, →Adalgar. As a result, Charles put the city under siege and forced Hildegard to release Adalgar. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 96 n. 2; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 45 and n. 8; Glansdorff, Histoire, 106 n. 265; Airlie, “The World,” 65–66; A. Dufour, “Laon,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:1709–12. Le Mans Capital city of the department of Sarthe (region of the Pays de la Loire) in northwestern France. In the Merovingian age, it became the seat of the counts of Maine, and it retained this privilege until the twelfth century, when the countship passed to the Plantagenets, counts of Anjou. Lit.: G. Devailly, “Le Mans,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 5:1867–69. Loing A left tributary of the →Seine flowing through central France. At the confluence of the Loing into the Seine (in Saint-Mammès near Moret-sur-Loing), →Charles the Bald received →Warin and his companions (Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 6, p. 123).

58 Introduction

Lombardy In the Carolingian age, the term “Lombardy” indicated the territories of Italy that had been under the rule of the Langobards/Lombards. Lombardy was used as a synonym for Italy as it included the entire area of northern Italy and most of centralsouthern Italy to Benevento. Maasgau A region surrounding the river →Meuse/Maas from Maastricht to Venlo (presentday southern Netherlands). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 29 n. 83. Maastricht The capital city of the province of Limburg (southern Netherlands). It was an important center in the Carolingian age, also because of its proximity to →Aachen. Lit.: J. Deeters, “Maastricht,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:53–54. Macôn A town in the department of Saône-et-Loire in →Burgundy (east-central France). Macôn became a bishopric in the sixth century. Its cathedral, dedicated to Saint Vincent, was built in the same period (mid-sixth century). Lit.: J. Richard, “Macôn,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:61–63. Main The river Main is the principal tributary of the →Rhine and flows through most of east-central Germany (Bavaria, Baden-Württemberg, and Hesse). Mainz Capital city of Rhineland-Palatinate in west-central Germany. Mainz became a bishopric in the mid-eighth century and acted as the religious capital of Germany during the missionary campaigns of Saint Boniface. It became an archbishopric around 780. Lit.: A. Gerlich, “Mainz,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:131–42.

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Mellecey A town about 10 km (6.2 mi.) northwest of →Chalon-sur-Saône in →Burgundy (east-central France). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 136 n. 318. Melun A city and territory in the department of Seine-et-Marne (Île-de-France) in northcentral France. In the Carolingian era, the city of Melun represented an important strategic center on the river →Seine just south of Paris. It was attacked and pillaged by the Northmen in 856. Later, in the tenth century, it became the favorite residence of Capetian kings. Lit.: E. Lalou, “Melun,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:504. Metz Capital city of the Lorraine region in north-eastern France. During the Merovingian age, Metz was an important city in →Austrasia. Later, it became one of the main centers of Carolingian culture, also thanks to its position in the eastern side of the Frankish kingdom, close to both →Aachen and →Mainz. Lit.: M. Parisse, “Metz,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:585–87. Meuse (Maas) A river originating from north-eastern France (Lorraine) and flowing through Belgium into the North Sea. Moilla (Mülgau) The territory between the department of Meuse (northeastern France) and the river Niers (west-central Germany and eastern Netherlands). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 29 n. 80. Neustria In the ninth century, the region of Neustria roughly covered present-day northwestern France, bordering →Francia (→Austrasia) in the east and →Aquitaine and →Burgundy in the south.

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Nevers Main city in the department of Nièvre (→Burgundy) in east-central France. It became a bishopric in the sixth century and, in the Carolingian age, was administered through a royal commission. Robert the Strong was governor of Nevers in 865–866. Lit.: A.-M. Chagny-Sève, “Nevers,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:1111–14. Northunwig Northunwig may be identified with Northam (presently a suburb of Southampton) or with the site of the Roman Clausentum (presently Bitterne, another suburb of Southampton). On the other hand, Lauer identifies Northunwig with Norwich (Norfolk). Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 124 n. 3; Glansdorff, Histoire, 135 n. 316. Orléans Capital city of the department of Loiret in north-central France. In the Carolingian age, Orléans became an important strategic town because of its position at the border with →Aquitaine and →Burgundy. →Charlemagne appointed Theodulf as the bishop of Orléans in 798. Later, →Matfrid, count of Orléans, was involved in the conflict between →Louis the Pious and →Lothar in 830 (cf. Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 3, p. 89). Lit.: F. Michaud-Fréjaville, “Orléans,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6:1460–65. Ornois The territory west of →Toul (department of Meurthe-et-Moselle) in northeastern France. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 30 n. 86. Othe The forest of Othe lies in the southwestern end of →Champagne, southwest of →Troyes. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 67 n. 183. Perche The ancient region of Perche (now divided into the departments of Orne, Eure, Eure-et-Loir, and Sarthe) was between Normandy and Maine (north-central France).

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Perthois A territory north of the region of →Ornois, surrounding the city of Perthes in the Ardenne department (northeastern France). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 30 n. 89. Quentovic/Quantovic Quentovic or Quentawich (Anglo-Saxon Cwanta-wíc) was the ancient name of Saint-Josse-sur-Mer or Étaples (Estaples) in the Nord-Pas de Calais region (French side of the Strait of Dover). During the eighth century and through the first half of the ninth, Quentovic became one of the most important custom-towns in the Frankish kingdom and Carolingian empire. Lit.: A. Verhulst, “Quentovic,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 7:360–61. Quierzy Presently Quierzy-sur-Oise in the Aisne Department (Picardy) in northern France. In the Carolingian age, Quierzy was an important center and strategic town in the western side of →Francia. →Charles the Bald used it as one the main bases for his negotiations with →Lothar. In 842, Charles the Bald got married to →Ermentrude in Quierzy. Lit.: B. Schneidmüller, “Quierzy,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 7:367–68. Reims The main city in the region of Champagne-Ardenne in northeastern France. Reims, a bishopric and archbishopric, was a very important religious center since the Merovingian age, when king Clovis was baptized at the Reims cathedral around 498–499. In 816, →Louis the Pious was crowned emperor in Reims by Pope Stephen IV. Lit.: M. Bur, “Reims,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 7:657–63. Rhine One of the main rivers in Europe, originating from Switzerland and flowing between France and Germany until it empties into the North Sea in the Netherlands. Rhône One of the main rivers in Europe. It originates from the Swiss Alps and flows through the Lake of Geneva into the south-east of France, emptying into the Mediterranean Sea near Arles.

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Ripuarians (territory of the) The territory of the Ripuarians was the area surrounding Cologne. Saint-Arnulf A Benedictine abbey in Metz, which took its current name in the eighth century, after the relics of Saint Arnulf, bishop of Metz, were buried there. The original building probably dates from the sixth century. Since Saint Arnulf (Arnoul) was considered an ancestor of the Carolingians (sometimes called the Arnulfings), different members of the royal family had already been buried there (including →Hildegard [wife of Charlemagne], mother of the emperor →Louis the Pious). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 42 n. 127. Saint Castor The basilica of Saint Castor in →Koblenz was begun in 817 and completed in 836 by Hetto, archbishop of Trier, with the support of →Louis the Pious. The present basilica, which has been listed since 2002 as a UNESCO World Heritage site, was partly rebuilt in the fifteenth century, and extensively restored after World War II. Saint-Cloud Presently a suburb of Paris in the department of Hauts-de-Seine. Nithard erroneously writes that Saint-Cloud is upon the Loire (Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 10, p. 139), whereas it is upon the river →Seine. Saint-Denis Presently a suburb of Paris in the department of Seine-Saint-Denis. Its magnificent basilica dates from the seventh century and was built to replace a former paleoChristian church of the fifth century. In the first half of the twelfth century, it was rebuilt in early Gothic style by Saint Suger. Saint-Germain-des-Prés Presently in the sixth district (arrondissement) of the city of Paris. The abbey was first built and consecrated in the sixth century.

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Saint-Quentin The largest city in the department of Aisne (Picardy) in northern France. SaintQuentin was an important religious center and place of pilgrimage since the midseventh century, when a reliquiarium was built in the chapel of Saint Quentin by Bishop Eligius. Later, in the Carolingian age, a new basilica was built by Abbot Fulrad. Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 90 n. 4; L. Morelle, “Saint-Quentin,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 7:1196–97. Saint-Riquier The abbey of Saint-Riquier, in the diocese of Amiens (department of Somme in Picardy, northern France), was founded around 625 by Saint Riquier (Richarius) and reached its height of importance in the Carolingian age, when it was rebuilt and considerably enlarged by →Angilbert. It was ravaged twice by the Northmen in 845 and 881 and restored in the tenth century. Lit.: Susan A. Rabe, Faith, Art, and Politics at Saint-Riquier: The Symbolic Vision of Angilbert (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995); Friedrich Möbius, Die karolingische Reichsklosterkirche Centula (Saint-Riquier) und ihr Reliquienschatz. Eine Fallstudie zum lebensweltlichen Verständnis frühmittelalterlicher Religiosität (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2013). Samoussy Samoussy, in the department of Aisne (Picardy, northern France), is about 10 km (6.2 mi.) from Laon. Saône A right tributary of the →Rhône in east-central France. The city of Lyons is situated at the confluence of the two rivers. Saverne A town in the department of Bas-Rhin (Alsace), 47 km (27 mi.) from →Strasbourg in northeastern France. Saxony (Saxonia) The northwestern section of present-day Germany, including the current regions of Lower Saxony, Westphalia, and Saxony-Anhalt.

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Lit.: Ingrid Rembold, Conquest and Christianization: Saxony and the Carolingian World, 772–888 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017). Seine One of the main rivers in France, originating near Dijon in northeastern France and flowing through Paris and into the English Channel at Le Havre. Sens A town in the department of Yonne (→Burgundy) in northeastern France. Sens became part of the Merovingian kingdom of Clovis in the late fifth century. In the Carolingian age, it was one the main religious centers of Burgundy with its bishopric. Lit.: M.-C. Gasnault, “Sens,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 7:1761–64. Septimania Septimania was the western part of the ancient Roman province of Gallia Narbonensis. In the Carolingian age, it was mostly the Mediterranean coastal region of southwestern France, extending from the river →Rhône in the east (which separated it from Provence) to the Pyrenees. Lit.: Nelson, Charles, 320–21. Sigolswald An unidentified location, which is supposed to be near Sigolsheim (northeast of Colmar) in the department of Haut-Rhin (Alsace) in northeastern France. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 18 n. 48. Sinzig A town situated northwest of →Koblenz in the present-day land of RhinelandPalatinate (west-central Germany). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 125 n. 301. Soissons A town in the department of Aisne (Picardy) in northern France. In the early Merovingian era, Soissons was the capital of the new kingdom of the Franks, and

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king Clovis married Clotilde (Chrodechildis) in Soissons, after conquering the town in 486 (cf. Gregory of Tours, Libri historiarum X, Book 2, chap. 27). Later, Soissons became the capital city of →Neustria, and it remained an important bishopric throughout the Carolingian era. Lit.: U. Mattejiet, “Soissons,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 7:2025–26; Bruno Krusch and Wilhelm Levison, eds., Gregorii episcopi Turonensis libri historiarum X, MGH, Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum 1, pt. 1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1951), 71–73. Solemnat Presently Solmet (also known as Solmé or Solemé), a small village north of the woods of →Briotte in the Yonne department (→Burgundy) in north-central France. Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 88 n. 223. Speyer A city in the south of Rhineland-Palatinate (west-central Germany). Speyer was an important religious center and bishopric since the seventh century, even though, according to tradition, already in the fourth century a bishop (Jesse) was present in Speyer. From the eighth century, Speyer lost its significance as a bishopric, and it only regained it in the eleventh century under Konrad II. Lit.: K. Andermann, “Speyer,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 7:2095–98. Strasbourg Capital city of Alsace in northeastern France. Strasbourg was one of the first cities to be appointed as bishopric in the Merovingian age (late fifth century). In 842, Strasbourg was chosen by →Louis the German and →Charles the Bald as the venue for their solemn oaths of allegiance (cf. Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 5, pp. 159– 65). After the Treaty of →Verdun (843), Strasbourg was assigned to →Lothar. In 870, after Lothar II’s death, it went to Louis the German. Lit.: F. Rapp, “Strassburg,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 8:213–18. Thionville A town in the Moselle department (Lorraine) in northeastern France. In the Carolingian age, Thionville was an important center in Carolingian politics. In 806, →Charlemagne chose it as the venue where he proclaimed his Divisio regnorum. In 835, the so-called Synod of Thionville took place, in which →Louis the Pious

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regained his imperial authority. Thionville was also one of the bases for the different negotiations in the civil war between →Lothar and his bothers →Charles the Bald and →Louis the German (Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 3, p. 149; Book 4, chap. 2, p. 175, chap. 4, p. 183). Lit.: J. Fleckenstein, “Diedenhofen,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 3:997–98. Thuringia A region in east-central Germany roughly corresponding to the present-day region of Thuringia. Thury A village in the Yonne department, 8.28 km (5.15 mi.) from →Fontenoy, in →Burgundy (east-central France). Lit.: Glansdorff, Histoire, 82 n. 205. Toul A city in the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle in northeastern France. Originally the capital city of the Gallic tribe of the Leuci, Toul became a bishopric at an early date, in the late fourth century. During the Carolingian age, it became an important road hub in the axis connecting Lyons with the →Rhine via →Metz and Trier. Lit.: G. Bönnen, “Toul,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 8:904–7. Toulouse The ancient capital of →Aquitaine, presently in the department of Haute-Garonne (southwestern France). Toulouse was the capital of the Visigothic kingdom in the early fifth century, the main city in the kingdom of Aquitaine in the Merovingian age, and an important political center in the Carolingian empire. In 845, →Pippin II took Toulouse away from →Charles the Bald, who had been assigned Aquitaine, but Charles successfully besieged the town and regained it in 847. Lit.: H. Gilles, “Toulouse,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 8:908–16. Tours Capital city of the department of Indre-et-Loire (west-central France). Tours was the main city in the territory of the Turones and was a bishopric already in the third

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century. Under Saint Martin, who became bishop of Tours in 371, the city became the heart of Gallic Christianity and one of the most important places of pilgrimage in the country after a basilica was built on Martin’s tomb in the fifth century. Tours retained its central position as a religious city throughout the Merovingian and Carolingian age. →Charlemagne, an ardent admirer of Martin, appointed Alcuin as the abbot of the basilica dedicated to the saint. Alcuin developed the scriptorium of Saint Martin and transformed it into one of the main centers of book production. Lit.: B. Chevalier, “Tours,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 8:922–25. Troyes Capital city of the department of Aube (north-central France). Troyes was the ancient capital of the Gallic tribe of the Tricasses, from whom it took its name. In the early empire, it was known as Augustobona until its name was changed to Civitas Tricassium in the late fourth century. Christianity penetrated early in the region, and Troyes was already a bishopric in the third century. In the fifth century, Troyes’s bishop Lupus defended the city against the attacks of the Huns and voluntarily gave himself to Attila as a hostage to save the region. In the Merovingian age, Troyes became a duchy. It was later the seat of a Carolingian count, who was appointed according to necessity. Lit.: U. Mattejiet, “Troyes,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 8:1065–67. Valenciennes A city on the river Scheldt in the department of Nord (northeastern France). Valenciennes was part of the kingdom of →Neustria in the Merovingian age and the seat of a royal palace in the seventh century. Later, it became an important trading center during the Carolingian age, thanks to its position on the river Scheldt. Lit.: J.-M. Cauchies, “Valenciennes,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 8:1385–86. Verdun A city in the department of →Meuse (Lorraine) in northeastern France. Verdun was one of the most important early Merovingian bishoprics. Because of its position on the river Meuse, it was an ideal venue for the meetings of Carolingian rulers. In 843, Verdun was chosen by →Lothar, →Charles the Bald, and →Louis the German as the meeting point for their treaty. Lit.: F. G. Hirschmann, “Verdun,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 8:1505–9.

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Vienne A city in the department of Isère (southeastern France), located 32 km (20 mi.) south of Lyons. Because of its proximity to Lyons, Vienne was an early center of Gallo-Roman Christianity. After being part of the kingdom of the Burgundians (fourth–sixth centuries), it was absorbed into the Merovingian kingdom. In the Carolingian age, it became one of the main centers of Provence. In 869, →Charles the Bald decided to remove Gerald from his position as count of Vienne. After besieging and taking hold of the city in November 869, he handed it to his brotherin-law Boso. Lit.: V. Chomel, “Vienne,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 8:1645–50; Nelson, Charles, 227–28. Vosges A mountain range between France and Germany. Wasseiges Wasseiges is in the province of Liège (Belgium). Lit.: Lauer, Histoire, 90 n. 6; Glansdorff, Histoire, 102 n. 257. Wissembourg (Weissenburg) A town in the department of Bas-Rhin (Alsace) in northeastern France. Wissembourg was the seat of one of the main Benedictine monasteries and scriptoria (founded in the seventh century) in the Carolingian empire. Lit.: U. Ludwig, “Wissemburg,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 8:2137–39. Worms A city in Rhineland-Palatinate (west-central Germany). Worms was originally the main center in the region of the German tribe of the Vangiones. Later, it became the capital of the kingdom of the Burgundians until it was destroyed by the Roman governor Flavius Aelius with the help of Hun troops in 436. Worms was rebuilt in the Merovingian age and became a bishopric in 614. During both the Merovingian and Carolingian ages, it became one of the main royal residences. Lit.: G. Bönnen, “Worms,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 9:330–34.

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FRISIA

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IV. Selected Bibliography Editions and Translations of Nithard’s Histories Duchesne, André, Historiae Francorum scriptores coaetanei (Paris: Cramoisy, 1639), 2:359–81. Glansdorff, Sophie, Nithard: Histoire des fils de Louis le Pieux. Édition et traduction de Philippe Lauer, revues par Sophie Glansdorff (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2012). Edition and Translation by Philippe Lauer revised by Sophie Glansdorff. Holder, Alfred, Nithardi Historiarum libri quattuor (Freiburg im Breisgau: J. C. B. Mohr; Leipzig: Paul Siebeck, 1895). Lauer, Philippe, Nithard: Histoire des fils de Louis le Pieux (Paris: H. Champion, 1926). Edition with facing French translation. Müller, Ernst, ed., Nithardi Historiarum libri IIII, Editio tertia, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 44 (Hanover: Hahn, 1907). Pertz, Georg Heinrich, ed., Nithardi Historiarum libri IIII, MGH, Scriptores 2 (Hanover: Hahn, 1829), 649–72. —, ed., Nithardi Historiarum libri IIII, Editio altera, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 44 (Hanover: Hahn, 1870). Pithou, Pierre, Annalium et historiae Francorum ab anno Christi 708 ad annum 990 scriptores coaetanei 12 (Paris: Claudius Chappelet, 1588), 297–375. Rau, Reinhold, Quellen zur karolingischen Reichsgeschichte, vol. 1, Die Reichsannalen, Einhard: Leben Karls des Grossen, Zwei “Leben” Ludwigs, Nithard: Geschichten (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1974), 386–461. Reprint of Müller’s edition with facing German translation. Scholz, Bernhard Walter, and Barbara Rogers, trans., Carolingian Chronicles: “Royal Frankish Annals” and Nithard’s “Histories” (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1970), 127–74. Medieval Historical Sources Andreas Agnellus of Ravenna, Agnelli qui et Andreas Liber pontificalis ecclesiae Ravennatis, ed. Oswald Holder-Egger, MGH, Scriptores rerum Longobardicarum et Italicarum 1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1878), 265–391. Annales Bertiniani, ed. Félix Grat, Jeanne Vielliard, and Suzanne Clémencet (Paris: Klincksieck, 1964). The Annals of St-Bertin, trans. Janet L. Nelson (Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 1991).

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Annales Fuldenses sive Annales regni Francorum orientalis, ed. Friedrich Kurze, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 7 (Hanover: Hahn, 1891). The Annals of Fulda, trans. Timothy Reuter (Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 2012). Annales regni Francorum, ed. G. H. Pertz, rev. Friedrich Kurze, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 6 (Hanover: Hahn, 1895). Annales Xantenses et Annales Vedastini, ed. Bernhard von Simson, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 12 (Hanover: Hahn, 1909). Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Ernst Tremp, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 64 (Hanover: Hahn, 1995). Carmina Centulensia, ed. Ludwig Traube, MGH, Poetae latini aevi Carolini 3 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1896), 265–368. D’Achery, Luc, ed., Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant, vol. 2 (Paris: Montalant, 1723). —, Veterum aliquot scriptorum, qui in Galliae bibliothecis, maxime Benedictinorum latuerant, Spicilegium, vol. 4 (Paris: Carolus Savreux, 1661). Einhard, Vita Karoli, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 25, 6th ed. (Hanover and Leipzig: Hahn, 1911). Flodoard of Reims, Les Annales de Flodoard, ed. Philippe Lauer (Paris: Picard, 1905). —, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, ed. Johannes Heller and Georg Waitz, MGH, Scriptores 13 (Hanover: Hahn, 1881), 405–599. —, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, ed. Martina Stratmann, MGH, Scriptores 36 (Hanover: Hahn, 1998). Hariulf, Chronique de l’Abbaye de Saint-Riquier (Ve siècle–1104), ed. Ferdinand Lot (Paris: Picard, 1894). Libellus Centulensis, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH, Scriptores 15, pt. 1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1887), 173–81. Lupus of Ferrières, Lupi abbatis Ferrariensis epistolae, ed. Ernst Dümmler, MGH, Epistolae 6, Epistolae Karolini aevi 4 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1925). Thegan of Trier, Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Ernst Tremp, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 64 (Hanover: Hahn, 1995). Modern Studies Airlie, Stuart, “The World, the Text, and the Carolingian: Royal, Aristocratic, and Masculine Identities in Nithard’s Histories,” in Lay Intellectuals in the Carolingian World, ed. Patrick Wormald and Janet L. Nelson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 51–76.

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Bensi, Mario, “La sezione gallo-romanza dei ‘Giuramenti di Strasburgo’”/“The Gallo-Romance Section of the ‘Oaths of Strasbourg,’” in I Giuramenti di Strasburgo: Testi e Tradizione/The Strasbourg Oaths: Texts and Transmission, ed. Francesco Lo Monaco and Claudia Villa (Florence: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2009), 61–68 and 153–60. Bernard, Honoré, “À Saint-Riquier, sur les traces de Nithard,” Bulletin de la Société des antiquaires de Picardie 158 (1994): 405–8. Böhmer, Johann Friedrich, Regesta imperii, vol. 1, Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter den Karolingern, 751–918, rev. E. Mühlbacher, completed by J. Lechner, introduction by L. Santifaller, with foreword, concordance tables, and additions by C. Brühl and H. Kaminsky (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1966). Booker, Courtney M., “An Early Humanist Edition of Nithard, De dissensionibus filiorum Ludovici Pii,” Revue d’histoire des textes, n. s., 5 (2010): 231–58. —, Past Convictions. The Penance of Louis the Pious and the Decline of the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009). Boshof, Egon, “Einheitsidee und Teilungsprinzip in der Regierungszeit Ludwigs des Frommen,” in Charlemagne’s Heir: New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious, ed. Peter Godman and Roger Collins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 161–89. Bouchard, Constance Brittain, “Those of My Blood”: Constructing Noble Families in Medieval Francia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001). Brunhölzl, Franz, Histoire de la littérature latine du Moyen Âge, vol. 1, pt. 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991). Brunner, Heinrich, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1887). Bührer-Thierry, Geneviève, “‘Just Anger’ or ‘Vengeful Anger’? The Punishment of Blinding in the Early Medieval West,” in Anger’s Past: The Social Uses of an Emotion in the Middle Ages, ed. Barbara H. Rosenwein (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), 75–91. Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France, Départements, vol. 19, Amiens, ed. Ernest Coyecque (Paris: Plon, 1893). Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France, Suppléments, vol. 63, Dijon, Pau, Troyes (Paris: CNRS Éditions, 1984). Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum antiquiorum saeculo XVI qui asservantur in Bibliotheca nationali Parisiensi, ediderunt hagiographi Bollandiani, vol. 3 (Brussels: O. Schepens, 1893). Collins, Roger, Charlemagne (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998). Conti, Marco, “Variants and their Traps: Pierre Pithou’s Philological Policy and his Editions of Nithard’s Historiae,” Revue d’histoire des textes, n. s., 14 (2019): 209–23.

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Couderc, Camille, “De la date initiale des Annales de Flodoard,” in Mélanges Julien Havet: Recueil de travaux d’érudition dédiés à la mémoire de Julien Havet (1853– 1893) (Paris: Leroux, 1895), 615–23. Delisle, Léopold, Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale, vol. 2 (Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1874). —, Inventaire des manuscrits de l’Abbaye de Saint-Victor conservés à la Bibliothèque impériale, sous les numéros 14232–15175 du fonds latin (Paris: A. Durand et Pedone-Lauriel, 1869). —, Inventaire des manuscrits de Saint-Germain-des-Prés conservés à la Bibliothèque impériale, sous les numéros 11504–14231 du fonds latin (Paris: A. Durand et Pedone-Lauriel, 1868). Delogu, Paolo, “Lombard and Carolingian Italy,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, c. 700–c. 900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 290–319. De Poerck, Guy, “Le ms. B. N. lat. 9768 et les Serments de Strasbourg,” Vox Romanica 15 (1956): 188–214. Depreux, Philippe, “Le comte Matfrid d’Orléans sous le règne de Louis le Pieux,” Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 152 (1994): 331–74. —, “Das Königtum Bernhards von Italien und sein Verhältniszum Kaisertum,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Bibliotheken und Archiven 72 (1992): 1–25. —, Prosopographie de l’entourage de Louis le Pieux (781–840) (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1997). Duckett, Eleanor Shipley, Medieval Portraits from East and West (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1972). Dümmler, Ernst, Geschichte des ostfränkischen Reiches, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1887–1888). Ganshof, François L., “Note critique sur la biographie de Nithard,” in Mélanges Paul Thomas (Bruges: Imprimerie Sainte-Catherine, 1930), 335–44. Glansdorff, Sophie, ed., Comites in regno Hludouici regis constituti: Prosopographie des détenteurs d’offices séculiers en Francie orientale, de Louis le Germanique à Charles le Gros (826–887) (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 2011). —, “L’évêque de Metz et archichapelain Drogon (801/802–855),” Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 81 (2003): 945–1014. Godman, Peter, and Roger Collins, eds., Charlemagne’s Heir: New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990). Goetz, Hans-Werner, “Nithard,” in Lexikon des Mittelalters (Munich and Zurich: Artemis & Winkler, 1993), 6:1201. Goldberg, Eric J., “Popular Revolt, Dynastic Politics, and Aristocratic Factionalism in the Early Middle Ages: The Saxon Stellinga Reconsidered,” Speculum 70 (1995): 4­ 67–501.

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—, Struggle for Empire: Kingship and Conflict under Louis the German, 817–876 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2006). Guillotel, Hubert, “Une autre marche de Neustrie,” in Onomastique et parenté dans l’Occident médiéval, ed. Christian Settipani and Katharine S. B. Keats-Rohan (Oxford: Unit for Prosopographical Research, Linacre College, University of Oxford, 2000), 7–13. Guy, Hervé, “Anthropologie médico-légale des restes présumés de Nithard, petit-fils de Charlemagne,” Bulletin de la Société des antiquaires de Picardie 158 (1994): 409–14. Jaffé, Philipp, and Wilhelm Wattenbach, Regesta pontificum Romanorum, vol.  1 (Leipzig: Veit, 1885). Jong, Mayke de, Epitaph for an Era. Politics and Rhetoric in the Carolingian World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019). —, The Penitential State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). Knonau, Gerold Meyer von, Über Nithards vier Bücher Geschichten. Der Bruderkrieg der Söhne Ludwigs des Frommen und sein Geschichtschreiber (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1866). Lexikon des Mittelalters, vols. 1–6 (Munich and Zurich: Artemis and Artemis & Winkler, 1980–1993), vols. 7–9 (Munich: LexMa Verlag, 1995–1999). Leyser, Karl, “Three Historians,” in Communications and Power in Medieval Europe: The Carolingian and Ottonian Centuries, ed. Timothy Reuter (London: The Hambledon Press, 1994), 19–28. Lo Monaco, Francesco, and Claudia Villa, ed., I Giuramenti di Strasburgo: Testi e Tradizione/The Strasbourg Oaths: Texts and Transmission (Firenze: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2009). Lo Monaco, Francesco, “Nithard, Historiae III 5. Testo, traduzione e nota al testo”/“Nithard, Historiae III 5. Text, Original Translation and Note on the Text,” in I Giuramenti di Strasburgo: Testi e Tradizione/The Strasbourg Oaths: Texts and Transmission, ed. Francesco Lo Monaco and Claudia Villa (Firenze: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2009), 69–90 and 161–82. Lot, Ferdinand, and Louis Halphen, Le règne de Charles le Chauve (Paris: H. Champion, 1909). Manitius, Max, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, vol. 1 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1911). Mayr-Harting, Henry, “Two Abbots in Politics: Wala of Corbie and Bernard of Clairvaux,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 40 (1990): 217–37. McKeon, Peter R., “Archbishop Ebbo of Reims (816–835): A Study in the Carolingian Empire and Church,” Church History 43 (1974): 437–47. McKitterick, Rosamond, Charlemagne. The Formation of a European Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

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—, The Frankish Kingdoms under the Carolingians, 751–987 (London: Longman, 1983). —, History and Memory in the Carolingian World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). —, ed., The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, c. 700–c. 900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Möbius, Friedrich, Die karolingische Reichsklosterkirche Centula (Saint-Riquier) und ihr Reliquienschatz. Eine Fallstudie zum lebensweltlichen Verständnis frühmittelalterlicher Religiosität (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2013). Molinari, Maria Vittoria, “‘Giuramenti di Strasburgo’: tradizione germanica e mediolatina tra oralità e scrittura”/“‘The Oaths of Strasbourg’: Germanic and Medieval Latin Tradition between Orality and Writing,” in I Giuramenti di Strasburgo: Testi e Tradizione/The Strasbourg Oaths: Texts and Transmission, ed. Francesco Lo Monaco and Claudia Villa (Firenze: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2009), 49–60 and 141–52. Nelson, Janet L., Charles the Bald (London: Longman, 1992). —, “The Frankish Kingdoms, 814–898: The West,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, c. 700–c. 900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 110–41. —, “History-Writing at the Courts of Louis the Pious and Charles the Bald,” in Historiographie im frühen Mittelalter, ed. Anton Scharer and Georg Scheibelreiter (Vienna: R. Oldenbourg, 1994), 435–42. —, King and Emperor. A New Life of Charlemagne (Oakland: University of California Press, 2019). —, “Peers in the Early Middle Ages,” in Law, Laity and Solidarities. Essays in Honour of Susan Reynolds, ed. Pauline Stafford, Janet L. Nelson, and Jane Martindale (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 27–46. —, “Public Histories and Private History in the Work of Nithard,” Speculum 60 (1985): 251–93. Nelson, Jinty, “Lay Readers of the Bible in the Carolingian Ninth Century,” in Reading the Bible in the Middle Ages, ed. Jinty Nelson and Damien Kempf (­London: Bloomsbury, 2015), 43–56. Noble, Thomas F. X., “Louis the Pious and the Papacy: Law, Politics and the Theory of Empire in the Early Ninth Century,” Ph.D. diss. (Michigan State University, Department of History, 1974). —, “The Revolt of King Bernard of Italy in 817: Its Causes and Consequences,” Studi Medievali 15 (1974): 315–26. Önnerfors, Alf, “In Nithardi Historiarum libros annotatiunculae,” in Tradition und Wertung: Festschrift für Franz Brunhölzl zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Günter

76 Introduction

Bernt, Fidel Rädle, and Gabriel Silagi (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1989), 75–84. Paetz, Christianus, De vita et fide Nithardi (Halle: Academia Fridericiana Halensis, 1865). Paris, M. Paulin, ed., Histoire littéraire de la France, vol. 7 (Paris: Osmont, 1746, reprinted Paris: V. Palmé, 1867). Patze, Hans, “Iusticia bei Nithard,” in Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag am 19. September 1971 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), 3:147–65. Polanichka, Dana M., and Alex Cilley, “The Very Personal History of Nithard: Family and Honour in the Carolingian World,” Early Medieval Europe 22 (2014): 171–200. Rabe, Susan A., Faith, Art, and Politics at Saint-Riquier: The Symbolic Vision of Angilbert (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995). Rembold, Ingrid, Conquest and Christianization: Saxony and the Carolingian World, 772–888 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017). Riché, Pierre, Les Carolingiens: Une famille qui fit l’Europe (Paris: Hachette, 1983). —, Dictionnaire des Francs: Les Carolingiens (Paris: Bartillat, 1997). Romig, Andrew J., Be a Perfect Man: Christian Masculinity and the Carolingian Aristocracy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017). Rosanbo, Louis de, “Pierre Pithou. Biographie,” Revue du seizième siècle 15 (1928): 279–305 and 16 (1929): 301–30. Schäpers, Maria, Lothar I. (795–855) und das Frankenreich (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2018). Simson, Bernhard [von], Jahrbücher des fränkischen Reiches unter Ludwig dem Frommen, vols. 1–2 (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1874–1876). Smith, Julia M. H., Province and Empire: Brittany and the Carolingians (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). Stone, Rachel, Morality and Masculinity in the Carolingian Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012). Tabachovitz, Abraham, “Les Serments de Strasbourg et le ms. B. N. lat. 9768,” Vox Romanica 17 (1958): 36–61. Tessier, Georges, ed., Recueil des actes de Charles II le Chauve, roi de France, commencé par Arthur Giry, continué par Maurice Prou, terminé et publié, sous la direction de M. Ferdinand Lot, par M. Georges Tessier, vol. 1, 840–860 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1943). Treffort, Cécile, “Nithard, petit-fils de Charlemagne: Note sur une biographie controversée,” Bulletin de la Société des antiquaires de Picardie 158 (1994): 415–34. Villa, Claudia, “Nithard dalla storia alla leggenda famigliare”/“Nithard, from History to Legend,” in I Giuramenti di Strasburgo: Testi e Tradizione/The Strasbourg

Introduction77

Oaths: Texts and Transmission, ed. Francesco Lo Monaco and Claudia Villa (Firenze: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2009), 3–20 and 93–110. Waitz, Georg, “Pariser Handschriften,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 6 (1881): 473–95. Wattenbach, Wilhelm, Ernst Dümmler, and Ludwig Traube, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter bis zur Mitte des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts, vol. 1 (Stuttgart: Cotta’sche Buchhandlung Nachfolger, 1904). Wattenbach, Wilhelm, Wilhelm Levison, and Heinz Löwe, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter: Vorzeit und Karolinger, vol. 2, Die Karolinger vom Anfang des 8. Jahrhunderts bis zum Tode Karls des Grossen (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1953). Weinrich, Lorenz, Wala. Graf, Mönch und Rebell. Die Biographie eines Karolingers (Lübeck: Matthiesen, 1963). Wemple, Suzanne Fonay, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister, 500 to 900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981). Wilmart, André, Codices Reginenses latini, vol. 1, Codices 1–250 (Vatican City: Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937).

Sigla and Abbreviations Sigla A Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 9768 A prima manus A1 A secunda manus A2 B Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 14663 B secunda manus B2 T Troyes, Médiathèque du Grand Troyes, 3203 T prima manus T1 Pithou’s emendations (in the text and/or notes) to the MS. that he used T2 for T M Lost MS. used by Charles de la Mothe (Motta), whose variants Pithou recorded in his notes to the text of T Additions and emendations to the text of M proposed by Charles de la M2 Mothe (Motta) and recorded by Pithou in his notes to the text of T C Amiens, Bibliothèque d’Amiens Métropole, 531 R Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. Reg. lat. 235 Pithou Editio princeps by Pithou (1588) Emendations by Pithou handwritten in marg. to a copy of his printed Pithou2 edition, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, département Philosophie, histoire, sciences de l’homme, 8-L45-1 Editio prima by Pertz (1829) Pertz1 Editio secunda by Pertz (1870) Pertz2 Holder Edition by Holder (1882) Müller Edition by Müller (1907) Lauer Edition by Lauer (1926) Edd. Editions by Pithou, Pertz1, Pertz2, Holder, Müller, Lauer Codd. Codices A B T Lo Monaco Edition by Lo Monaco and Villa (2009) Önnerfors Emendations proposed by Önnerfors (1989) Simson Emendations proposed by Simson (1874–76) Editio princeps of Hariulf’s Chronicon by D’Achery (1661) Achery1 Second edition of Hariulf’s Chronicon by D’Achery (1723) Achery2 Lot Edition of Hariulf’s Chronicon by Lot (1894)

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Abbreviations add. addidit cancell. cancellavit con. conieci corr. correxit del. delevit in marg. in margine lac. lacuna om. omisit praem. praemisit prop. proposuit scr. scripsi sup. l. supra lineam suppl. supplevi [ ] verba quae Pithou supplevit in ms. T

Nithardi Historiae

Nithard Histories

Liber I Cum, ut optime, mi domine, nosti, iam poene annis duobus illatam1 a fratre u­ estro persecutionem uos uestrique haudquaquam meriti pateremini, antequam Cadhellonicam2 introissemus ciuitatem, praecepistis, ut res uestris temporibus gestas stili officio memoriae traderem. Oportuna quidem placidaque res, fateor, fuerat praecepta, si otium tanti negotii, ut digne exsequeretur, fuisset concessum; nunc autem,3 si quid minus uel incultius quam oportuerit, pro rerum magnitudine, huic operi inueneritis insertum, tanto facilior uenia a uobis uestrisque4 mihi debetur, quanto me nostis eodem turbine, quo et uos, dum hoc opus peregerim, esse a­ gitatum. Praeterire autem ea quae temporibus pii patris uestri gesta sunt disposueram,5 sed facilius cuilibet legenti altercationum uestrarum ueritas patebit, si quaedam, que suo in tempore contigisse nouimus, summotenus6 praelibauero. Aui quoque insuper uestri uenerandam memoriam per omnia obmittere ratum minime uidetur; ac per hoc textus hinc sumat exordium. 1. Karolus—bonae memoriae et merito magnus imperator ab uniuersis nationibus uocatus—hora uidelicet plus minus7 diei tertia, in senectute8 bona decedens omnem Europem9 omni bonitate repletam reliquit,10 uir quippe omni sapientia et omni uirtute humanum genus suo in tempore adeo praecellens, ut omnibus orbem inhabitantibus terribilis, amabilis pariterque et admirabilis uideretur, ac per hoc omne imperium omnibus modis, ut cunctis manifeste claruit, honestum11 et utile effecit. Nam super omne, quod ammirabile fateor fore, Francorum barbarorumque ferocia ac ferrea corda, quae nec Romana potentia domare ualuit,12 hic solus moderato terrore ita repressit, ut nihil in imperio moliri, praeter quod13 publicae utilitati congruebat, manifeste  illatam] illatātam A, illatā tam B, illatam tam T  Cadhellonicam] Cadellonicam A B T 3  autem] aut A 4  uestrisque] uestrisquae A, uestrisque quam M 5  disposueram] disposuerim M 6  summotenus] summo tenus T 7  minus] minimus A B 8  senectute] DCCCXIIII add. T in marg. 9  europem] europam B Pithou Pertz1 Pertz2, Europam T 10  reliquit] reliquid A, relinquid B, relinquit M 11  honestum] honeste A B 12  ualuit] potuit M 13  praeter quod] praeterquam quod uel praeter id quod prop. T2 1 2

First Book As you very well know, my lord, while you and your friends had been suffering your brother’s unfounded persecution for almost two years, before we entered the city of Châlons, you ordered me to commit to memory, with the work of the pen, the events that took place in your times.1 This would certainly have been an appropriate and peaceful task, I admit, if the leisure necessary to properly accomplish such an important task had been given [to me]; but now, if you find within this work anything that is more incomplete or cruder than the significance of the events requires, I will more easily deserve your and your friends’ pardon, since you know that I was working on this book while being tossed about in the same storm as you.2 I had actually resolved to omit those events that happened in the times of your pious father, but the truth about your feuds will be more plainly evident to any reader, if I examine in brief some events that, as we know, occurred in his time. In addition, to pass entirely over the venerable memory of your grandfather did not seem to be correct either; and for this reason let the narrative begin there. 1. After he died, more or less at the third hour of the day, in considerable old age,3 Charles—of wondrous memory and with good reason called “great emperor” by all nations—left all of Europe filled with every good;4 he was certainly a man who in his time excelled humankind in wisdom and virtue to such an extent that he appeared to all on earth to inspire fear and, at the same time, be amiable and admirable, and for this reason he made the entire empire honorable and useful in every way too, as was manifestly clear to all. In fact, above all, and this deed I declare worthy of admiration, he alone repressed with a reasonable use of terror the wild and iron hearts of the Franks and the barbarians, whom not even Roman power could subdue, so that in the empire they did not openly dare to act outside of what suited public utility.5 He happily reigned for thirty-two years, and held the helm of the empire in complete happiness for fourteen years as well.6

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auderent. Regnauit feliciter per annos duos et XXXta imperiique gubernacula nihilominus cum omni felicitate14 per annos quattuordecim possedit. 2. Heres autem tantae sublimitatis Lodhuwicus filiorum eius iusto matrimonio susceptorum15 nouissimus ceteris decedentibus successit. Qui ut pro certo patrem obisse comperit, Aquis ab16 Aquitania protinus uenit; quo undique ad se uenientem populum absque quolibet impedimento suae ditioni addixit, de17 ceteris qui sibi creduli18 uidebantur deliberaturus.19 Initio quidem imperii suscepti pecuniam ingenti numero a patre relictam trifariam diuidere iussit et unam partem in causam20 funeris expendit, duas uero inter se et sorores suas a patre iusto matrimonio susceptas diuisit, quas et instanter21 a palatio ad sua monasteria abire praecepit. Fratres quoque adhuc tenera aetate, Drugonem,22 Hugonem et Teodericum,23 participes mensae effecit, quos et in24 palatio una secum nutriri praecepit. Et Bernardo nepoti suo, filio Pippini, regnum Italiae concessit. Qui quoniam ab eo paulo post25 defecit, capitur et a Bertmundo Lugdunensis prouinciae praefecto luminibus et uita pariter26 priuatur. Hinc autem27 metuens, ne post dicti fratres populo sollicitato eadem facerent, ad conuentum publicum eos28 uenire praecepit, totondit ac per monasteria29 sub libera custodia commendauit. Quo peracto30 filios suos iusto matrimonio iuncxit et uniuersum imperium inter eos ita diuisit, ut Pippinus31 quidem Aquitaniam, Lodhuwicus autem Baioariam, Lodharius  felicitate] foelicitate T  susceptorum] scr. cum Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer T2, susceptis A B T1 Pithou 16  ab] DCCCXV add. T in marg. 17  de] om. Holder 18  creduli] minus creduli prop. Lauer 19  deliberaturus] scr. cum T2 Müller Lauer Simson (1:15 n. 3), deliberatis A Pertz2 Holder, delibatus B, deliberans Pertz1  20  in causam] causam A B T, [in] causam T2 M, causa Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer 21  instanter] litterae er fortasse recenti manu additae sunt Müller (2 n. d) 22  Drugonem] Drungonem T, Drogonem T2 23  Teodericum] Theodericum T 24  in] del. M2 25  post] DCCCXVIII add. T in marg. 26  et uita pariter] uita et pariter Pithou 27  autem] aut A 28  eos] eis A2, cf. Müller (2 n. f) 29  monasteria] DCCCXIX add. T in marg. 30  peracto] pacto Pithou 31  Pippinus] DCCCXXI add. T in marg. 14

15



English Translation

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2.  Louis, the last of [Charles’s] sons, since all his [brothers] generated in lawful marriage had died, succeeded as the heir of such a great brilliance. And as soon as he learned with certainty that his father had passed away, he immediately came from Aquitaine to Aachen; and there he brought under his control the people without any opposition to his rule coming to him from everywhere, intending to decide about the others who seemed trustworthy.7 At the beginning of his imperial rule, he ordered that the large amount of money left by his father be divided into three parts, with one part spent for the funeral and the other two parts divided between him and the sisters begotten by his father in lawful marriage, whom he immediately ordered to be transferred from the palace to their monasteries.8 He also made his brothers Drogo, Hugh, and Theodoric, who were still of tender age, companions of his table and ordered them to be brought up with him in the palace.9 To his nephew Bernard, Pippin’s son, he granted the kingdom of Italy. But since he revolted against him a little later, he was taken prisoner and deprived of both his eyes and life by Bertmund, the prefect of the province of Lyons.10 As a consequence, since [Louis] feared that his aforementioned brothers [Drogo, Hugh, and Theodoric] might subsequently do the same by inciting the people to rebellion, he ordered them to come to a public assembly, tonsured them, and committed them to monasteries under free custody.11 After he had accomplished this, he united his sons in lawful marriages12 and divided the entire empire between them, so that Pippin might have Aquitaine, Louis Bavaria,

88

Latin Text

uero post discessum eius uniuersum imperium haberet, cui et una secum imperatoris nomen habere concessit. Interea Irmengardis regina materque illorum decessit, ac paulo post Lodhuwicus imperator Iudith in32 matrimonium sumpsit, ex qua Karolus creatur. 3. Karolo quidem nato, quoniam omne imperium inter reliquos filios pater diuiserat, quid huic faceret, ignorabat.33 Cumque ancxius pater pro filio filios34 rogaret, tandem Lodharius consensit ac sacramento testatus est, ut portionem regni quam uellet eidem pater daret, tutoremque ac defensorem illius se fore contra omnes inimicos eius in futuro35 iurando36 firmauit. Instigante autem Hugone,37 cuius filiam in matrimonium Lodharius duxerat, ac Mathfrido ceterisque, sero se hoc fecisse penituit et, quem admodum illud quod fecerat38 annullare posset, querebat. Quod patrem matremque minime latuit; ac per hoc hinc inde quod pater statuerat Lodharius diruere, etsi non manifeste, occulte39 studebat. Ad quod Bernardum quendam, ducem Septimaniae, pater in40 supplementum sibi sumens camerarium constituit Karolumque eidem commendauit ac secundum a se in imperio praefecit. Qui dum inconsulte re publica abuteretur, quam solidare debuit, penitus euertit. Per idem tempus Karolo Alamannia per edictum traditur. Tum tandem Lodharius quasi iusta quaerimonia reperta tam fratres quam et uniuersam plebem ueluti ad restaurandum41 rei publicae statum animabat. Quam ob rem42 pariter cum omni populo patri ad Compendium superueniunt, reginam uelauerunt, fratres43 eius Cunradum et Rodulfum totonderunt atque in Aquitaniam44 seruandos45 Pippino commiserunt. Bernardus quoque fuga lapsus in Septimaniam se46 recepit; Eribertus  in] DCCCXXIII add. T in marg.  quid huic faceret ignorabat] om. B 34  filios] om. Pithou 35  futuro] futurum prop. T2 36  iurando] iureiurando prop. T2 37  Hugone] DCCCXXIX add. T in marg. 38  fecerat] om. B 39  occulte] occulte tamen M 40  in] del. M 41  restaurandum] restaurandam A B 42  quam ob rem] DCCCXXX add. T in marg. 43  fratres] fratribus A B T Pithou 44  Aquitaniam] Aquitania T2 45  seruandos] seruando A B T 46  se] sese M 32

33



English Translation

89

and Lothar, after his death, the entire empire; he also permitted Lothar to hold the name of emperor together with him.13 In the meantime Ermengarde, the queen and their mother, died,14 and a little later Emperor Louis took Judith as his wife, from whom Charles was begotten.15 3. After Charles’s birth, Louis did not know what to do for him since he had divided the entire empire between his other sons. And while the worried father entreated his sons on his son [Charles’s] behalf, Lothar finally consented and solemnly declared with an oath that their father should give [Charles] whatever part of the kingdom he wanted, and confirmed by swearing that in the future he would be [Charles’s] protector and defender against all his enemies.16 But at the instigation of Hugh, whose daughter Lothar had married,17 and of Matfrid and the others, he later regretted what he had done and tried to find a way to undo it. But this did not escape the notice of his father and [step]mother; and for this reason Lothar, albeit not openly, but rather secretly, tried to disrupt his father’s decision in multiple ways. In response to this, Louis the father took a certain Bernard, duke of Septimania, as his helper against this [conspiracy] and appointed him as his chamberlain, entrusted Charles to him, and made him his second-in-command in the empire. And while [Bernard] recklessly abused the state, which he should have fortified, he completely overthrew it.18 In that same period Alamannia was given to Charles by decree.19 And then Lothar, as if he had finally found a just cause for complaint, incited his brothers and the whole people, as it were, to restore the order of the state.20 For this reason, together with the whole people, they got hold of their father in Compiègne,21 made the queen take the veil,22 tonsured her brothers Conrad and Rudolph, and placed them in the hands of Pippin to be detained in Aquitaine. Bernard also fled and took refuge in Septimania; his brother Herbert was captured, deprived of his

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f­rater eius captus ac luminibus priuatus in Italia47 custodiendus traditur.48 Et Lodharius quidem, eo tenore re publica adepta, patrem et Karolum sub libera custodia seruabat; cum quo monachos, qui eidem uitam monasticam traderent et eandem uitam illum assumere suaderent, esse praeceperat. Res autem publica, quoniam quisque cupiditate illectus sua querebat, cotidie deterius ibat. Quam ob rem tam monachi, quos supra memorauimus, quam et ceteri, qui quod factum fuerat dolebant, illum percontari coeperunt, si res publica eidem restitueretur, an eam pro uiribus erigere ac fouere uellet, maximeque cultum diuinum, quo omnis ordo tuetur ac49 regitur. Quod quia facile confessum, in restauratione eius ocius consensum est; assumptoque Guntbaldo quodam monacho sub specie religionis in hoc negotio ad Pippinum Ludouicumque, filios eius, occulte direxit, promittens, si in sua restitutione una cum his qui hoc cupiebant adesse uoluissent, regnum utrisque se ampliare uelle. Ac per hoc perfacile cupideque paruere; conuentuque50 condicto51 regina et fratres eius eidem restituuntur, ac plebs uniuersa ditioni eius se subdidit. Hinc hi qui cum Lodhario senserunt in concilium deducti et ab ipso Lodhario ad mortem diiudicati aut uita donata in exilium retrusi sunt. Lodharium52 quoque sola Italia contentum ea pactione abire permisit, ut extra patris uoluntatem nihil deinceps moliri in regno temptaret. Cumque se haec ita haberent, et res publica paululum respirari53 uideretur, confestim Guntbaldus monachus, quem supra memorauimus, quia multa54 in restitutione eius laborauerat, secundus in imperio esse uolebat. Quod quoniam55 Bernardus, uti56 praemissum est, olim fuerat, summa industria iterum esse certabat. Pippinus quoque et Lodhuwicus, quanquam eis regna, sicut promissum fuerat, aucta fuissent, tamen in imperio ut57 post patrem primi essent, uterque laborabat; at illi, per quos tunc res publica tractabatur, uoluntati eorum obsistebant.  Italia] Italiam Pithou  traditur] traditus A 49  ac] et M 50  conuentuque] conuentumque A B M 51  condicto] condeto ac condicto B M 52  Lodharium] DCCCXXXII add. T in marg. 53  respirari] respirare T2 Pithou Pertz1 Pertz2 54  multa] multum T2 Pertz1 55  quod quoniam] quodque Pithou 56  uti] ut Pithou 57  in imperio ut] ut imperio ut A B T, ut imperio Pithou, ut in imperio T2 47 48



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eyes, and handed over to be held in custody in Italy. And Lothar, after he had seized the state in this manner, held his father and Charles under free custody; he also ordered monks to be with [Charles] so that they might introduce him to monastic life and persuade him to take it up.23 But since everyone was driven by covetousness and looked for his own profit, the condition of the state deteriorated every day. As a result, both the abovementioned monks and all the others who were sorry for what had happened began to ask [Louis] whether, if the state was restored to him, he would with all his strength raise up and foster the state, and especially the divine worship by which every order is protected and ruled. And since [Louis] promptly approved that plan, they immediately agreed to his restoration; therefore, [Louis] secretly sent a certain monk Guntbald as his agent, under the pretext of religious business, on a mission to his sons Pippin and Louis [the German], promising that, if they wanted to join in his restoration along with those who desired it, he would be pleased to enlarge their kingdoms. And for this reason they both obeyed quite easily and eagerly; and after an assembly was arranged, the queen and her brothers were returned to [the emperor Louis] and the whole people submitted again to his authority.24 After this those who had conspired with Lothar were brought before the assembly and were either condemned to death by Lothar himself or allowed to live and thrust into exile. [Louis] also allowed Lothar, who had to be content with Italy alone, to go away on the condition that, from now on, he would attempt nothing in the kingdom outside of his father’s will. And while things were so, and the state seemed to breathe again a little, at once the aforesaid monk Guntbald, because he had worked so hard for [Louis’s] restoration, demanded to be second-in-command in the empire. But since Bernard, as was said before, had formerly held that position, he fought with all his ability to hold it again. Even though Pippin’s and Louis’s kingdoms had been enlarged, as had been promised, both worked to be the first in the empire after their father; but those who managed the state at that time stood up against their designs.

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4. Per idem tempus Aquitania Pippino dempta Karolo datur, et in eius obsequio primatus populi, qui cum patre sentiebat, iurat. Quod quidem hi, quos supra retulimus, grauiter ferentes, ut res publica inutiliter tractaretur, diuulgant populumque quasi ad iustum regimen sollicitant; Walanam, Elisachar, Mathfridum ceterosque, qui in exilium retrusi fuerant, custodia dimittunt;58 Lodharium, ut rem publicam59 inuadat, compellunt; insuper autem et Gregorium Romanae summae sedis pontificem, ut sua auctoritate liberius quod cupiebant perficere possent, sub eadem specie magnis precibus in supplementum suae uoluntatis assumunt. Quam ob rem imperator una cum omni quod habebat imperio, tres reges filiique eius aduersus eum cum ingenti exercitu, insuper papa Gregorius cum omni comitatu Romano Elisazam60 confluunt iuxtaque montem Sigwaldi61 castra ponunt ac uariis affectionibus populum, ut a patre deficeret, filii compellunt. Nouissime quibusdam fuga lapsis, cum perpaucis pater capitur; uxor ab eo dempta in Langobardiam exilio mittitur, ac Karolus una cum patre sub magna custodia seruatur. Gregorius siquidem papa itineris penitudine62 correptus tardius quam uellet Romam63 reuertitur. Et Lodharius quidem iterum eo tenore imperium adeptum, quod iniuste tam64 facile iterato65 obtinuit, iterato facilius66 iuste amisit. Nam Pippinus et Lodhuwicus uidentes, quod Lodharius uniuersum imperium sibi uindicare illosque deteriores efficere uellet, grauiter ferebant; insuper autem, dum Huc, Lambertus atque Mathfridus, quis illorum secundus post Lodharium in imperio haberetur, ambigerent, dissedere67 coeperunt et, quoniam quisque eorum propria querebat, rem publicam penitus neglegebant.68 Quod quidem populus cernens molestus erat. Occurrebat insuper etiam filiis uerecundia et penitudo,69 quod patrem bis honore priuauerant, uniuersae plebi, quod bis imperatorem dimiserant, ac per hoc hinc inde in  custodia dimittunt] con. custodia mittunt A B, custodiae mittunt T, custodia emittunt T2 Edd.  publicam] plublicam A 60  Elisazam] Elisaram T2 61  Sigwaldi] Sigimaldi M 62  penitudine] poenitudine T 63  Romam] DCCCXXXIIII T add. in marg. 64  tam] om. Pithou 65  iterato] iteratus A B T Pithou Holder Lauer 66  facilius] facilicius A 67  dissedere] dissidere T2, discedere M, cf. Charles Du Fresne, sieur Du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis (Niort: L. Favre, 1884), 3:142. 68  neglegebant] negligebant T 69  penitudo] poenitudo T 58 59



English Translation

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4. In that same period Aquitaine was taken away from Pippin and given to Charles,25 and the leaders among the people, who sided with his father, swore allegiance to him.26 Since those whom we mentioned above27 were grieved at that, they disseminated the news that the state was badly managed and instigated the people [to ask for] a just government; they released from custody Wala, Helisachar, Matfrid, and all the others who had been thrust into exile; they incited Lothar to invade the empire; in addition, with great entreaties and by using that same pretext, they even gained Gregory, pontiff of the supreme Roman see, as a supporter of their designs so that they might more easily achieve with his authority what they desired.28 For this reason the emperor, together with the entire part of the empire that he ruled, his sons the three kings with a large army to oppose him, and Pope Gregory with his entire Roman retinue convened in Alsace and set up camp next to Mount Sigolswald; and the sons, by applying pressure in different ways, compelled the people to defect from their father.29 Finally, after some had already fled, the father was captured along with very few [companions]; his wife was taken away from him and sent into exile in Lombardy, and Charles, together with his father, was kept under strict custody.30 On the other hand, Pope Gregory was seized by repentance over his journey and returned to Rome later than he desired.31 However, after again seizing the empire in that manner and unjustly obtaining it so easily, Lothar rightly lost it again even more easily. In fact, Pippin and Louis grieved when they saw that Lothar wanted to get hold of the entire empire and make them inferior; in addition, while Hugh, Lambert, and Matfrid argued about which of them should be considered the second-in-command after Lothar, they began to quarrel and, because each of them looked after his own interest, completely neglected the care of the state. And the people were displeased in seeing that. In addition, the sons felt shame and repentance because they had twice deprived their father of his honor, and the whole people

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restitutione eius consentiunt et undique ad Sanctum Dyonisium,70 ubi tunc Lodharius patrem et Karolum seruabat, affluere contendunt. Cernens Lodharius praedictam animositatem uires suas excedere, antequam conueniant, arma sumit, patrem ac Karolum dimittit itinereque arrepto Viennam petit. Plebs autem non modica, quae praesens aderat, et iam iamque71 Lodhario pro patre uim inferre uolebat, rege recepto basilicam72 sancti Dyonisii una cum episcopis et omni clero confluunt, laudes Deo deuote referunt, coronam et arma regi suo imponunt et ad cetera73 deliberaturi contendunt. Lodharium pater persequi distulit, sed legatos, qui74 eum citra Alpes festinare iuberent, post illum direxit; Pippinum ad se uenientem benigne excepit, gratias in eo, quod pro sua restitutione75 laborauerat, egit ac reuerti76 eum in Aquitaniam, uti petiuerat, permisit. Hinc inde fideles, qui euaserant et rem publicam regere consueuerant, confluunt; cum quibus itinere arrepto Aquis gematum77 petit, tandemque Lodhuwicum uenientem gratanter excepit, quem et una secum causa praesidii esse praecepit. Interea hi qui Iudith in Italia seruabant audientes, quod Lodharius fugam inierat, et pater imperium regebat, arrepta Iudith fugam ineunt, Aquis prospere78 perueniunt, gratum munus imperatori deferunt. Verumtamen haud est thoro regio recepta, donec se criminibus obiectis innoxiam; quia criminator deerat, sacramento una cum propinquis coram plebe effecit. 5. Per idem tempus Mathfridus et Lantbertus ceterique79 a parte Lodharii poenes marcam80 Brittannicam morabantur. Ad quos pellendos missus est Vodo et omnes inter Sequanam et Ligerem81 degentes, qui manu ualida collecta hinc atque inde conuenerunt. Et hos quidem paucitas ac82 per hoc summa necessitas unanimes effecit, Vodonem autem et suos maxima  Dyonisium] Dionysium T  et iam iamque] etiam etiamque T2, etiam iamque T, iam iamque prop. T2 in nota 72  basilicam] basilica Pithou 73  cetera] ecclesiam M 74  qui] quam A B T 75  sua restitutione] restitutione sua Pithou 76  reuerti] reuertenti A B T 77  Aquis gematum] Aquis Gematum T, Aquis hiematum Lauer, Aquisgranum vel Aquis hyematum prop. T2 in nota, cf. Müller (6 n. k) 78  prospere] propere prop. T2 in nota 79  ceterique] DCCCXXXV add. T in marg. 80  marcam] Marcam T, marcham M 81  Ligerem] Ligerim T Pithou 82  ac] et Pithou 70 71



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felt similarly because they had twice discharged the emperor, and for this reason they all agreed to his restoration and from everywhere hastened to gather at Saint-Denis, where Lothar was detaining his father and Charles.32 Lothar, realizing that this fervor exceeded his strength, took up arms, released his father and Charles, and hurried to Vienne before they could gather.33 But the large crowd already there wanted to attack Lothar in support of his father; after regaining their king they gathered in the basilica of Saint-Denis, together with the bishops and the whole clergy, devoutly offered praise to God, bestowed the crown and arms upon their king, and hastened to deliberate on other matters.34 [Louis] the father did not agree to pursue Lothar, but sent envoys to order him to quickly cross the Alps;35 [Louis] benevolently received Pippin, thanked him for working for his restoration, and granted his request to return to Aquitaine.36 Those faithful [to Louis], who formerly administered the state and had fled, assembled from this side and that; and [Louis] began the journey and headed with them for Aachen to pass the winter there37 and, after some time, gladly received [his son] Louis, whom he instructed to stay with him for defense. In the meantime those who held Judith in Italy,38 hearing that Lothar had taken flight and that his father ruled the empire, seized Judith, took flight as well, successfully arrived in Aachen, [and] brought her to the emperor as a pleasing present. However, she was not received in the royal bed until she proved herself to be innocent of the accusations made against her;39 since there was no one to accuse her, she took an oath together with her relatives before the people.40 5.  Meanwhile, Matfrid and Lambert and all the others who sided with Lothar stayed in the Breton March. In order to drive them out, Wido was sent there, and everyone living between the Seine and the Loire assembled from every side after gathering a large troop. But their small number and their extremely difficult situation made [Lothar’s supporters] act in perfect accord, whereas the huge number made

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­ ultitudo securos, discordes et inordinatos reddidit. Quapropter proelio m commisso fugerunt. Cecidit Vodo, Teodo,83 Viuianus, Fulbertus ac plebis innumera multitudo. Quod quidem citato cursu uictores Lodhario notantes mandant, ut, quantocius posset, illis cum exercitu occurrat.84 Qui libenter paruit et Cauillonum collecta manu ualida uenit, ciuitatem obsidione cinxit, praeliando triduum obsedit et tandem urbem captam una cum ecclesiis incendit. Gerbergam more maleficorum85 in Ararim mergi praecepit, Gozhelmum et Senilam capite puniuit, Warino autem uitam donauit et, ut se deinceps pro uiribus iuuaret, iureiurando constrinxit. Hinc autem Lodharius et sui duobus praeliis feliciter86 gestis magnanimes effecti, uniuersum imperium perfacile inuadere sperantes, ad cetera deliberaturi Aurilianensem87 urbem petunt. Quod pater audiens e Francia manu ualida collecta, insuper Lodhuwico filio suo cum uniuersis, qui trans Renum morabantur, in auxilium sibi assumpto tantum facinus a filio in imperium commissum uindicaturus perrexit. Lodharius quoque eadem spe, qua Francos abducere consueuerat,88 animatus ire obuius89 ratum duxit; ac per hoc hinc inde confluunt supraque fluuium iuxta uillam90 quae Caluiacus91 dicitur castra ponunt. Sed Franci, eo quod imperatorem bis reliquerant, poenitudine correpti et, ut deinde tale quid committerent turpe iudicantes, ad defectionem impelli dedignati sunt; quam ob rem cum nec fugae nec proelii locum92 uideret, ea pactione nouissime praelium diremit, ut infra dies statutos Alpibus excederet ac deinceps sine patris iussione fines Franciae ingredi non praesumeret et extra patris uoluntatem in eius imperio deinceps nihil moliri temptaret. Quod et ita se et suos seruaturos tam is quam et sui sacramento firmauerunt.

 Teodo] scr. cum Simson (2:104 n. 10), et Odo A B T Edd.  occurrat] occurat A 85  maleficorum] maleficarum prop. Simson (2:107 n. 11) 86  feliciter] faeliciter T 87  Aurilianensem] Aurelianensem T Pithou Pertz1 88  consueuerat] consuerat A Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer 89  obuius] obuiam prop. T2 in nota 90  uillam] uilla A, the lett. “m” in A seems to have faded according to Müller (8 n. d) 91  Caluiacus] Calciacus Lauer (22 n. f) 92  locum] locu A B, the abbr. ¯ for “m” seems to have faded from A, according to Müller (8 n. e) 83 84



English Translation

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Vodo and his troops too confident, at variance with one another, and disorderly. For this reason they ran away as soon as the battle began. Vodo, Theoton, Vivian, Fulbert, and an innumerable multitude of people fell. The victors, promptly relating this to Lothar, instructed him to meet them as soon as possible with his army. And he complied with pleasure and, gathering a large troop, came to Chalon-sur-Saône, surrounded the city and laid siege to it for three days, and finally set the conquered city and its churches on fire.41 He ordered Gerberga to be drowned in the Saône in the manner of witches and punished Gozhelm and Senila with beheading, but granted Warin his life and forced him to swear that from now on he would help to the best of his ability. Therefore, Lothar and his companions were emboldened by those two successful battles and, hoping to easily invade the entire empire, went to the city of Orléans to deliberate the remaining questions.42 As soon as the father [Louis] learned that, after gathering a large troop from Francia and taking his son Louis with all those who lived beyond the Rhine as his help, he set out to avenge his son’s great crime against the empire.43 Lothar too, animated by the same hope with which he had captivated the Franks, thought that it would be favorable to go to meet them; and for this reason they assembled from many places and set up camp along the riverbanks next to the village that is called Chouzy. But the Franks, seized by repentance because they had twice abandoned their emperor, and believing that it would be shameful to do something similar on that occasion, scornfully refused to be driven to defection; as a consequence, since [Lothar] saw no room for an escape or a battle, he finally avoided the fight by agreeing to again cross the Alps within a fixed number of days, to no longer presume to enter the territory of Francia without the order of his father, and to attempt nothing in the future outside of his father’s will in his empire. And both he and his companions confirmed with an oath that they would respect that compact.44

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Latin Text

6. His ita compositis pater, uti et cum quibus consueuerat,93 imperium regebat. Videns autem, quod populus nullo modo diebus uitae suae illum relinquere, uti consueuerat, uellet, conuentu Aquis hieme94 indicto portionem regni his terminis notatam Karolo dedit: Id est a mari per fines Saxoniae usque ad fines Ribuariorum totam Frisiam et per fines Ribuariorum comitatus Moilla, Haettra, Hammolant,95 Masagouwi,96 deinde uero quicquid inter Mosam et Sequanam usque Burgundiam una cum Viridunense97 consistit et de Burgundia Tullensem, Odornensem, Bedensem, Blesensem,98 Pertensem,99 utrosque Barrenses, Brionensem,100 Tricasinum,101 Autisioderensem,102 Senonicum, Wastinensem, Milidunensem, Stampensem, Castrensem, Parisiacum et deinde per Sequanam usque in mare Oceanum et per ipsum mare usque in Frisiam, omnes uidelicet episcopatus, abbatias, comitatus, fiscos et omnia infra praedictos fines consistentia cum omnibus ad se pertinentibus, in quacumque regione consistebant et sui iuris esse uidebantur, una cum auctoritate diuina atque paterna praefato filio suo Karolo dedit, firmumque ut permaneret, Dei omnipotentis clementiam exorauit. Hilduinus autem abbas ecclesiae sancti Dyonisii103 et Gerardus comes Parisius ciuitatis ceterique omnes praedictos fines inhabitantes conuenerunt fidemque sacramento Karolo firmauerunt. Quod quidem Lodharius et Lodhuwicus audientes grauiter ferebant, unde et colloquium indixerunt. Ad quod uenientes, cum nihil ex his indignari se posse uiderent, callide dissimulantes quippiam se contra patris uoluntatem moliri uelle, discesserunt; uerumtamen ob id colloquium commotio non modica exorta est, sed facile quieuit. Hinc autem Carisiacum mediante Septembrio uenit seditionemque quandam similiter perfacile sedauit ac104 ­praefato Karolo arma et coronam nec non et quandam portionem  consueuerat] consuerat T, corr. in consueuerat T2 sup. l., DCCCXXXVIII add. T in marg.  hieme] hyeme T, hinc hinde M 95  Haettra Hammolant] haet traham molant A, Haec traham Molant T, Halt Trahammolant M T2, haec craham molant Pithou 96  Masagouwi] Masa Gouuium T, Masagobbi M T2 97  Viridunense] Viridunensi T 98  Blesensem] Belnensem (seu Besaucensem vel Basilensem) prop. T2 in nota, Besauem Brisensem uel Bassiuensem T2 in marg. 99  Pertensem] Parthensem prop. T2 in nota 100  Brionensem] Briensem prop. T2 in nota, Brionenses Pithou 101  Tricasinum] Trecassinum prop. T2 in nota 102  Autisioderensem] Altissiodorensem prop. T2 in nota 103  Dyonisii] Dionysii T 104  ac] a A T, et B 93 94



English Translation

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6. So, after these things had been settled, [Louis] the father ruled the empire as and with the people he used to.45 Then, seeing that the people absolutely no longer wanted to abandon him while he was alive, as they had done previously, after an assembly had been summoned in Aachen for the winter,46 [Louis] gave Charles a part of the kingdom that was marked by these limits: on the side of the sea, from the borders of Saxony to the borders of the Ripuarians, all of Frisia; and through the territory of the Ripuarians the counties of Moilla, Haettra, Hammolant, [and] Maasgau; then all that lay between the Meuse and the Seine as far as Burgundy together with [the county] of Verdun; and beginning from Burgundy [the counties] of Toul, Ornois, Blois, Blaisois, Perthois, both those of Bar, those of Brienne, Troyes, Auxerre, Sens, Gâtinais, Melun, Étampes, Châtrais, Paris; and then along the Seine as far as the sea Ocean and along the sea itself as far as Frisia, all the bishoprics, abbeys with their lands, counties, royal estates, and all the territories lying within the borders mentioned above with all the things belonging to them, in whatever region they extended and as far as they appeared to be his by right: [all this territory] he gave to his aforesaid son Charles with divine and fatherly authority and implored the indulgence of Almighty God so that it might remain stable. Hilduin, abbot of the church of Saint-Denis, and Gerard, count of the city of Paris, and all those who inhabited the aforesaid lands came together and confirmed with an oath their loyalty to Charles. On hearing that, Lothar and Louis were grieved and therefore organized their own conference. When they convened there,47 seeing that they could not be indignant for any of these things, shrewdly concealing that they intended to act against their father’s will, they separated; because of that conference, nevertheless, a great excitement mounted but easily abated. After this [Louis] came to Quierzy in mid-September48 and similarly put an end to another revolt with extreme ease, gave the aforesaid Charles arms and crown and also a part of the kingdom between the

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regni inter Sequanam et Ligerem105 dedit, Pippinum ac Karolum, ut uidebatur, unanimes effecit ac deinde Pippinum in Aquitaniam abire cum gratia permisit, Karolum uero in partem regni, quam illi106 dederat, direxit. Quo ueniens, omnes hos fines inhabitantes ad illum uenerunt et fidem sacramento commendati eidem firmauerunt. Eodem tempore nuntiatur, quod Lodhuwicus a patre suo desciuisset et quicquid trans Renum regni continebatur sibi uindicare uellet; quod pater eius audiens indicto conuentu Magonciacum uenit107 ac traiecto exercitu fugere illum in Baioariam compulit. Post Aquis exultans rediit, quoniam, quocumque se uerterat, nutu diuino uictor erat. Veruntamen ingruente senili aetate et propter uarias afflictiones poene decrepita imminente, mater ac primores populi, qui in uoluntate patris pro Karolo laborauerant—metuentes, si infectis rebus decederet, odia108 fratrum109 usque ad internitionem110 sibi insurgere—ratum duxerunt, ut quemlibet e filiis pater in supplementum sibi assumeret, et—si post discessum111 eius ceteri concordes esse nollent—saltem hi duo unanimes effecti ualerent resistere inuidorum factioni. Cumque necessitate instante ac per hoc assiduis meditationibus in hac electione uersarentur, uniuersorum sententia consensit, si Lodharius certum se in hoc negotio praebere uellet, cum eo fedus iniri debere. Nam, uti112 praemissum est, idem olim113 patri matrique ac Karolo iurauerat, ut partem regni quam uellet pater eidem daret, et eandem se consentire et protegere illi contra omnes114 inimicos omnibus diebus uitae suae deberet. Quam ob rem missos deligunt et in Italiam ad Lodharium mittunt promittentes, si patris uoluntatem deinceps erga Karolum conseruare uellet, omnia, quae in illum actenus deliquerat, remitti et omne regnum absque Baioaria inter illum et Karolum diuidendum; quae quoniam Lodhario et suis rata uidebantur, utraque ex parte sic uelle ac sic115 se perficere iurauerunt.  Ligerem] Ligerim T  illi] ei Pithou 107  Magonciacum uenit] Magonciā conuenit A B, Maguntiam conuenit T 108  odia] odio A B T 109  fratrum] fratrem prop. T2 in nota 110  internitionem] internecionem T 111  discessum] decessum prop. T2 in nota 112  uti] ut M 113  olim] A add. sup. l. om. Pithou 114  omnes] om. B 115  sic] si A B T 105 106



English Translation

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Seine and the Loire, apparently made Pippin and Charles friends, and then courteously allowed Pippin to go to Aquitaine, and directed Charles to that part of the kingdom that he had given him. And when [Charles] arrived there all the inhabitants came to him, entrusted themselves to him, and confirmed their loyalty with an oath.49 At the same time it was announced that Louis [the German] had defected from his father’s allegiance and wanted to lay claim to that entire part of the kingdom that was enclosed beyond the Rhine;50 on hearing that, his father summoned an assembly and came to Mainz51 and, after sending his army [beyond the Rhine], forced [his son] to flee to Bavaria.52 Afterwards he exultantly came back to Aachen because, wherever he turned, he was victorious by divine command. However, since he was getting quite old and almost decrepit because of his different infirmities, the mother [Judith] and the leading men of the people who had worked in favor of Charles according to his father’s will—fearing that, if [the emperor] died while things were still unsettled, the brothers’ hatred would rise up against them to complete destruction—thought it fitting that the father take any of his other sons as his helper and—if after his passing away all the others did not want to live in harmony—at least these two, being made unanimous, would have been able to resist the party that was hostile to them. And since, due to pressing necessity, they pondered that option with constant meditations, it was decided with unanimous agreement that if Lothar wanted to offer himself loyally in that role a compact would be made with him. In fact, as had been said before,53 [Lothar] himself had one day sworn to his father, [step]mother, and Charles that his father could give Charles that part of the kingdom that he wanted and that he would approve that and protect him against all his enemies for all the days of his life. With this purpose they chose and sent to Lothar in Italy some messengers,54 who promised [him] that, if he from now on respected his father’s will regarding Charles, all the wrongs that he had done so far against him would be remitted and the entire kingdom, except for Bavaria,55 would be divided between him and Charles; and since these conditions appeared to be convenient to Lothar and his companions, both sides swore that they desired so and would do so.

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7. Ergo ad urbem Vangionum116 conuentu indicto conuenerunt; in quo Lodharius humillime ad pedes patris coram cunctis procidit dicens:117 “Noui me coram Deo et te, domine pater, deliquisse; non regnum, sed indulgentiam et, ut gratiam tuam merear, quaeso.” Idem autem ut pius ac clemens pater et delicta postulanti indulsit118 et gratiam roganti concessit, eo scilicet pacto, ut deinceps nihil quolibet modo contra suam uoluntatem nec in Karolum nec in regnum alicubi egisset. Dein benigne illum excoepit119 ac deosculans gratias Deo pro filio, quem auersum reconciliauerat, egit. Ad prandium deinde conuersi sunt, in crastinum de ceteris, quae sui iurauerant, deliberaturi. Die autem altera concilium ineunt. Hinc pater, ut sui iurauerant, perficere cupiens: “Ecce, fili, ut promiseram,120 regnum omne coram te est, diuide illud, prout libuerit. Quod si tu diuiseris, parcium electio Karoli erit; si autem121 nos illud diuiserimus, similiter parcium electio tua erit.” Quod idem cum122 per triduum diuidere uellet, sed minime posset, Iosippum atque Richardum ad patrem direxit deprecans, ut ille et sui regnum diuiderent, parciumque electio sibi concederetur; insuper uero in ea fide, quam illis123 iurauerant, testati sunt, quod pro nulla re alia nisi sola ignorantia regionum id peragere differret. Quam ob rem pater, ut aequius ualuit, regnum omne124 absque Baioaria cum suis diuisit; et a Mosa partem australem Lodharius cum suis elegit, quin immo125 et accepit, occiduam uero, ut Karolo conferretur, consensit et una cum patre coram omni populo ita se uelle annuntiauit. Hinc autem pater fratres, prout ualuit, unanimes effecit, rogans ac deprecans, ut inuicem se diligerent, et ut alter ab altero protegeretur, adortans exorat et quod fieri desiderat126 optat. Quibus peractis benigne et pacifice Lodharium in Italiam ditatum remissionis gratia ac regni muneribus remittens, sacra-

 Vangionum] DCCCXXXIX add. T in marg.  dicens] Lotharii publica poenitentia exhibita publice palam Carolo add. B2 in marg. 118  indulsit] indulxit A, indixit Pithou 119  excoepit] excepit T, excepto B 120  promiseram] pro misseram A 121  si autem] sinautem M 122  cum] om. A B T Pithou 123  illis] illi T2 124  omne] omnem A B 125  quin immo] quinimo T 126  desiderat] desiderant T (T2 corr. in desiderat) 116 117



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7.  Therefore, they gathered in the city of Worms after an assembly had been summoned;56 and in that place Lothar very humbly fell down at his father’s feet before everybody, saying: “I know that I did wrong before God and you, lord father;57 I do not ask for the kingdom, but for your indulgence, and that I may deserve your forgiveness.” And [Louis], as a pious and merciful father, both made allowance to his imploring son for his crimes and conceded his pardon to him who entreated it, naturally on the condition that from now on he would in no way do anything against his will or Charles or any part of the kingdom. Then [Louis] benevolently received [Lothar] and, while kissing him, thanked God for his son, who had been hostile but was again made friendly. Later they went to lunch, with the intention to discuss the next day all the other things that his men had sworn. Therefore, the next day they assembled for a meeting. And so, since his father desired to accomplish what his men had sworn: “Look, son,” [Louis said], “as I had promised, the entire kingdom is before you; divide it as you like. And if you divide it, the choice of the parts will belong to Charles; but if we divide it, in the same way the choice of the parts will be yours.” After [Lothar] had tried for three days to divide it, but was unable to, he sent Joseph and Richard to his father, entreating him and his companions to divide the kingdom, while the choice of the parts should be conceded to him; in addition, by that oath that they had already sworn, they solemnly declared that [Lothar] had postponed to carry out that [task] for no other reason than ignorance of those regions. For this reason [Louis] the father, with his companions, divided as equally as possible the entire kingdom except for Bavaria; and Lothar, with his entourage, chose the eastern part from the Meuse, and indeed received it, and agreed that the western part should be bestowed on Charles, and together with his father declared before the entire people that that was his decision.58 Then the father [Louis] made the brothers as unanimous as possible, asking and entreating them to love each other59 and protect each other, and by exhorting them persuaded them, and wished [them] all the things that he desired to happen. Once these questions had been settled, he benevolently and peacefully sent Lothar,60 who had been enriched with the grace of his forgiveness and the gifts of the kingdom, to Italy, but also reminded and admonished him with his pious heart of the oaths that he had

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menta, quae saepe127 iurauerat, quotiens in illum deliquerat, quotiens delicta eidem donauerat, in memoriam reducens ac piis uisceribus monens contestabatur, ne saltem id, quod tunc nouissime128 peregerant, coramque cunctis ita se uelle confirmauerat, frustrari quolibet modo permittat. 8. Eodem tempore, ut Pippinus decessisset, pater nuntium acceperat; et pars quaedam populi, quid auus de regno uel nepotibus iuberet, praestolabatur; pars autem arrepto filio eius Pippino, quia natu maximus erat, tyrannidem exercebat. Quapropter his ita, ut praefatum est, cum Lodhario perfectis, collecta manu ualida per Cauillonem Clarum-montem129 una cum Karolo ac matre pater petit ac partem populi, quae130 illum praestolabatur, inibi benigne recepit. Et quoniam olim regnum Aquitaniae Karolo donauerat, ut illi se commendarent, ortando suasit, iussit. Qui omnes commendati eidem sacramento fidem firmauerunt. Post quod, quomodo tyrannos compesceret, contendit.131 Per idem tempus Lodhuwicus a Baioaria solito more egressus Alamanniam inuasit cum quibusdam Toringis et Saxonibus sollicitatis; quam ob rem pater eius ab Aquitania reuocatus, dimisso uidelicet Karolo una cum matre eius Pictauis, ipse uero sanctum pascha Aquis celebrauit et sic uno eodemque itinere Toringam petiit. A qua132 Lodhuwico filio eius pulso, per Sclauos itinere redempto eum in Baioariam fugere compulit. Quo peracto133 Kal. Iulii ad Vangionum urbem conuentum indixit, ad quod134 Lodharium filium suum ab Italia uenire praecepit, cum eo ceterisque sibi credulis de Lodhuwico deliberaturus. Cumque se haec ita haberent, et Lodharius in Italia, Lodhuwicus trans Renum, et Karolus in Aquitania esset,135 Lodhuwicus imperator paterque illorum in insula quadam136 iuxta Magonciacum137 XII. Kal. 127  sepe] final “e” of sepe appears to have been erroneously expuncted with a dot above and beneath it. Müller (12 n. d), incorrectly attributes this error of the copyist to the preceding word quę. 128  nouissime] no uisse A, nouisse B T Pithou 129  Clarum-montem] scr. cum Müller, Claromontem M, Clarummontem A B T Pithou Pertz1 Pertz2, Clarum Montem Holder Lauer 130  quae] qui Pithou 131  contendit] intendit prop. T2 in nota, DCCCXL add. T in marg. 132  qua] quo T 133  peracto] pacto T, facto uel peracto prop. T2 in nota 134  quod] sic in A B T Edd. 135  esset] essent T 136  quadam] quedam A B 137  Magonciacum] Maguntiacum T



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often sworn, and how many times he had done wrong to [his brother], and how many times he had condoned his crimes; he also solemnly declared that he would not allow the agreement that they had at that time just recently concluded and that he had confirmed to accept before everybody to be rendered vain. 8. In that same period Louis received the news that Pippin had died;61 a part of the people waited for what the grandfather would order with regard to the kingdom and his grandchildren, while another part [of the people], after taking his son Pippin into their hands, because he was the eldest, exercised a tyrannical regime. Therefore, since things had been settled with Lothar in the way that we said before, after gathering a large troop the father [Louis] headed for Clermont62 through Chalon-surSaône, together with Charles and his mother, and there benevolently received that part of people who waited for him. And since he had previously conceded the kingdom of Aquitaine to Charles, he ordered and, by exhorting, persuaded them to entrust themselves to him. And after they all had entrusted themselves to him they confirmed their loyalty with an oath. After this he hastened to find a way to overpower the tyrants.63 During that same period, after coming out of Bavaria as was his custom, Louis [the German] invaded Alamannia with some of the Thuringians and the Saxons64 who had been roused [by him]; recalled from Aquitaine on that account, his father, after dismissing Charles together with his mother in Poitiers,65 celebrated the holy Easter in Aachen66 and so headed for Thuringia67 without stopping. And once his son Louis had been expelled from there, after he had bought the right to travel through [the territory of the] Slavs, he forced him to flee to Bavaria. After accomplishing that he called a meeting for the Calends of July [July 1] in the city of Worms,68 to which he ordered his son Lothar to come from Italy, as he intended to decide about Louis with him and all the others who were faithful to him. And in this situation, while Lothar was in Italy, Louis beyond the Rhine, and Charles in

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Iulii obiit; quem Drogo frater et episcopus atque138 archicapellanus eius Mettis139 ciuitate sua apud Sanctum Arnulfum una cum episcopis, abbatibus comitibusque congruo honore sepulturae tradidit. Vixit per annos IIII et LX, rexit Aquitaniam per annos VII et XXX, imperiale uero nomen per annos VII et XX et per menses sex obtinuit. Liber II140 Explicitis pro tempore ac uiribus dissensionum141 uestrarum initiis—e quibus quique142 lector scire cupiens, quam ob rem post obitum patris uestri143 Lodharius uos fratremque persequi statuerit, decernat, colligat144 et, si iuste egerit, cognoscat—hinc iam, qua uirtute ac145 industria hoc exsecutus sit, prout memoria uiresque146 suppleuerint, notare curabo. Vos uero difficultates, quae ex eadem molestia paruitati meae obstiterint, inspicere deposco et, si quid in hoc opere neglexero, ut ignoscatis, quaeso. 1. Audiens Lodharius patrem suum obisse confestim nuntios ubique, presertim per totam Franciam mittit, qui se uenturum in imperium, quod olim fuerat147 illi datum, affirment, promittens unicuique honores a patre concessos se concedere et eosdem augere uelle. Dubios quoque fidei148 sacramento firmari praecepit; insuper autem iussit, ut, quantocius possent, obuiam illi procederent, nolentibus uero capitale supplicium ut praediceretur, indixit; ipse autem pedetemptim, quo se res uerteret, antequam Alpes excederet, scire uolens […].149 Ergo cupiditate terroreque illecti undique ad illum confluunt;  atque] ac M  Mettis] Metis T 140  Liber II] add. A2 141  dissensionum] dissessionum A B 142  quique] quique debet M 143  patris uestris] patris ludouici uestris B, ludouici cancell. B2 144  decernat colligat] discernat ac coll. prop. T2 in nota 145  ac] et T 146  uiresque] uireque A2 147  olim fuerat] olim ille fuerat B, ille cancell. B2 148  fidei] fide A B T Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder 149  A lacuna of about eight letters occurs here: cf. Müller (13 n. d). Lauer (38 n. b), believes that there is no lacuna, but just an empty space left by the copyist, who begins a new paragraph. Önnerfors (78), proposes to integrate the lacuna with the expression iter facit or the verb tendebat, Pithou add. * after uolens. 138 139



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Aquitaine, Louis, the emperor and their father, died on an island near Mainz on the twelfth day of the Calends of July [June 20];69 and his brother Drogo, bishop and his archchaplain, arranged his burial in the city of Metz at Saint-Arnulf together with bishops, abbots, and counts and with the proper honors.70 He lived for sixty-four years,71 ruled Aquitaine for thirty-seven years,72 and retained the imperial title for twenty-seven years and six months.73 Second Book After describing, according to the time and strength available, the beginnings of your dissensions—through which any reader desiring to know may determine and ascertain why, after your father’s death, Lothar decided to persecute you and your brother, and may know whether he acted justly—from here I will set out to describe with what ability and application he pursued this [project], as far as my memory and strength support me. I earnestly ask you to consider the difficulties that, in my distress, were a hindrance to my lack of talent, and I pray you to forgive me if I have omitted anything in this work.74 1.  On hearing that his father had died, Lothar immediately sent messengers everywhere, especially all over Francia, to proclaim that he was coming to take hold of the empire, which had once been given to him, promising to everyone that he wanted to preserve and increase the honors that his father had conceded. He also commanded that those who were faltering in their allegiance should be confirmed with an oath of loyalty; in addition, he ordered them to come to meet him as soon as possible and formally announced that capital punishment would be imposed on those who refused; on the other hand, he [proceeded]75 cautiously before crossing the Alps, since he wanted to know how the events would develop. Therefore, since people were being led astray by covetousness and fear, they came to meet him from everywhere;76 and

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et hoc cernens spe uiribusque magnanimis150 effectus, quibus artibus uniuersum imperium liberius inuadere posset, deliberare coepit. Lodhuwicum quoque quoniam itineri suo contiguum esse prospexit, ut primum in illum manum mitteret, ratum duxit et, ut eundem uiribus151 annullaret, operam omni uirtute adiecit. Interea ad Karolum in Aquitaniam legatos callide dirigens mandat se152 erga illum, sicuti153 pater statuerat, et sicut erga filiolum ex baptismate oportebat, beniuolum154 esse, uerumtamen ut nepoti suo, filio Pippini, donec cum eo loqueretur, parceret, deprecatus est. Et his ita compositis ad urbem Vangionum iter direxit. Eodem tempore Lodhuwicus partem155 exercitus inibi causa custodiae reliquerat et Saxonibus sollicitatis obuiam illis perrexerat. Quam ob rem156 Lodharius paruo conflictu custodes fugere compulit, Renum cum uniuerso exercitu transiens Franconofurth157 iter direxit. Quo insperate158 hinc Lodharius, inde159 Lodhuwicus confluunt, paceque sub nocte composita alter inibi, alter uero, quo Moin160 in Renum confluit, castra haud fraterno amore componunt. Cumque Lodhuwicus161 uiriliter resisteret, et Lodharius illum absque praelio sibi subigere diffideret, sperans Karolum facilius superari posse, ea pactione praelium diremit, ut III. Idus Nouembris eodem loco rursum conueniant et, ni162 concordia statutis interueniat,163 quid cuique debeatur, armis decernant; et his ita omissis Karolum sibi subigere contendit.

 magnanimis] magnanimus T  et ut eundem uiribus] et unde uiribus M 152  se] om. Pithou 153  sicuti] sicut T Pithou 154  beniuolum] beneuolum T 155  partem] pater Pithou 156  quam ob rem] quamobre A B 157  Franconofurth] Franconenfurch M 158  insperate] inspirate A B T, insperato T2 159  inde] hinc Pithou, autograph. has. add. B2 in marg. 160  uero quo Moin] uero quoniam B M, uero quo moin B2 in marg. 161  Lodhuwicus] scilicet quo Maens 840 add. B2 in marg. 162  ni] in M 163  interueniat] interueniant M 150 151



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when [Lothar] saw that he was emboldened by hope and his available forces and began to think about how he might seize control of the entire empire without restraint.77 Considering that Louis was nearby, [Lothar] thought that it would be an advantage to attack him first and, in order to annihilate him with his forces, intensified his action with all his ability. In the meantime, by astutely sending messengers to Charles in Aquitaine, he declared that he would be kind to him according to their father’s command and his duty towards a godson by baptism78 and, on the other hand, prayed him to spare his nephew,79 Pippin’s son, until he had spoken to him. And after settling things in this manner he headed for Worms.80 At the same time Louis [the German] had left a part of his army there81 to act as a defending garrison and had marched against the Saxons, since they had revolted. For this reason Lothar, with a little fight, caused the garrison to flee and, after crossing the Rhine with his whole army, proceeded to Frankfurt.82 And there, unexpectedly, Lothar from one side and Louis from the other gathered and, after a truce had been arranged in the night, without any brotherly love, the one set up camp right on that spot and the other at the point where the Main flows into the Rhine.83 And since Louis vigorously resisted and Lothar had no confidence that he might subdue him without a battle, hoping that Charles might be defeated more easily, he put an end to the conflict on the condition that, on the third day of the Ides of November [November 11],84 they would gather in the same place and, if concord did not occur in their decisions, they would determine with weapons what was due to each of them; and after laying these things aside in this manner [Lothar] hastened to subdue Charles.85

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2. Per idem tempus Karolus Bituricas ad placitum, quo Pippinum sui iurauerant uenturum, uenerat. Ad quod164 quidem ex omnibus165 nuntio recepto missos, uidelicet Nithardum166 et Adelgarium, delegit et, uti ocius ualuit, ad Lodharium167 direxit, mandans ac deprecans, ut memor sit sacramentorum, quae inter se iurauerant, et seruet, quae inter illos pater statuerat; insuper etiam fraternae168 filiolique conditionis meminerit; haberet sua sibi et, quod illi pater suo consensu concesserat, absque conflictu illum169 habere permittat; promittens, si hoc faceret, fidelem se illi et subiectum fore uelle, ita ut170 primogenito fratri esse oporteret. Insuper etiam quicquid actenus in illum deliquerat pollicitus est se ex corde remittere, deprecatus,171 ne amplius suos sollicitet, ne regnum sibi a Deo commissum perturbet. Cederent undique172 paci atque concordiae, et hoc se sua suorumque ex parte ratum uidere ac per hoc conseruare uelle mandauit; quod—etsi alter173 hoc ita esse non crederet—quocumque uellet modo ex his illum certum se efficere promisit. Quae quidem Lodharius simulans se benigne suscipere legatos tantum salutationis causa redire permisit ac per suos se responsurum de ceteris esse respondit. Insuper etiam, quoniam ad ipsum se uertere frustrata fide noluerunt, honoribus, quos pater illis174 dederat,175 priuauit; ita, quid176 fratri facere cogitaret, nolens177 indicium dabat. Interea omnes inter Mosam et Sequanam degentes ad Karolum miserunt178 mandantes, ut, antequam a179 Lodhario praeoccuparentur, ueniret, aduentum eius se praestolaturos  ad quod] scr. cum Pithou, quod A B, qui T Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller, dudum Lauer, quo prop. T2 in nota 165  ex omnibus] exomibus Pithou 166  Nithardum] Nitardum T, Vithardum aut Witthardum prop. T2 in nota 167  ad Lodharium] adlodharium A1 168  fraternae] fraterne A 169  illum] ullo Pithou 170  uelle, ita ut] uelle it, ut M 171  deprecatus] deprecans T2 172  undique] utrinque prop. T2 in nota 173  alter] aliter T2 174  illis] illi Pithou 175  illis dederat] rasura vel lacuna inter illis et dederat in A, cf. Müller (14 n. a) 176  quid] quod Pithou 177  nolens] nobis Pithou 178  miserunt] misserunt A2 179  a] ad A 164



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2.  In that same period Charles came to Bourges, to the meeting at which Pippin’s men had sworn that Pippin himself would show up.86 And on receiving news from everybody, [Charles] appointed envoys, namely Nithard and Adalgar, and sent them as swiftly as he could to Lothar, advising and begging him to remember the oaths that they had sworn to each other and to comply with what their father had decreed between them87 and, in addition, to remember his status as brother and godson, and to keep for himself what was his and allow him to have, without any conflict, what his father had conceded to him with his consent; [Charles] also promised that, if [Lothar] did so, he would want to be loyal and subject to him, as he should be with respect to a firstborn brother. In addition, he also gave assurance to forgive with all his heart any wrong he had done to him so far, entreating him not to stir up his men any longer in order not to upset the kingdom that God entrusted to him. They both should yield to peace and concord on all sides and he announced that, on his and his men’s part, he saw [conciliation] as very convenient and for this reason he wanted to stick to it, because—even though his elder brother might not believe that this was his will—he promised that he would make him certain in whatever way he chose. And Lothar, pretending that he benevolently received those [proposals], allowed [Charles’s] envoys to go back with just his greetings and replied that he would answer about all the other issues through his men.88 In addition, since [Charles’s envoys] had refused to invalidate their oath and join him, [Lothar] deprived them of the honors that his father had given them; so he unwillingly gave a clue of what he was planning to do to his brother.89 In the meantime all those who lived between the Meuse and the Seine sent [messengers] who invited Charles to come before they were occupied by Lothar’s [forces], promising that they would wait for his arrival.90 For this reason Charles, speeding up his journey accompanied by

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­ romittentes. Quam ob rem cum perpaucis180 Karolus hoc iter accelerans ab p Aquitania Carisiacum uenit et a Carbonariis et infra ad se uenientes benigne suscepit.181 Extra uero Herenfridus, Gislebertus, Bouo ac ceteri ab Odulfo decepti, firmatam fidem neglegentes, defecerunt. 3. Eodem tempore missus ab Aquitania uenit nuntians,182 quod Pippinus cum his qui parti183 suae fauebant super matrem Karoli irruere uellet; ac per hoc Karolus Francos inibi omittens mandat—si illos frater suus, donec reuerteretur, opprimere uellet—obuiam sibi procederent.184 Insuper ad Lodharium Hugonem, Adelhardum, Gerhardum et Hegilonem direxit, cunctaque, quae tunc nuper illi mandauerat, replicans nec non185 et pro Deo deprecatus est, ne suos sibi subtrahens regnum, quod Deus paterque suo consensu illi dederat, amplius dissipet. Et his ita compositis in Aquitaniam festinus perrexit superque Pippinum et suos irruens fuga illos abire compulit. Per idem tempus cum Lodharius a Lodhuwico reuerteretur, et omnes citra Carbonarias ad illum uenirent, Mosa traiecta ratum duxit, ut Sequanam usque procederet. Quo dum tenderet, Hilduinus abbas Sancti Dyonisii et Gerardus comes Parisii ciuitatis a Karolo deficientes fide frustrata ad illum uenerunt. Quod quidem Pippinus filius Bernardi regis186 Langobardorum ceterique cernentes elegerunt potius more seruorum fidem omittere, iuramenta contempnere, quam187 ad modicum tempus facultates relinquere, ac per hoc fide relicta quos supra memorauimus secuti eidem se dederunt. Hinc quoque188 Lodharius magnanimis189 effectus Sequanam excessit, praemittens more solito,190 qui ad defectionem inter Sequanam et Ligerem191 degentes partim minis,192 partim blanditiis subducerent. Ipse quoque, uti consueuerat, lento itinere subsecutus  perpaucis] paucis Pithou  suscepit] sucepit A 182  nuntians] om. B 183  parti] patri A 184  procederent] procedere Pithou 185  nec non] nec A1, necnon T 186  regis] regi A T 187  quam] quem A 188  hinc quoque] interea M 189  magnanimis] magnanimus T 190  solito] solite Müller 191  Ligerem] Ligerim T1 192  minis] nimis A B 180 181



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just a few people, came from Aquitaine to Quierzy and benevolently received those who came from the Charbonnière and the land below it.91 But apart from these, Herenfrid, Gislebert, Bovo, and all the others deceived by Odulf defected and ignored the oath of loyalty that they had confirmed. 3.  At the same time a messenger came from Aquitaine, announcing that Pippin, together with those who supported his party, wanted to make an attack on Charles’s mother;92 for this reason Charles left the Franks there and ordered them—in case his brother [Lothar] made an attempt at subduing them before he was back—to come to meet him. In addition, he sent Hugh, Adalard, Gerard, and Hegilo to Lothar and, by repeating all the things that he had recently commanded to him, he indeed begged him, for God’s sake, not to fragment anymore, by taking his men away from him, the kingdom that God and his father had given him with his consent. And after settling these things in this manner, he swiftly proceeded to Aquitaine and, by attacking Pippin and his men, forced them to take flight.93 In that same period, since Lothar was turning away from Louis, and all those living on this side of the Charbonnière came to [Lothar], after crossing the Meuse94 [Charles] thought it advantageous to advance as far as the Seine. While [Lothar] was proceeding there, Hilduin, abbot of Saint-Denis, and Gerard, count of the city of Paris, after defecting from Charles and recanting their oath of loyalty, joined him. When Pippin, son of Bernard, king of the Lombards, and all the others saw what was happening, they chose to renounce their loyalty like slaves [and] to disregard their oaths [to Charles], rather than giving up their properties for a short time, and, for this reason, after denying their vows and following [the example of] those whom we mentioned above, gave themselves to [Lothar] as well.95 Therefore Lothar too, being emboldened [by these events], proceeded beyond the Seine,96 sending on ahead, as was his custom, [men] who should lead the people who lived between the Seine and the Loire to defect, partly with threats and partly with blandishments.97 He also headed for the city of Chartres, as usual following slowly behind along his route.98 When he had learned

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Carnutenam193 ciuitatem tendebat. Cumque Teodericum, Ericum et hos qui illum sequi deliberauerant ad se uenturos didicisset, spe multitudinis suae fretus, Ligerem194 usque ut procederet,195 deliberauit; Karolus quoque a fuga, qua Pippinum et suos disperserat, reuersus et, quoniam, matrem ubi tuto relinqueret, non habebat, pariter ad Franciae partes properabant.196 4. Audiens autem Karolus interea, quod hi omnes, quos supra memorauimus, ab eo defecissent, et Lodharius cum ingenti exercitu persequi illum usque ad internitionem197 statuisset, hinc autem Pippinus et hinc Brittones infesti erant, quid198 facerent, concilium conuocant,199 ineunt deque his omnibus deliberaturi, facile consilium perfacile inuentum est. Et quoniam nihil praeter uitam et corpora reliquum habebant, elegerunt potius nobiliter mori quam regem proditum derelinquere.200 Quam ob rem obuiam Lodhario pergunt, atque Aurilianensem201 urbem hinc inde petunt. Castra ponunt distantes ab inuicem plus minus leuwas VI, legatos inuicem dirigunt; et Karolus quidem sola iusticia pacem petebat, Lodharius uero, quo202 astu absque praelio illum decipere ac superare posset, operam dabat. Quod cum peragere strenue resistentibus diffideret, sperans uires suas, uti coeperant, cotidie203 accrescere, quam,204 cum Karolo decreuissent, facilius illum subiugari posse arbitrabatur. Hac autem spe deceptus ea pactione praelium diremit, ut cederet205 Karolo Aquitania, Septimania, Prouincia206 et decem comitatus inter Ligerim et Sequanam, eo uidelicet modo, ut his contentus207 interim inibi 193  Carnutenam] Caramtenam A B Pithou, Caremtenam T M, Carnotenam M2, ad Carnotenam prop. T2 in nota 194  Ligerem] Ligerim T1 195  procederet] produceret A B T Pithou 196  properabant] properabat prop. T2 in nota Lauer Önnerfors (78), who suggests that pariter and properaba(n)t refer to Lothar and not Charles and his mother. 197  internitionem] internecionem T 198  quid] according to Müller (16 n. k), some words originally preceding quid are missing; this hypothesis is rejected by Önnerfors (81). 199  conuocant] conuocant sui prop. T2 in nota 200  derelinquere] delinquere M 201  Aurilianensem] aurelianensem T1 202  quo] quoquo Pithou 203  cotidie] quotidie T 204  quam] quantum prop. T2 in nota, *quaem* Pithou, quae Pithou2 205  cederet] decederet prop. Önnerfors (79) 206  Aquitania Septimania Prouincia] Aquitaniam Septimaniam Prouinciam Lauer 207  contentus] contemptus A



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that Theodoric and Eric and those who had resolved to follow him were coming to meet him, since he put his hope in his large number [of allies], he decided to advance as far as the Loire; Charles too, coming back after he had dispersed Pippin and his army and put them to flight, since he had no place where he could safely leave his mother, hurried [with her] towards the territory of Francia [on those same days].99 4.  In the meantime, since Charles heard that all those whom we mentioned above had defected from him, and Lothar had resolved to pursue him with a huge army to his complete destruction, and Pippin on one side and the Bretons on the other were hostile [to him], [he and his companions] called a meeting [in order to decide] what to do, took part in it, and, by deliberating about all these things, easily found a very simple solution. In fact, since [Charles’s companions] had nothing left but their lives and bodies, they chose to die nobly rather than abandon their betrayed king.100 For this reason they advanced towards Lothar and, from opposing directions, [the two armies] made for Orléans. They set up camp about six leagues from each other101 [and] sent messengers to each other; and Charles certainly aimed at making peace by only using justice, whereas Lothar worked to deceive and defeat him with craftiness, without a fight. In fact, since he lacked confidence in executing his schemes, as [his adversaries] were valiantly resisting, he hoped that his forces, as they had begun, might increase every day, while Charles’s were decreasing, and thought that [his brother] might be subjugated very easily. However, once he was deceived in this hope, he proposed to stop the conflict on this condition: he gave up Aquitaine, Septimania, Provence, and ten counties between the Loire and the Seine to Charles, evidently in order that he might be content to stay in that territory, until they would finally meet in Attigny on the eighth day of the Ides of May [May 8];102

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esset,208 donec Atiniacum209 VIII. Id. Maias conueniant; quasi210 quidem communi consensu utrorumque utilitatem praeuidere ac statuere uelle promisit. Primores quoque partium Karoli cernentes negotium uires suas excedere maximeque timebant, ne forte praelio commisso in tanta paucitate regem suum saluare difficile211 possent—erat enim spes cunctis non modica indolis eius—quam ob rem statutis eo tenore consentiunt, ut deinceps Lodharius Karolo ita fidus amicus sit, sicut frater per iusticiam fratri esse debet, et regna, quae illi deputabat, quieta habere faceret ac interim super Lodhuwicum hostiliter ire dedidisset;212 aliter213 autem iure214 quod iurauerant absoluti esse deberent. Qua quidem arte et regem suum a periculis subtrahunt et se mox a sacramento absoluunt. Nam antequam idem,215 qui haec iurauerant, domo egrederentur, aliquos ex his qui aderant subducere ab illo temptauit et in crastinum quosdam suorum recepit. Insuper et in regna, quae illi deputauerat, statim direxit et, in quantum potuit, ne illi se subderent, perturbauit et, ut e Prouincia ad se uenientes exciperet, perrexit et, quemadmodum Lodhuwicum dolo an ui216 superare posset, intendit. 5. Interea Karolus Aurilianensem217 urbem ueniens Teotbaldum et Warinum cum quibusdam e Burgundia ad se uenientes gratanter ac benigne excepit. Hinc autem obuiam Bernardo, sicut mandauerat, Niuernensem218 urbem petit. Sed Bernardus more solito ad illum uenire distulit dicens se cum Pippino suisque sacramento firmasse, ut neuter absque alterius consensu cum quolibet quodcumque pactum inire deberet. Quam ob rem testatus est ad illos se ire uelle, et si efficere posset, ut219 una secum sui220 deuenirent, bene;  esset] essent M  Atiniacum] Attiniacum T 210  quasi] *qua se Pithou, qua re prop. T2 in marg. 211  difficile] diffile A1 212  dedidisset] con. dedisset A B T Pithou Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer, desisset prop. T2 in nota, desiisset Pertz1, Müller (17 n. e), proposes a possible emendation into destitisset 213  aliter] alter T 214  iure] iureiurando prop. T2 in nota 215  idem] iidem T 216  ui] Pertz2 (17 n. b) suggests that ui was written on a rasura by Petau 217  Aurilianensem] Aurelianensem T1 218  Niuernensem] niuersam A1 219  ut] et A B T 220  sui] om. Pithou 208 209



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[Lothar] also promised that he wanted to determine and provide for the profit of both as if by mutual consent. [In the course of the negotiations], the leaders of Charles’s party too, seeing that the situation exceeded their strength, were especially afraid that they would have a difficult time saving their king during battle with such a small army—in fact, they all had great hope in his noble nature—and for that reason, they consented to the arrangements that had been set up, on condition that, from now on, Lothar would be like a faithful friend to Charles, as a brother must be to his brother, according to justice, and would allow him to hold in peace those kingdoms that he assigned to him, and meanwhile would refrain from going with hostility against Louis; otherwise they should be released from the oath that they had sworn.103 And by that artifice they both rescued their kings from danger and soon absolved themselves from an oath. In fact, before those who had sworn those things came out of the house, [Lothar] had already tried to take away from [Charles] some of those who were present, and on the next day received some of [Charles’s] men. In addition, he also headed immediately for the kingdoms that he had assigned to [Charles] and caused as much trouble as he could so that they would not subject themselves to [Charles], and moved forward in order to receive under his protection those who came to him from Provence, and aimed [to find] how he might overcome Louis by trickery or by force.104 5. In the meantime Charles, arriving in the city of Orléans,105 received with joy and benevolence Theobald and Warin, who were coming to him from Burgundy with some [companions]. From there he advanced to the city of Nevers in order to meet Bernard [of Septimania], as he had commanded. But Bernard, as was his custom, postponed coming to him, saying that he had given his word, by taking an oath before Pippin and his men, that neither of them should make any compact with anybody without the approval of the other. For that reason [Bernard] solemnly declared that he wanted to meet [Pippin and his men], and if he could be successful in making them come back together with him, that would be fine; otherwise, he promised that, after

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sin aliter, soluto iuramento infra dies quindecim ad illum reuersurum suaeque ditioni se commissurum esse promisit. Quam ob rem Karolus Bituricas iterum obuiam illi uenit. Quo Bernardus ueniens cum neutrum fecisset, grauiter Karolus ferens seductiones, quas patri fecerat et actenus illi faciebat, timens, ne aliter illum comprehendere posset, subito in illum irruere statuit. Sed hoc Bernardus, quanquam tarde, praesensit, fugam iniit ac uix euasit. Karolus autem quosdam e suis strauit, quosdam saucios ac semiuiuos reliquit, quosdam uero inlesos221 cepit ac more captiuorum custodiri praecepit, suppellectilem autem uniuersam diripere permisit. Hinc quoque Bernardus humilior effectus paulo post supplex ad Karolum uenit, dicens et fidelem se illi fuisse et tunc, si liceret, esse uoluisse,222 et deinceps, quanquam hac223 contumelia affectus esset, in futurum fore minime diffideret; quod etsi quilibet aliter dicere uellet, armis se hoc224 propulsurum promittit. Quibus Karolus credulus effectus ditatum muneribus et gratia in societatem amicitiae suscepit et, ut Pippinum ac suos, uti promiserat, subditos sibi efficere225 temptaret, direxit. Et his ita compositis Cenomannicam urbem adiit Lantbertum226 Ericumque una cum ceteris recepturus. Cumque ille illos inibi perhumane reciperet, protinus ad Nomenoium227 ducem Brittanniorum228 mittit scire cupiens, si suae se ditioni subdere229 uellet. Qui adquiescens consiliis plurimorum Karolo munera mittit ac sacramento fidem deinceps seruandam illi firmauit. Quibus peractis, quoniam tempus placiti, quod Attiniacum condixerant, appropinquare uidebatur,230 quid consulte ac solida fide sibi suisque231 agere oporteret, Karolus anxius erat. Ergo participes232 secretorum conuocat, rem omnibus notam replicat233 ac, quemammodum a tanta calamitate congruentius se  inlesos] illaesos T, inlaesos Pithou  uoluisse] uoluisset A B T Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller (18 n. c), who thinks that this subjunctive is intentionally used to replace the infinitive. 223  hac]. ac A B 224  hoc] ob A B T, *ob* Pithou 225  efficere] efficeret A B T 226  Lantbertum] Lambertum M 227  Nomenoium] Nomenoïuum Pithou 228  Brittanniorum] Brittannorum T2 229  subdere] subderet A B T, reddere Pithou 230  uidebatur] uidebantur A1 231  sibi suisque] sibique suis M 232  participes] parcipes A 233  replicat] explicat prop. T2 in nota 221 222



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revoking his oath, he would come back to [Charles] within fifteen days and would place himself under his authority. Therefore, Charles came to Bourges again to meet him. But Bernard, coming there, had done neither of the things [that he had promised];106 therefore Charles, being grieved at the deceptions that [Bernard] had used on his father and was so far using on him, fearing that he could not seize him in another way, decided to attack him at once. But Bernard had a presentiment of that, albeit late, [and] took flight, barely escaping. Charles, nevertheless, struck down some of [Bernard’s] men, left some others wounded or only half-alive, and captured some others who were uninjured, and ordered them to be detained like captives; he also allowed [his soldiers] to divide their goods among themselves. As a consequence, Bernard, rendered humbler, came as a suppliant to Charles a little later, saying that he had been loyal to him, and wanted to be now, if only he were allowed; and from now on, even though he had been offended by his effrontery, [Charles] should not distrust his future [loyalty]; and if anyone wanted to raise doubts about that, he promised that he would repel [any allegation] by using arms. Charles, trusting his [words], enriched him with gifts and his favor, received him into his circle of friends, and sent him to attempt to turn Pippin and his men into his subjects, as he had promised.107 And after settling these matters in this way, [Charles] went to the city of Le Mans in order to receive Lambert and Eric with all the others [into his party].108 And once he had received them there with great humanity, he immediately sent [messengers] to Nomenoë, duke of the Bretons, since he desired to know whether he wanted to submit to his authority. And giving assent to the advice of many, [Nomenoë] sent gifts to Charles and confirmed his loyalty, which had to be kept from now on with an oath. After this was done, since the time of the meeting that they had arranged in Attigny was approaching,109 Charles was anxious about what he and his men should do with due deliberation and firm loyalty. Therefore, he summoned those who shared his secrets, repeated a thing that was well known to all, and asked them to declare how they thought that he and his men might be released from such a great calamity in the most convenient way; and he

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suosque exui234 posse existimarent, ut aperiretur, deposcit; seque in omnibus publice utilitati et235 parere236 uelle, insuper etiam, si oporteret pro ea mortem subire, minime differre fatetur. Quibus cum undique uires creuisse uiderentur, reminiscentes insidiarum, quas Lodharius temporibus patris sui patri et Karolo inferre studuerat, quas etiam post obitum patris fratribus237 suis absque remedio struebat—occurrebant insuper sacramenta, quae tunc nuper fefellerat–aiebant238 se omnem iusticiam ab eo libenter consequi uelle, sed his inditiis239 nil boni sperare240 posse; idcirco sibi undique consultum uideri, quocumque modo posset, ad condictum placitum uenire minime differret; quodsi frater suus, uti promiserat, communem utilitatem quaerere ac statuere uellet, hoc omnibus notis placere et, ut gratanter reciperetur, congruum esse; sin aliter, fretus iusticia ac per hoc auxilio diuino suorumque fidelium et, quicquid regni pater suus amborumque fidelium consensu illi dederat, obtinere omni uirtute non neglegat.241 6. Ergo omnes Aquitanos, qui suae parti fauebant, una cum matre post se uenire praecepit, insuper, quicumque e Burgundia nec non et242 inter Ligerem243 et Sequanam sui iuris esse uellent, similiter fecit. Idem autem ipse una cum his qui per praesens aderant, quanquam difficile uideretur, prefatum iter arripuit. Cumque Sequanam244 uenisset, repperit Guntboldum, Warnarium, Arnulfum, Gerardum—nec non245 et omnes a Carbonariis et infra comites, abbates, episcopos—ob hoc uidelicet a246 Lodhario inibi relictos ut, si absque suo consensu transire uellet, minime posset. Accedebat insuper, quod amnis inundans uada ubique denegauerat, custodes autem fluminis omnes naues aut contriuerant aut certe submerserant, Gerardus quoque pontes,247 quoscumque  exui] ex sui A B, exsui T Pithou, ex suis M  et] om. T2 236  parere] *parere Pithou 237  fratribus] fratribusque A B T 238  aiebant] agebant A B T 239  inditiis] induciis M 240  sperare] sperasse A B, sperare se Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder 241  neglegat] negligat T, neglegebat Pithou 242  nec non et] nec et A B T 243  Ligerem] Ligerim T1 244  Sequanam] [ad] Sequanam T2 245  nec non] nenon A1 246  a] ad A 247  pontes] potens M 234 235



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declared that in everything he wanted to act in accordance with the public interest and, moreover, he would not hesitate if it were necessary to endure death. And since it seemed to them that their forces increased everywhere, [Charles’s counselors] recalled the plots that Lothar at the time of his father had tried to carry out against his father and Charles and, also after his father’s death, had devised against his brothers without remedy—and, in addition, there were his recently broken oaths—so that they said that they willingly wanted to obtain from him full justice, but could hope for nothing good with these signals; therefore, it seemed sensible to them, in every respect, that [Charles] should not hesitate to come, in any possible way, to the meeting that had been fixed; and if his brother, as he had promised, wanted to seek and establish the common advantage, this would please everyone he knew, and it would be right that he was gratefully received; but if [things were] in a different manner, by relying on justice and, therefore, on the help of God and his noble companions,110 he should not disregard to obtain with all his strength the entire part of the kingdom that his father, with the approval of those loyal to both [kings], had given him.111 6. Therefore, Charles ordered all the Aquitanians who supported his party to come after him along with his mother and, in addition, did the same [with all those] who, coming from Burgundy and living between the Loire and the Seine, wanted to be under his authority as well.112 But he himself set out on the aforementioned journey, difficult as it appeared, together with those who happened to be with him at the time.113 And when he arrived at the Seine, he found Guntbold, Warnar, Arnulf, and Gerard—as well as all the counts, abbots, [and] bishops from the Charbonnière and the territory below it—who had been left there by Lothar for this reason, namely, in order that [Charles], if he wanted to, might not cross [the river] without his permission. Besides, it must be added that the river was in flood and for that reason the fords were unusable, while those who guarded the river had either damaged or sunk all boats to be sure, and Gerard had destroyed any bridge that he

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repperit, destruxit. Igitur supra modum transitus difficilis effectus non modicam248 transire cupientibus inportabat molestiam. Cum autem tot difficultatibus animi multimodis agitarentur consiliis, tandem mercatorum naues ab hostio,249 quo Sequana mare influit, feruenti estu250 abductae propterque Rotomacensem urbem expositae nunciantur. Quo ueniens harum duas minus de XXXta Karolus armato milite complet, idemque251 ingressus praemittit, qui se uenturum prenuntient,252 unicuique uolenti delicta cedens, nolentibus autem, ut abeant253 regnumque a Deo sibi datum illi254 relinquant.255 Quae dum spreuissent, classisque appropinquare uideretur,256 crucem, in qua iurauerant, et Karolum ut cognouerunt, relicto littore protinus fugerunt. Quos, quoniam257 in traiciendo equi moram fecerant, consequi258 nequibat, ad Sanctum Dyonisium laudis obsecrationisque causa iter direxit; quo ueniens comperit, quod hi, quos fuga disperserat, in unum una cum Arnulfo et Gerardo ceterisque coissent259 et super Teutbaldum, Warinum, Otbertum ceterosque, qui, uti mandatum fuerat, ad Karolum ueniebant,260 irruere uellent. Quam ob rem ad Sanctum Germanum causa orationis perrexit ac per totam noctem iter faciens aurora delucescente,261 ubi Luua262 Sequanae confluit, Warinum cum263 sociis saluum recepit. Ac sic264 uno eodemque itinere Senonicam adiit265 urbem. Hinc noctu consurgit per Vttam iter faciens speransque, uti nuntiatum illi fuerat, quos supra memorauimus in eodem  modicam] modicum M  hostio] ostio T 250  estu] aestu T 251  idemque] idem M 252  prenuntient] prenuntiant A1 253  abeant] habeant A B T Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller 254  illi] illum A B T M 255  relinquant] reliquant A B 256  uideretur] uidetur A1 257  quoniam] quoniam quod Pithou 258  consequi] et consequi uel consequique prop. T2 in nota 259  coissent] coïssent T, coiissent M 260  ueniebant] uenebant A1 261  delucescente] dilucescente T2 in marg. 262  Luua] Lupa prop. T2 in nota 263  cum] con A 264  ac sic] ac si A B T 265  adiit] adeunt M 248 249



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could find. Therefore, the crossing of the river, which had been made extremely difficult, caused much trouble to those who wanted to cross. But while their minds were agitated with different plans because of so many difficulties, finally it was announced that merchant ships had been carried off from the mouth where the Seine flows into the sea by the surge of a rough sea and had landed near the city of Rouen. After arriving there Charles filled twenty-eight of the [ships] with armed soldiers,114 boarded himself, and sent on ahead [messengers], who announced that he was coming in order to forgive the crimes of all those who were willing to join him, but not of those who refused it, so that the latter might go away and leave the kingdom that God had given to him.115 Since they all rejected these [conditions] with scorn and the fleet appeared to get closer,116 as soon as they recognized the cross on which they had sworn, and Charles himself, they immediately abandoned the riverbank and fled. Since the horses had caused a delay in the course of the crossing, he could not pursue them, [and] headed for Saint-Denis for praise and prayer; and on arriving there he learned that those whom he had put to flight had united together with Arnulf and Gerard and all the others and wanted to attack Theobald, Warin, Otbert, and the other men who were coming to Charles, as had been ordered. For this reason he proceeded to Saint-Germain in order to pray,117 and after marching throughout the night, at daybreak he safely received Warin with his companions where the Loing flows into the Seine. And so with a single journey he arrived in the city of Sens. From there he rose at night, making his way through the forest of Othe and hoping that, as had been announced to him, those whom we mentioned above118 might be

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saltu consistere; disposuerat enim, ubicumque et qualitercumque posset,266 supra illos irruere. Quod et utique fecisset, nisi sollicitis uitae mors inminens pro foribus nunciaretur; quam ob rem poene cuncti supra modum exterriti, quo267 quisque ualuit, fugam iniit; quos quoniam Karolus consequi non potuit sociis equisque fessis, coenam268 Domini quieti269 indulgens270 Tricasinorum ciuitatem in crastinum adiit. 7. Eodem tempore, dum haec quae premisimus271 a Karolo exsequerentur, Lodharius, uti praefatum est, dolo an ui Lodhuwicum aut subdere272 aut, quod mauult, perdere posset, tota mente tractabat. In quo negotio congrue Otgarium Magontiae sedis episcopum et Adhelbertum Metensium273 comitem conuocat; habebat enim uterque Lodhuwicum ad mortem usque exosum. Iam enim Adhelbertus ex infirmitate, qua poene per annum detentus fuerat, uelut in supplementum fratricidii respirauerat; erat enim eo in tempore274 ita prudens consilio, ut sententiam ab eo prolatam non quilibet mutare uellet. Cuius instinctu Lodharius collectam hinc inde infinitam multitudinem Renum traiecit, praemittens more solito qui minis blanditiisque pendulam275 plebem subducere temptarent. Timens autem populus, qui cum Lodhuwico erat, ne276 tantum exercitum ferre ualeret, partim defecti ad Lodharium transeunt, partim fugam ineunt ac Lodhuwicum desolatum relinquunt. Qui, quoniam omne suffragium aliud undique deerat, cum perpaucis abiit et in Baioariam277 se recepit. Quod quoniam Lodhuwico contigit, minime deinceps Lodharius aliquid illum praeualere putauit. Igitur Adhelbertum ducem, quem278 supra279 memorauimus, ob hoc inibi reliquit, ut et populum  posset] posse A B T  quo] quos A B T Pithou 268  coenam] post coenam T2 269  Domini quieti] domi prop. T2 in nota 270  indulgens] indulgent ac T2 271  premisimus] premissimus A 272  subdere] sudere A1 273  Metensium] Metensem M 274  eo in tempore] eo tempore M 275  pendulam] pandulam A1 276  ne] ne non prop. T2 in nota 277  Baioariam] baioram A 278  quem] quam A B T 279  supra] supra montem A B, supra *montem* Pithou, supra modo T2 Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder, supra comitem Pithou2 Lauer 266 267



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in the same wood; he had resolved, in fact, to attack them wherever and however he could. And he would have certainly done that if it had not been announced to [his enemies], who were anxious about their life, that death was looming at the door; for that reason they were exceedingly frightened and fled wherever they could; and since Charles could not pursue them, as his companions and horses were tired, he stayed at rest on Maundy Thursday and on the next day went to the city of Troyes.119 7.  At the same time, while Charles carried out the actions that we described above, Lothar, as was stated before, considered with all his mind whether he might, by fraud or violence, subdue or, preferably, destroy Louis. And for this purpose he aptly summoned Otgar, bishop of the see of Mainz, and Adalbert, count of Metz; they both considered Louis to be hateful to death. Actually, Adalbert had recovered from the infirmity that had detained him for almost a year just in time to help with the fratricide; at that time his counsel was so sensible that no one wanted to change any of his suggestions. And after gathering from various places an innumerable multitude on [Adalbert’s] instigation, Lothar crossed the Rhine, sending ahead [those] who, as usual, should attempt to secretly lure the wavering people with threats and blandishments. At that stage, of the people who were with Louis, fearing that they might not be able to cope with such a great army, some defected to Lothar and some took flight and deserted Louis. And since no other help was available anywhere, [Louis] departed with very few companions and retired to Bavaria.120 And since this had happened to Louis, Lothar thought that from now on [Louis] would have no chance to prevail. Therefore, for this reason he left Adalbert, whom we have mentioned above, there as the commander, so that he might make the people soundly loyal to [Lothar] with oaths; and if Louis wanted to go to Charles, he could not

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s­ acramentis sibi firmaret, et, si Lodhuwicus ad Karolum ire uellet, nullo modo posset. Ipse uero, quoniam Karolum Sequanam transire reppererat,280 obuiam ire parabat. Velociter quidem praemittit, rei ueritatem, ubi et cum quibus esset, scire cupiens, Aquis pascha celebraturus.281 8. Mira sane ac merito notanda res Karolo in eodem sancto sabbato contigit. Nam neque ipse nec282 quilibet in suo comitatu quicquam283 absque quod corpore284 gerebant et absque armis et equis habebant; cumque de balneo quidem egrederetur285 et eadem uestimenta, quae exuerat, induere pararet, repente ab Aquitania missi pro foribus adstiterant,286 qui coronam et omnem ornatum, tam regium quam et quicquid ad cultum diuinum pertinebat, ferebant. Quis non miretur paucos et poene ignotos uiros tot terrarum spacia,287 dum ubique omnes rapine insisterent, tot talenta auri gemmarumque infinitam multitudinem ferre inlesos288 ualuisse? Et, quod maxime mirandum fateor fore, qualiter ad definitum locum uel certe ad statutam diem et horam uenire poterant, cum nec idem Karolus, ubi se suosque oporteret,289 sciebat.290 Quem291 quidem euentum292 haud aliter quam munere ac nutu diuino uisum est euenire293 potuisse; ac per hoc commilitonibus stuporem iniecit omnesque maximam ad spem salutis erexit. Hinc uero Karolus cunctaque cohors exultans ad festa celebranda sese conuertit. Expleto autem quod ceperat, missos Lodharii benigne excipiens conuiuari una secum praecepit; quibus et, ut in crastinum redirent, iniunxit, per suos se responsurum de eo, quod frater suus illi mandauerat, promittens. In legatione uero Lodharii quaerebatur, cur absque suo consensu terminos, quos illi statuerat, excederet; et, quia  reppererat] repperat A B T, repperit Pithou  celebraturus] DCCCXLI add. T in marg. 282  nec] neque M Pithou 283  quicquam] quicquid Pithou 284  corpore] corpere A1 285  egrederetur] egrederentur Pithou 286  adstiterant] adstiterunt prop. T2 in nota 287  spacia] spacium A2 288  inlesos] illaesos T 289  ubi se suosque oporteret] ubi se suosque opperiretur uel uti se sui operirentur prop. T2 in nota, ubi se suosque oporteret prop. Müller (22 n. b), ubi se suosque *oporteret Pithou 290  sciebat] sciebat? T 291  quem] quo Pithou 292  euentum] euentu Pithou 293  euenire] enenire A1 280 281



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[reach him] in any way. And [Lothar] himself, since he had learned that Charles had crossed the Seine,121 prepared to move against him.122 But since he was about to celebrate Easter123 in Aachen, he quickly sent ahead [envoys], as he wanted to ascertain the accuracy of that information, that is, where and with whom [Charles] was. 8. A quite extraordinary fact and, with good reason, worthy to be mentioned happened to Charles on the same Holy Saturday. For he and all those in his retinue had nothing except what they had on their bodies, weapons, and horses; and when [Charles] came out of the bath and prepared to wear the same clothes that he had taken off, suddenly envoys from Aquitaine stood waiting at his doors with his crown and every royal ornament as well as all that pertained to divine worship.124 Who would not be amazed that few and almost unknown men had been able to carry, without harm, so many talents of gold and such a countless multitude of gems through so much territory, while everywhere all kinds of robberies were constantly looming? And what I believe to be especially marvelous: how they were able to arrive at the right place and certainly on the appointed day and hour, when not even Charles himself knew where he and his men were supposed to be. And it certainly appeared that that event could have only happened by divine favor and will; and for this reason it instilled astonishment in [Charles’s] fellow soldiers and lifted everyone to the greatest hope for safety. Therefore, Charles and his entire retinue joyfully devoted themselves to celebrating the feast.125 After completing what he had begun, he benevolently received Lothar’s envoys and invited them to dine together with him and ordered them to return on the next day, promising that he would give his answer regarding what his brother had commanded him to do. Those in Lothar’s legation asked why [Charles] had moved, without [Lothar’s] permission, beyond the boundaries that they had fixed; and since he had done that, now [Lothar] ordered him, wherever [his envoys] might find him, to remain in that place for the present, until he received orders whether he should come to the place previously appointed126 or

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fecerat, saltem, ubique294 illum repperirent, mandat, ut interim eo loco quiescat, donec illi mandaretur, si ad statutum295 locum an alio, ubi congruentius illi uideretur, uenire deberet. Karolus per suos econtra se ob hoc statutos terminos excessisse respondit, quoniam de omnibus bonis sua ex parte illi296 promissis ac iureiurando firmatis nihil stabile esse permisit. Nam suorum hominum ultra quod firmatum fuerat sollicitatos quosdam suo297 iuri adiecit, quosdam298 uero uita priuauit, insuper regna, quae subiecta illi efficere debuit, in quantum ualuit, perturbauit et, quod maximum est, in fratrem hostiliter irruit nec non et suffragium a paganis illum quaerere compulit. Verumtamen, quanquam se haec ita haberent,299 in conuentum, quod communi consensu statuerant, uenire se uelle mandauit; ubi si communem utilitatem, uti promiserat, quaerere ac statuere uellet, sibi300 placere; sin aliter, de regno, quod Deus paterque suus suorum consensu illi dederant,301 consiliis suorum fidelium in omnibus secundum Dei uoluntatem parere se innotuit. Et his ita compositis idem iter arripuit atque ad praefatum locum pridie quam uenerat302 praeuenit. Quo303 quidem Lodharius ueluti ex consulto uenire distulit, uerumtamen missos uariis querimoniis refertos frequenter mittebat et, ne forte ex inprouiso Karolus supra illum irruere posset, cauebat. 9. Interea legati a Lodhuwico304 uenerant nunciantes, quod, si sciret, quomodo305 fieri posset, in illius adiutorium uenire uellet. Quo se Karolus et indigere respondit, gratias congruae306 uoluntati egit et, ut hoc accelerare studerent, protinus praefatos307 missos remisit. Cumque quattuor uel eo amplius dies inibi aduentum Lodharii praestolaretur, et ille uenire differret, contionem aduocat, concilium iniit, quidnam consultius deinceps illi ­agendum  ubique] ubicumque Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer  statutum] statum A B T 296  illi] illis A B T M Pithou Pertz1 297  suo] suos A B T1 298  quosdam] quodam A1 299  haberent] haberet A B T 300  sibi] sipi A1 301  dederant] dederat A B T Pithou Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller 302  uenerat] conuenerat prop. T2 in nota Lauer 303  quo] quod A B T 304  a Lodhuwico] adlohuuico A, aludouico B 305  quomodo] quoquomodo M 306  congruae] congrue M 307  praefatos] praefactos A

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another, where it seemed to be more appropriate to [Lothar]. Charles, on the other hand, replied through his [envoys] that he had proceeded beyond the boundaries that they had fixed because [Lothar] did not permit any of the territories on his side, which had been promised to him and confirmed by swearing, to be stable. [Charles] also added that, notwithstanding what had been confirmed, some of his men had been lured from his authority, while others [Lothar] had deprived of their life and, in addition, he had troubled, as much as he could, the kingdoms that [Charles] was to keep under his authority, and the most serious thing was that he had attacked his brother out of hostility and even forced him to look to the help of the pagans.127 However, even though this was the present situation, he declared that he wanted to come to the meeting that they had fixed with mutual consent; and if he wanted to look for and establish, as he had promised, the common advantage, this would please him; but otherwise, in regard to the kingdom that God and his father had given him with the consent of his people, he gave notice that he would comply, in every respect, with the suggestions of his faithful [companions] according to God’s will. And after he had arranged these things in this way, he set out on his journey and arrived at the aforesaid place one day earlier than he had agreed.128 Lothar, as by design, delayed coming, but frequently sent messengers who were full of various complaints, and took care that Charles might not suddenly attack him.129 9.  In the meantime Louis’s delegates arrived, announcing that he would like to come and lend his support if he could find the means. And Charles replied that he actually needed [help], gave thanks for their unanimous will, and, in order that they might try to speed up their action, he immediately sent the aforementioned delegates back [to Louis].130 Since for four or even more days they had been waiting there131 for the arrival of Lothar, who refused to show up, [Charles] called a meeting [and] took part in the assembly with the intention to discuss what seemed, from now on, more

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uideretur, deliberaturus. Quidam autem aiebant, quoniam mater sua una cum Aquitaniis ueniebat,308 obuiam illi ire debere; sed maxima pars aut obuiam Lodhario iter arripere suadebant, aut certe, ubicumque uellet, aduentum illius praestolari debere dicebant, ob hoc quidem maxime, quoniam, si quoquo modo aliorsum iter flectere309 coepisset, cuncti fugam illum inisse310 iactarent, et hinc Lodharium et suos audentiores fieri debere, atque hi, qui311 adhuc causa timoris neutri se copulauerant, ad illum affluere undique sperabant; quod et euenit. Nam, quamquam312 difficile, praeualuit tamen sententia priorum; quam ob rem Cadhellonicam313 Karolus adiit urbem, ibique matre una cum Aquitaniis314 recepta repente nunciatur, quod Lodhuwicus cum Adhelberto duce Austrasiorum praelio315 commisso uicisset Renoque traiecto ob illius adiutorium, quantocius posset, ueniret. Quod cum ocius uniuersis castris omnibus316 notum fieret, cuncti alacri animo, ut illi obuiam irent, suadebant.317 Lodharius quoque318 ut319 haec ita se habere deprehendit,320 circumfusae plebi Karolum fugam inisse persequique illum, quantocius posset, uelle denuntiat; quo321 quidem nuntio fidos sibi alacriores reddidit, dubiis autem quibusque et affluendi audaciam iniecit et firmiores suae parti reddidit. Cumque Karolus a Lodhario persequi se didicisset, quoniam in difficili loco aquis paludibusque circumfusis castra posuerant, ut absque qualibet difficultate, si Lodharius uellet, congredi possent, protinus obuiam illi perrexit. Quae quidem Lodhario ut322 nuntiata sunt, castra posuit ac ueluti fessis equis biduo requiem dedit. Iterato itaque cum haec323 eadem fecissent missosque inuicem  ueniebat] uenebat A1  iter flectere] inflectere Pithou 310  inisse] iniisse M 311  atque hi qui] atqui prop. T2 in nota 312  quamquam] quam A B T, quamuis prop. T2 in nota 313  Cadhellonicam] Catalonicam M2 314  Aquitaniis] Aquitanis T2 315  praelio] plio A 316  omnibus] omibus A B Pithou 317  suadebant] sua debent A 318  quoque] quamquam praem. Pithou in marg. 319  ut] om. A B T Pithou 320  deprehendit] ut deprehendit T2, deprehenderet Pithou 321  quo] quod M 322  ut] uti Pithou 323  haec] hic M 308

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prudent to do [in Lothar’s regard]. Some said that, since his mother was coming, accompanied by the Aquitanians, [Charles] should go to meet her; but the majority either suggested that he move forward to meet Lothar or said that he should wait for his arrival, wherever he wanted, especially for the reason that, if he began to take any other route, everybody would spread the rumor that he had taken flight and, therefore, Lothar and his men would necessarily become bolder, and those who had joined themselves to neither side because of their fear would just look forward to flocking to Lothar from everywhere, which is what happened. In fact, the proposal of the first party prevailed, although with difficulty; and for this reason Charles went to the city of Châlons-en-Champagne, and after he had received his mother and the Aquitanians there, it was at once announced [to him] that Louis had engaged Adalbert, commander of the Austrasians, in battle and had won,132 and now, after crossing the Rhine, was coming as soon as he could to lend him his support.133 And since this news was soon known to everyone in all the camps, all of them were eagerly intent on going to meet him. Lothar too, once he realized that this was the situation, announced to the people who surrounded [him] that Charles had taken flight and he wanted to pursue him as soon as he could; and with this proclamation he certainly rendered his allies more eager, gave those who were wavering the courage to flock to him, and rendered them more faithful to his party. And when Charles learned that he was pursued by Lothar, since [he and his men] had set up camp in an unapproachable place, which was surrounded by waters and marshes,134 in order that they might join battle without any difficulty if Lothar wanted to, he immediately advanced to meet him. As soon as this news was reported to Lothar, he set up camp as if he was giving two days of rest to his tired horses. While they were again doing these same things and frequently sending messengers to each other without taking any profitable decision, Louis and Charles

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frequenter mitterent, sed nihil proficui deliberare possent, tandem appropinquantes Lodhuwicus et Karolus conueniunt deque his omnibus in eodem conuentu, quae Lodharius absque quolibet moderamine erga se suosque seuiebat, dolendo conferunt, quidue324 deinceps agendum oportunius uideretur, in crastinum deliberaturi. Aurora siquidem delucescente conueniunt, concilium ineunt, in quo multum325 de tanta calamitate conquirunt.326 Cumque alteruter, quae327 quantaue et qualia passi a fratre fuerant, referre desissent, uniuersis uisum unanimiter parique consensu, tam ex sacrosancto ordine episcoporum quam et laicorum uiros nobiles, prudentes, beniuolos deligant, per quos, quae pater inter illos statuerat, et quae post obitum patris328 ab illo passi sint,329 mandent, insuper obsecrent, ut memor sit Dei omnipotentis et concedat pacem fratribus suis uniuerseque ecclesiae Dei, cederet cuique, quod patris fratrisque330 consensu iuste debebatur; insuper etiam, ut iustis precibus acquiesceret, offerrent331 illi quicquid absque equis et armis in uniuerso exercitu habere uidebantur. Et si his monitis obsecrationibusque acquiescere uellet, placere; sin aliter, aiebant se diuino ex munere suffragium absque dubio sperare posse, si omne quod iustum est uellent et hoc fratri offerre humiliter studerent. Quae quoniam merito rata uidebantur, protinus expleta sunt. 10. Sed haec332 ueluti pro nihilo ducta Lodharius spreuit, per suos se nihil absque prelio uelle mandauit confestimque obuiam Pippino,333 qui ab Aquitania ad illum ueniebat, iter arripuit. Quod cum ocius didicissent Lodhuwicus et sui, supra modum rem grauiter ferentes—erant enim undique grauiter tam itineris longitudine quam et proeliis uariisque difficultatibus et maxime334 equorum inopia attriti; uerumtamen, quanquam se haec ita haberent, timentes, ne forte, si ab auxilio fratris frater deficeret, posteris suis indignam  quidue] quid uero T2  multum] multa M 326  conquirunt] conqueruntur Pithou, cf. Önnerfors (80). 327  alteruter quae] scr. cum T2, alteruter que Edd., alter uterque A B T 328  patris] om. Pithou 329  sint] sunt M 330  patris fratrisque] pater fratresque A B T, *pater fratresque Pithou, patris fratrumque uel patris fratrisque T2 331  offerrent] offerent A B T M, offerant T2 332  haec] haec hoc A B T 333  Pippino] Pippini A T, Pipini B 334  maxime] mxime A1 324

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finally came near and assembled,135 and, in the course of that same meeting, discussed with anguish all those things that Lothar, without restraint, cruelly inflicted on them and their men, with the intention to determine, on the next day, what a better course of action would be in the future. They assembled at daybreak [and] had a conference in which they discussed such a great calamity. And when [Charles and Louis] had both discussed in detail what serious wrongs they had suffered because of their brother, everyone decided unanimously and with equal agreement that they should choose noble, prudent, and benevolent men from the holy order of the bishops as well as laymen, through whom they might declare what their father had decreed between them, and what they had suffered at Lothar’s hands after their father’s death, and in addition they were to beseech him to be mindful of Almighty God and to grant peace to his brothers and the whole Church of God, and to concede to each of them what was rightfully due with the consent of their father and their brother; and furthermore, in order that [Lothar] might approve their just prayers, [the envoys] were to offer him all that they had in their entire army with the exception of horses and weapons.136 And if he were willing to agree with their advice and entreaties, it would please [them]; otherwise, they said they undoubtedly could hope for God’s gift of help, if they only desired what was just and endeavored to offer it humbly to their brother. And since, with good reason, they considered these proposals to be acceptable, they immediately made them. 10. But Lothar, rejecting these embassies with scorn, as if they had been conducted for nothing, declared through his [messengers] that he only wanted a battle and immediately moved forward to meet Pippin, who was coming to him from Aquitaine. As soon as Louis and his men learned this, they were extremely grieved— indeed they had been, in every respect, seriously impaired by both their journey’s length, their fights and different difficulties, and, especially, the scarcity of horses— however, even though this was the present situation, since [Louis and his men] feared that, if a brother had been deprived of fraternal help, they would have left a

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memoriam reliquissent; quod quidem ne facerent, elegerunt omni penuriae, etiam, si oporteret, morti potius subire335 quam nomen inuictum amittere. Quam ob rem ex eadem magnanimitate mestitia oppressa,336 inuicem se adortantes, gaudentes337 uelociterque, ut338 Lodharium cito consequi possent, ibant. Cumque atque339 insperate340 propter urbem Alciodorensem341 uterque exercitus alter ab altero uideretur, confestim Lodharius uerens, ne forte fratres sui absque dilatione supra se irruere uellent, armatus castra aliquantulum excessit. Quod quoniam fratres sui facere illum cognouerunt, quosdam castra metantes342 relinquunt, quosdam secum armatos assumunt et absque dilatione obuiam procedunt; missos inuicem mittunt pacemque sub nocte343 componunt. Castra autem ab inuicem distabant plus minus leuwas tres, et intererat paucula palus saltusque; ac per hoc erat utrique ad alterum difficilis accessus. Quapropter aurora delucescente Lodhuwicus et Karolus ad Lodharium mittunt, mandant sibi ualde344 displicere, quod illis pacem absque proelio denegauerat;345 quod etiam, quoniam uellet, et absque qualibet fraude, si fieri deberet, esset. Et primum quidem ieiuniis ac uotis Deum inuocent, deinde, si ille transire ad illos uoluisset, locum transeundi se daturos promittunt, ut omni impedimento sua suorumque ex parte ablato absque qualibet occulta deceptione congredi possent; quae et, si346 uellet, sacramento firmare praeceperunt, at si nollet, ut eadem illis concederet atque firmaret, rogant et347 petunt. Is autem more solito per suos se responsurum promisit et, ut legati regressi348 sunt, protinus obuiam iter arripuit349 ac350 locum, quo castra  morti potius subire] mortem potius subiire uel mortem potius subdere se prop. T2 in nota  oppressa] oppressi prop. T2 in nota Pithou 337  gaudentes] gaudenter uel gaudentesque prop. T2 in nota 338  uelociterque ut] uelociter ut prop. T2 in nota 339  atque] om. T2, *atque Pithou 340  insperate] inspirate A B T M 341  Alciodorensem] Altissiodorensem prop. T2 in nota 342  metantes] metentes A B T M Pithou Pertz2 Holder 343  nocte] noctem Pithou 344  sibi ualde] ualde sibi Pithou 345  denegauerat] dene denegauerat A 346  et si] etsi T 347  firmaret rogant et petunt] scr. cum T, firmare rogaret petunt A B Edd., firma erogaret petunt prop. T2 in nota 348  regressi] egressi Pithou 349  arripuit] Pippino arripuit T2 350  ac] ad M 335 336



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­ ishonorable memory to their posterity, in order not to be responsible [for such a d shameful action], they chose to suffer shortage and even death itself, if necessary, rather than lose their invincible name. For that reason, after overcoming their sadness with the same magnanimity, they exhorted each other and, rejoicing, advanced rapidly so that they might reach Lothar quickly.137 And when both the armies unexpectedly turned out to face one another near the city of Auxerre,138 immediately Lothar, fearing that his brothers might, by any chance, want to attack him without delay, moved a little bit out of his camp with arms. Since the brothers realized what he was doing, they left some soldiers to pitch the camp, took some armed soldiers along with them, and without delay proceeded to meet him; they sent messengers to each other and arranged a truce for the night. Their camps were more or less three leagues139 from each other, and a very small marsh and a wood were between them; and for this reason from both [camps] it was difficult to have access to the other. Therefore, at daybreak Louis and Charles sent [messengers] to Lothar [and] declared that they were extremely dissatisfied with his decision to refuse any settlement with them without a battle, and since he wanted that, if it had to happen, it should be without any deception. And, first of all, they should invoke God with fasting and vows; then, if he wanted to come across to them, they promised that they would give him a place to pass so that, after removing any obstacle caused by them or their soldiers, they might meet without any concealed deception; and if he accepted the proposal [to come to them], they would give assurance in advance to confirm [their words] with an oath, but if he did not accept that, they would ask and require him to concede them the same conditions and confirm [them with an oath]. [Lothar], however, as was his custom, promised that he would reply through his men and, after [his brothers’] messengers had retired, immediately left and headed for Fon-

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­poneret, Fontaneum351 petit. Eadem autem die fratres sui post Lodharium iter accelerantes antecesserunt illum et propter uicum quod352 Tauriacus dicitur castra posuerunt. Crastina die exercitus praeparati ad proelium castra aliquantulum excesserunt. Praemittentes353 Lodhuwicus ac Karolus Lodhario mandauerunt, ut memor esset fraternae conditionis, sineret ecclesiam Dei et uniuersum populum Christianum pacem habere, concederet illis regna a patre suo consensu concessa, haberet sua sibi non merito, sed sola misericordia a patre illi relicta. Et in munere offerebant illi quicquid in uniuerso exercitu absque armis et equis354 habere uidebantur; at si id nollet, cedebant illi uterque portionem regni, alter usque Carbonarias, alter uero usque Renum; quod et si rennueret,355 uniuersam Franciam aequa lance diuiderent, et quicquid horum uellet suae ditionis esset. Ad quod Lodharius more solito per suos se quicquid placeret notare respondit, mittensque per presens Drogonem, Hugonem et356 Hegibertum mandat non illos aliquid357 tale antea illi358 mandasse, ad quod considerandum spatium habere se uelle aiebat; re autem uera Pippinus non uenerat, illum hac359 dilatione expectare uolebat. Verumtamen Ricuinum, Hirmenaldum et Fredericum sacramento firmare praecepit, quod pro360 nulla re alia has indutias peteret, praeter quod361 commune362 profectum tam illorum quam363 et uniuersae plebis, sicut iusticiam inter fratres et populum Christi oportebat, quaerere uolebat. Quo364 quidem sacramento Lodhuwicus et Karolus creduli effecti, ea die et in crastinum, insuper etiam usque in horam secundam diei tertii,365 quod euenit VII. Kal. Iulii, pace utrorumque ex parte iureiurando firmata, ad castra redeunt, missam uero  Fontaneum] Fontanetum M  quod] qui T2 353  praemittentes] praemittes A B T, *praemittes Pithou 354  armis et equis] equis et armis M 355  rennueret] renueret T 356  et] om. Pithou 357  aliquid] aliquod Pithou 358  illi] om. Pithou 359  hac] ac A B 360  pro] om. Pithou 361  praeter quod] praeter quam quod T2 362  commune] communem prop. T2 in nota 363  quam] et quam T2 in marg. 364  quo] quod A B T 365  tertii] tertiae T2 351

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tenoy in order to set up camp in that place. But on the same day140 his brothers, hurrying after Lothar, overtook him and set up camp near the village that is called Thury. On the next day141 the armies, ready for battle, moved a little bit out of their camps. By sending ahead [envoys], Louis and Charles advised Lothar to remember their status as brothers, to allow the Church of God and the entire Christian people to have peace, to concede to them the kingdoms that had been granted by their father with his own consent,142 [and] to keep for himself what was his not because of his merits, but because it had been left to him by his father out of mere mercy.143 And as a gift they offered him all that they had in their entire army with the exception of weapons and horses; but if he disagreed with that arrangement, they would surrender a part of their kingdoms, one, as far as the Charbonnière, and the other, as far as the Rhine; and if he declined that, they would impartially divide the entirety of Francia, and whatever part of it he wanted would be under his authority. To this Lothar, as was his custom, replied that he would make known through his [messengers] what he liked [in these proposals], and, sending [them], for the moment, Drogo, Hugh, and Hegibert, declared that they had never before proposed to him anything similar, [and Lothar] said that he needed a period of time to examine [these conditions]; but in reality Pippin had not arrived yet, and [Lothar] wished to postpone in order to wait for him. He ordered, nevertheless, Ricuin, Hirmenald, and Frederic to confirm with an oath that he asked for that truce for no other reason but his desire to search for the common advantage of both them and the whole people, as it is proper that there should be justice between brothers and in Christ’s people. Since [Lothar’s] oath had reassured Louis and Charles, after both had confirmed with an oath the armistice for that day and the next, until the second hour144 of the third, which came about on the seventh day of the Calends of July [June 25],145 they returned to their camps with the intention to celebrate Saint John’s Mass on the next

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sancti Iohannis366 in crastinum celebraturi. Pippino quoque eadem die Lodharius in supplementum recepto mandat fratribus suis, quoniam scirent illi imperatoris nomen magna auctoritate fuisse impositum, ut considerent, quatenus eiusdem nominis magnificum367 posset368 explere officium; insuper autem369 se libenter utrorumque370 querere profectum. Interrogati autem, si quiddam371 horum, quae mandauerant, recipere uellet uel si quamlibet finitiuam sententiam illis mandasset, nihil sibi horum fuisse iniunctum responderunt. Quam ob rem cum omnis spes iusticiae ac pacis sua ex parte ablata uideretur, mandant372 illi, si melius non inuenisset, aut reciperet unum horum, quae illi mandauerant, aut nosset illos in crastinum—quod contigit, sicut praefatum373 est, VII. Kal. Iulii—hora uidelicet diei secunda, ad omnipotentis Dei iudicium, quod illis absque illorum uoluntate mandauerat, esse uenturos. Quae quidem Lodharius solito more insolenter spreuit et uisuros se, quid agere deberet, respondit. Dum haec super374 Ligerim iuxta Sanctum Fludualdum consistens scriberem, ecclipsis solis hora prima feria375 ,376 XV. Kal. Nouembris in Scorpione contigit. His ita omissis diluculo Lodhuwicus et Karolus consurgunt, uerticem montis castrae377 Lodharii contigui cum tertia, ut uidetur, exercitus parte occupant aduentumque eius et horam secundam, ut sui iurauerant, exspectant. Cumque utrumque378 adesset,379 proelium super riuolum380 Burgundionum magno certamine committunt. Et Lodhuwicus quidem ac Lodharius in loco qui

 Iohannis] ihannis A1  magnificum] magnifice Pithou 368  posset] posse A B T, possit Pithou 369  autem] autem haut A B T Pithou Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller 370  utrorumque] utroque A1 371  quiddam] quidam M, quiddam uel quaedam uel quoddam M2 372  mandant] mandauit M 373  praefatum] praefactum A B 374  super] supra M 375  hora prima feria] hora prima prima feria M T2 376  tertia] add. cum Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer 377  castrae] castris T2 378  utrumque] utrimque M 379  adesset] adessent prop. T2 in nota 380  riuolum] Riudam Pithou 366

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day [June 24].146 Once he had received Pippin as supporter on that same day, Lothar advised his brothers, since they knew that the title of emperor had been imposed on him with great authority, to consider how he might discharge the magnificent duty that belonged to that same title, and added that he willingly tried to find the profit of both. However, when [the envoys] were asked whether [Lothar] wanted to accept any of the conditions that [Charles and Louis] had proposed, or whether he had entrusted any definitive response to them, they answered that none of those things had been entrusted to them. For this reason, since every hope for justice and peace appeared to have been removed from their side, [Charles and Louis the German] advised [Lothar], if he could find nothing better, either to accept one of the conditions that they had proposed, or to know that on the next day—which came about, as was mentioned above, on the seventh day of the Calends of July [June 25]147—at the second hour of the day,148 they would come to Almighty God’s judgment that he exacted against their will. And Lothar, as was his custom, insolently scorned [their words], and answered that they were going to see what he should do. When I was writing this, while staying at Saint-Cloud upon the Loire,149 an eclipse of the sun occurred in Scorpio in the first hour of the third feria, on the fifteenth day of the Calends of November [Tuesday, October 18 at 8:26 a.m.].150 Since negotiations had been abandoned in this manner, at daybreak Louis and Charles rose, occupied the peak of the hill flanking Lothar’s camps with the third part, as it appeared, of their army, and waited for his arrival and the second hour, as they had sworn on their own [honor]. And when both [armies] were finally facing each other, they joined battle on the stream of the Burgundians151 with extreme

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­Brittas381 dicitur strenue confligunt; quo superatus Lodharius terga uertit. Pars autem exercitus, quam Karolus in loco qui Fagit uulgo dicitur excepit, protinus fugit; pars uero, quae in Solennat382 Adhelardum ceterosque,383 quibus haud modicum supplementum Domino auxiliante prebui, appetiit, strenue conflixit; quo et utrique uicerunt, sed nouissime omnes a parte Lodharii fugerunt. Qua384 finem primi certaminis dedit Lodharius, terminetur liber secundus.385 Liber III386 Quoniam sinistrum me quiddam387 ex genere nostro ut audiam pudet, referre praesertim388 quam maxime piget; quam ob rem imperio haudquaquam maliuole contempto, ut finis optatus libri secundi affuit, per omnia finire hoc opus animus decreuit; sed ne forte quilibet quocumque modo deceptus res nostro in389 tempore gestas, praeterquam390 exactae sunt, narrare praesumat, ex his quibus interfui tertium391 libellum ut adderem acquieui. 1. Proelio392 quidem, uti praefatum est, strenue393 peracto, quid de palantibus peragere deberetur,394 Lodhuwicus et Karolus in eodem campo deliberare coeperunt. Et quidam ira correpti persequi hostes suadebant, quidam autem, et maxime reges, miserantes fratris plebisque et, ut iudicio Dei et hac plaga repressi ab iniqua cupiditate resipiscerent, et Deo donante deinceps  Brittas] Brictas M  in Solennat] insolemnat T 383  ceterosque] *ceterosque Pithou 384  qua] quem T2 385  terminetur liber secundus] T2 in marg. 386  Liber III] add. A2 387  quoniam sinistrum me quiddam] quia me sinistrum quiddam Pithou, quoniam sinistrum ne quiddam M, quoniam sinistrum ne quidem prop. T2 in nota 388  praesertim] †presertim Pithou 389  in tempore] tempore prop. T2 in nota 390  praeterquam] praeterquam quod prop. T2 in nota 391  tertium] om. Pithou 392  Proelio] Liber III supra l. add. A2 et cancel. 393  strenue] strenuę A 394  peragere deberetur] perageretur A1 Pithou2, perrageretur Pithou, peragi deberetur prop. Müller (28 n. b) 381 382



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bitterness. And Louis and Lothar strenuously fought in the place that is called Briotte; and since Lothar was defeated there, he took to flight. The part of the army whose attack Charles sustained in the place that is commonly called Fagit immediately fled; the other part, nevertheless, which at Solemnat assailed Adalard and all the others whom, with the help of God, I provided with no small support,152 strenuously fought; and there both the armies won, but in the end all those on Lothar’s side took flight.153 Here Lothar put an end to the first battle, and let the second book end here too.154 Third Book Since I am embarrassed at hearing anything untoward about our family,155 it especially grieves me to have to relate it; for this reason, without rejecting with any malevolence the orders [received], when finally the longed-for end of the second book arrived, my mind was set on bringing this work to its final close; but in order that no other [historian], being deceived, might presume to relate the deeds that were accomplished in our time differently from the way they actually occurred, I consented to add a third book concerning those events in which I took part.156 1.  After the battle was strenuously fought, as was said above, Louis and Charles began to deliberate, on the same battlefield, what should be done about the troops who were wandering [over the field of battle]. And some, who were seized by anger, recommended pursuing the enemies, whereas others, and especially the kings, feeling sorry for their brother and the people, wished with pious hearts, as was their custom,

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unanimes in uera iusticia deuenirent, piis uisceribus solito more optabant. In quo negotio Dei omnipotentis395 misericordia ut prestolaretur, suadebant. Quibus cetera396 multitudo assentientes a proelio et praeda discesserunt et fere mediante die ad castra redeunt, quid397 deinceps consultius acturum398 uideretur, deliberaturi. Fuit quidem ingens numerus praedae et ingens cedes399 et insuper ammirabilis, immo et merito notabilis misericordia tam regum quam et uniuersorum. Nam diuersis pro rebus diem dominicum inibi acturos se deliberarunt. In quo missa peracta amicos et inimicos, fideles et infideles pariter sepulturae tradebant, plaga correptos ac semiuiuos eodem modo pro uiribus ex animo refouebant. Post hos qui fuga euaserant miserunt offerentes, si reuerti400 sana fide uellent, omnia delicta remitti. Post haec reges populique super fratre401 populoque402 Christiano dolentes percontari episcopos coeperunt, quid agere super hoc negotio deberent. Quam ob rem unanimes ad concilium omnes episcopi confluunt, inuentumque in conuentu publico est, quod pro sola iusticia et aequitate decertauerint, et hoc Dei iudicio manifestum effectum sit, ac per hoc inmunis omnis Dei minister in hoc negotio haberi, tam suasor quam et effector, deberetur;403 at quicumque consciens404 sibi aut ira aut odio aut uana gloria aut certe quolibet uitio quiddam405 in hac expeditione suasit uel gessit, esset uere confessus secrete secreti delicti et secundum modum culpae diiudicaretur; uerumtamen in ueneratione ac laude tantae declarationis iusticiae pro remissione delictis mortuorum fratrum suorum—in eo, quod inperfecti peccatis interuenientibus se nouerant, ut in multis uolentes nolentesque delinquebant—ut406 suo adiutorio ab his exuti liberarentur,407 insuper autem, uti actenus in iusticia adiutor et protector  omnipotentis] om. Pithou  cetera] etiam M 397  quid] om. A B 398  acturum] acturus uel agendum prop. T2 in nota, acturum pro agendum Müller (28 n. d) 399  cedes] caedes T2 Pertz1 Pertz2, cedę Holder, cede A B T M, *cede Pithou 400  reuerti] reuera Pithou 401  fratre] scr. cum T2 Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer, fratris A B T, †fratris Pithou 402  populoque] populo, q; A 403  deberetur] deberet T2 404  consciens] conscius Pithou T 405  quiddam] quidnam prop. T2 in nota, quidam M2 406  ut] uti T 407  liberarentur] liberantur A1 395 396



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that they would repent of their iniquitous covetousness after being punished by the judgment of God and that defeat, and would become of one mind in true justice, from now on, through God’s gift. And in that matter they recommended having hope in the mercifulness of almighty God. And since the rest of the crowd approved those proposals, they ceased from fighting and pillaging and returned to their camp at about the middle of the day with the intention to discuss what seemed more prudent to do next.157 There was a huge amount of booty indeed and a large number of dead bodies,158 but [there was] also the admirable or, rather, and with good reason, remarkable mercifulness of both the kings and the whole people. For various reasons, they decided to celebrate Sunday there.159 And on that day,160 after performing the Mass, they equally buried friends and enemies, faithful and unfaithful men, and, in the same manner, each according to his abilities and with sincerity, revived those who had been wounded and were half-alive. They sent [messengers] after those who had fled to inform them that, if they wanted to return in good faith, all their crimes would be remitted. After that the kings and their supporters, grieving for their brother and the Christian people, began to ask the bishops what they should do about this. For that reason all the bishops, being unanimous, flocked together to have a meeting, and in that public assembly they determined that [Charles, Louis, and their troops] had only fought for justice and equity, and this had been made manifest by God’s judgment,161 and therefore all God’s ministers, whether they played a role in that matter as advisor or as actor, should be held guiltless; but all those who, in the course of that expedition, had consciously advised or acted either out of anger or hatred or vainglory or any other vice, should secretly confess, and be judged according to the extent of their secret crime and guilt;162 however, in deep respect and praise of so great a proclamation of justice, [and] for the remission of the crimes of their dead brothers—in fact [Charles, Louis, and their troops] knew themselves to be imperfect by reason of intervening sins, as they had sinned on many occasions willingly and unwillingly—in order that, thanks to the [bishops’] help, they might, after being stripped of their [sins], be saved, and in addition, in order that God, as he had been so far their helper and protector in justice, might continue

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illis408 Deus409 extitit, ita ut410 deinceps ubique existeret; proque his omnibus triduanum ieiunium inuentum411 immoque libenter ac celebre celebratum est. 2. His ita reor412 peractis Lodhuwicus, ut Renum peteret, decreuit, Karolus autem diuersis pro rebus et maxime propter Pippinum, ut illum sibi subdere studeret, in Aquitaniam ut proficisceretur, ratum duxit. Nam Bernardus dux Septimaniae, quanquam a loco praedicti proelii plus minus leuwas413 tres defuerit, neutri in hoc negotio supplementum fuit; uictoriam autem ut Karoli esse didicit, filium suum Willelmum ad illum direxit et, si honores, quos idem in Burgundia habuit, eidem donare uellet, ut se illi commendaret, praecepit. Insuper iactabat se posse nec non et aiebat, quod Pipinum una cum suis Karolo foedere, quo ualeret, subdere uellet.414 Quam legationem benigne excepit et, sicut postulauerat, per omnia concessit, monens, ut de Pippino et suis quod promiserat,415 in quantum posset, ut perficeretur, operam daret. Cumque aduersa undique propulsa uiderentur, ac spes prosperitatis cuique hinc inde faueret, Lodhuwicus cum suis Renum petiit, Karolus uero una cum matre Ligerim416 adiit. Re417 autem publica inconsultius, quam oporteret, omissa; quo quemque uoluntas rapuit, perfacile omissus abscessit. Quod quidem Pippinus audiens paulo ante desideratum cum illo foedus inire418 distulit. Bernardus quidem ad illum uenit, sed, ut illi se commendaret, minime acquieuit. Quidam tamen a Pipino419 desciuerunt, et hoc tantum praefata expeditio Karolo profuit, quod illos sibi foederatos recepit. Interea Adhelardus ceterique, quos Karolus ad Francos direxerat scire cupiens, si ad illum reuerti uellent, Carisiacum uenientes, quo illi ut missos dirigeret mandauerant, perpaucos obuiam420 habuerunt; qui hoc dicebant, si idem Karolus ad praesens  illis] illi A B T Pithou  Deus] Dei A B T 410  ut] et T2 411  inuentum] iniunctum T2 412  reor] rebus T2 Pertz1 Lauer 413  leuwas] scr. leuuas Codd. Edd. 414  quo ualeret subdere uellet] quo vellet, subdere valeret prop. T2 in nota 415  promiserat] promiserant A T 416  Ligerim] Legerim A Pithou 417  re] res A B T Pithou Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller 418  inire] in irae A 419  a Pipino] appipino A 420  obuiam] obuios Pithou 408 409



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to be so everywhere in the future; for all these reasons, a three-day fast was proclaimed and celebrated, willingly and with great participation.163 2. After these things had been accomplished in this way, as I believe, Louis decided to proceed to the Rhine, while Charles, for various reasons and especially because of Pippin, that is, in order to try to subdue him, thought it opportune to march to Aquitaine. Bernard, duke of Septimania, even though he was at a distance of more or less three leagues164 from the place of the battle described above, had given help to neither army; but as soon as he learned that the victory had been Charles’s, he sent his son William to him and ordered him to put himself under Charles’s protection, if [Charles] were willing to grant him the benefices that he had in Burgundy. In addition, [Bernard] boasted that he was able all the same [to be very helpful] and said that he wanted to make Pippin and his men subject to Charles through a treaty by which he might obtain a stronger position. And [Charles] benevolently received that legation and gave his assent to everything, as [Bernard] had requested, advising him to work as much as he could to achieve what he had promised with regard to Pippin and his men. Since everywhere all adversities seemed to have been driven off and hope for prosperity favored each of them in every respect, Louis with his men headed for the Rhine,165 while Charles proceeded with his mother to the Loire.166 However, the public welfare was neglected far more imprudently than was fitting; and after carelessly retiring, everyone went wherever his will carried him. On hearing that, Pippin delayed the treaty with [Charles] that he had recently desired. Bernard actually came to him, but [Pippin] did not agree at all to put himself under his protection. However, some defected from Pippin, and the expedition that we just mentioned was favorable to Charles only insofar as he received some [of Pippin’s men] as his allies. In the meantime Adalard and all the others whom Charles had sent to the Franks because he desired to know whether they wanted to come back to him, when they arrived in Quierzy, where [the Franks]

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esset,421 ad illum uenire minime differrent; aliter autem nescire aiebant, utrum uiueret an non. Iactauerant enim hi qui partis422 Lodharii423 sentiebant424 in proelio Karolum cecidisse, Lodhuwicum uulneratum et fuga lapsum abisse.425 Quapropter inconsultum aiebant in incertis rebus aliquod foedus cum quolibet inire debere. At Guntboldus ceterique coadunati supra praefatos Karoli missos irruere se simulabant, et utique fecissent, si ausi essent. Quapropter ad Karolum Adhelardus et ceteri miserunt mandantes, ut, quantocius posset, uenire satageret, quatinus et illis adiutorium praeberet et, si Franci, uti aiebant, ad illum uenire uellent, scire posset. Ipsi uero Parisiacam ciuitatem adeunt aduentum Karoli praestolaturi.426 Quod cum Karolo nunciaretur, protinus his in partibus iter direxit. Ad Sequanam427 autem ut peruenit, Adhelardum una cum ceteris in Spedonna obuiam habuit, et quanquam propter conuentum, quod cum fratre in Lingonicam urbem Kal. Sept. condixerat, quoniam imminebat, anxius esset, ratum duxit, ut saltem citato cursu per urbem Beluacensem ac deinde per Compendium et Suessionis,428 hinc per Remensem et429 Cadelonensem Lingonicam peteret urbem, quatinus eo tenore id, quod cum fratre statuerat, obseruare studeret et, si quilibet e Francis ad illum uenire uellet, posset. Franci uero eandem paucitatem, quam et Aequitanii spreuerant, spernentes uariis fictionibus illi se per praesens subdere distulerunt. Quod ut Karolus cognouit, praefatum iter accelerare430 coepit. Cumque Suessonicam peteret urbem, monachi de Sancto Medardo occurrerunt illi deprecantes, ut corpora sanctorum Medardi, Sebastiani431 in ­basilicam,  ad praesens esset] praesens adesset prop. T2 in nota  partis] partes T, parti T2 423  Lodharii] lodhadharii A 424  sentiebant] assentiebant T 425  abisse] abiisse M 426  preastolaturi] praestolari A B T 427  ad Sequanam] scr. cum T2 M2 Edd. ad sequonam A B, ad se quoniam T1 M 428  Suessionis] Suessiones T2 429  et] ut et A 430  accelerare] accelere A T, accedere B T2 M2 431  Sebastiani] A presents a large rasura after the word Sebastiani (actually from the middle of the word) on which an eleventh-century hand wrote: Gregorii, Tiburcii, Petri et Marcellini, Marii, Marthae, Audifax et Abacuc, Honesimi, Meresme et Leocadie, see Müller [30–31 n. *]). In the right margin another eleventh-century hand adds Mariani, Pelagii et Mauri, Floriani cum sex fratribus suis, Gildardi, Sereni et domini Remigi (Remorum archiepiscopi which is deleted and replaced with) Rotomagorum archepiscopi. B and T reproduce the same text with the same addition in marg. Pithou describes the addition but includes it in the text 421 422



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had ordered [Charles] to send his messengers, they found that very few men had come to meet them; and these declared that, if Charles himself were there in person, they would not hesitate at all to come to him; otherwise they said that they did not even know whether he was alive or not. In fact, those who supported Lothar’s party had spread the rumor that Charles had fallen in battle, while Louis had disappeared after being wounded and taking flight. For this reason the [Franks] said that it was unwise, amidst those uncertainties, to be compelled to make a compact with anyone. But Guntbold and all those who had joined [Lothar’s party] gave the impression that they intended to attack the aforesaid envoys of Charles, and would have certainly done so, if they had dared. For this reason Adalard and all the others sent [envoys] to Charles, advising him to try to come as soon as he could, so that he might provide them with his support and might know whether the Franks wanted to come to him, as they said. Then they moved to the city of Paris with the intention to wait for Charles’s arrival. And when this news was reported to Charles he immediately headed to that region.167 As soon as he reached the Seine he met Adalard together with all the others in Épône, and even though he was worried about the conference that he had fixed with his brother in Langres for the Calends of September [September 1],168 because it was imminent, he though it advisable, at any rate, to proceed to the city of Langres by marching fast through the city of Beauvais, and then through Compiègne and Soissons, and from there through Reims and Châlons, so that he might do his best, through that course of action, to comply with what he had arranged with his brother, and if any among the Franks wanted to come to him, he might do so. But the Franks, disdaining that same small group of men,169 which also the Aquitanians had disdained, with different pretexts postponed submitting themselves to him for the present. When Charles learned that he began to speed up his course. As soon as he reached the city of Soissons, the monks of Saint-Médard came out to

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ubi nunc quiescunt432 et iam tunc maxima ex parte edificata erat, transferret. Quibus acquiescens inibi mansit433 et, uti434 postulauerant, beatorum corpora propriis humeris cum omni ueneratione transtulit; insuper et uillam quae Bernacha dicitur rebus eiusdem ecclesiae per aedictum addidit. His ita peractis Remensem urbem petiit; quo cum uenisset, nuncium recepit, quod Lodhuwicus ad conuentum, quod in Lingonicam435 urbem condixerant, uenire non posset, eo quod Lodharius in regnum illius hostili manu irruere uellet; mandauerant etiam Huc436 auunculus437 eius nec non et Gislebertus comes Mansuariorum,438 si in illis partibus isset,439 ad illum se una cum ceteris esse uenturos. 3. Ergo tam pro fratris adiutorio quam et, ut hos, si ad illum uenire uellent, recipere posset, ad Sanctum Quintinum iter direxit. Quo quidem Hugonem, sicut mandauerat, obuiam habuit et inde in partes Traiecti iter direxit. Lodharius autem, ut haec audiuit, omisso440 Lodhuwico, quem paulo ante persequi statuerat, a Warmatia ad conuentum, quod441 Teotonis uillam indixerat, iter arripuit et,442 qualiter super Karolum irrueret,443 intendit. Quod cum Karolus in Wasiticum didicisset, Hugonem et Adhelardum ad444 Gislebertum una cum ceteris, foedere,445 quo ualerent, sibi adnecterent, direxit. Rabanonem etiam ad Lodhuwicum dirigens mandat, qualiter pro suo adiutorio illis in partibus isset, quod Lodharius audiens, illo omisso, supra se cum omnibus copiis ire pararet, monensque ac446 deprecatur, ut, quantocius ­posset,  in basilicam ubi nunc quiescunt] in A, a tenth-century hand adds these words in calce. In B and T, the words are in the text, in basilicam ubi nunc requiescunt M 433  mansit] remansit Pithou 434  uti] ut hi M, ut Pithou 435  Lingonicam] Lingonam M 436  Huc] hunc M 437  auunculus] auunculi Pithou 438  Mansuariorum] aiauariorum B, Mentiauariorum B2 (ut uidetur) 439  isset] esset prop. T2 in nota 440  omisso] scr. cum T2 Edd., amisso A B T 441  quod] quod ad T2 442  et] eo Pithou 443  irrueret] irruet A B T, irrueret uel irruat prop. T2 in nota 444  ad] et A B T, †et Pithou 445  quos foedere] foedere A B Pithou, ut eum foedere T2 446  pararet monensque ac] pararet monetque ac Pertz1 (663 n. l) Lauer, pararet [ad Pippinum dirigit] monetque ac T2 432



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meet him, imploring him to translate the bodies of the saints Médard and Sebastian170 to the basilica where they now rest171 and which already at that time had been built to a great extent. Giving them his assent, he stayed there and, as they had asked, translated the bodies of the saints on his own shoulders with all his veneration; furthermore, he added by decree the villa that is called Berny to the properties of that same church. After these things had been accomplished,172 [Charles] proceeded to the city of Reims;173 when he arrived there he received a message [informing him] that Louis could not come to the conference that they had organized in the city of Langres174 because Lothar wanted to attack his kingdom with his troops;175 on the other hand, his uncle Hugh [the abbot] and Gislebert, count of Maasgau, informed [Charles] that if he came to their territories they would join him with everyone else. 3.  Therefore, [Charles] headed to Saint-Quentin both in support of his brother and in order to receive those men who wanted to join him. And there he met Hugh, as he had announced, and from there proceeded to the region of Maastricht. But Lothar, when he learned what was happening, disregarding Louis, whom he had a little before resolved to pursue, proceeded from Worms to the meeting that he had called in Thionville and considered how he might attack Charles. And when Charles heard this in Wasseiges, he sent Hugh and Adalard to Gislebert and the others so that they might form an alliance through a treaty that made them stronger. He also sent Rabano to Louis to inform him how [Charles] had come into that area in order to help [Louis],176 because Lothar, on hearing [about their plans], was preparing to attack him with all his forces, having left [Louis] alone; and by reminding him [what had happened

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solito more adiutorium illi praebere studeret. Insuper autem447 Exemenonem uenerabilem episcopum ad Lodharium direxit, solito more humiliter praecepit, ut roget, ut obsecret, meminerit, quod448 frater filiolusque eius sit; meminerit, quae pater inter illos statuerat, quae tam is quam et sui inter illos iurauerant; meminerit, quod449 nouissime450 iudicio Dei451 inter illos uoluntas eius declarata sit; et si horum omnium recordare452 nolit, cesset a persecutione sanctae Dei ecclesiae, misereatur pauperum, uiduarum orfanorumque et regnum a patre suo consensu sibi datum ut ingrediatur omittat, ne forte iterato populum Christianum ad cedem mutuam confluere compellat. Et his ita453 compositis idem ipse Parisiacam urbem adiit tam fratris sui Lodhuwici aduentum quam et ceteros fideles suos, quos undique conuocauerat, praestolaturus. Quod cum Lodharius didicisset, ad eandem urbem iter direxit; habebat enim tam Saxonum quam et Austrasiorum nec non et de Alamannis partem haud modicam secum, horumque auxilio praemaxime confisus454 ad Sanctum Dyonisium uenit. Reppererat autem inibi naues plus minus XXti; insuper quoque Sequana, uti mense Septembrio solet, exigua erat transitumque perfacilem praestabat.455 Quam ob rem iactabant se sui facile transire posse et hoc utique simulabant se maxime456 uelle. Ergo Karolus quosdam Parisium457 et Milidonem custodire458 praecepit, quosdam uero, ubicumque uada uel nauigia esse nouerat, residere fecit; ipse uero459 e regione Sancti Dionysii iuxta Sanctum Fludualdum460 castra in meditullio461 posuit, ut et462 Lodhario, si ita oporteret, transitum prohibere aut, si alicubi super suos irruere  autem] autem [Carolus] T2  meminerit quod] memineritque M 449  quod] quae Pithou 450  nouissime] nouissimo prop. T2 in nota 451  Dei] om. T [Dei] T2 M2 452  recordare] recordari T2 453  his ita] hiis M 454  confisus] confissus A1 455  praestabat] praestebat A1 456  maxime] mexime A1 457  Parisium] Parisius A1 458  custodire] scr. cum T2, custodiri A B T Edd. 459  uero] om. Pithou 460  Fludualdum] Cludualdum M T2 461  meditullio] medicullio T 462  ut et] et ut M 447

448



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before], [Charles] entreated [Louis] to strive to lend him his support as soon as he could in the accustomed way. In addition, he sent the venerable bishop Emmon to Lothar [and], as was his custom, ordered him to beg him humbly and to implore him to remember that he was his brother and godson; to remember the things that their father had decreed between them, which both he and his men had sworn to observe;177 to remember that very recently, through God’s judgment, his will with regard to them had been revealed;178 and if he did not want to remember all these things, he should cease from the persecution of the holy Church of God, may he have mercy on the poor, the widows, and the orphans, and may he desist from entering the kingdom that had been given him by his father with his assent, lest he might by any chance force again the Christian people to come flocking to their mutual destruction. And after he had so arranged these things, he went to the city of Paris in order to wait for the arrival of his brother Louis and the rest of his loyal companions, whom he had summoned from everywhere.179 And when Lothar learned this he headed for the same city; in fact, he had with him not a small number of Saxons,180 Austrasians, and Alamanni, and since he had absolute confidence in their support, came to Saint-Denis.181 There he had also found more or less twenty boats; in addition the Seine, as is usual in the month of September, was quite low and provided an extremely easy crossing. For this reason [Lothar’s] men boasted that they could easily cross [the river] and gave the impression that they wanted to do that most of all. Therefore, Charles ordered some of his men to guard Paris and Melun, while he made some others take up their position wherever he knew that there were fords or boats; he also set up camp near SaintCloud182 just opposite to Saint-Denis, in a central position, so that he might, if it was necessary, either block Lothar’s passage or, if [Lothar] wanted to attack his men

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uellet, illis succurrere posset. Et ut perfacile dinosceretur,463 quo in loco adiutorium praeberi deberet, more maritimo signa in locis congruis atque custodias deputauit. Insuper autem Sequana, mirabile dictu, dum nos nusquam eo in tempore464 infra duos menses pluuias esse nouimus, repente aere sereno tumescere coepit ac sponte his in locis uada ubique prohibuit. Cumque haec ita haberent,465 cernens Lodharius transitum inibi undique sibi prohibitum,466 eo tenore cum Karolo pacem inire se uelle mandauit, ut foedus, quod Karolus cum fratre suo Lodhuwico sacramentis firmauerat, omisisset, et ille econtra foedus, quod cum Pippino nepote suo similiter467 sacramentis firmauerat, omitteret; et haberet Karolus a Sequana partem occiduam absque468 Prouinciam et Septimaniam,469 essentque470 quasi pace perpetua471 foederati. Re autem uera sic se472 utrosque facilius decipere posse putabat omneque473 imperium hac arte inuadere sperabat. At Karolus respondit se474 foedus, quod cum fratre suo necessitate coactus inierat, minime uiolare uelle, insuper ut a Mosa475 usque476 Sequanam regnum, quod pater illi dederat, nequaquam congruum uideretur, ut illi obmitteret,477 praesertim cum tanta nobilitas illum secuta de his regionibus esset, quos in sua fide deceptos esse minime oporteret. Quam ob rem, quoniam hiemps aderat, haberet quique honores, quos pater illis478 dederat, si uellet, mandauit, donec ueris tempore, uellent479 cum paucis, uellent480 cum omni comitatu, omnes conueniant et, ni481 ­statutis  dinosceretur] dignosceretur M  eo in tempore] eo tempore M 465  haberent] se haberent M Müller Lauer 466  prohibitum] proibitum A1 467  similiter] A sup. l. 468  absque] *absque Pithou, usque prop. Pithou in marg. 469  Prouinciam et Septimaniam] Prouincia et Septimania T2 Lauer 470  essentque] essent quae A B T 471  perpetua] petua A T 472  sic se] sese Pithou 473  omneque] omnemque A B 474  respondit se] respondisse A B T, respondisse fertur prop. T2 in nota 475  Mosa] Mosam A B T 476  usque] usque ad Pithou 477  obmitteret] committeret Pithou, omitteret T 478  illis] illi M 479  uellent] uel T2 480  uellent] uel etiam T2, utique M 481  ni] ne A B T Pithou 463 464



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s­omewhere else, he might help them. And to know very easily in which place he should lend his support, he set up signs and sentinels in suitable places, according to nautical use. In addition, and this is an extraordinary fact to tell, while we knew that no rain had fallen at that time for two months, the Seine suddenly began to swell in spite of the calm weather, and by its own agency blocked all fords in those places. And since this was the situation, Lothar, seeing that any crossing was blocked for him everywhere, declared that he wanted to make peace with Charles, on condition that Charles would renounce the treaty that he had confirmed with oaths with his brother Louis, and [Lothar], on the other hand, would renounce the treaty that he had similarly confirmed with oaths183 with his nephew Pippin; and [on condition] that Charles would accept rule of the western part beyond the Seine, except for Provence and Septimania, and they would be allied as though in perpetual peace. In reality, he believed that in this manner he might more easily deceive both [brothers] and hoped to seize control of the entire empire with this stratagem. But Charles answered that he did not want at all to break the treaty that he had made with his brother when he had been forced by necessity and that, in addition, it did not seem right to him to surrender to [Lothar] the kingdom from the Meuse to the Seine, which his father had given him, especially when such a large number of nobles from those regions had followed him, and they should not be deceived at all in their faith. For this reason, since winter was approaching, he declared that, if he wanted, each of them could have the territories that their father had given them, until they all should have a meeting in the spring, whether they wanted [to come] with few men or wanted [to come] with their entire entourage, and

154

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aut statuendis concordia concurrat, quid cuique482 debeatur, armis decernant. Quae quidem Lodharius more solito spreuit et a Sancto Dionysio obuiam Pippino, qui ab Aquitania ad illum ueniebat, Senones483 iter direxit; Karolus autem econtra, qualiter Lodhuwicum484 in adiutorium suum recipere posset, intendit. 4. Interea nunciatum est Karolo, quod soror sua Hildigardis Adelgarium quendam485 ex suis captum haberet et in urbe Laudunensi una secum custodiri fecisset. Qua pro re486 expeditos ad hoc opus Karolus sibi delegit ac protinus decedente487 iam die his in partibus festinus perrexit; distabat enim urbs eadem plus minus leuwas XXXta. Per totam siquidem noctem iter faciens impediente gelu praeualido, hora fere diei tertia insperate488 subito sorori et ciuibus cum infinita multitudine nunciatur Karolus adesse, omnisque urbs militibus circumdata489 fore.490 Quo quidem nuncio exterriti, quoniam nec euadendi nec aderat spes moenia tuendi, pacem sub una eademque nocte petunt, Adelgarium confestim reddunt et, ut se urbemque491 absque conflictu in crastinum dedant, cum omni subiectione promittunt. Dum haec agerentur, milites moram492 huius rei grauiter ferentes, insuper laboris tedio, quod praeterite noctis passi493 fuerant, permoti in excidium494 urbis ruere undique coeperunt; essetque procul dubio protinus flammis rapinisque tradita, ni idem Karolus495 misericordia super496 ecclesiarum Dei sororisque necnon et populi Christiani permotus minis atque blanditiis horum animos maximo labore compescere studuisset. Quos cum abscedere fecisset, ut soror postulauerat,  cuique] denique M  Senones] Senonas prop. T2 in nota 484  Lodhuwicum] Lodharium Pithou 485  quendam] quandam A1 486  qua pro re] quapropter Pithou 487  decedente] decendente A, descedente prop. T2 in nota 488  insperate] inspirate T 489  circumdata] circiudata A 490  fore] foret prop. T2 in nota 491  urbemque] urbem quae A B T1 M 492  moram] mora M 493  quod praeterite noctis passi] praeterite noctis quod passi T2, praeterita nocte quod passi prop. T2 in nota 494  excidium] occidium Pithou 495  Karolus] Caroli M 496  super] insuper T2 482

483



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if no agreement was achieved through what had been arranged before or what had to be arranged now, they would determine with their weapons what was due to each. And Lothar, as was his custom, disparaged these proposals, and from Saint-Denis directed his course towards Sens184 to meet Pippin, who was coming to him from Aquitaine; Charles, for his part, considered how he might receive Louis and get his support. 4. In the meantime it was reported to Charles that his sister Hildegard had taken prisoner Adalgar, one of his men, and held him in detention in the city of Laon with her. For that reason Charles chose some men ready for action and immediately made for those places at a great speed, even though the night was falling; that city, in fact, was at a distance of more or less thirty leagues.185 [Charles] marched throughout the night, even though he was hindered by the very intense cold, and about the third hour of the day,186 unexpectedly, it was at once announced to his sister and the citizens [of Laon] that Charles was there with a countless multitude and soon soldiers would surround the entire city. Being absolutely terrified by this news because there was no hope for fleeing or protecting the city walls, they asked for peace on that same night, immediately handed over Adalgar, and promised, with all their deference, that on the next day they would give up themselves and the city without fighting. During these operations the soldiers, taking those prolonged negotiations ill and, in addition, being agitated because of the weariness caused by the hardship that they had suffered on the night before, began to rush everywhere in order to destroy the city; and it would have undoubtedly been given to flames and plunder at once, if Charles himself, moved by compassion for the churches of God and his sister and the Christian people, had not done his best, and still with extreme difficulty, to restrain with both threats and blandishments the minds of his [soldiers]. And when he finally caused them to retire, he

156

Latin Text

concessit et Salmonciacum ab urbe discessit. Crastina quoque die Hildigardis ad fidem suam, sicut spoponderat, uenit urbemque inlesam et absque conflictu sui iuris497 restituit. Sororem suam siquidem498 Karolus benigne excepit et omnia quae actenus erga illum499 deliquerat illi donauit, multisque uerbis blande illam allocutus omnem benignitatem, quam frater sorori debet, si deinde beniuola erga illum esse uellet, ei perhumane promisit ac quo uoluit illam abire concessit. Urbi sua iura statuit et ad suos, quos circa Parisium omiserat, his ita peractis rediit. Senones500 autem Lodharius Pippino recepto, quid agere deberet, anxius erat. Nam Karolus partem exercitus Sequanam traiecit et in saltum qui Pertica uulgo dicitur direxit. Quos quoniam Lodharius uel se uel suos impedire timuit, primum insectari statuit. Qua quidem re sperabat se et hos facile delere et hoc terrore sibi residuos subiugare maximeque Nominoium501 Brittannorum ducem suo subdere dominatui posse. Sed frustra haec omnia expleturus adiit, dum nihil horum ad effectum perduxit. Nam exercitus Karoli omnis ab eo saluus euasit, insuper ex suis neminem recepit; et Nomenoius omnia quae illi mandauerat insolenter spreuit. His ita se habentibus repente nuntium accepit, quod Lodhuwicus et Karolus una cum ingenti exercitu alter alteri studeret. Cumque se undique rebus aduersis circumseptum uideret, maximo ambitu inaniter expleto a Turones502 redire coepit et fatigato exercitu tandem fessus Franciam503 peruenit. Pippinus autem, quod se illi sociauerat, penitudine correptus Aquitaniam se recepit. Interea audiens Karolus, quod Otgarius504 Maguntiae sedis505 episcopus una cum ceteris Lodhuwico506 fratri suo transitum ad se prohibuisset, iter per Tullensem urbem accelerans Elisazam ad Zabarnam introiit; quod cum Otgarius didicisset, una cum ceteris litore507 relicto abiit, et quo quisque ualuit ocius se abdidit.  sui iuris] suo iuri T2, sui sororis uel urbis prop. M2  siquidem] siquidem be A1 499  illum] om. T M 500  Senones] Senonis prop. T2 in nota 501  Nominoium] Nomenoium T2, † Nominoium Pithou, Nomenoium Pithou in marg. 502  a Turones] Turones T2 M, ad Turones prop. T2 in nota, a Turonis Pithou 503  Franciam] in Franciam prop. T2 in nota 504  Otgarius] ogarius A1 505  sedis] sidis A1 506  Lodhuwico] lodhuiuico A 507  litore] littore T 497

498



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withdrew as his sister had demanded and left the city [in order to proceed] to Samoussy. On the next day Hildegard, as she had solemnly promised, gave [Charles] her loyalty and restored the city intact and without contesting his rights. Afterwards Charles benevolently received his sister and pardoned her for all the wrongs she had done to him so far, and with many words he pleasantly expressed to her all the benevolence that a brother owes his sister, [and] if she wanted to be kind to him he promised that he would be very gentle to her, and he allowed her to go where she wished. He established his authority in the city [of Laon] and, once he had accomplished these things, returned to his [troops], which he had left near Paris.187 In Sens, after receiving Pippin, Lothar was anxious about what he should do. For Charles had moved a part of his army across the Seine and led it to the woodland that is commonly called Perche. And since Lothar feared that they might hinder him or his men, he resolved to attack [them] first. And through that action he hoped to destroy them easily and, with the terror [that he would cause], to subjugate to his authority those who were left, and especially Nomenoë, duke of the Bretons. But he applied himself in vain, as he did not achieve any of his plans. In fact, Charles’s entire army escaped from him unharmed [and], in addition, [Lothar] did not receive any [defector] from [Charles’s] [troops]; and Nomenoë insolently disparaged all [the proposals] that [Lothar] had made to him. While this was the situation, [Lothar] suddenly received the message that Louis and Charles, each with a numerous army, were trying to join together. And when he saw that he was everywhere surrounded by adversities, after making a long roundabout route in vain he began to retire from Tours and finally reached Francia,188 tired and with exhausted troops. On the other hand, Pippin, seized by regret because he had joined forces with him, withdrew to Aquitaine. In the meantime Charles, hearing that Otgar, bishop of the see of Mainz, together with some others, had prevented his brother Louis from coming across to him,189 quickening his march through the city of Toul, entered Alsace in Saverne; and when Otgar learned that, he abandoned the riverbank and departed together with all the others, and each quickly hid himself wherever he could.

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Latin Text

5. Ergo XVI. Kal. Marcii Lodhuwicus et Karolus in ciuitate quae olim Argentaria uocabatur, nunc autem Strazburg508 uulgo dicitur, conuenerunt et sacramenta,509 quae subter notata sunt, Lodhuwicus Romana, Karolus uero Teudisca lingua iurauerunt. Ac sic ante sacramentum510 circumfusam plebem, alter Teudisca, alter Romana lingua alloquuti sunt. Lodhuwicus autem, quia maior natu, prior exorsus sic coepit: “Quotiens Lodharius me et hunc fratrem meum post obitum patris nostri insectando usque ad internecionem delere conatus sit, nostis. Cum autem nec fraternitas511 nec Christianitas nec quodlibet ingenium, salua iusticia ut pax inter nos esset, adiuuare posset, tandem coacti rem ad iudicium omnipotentis Dei detulimus, ut suo nutu, quid cuique deberetur, contenti essemus. In quo nos, sicut nostis, per misericordiam Dei uictores extitimus, is autem uictus una cum suis quo ualuit secessit. Hinc uero fraterno amore correpti nec non et super populum Christianum conpassi persequi atque delere illos noluimus, sed hactenus sicut et antea, ut saltem deinde cuique sua iusticia cederetur, mandauimus. At ille post haec512 non contentus iudicio diuino, sed hostili manu iterum et me et hunc fratrem meum persequi non cessat, insuper et populum nostrum incendiis, rapinis cedibusque deuastat; quam ob rem nunc necessitate coacti conuenimus et, quoniam uos de nostra stabili fide ac firma fraternitate dubitare credimus, hoc sacramentum inter nos in conspectu uestro iurare decreuimus. Non qualibet iniqua cupiditate illecti hoc agimus, sed ut certiores, si Deus nobis uestro adiutorio quietem513 dederit, de communi profectu simus. Si autem, quod absit, sacramentum, quod fratri meo iurauero, uiolare praesumpsero, a514 subditione mea nec non et515 a iuramento, quod mihi iurastis, unumquemque uestrum absoluo.”

 Strazburg] Strasburg T  sacramenta] sacramento Pithou 510  sacramentum] sacramenta A1 T2 511  fraternitas] fraternitac A1 512  haec] hac Pithou 513  quietem] quirem M 514  a] ab Pithou 515  et] om. M 508 509



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5. Therefore on the sixteenth of the Calends of March [February 14],190 Louis and Charles assembled in the city that was formerly called Argentaria,191 but is now commonly called Strasbourg, and swore the oaths192 that are transcribed below, Louis in Romance193 and Charles in the German language.194 And before the oath they addressed, one in German and the other in Romance, the surrounding people. Louis, appearing first, because he was older, began with these words: “You know how many times Lothar, by pursuing me and this brother of mine, has tried after our father’s death to destroy [us] to the point of extermination. And since neither brotherhood, nor Christianity, nor any other quality could help us to be in peace and leave justice unimpaired, at the end, being forced [by circumstances], we entrusted the matter to the judgment of Almighty God, so that we might be content with his will concerning what was due to each of us. And in that, as you know, we were victorious by the mercy of God,195 while [Lothar] withdrew in defeat with his forces wherever he could. Then, being led by our brotherly love and having compassion for the Christian people, we did not want to pursue or destroy them, but only demanded that, for the time being as also before, to each of us his own justice might be conceded.196 But after these things, [Lothar] was not content with the divine judgment, and he did not stop pursuing both me and this brother of mine with armed forces, and, in addition, ravaged our people with fires, plunder, and slaughter; for this reason, now being forced by necessity, we have assembled [here] and, since we believe that you have doubts about our stable loyalty and firm bond of brotherhood, we have resolved to swear this oath between us before you. And we do not do this because we are lured by any iniquitous covetousness, but in order that we might be, if God give us peace with your help, more determined [in our search] for the common welfare. But if, and may God forbid that, I dare break the oath that I swore to my brother, I absolve each of you from my sovereignty as well as from the oath that you swore to me.”

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Latin Text

Cumque Karolus haec eadem uerba Romana lingua perorasset, Lodhuwicus, quoniam maior natu erat, prior haec deinde se seruaturum testatus est: Pro Deo amur et pro Christian poblo et nostro commun saluament,516 d’ist517 di in518 auant, in quant Deus sauir et podir me dunat, si saluarai eo519 cist meon fradre Karlo et in aiudha520 et in cadhuna cosa, si cum om per dreit son fradra521 salvar dist,522 in o quid il mi523 altresi524 fazet,525 et ab Ludher nul plaid numquam526 prindrai, qui meon uol cist527 meon fradre Karle in damno sit.528 Quod cum Lodhuwicus explesset, Karolus Teudisca lingua sic haec eadem uerba testatus est: In Godes529 minna ind in thes530 Christanes folches ind unser531 bedhero gealtnissi,532 fon thesemo dage533 frammordes, so534 fram so535 mir Got536 geuuizci537 indi madh538 furgibit, so haldih tesan539 minan bruodher, soso man mit540 rehtu sinan541 bruodher542 scal, in thiu thaz er mig sosoma

 saluament] saluamento T  d’ist] dist Pithou 518  in] en A Pithou 519  si saluarai eo] si saluari eo A2, sisaluaraieo T 520  aiudha] adiudha A1 T Pithou Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder 521  fradra] fradre T, frada Pithou 522  dist] dift Lo Monaco 523  mi] un Pithou2 524  altresi] altre si T 525  fazet] faret Pithou2 526  numquam] nunquam T 527  cist] eist Pithou 528  Pro Deo amur ... in damno sit] om. B 529  In Godes] ingodes T, in/godes T2 530  ind in thes] indinthes T, induithes Pithou 531  ind unser] indunser T, ind/unser T2 532  gealtnissi] gealnissi A, gealt iussi T, gealtnisi Pithou 533  fon thesemo dage] fontsese nioda ge T, fon/tsese nioda ge T2 534  frammordes so] frammor desso T, *frammordesso Pithou 535  fram so] framso T, fram* so Pithou 536  mir Got] mirgot T, mir/got T2 537  geuuizci] geuuiz ei Pithou 538  indi madh] mahd Müller Lauer, indimadh T, indi/madh T2 539  so haldih tesan] sohaldihtes an T, so/hald/hites an T2, so hald ihtis an Pithou 540  man mit] manmit T 541  bruodher soso man mit rehtu sinan] om. Pithou 542  bruodher] scr. cum T Pertz2 Müller, bruher A T Pithou Pertz1 Holder Lauer Lo Monaco 516 517



English Translation

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And after Charles had spoken these same words in the Romance language,197 Louis, because he was older, first swore that henceforth he would keep these agreements: “For the love of God and for the Christian people and for our common salvation, from now on, as far as God bestows wisdom and power on me, I shall save this brother of mine Charles with my help and in everything, as anybody should save his brother according to rightfulness, on condition that he may do the same for me, and of my own accord I shall never take with Lothar any pledge that may be of detriment to this brother of mine.” And when Louis had completed his oath, Charles solemnly proclaimed these same words in the German language198 in this manner: “For the love of God and for the salvation of the Christian people and for the salvation of us both, from this day on, as far as God bestows wisdom and power on me, I shall save this brother of mine, as anybody should save his brother according to rightfulness, on condition that he may do the same for me, and of my own accord I shall make with Lothar no arrangement that may be of detriment to this brother of mine.”

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Latin Text

duo,543 indi mit544 Luheren545 in nohheiniu thing ne gegango,546 zhe minan547 uuillon548 imo ce scadhen549 uuerhen.550 Sacramentum autem, quod utrorumque populus, quique propria lingua, testatus est, Romana lingua sic se habet: Si Lodhuuigs sagrament, quae551 son fradre Karlo iurat, conseruat, et Karlus meos sendra de suo part non lostanit,552 si io returnar non l’int553 pois, ne io ne neuls,554 cui eo returnar int pois, in nulla aiudha contra Lodhuuuig555 nun li556 iuer.557 Teudisca autem lingua: Oba Karl then eid,558 then er sinemo bruodher559 Ludhuuuige560 gesuor geleistit,561 indi562 Ludhuuuig563 min herro then er imo564 gesuor forbrihchit,565 ob ih inan es566 iruuenden ne567 mag, noh ih noh thero nohhein,568 then ih es569 iruuenden mag,570 uuidhar Karle imo ce571 follusti ne572 uuirdhit.573  in thiu thaz er mig sosoma duo] inthi utha zermigsoso maduo T Pithou  indi mit] indimit T Pithou 545  Luheren] Ludheren T Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer 546  in nohheiniu thing ne gegango] innothein uithingnege gango T, in/nothe/in uit/hing/nege gango T2, in nothe in mit hing nege gango Pithou 547  zhe minan] zheminan T, the minan Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Lauer Lo Monaco, theminan Pithou 548  uillon] uillon* Pithou 549  imo ce scadhen] imoces cadhen T, imo/ces cadhen T2 550  In Godes minna … scadhen uuerhen] om. B 551  quae] quę A Holder, que T Pithou Lauer 552  non lostanit] non lo stanit T 553  l’int] lint T, luit M 554  ne neuls] ne ueuls T2, neneuls T 555  Lodhuuuig] Lodhuuig T 556  nun li] nunli T, nun/li T2 557  Si Lodhuuigs … nun li iuer] om. B 558  then eid] theneid T, then/eid T2 559  sinemo bruodher] sine n obruodher T, sineno bruodher T2 560  Ludhuuuige] Ludhuuinge T 561  geleistit] gele istit T 562  indi] ind T 563  Ludhuuuig] Ludhuuing T, Ludhuuig T2 564  then er imo] thenerimo T, then/er/imo T2 565  forbrihchit] forbrih chit T1 566  ob ih inan es] obi hina nes T, ob ih ina nes Pithou 567  iruuenden ne] iru uen denne T 568  thero nohhein] theronoh hein T, thero, noh hein T2 569  then ih es] thenihes T 570  iruuenden mag] iru uendenmag T, iru͜͜_uenden/mag T2 571  imo ce] imoce T, imo/ce T2 572  follusti ne] follus tine T 573  Oba Karl … ne uuirdhit] om. B 543 544



English Translation

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On the other hand, the oath that the people of each of the two brothers pronounced, each in his own language, reads in Romance as follows: “If Louis observes the oath that he swears to his brother Charles, and Charles, my lord, does not observe it on his part, if I cannot dissuade him [from that action], neither I nor any other that I can dissuade will be of any help to him against Louis.” In German: “If Charles observes the oath that he swore to his brother Louis, and Louis, my lord, breaks the one that he swore to him, if I cannot dissuade him [from that action], neither I nor any other that I can dissuade will lend any support to him against Charles.”

164

Latin Text

Quibus peractis Lodhuwicus Renotenus574 per Spiram et Karolus iuxta Wasagum per Wizzunburg575 Warmatiam iter direxit. Aestas576 autem, in qua577 praefatum exactum est prelium, fuit frigida nimis, et omnes fruges persero collectae sunt; autumnus578 uero et hiemps naturalem ordinem peregerunt. Ac eadem die, qua praedicti fratres nec non et primores populi praefatum579 pepigere pactum, subsequente gelu580 nix multa cecidit. Stella cometis mense Decembrio et Ianuario nec non et Februario usque praelatum581 conuentum apparuit: per Pisces centrum ascendit et inter signum, quod a quibusdam Lyra, a quibusdam uero Andromeda uocatur, et Arcturum acriorem582 hoc concilio expleto defecit. Hic583 paucis de temporum siderisque serie delibatis, ad historiae tramitem reuertamur. Cumque Warmatiam uenissent,584 missos deligunt,585 quos protinus ad Lodharium et in Saxoniam586 mittunt; et horum nec non et587 Karlemanni aduentus588 inter589 Warmatiam et Magonciacum590 prestolaretur,591 statuunt. 6. Hic quoque haudquaquam ab re, quoniam iocunda ac merito notanda uidentur, de qualitate horum regum et unanimitate, qua592 interea593 deguerint, pauca referre libet. Erat quidem utrisque forma mediocris cum omni decore pulchra et omni exercitio apta; erat uterque audax, largus, prudens pariter et eloquens; omnemque praemissam nobilitatem excedebat fratrum  Renotenus] Rheno tenus T  Wizzunburg] Winzunburg M 576  aestas] †aestas Pithou 577  in qua] in quo A B T Lo Monaco, quo in Pithou 578  autumnus] autunnus A 579  praefatum] praelatum T 580  gelu] gellu A1 581  praelatum] praefatum prop. T2 in nota 582  Arcturum acriorem] scr. arctur *b* acriorem Pithou Arcturum obscuriorem Codd. Edd. 583  hic] con. haec A B T Müller Lauer Lo Monaco, his Pithou T2 Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder 584  uenissent] uenisset M 585  deligunt] a lacuna of about five letters occurs in A after this word: see Müller (37 n. i) 586  Saxoniam] Aquitaniam Pithou, saxiniam A1 587  et] ut prop. T2 in nota 588  aduentus] aduentum T2 M 589  inter] item et M 590  Magonciacum] Magonciam cum T2 591  praestolaretur] praestolarentur Lauer 592  qua] scr. cum T2 Edd., quae A B T 593  interea] inter ea T 574 575



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After these things had been accomplished,199 Louis headed for Worms through Speyer by traveling along the Rhine, and Charles through Wissembourg by traveling along the Vosges.200 The summer in which the battle mentioned above201 was fought was extremely cool, and all the field crops were harvested quite late; autumn and winter, on the other hand, took their natural course. And on the same day in which the brothers and the leading men among the people202 had concluded their pact, a large amount of snow fell and was followed by very cold weather. A comet appeared in the month of December, January, and February, until the time of the conference described above:203 it moved upwards to the center of Pisces and disappeared, after that conference had ended,204 between the sign that is called Lyra by some and Andromeda by others and Arcturus, which is brighter. Having spent here a few words on the cycle of seasons and a star, let us return to the path of our narrative. When [Charles and Louis] finally arrived in Worms, they chose some messengers, whom they immediately sent to Lothar and Saxony, and decided to wait for the return of these and Carloman between Worms and Mainz. 6.  And here I feel like relating a few things, as they appear to be pleasant and certainly worthy of being mentioned, about the qualities of the kings [Charles and Louis] and the harmony in which they lived at that time. The figure of both was medium, handsome in every respect and suitable to any exercise; they were both daring, generous, equally prudent, and eloquent; but the holy and venerable concord of the brothers exceeded all their aforesaid nobility. In fact, meals in common were almost regular between them, and any precious object they had, they gave it to each

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sancta ac ueneranda concordia. Nam conuiuia erant illis poene assidua, et, quodcumque precium594 habebant, hoc alter alteri perhumane dabat. Una domus erat illis conuiuii et una somni;595 tractabant tam pari consensu communia quam et priuata; non quicquam aliud quilibet horum ab altero petebat, nisi quod utile ac congruum illi esse censebat. Ludos etiam hoc ordine saepe causa exercitii frequentabant. Conueniebant596 autem quocumque congruum spectaculo uidebatur, et subsistente hinc inde omni multitudine, primum pari numero Saxonorum,597 Wasconorum, Austrasiorum, Brittonorum,598 ex utraque parte, ueluti inuicem aduersari sibi uellent, alter in alterum ueloci cursu ruebat. Hinc pars terga uersa protecti umbonibus599 ad socios insectantes600 euadere se uelle simulabant, at uersa uice iterum illos, quos fugiebant, persequi studebant, donec nouissime utrique reges cum omni iuuentute ingenti clamore equis emissis astilia crispantes exiliunt et nunc601 his, nunc illis terga dantibus insistunt. Eratque res digna pro tanta nobilitate nec non et602 moderatione spectaculo; non enim quispiam in tanta multitudine ac diuersitate generis, uti603 saepe inter paucissimos et notos contingere604 solet, alicui aut lesionis aut uituperii quippiam inferre605 audebat. 7. His ita se habentibus Karlemannus cum ingenti exercitu Baioariorum et Alamannorum ad patrem suum Mogontiam uenit. Bardo uero, qui in Saxoniam missus fuerat, similiter fecit nuntians, quod Saxones mandata Lodharii spreuissent et, quicquid Lodhuwicus et Karolus illis praeciperent, libenter id facere uellent. Lodharius quoque missos, qui ad se directi fuerant, inconsulte audire distulit, quod tam Lodhuwicus quam et Karolus nec non et uniuersus exercitus aegre tulerunt et, qualiter idem606 ipsi ad illum peruenire possent, intendunt. Ergo  precium] pretiosum prop. T2 in nota M2  somni] scr. cum B T2 Edd., somnii A T 596  conueniebant] cunueniebant A1 597  Saxonorum] Saxonum M Lauer, Saxonarum T A1 Pithou 598  Brittonorum] Brittonum M Lauer, Brittannorum T2 599  protecti umbonibus] pro tectium bouibus T 600  ad socios insectantes] sic A B T Edd., ad socios insectanter M 601  nunc] nuc A1 602  nec non et] nec et A B T Pithou, necnon et prop. T2 in nota 603  uti] ut Pithou 604  contingere] scr. cum T2 Edd., contigi A B T 605  inferre] auferre M 606  idem] iidem T 594

595



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other with great kindness. They had a single house for their banquets and to sleep, and they managed with equal unanimity both their public and private matters;205 neither of them asked the other for anything other than what they considered to be useful and appropriate for him.206 They also frequently organized games for the sake of exercise in the following manner. They gathered in whatever place appeared to be suitable to that spectacle, and while the crowd was standing on either side, first of all, [being divided into groups] of equal number of Saxons, Gascons, Austrasians, and Bretons,207 they charged at each other from each side with a rapid movement, as if they wanted to attack one another. Then a part of them, after turning tail and being protected by their shields, pretended that they wanted to escape from208 their companions who pursued them, but then, reversing their roles, they endeavored to pursue again those from whom they were escaping, until at the end both the kings together with all the youths, raising a very loud clamor while letting their horses loose and brandishing their spears, sprang forth and pressed now on these and now on those who turned tail. And it was a thing that deserved being seen for its great nobility and moderation; in fact, no one in such a large crowd and diversity of peoples dared to cause anyone an injury or pronounce an insult, as is often the common practice among people who are few and familiar to each other.209 7. While these things were happening, Carloman came to his father at Mainz with a huge army of Bavarians and Alamanni.210 Bardo, who had been sent to Saxony, did the same, announcing that the Saxons had scorned Lothar’s orders and gladly wanted to do whatever Louis and Charles ordered them. Lothar had also unwisely refused to hear the envoys who had been sent to him,211 and both Louis and Charles as well as the entire army were grieved at that and they tried to find a way to reach him. Therefore, on the sixteenth of the Calends of April [March 17]212

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XVI. Kal. Aprilis607 illis in partibus uiam dirigunt, et Karolus quidem per Wasagum iter difficile ingressus, Lodhuwicus uero terra Renoque per Bingam,608 Karlemannus autem per Einrichi609 ad Conflentum610 in crastinum hora fere diei sexta uenerunt; protinusque ad Sanctum Castorem orationis causa pergunt, missam audiunt ac deinde idem611 reges armati naues conscendunt et Mosellam ocius traiciunt.612 Quod cum Otgarius Mogontiae sedis episcopus, Hatto comes, Herioldus ceterique uiderunt, quos Lodharius ob hoc inibi reliquerat, ut illis transitum prohibuissent, timore perterriti litore613 relicto fugerunt. Lodharius quoque, ut fratres suos Mosellam transisse614 in Sinciaco615 didicit, confestim et ipse abire et regno et sede non destitit, donec se super ripam Rodani616 cum paucis, qui se sequi deliberauerant, ceteris omissis excoepit. Qua finem617 secundi certaminis dedit Lodharius, terminetur liber tertius.618 Liber Quartus619 Non solum me, uti praefatum est, ab hoc opere narrationis quiescere delectat, uerum etiam, quo ab uniuersa re publica totus620 secedam, mens uariis quaerimoniis referta, assiduis meditationibus anxia uersat. Sed quoniam me de rebus uniuersis fortuna hinc inde iunxit621 ualidisque procellis moerentem622 uehit, qua portum ferar, immo uero poenitus ignoro. Interim autem si aliquod tempus otiosum repperero, quid623 oberit, si, uti iussum est,  Aprilis] Aprelis A  Bingam] Hingam M 609  Einrichi] Euinchi M, *Einrichi Pithou 610  Conflentum] scr. cum Conflentim A B T Edd. 611  idem] iidem T 612  traiciunt] traiiciunt T 613  litore] littore T 614  transisse] transise A, transiisse M 615  Sinciaco] Siciaco B 616  Rodani] Rodanis A B Pithou, Rhodanis M 617  finem] fine T M 618  terminetur liber tertius] T in marg., explicit liber tertius add. T in marg. 619  Liber Quartus] add. A2 620  totus] totius A B T M Pithou, f. ocyus add. T2 in marg. 621  iunxit] uel uinxit cf. Müller (39 n. k) 622  moerentem] scr. cum B Edd., merentem A T 623  quid] quod A B T M 607 608



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they set out for those territories, and Charles by following the difficult route through the Vosges,213 Louis [by traveling] on land and on the Rhine through Bingen, and Carloman through [the lands of] Einrichi arrived in Koblenz at about the sixth hour of the next day;214 from there, they immediately proceeded to [the basilica of] Saint Castor to pray and attend mass and then the same kings boarded the ships with their arms and quickly crossed the Moselle. And when Otgar, bishop of the see of Mainz, Count Hatto, Heriold, and all the others whom Lothar had left there in order to prevent them from crossing saw that [they were coming], they were overwhelmed by fear, abandoned the riverbank, and fled.215 Lothar too, as soon as he learned in Sinzig that his brothers had crossed the Moselle, did not hesitate to leave his kingdom and capital,216 until he took refuge on the bank of the Rhône with a few men, who had resolved to follow [him] after he had abandoned all the others.217 And where Lothar put an end to the second battle, may the third book end. Fourth Book Not only, as I said above,218 would it please me to rest from this historical work, but also my mind, being filled with worries, anxiously turns this way and that with constant meditations, in order to offer me a way to withdraw completely from public life. But since fortune tied me to all the events happening on either side and is painfully carrying me with intense storms, I do not know at all to what harbor I will be brought. In the meantime, nevertheless, if I find any leisure time, what harm will

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facta principum624 procerumque nostrorum stili officio memoriae mandare curabo? Ergo huic rerum operi quarto assistam et, si in ceteris rebus futuris prodesse nequiuero, saltem in his erroris nubeculam625 proprio labore posteris detergam. 1. Vsque Lodhuwicus et Karolus Lodharium a regno suo abisse626 certis indiciis cognouere, Aquis palatium, 627quod tunc628 sedes prima Franciae629 erat, petentes, sequenti uero die, quid consultius de populo ac regno a fratre relicto agendum uideretur, deliberaturi. Et quidem primum630 uisum est, ut rem ad episcopos sacerdotesque, quorum aderat pars maxima, conferrent, ut illorum consultu ueluti numine diuino harum rerum exordium atque auctoritas631 proderetur. Et hoc illis, quoniam merito ratum uidebatur, commissum est. Quibus ab initio gesta Lodharii considerantibus, quomodo patrem suum regno pepulerit, quoties632 populum Christianum periurum sua cupiditate633 effecerit, quoties634 idem ipse hoc, quod patri fratribusque iurauerat, frustrauerit, quoties635 post patris obitum fratres suos exhereditare636 atque delere temptasset, quota637 homicidia, adulteria, incendia omnigenaque facinora uniuersalis ecclesia sua nefandissima cupiditate perpessa sit, insuper autem neque scientiam gubernandi rem publicam illum habere nec quoddam uestigium bone uoluntatis in sua gubernatione quemlibet inuenire posse ferebant. Quibus ex causis non inmerito, sed iusto Dei omnipotentis iudicio primum a proelio et secundo a proprio regno fugam illum inisse638 aiebant. Ergo omnibus unanimiter uisum est atque consentiunt, quod ob suam nequitiam639  principum] principium A T  nubeculam] nublecam M 626  abisse] abiisse T2 627  quod tunc … Franciae erat] according to Müller (40 n. a), this sentence was added by a copyist who lived in a later age than Nithard 628  tunc] DCCCXLII add. T2 in marg. 629  prima Franciae] prima Francorum T, Franciae prima M 630  quidem primum] primum quidem T 631  auctoritas] uictoritas A 632  quoties] quociens M 633  cupiditate] cupidita A, cupiditas A2 (ut uidetur) T Pithou 634  quoties] quociens M 635  quoties] quociens M 636  exhereditare] exhaereditare T, exhaeredare M 637  quota] quanta T2 M 638  inisse] iniisse M 639  suam nequitiam] sua nequitia A B T 624 625



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there be if, as I was ordered, I take care to commit to memory with the work of the pen the deeds of our princes and most important leaders?219 Therefore, I will set about writing the fourth part of this work, and if I cannot benefit posterity in other respects, at least with my work I will dissolve for posterity the darkness of error in them.220 1.  After Louis and Charles had learned through indubitable testimonies that Lothar had left his kingdom, they proceeded to the palace in Aachen,221 which at that time was the capital222 of Francia, in order to discuss on the next day what seemed more prudent to do with regard to the people and the kingdom abandoned by their brother. And in the first place they thought it proper to submit that question to the bishops and priests, of whom an extremely large part was present, so that the preliminaries and full authority of their conclusions might emerge from their counsel as if from God’s will. And this matter was entrusted to them because this seemed to be proper and reasonable. And after considering from the beginning Lothar’s deeds, how he had driven his father away from the kingdom, how many times he had made the Christian people commit perjury with his covetousness, how many times he had rendered vain what he had sworn to his father and brothers, how many times after his father’s death he had tried to disinherit and destroy his brothers, how many murders, adulteries, conflagrations, and crimes of every kind the universal Church had suffered because of his absolutely abominable covetousness, they declared in addition that he had no knowledge of how to rule the state, nor could anyone find a trace of good will in his government. And for all these reasons they declared that, not wrongly, but because of the just judgment of Almighty God, [Lothar] had taken flight, first from the battlefield223 and then from his own kingdom. Therefore, they all determined unanimously and agreed that, because of his

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uindicta Dei illum eiecerit regnumque fratribus suis melioribus se iuste ad regendum tradiderit. Verumtamen haudquaquam illis hanc licentiam dedere, donec palam illos percontati sunt, utrum illud per uestigia fratris eiecti an secundum Dei uoluntatem regere uoluissent.640 Respondentibus autem, in quantum nosse ac posse Deus illis concederet, secundum suam uoluntatem se et suos gubernare et regere uelle aiunt: “Et auctoritate diuina, ut illud suscipiatis et secundum Dei uoluntatem illud regatis, monemus, ortamur atque praecipimus.” Hinc autem uterque illorum duodecim e suis ad hoc opus elegit, quorum unus extiti; et sicut illis congruum, ut inter illos hoc regnum diuideretur, uisum est, contenti sunt; in qua diuisione non tantum fertilitas aut equa portio regni, quantum affinitas et congruentia cuiusque aptata est. Euenitque Lodhuwico omnis Frisia et cetera […].641 Karolo uero […].642 2. Quibus peractis643 quique644 illorum e populo, qui se sequutus est, suscepit ac sibi, ut deinceps fidelis esset, sacramento firmauit. Et Karolus quidem Mosam regnum suum ordinaturus traiecit, Lodhuwicus uero Saxonorum645 causa Coloniam petiit. Quorum casus quoniam maximos esse perspicio, praetereundos minime puto. Saxones quidem, sicut uniuersis Europam646 degentibus patet, Karolus Magnus imperator ab uniuersis nationibus non inmerito uocatus ab idolorum uana647 cultura multo ac diuerso labore ad ueram Dei Christianamque religionem conuertit. Qui ab initio tam nobiles quam et ad bella promptissimi multis indiciis persaepe claruerunt. Que gens omnis in

 regere uoluissent] regem uoluisset M, regere uoluisset Pithou  cetera] lac. sequitur in A B T: cf. Müller (41 n. a), sic. uet. ex. quod nuper admodum quidam sic supplere tentauit: Et Orientalia regna cesserunt, omnis scilicet Germania usque ad Reni fluenta et aliquae civitates trans Renum cum adiacentibus pagis add. A2 Pithou in lac., haec addita minoribus formis, sic. uet. ex. quod nuper admodum quidam sic supplere tentauit: Et Orientalia regna cesserunt, omnis scilicet Germania usque ad Reni fluenta et aliquae civitates trans Renum cum adiacentibus pagis T2 in marg. 642  uero] lac. sequitur in A B T: cf. Müller (41 n. b), sic uet. et idem nuper sic supplere conatus est: Karolus uero accepit Occidentalia regna a Britannico oceano usque ad Mosam fluuium, in qua parte extunc et modo nomen Fanciae remansit add. A2 Pithou in lac. T2 in marg. 643  peractis] per actibus A1, per actis A2 644  quique] quemque prop. T2 in nota 645  Saxonorum] Saxonum M Lauer 646  Europam] [per] Europam T2 647  uana] uaria Pithou 640 641



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iniquity, God’s vengeance had expelled him and had justly entrusted the kingdom to his brothers, who were better than he, to rule it.224 However, [the bishops and priests] by no means gave them permission [to reign] until they had asked them publicly whether they wanted to rule [the kingdom] by following in the footsteps of their expelled brother, or according to God’s will. Since [Charles and Louis] answered that they and their men wanted to govern and rule according to [God’s] will, as far as God allowed them to know and be capable,225 [the bishops] said: “And by divine authority, we admonish, exhort, and order you to receive it and rule it according to God’s will.”226 Then each of the [brothers] appointed twelve of his men for this task, of whom I was one; and [these men] were happy with the way it seemed appropriate to [the brothers] to divide this kingdom between them;227 and in making this division, not just the fertility or equality of portions, but also the family connections228 and suitability of each one was considered.229 And to Louis all of Frisia and the rest was allotted […].230 Charles, on the other hand […].231 2.  After these things had been accomplished, both brothers received [an act of reverence] from the people who were on their side and confirmed with an oath that henceforward they would be faithful to them. Then Charles crossed the Meuse to settle the affairs of his kingdom,232 while Louis proceeded to Cologne on account of the Saxons.233 And since I consider the affairs of [this people] to be of the greatest significance, I think that they should not be passed over. As is well known to all those inhabiting Europe, Charlemagne, who was not unjustly called emperor by all nations,234 converted the Saxons with great and prolonged toil from the vain worship of idols to the true and Christian religion of God.235 And from the beginning they gave many indications of their conspicuous nobility and eagerness to fight. They are

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tribus ordinibus diuisa consistit: sunt etenim inter illos qui edhilingi,648 sunt qui frilingi, sunt qui lazzi illorum lingua dicuntur; Latina uero lingua hoc sunt: nobiles, ingenuiles649 atque seruiles. Sed pars illorum, quae nobilis inter illos habetur, in duabus partibus in dissensione Lodharii ac fratrum suorum diuisa, unaque650 eorum Lodharium, altera uero Lodhuwicum secuta est. His ita se habentibus, cernens Lodharius, quod post uictoriam fratrum populus, qui cum illo fuerat, deficere uellet, uariis necessitatibus astrictus, quocumque et quomodocumque poterat, subsidium quaerebat. Hinc rem publicam in propriis usibus tribuebat, hinc quibusdam libertatem dabat, quibusdam autem post uictoriam se daturum promittebat, hinc etiam in Saxoniam misit frilingis lazzibusque,651 quorum infinita multitudo est, promittens, si secum sentirent, ut legem, quam antecessores sui tempore, quo idolorum cultores erant, habuerant, eandem illis deinceps habendam concederet. Qua supra modum cupidi nomen nouum sibi, id est Stellinga, imposuerunt et in unum conglobati dominis e regno poene pulsis more antiquo qua quisque uolebat lege uiuebat. Insuper autem Lodharius Nortmannos causa subsidii introduxerat partemque Christianorum illis subdiderat, quibus etiam, ut ceteros Christianos depraedarent, licentiam dabat. Igitur metuens Lodhuwicus, ne idem652 Nortmanni nec non et Sclaui propter affinitatem Saxonibus, qui se Stellinga nominauerant, coniungerent regnumque sibi uindicaturi inuaderent et Christianam religionem his in partibus annullarent; quam ob rem, uti praetulimus, praemaxime […]653 adiit et, in quantum ualuit, simul et cetera regni sui scandala, ne hoc nefandissimum malum sanctae Dei ecclesiae deueniret, precauit. Quibus expletis Uiridunensium654 ciuitatem Lodhuwicus per Teotonis uillam, Karolus autem per Remensem urbem adeunt, quid deinceps agendum uideretur, deliberaturi.

 edhilingi] etdhilingui A B, etdilingi M, aedhilingi Pertz2, edhilingui Holder Müller  ingenuiles] ingenui M prop. T2 in nota 650  unaque] unaquaque M 651  lazzibusque] lazzisque prop. T2 in nota 652  idem] eidem T, iidem T2 653  praemaxime] Müller (42 n. d) notes that a lacuna of about twenty letters occurs in A and a wider lacuna of about five words occurs in B, praemaxime et ** Pithou, Coloniam add. Pithou in marg. 654  Uiridunensium] Uirdunensium M 648 649



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divided into three classes: there are among them those who, in their language, are called edhilingi, those who are called frilingi, and those who are called lazzi; and in the Latin language this is what they are: “nobles,” “freemen,” and “servile.”236 But the part of them that is considered to be noble was divided into two parts due to the conflict between Lothar and his brothers, and one supported Lothar, the other Louis. Now, this being the situation, since Lothar saw that the people who had been with him wanted to defect after his brothers’ victory, pressed by various necessities, he looked for support wherever and however he could. Therefore, he assigned public properties for private use, gave freedom to some [of the Saxons], and promised others to grant it after his victory; and finally he also sent [messengers] to Saxony to the endless multitude of frilingi and lazzi, promising that, if they sided with him, he would allow them to have for the future the same law that their ancestors had had at the time when they were worshippers of idols. And since they were extremely desirous of that, they conferred upon themselves the new name of Stellinga237 and, after gathering into a single group, they nearly drove their lords away from the kingdom and lived according to their ancient custom, that is, with the law that each of them wanted.238 In addition, Lothar had brought in the Northmen in order to get their support, had subjected a part of the Christians to them, and was also giving them permission to pillage the rest of the Christians. Therefore, Louis, fearing that the Northmen239 and the Slavs might unite because of their proximity with the Saxons who called themselves Stellinga and might invade the kingdom to claim it for themselves and abolish the Christian religion in that area; for this reason, as we have mentioned above, especially […],240 he went and, with all his power, prayed that this most dreadful evil might not befall the holy Church of God at the same time as all the other conflicts of his kingdom. After doing this Louis reached the city of Verdun by going through Thionville [and] Charles through the city of Reims in order to discuss what ought to be done next.

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3. Per idem tempus Nortmanni Contwig655 depredati sunt, inibique mare656 traiecto Hamwig et Nordhunnwig657 similiter depopulati sunt. Lodharius autem, ut se supra ripam Rodani recepit, nauigio eiusdem fluminis fretus inibi resedit; quo undique quos ualuit sibi in subsidium658 adtraxit. Verumtamen legatum ad fratres suos dirigens mandat, si sciret, qua659 fieri posset, primores suos ad illos dirigere uellet de pace deliberaturos. Responsum est, mitteret quos uellet, facile quemlibet scire posse, qua illis deueniret660 esse; ipsi uero uno eodemque itinere per Tricasinensium Cadhellonensem661 adeunt urbem. Cumque Miliciacum662 uenissent, Iosippus, Eberhardus, Egbertus una cum ceteris a parte Lodharii ad illos uenerunt dicentes, quod Lodharius cognouisset se in Deum et illos deliquisse, nolletque amplius, ut altercatio inter illos et Christianum populum esset; si uellent aliquid illi663 supra tertiam partem regni propter nomen imperatoris, quod illi pater illorum concesserat, et propter dignitatem imperii, quam auus regno Francorum adiecerat, augere, facerent; sin aliter, tertiam tantummodo partem totius absque Langobardia, Baioaria et Aquitania illi concederent; regeretque quisque illorum Deo fauente portionem regni sui, prout melius posset; frueretur alter alterius subsidio ac beniuolentia; concederent pacem et leges inuicem sibi subiectis,664 essetque inter illos Deo auctore pax pacta665 perpes.666 Quod cum Lodhuwicus et Karolus audissent,667 et illis plebique uniuersae perplacidum668 esset, in unum una cum primoribus coeunt ac,669 quid de talibus acturi essent, gratanti animo conferunt. Aiebant670 se hoc in exordio dissensionis uoluisse  Contwig] Cotuuig T, Cotuing M  mare] mari T2 657  Nordhunnwig] Nordhumnuuig T 658  subsidium] subdium A T 659  qua] qui prop. T2 in nota 660  deueniret] deueniendum esset prop. T2 in nota 661  Cadhellonensem] Cadellonensem T M 662  Miliciacum] Milliciatum M 663  illi] illis A 664  subiectis] sub iectas A B, subiectas T Pithou 665  pax pacta] pacta pax Pithou 666  perpes] perpetuo prop. M2 667  audissent] audiissent M 668  perplacidum] perplacitum T2 Edd. 669  ac] et Pithou 670  aiebant] agebant A T, agebat B M 655

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3.  In that same period the Northmen pillaged Quentovic and, after crossing the sea from there, sacked Hamwich and Northunwig as well. Lothar, as soon as he had retreated to the bank of the Rhône, remained encamped there, relying on his fleet of riverboats with which from everywhere he drew towards himself as many men as he could for his support. However, by sending an envoy to his brothers, he declared that he would be ready to send his leading men to them to discuss a treaty of peace, if he were informed how that could be done. He was told that he could send whomever he wanted and that anybody could easily know where they happened to be; they were, in fact, going to the city of Chalon241 by the same route through Troyes. And when they arrived in Mellecey, Joseph, Eberhard, and Egbert, together with others from Lothar’s party, came to them,242 saying that Lothar had realized that he had done wrong to God and to them and no longer wanted conflict with the Christian people; therefore, if they wanted to increase a little more his third part of the empire because of his imperial title, which their father had conferred upon him,243 and because of the dignity of the empire, which their grandfather had added to the kingdom of the Franks, they might do that; otherwise, they could concede only the third part of the whole [empire] to him,244 except for Lombardy, Bavaria, and Aquitaine; and each of them could rule with God’s favor the portion of his kingdom as best as he could; in addition, each would enjoy the support and benevolence of the other, they would concede peace and laws to their subjects, and between them there would be, through divine authority, an agreed and perpetual peace. And when Louis and Charles heard that, and it appeared to be quite acceptable to them and the whole people, they gathered in one group together with the most important men and willingly discussed what they should do about those proposals. They said that from the beginning of the conflict they had wanted this kind of arrangement, and that it had

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et, quanquam peccatis interuenientibus proficuum esse non posset, saepe hoc illi mandatum fuisse. In eo tamen omnipotenti Deo gratias referebant, cuius tandem ope671 adiuti hoc promeruerant, ut frater illorum, qui semper pacem atque concordiam spreuerat, Deo largiente tunc illa672 petebat. Verumtamen solito more ad episcopos sacerdotesque rem673 referunt, ut quocumque diuina auctoritas id uertere674 uellet, nutu ipsius libenti animo praesto adessent. Quibus cum undique, ut pax inter illos fieret, melius uideretur, consentiunt, legatos conuocant, postulata concedunt. Cumque in diuisione regni quattuor dies uel eo amplius morarentur, tandem uisum est, ut inter Renum et Mosam usque ad exortum Mosae ac deinde ad exortum Saugonne675 et sic per Saugonnam676 usque ad confluentum677 Rodani et sic deinde per Rodanum usque in mare Tyrrenum omnes uidelicet episcopatus, abbatias, comitatus, fisca cis678 Alpibus consistentia679 absque […]680 illi in parte regni tertia offerrent,681 et, si hanc recipere rennuat,682 quid cuique debeatur, armis decernant. Quod quidem, quanquam ultra quod iustum ac congruum, ut quibusdam uidebatur, inuentum fuerit, per Conradum, Cobbonem,683 Adhelhardum684 et ceteros mandatum est; ipsi uero interim, donec qui missi fuerant reuerterentur, in eodem loco esse se decernunt responsum Lodharii praestolaturi. Qui cum ad Lodharium uenissent, reppererunt illum paululum minus solito more animatum. Aiebat enim se non esse contentum in eo, quod fratres sui illi mandauerant, quia equa portio non esset, querebaturque insuper suorum, qui se sequuti sunt, causam, quod in praefata parte, quae illi offerebatur, non685  ope] opere M  illa] illam M Pithou 673  rem] om. M 674  uertere] uetere A 675  Saugonne] Saugonnae T, Sagonnae M 676  Saugonnam] Sagonnam M 677  confluentum] Confluencum Pithou 678  fisca cis] fiscas is A, fiscac is A2, fiscas*is Pithou 679  consistentia] *consistentia Pithou 680  absque] lac. sequitur in A (cf. Müller [44 n. c]) B T, ** add. Pithou in lac., Longobardia, Baioaria, et Aquitania addere prop. T2 in nota 681  offerent] conferrent M 682  rennuat] renuat T 683  Cobbonem] Cebbonem M, Abbonem Pithou 684  Adhelhardum] adhebhardum A, Adhelardum T 685  non] nec non A B T 671 672



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been often proposed to [Lothar], even though it could not take effect because of the crimes that had occurred. In that, however, they gave thanks to Almighty God, since being assisted by his power they had deserved this, namely that their bother, who had always disparaged peace and concord, was now asking for these things thanks to God’s generosity. However, they as usual submitted this matter to the bishops and priests245 so that, whatever direction the divine authority wanted to give [these events], they might promptly and gladly follow it in accordance with [God’s] will. And since in every respect it seemed best to them that there should be peace among them, they gave their assent, summoned their envoys, and granted what [Lothar] had requested. After working on the division of the kingdom for at least four days, it eventually seemed fair to them that they should offer him, as the third part of the empire, all the bishoprics, abbeys with their lands, counties, [and] royal estates located on this side of the Alps between the Rhine and the Meuse as far as the Meuse’s source, and then to the Saône’s source and along the Saône as far as the confluence of the Rhône, and from there along the Rhône as far as the Mediterranean Sea, except for […],246 and if he refused to accept that, they would determine with their weapons what each of them deserved. And even though it was found to be beyond what was fair and appropriate, as seemed to some, Conrad, Cobbo, Adalard, and others announced that proposal [to Lothar]; in the meantime, until the envoys returned, they decided to stay in the same place to await Lothar’s reply. And when [the envoys] reached Lothar, they found him, as was his custom, a little less well-disposed. He said that he was not content with what his brothers had proposed to him, because [his] portion was not equal in quantity, and in addition complained because in the aforesaid part, which was offered to him, he did not have [enough land] to restore what the men who had followed him had lost. And for this reason—

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haberet, unde illis ea quae amittebant restituere posset. Quam ob rem— ignoro, qua fraude decepti—hi qui missi fuerant augent illi supra definitam partem usque in Carbonarias; insuper, si hoc usque ad tempus, quod illis pariter conueniret, reciperet, iurant illi, quod tunc fratres sui iureiurando, prout aequius possent, regnum omne absque Langobardia, Baioaria et Aquitania in tribus partibus diuiderent, essetque super his sua electio, ut quam uellet harum acciperet, ac diebus uitae suae eandem illi concederent in eo, quod686 ille illis similiter faceret; et haec omnia, si aliter non crederet, sacramento sic se facturos promitterent. Iurat etiam Lodharius sic se uelle ac sua ex parte sic perficere in eo, quod fratres sui, uti missi illorum tunc illi iurauerant, adimplessent. 4. Igitur mediante Iunio, feria uidelicet quinta, propter ciuitatem Madasconis687 in insula quae Ansilla688 dicitur cum aequo numero primorum689 Lodharius, Lodhuwicus et Karolus conueniunt et hoc sacramentum mutuo sibi iurauerunt, uidelicet ut ab ea die690 et deinceps inuicem sibi pacem conseruare deberent, et ad placitum, quod fideles illorum inibi statuissent, regnum omne absque Langobardia, Baioaria et Aquitania cum sacramento, prout aequius possent, in tribus partibus sui diuiderent, electioque partium eiusdem regni esset Lodharii; et quique illorum partem, quam quisque acciperet, cuique deinde omnibus diebus uitae suae conseruare deberet in eo, si aduersus fratres691 suos frater suus similiter faceret. Quo expleto adhibitisque uerbis pacificis pacifice discedunt, ad castra redeunt, in crastinum de ceteris deliberaturi. Quanquam et id692 aegre uix, tamen effectum est, et693 usque ad conuentum, quod in Kal. Octobris condixerant, pacifice quisque in sua portione, qua694 uellet, esset. Et Lodhuwicus quidem Saxoniam, Karolus uero695 Aquitaniam ordinaturi adeunt, Lodharius autem iam, ut sibi uidebatur, de  in eo quod] in eoque M  Madasconis] Matisconis prop. T2 in nota 688  Ansilla] Anxilla A1 T Pithou 689  primorum] priorum A B T Pithou Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Lauer 690  ab ea die] ab eadem M, ab ea de A1 691  fratres] fratri et A B T Pertz2 Pithou, fratrem uel fratres prop. T2 in nota 692  id] om. Pithou 693  et] ut T2 Lauer prop. Müller, 45 n. e, et ut Pithou 694  qua] quam T2, qui Pithou 695  uero] quidem M 686 687



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I do not know by what trickery they were deceived—the envoys increased for him the part described above247 as far as the Charbonnière; in addition, if he accepted that until a time that was equally convenient to them, they swore that then his brothers, by making an oath, would divide as fairly as they could the entire kingdom into three parts, with the exception of Lombardy, Bavaria, and Aquitaine, and that the right of selecting one of these [parts] would be his, so that he might get the one that he wanted, and they would concede it to him for [all] the days of his life on condition that he did the same to them; and if he did not have a different opinion, they promised with an oath that they would do all these things. Lothar swore that he wanted that too and would do so on his part on condition that his brothers would fulfill [their promises], as their envoys had now sworn. 4. Therefore in mid-June, on a Thursday,248 near the city of Macôn on the island which is called Ansilla, Lothar, Louis, and Charles met, being accompanied by an equal number of leading men, and mutually swore to each other this oath, namely, that from that day forward they should reciprocally keep peace among them and that, according to the treaty that their faithful companions had arranged there with an oath, they would divide as fairly as they could the entire kingdom except for Lombardy, Bavaria, and Aquitaine into three parts, and that the choice of the parts of the same kingdom would be Lothar’s;249 and that [each brother] should preserve for [his brother], for all the days of his life, that part that each of them would receive, on condition that each brother did the same to his brothers.250 After that [covenant] was made and they had used words of peace with each other, they peacefully separated [and] returned to [their] camps, intending to discuss the remaining matters on the next day. And even though this [was done] with difficulty and reluctance, it was nevertheless agreed that each should peacefully stay within his portion [of kingdom], wherever he wanted, until the day of the conference, which they had fixed for the Calends of October [October 1].251 Louis went to Saxony252 and Charles to Aquitaine to settle the affairs [of their kingdoms], while Lothar, being sure about the

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electione regni partium securus Arduennam696 uenatum697 petit omnesque primores suae portionis populi, qui a se, dum a regno abiret,698 necessitate coacti desciuerant, honoribus priuauit. Lodhuwicus etenim in Saxonia seditiosos, qui se, uti praefatum est, Stellinga nominauerant, nobiliter, legali tamen cede compescuit.699 Karolus uero in Aquitaniam Pippinum fugauit; quo latitante nihil aliud notabile efficere ualuit, praeter quod700 Warinum quendam ducem ceterosque, qui sibi fidi uidebantur,701 ob custodiam eiusdem patriae inibi reliquit. Insuper Egfridus702 comes Tolosae e Pippini sociis, qui ad se perdendum missi fuerant, quosdam in insidiis cepit,703 quosdam strauit. Idemque Karolus ad placitum, quod cum Lodhuwico fratre suo Warmatiam condixerat, iter direxit. Cumque Mettis704 pridie Kal. Octobris uenisset, Lodharium in uilla Teotonis repperit, quo ante condictum placitum uenerat ac aliter, quam statuerat,705 residebat. Quam ob rem his, qui a parte706 Lodhuwici707 nec non et Karoli propter diuisionem regni Mettis residere debuerant, tutum minime uidebatur, ut, dum seniores sui in Warmatia et Lodharius in Teotonis uilla essent, illi Mettis regnum diuiderent. Distat enim Warmatia a708 Mettis leuwas plus minus LXX, Teotonis autem uilla plus minus octo. Occurrebat etiam, quod Lodharius in fratrum deceptione sepe perfacilis promptusque extiterat, ideoque suam salutem illi credere haudquaquam absque qualibet securitate audebant. Ergo Karolus horum saluti consulens ad Lodharium dirigit, mandat, quoniam aliter, quam conuenisset, uenerat et erat,709 si uellet, ut missi fratris sui nec non et sui inibi una cum suis remanerent, daret illi obsides, ut de salute illorum fidus esset; sin aliter,  Arduennam] Arduennem A1  uenatum] uenatu A B T Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer 698  abiret] habiret A B 699  compescuit] compescunt A B T 700  praeter quod] praeterquam M 701  uidebantur] uebantur A B T 702  Egfridus] om. Pithou 703  cepit] coepit A Pithou Holder, cępit Pertz1 Pertz2 704  Mettis] Metis T hic et infra 705  statuerat] statutum erat prop. T2 in nota, statuerant prop. M2 706  parte] patre Pithou 707  Lodhuwici] lohuuici A1 708  a] om. Pithou 709  et erat] *et era Pithou 696

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choice of the parts of the kingdom, as he believed, headed for the Ardennes for hunting and deprived of their lands all the leading men among his subjects who, being forced by necessity, had defected from him when he had fled from his kingdom.253 In Saxony Louis nobly subdued the rebels who had called themselves Stellinga, as we mentioned above,254 even though [he was forced to resort] to legal executions.255 Meanwhile, Charles put Pippin to flight in Aquitaine; but since the latter was hiding, [Charles] could do nothing worthy of mention except leave there, for the defense of his homeland, Duke Warin and all the others who seemed to be loyal to him.256 In addition Egfrid, count of Toulouse, captured by a surprise attack some of Pippin’s men who had been sent to kill him and struck others down. At this stage Charles proceeded to the meeting that he had called with his brother Louis in Worms.257 When he arrived in Metz258 on the day before the Calends of October [September 30],259 he learned that Lothar was in Thionville, where he had come before the appointed conference, and was residing contrary to what he had declared. For this reason it did not seem safe to those in the party of Louis and Charles who had to stay in Metz in order to divide the kingdom to make the division in Metz, while their lords were in Worms and Lothar in Thionville. For Worms is at a distance of more or less seventy leagues260 from Metz, while Thionville is at more or less eight.261 It had to be added that Lothar had often been extremely inclined and prompt to deceive his brothers, and therefore they did not dare at all to entrust their safety to him without any security. Therefore Charles, looking to their personal safety, sent [envoys] to Lothar [and] informed [him] that he had come and was [there] contrary to what he had agreed, [and] if he wanted his and his brother’s envoys to stay there together with his own men, he should give him hostages so that he might be confident about their safety; otherwise, he should send his envoys to them at Worms, and they would hand over those whom he wanted as hostages;

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mitteret710 ille missos suos Warmatiam ad illos, et illi quos uellet obsides illi darent; sin aliter, recederent a Mettis pari711 spatio; sin etiam et hoc nollet, in meditullio, qua uellet, missi illorum712 conuenissent: non enim se tot nobilium uirorum salutem neglegere debere dicebat. Erant quidem octoginta electi ex omni multitudine omni nobilitate praestantes, quorum interitus ni713 praecaueretur, maximam sibi fratrique suo posse inferre iacturam aiebat. Tum tandem pro commoditate omnium hinc714 inde uisum est, ut Conflentum715 missi illorum centum decem716 uidelicet, absque obsidibus conuenirent inibique regnum, prout aequius possent, diuiderent. 5. Quo scilicet XIIII. Kal. Nouenbris conuenientes, ne forte quoddam scandalum inter homines illorum qualibet ex causa oriretur, pars illorum, quae a Lodhuwico nec non et Karolo717 uenerat, orientalem ripam Reni metantes, quae autem a Lodhario, occiduam, cotidieque ob commune colloquium Sanctum Castorem petierunt. Cumque ad regni diuisionem hi, qui a Lodhuwico et Karolo missi fuerant, uariis querimoniis accessissent, quesitum est, si quis illorum totius imperii noticiam ad liquidum haberet. Cum nullus repperiretur, quaesitum est, cur missi illorum illud718 in transacto spatio non circumissent, et illorum industria inbreuiatum esset; cum et hoc, ut fieret, Lodharium nolle repperissent,719 aiebant inpossibile esse ignoranti quoddam720 aequaliter721 diuidere posse. Nouissime autem quaesitum est, quoniam sacramento illud, prout aequius ac melius possent nossentque, diuidere deberent, si hoc sincere iurare possent, dum scirent, quod nemo ignoranter id facere ualeret. Et hoc quoque ad conferendum episcopis commissum. Qui hinc inde in basilica722 sancti Castoris conuenientes, a parte Lodharii aiebant, si in s­ acramento quilibet deliquisset, hoc expiare723 posse, ac per  mitteret] mittere A B T Pithou  pari] par A M 712  illorum] eorum Pithou 713  ni] ut M 714  hinc] hic T corr. T2 715  Conflentum] Confluentum Pithou 716  centum decem] centum decim A B T Pithou, centum X Holder, centum viginti Lauer 717  Karolo] Karoli A B T 718  illud] om. Pithou 719  repperissent] repperisset Pithou 720  quoddam] quiddam T 721  aequaliter] ac qualiter M 722  in basilica] ad basilicam B M in basilicam Pithou Pertz1 Pertz2 723  expiare] expiari prop. T2 in nota 710 711



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otherwise, they should all withdraw the same distance from Metz; if he did not want this either, their envoys should assemble at a place in the middle [of their positions], where he wanted: for [Charles] said that he could not neglect the safety of so many noble men. There were actually eighty men elected from the entire people262 who excelled for their great nobility, whose destruction, as he said, would have caused him and his brother the greatest loss, if it had not been prevented. Then it eventually seemed convenient [to both parties], for the advantage of all, that their envoys, in number of one hundred and ten,263 should gather in Koblenz without hostages, and there should divide the kingdom as fairly as they could.264 5. When they gathered there on the fourteenth day of the Calends of November [October 19],265 in order that no occasion to fight might arise among the [assembled] men for whatever reason, the part that had come from Louis and Charles stayed on the eastern bank of the Rhine, and that from Lothar on the western bank, and every day they went to Saint Castor for their common conferences. And since those whom Louis and Charles had sent for the division of the kingdom had submitted various complaints, they also asked whether any of those present had a clear knowledge of the entire empire. Since nobody was found who had it, they asked why their envoys had not gone around [the empire] in the period of time that had been settled [for them] and why [the entire territory] had not been mapped out through their activity; but when they discovered that Lothar did not want [any map] to be actually completed, they said that it was impossible for people who were ignorant of the territory to divide it fairly. Finally, since they had to divide under oath the [empire] in the best and fairest way they could and knew, [Charles’s and Louis’s representatives] also asked whether they were able to swear to that sincerely, when they knew that nobody, being ignorant, could do that. And, therefore, also this matter was entrusted to the bishops to be discussed. And after they had gathered from both parties in the basilica of Saint Castor, those siding with Lothar said that, if anyone transgressed in spite of his oath, [his transgression] could be expiated; for

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hoc melius esset, ut hoc facerent, quam diutius tot rapinas,724 incendia, homicidia, adulteria ecclesia Dei pateretur. At contra hi qui a parte Ludhuuici nec non et Karoli erant aiebant, dum neutrum725 necesse esset, cur in Deum peccare deberent? Aiebant726 melius esse, ut firmaretur pax inter illos, mitterentque pariter per uniuersum imperium, et imbreuiaretur: ac tum727 tandem iurare quod certum728 est absque periculo aequaliterque diuidere posse censebant; sic quoque periuria729 ceteraque facinora deuitare, ni ceca730 cupiditas impediret, posse firmabant; ac per hoc nec se ledere in sacramento uelle nec cuipiam, ut facerent,731 licentiam dare testabantur. Qua732 dissentientes quique, qua uenerat, ad suos secesserunt.733 Hinc omnes in eadem domo conuenerunt, a parte Lodharii dicentes, quod parati ad sacramentum et ad diuisionem, uti iuratum fuerat, essent; at contra a parte Lodhuwici et Karoli similiter se uelle, si possent, aiebant; nouissime autem, quoniam neuter quod alter734 uolebat absque seniorum suorum auctoritate assentire audebat, statuunt, ut pax inter illos esset, donec scire possent, quid seniores sui horum recipere uellent;735 et hoc fieri posse in Non.736 Nouenbris uisum est,737 usquequo pacis738 termino constituto739 discedunt. Qua quidem die terrae740 motus magnus per omnem poene hanc Galliam factus est, eademque741 die Angilbertus uir memorabilis Centulo translatus et anno post decessum742 eius  rapinas] rapinae A B T Pithou  neutrum] T sup. l. om. M 726  aiebant] om. T2 727  ac tum] actum M 728  quod certum] quod censitum M 729  periuria] periurium Pithou 730  ni ceca] niceca Pithou, ni cęca Pithou2 731  facerent] facent B, faceret M prop. T2 in nota Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer 732  qua] quare prop. T2 in nota 733  Hinc omnes in eadem … in pace quieuit] This passage is also preserved in R, fol. 83r–83v (Ex Gestis Francorum) 734  alter] alteri M 735  et hoc fieri … in pace quieuit] This passage is also preserved in C, fol. 96v (Hariulf’s Chronique de l’Abbaye de Saint-Riquier). 736  in Non.] in nonis Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder, in nonas R Achery1 Achery2 Lot, nonas C 737  usquequo pacis … discedunt] om. C Achery1 Achery2 Lot 738  pacis] pascis A 739  constituto] constituti A, constituunt B M 740  terrae motus] ter motus A, termotus T, terraemotus T2 om. Achery1 741  eademque] eaque R C Achery2 Lot, om. Achery1 742  decessum] discessum M 724 725



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this reason it was better that they make [the division], rather than the Church of God suffer still further so much plunder, conflagration, murder, and adultery. But on the contrary, those siding with Louis and Charles said that, since none of that was necessary, why should they be forced to sin against God? They said that it would be better for peace to be confirmed among them and then for [envoys] to be sent throughout the empire to map it out; they also believed that only then would they be able to swear to what was certain without danger and make a fair division; they asserted that in this manner they could avoid perjury or any other offence, unless blind covetousness prevented it; and for this reason they testified that they neither wanted to make breaches in their oath nor give anyone permission to make them.266 And since there was disagreement among the parties on that matter, they separated to join their companions [from] where they had come. Then they all assembled in the same house,267 and those of Lothar’s party said that they were ready for the oath and the division, as they had sworn; those on Louis’s and Charles’s side, for their part, said that they equally wanted [to make the division], if they could; finally, since neither group dared assent to what the other wanted without the authority of their leaders, they resolved that there should be a truce among them, until they could learn which of these [proposals] their leaders wanted to accept; and it seemed [to them] that this could be done on the Nones of November [November 5];268 after the end of their truce had been fixed to that date, they separated.269 And exactly on that day a strong earthquake occurred through almost the whole of Gaul,270 and on that same day Angilbert,271 a man worthy of mention, was translated to Centulum, and

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XXVIIII.743 corpore absque aromatibus indissoluto repertus est. Fuit hic uir744 ortus eo in tempore haud ignotae familiae. Madhelgaudus autem, Richardus745 et hic ex una746 progenie fuere et apud Magnum Karolum merito magni habebantur. Qui ex eiusdem magni regis filia nomine Berehta747 Hartnidum fratrem meum et me Nithardum748 genuit. Centulo opus mirificum in honorem749 omnipotentis Dei sanctique Richarii construxit, familiam sibi commissam mirifice rexit, hinc post uitam cum omni felicitate defunctam750 Centulo in pace quieuit. His paucis de origine mea751 delibatis ad historiae seriem redire libet. 6. Cum autem, uti752 praefatum est, reuersi quique regi suo quae inuenerant nuntiassent, hinc inopia, hinc hieme instante, hinc etiam, quod primores populi degustato semel periculo iterum praelium nolebant, ac per hoc, ut753 pax inter illos usque in uigesimo die post missam sancti Iohannis firmaretur, assentiunt. Ad quam statuendam hinc inde primates754 populi Teotonis uillam confluunt, iurant, ut ipsi reges inter se interim mutuam pacem seruare755 deberent, et ut nequaquam quolibet modo omitteretur, ne756 in eodem conuentu, ut aequius possent, omne regnum diuiderent, essetque Lodharii, uti iuratum fuerat, partium electio eiusdem regni. Hinc quique qua libuit discessit, et Lodharius Aquis hiematum petiit, Lodhuwicus Baioariam, Karolus autem uxorem ducturus Carisiacum uenit. Eodem tempore Mauri a Sigenulfo757 fratre758 Sigihardi sibi causa subsidii inducti759  XXVIIII] XXVIII T2 in marg.  uir] om. R 745  Richardus] Rihardus A T 746  ex una] una A B T Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer 747  Berehta] Berchta T 748  me Nithardum] Mentchardum T 749  honorem] scr. cum R, honore A B C T Edd. Achery1 Achery2 Lot 750  post uitam … defunctam] uita … defuncta Pithou, uitam … defunctam A B T Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer 751  mea] mei M 752  uti] ut Pithou 753  ut] om. Pithou 754  primates] primatus A B T 755  seruare] seruari A B T 756  ne] ni A B T Pithou Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder, nequicquam prop. T2 in nota 757  Mauri a Sigenulfo] Mauriasi Genulfo T1 758  fratre] fratris A T Pithou 759  inducti] inducit M 743 744



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t­­wenty-nine years after his death272 he was found with his body incorrupt without any embalmment. This man had sprung from a family not unknown at that time. Madhelgaud, Richard, and he were from a single stock and, with good reason, Charlemagne considered them to be worthy. And with the same great king’s daughter, called Bertha, he begot my brother Hartnid and me, Nithard. In Centulum, he erected a wonderful building in honor of Almighty God and Saint Riquier and excellently ruled the family that was entrusted to him; and after accomplishing his life with every happiness, he finally rested in peace in Centulum. Now that I have spent a few words on my origin, I would like to return to the course of the narrative.273 6. After they had returned, as was mentioned above,274 and had announced to their king what they had found out [at the conference], either because dearth and winter were upon them or because the leaders of the people, after tasting danger once, did not want to fight again, they agreed that their truce should be confirmed for these reasons until the twentieth day after the Mass of Saint John [July 14].275 And in order to make that [treaty], the dignitaries of the people of both sides gathered in Thionville276 and swore that their kings should keep in the meantime a mutual peace among them, and that they would not in any way disregard to divide, in that same assembly, the entire kingdom as fairly as they could, and that the choice of the parts of that same kingdom was reserved to Lothar, as had been sworn.277 Then each went off wherever he liked, and Lothar headed for Aachen278 to pass the winter there, Louis for Bavaria, while Charles came to Quierzy to take a wife.279 At the same time the Moors, whom Sigenulf, Sigihard’s brother, had brought in for his support, invaded Benevento. Also at the same time the Stellinga in Saxony rose

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Beneuentum inuadunt. Eodem etiam760 tempore Stellinga in Saxonia contra dominos suos iterum761 rebellarunt, sed praelio commisso nimia cede prostrati sunt; ac sic762 auctoritate interiit, quod sine auctoritate surgere praesumpsit. Accepit quidem Karolus, uti praefatum est, in coniugio Hirmentrudem Vodonis et Ingeltrudis filiam et neptem763 Adelardi.764 Dilexerat autem pater eius suo in765 tempore hunc Adelardum adeo, 766 idem uellet in uniuerso imperio, hoc pater faceret. Qui utilitati767 publicae minus prospiciens placere cuique intendit. Hinc libertates, hinc publica in propriis usibus distribuere suasit ac, dum quod quique petebat, ut fieret, effecit, rem publicam penitus annullauit.768 Quo quidem modo effectum est, ut in hac tempestate populum qua uellet facile deuertere769 posset, et hac de re Karolus praefatas770 nuptias maxime iniit, quia cum eo maximam partem plebis sibi uindicare posse putauit. Nuptiis quidem XVIIII. Kal. Ianuarii expletis natalem Domini ad Sanctum Quintinum celebre peregit, Valentianas771 quoque, qui de fidelibus suis inter Mosam Sequanamque causa772 custodie remanere deberent, ordinauit; idem uero partibus Aquitaniae una 773 coniuge774 anno DCCCXLIII. incarnationis Domini in hieme775 iter direxit. Fuit autem eadem hiemps praefrigida nimis ac diuturna, langoribus776 insuper habundans nec non et agriculturae peccorique777 apibusque satis incongrua.

 etiam] om. Pithou  iterum] om. Pithou 762  sic] si A B T M 763  neptem] neptam A Pithou 764  Adelardi] Adardi T, Adhelardi T2 765  in] om. M 766  adeo ut quod idem] adeo idem A B T M Pithou, adeo quod idem prop. M2 767  utilitati] utilitate A B T Pithou Pertz1 768  annullauit] an nulauit A1, an nullauit A2 769  deuertere] diuertere T2 770  praefatas] praefatus A B T 771  Valentianas] Valentianis T2 772  causa] om. Pithou 773  cum] suppl. cum Pertz1 Pertz2 Holder Müller Lauer 774  una cum coniuge] una coniuge A B T Pithou 775  hieme] DCCCXLIII add. T2 in marg. 776  langoribus] languoribus T 777  peccorique] pecorique T 760 761



English Translation

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up against their lords again, but when they joined battle, they were utterly defeated in an enormous massacre; therefore, those who had presumed to rise up without authority were destroyed by authority. Charles, as has been mentioned above, married Ermentrude, daughter of Vodo and Ingeltrude, and niece of Adalard. His father [Louis the Pious] in his time had had such a liking for this Adalard that he did what [Adalard] wanted in the entire empire. [Adalard], however, did not care for the public welfare and wished to please everybody. He convinced [Charles] to distribute privileges here and public goods for private use there, and while he granted what anyone asked for, he completely ruined the state. And in this manner he obtained the result that, at this time, he could easily bend people wherever he wanted, and especially for this reason Charles arranged the aforesaid marriage, because he thought that with it he might draw to him the majority of the people.280 After the marriage was celebrated on the nineteenth day of the Calends of January [December 14],281 he magnificently performed the festivities for Christmas in Saint-Quentin; then, [after arriving] in Valenciennes,282 he also decided which of his faithful companions should remain between the Meuse and the Seine to control that area; then, in winter, he went with his wife to the territories of Aquitaine,283 in the eight hundred and forty-third year from the incarnation of the Lord. And that winter was particularly cold and long and, in addition, abundant in infirmities as well as quite detrimental to agriculture, farm animals, and bees.

192

Latin Text

7. Hic quique colligat, qua dementia utilitatem publicam neglegat,778 priuatis ac779 propriis uoluntatibus insaniat,780 dum ex utrisque781 creatorem adeo offendat, ut etiam omnia elementa eius uesaniae contraria reddat. Quodque782 huiuscemodi783 exemplis pene adhuc omnibus notis praefacile784 probaturus accedam. Nam temporibus bonae785 recordationis Magni Karoli, qui euoluto iam pene anno XXX. decessit, quoniam hic populus unam786 eandemque rectam ac per hoc uiam Domini publicam incedebat, pax illis atque concordia ubique erat, at nunc econtra, quoniam quique semitam quam cupit incedit, ubique dissensiones et rixae sunt manifestae. Tunc ubique habundantia787 atque leticia,788 nunc ubique poenuria789 atque mesticia. Ipsa elementa tunc cuique rei790 congrua, nunc autem omnibus ubique contraria, uti scriptura diuino munere791 prolata792 testatur: Et pugnabit orbis terrarum contra insensatos. Per idem tempus eclypsis lunae XIII.793 Kal. Aprilis contigit. Nix insuper multa eadem nocte cecidit meroremque omnibus, uti praefatum est, iusto Dei iuditio incussit. Id propterea inquam, quia hinc inde ubique794 rapinae et omnigena mala sese inserebant, illinc aeris intemperies795 spem omnium bonorum eripiebat.

 neglegat] negligat T  priuatis ac] priuatisque ac T2 780  insaniat] insaniet A B T, inseruiat prop. Müller (49 n. h) 781  dum ex utrisque] in extriusque M 782  quodque] quoque M 783  huiuscemodi] hiscemodi Pithou 784  praefacile] perfacile prop. T2 in nota 785  bonae] bene A B T 786  unam] per unam prop. T2 in nota 787  habundantia] habuntia A T, abundantia T2 788  leticia] letitiae T 789  poenuria] poenciria A, periuria Pithou 790  rei] regi A B T Pithou 791  munere] numine prop. T2 in nota 792  prolata] perlata M 793  XIII.] al. XV. T2 in marg. 794  inde ubique] uidendique M 795  intemperies] inteperiaes A, inteperies A2, intemperiei M 778 779



English Translation

193

7.  Here let everyone gather that he who neglects the public interest out of insanity and raves with regard to his private and personal ambitions, offends for both reasons the creator to such an extent that he even renders all the elements contrary to his madness. And I set out to prove this very easily with relevant examples, which are still well known to almost everybody. In fact, at the time of Charlemagne of good memory, who died almost thirty years ago, since our people followed a single and same straight way and, therefore, the common way of the Lord, they had peace and concord everywhere, but now, on the contrary, since each walks the path that he wants, everywhere conflicts and quarrels happen. At that time everywhere there was abundance and happiness, now dearth and sadness are everywhere. The elements themselves were favorable to all activities at that time; now they are contrary to everything everywhere, as Scripture, which was transmitted to us as a divine gift, says: And the world shall fight against the mad [Ws 5:21].284 In that same period an eclipse of the moon occurred on the thirteenth day of the Calends of April [March 20].285 In addition, a great amount of snow fell on that same night and instilled grief in everyone, as was mentioned above, because of God’s just judgment. And I say this for this reason, because on the one hand, plunders and evils of any sort added to each other everywhere; on the other, the severity of the weather took away the hope for anything good.286

Notes 1  With a concise address to his lord Charles the Bald, Nithard gives us two precise details about his work. The first reveals that his Histories were expressly ordered by Charles himself as an official account of the wars involving Louis the Pious and his children and successors; the second attests that in all probability Nithard began to write in winter 840, that is, shortly after Charles’s visit to the city of Châlons, and about one year before Charles and Louis the German allied against Lothar in spring 841. It is extremely likely that Charles, at this stage of the conflict, felt the need to explain and possibly justify the bitter war that was involving all the sons of Louis the Pious, and consequently ordered one of his most faithful collaborators to write an official account, which might plausibly relate the events of the war and their possible reasons. See Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 9, pp. 129–31; Janet L. Nelson, Charles the Bald (London: Longman, 1992), 41–45, 109. 2  In this de rigueur captatio benevolentiae, Nithard appears to include realistic touches, which immediately give his work its typical dramatic and almost dark tone and atmosphere. 3  Charlemagne died on January 28, 814, about 9 a.m. According to traditional chronology that indicated 742–743 as the year of his birth, he was seventy-one years old (Einhard, Vita Karoli, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 25, 6th ed. [Hanover: Hahn, 1911], chap. 30, p. 26; Philippe Lauer, Nithard: Histoire des fils de Louis le Pieux [Paris: H. Champion, 1926], 4 n. 1). More recent scholarship, however, has postponed the year of his birth to 748, so that, according to this new chronology, he died at the age of sixty-six (Janet L. Nelson, King and Emperor. A New Life of Charlemagne [Oakland: University of California Press, 2019], 67–92). 4  This reference to the prosperous reign of Charlemagne, which is purposely placed at the very beginning of the work, seems to be of scarce historical import in its extreme conciseness. However, it effectively summarizes and emphasizes Nithard’s historical outlook and interpretation: the age of Louis the Pious and his sons appears to be extremely decadent and morally impoverished when compared to Charlemagne’s reign. See Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 7, p. 193; Janet L. Nelson, “Public Histories and Private History in the Work of Nithard,” Speculum 60 (1985): 251–93, at 281; Courtney M. Booker, Past Convictions: The Penance of Louis the Pious and the Decline of the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 6–7. 5  Nithard refers here to the wars against the Saxons (772–785), Avars (788–799), Saxons and Danes (793–813), and Arabs (812–813) that Charlemagne faced. The expression “hic solus moderato terrore ita repressit, ut nihil in imperio moliri, praeter quod publicae utilitati congruebat” perfectly summarizes the results of Charlemagne’s policy: he was able to achieve an almost complete pacification of Europe and reorganized the empire according to standards of safety exceeding the levels reached by the Romans, who had been eventually overwhelmed by the barbarians. For a general discussion of Charlemagne’s campaigns against the Saxons, Avars, Danes, and Arabs, see Roger Collins, Charlemagne (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), 43–57, 89–101, 160–74; Rosamond McKitterick, Charlemagne. The Formation of a European Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 103–6, 127–34. 6  From 768 to 800 Charlemagne reigned as king of the Franks, and from 800 to 814 as emperor. 7  Here I emended the text according to the conjecture proposed by von Simson and received by both Müller and Lauer in their editions. Another possible interpretation, which I consider very tentative, would be that of considering deliberatis as a past participle of delibero (to set free/to dismiss), a compound of the verb libero, resulting in a translation of “after dismissing all the others who appeared to be trustworthy.”

196 Notes This hypothesis seems to be supported by Thegan, Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Ernst Tremp, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 64 (Hanover: Hahn, 1995), chap. 9, p. 190, who mentions envoys of the Byzantines, who came to Aachen just after Louis’s Ordinatio. They were well received by the new emperor and dismissed after a few days: “Ille eos benigne suscipiens et dona eorum cum gratiarum actione suscepit et colloquium familiare interim, quousque cum eo erant, habebat. Non post multos autem dies magnis honoribus decoravit eos et dimisit ire ad propria” (“He received them benevolently and gratefully accepted their gifts and had intimate conversations with them until they stayed with him. After a few days, he awarded them with great honors and allowed them to return to their homelands”). Nithard may be alluding to the same episode in this passage. 8  Nithard is referring here to Gisela (ca. 781–808) and Bertha (ca. 779–after 829), his mother, who took the veil in Saint-Riquier. See François L. Ganshof, “Note critique sur la biographie de Nithard,” in Mélanges Paul Thomas (Bruges: Imprimerie Sainte-Catherine, 1930), 335–44; Th. Zotz, “Bertha (7.B.),” Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1:2023. 9  On Nithard’s testimony about Louis the Pious’s brothers made “table companions,” see Stuart Airlie, “The World, the Text, and the Carolingian: Royal, Aristocratic, and Masculine Identities in Nithard’s Histories,” in Lay Intellectuals in the Carolingian World, ed. Patrick Wormald and Janet L. Nelson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 51–76, at 64. 10  Actually, the conspiracy of Bernard took place after Louis decided to divide the empire between his three sons, Pippin, Louis the German, and Lothar. Bernard, even though he was recognized as the king of Italy, found himself under Lothar’s authority. See Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 2, p. 87. 11  This measure that Louis took towards his brothers is later than the so-called Ordinatio imperii of 817. In fact, in order to prevent further reasons for dissension on the part of the other illegitimate sons of Charlemagne, he had them tonsured and sent to monasteries: Drogo to Luxeuil, Hugh to Chartroux, and Theodoric to another monastery (Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Kingdoms under the Carolingians, 751–987 [London: Longman, 1983], 135; Janet L. Nelson, “The Frankish Kingdoms, 814– 898: The West,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, c. 700–c. 900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995], 110–41, at 114–15). 12  In October 821 Lothar married Ermengarde, daughter of Hugh, Count of Tours, and Pippin married Ingeltrude (also called Rigarde), daughter of Count Theodobert (Pierre Riché, Les Carolingiens: Une famille qui fit l’Europe [Paris: Hachette, 1983], 152). From Nithard’s account, it seems that Louis the German also got married in October 821, but he actually married Emma, daughter of count Welf, in 827 (Eric J. Goldberg, Struggle for Empire: Kingship and Conflict under Louis the German, 817–876 [Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2006], 55–56). 13  The division of the empire between Louis’s sons and the concession to Lothar of the title of emperor occurred in 817 (Thegan, Gesta Hludovici imperatoris, chap. 21, p. 210). See also McKitterick, Frankish Kingdoms, 136; Riché, Les Carolingiens, 151. 14  On October 3, 818 (Thegan, Gesta Hludovici imperatoris, chap. 21, p. 210; Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Ernst Tremp, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 64 [Hanover: Hahn, 1995], chap. 31, p. 388; Sophie Glansdorff, Nithard: Histoire des fils de Louis le Pieux [Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2012], 9 n. 20). 15  Judith was another daughter of count Welf and sister of Emma, wife of Louis the German. The choice of Judith as Louis’s second wife represented a significant political change, as the emperor’s attention shifted to the territories of Bavaria, Alamannia, and Saxony in accordance with the interests and relations that Judith’s family had in that area. In this way, Louis could more easily protect the borders of the empire from the attacks of the Slavs and reinforce his political action upon the territories east of the Rhine (Riché, Les Carolingiens, 152–53). Nelson, “Frankish Kingdoms,” 115, provides a very interesting analysis of these events and political situation.



Notes197

16  In 822 Louis sent Lothar to Italy, probably to keep him away from the heart of the empire. On Easter Day 823, thanks to his clever political actions, Lothar, who probably intended to imitate Charlemagne’s career, obtained an imperial coronation by Pope Paschal I (r. 817–824) (Annales regni Francorum, ed. G. H. Pertz, rev. Friedrich Kurze, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 6 [Hanover: Hahn, 1895], a. 823, pp. 160–61). 17  When he was twenty-eight years old, Lothar had married Ermengarde, daughter of Hugh, Count of Tours (McKitterick, Frankish Kingdoms, 91). 18  Nithard’s judgment on the role and character of Bernard appears to be critical but moderate, whereas that of the Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 44, pp. 454–58, is much more severe. Later, Bernard became a victim of the revolt that Louis’s sons organized against their father. Besides keeping Louis under their custody, their intention—especially Lothar’s—was that of driving Bernard away from the position of preeminence that he had reached in the Carolingian court (Riché, Les Carolingiens, 155–56; Booker, Past Convictions, 151–52; Airlie, “The World,” 64). 19  In August 829, after summoning in Worms a meeting of the notables of the kingdom, the emperor decided to assign Alamannia, Retia, Alsace, and part of Burgundy to Charles (Thegan, Gesta Hludovici imperatoris, chap. 35, p. 220). 20  The revolt occurred in April 830, during Louis’s campaign against the Bretons (Nelson, Charles, 87–91). 21  In late April 830 (Thegan, Gesta Hludovici imperatoris, chap. 36, pp. 220–22; Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 44, p. 456; Glansdorff, Histoire, 12 n. 29). 22  Judith was imprisoned in the monastery of Sainte-Croix in Poitiers (Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 44, p. 458; Glansdorff, Histoire, 12–13 n. 30). 23  Nithard mixes events of the year 830 with others that occurred in 833, when Lothar pressured his father to abandon his political career and retire to a monastery. Since the Latin text here does not mention Charles, whose name we supplied for the sake of clarity, but simply refers to him with the relative pronoun quo (cum quo), Glansdorff suggests that Nithard is not referring to Charles, but to Louis the Pious. However, this would be an anomalous construction, as in Latin a relative pronoun is usually referred to the preceding noun, which is Karolum in this sentence: cf. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 44, p. 458; Glansdorff, Histoire, 13 n. 32. 24  At the end of the year 830, Louis gathered his sons in Nijmegen and restored the status quo preceding these events. In February 831 Louis called a new meeting in Aachen in order to precisely determine the territories reserved for Pippin, Lothar, and Charles (Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chaps. 45–46, pp. 460–68). See also Riché, Les Carolingiens, 156. 25  Since Pippin was not happy with the division of the empire proclaimed by Louis in Aachen, after going back to Aquitaine he decided to make war against his father and brothers. And he found in Bernard a ready ally in this project (see also Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 47, pp. 468– 72). Therefore, being afraid of a new rebellion, Louis deprived Pippin of his rule over Aquitaine and gave it to Charles the Bald (Nelson, Charles, 112). 26  In the year 832 (Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 47, p. 470; Glansdorff, Histoire, 17 n. 41). 27  Namely, Louis the Pious’s sons Pippin and Louis the German. 28  The intervention of Pope Gregory IV could indicate an extremely significant political commitment on the part of the Papacy in these events, either in view of a possible restoration of the unity of the empire under the influence of the Church, or in the hope that the Pope might play a more important role in the political events occurring in Europe at the time. In fact, after the reign of Charlemagne, the Pope’s role had lessened in power, especially in comparison with the bishops and the German ecclesiastical dignitaries. Perhaps this was the right time to intervene personally in order to restore the

198 Notes a­ uthority of the pontiff (Riché, Les Carolingiens, 156–58). An interesting analysis of the intervention of Pope Gregory IV and the relationship between the empire of Louis and the Papacy is in Thomas F. X. Noble, “Louis the Pious and the Papacy: Law, Politics and the Theory of Empire in the Early Ninth Century,” Ph. D. diss. (Michigan State University, Department of History, 1974); see also Booker, Past Convictions, 131, 133, 135–36. 29  This episode is also attested by Thegan, Gesta Hludovici imperatoris, chaps. 54–55, pp. 246–50, and the Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 48, pp. 472–80. The events related by Nithard date from 833 (Nelson, “Frankish Kingdoms,” 117–18; Booker, Past Convictions, 104–26). 30  Louis was detained in the monastery of Saint-Medard de Soissons and Charles in the abbey of Prüm (Johann Friedrich Böhmer, et al., Regesta imperii, vol. 1, Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter den Karolingern, 751–918, rev. E. Mühlbacher, completed by J. Lechner, introduction by L. Santifaller, with foreword, concordance tables and additions by C. Brühl and H. Kaminsky [Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1966], n. 925 f, p. 368). 31  Pope Gregory supposedly returned to Italy in July 834 (Philipp Jaffé and Wilhelm Wattenbach, Regesta pontificum Romanorum [Leipzig: Veit, 1885], 1:326). 32  In February 834 (Thegan, Gesta Hludovici imperatoris, chap. 48, p. 240; Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 51, pp. 486–88; Annales Bertiniani, ed. Félix Grat, Jeanne Vielliard, and Suzanne Clémencet [Paris: Klincksieck, 1964], a. 834, p. 12; Glansdorff, Histoire, 21 n. 56). 33  Lothar was in Burgundy on February 28, 834, from where he reached Vienne (Böhmer et al., Regesta imperii, n. 926 o, 1:373; Lauer, Histoire, 18 n. 1). 34  On March 1, 834 (Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 51, p. 488; Annales Bertiniani, a. 834, p. 12; Glansdorff, Histoire, 21 n. 58). 35  This order of the emperor is only mentioned in Nithard. Annales Bertiniani, a. 834, p. 13, report that Louis, on the contrary, intended to summon Lothar to Saint-Denis or later to Aachen. See also Glansdorff, Histoire, 22 n. 59. 36  The meeting of Louis with Pippin happened on March 15, 834, in Quierzy (Böhmer et al., Regesta imperii, n. 926 r and s, 1:374; Lauer, Histoire, 19 n. 3). 37  Louis appears to have moved to Aachen only after the Ides of March in order to celebrate Easter (Gerold Meyer von Knonau, Über Nithards vier Bücher Geschichten. Der Bruderkrieg der Söhne Ludwigs des Frommen und sein Geschichtschreiber [Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1866], 95 n. 60). Since all manuscripts present here the reading gematum, scholars have interpreted it as hiematum, that is, “in order to spend the winter there,” but this contradicts the fact that Louis only spent the last few days of winter and the very first part of spring in Aachen. For this reason Ernst Müller, Nithardi Historiarum libri IIII, Editio tertia, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 44 (Hanover: Hahn, 1907), 6 n. k, suggests that gematum might be the corruption of another word rather than a different spelling of hiematum, which is found in other texts. 38  Namely Ratold, bishop of Verona, Bonifacius, count of Tuscany, and Pippin, son of Bernard, king of Italy (Annales Bertiniani, a. 834, p. 13; Glansdorff, Histoire, 23 n. 62). 39  Judith was accused of adultery. According to Thegan’s account, those responsible for this accusation were Louis’s sons, Pippin among them, who spread these rumors in order to harm the emperor’s reputation (Thegan, Gesta Hludovici imperatoris, chap. 36, pp. 220–22). See also Riché, Les Carolingiens, 155; Booker, Past Convictions, 149–50, 170, 315 n. 100. 40  The events reported here by Nithard actually occurred after the first return of Judith in 831. Cf. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 45, p. 464; Annales Bertiniani, a. 831, p. 4; see Glansdorff, Histoire, 23 n. 63. 41  According to the Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 52, pp. 494–96, the siege of the city of Chalon (presently Chalon-sur-Saône) lasted five days and ended with the conquest of the city in 834.



Notes199

 Cf. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 53, pp. 496–500; Thegan, Gesta Hludovici imperatoris, chap. 54, pp. 246–50. 43  In August 834 (Annales Bertiniani, a. 834, p. 14; Glansdorff, Histoire, 27 n. 73). 44  In the first months of 835, Louis was able to take control of the empire again and in Metz his halfbrother Drogo crowned him again as emperor before forty-four bishops and many ecclesiastical dignitaries (Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 54, pp. 500–6). See also Riché, Les Carolingiens, 158–59. 45  With these words Nithard briefly summarizes the events of the years 835–836 (Lauer, Histoire, 24 n. 1; Glansdorff, Histoire, 28 n. 76–77). 46  In winter 837–838 (Annales Bertiniani, a. 837, pp. 22–23; Glansdorff, Histoire, 28 n. 78). 47  In March 838 (Annales Fuldenses sive Annales regni Francorum orientalis, ed. Friedrich Kurze, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 7 [Hanover: Hahn, 1891], a. 838, p. 28; Glansdorff, Histoire, 31 n. 96). 48  This is confirmed by the Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 59, pp. 524–26. 49  On many occasions Nithard underlines how Charles the Bald’s political actions found an enthusiastic support among his subjects, since, in Nithard’s view, he constantly demonstrated that he was a loyal and politically fair ruler towards both his father and brothers. 50  Louis the German surrendered in Frankfurt on November 29, 838 (Goldberg, Struggle, 93). 51  At the beginning of 839 (Annales Fuldenses a. 838, p. 29; Glansdorff, Histoire, 33 n. 104). 52  Cf. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 59, p. 528. 53  See Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 3, p. 89. 54  Cf. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 62, pp. 540–46. 55  Bavaria was assigned to Louis. The same information is in Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chaps. 59–60, pp. 528–32. 56  May 30, 839 (Nelson, Charles, 100–1). 57  Cf. Lk 15:21. 58  Cf. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 60, pp. 530–32; Nelson, Charles, 100–1. 59  Cf. Jn 13:34. 60  In July 839 (Annales Fuldenses, a. 839, p. 30; Lauer, Histoire, 33 n. 3). 61  Actually, Pippin had died one year before, on December 13, 838. The Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 59, p. 528, reports that it had happened on January 1, 839. 62  This same information is in Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 61, p. 538: “Aruernorum urbem petiit” (“he proceeded to the city of the Arverni”). 63  Nithard refers here to the grandchildren of Louis the Pious, namely Pippin II and Charles, whom the emperor had tried to exclude from political life by forcing them to become monks (Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 61, p. 540). Later, Lothar compelled Louis to release them (Annales Bertiniani, a. 839, p. 35; Lauer, Histoire, 34 n. 3; Glansdorff, Histoire, 40–41 n. 121). 64  Cf. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 62, p. 540. 65  Louis lived in Poitiers from November 839 to February 840 (Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 62, pp. 540–42; Annales Bertiniani, a. 840, pp. 35–36; Glansdorff, Histoire, 41 n. 123). 66  In that year (840) Easter Day was on March 28 (Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 62, p. 542; Annales Bertiniani, a. 840, p. 36; Glansdorff, Histoire, 41 n. 124). 67  Cf. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 62, p. 542. 68  The meeting was held on May 30, 839 (Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 62, p. 542). 69  Glansdorff, Histoire, 42 n. 126. 70  Cf. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 64, p. 554. 42

200 Notes  Louis was actually sixty-two. This same mistake is made by the Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 64, p. 554, who puts Louis’s birthday in the year 778. See also Lauer, Histoire, 36 n. 2; Glansdorff, Histoire, 43 n. 128. 72  Louis had been appointed king of Aquitaine in 781 and kept this title until his Ordinatio imperii, which occurred in 817 (Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 64, p. 554). 73  Cf. Astronomer, Vita Hludowici imperatoris, chap. 64, p. 554. See also Lauer, Histoire, 37 n. 4; Glansdorff, Histoire, 43 n. 128. Here Nithard’s calculation is wrong: the six months should be subtracted and not added. 74  In this second captatio benevolentiae, Nithard emphasizes his intention to expound upon the reasons that led Lothar to begin the conflict, so that readers may judge whether his conduct and motives were just or unjust. If the writer’s intention is to produce an unbiased account of the conflict involving Louis the Pious’s children, his open militancy on Charles the Bald’s side inevitably causes his objectiveness to be dubious (Nelson, Charles, 106). 75  According to Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 13 n. d, a word of about eight letters is missing, whereas Lauer, Histoire, 38 n. b, asserts that there is no need to assume the presence of any lacuna. 76  Nelson, Charles, 105, has effectively described the confusion and state of uncertainty that occurred immediately after Louis the Pious’s death: “‘Men were driven by greed and terror’ in their quest for a new lord. For Louis the Pious’s following, the choice was painfully hard. Some preferred to lie low for a while. But most staked their future on making a new commitment swiftly. Nithard was one of the latter sort. He was with Charles at Bourges in July (and perhaps brought Charles the news of his father’s death). Most of Louis’s entourage, and most of the Frankish elite, jumped the other way—in the direction of Lothar. Since Lothar had been summoned to meet his father at Worms at the beginning of July, he was already in the far north of Italy en route to the Rhineland when news of the emperor’s death reached him. He moved slowly, according to Nithard, ‘wanting to know which way things would go before he crossed the Alps’; only when it had become clear that plenty of support would be forthcoming did he decide to claim ‘the whole empire.’ Quite what that means is unclear and perhaps was unclear then … but the one thing that was perfectly clear was that Lothar was abrogating the 839 division plan.” On the 839 division plan, see Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, pp. 103–5; Nelson, Charles, 100; Riché, Les Carolingiens, 159–60. 77  See also Annales Bertiniani, a. 840, p. 36; Annales Fuldenses, a. 840, p. 31; Annales Xantenses, ed. Bernhard von Simson, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 12 (Hanover: Hahn, 1909), a. 840, p. 11, where the hostility of Lothar towards his brothers and his intention to take hold of the entire territory of the empire is reported and confirmed. For a detailed analysis of these events, see Nelson, Charles, 105–9; McKitterick, Frankish Kingdoms, 172–74; Riché, Les Carolingiens, 162–63. 78  The fact that Lothar had been appointed by Louis the Pious as Charles the Bald’s godfather is only revealed by Nithard in this passage (and repeated below at Book 2, chap. 2, p. 111), and not when it actually happened in 817. See Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 3, p. 89; Nelson, Charles, 76–77; Lauer, Histoire, 9 n. 3, 41 n. 5. 79  Pippin II (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 8, p. 105). 80  Flodoard of Reims, Historia ecclesiae Remensis, ed. Johannes Heller and Georg Waitz, MGH, Scriptores 13 (Hanover: Hahn, 1881), Book 1, chap. 20, p. 473, describes Lothar’s stay in Worms in June 840 and his meeting there with Ebbo, archbishop of Reims. He also reproduces the text of the imperial edict through which Lothar restored the see and diocese of Reims to Ebbo. 81  That is, near Worms (Annales Fuldenses, a. 840, p. 31). 82  See Goldberg, Struggle, 94–96; Lauer, Histoire, 39 n. 5; Annales Xantenses, a. 840, p. 11. 83  Near Mainz (Lauer, Histoire, 39 n. 6; Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 14 n. 1; Annales Fuldenses, a. 840, p. 31; Glansdorff, Histoire, 46 n. 134). 71



Notes201

 Glansdorff, Histoire, 46 n. 135.  On Charles’s difficulties in this period, see Nelson, Charles, 107. 86  During July 840. The exact date of the meeting is unknown, but it seems that Pippin did not show up. Charles finally left Bourges on August 10, 840 to move to Tours. See Lupus of Ferrières, Lupi abbatis Ferrariensis epistolae, ed. Ernst Dümmler, MGH, Epistolae 6, Epistolae Karolini aevi 4 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1925), no. 28, p. 33; Lauer, Histoire, 40 n. 1; Ferdinand Lot and Louis Halphen, Le règne de Charles le Chauve (Paris: H. Champion, 1909), 15 n. 5–6. 87  According to the division plan made at Worms on May 30, 839. See Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, pp. 103–5; Nelson, Charles, 100; Riché, Les Carolingiens, 159. 88  These details are only reported by Nithard (Lauer, Histoire, 42 n. 1; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 16). 89  Nithard and Adalgar reject Lothar’s proposals to defect from Charles and cause him to show his real intentions towards his half-brother and godchild. The emphasis in this episode reveals how Nithard often tries to highlight the psychology of Lothar, his supposed inner thoughts, in order to create a negative and hostile portrait. 90  Nelson, Charles, 107. 91  Charles was forced to leave Aquitaine while there was still danger that Pippin II and his supporters might start a new rebellion against him despite their promises and assurances (Nelson, Charles, 108; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 16). On the rebellion of Pippin II, see Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 8, p. 105 and n. 63, p. 199; Nelson, Charles, 102–4; McKitterick, Frankish Kingdoms, 172. 92  See Nelson, Charles, 108; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 18. 93  It seems that Pippin II was not engaged in a real battle on this occasion but made a diversion in favor of his uncle Lothar (Lauer, Histoire, 45 n. 5). 94  This river marked the border of the territory of Francia belonging to Charles, according to the division plan of Worms (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, pp. 103–5; Nelson, Charles, 100–1). 95  Nelson, Charles, 108–9, very effectively points out how, in this passage, Nithard suggests a parallel between his own experience of a nobleman who stayed faithful to Charles and these people, who were defecting from him without a qualm. 96  In October 840 (Nelson, Charles, 109; Lauer, Histoire, 45 n. 9). 97  Riché, Les Carolingiens, 163. 98  Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 18–19. 99  Charles left Aquitaine with his mother and moved again to Quierzy in October 840 (Lauer, Histoire, 47 n. 2; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 19 n. 6). 100  This was an extremely difficult time in Charles’s career, and Nelson, Charles, 109, has defined it as a nadir in his fortunes. 101  Six leuwas were about 13.5 km (8.38 miles). A leuwa or leuca was equal to 1.5 Roman miles or 1500 Roman paces (2250 meters or 1 2/5 British miles) (Isidore, Etymologies, ed. W. M. Lindsay [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1911], Book 15, chap. 16). 102  Glansdorff, Histoire, 57 n. 159. 103  The truce of Orléans was made a few days before November 11, 840 (Lauer, Histoire, 49 n. 3; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 20 n. 1). See also Nelson, Charles, 109. 104  Nithard’s hostile attitude towards Lothar is quite evident in these final remarks. See Goldberg, Struggle, 98–99. 105  In early 841 (Nelson, Charles, 111). 106  This meeting occurred around January 12, 841 (Lauer, Histoire, 51 n. 3; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 21). 107  According to Nelson’s accurate reconstruction, Charles was worried that Pippin II had been able to appoint Rudolph of Turenne, one of his men, as archbishop of Bourges, which would extend his 84 85

202 Notes range to the north of the Limousin-Quercy area. Charles came to Bourges in January 841 to meet Pippin, but found Bernard, who was making excuses and probably acting treacherously. Therefore, he was forced to intervene in order to obtain loyal support from Bernard (Nelson, Charles, 111). 108  Nithard hints here at an insurrection that happened in Neustria near Le Mans, which Charles quickly settled (Nelson, Charles, 111; Lauer, Histoire, 52 n. 1; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 22). 109  May 8, 841 (see Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 4, p. 115). 110  The term used by Nithard, namely fidelis, seems to assume here not the technical meaning of “vassal,” but that more general of “person who owes fealty to the king (with regard to ecclesiastical and secular dignitaries and other members of the aristocracy in the their relation to the Frankish king)” (Jan F. Niermeyer, C. Van De Kieft, and J. W. J. Burgers, Mediae Latinitatis Lexicon Minus [Leiden: Brill, 2002], 1:554). 111  Nelson, Charles, 112: “Nithard and his companions had sworn to the truce at Orléans ‘because they all had a lot of confidence in [Charles’s] cleverness.’ But they were fairly sure that Lothar would persist in his old tricks, and in that case, as Nithard candidly admitted, ‘they would have to be regarded as absolved from the oath they had sworn.’ The truce, in other words, was merely a breathing-space. Lothar immediately sent emissaries into the regna assigned to Charles ‘so that they [i.e., leading men there] should not accept Charles’s lordship,’ while Lothar himself moved southeast ‘to receive those who came to him from Provence.’ It followed that Charles and his men were no longer obliged by the truce-terms.” 112  Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 23. 113  Even though Nithard suggests that Charles was doing his best to avoid fighting with Lothar, Charles’s actions demonstrate the opposite. His march towards Paris in late March 841 could only raise the opposition of Lothar’s supporters (Nelson, Charles, 112). 114  Cf. Virgil, Aeneid, ed. and trans. Henry R. Fairclough, rev. George P. Goold, Virgil: Aeneid 1–6 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), Book 2, line 20, p. 316. 115  According to the division made at Worms (May 30, 839) (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, pp. 103–5 and Book 2, chap. 2, p. 111; Nelson, Charles, 100; Riché, Les Carolingiens, 159). 116  This crossing of the Seine happened on March 31, 841 (Nelson, Charles, 112). 117  Even though Charles stopped at Saint-Germain-des-Prés, which was at that time just outside Paris, he did not enter Paris, which was probably fortified against him (Nelson, Charles, 113). 118  Namely, Lothar’s supporters: Guntbold, Warnar, Arnulf, Gerard, and all the counts, abbots and bishops from the Charbonnière. 119  For an extended analysis of the events reported in Book 2, chap. 6, see Nelson, Charles, 112–13; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 23–25. 120  Cf. Annales Bertiniani, a. 841, p. 37; Annales Fuldenses, a. 841, p. 32. 121  See above Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 6, pp. 121–23. Charles had crossed the Seine on March 31, 841 (Nelson, Charles, 112). 122  Cf. Virgil, Aeneid, ed. and trans. Henry R. Fairclough, rev. George P. Goold, Virgil: Aeneid 7–12. Appendix Virgiliana (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001), Book 10, line 770, p. 226. 123  April 17, 841 (Böhmer, et al., Regesta imperii, n. 1083 e, 1:439; Lauer, Histoire, 61 n. 4). 124  According to Nelson, Charles, 114, these ornaments were sent by Judith, Charles’s mother. 125  Namely, Easter and Charles’s coronation (Lauer, Histoire, 63 n. 1). Nelson, Charles, 114, analyzed this entire episode in detail and gave an extremely interesting interpretation of it: “This story derives its resonance from its specific timeframe. The correct royal and liturgical equipment was required for the greatest feast of the Church’s year: its arrival from ‘far away’ (in fact, from northern Aquitaine) was timely in every sense. It was hardly even a coincidence (Charles had told his Aquitanian supporters little more than a fortnight before to follow him northwards, and envoys from Lothar found no diffi-



Notes203

culty in locating Charles at Troyes on Easter Monday, April 18). But Nithard invited his audience to invest it with the quality of a near-miracle. Perhaps echoing the ritual reality of an annual Easter reclothing of the royal retinue, the episode as recounted six months later to Charles’s camp signified his political ‘resurrection’ and the collective cleansing and rededication of his followers. In his handling of the event at the time ‘to inspire awe in those who fought along with him,’ Charles again showed a talent for exploiting symbols.” 126  Namely, to Attigny, where they had fixed a meeting for May 8, 841 (Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 4, p. 115). At any rate, “the Attigny meeting had become irrelevant” for Lothar, who was only waiting for the right opportunity to finish Charles off (Nelson, Charles, 114). 127  This episode to which Nithard alludes is unknown (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 26 n. 5). 128  May 7, 841. Charles stays in Attigny at least until May 10 (Lauer, Histoire, 64 n. 1; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 26). 129  Lothar was probably in Quincy (modern Quincy-Landzecourt in the department of Meuse in Lorraine), about 60 km (37.2 mi.) from Attigny (Lauer, Histoire, 65 n. 2). 130  It is possible that the contacts between Charles and his half-brother Louis the German had begun earlier, in 840 (Nelson, Charles, 109; Lauer, Histoire, 65 n. 3; Goldberg, Struggle, 99). 131  Namely, in Attigny. See above n. 126 and Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 4, p. 115. 132  This battle, in which count Adalbert was killed, happened on May 13, 841 on the borders of Bavaria, in the Riesgau, just beyond the Wormitz, an affluent of the Danube (Lauer, Histoire, 66 n. 1). 133  This is also confirmed by Annales Bertiniani, a. 841, p. 37 and Annales Fuldenses, a. 841, p. 32; see also Lauer, Histoire, 67 n. 2. 134  According to Lauer, Histoire, 67 n. 3, Nithard is referring to the marshes of Saint-Gond (department of the Marne), which are near Châlons-en-Champagne. 135  The place in which Charles’s and Louis’s armies finally joined is unknown, but could not be too distant from Auxerre, in whose area Charles, Louis, and Lothar faced each other on June 21, 841. See Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 10, p. 135; Lauer, Histoire, 67 n. 4, 71 n. 1. 136  Charles and Louis made this offer in order to show their extreme availability and flexibility in meeting Lothar’s possible requests (Lauer, Histoire, 69 n. 1). 137  Nelson, Charles, 115, has effectively depicted the ethical, legal, and psychological implications that lie in the background of Charles’s and Louis’s war against Lothar: “Like all civil wars, this one would pit brother against brother, each with a recognisable ‘right’ on his side. For the truth was that both Charles and Lothar had good arguments, in law and in morals. There were no absolute rules governing the succession to the regnum francorum or its division between royal heirs; and precedents pointed in different directions.” 138  According to the reconstruction of Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 29 n. 1, and Lauer, Histoire, 71 n. 1, this event occurred on June 21, 841. 139  6.75 km (4.19 miles). See n. 135. 140  June 22, 841 (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 29 n. 1; Nelson, Charles, 116). 141  June 23, 841 (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 29 n. 1; Nelson, Charles, 116–20). 142  Namely, Lothar’s consent. 143  Allusion to the meeting in Worms (May 30, 839), where Lothar was forgiven by Louis the Pious after his rebellion (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, pp. 103–5). 144  The second hour is about 7:00 a.m. See Leonhard Schmitz, “Hora,” in A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, ed. William Smith (London: John Murray, 1875), 614. 145  Glansdorff, Histoire, 86 n. 216. 146  Glansdorff, Histoire, 87. 147  See n. 145.

204 Notes  See n. 144.  Nithard appears to have erroneously written “Loire” instead of “Seine” (Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 27 n. b). 150  Lauer, Histoire, 76 n. 2. 151  An affluent stream of the Ouanne, a tributary of the Loing flowing in north-central France (Lauer, Histoire, 76 n. 3). 152  Nithard proudly refers to his own participation in the battle. 153  Thanks to the intervention of Warin and his troops (Lauer, Histoire, 79 n. 7). 154  Nelson, Charles, 116–21; Goldberg, Struggle, 101–4, offer a detailed analysis of the negotiations preceding the battle of Fontenoy, the battle, and its consequences. 155  Nithard refers to his kinship with the royal Carolingian house, as his mother was Bertha, a daughter of Charlemagne and Hildegard, and his father Angilbert, a close friend and counselor of Charlemagne. At the same time, he wants to underline how the bitter civil war had its origin within the Carolingian royal family, even though it later involved the entire Frankish people. 156  A new captatio benevolentiae, in which Nithard’s dark outlook on the events of his times seems to intensify. 157  This is confirmed by the Annales Bertiniani, a. 841, p. 38; Lauer, Histoire, 80 n. 1. 158  The number of forty thousand dead soldiers on the side of Lothar and Pippin, which is reported by Andreas Agnellus of Ravenna (Agnelli qui et Andreas Liber pontificalis ecclesiae Ravennatis, ed. Oswald Holder-Egger, MGH, Scriptores Rerum Longobardicarum et Italicarum 1 [Hanover: Hahn, 1878], chap. 174, p. 390), who learnt it from George archbishop of Ravenna, an eyewitness of the battle, is definitely exaggerated (Nelson, Charles, 119; Lauer, Histoire, 81 n. 2). However, it is undoubted that the battle caused a large number of casualties (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 35–36). 159  June 26, 841 (Lauer, Histoire, 81 n. 3; Glansdorff, Histoire, 91 n. 231). 160  This detail is confirmed by Annales Bertiniani, a. 841, p. 38 and Annales Fuldenses, a. 841, p. 32 (Lauer, Histoire, 81 n. 4). 161  According to Nelson, Charles, 120, “Lothar’s survival allowed his side, anyway, to reject the notion of Fontenoy as a Judgement of God.” 162  Nithard’s insistence on this detail is extremely interesting. There is no doubt that he wants to emphasize Charles’s and Louis’s humanity and deep respect for the Christian values of modesty and contrition in a moment when it would be natural for them to triumph openly over their defeated enemies. However, this long description of the confession of the winners before the members of the clergy, who were present at the battle, creates a clear anti-climax with the previous part of the narrative, in which Nithard had underlined the heroism of Charles’s and Louis’s armies. And this is, in my opinion, a subtle aspect of his art, a constant search for a dark effect in narrative, where also victories cannot be entirely bright and heroism must be somehow restrained through the confrontation with the duties of religion. 163  About Charles’s and Louis’s conciliatory policy after the battle, see Nelson, Charles, 120. 164  About 6.75 km (4.19 mi.). 165  According to Lauer, Histoire, 85 n. 3, Louis left Fontenoy on June 30, 841. For Louis’s policy in this phase of the conflict, see Goldberg, Struggle, 104. 166  Charles and his mother reached the monastery of Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire, to which he presented a precious chasuble, which he had taken from Lothar’s chapel in Fontenoy (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 39; Lauer, Histoire, 85 n. 4). 167  Charles moved from Bannes (department of Mayenne in the Pays-de-la-Loire region) on August 1, 841 and, passing through Le Mans, arrived in Épône (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 40–41; Lauer, Histoire, 87 n. 2). 148 149



Notes205

168  Before separating at Fontenoy, Charles and Louis had fixed a meeting at Langres for September 1, 841 (Glansdorff, Histoire, 97 n. 244). 169  Charles had a small group of men who escorted him in his journey (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 41). 170  After the word Sebastiani, or more precisely, from the middle of this word, MS. A presents an erasure of three lines on which a falsarius (very probably a monk of Saint-Médard, who wanted to add more names of saints to Nithard’s list) wrote in an eleventh-century hand: “Gregorii, Tiburcii, Petri et Marcellini, Marii, Marthae, Audifax et Abacuc, Honesimi, Meresme et Leocadie.” In the right margin a second interpolator (for the same reason as the first) in another eleventh-century hand adds: “Mariani, Pelagii et Mauri, Floriani cum sex fratribus suis, Gildardi, Sereni et domini Remigi Rotomagorum archepiscopi” (Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 30–31 n. *; Glansdorff, Histoire, 98 n. 246). 171  The words in basilicam ubi nunc quiescunt are added in A by a tenth-century hand at the bottom of the page. Since they appear to have been added by a later diorthotes (corrector), nothing excludes that he was using a different manuscript, where the sentence was present, and not fabricating the sentence himself, as Abraham Tabachovitz, “Les Serments de Strasbourg et le ms. B.N. lat. 9768,” Vox Romanica 17 (1958): 36–61, at 44, suggests. 172  Müller suggests that the entire passage from “Cumque Suessonicam peteret urbem” (“As soon as he reached the city of Soissons”) to “His ita peractis” (“After these things had been accomplished”) is an interpolation augmented with later manipulations and additions. Therefore, he concludes that MS. A already depended on an interpolated MS. However, his arguments in support to this hypothesis are not very sound and were convincingly opposed by Tabachovitz. In my opinion, it is not possible to establish an interpolation beyond the evident manipulations and additions in margin of MS. A, so I consider all the words written in the original hand of A as genuine words in the original text by Nithard. See Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 30–31 n. *; Tabachovitz, “Les Serments de Strasbourg,” 41–50; Lauer, Histoire, 87 n. 4. 173  As soon as Charles reached Reims, the bishop Ebbo fled to Lothar (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 42; Lauer, Histoire, 89 n. 2). 174  The meeting had been fixed for September 1, 841 (See n. 168). 175  For this purpose, Lothar had concentrated his troops in Speyer, in the south of Rhineland-Palatinate (Annales Fuldenses, a. 841, p. 32; Lauer, Histoire, 90 n. 1). 176  In September 841 (Lauer, Histoire, 93 n. 1; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 43). 177  At the meeting in Worms (May 30, 839), where a division plan was made (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, pp. 103–5; Nelson, Charles, 100; Riché, Les Carolingiens, 159). 178  That is, God had given them the victory at Fontenoy. 179  For a detailed analysis of Charles’s war policy in this phase of the conflict, see Nelson, Charles, 121. 180  These Saxon soldiers were recruited from among those who had revolted against Louis (Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 1, p. 109; Lauer, Histoire, 93 n. 7). 181  Before the end of September 841 (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 43). According to Lauer, Histoire, 93 n. 8, Charles arrived in Saint-Denis between September and October 841. 182  Nithard wrote the account of the battle of Fontenoy while he was in Saint-Cloud on October 18, 841 (Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 10, p. 139). 183  Even though Pippin appears to have always backed Lothar’s side, this is Nithard’s first mention of a formal treaty between Lothar and Pippin. 184  On October 21, 841 Lothar was in Bonneuil-sur-Marne (department of Val-de-Marne in the Îlede-France), where he probably crossed the Marne to reach Sens (Annales Bertiniani, a. 841, p. 40; Böhmer, et al., Regesta imperii, n. 1088 c, d, 1090 a, b, c, 1:446; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 45, n. 5; Lauer, Histoire, 96 n. 1; Glansdorff, Histoire, 106 n. 263). 185  Thirty leagues were about 67.5 km (41.9 mi.).

206 Notes 186  About 9:00 a.m. Lauer, on the basis of Lot’s and Halphen’s observations, suggests that the reference to 9:00 a.m. might be wrong: from Nithard’s account, it can be supposed that Charles and his troops actually arrived in Laon in the evening, because the people in the city surrendered during the night (Lauer, Histoire, 97 n. 5; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 45 n. 11). But the text says quite clearly that Charles and his troops marched throughout the night (per totam siquidem noctem), so that it seems unlikely that they arrived in the evening. 187  Charles was again in Saint-Denis on November 6, 841 (Lauer, Histoire, 99 n. 2; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 46). 188  The places in Francia where Lothar retired were first Paris and then Aachen (Lauer, Histoire, 101 n. 2). 189  After spending the Christmas in Châlons-en-Champagne, Charles moved up to Auxois (now Semur-en-Auxois in Burgundy), where he was waiting for the arrival of his brother Louis. There he was informed about the hostile action of Otgar and made his quick and decisive intervention (Lauer, Histoire, 101 n. 3; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 47). 190  Glansdorff, Histoire, 112 n. 276. 191  Abbreviated variant of Argentoratum, which is the original name of Strasbourg found in inscriptions from the classical period (Lauer, Histoire, 101 n. 6). 192  Besides Nithard’s Histories, which report the original vernacular texts of the Oaths of Strasbourg, the Annales Bertiniani, a. 842, p. 40, mention the meeting of the two brothers and their “solemn swearing” before their subjects. 193  The language that Nithard defines as romana lingua is now usually indicated with the generic name of Old Gallo-Romance. However, scholars have been trying to establish “which form of the spoken language, if any, we see taking shape, like a filigree pattern, through the linguistic fabric that constitutes the Gallo-Romance section of the Oaths [of Strasbourg]”: Mario Bensi, “La sezione gallo-romanza dei ‘Giuramenti di Strasburgo’”/“The Gallo-Romance section of the ‘Oaths of Strasbourg,’” in I Giuramenti di Strasburgo: Testi e Tradizione/The Strasbourg Oaths: Texts and Transmission, ed. Francesco Lo Monaco and Claudia Villa (Florence: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2009), 61–68, at 64–65 and 153–60, at 157. Bensi’s contribution provides a complete and updated analysis of the problem: many hypotheses have been proposed (a form of Provencal langue d’oc; varieties of oïl from Picardy or Lorraine; Poitevin, a form of northern Aquitanic from Poitiers), but none has been considered entirely convincing by scholars. 194  The language indicated as teudisca lingua in Nithard’s text is usually defined by modern linguists as Old High German or, more precisely, as Rhine Franconian. The most recent scholarship on the Oaths of Strasbourg has noticed an influence of the Rhine Franconian text on that in Old GalloRomance, since “despite the relative autonomy of the two texts … [there are] numerous cases that support the hypothesis of syntactic and semantic calques from German toward French”: Maria Vittoria Molinari, “‘Giuramenti di Strasburgo’: tradizione germanica e mediolatina tra oralità e scrittura”/“‘The Oaths of Strasbourg’: Germanic and Medieval Latin Tradition between Orality and Writing,” in I Giuramenti di Strasburgo: Testi e Tradizione/The Strasbourg Oaths: Texts and Transmission, ed. Francesco Lo Monaco and Claudia Villa (Firenze: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2009), 49–60, at 55–56 and 141–52, at 147. Molinari provides a complete and updated analysis of the Rhine Franconian text of the Oaths of Strasbourg and relevant scholarship. 195  At the battle of Fontenoy (Saturday, June 25, 841) (Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 10, p. 139). 196  See Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 1, pp. 141–45. 197  Louis, whose subjects’ first language is Old High German (Rhine Franconian), speaks in GalloRomance, so that Charles’s subjects may understand him perfectly. 198  Here the situation is reversed: Charles, whose subjects’ first language is Gallo-Romance, speaks in Rhine Franconian for Louis’s subjects.



Notes207

199  For a complete historical analysis of the meeting of Louis and Charles in Strasbourg, see Nelson, Charles, 122–23, with an English translation of the Oaths of Strasbourg; Goldberg, Struggle, 105–6. 200  On February 24, 842 Charles was in Worms, as is attested by a diploma that he handed in favor of Saint-Arnulf of Metz (Lauer, Histoire, 109 n. 2). 201  Namely, the Battle of Fontenoy (Saturday, June 25, 841). 202  According to Nelson, Charles, 123, “these leading men” (primores populi) “presumably swore the oaths in person.” 203  The meeting in Strasbourg (February 14, 842). 204  The appearance of this comet is reported in many other contemporary sources. For a complete list, see Lauer, Histoire, 109 n. 4. 205  The two brothers’ harmony in life and political action is also underlined by the Annales Bertiniani, a. 841, p. 38 (Lauer, Histoire, 111 n. 4). 206  Nelson, Charles, 123, has accurately noticed how Nithard, in this first section of chap. 6, does not want to give a realistic description of the physical features of the two kings, but rather emphasize the harmony of their life in common and judicious rule. 207  Saxons, Gascons, Austrasians, and Bretons were peoples from the various regna under the rule of Charles and Louis. Each of them provided a certain number of individuals for the kings’ armies (Nelson, Charles, 123). 208  The Latin text “ad socios insectantes euadere” seems to be a construction influenced by the use of Romance languages. A second possibility is that “ad” was accidentally inserted by the copyist: cf. below “illos, quos fugiebant,” p. 166. 209  These games described with great vividness were in reality military exercises, as Nelson, Charles, 123, has duly noticed. Nithard especially underlines the fairness and nobility of the games, which never caused any real fight, as often happens during such activities. 210  In February to March 842 (Lauer, Histoire, 112 n. 1; Goldberg, Struggle, 107). 211  Charles and Louis had sent two legations at the same time, one to Saxony and the other to Lothar, who was staying in Sinzig (Lauer, Histoire, 113 n. 5; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 50–51). 212  Glansdorff, Histoire, 123 n. 292. 213  That is, through the Hunsrück, a low mountain range in the Rhineland-Palatinate (Germany) (Glansdorff, Histoire, 123 n. 293). 214  March 18, 842, about 11:00 a.m.–12:00 p.m. (Glansdorff, Histoire, 123 n. 296). 215  This is also confirmed in the Annales Bertiniani, a. 842, p. 41 (Lauer, Histoire, 115 n. 4). 216  The city of Aachen: according to the Annales Bertiniani, a. 842, p. 41, Lothar arrived there in a haste, in order to take hold of the imperial treasures and use them to recruit new supporters. See also Nelson, Charles, 123. 217  Lothar moved through Châlons and Troyes, where he stayed at Easter (April 2, 842), then reached Lyons (Lauer, Histoire, 115 n. 8). 218  See Nithard, Histories, Book 3, preface, p. 141. 219  See Nithard, Histories, Book 1, preface, p. 85. 220  It is interesting to notice how Nithard, in the preface to the last book of his Histories, makes a reference to both the prefaces to Book 1 and Book 3. He seems to stress the two psychological clashing aspects of his work: the sense of duty and support for Charles the Bald, which impelled him to report the events in the conflict (Histories, Book 1, preface, p. 85), and his absolute repugnance before the events that he must report (Histories, Book 3, preface, p. 141). This is certainly one of the reasons why Nithard’s work is extremely interesting: the tension between these two opposing motives often creates a darkly fascinating historical narrative. 221  They arrived in Aachen in March 842. Lothar had plundered the imperial treasury of the city a few days earlier (Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 7, pp. 167–69 and note 212).

208 Notes  About the definition of Aachen as “capital,” see entry “Aachen” in the Glossary, p. 49.  At the battle of Fontenoy (Saturday, June 25, 841) (Nithard, Histories, Book 2, chap. 10, pp. 135–39). 224  According to Nelson, Charles, 124, Charles and Louis seemed to be determined “to exclude Lothar from the Carolingian heartlands altogether.” They were confirmed in this plan by the bishops and priests in Aachen, who saw in their victory and Lothar’s two flights from the battlefield and his kingdom a clear sign of the will of God, who now intended to transfer the realm to the two brothers. 225  The same formula is found in the Gallo-Romance and Rhine Franconian text of the Oaths of Strasbourg (Nithard, Histories, Book 3, chap. 5, pp. 159–63). 226  The quotation of this Latin formula demonstrates, according to Lauer, that Nithard had been able to consult the official acts of the meeting of Aachen (Lauer, Histoire, 119 n. 4). On the bishops and priests present at Aachen and their oath, see Goldberg, Struggle, 107–8. 227  Cf. Annales Fuldenses, a. 842, p. 33. 228  I translate affinitas according to Nelson’s interpretation (Nelson, Charles, 124). 229  Nelson, Charles, 124, has rightly noticed that, in saying “the convenience of each one was taken into consideration,” Nithard does not only refer to the two kings Charles and Louis, but to all “their comrades, kin, friends, and clients,” so that “this short passage makes crystal-clear the role of the aristocracy in Carolingian politics, and explains why Charles now and later worked so hard to carry his followers with him.” 230  A blank space of about three lines follows in MS. A (see critical app. n. 641). 231  A blank space of about three lines follows in MS. A (see critical app. n. 642). According to Lot and Halphen, the two blank spaces (see above n. 230) in the oldest manuscript (A) suggest that Nithard himself had not been able to fill them, since details about the division had never been actually agreed upon (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 53; Nelson, Charles, 124). From the scarce indications found in both Nithard and the Annales Fuldenses (see above n. 227), it can be supposed that the Meuse marked the western border of Charles’s kingdom, whose northern territories had been passed to Louis. Italy, where Lothar was residing in this phase of the conflict, was not included in the division of Aachen (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 53). 232  Charles moved to his palace in Herstal (in the province of Liège in the Wallon region), where he was on Easter (April 2, 842) (Annales Bertiniani, a. 842, p. 41; Glansdorff, Histoire, 131 n. 309). 233  After celebrating Easter in Cologne, Louis proceeded to Saxony to repress the riots happening there (Lauer, Histoire, 121 n. 4). 234  See Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 1, p. 85. 235  The wars of Charlemagne against the Saxons lasted for more than thirty years, from 772 to 804. They ended with the inclusion of Saxony into the empire and the conversion of the Saxons to Christianity (McKitterick, Frankish Kingdoms, 61–63). 236  For a discussion of these social classes, see Heinrich Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1961), 1:136–38; Eric J. Goldberg, “Popular Revolt, Dynastic Politics, and Aristocratic Factionalism in the Early Middle Ages: The Saxon Stellinga Reconsidered,” Speculum 70 (1995): 467–501, at 471–78; Goldberg, Struggle, 109–10. 237  Literally, “companions, comrades.” For a detailed analysis of this social revolt in Saxony, see Goldberg, “Popular Revolt,” 467–501; Goldberg, Struggle, 110–12. 238  Cf. Annales Xantenses, a. 841, p. 12. 239  Lothar had already surrendered the island of Walcheren to King Heriold (see the entry for Heriold in the Glossary, p. 39). 240  A lacuna of about twenty characters follows in MS. A (Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 42 n. d). Pertz (Pertz2, 46 n. 1) and Lauer (Histoire, 123 n. 4) proposes to integrate the lacuna with the word “Coloniam,” that is, “Coloniam adiit” (“Louis went to Cologne”). 222 223



Notes209

241  The city of Chalon-sur-Saône in the department of Saône-et-Loire (Burgundy). The Latin name used by Nithard in this passage, Tricasinensius Cadhelonnensis, is actually that of Châlons-en-Champagne, and this proves that the pronunciation of the two names (Chalon and Châlons) was already identical in the Old French of the ninth century (Lauer, Histoire, 124 n. 4; Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 54 n. 9). 242  This legation sent to Charles and Louis by Lothar is also mentioned in Annales Bertiniani, a. 842, p. 41. See also Nelson, Charles, 124. 243  See Nithard, Histories, Book I, chap. 2, p. 89 and n. 13. Louis the Pious conceded to Lothar the title of emperor in 817. 244  According to the division of the empire made by Louis the Pious in 817. See n. 13 and n. 243. 245  Same procedure used by Charles and Louis after the flight of Lothar in March 842 (cf. Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 1, pp. 171–73). 246  A lacuna of about twelve characters follows in MS. A (Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 44 n. c). Different possible integrations have been proposed by scholars, of which the most likely is that suggested by Lauer, Histoire, 128 n. b, “Langobardia.” 247  Nelson, Charles, 125 and Nelson, “Public,” 276–80, has cleverly noticed how Nithard expresses, in this short passage, his disappointment for the new division, since his own lands lay in the new portion of territory conceded to Lothar, namely, between the Scheldt and the Meuse. 248  Thursday, June 15, 842 (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 56). 249  The right of preemption had been conceded to Lothar in the division plan made at Worms in 839 (Nithard, Histories, Book 1, chap. 7, pp. 103–5; Nelson, Charles, 100; Riché, Les Carolingiens, 159–60). 250  According to Lauer, Histoire, 131 n. 5, Nithard is here quoting a section of the official formula sworn by the parties at the meeting at Ansilla. 251  The meeting had been fixed for October 1 in the city of Metz. 252  According to the Annales Fuldenses, a. 842, pp. 33–34, Louis did not move immediately to Saxony but spent the month of August 842 in Salz (Bavaria), where he had to repress a conspiracy and rebellion in that region. 253  Nelson, Charles, 125: “Lothar remained in central Francia, perhaps tightening his grip on the region east of the Charbonnière.” 254  See Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 2, p. 175 and n. 237. 255  Cf. Annales Bertiniani, a. 842, pp. 42–43. 256  On this phase of the conflict between Charles and Pippin II, see Nelson, Charles, 125–26. 257  This meeting had to take place after that of Metz. The three brothers had agreed to gather in Metz on October 1, 842 and then leave there forty commissioners for each party to make a detailed division of the entire Frankish kingdom (Nelson, Charles, 126). 258  Charles moved to Metz from Bétheniville in the department of Reims (region of Marne), where he still was on September 25, 842 (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 57). 259  Glansdorff, Histoire, 144 n. 335. 260  70 leagues were about 157.5 km (97.8 mi.). 261  8 leagues were about 18 km (11.18 mi.). 262  Cf. Annales Fuldenses, a. 842, p. 33. 263  The figure centum decem reported in the manuscripts appears to be wrong, as the entire number of the commissioners should be 120 (forty for each party) (Müller, Nithardi Historiarum, 46 n. g; Lauer, Histoire, 134 n. h). 264  On the preparations for the meeting in Koblenz and their political significance, see Nelson, Charles, 126. 265  Annales Bertiniani, a. 842, p. 43; Glansdorff, Histoire, 147 n. 341. 266  Cf. Annales Bertiniani, a. 842, p. 43.

210 Notes  That is, the basilica of Saint Castor.  Glansdorff, Histoire, 149 n. 344. 269  For a discussion of these intricate negotiations, see Nelson, Charles, 126. The difficulties that arose in Metz and Koblenz are also reported in Annales Fuldenses, a. 842, p. 34; Annales Xantenses, a. 842, p. 13. 270  The earthquake mentioned by Nithard actually happened on October 24, 842, and not on November 5 (Lauer, Histoire, 138 n. 3). 271  Nithard’s passage describing the translation of Angilbert’s remains is quoted by Hariulf, Chronique de l’Abbaye de Saint-Riquier, Book 3, chap. 5, p. 101, and in MS. R (see Introduction, p. 15). 272  Angilbert died on February 18, 814 (Lauer, Histoire, 139 n. 4). 273  See also Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, ed. Ludwig Bethmann and Georg Waitz, MGH, Scriptores Rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum 1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1878), Book 4, chap. 37, p. 132. 274  The commissioners who had met at the basilica of Saint Castor (see Nithard, Histories, Book 4, chap. 5, p. 185). 275  July 14, 843 (Glansdorff, Histoire, 152 n. 350). 276  The meeting of Thionville took place in mid-November 842 (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 60; Lauer, Histoire, 141 n. 4). 277  For a discussion of the contradictions and tensions that existed in the political and family relationship between Charles, Louis, and Lothar and became evident in the negotiations of Summer–Autumn 842, see Nelson, Charles, 127. 278  Actually, Lothar moved to Aachen only in February, as he was still in Thionville on December 30, 842, and then in Gondreville (department of Meurthe-et-Moselle in Lorraine) at least until January 21, 843 (Lauer, Histoire, 141 n. 5). 279  Charles’s marriage with Ermentrude happened on December 13 or 14, 842 (Lot and Halphen, Le règne, 60; Lauer, Histoire, 141 n. 6). 280  On Adalard’s important role in the court of Charles and his policy, see Nelson, Charles, 127–28. Nelson, Charles, 127, has also underlined how Nithard’s hostile portrait of Adalard was due to “his own absence from Adalard’s honors list.” 281  December 14, 842. However, two diplomas issued by Charles indicate December 13 as the date of the wedding: cf. Georges Tessier, Recueil des actes de Charles II le Chauve, roi de France, commencé par Arthur Giry, continué par Maurice Prou, terminé et publié, sous la direction de M. Ferdinand Lot, par M. Georges Tessier, vol. 1, 840–860 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1943), n. 246, 1:53–56 and n. 247, 1:56–67; Lauer, Histoire, 143 n. 4; Glansdorff, Histoire, 155 n. 359. 282  Charles was in Valenciennes on January 13, 843 (Lauer, Histoire, 143 n. 5). 283  Charles was in Tours on February 23, 843 (Lauer, Histoire, 143 n. 6). 284  Nithard emphasizes the dramatic power of his description by using a language heavily influenced by biblical prophetic style. 285  March 20, 843. According to Lauer, Histoire, 145 n. 3, this moon eclipse actually took place on March 19. 286  This description of a hopeless Frankish empire, which Nithard purposely places at the very end of his Histories, greatly intensifies the typically dark tones of his narrative. 267 268

Index Aachen, 1, 4, 31, 49, 55, 58, 59, 69, 87, 95, 99, 101, 105, 127, 171, 189, 196 n. 7, 197 n. 24, 197 n. 25, 198 n. 35, 198 n. 37, 206 n. 188, 207 n. 216, 207 n. 221, 208 n. 222, 208 n. 224, 208 n. 226, 208 n. 231, 210 n. 278 Adalard (Adalhard) the Seneschal, 3, 4, 28, 35, 36, 40, 113, 141, 145, 147, 149, 179, 191, 210 n. 280 Adalbert (count of Metz), 29, 38, 125, 131, 203 n. 132 Adalgar (count), 2, 3, 29, 38, 57, 111, 155, 201 n. 89 Agbert (count), 38 Agout, 49, 69 Airlie, Stuart, 9 n. 53, 10, 12, 196 n. 9, 197 n. 18 Aisne, 57, 61, 63, 64 Alamannia, 39, 41, 49, 69, 89, 105, 196 n. 15, 197 n. 19 Alcuin, ix, 67 Alps, 61, 69, 95, 97, 107, 179, 200 n. 76 Alsace, 1, 49, 63, 64, 65, 68, 93, 157, 197 n. 19 Amiens, 37, 61, 63 Andreas Agnellus, 204 n. 158 Angers, 35 Angilbert, ix, 5, 6, 7, 9, 15, 21, 22, 29, 45, 187, 204 n. 155, 210 n. 272 Angoulême, 5, 45, 49–50, 69 Angoumois, 5 n. 26, 49–50 Aniane, 40 Annals of Fulda (Annales Fuldenses), 47, 56, 203 n. 133, 204 n. 160, 208 n. 227, 208 n. 231, 209 n. 252, 209 n. 262, 210 n. 269 Annals of Saint-Bertin (Annales Bertiniani), 2 n. 6, 4 n. 20, 47, 198 n. 35, 198 n. 40, 199 n. 63, 200 n. 77, 202 n. 120, 203 n. 133, 204 n. 157, 204 n. 160, 206 n. 192, 207 n. 205, 207 n. 215–16, 209 n. 242, 209 n. 255, 209 n. 266 Annals of Xanten (Annales Xantenses), 200 n. 77, 208 n. 238, 210 n. 269 Anscher, 21 Ansilla, 4, 50, 69, 181, 209 n. 250

Aquitaine, 3 n. 15, 5, 33, 34, 42, 44, 45, 49, 50, 52, 59, 60, 66, 69, 87, 89, 93, 95, 101, 105, 107, 109, 113, 115, 127, 133, 145, 155, 157, 177, 181, 183, 191 Arabs, 32, 195 n. 5 Ardennes, 183 Argentaria (Argentoratum), 159 Arles, 61 Arnulf, 29, 121, 123, 202 n. 118 Arnulf (Arnoul), Saint, 62 Arnulfings, 62 Arverni, 199 n. 62 Astronomer (Astronomus), 2 n. 6, 29, 197 n. 18, 197 n. 23–25, 198 n. 29, 198 n. 40–41, 199 n. 42, 199 n. 44, 199 n. 48, 199 n. 52, 199 n. 54–55, 199 n. 58, 199 n. 61–68, 199 n. 70 Atlantic, 50 Attigny, 50, 69, 115, 119, 203 n. 126, 203 n. 128–29, 203 n. 131 Aube, 52, 67 Augustobona, 67 Aula regia, 7 Austrasia (Austrasians), 50, 53, 59, 69 Autun, 52 Auvergne, 54 Auxerre, 3, 50, 52, 69, 99, 135, 203 n. 135 Auxois, 51, 69, 206 n. 189 Avallon, 43 Avars, 32, 195 n. 5 Baden-Württemberg, 58 Baldwin I, 29 Bannes, 204 n. 167 Bar, 51, 69, 99 Bar-le-Duc, 51, 69 Bardo, 30, 167 Baron, Jacques, 26 n. 138 Bas-Rhin, 63, 68 Bavaria, 2, 4, 10, 29, 35, 41, 58, 87, 101, 103, 105, 125, 177, 181, 189, 196 n. 15, 199 n. 55, 203 n. 132, 209 n. 252

212 Index Belgium, 50, 53, 55, 59, 68 Benedictine, 22, 51, 54, 56, 62, 68 Benevento, 46, 58, 189 Bensi, Mario, 206 n. 193 Bernard (duke of Septimania), 30, 36, 39, 49, 89, 91, 117, 119, 145, 202 n. 107 Bernard (king of Italy), 1, 30–31, 43, 44, 87, 113, 196 n. 10, 197 n. 18, 197 n. 25, 198 n. 38 Bernard, Honoré, 5 Berny, 51, 69, 149 Berny-Rivière, 51 Bertha (daughter of Charlemagne and mother of Nithard), ix, 6, 9 n. 52, 31, 189, 196 n. 8, 204 n. 155 Bertha (sister of Ermengarde), 36 Bertmund (prefect of the province of Lyons), 31, 87 Bétheniville, 209 n. 258 Bibliothèque nationale de France, 16, 17, 18, 24 Bingen, 51, 69, 169 Bingen am Rhein, 51 Bitterne, 60 Blaisois, 51, 69, 99 Blois, 52, 69, 99 Bobbio, 48 Bohemians, 30 Boniface, Saint, 56, 58 Bonifacius (count of Tuscany), 198 n. 38 Bonneuil-sur-Marne, 205 n. 184 Booker, Courtney M., ix, 5 n. 27, 8 n. 46, 9, 12, 13 n. 73–74, 14, 18, 19, 20, 21 n. 113–14, 23, 195 n. 4, 197 n. 18 Boso, 68 Bourges, 52, 69, 111, 119, 200 n. 76, 201 n. 86, 201 n. 107 Bovo, 31, 113 Breton March, 41, 52, 69, 95 Bretons, 41, 43, 115, 119, 157, 167, 197 n. 20, 207 n. 207 Brienne, 52, 69, 99 Brienne-le-Château, 52 Briotte, 52, 55, 65, 69, 141 Brunhölzl, Franz, 6 n. 29, 8 n. 44–45 Brunner, Heinrich, 208 n. 236 Bührer-Thierry, Geneviève, 31 Burgundy, 3, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 58, 59, 60, 64, 65, 66, 69, 99, 117, 121, 145, 197 n. 19, 198 n. 33, 206 n. 189, 209 n. 241 Byzantines, 196 n. 7

Capetian, 59 Carloman (son of Louis the German), 32, 38, 165, 167, 169 Castor, Saint (basilica), 4, 57, 62, 169, 185, 210 n. 267, 210 n. 274 Centulum (Saint-Riquier), 53, 69, 187, 189, also see Saint-Riquier Châlons-en-Champagne (Châlons-sur-Marne), 8, 53, 69, 131, 203 n. 134, 206 n. 189, 209 n. 241 Chalon-sur-Saône, 30, 36, 46, 53, 59, 69, 97, 105, 198 n. 41, 209 n. 241 Champagne, 53, 60, 69 Champagne-Ardenne, 53, 57, 61 Charbonnière, 7, 53, 69, 113, 121, 137, 181, 202 n. 118, 209 n. 253 Charente, 49 Charlemagne, iv, ix, 1, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 39, 40, 42–43, 44, 47, 48, 52, 54, 60, 62, 65, 67, 85–86, 173, 189, 193, 195 n. 3–6, 196 n. 11, 197 n. 28, 204 n. 155, 208 n. 235 Charles (son of Charlemagne and Hildegard), 32, 39, 42 Charles the Bald, iv, ix, x, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 57, 61, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 89, 91, 93, 95, 99, 100, 103, 105, 109, 111, 113, 114 n. 196, 115, 117, 119, 121, 123, 125, 127, 129, 131, 133, 135, 137, 139, 141, 143, 145, 147, 149, 151, 153, 155, 157, 159, 161, 163, 165, 167, 169, 171, 173, 175, 177, 181, 183, 185, 187, 189, 191, 195 n. 1, 197 n. 19, 197 n. 23–24, 198 n. 30, 199 n. 49, 199 n. 63, 200 n. 74, 200 n. 76, 200 n. 78, 201 n. 86, 201 n. 89, 201 n. 91, 201 n. 94–95, 201 n. 99, 201 n. 107, 202 n. 108, 202 n. 111, 202 n. 113, 202 n. 117, 202 n. 121, 202 n. 125, 203 n. 126, 203 n. 128, 203 n. 130, 203 n. 135, 203 n. 136, 203 n. 137, 204 n. 166–67, 205 n. 168–69, 205 n. 173, 205 n. 181, 206 n. 186–87, 206 n. 189, 206 n. 198, 207 n. 199–200, 207 n. 211, 207 n. 220, 208 n. 223, 208 n. 229, 208 n. 232, 209 n. 242, 209 n. 245, 209 n. 256, 209 n. 258, 210 n. 277, 210 n. 280–83 Chartres, 53, 69, 113 Châtrais, 54, 69, 99 Châtres, 54, 69



Index213

Chartroux, 196 n. 11 Cher, 52 Chouzy, 54, 69, 97 Chouzy-sur-Cisse, 54 Christine of Sweden, 17 Chronicon Centulense, vii, 15, 21, 22, 26, 27 Cilley, Alex, 6, 8 n. 45, 10, 11 n. 62, 12 n. 67 Cisse, 54, 69 Civitas Tricassium, 67 Clausentum, 60 Clermont, 54, 69 Clermont, Collège de, 19 Clermont-Ferrand, 54 Cleves, 56 Clotilde, 65 Clovis, 61, 64, 65 Cobbo, 32, 179 Collins, Roger, 195 n. 5 Colmar, 64 Cologne, 62, 173, 208 n. 233, 208 n. 240 Compiègne, 33, 54, 69, 89, 147 Conrad (brother of Judith), 33, 45, 89, 179 Conti, Marco, ix, xi, 14 n. 78–80, 20 n. 110, 23 n. 127, 24 n. 129 Corbie, 21, 26 n. 138, 48, 54, 69 Cysoing (monastery), 34 D’Achery, Luc, 26 Daleminzes, 30 Danes, 32, 195 n. 5 Delisle, Léopold V., 18 n. 99, 18 n. 103, 21 n. 116, 26 n. 138 Delogu, Paolo, 46 De Poerck, Guy, 16 n. 86–87, 17, 21 n. 119, 22, 26 n. 138 Deventer, 56 Dhuoda, 49 Dijon, 52, 64 Divisio regnorum (806), 65 Dorestad (modern Wijk bij Duurstede), 39 Dover, 61 Drogo, 2 n. 6, 33, 87, 107, 137, 196 n. 11, 199 n. 48 Duchesne, André, 21, 26 Duckett, Eleanor Shipley, 30 Dümmler, Ernst, 34 Ebbo, 33, 34, 200 n. 80, 205 n. 173 Eberhard (marquis or duke of Friuli), 34, 177

Egbert, 34, 177 Egfrid (count of Toulouse), 34, 183 Eggehard (count), 2 n. 6 Egibert, 38 Einhard, ix, xi, 6, 49, 195 n. 3 Einrichgau, 55 Einrichi, 55, 69, 169 Eligius (bishop), 63 Emma (wife of Louis the German), 32, 196 n. 12, 196 n. 15 Emma of Alamannia (mother of Charlemagne’s third wife Hildegard), 39 Emmon (bishop of Noyon), 32, 151 England, 56 English Channel, 64 Épône, 55, 64, 69, 204 n. 167 Eric, 34–35, 47, 115, 119 Ermengarde (first wife of Louis the Pious), 35, 39, 41, 42, 44, 89 Ermengarde (wife of Lothar), 35, 36, 196 n. 12, 197 n. 17 Ermentrude (wife of Charles the Bald), 35, 40, 48, 61, 191, 210 n. 279 Essex, 56 Essonne, 55 Étampes, 55, 69, 99 Étaples (Estaples), 61 Ethelind, 47 Eure, 60 Eure-et-Loir, 53, 60 Fagit, 55 “Field of Lies,” 2 Flavius Aelius (Roman governor), 68 Flodoard, 16 n. 86, 18, 33, 200 n. 80 Fontenoy, 2, 3, 7, 8, 52, 55, 66, 69, 204 n. 154, 204 n. 161, 204 n. 165–66, 205 n. 168, 205 n. 177, 205 n. 172, 206 n. 195, 207 n. 201, 208 n. 223 France, 5 n. 26, 17 n. 97, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 204 n. 151, 205 n. 184 Francia, 3, 5, 49, 55, 59, 61, 97, 107, 115, 137, 157, 171, 201 n. 94, 206 n. 188, 209 n. 253 Frederic, 35, 137 Frisia, 56, 69, 99, 173 Fulbert, 35, 97 Fulda, 33, 56, 69

214 Index Fulrad (abbot of Saint-Quentin), 63 Gallia, 50 Gallia Narbonensis, 54 Ganshof, François L., 5 n. 26, 196 n. 8 Gascons, 167, 207 n. 207 Gâtinais, 56, 99 Gelder, 56 Geneva (lake of), 61 George (archbishop of Ravenna), 204 n. 158 Gerald (count of the city of Vienne), 68 Gerard, 36, 40, 113 Gerard (count of the city of Paris), 35, 99, 113, 121, 123, 202 n. 118 Gerberga, 36, 46, 97 Germany, 49, 50, 51, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68 Gerold of Vinzgouw (count), 39 Gervin, 22 Gisela, 32, 34, 196 n. 8 Gislebert (count of Maasgau), 36, 113, 149 Glansdorff, Sophie, 4 n. 20, 7 n. 38, 25, 28, 37, 38, 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 55, 56, 197 n. 23, 198 n. 35, 198 n. 40, 200 n. 71 Godman, Peter, 42, 43 Goetz, Hans-Werner, 5 n. 26, 6 n. 31, 42 Goldberg, Eric J., 201 n. 104, 203 n. 130, 204 n. 154, 207 n. 199, 208 n. 226, 208 n. 236–37 Gondreville, 210 n. 278 Gorze (abbey of), 22 Gozhelm, 36, 46, 97 Gregory IV (pope), 37, 93, 197 n. 28, 198 n. 31 Gregory of Tours, 65 Guibert of Nogent, 22 Guillotel, Hubert, 28, 43, 52 Guntbald (monk), 37, 91 Guntbold, 37, 121, 147, 202 n. 118 Haettra (Hattuaria), 56, 69, 99 Halphen, Louis, 5 n. 26, 202 n. 119, 203 n. 127, 203 n. 138, 204 n. 158, 208 n. 231 Hammolant (Hamaland), 56, 69, 99 Hampshire, 56 Hamwich, 56 Hariulf (Hariulph), 6 n. 27, 15, 21, 22, 23, 26 n. 139, 210 n. 271 Hartnid, 6 n. 30, 37, 189

Harwich, 56 Hatto, 38, 169 Hattuaria, see Haettra Haute-Garonne, 66 Haute-Marne, 51, 57 Haut-Rhin, 64 Hauts-de-Seine, 62 Hedwig of Bavaria, 35, 41 Hegibert, 34, 38, 137 Hegilbert (count of Ribemont), 38 Hegilo, 36, 38, 40, 113 Helisachar, 38, 93 Herbert, 39, 89 Herenfrid, 39, 113 Heriold, 39, 169, 208 n. 239 Hesse, 55, 56, 58 Hetto (archbishop of Trier), 62 Hildegard (half-sister of Charles the Bald), 39, 57, 155, 157 Hildegard (wife of Charlemagne), 30, 31, 32, 39, 42, 44, 62, 204 n. 155 Hildegard of Bingen, 51 Hilduin (abbot of Saint-Denis), 40, 99, 113 Hirmenald, 40, 137 Holder, Alfred, 25 Horich (king of the Danes), 32 Hrabanus, see Rabanus Hugh (abbot), 2 n. 6, 5, 40, 87, 149, 196 n. 11 Hugh (count of Tours), 35, 40, 43, 89, 93, 137, 196 n. 12, 197 n. 17 Hugh (envoy of Charles the Bald), 40, 113, 149 Huns, 67 Ijssel, 56, 69 Île-de-France, 54, 55, 59 Inde (monastery), 38 Indre-et-Loire, 66 Ingeltrude, 35, 40, 191, 196 n. 12 Ingeram (count of Hesbaye), 35 Ingrannus (dean of Saint-Médard), 16 Isère, 68 Isidore of Seville, 201 n. 101 Jaffé, Philipp, 25 Jesse (bishop), 66 Joseph (envoy of Louis the Pious and Lothar), 41, 103, 177



Index215

Judith (second wife of Louis the Pious), 1, 2, 32, 33, 41, 89, 95, 101, 196 n. 15, 197 n. 22, 198 n. 39–40, 202 n. 124 Kempten (monastery of), 37 Koblenz, 4, 57, 62, 64, 69, 169, 185, 209 n. 264, 210 n. 269 Konrad II, 65 Krefeld, 56 Lahn, 55, 69 Lambert (count of Nantes), 41, 93, 95 Lambert (son of the count of Nantes), 41, 48, 119 Langobards (Lombards), 58 Langres, 46, 57, 69, 147, 205 n. 168 Langue d’oc, 206 n. 193 Langue d’oïl, 206 n. 193 Laon, 16, 39, 57, 63, 69, 155, 157, 186 Lauer, Philippe, xi, 16 n. 86, 17, 25, 28, 29, 37, 38, 56, 60, 195 n. 7, 200 n. 75, 203 n. 134, 203 n. 138, 204 n. 165, 205 n. 181, 206 n. 186, 208 n. 226, 209 n. 246, 209 n. 250, 210 n. 285 Le Havre, 64 Le Mans, 34, 38, 41, 52, 57, 69, 119, 202 n. 108, 204 n. 167 Leuca, see Leuwa Leuci, 66 Leuthard I of Paris, 28 Leuven (Louvain), 53 Leuwa (leuca), 201 n. 101 Leyser, Karl, 8 n. 46 Libellus Centulensis, 22 n. 121–22, 23, 26 n. 139 Liber ad Otgarium, 44 Liber manualis, 49 Liber Pontificalis, 16 n. 84 Liège, 68, 208 n. 232 Limburg, 58 Limousin-Quercy, 202 n. 107 Loing, 56, 57, 69, 123, 204 n. 151 Loire, 62, 69, 95, 101, 113, 115, 121, 139, 145, 204 n. 149 Loire-et-Cher, 52, 54 Loiret, 60 Lombards, see Langobards Lombardy, x, 30, 58, 93, 177, 181

Lo Monaco, Francesco, 15 n. 83 Lorraine, 50, 51, 59, 65, 67, 203 n. 129, 206 n. 193, 210 n. 278 Lot, Ferdinand, 5 n. 26, 21 n. 119, 26, 202 n. 119, 203 n. 127, 203 n. 138, 204 n. 158, 208 n. 231 Lothar I, ix, x, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 12, 29, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 53, 60, 61, 65, 66, 67, 89, 91, 93, 95, 97, 99, 101, 103, 105, 107, 109, 111, 113, 115, 117, 121, 125, 127, 129, 131, 133, 135, 137, 139, 141, 149, 151, 153, 155, 157, 159, 161, 165, 167, 169, 171, 175, 177, 179, 181, 183, 185, 189, 195 n. 1, 196 n. 10, 196 n. 12–13, 197 n. 16–17, 197 n. 23–24, 198 n. 33, 198 n. 35, 199 n. 63, 200 n. 74, 200 n. 76–78, 200 n. 80, 201 n. 89, 201 n. 93, 201 n. 104, 202 n. 111, 202 n. 113, 202 n. 125, 203 n. 126, 203 n. 129, 203 n. 135, 203 n. 137, 203 n. 143, 204 n. 158, 205 n. 173, 205 n. 175, 205 n. 183–84, 206 n. 188, 207 n. 211, 207 n. 216–17, 207 n. 221, 208 n. 224, 208 n. 231, 208 n. 239, 209 n. 242–43, 209 n. 245, 209 n. 247, 209 n. 249, 209 n. 253, 210 n. 277–78 Louis II (king of Italy), 46 Louis the German, x, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 11, 12, 14, 29, 30, 32, 35, 38, 42, 43, 44, 49, 65, 66, 67, 87, 91, 93, 95, 97, 99, 101, 105, 109, 113, 117, 125, 129, 131, 133, 135, 137, 139, 141, 143, 145, 147, 149, 151, 153, 155, 157, 159, 161, 163, 165, 167, 169, 171, 173, 175, 177, 181, 183, 185, 187, 189, 191, 195 n. 1, 196 n. 10, 196 n. 12, 196 n. 15, 197 n. 27, 199 n. 50, 199 n. 55, 203 n. 130, 203 n. 135–36, 204 n. 165, 205 n. 168, 205 n. 180, 206 n. 189, 206 n. 197, 207 n. 199, 207 n. 207, 207 n. 211, 208 n. 224, 208 n. 229, 208 n. 231, 208 n. 233, 208 n. 240, 209 n. 242, 209 n. 245, 209 n. 252, 210 n. 277 Louis the Pious, ix, 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42–43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 53, 54, 60, 61, 62, 65, 87, 89, 91, 95, 97, 99, 103, 105, 107, 195 n. 1, 195 n. 4, 196 n. 9–12, 196 n. 15, 197 n. 16, 197 n. 18, 197 n. 23–25, 197 n. 27, 198 n. 28, 198 n. 30, 198 n. 35–37, 199 n. 44, 199 n. 63, 199 n. 65, 200 n. 71–72,

216 Index 200 n. 74, 200 n. 76, 200 n. 78, 203 n. 143, 209 n. 243–44 Louvain, see Leuven Lupus of Ferrières, 201 n. 86 Luxembourg, 50 Luxeuil, 196 n. 11 Lyons, 31, 63, 66, 68, 87, 207 n. 217 Maas, see Meuse Maasgau, 36, 58, 69, 99, 149 Maastricht, 58, 69, 149 Macôn, 48, 50, 52, 58, 69, 181 Madhelgaud (brother of Angilbert), 189 Main, 58, 69, 109 Maine, 57, 60 Mainz, 44, 58, 59, 69, 107, 125, 157, 165, 167, 169, 200 n. 83 Mark, Titulus of Saint, 37 Marmoutier, 47 Marne, 53, 203 n. 134, 205 n. 184, 209 n. 258 Martin, Saint, 67 Matfrid, 43, 60, 89, 93, 95 Mayenne, 204 n. 167 McKitterick, Rosamond, 2 n. 6, 196 n. 11, 196 n. 13, 200 n. 77 Mediterranean Sea, 61, 64, 179 Mellecey, 4, 59, 69, 177 Melun, 59, 69, 99, 151 Merovingian, 59, 61, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 50, 55, 57, 59, 61, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68 Metz, 2, 22, 29, 33, 38, 50, 59, 62, 66, 69, 107, 125, 183, 185, 199 n. 44, 207 n. 200, 209 n. 251, 209 n. 257–58, 210 n. 269 Meurthe-et-Moselle, 60, 66, 210 n. 278 Meuse (Maas), 3, 7, 44, 51, 53, 56, 58, 59, 67, 69, 99, 103, 111, 153, 173, 179, 191, 203 n. 129, 208 n. 231, 209 n. 247 Moilla (Mülgau), 56, 59, 69, 99 Molinari, Maria V., 206 n. 194 Moret-sur-Loing, 57 Morin, Alfred, 19 Morin, Louis, 19 Moselle, 4, 38, 50, 57, 65, 169 Mothe, Charles de La, 14, 19 Lost Manuscript used by Charles de La Mothe, 19 MS. Amiens, Bibliothèques d’Amiens Métropole, 531, 15, 21–22

MS. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 9768, vi, 13, 15–17 MS. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 14663, 13, 18 MS. Troyes, Médiathèque de Troyes Champagne Métropole, 32013, 14, 19–21 MS. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 235, 15, 22–23 MS. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 1964, 15 Mülgau, see Moilla Müller, Ernst, xi, 5 n. 26, 6, 15, 16, 17, 25, 28, 49, 195 n. 7, 198 n. 37, 200 n. 75, 204 n. 149, 205 n. 170, 205 n. 172, 208 n. 240, 209 n. 246, 209 n. 263 Nantes, 41, 45, 48 Nelson, Janet L. (Jinty), ix, 5, 8, 9, 12, 28, 37, 46, 200 n. 76–78, 202 n. 111, 202 n. 124–25, 203 n. 137, 204 n. 154, 204 n. 161, 207 n. 202, 207 n. 206, 207 n. 209, 208 n. 224, 208 n. 228–29, 209 n. 247, 209 n. 253 Netherlands, 39, 50, 56, 58, 59, 61 Neustria, 3, 53, 59, 65, 67, 69, 202 n. 108 Nevers, 52, 60, 69, 117 Niermeyer, Jan F., 202 n. 110 Niers, 59, 69 Nièvre, 60 Nijmegen, 197 n. 24 Nithard Death, 5, 7 Life, 6–7, 29, 31, 87, 91, 93, 111, 141, 177–81, 189, 195 n. 1–2, 201 n. 89 Histories, 1–5, 8, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 55, 57, 60, 62, 65, 66, 195 n. 3–5, 196 n. 7–8, 196 n. 10, 197 n. 23, 198 n. 29, 198 n. 35, 198 n. 40, 199 n. 45, 199 n. 49, 199 n. 53, 199 n. 63, 200 n. 74, 200 n. 76, 200 n. 78–79, 201 n. 87–88, 201 n. 91, 201 n. 94–95, 202 n. 108–11, 202 n. 113, 202 n. 115, 202 n. 121, 203 n. 125–27, 203 n. 131, 203 n. 134–35, 203 n. 143, 204 n. 149, 204 n. 152, 204 n. 155, 204 n. 162, 205 n. 172, 205 n. 177, 205 n. 180, 205 n. 182, 206 n. 193, 206 n. 195–96, 207 n. 206, 207 n. 209, 207 n. 218–21, 208



Index217

n. 223, 208 n. 225–26, 208 n. 229, 208 n. 231, 208 n. 234, 209 n. 241, 209 n. 243, 209 n. 245, 209 n. 247, 209 n. 249–50, 209 n. 254, 210 n. 270, 210 n. 274, 210 n. 284, 210 n. 286 Position in Society, 8–11 Style and Historical Approach, 11–13 Noble, Thomas F. X., xi, 27, 31, 37, 198 n. 28 Nomenoë (duke of the Bretons), 43, 119, 157 Nord, 67 Nord-Pas-de-Calais, 34, 61 Northam, 60 Northmen, 5 n. 26, 22, 39, 53, 59, 63, 175, 177 North Sea, 59, 61 Northunwig, 60, 177 Norwich, 60 Notre-Dame de Laon (monastery), 39, 57 Oaths of Strasbourg, 4, 14, 17 n. 97, 18, 27, 65, 161–63, 206 n. 192–94, 207 n. 199, 208 n. 225 Obotrites, 38 Odo, see Vodo Odulf, 43, 113 Offa (king of Mercia), 6 n. 30 Oise, 38, 54 Old Gallo-Romance, 4, 7, 14, 206 n. 193–94 Ordinatio imperii, 1, 196 n. 7, 196 n. 11, 200 n. 72 Orléans, 3, 35, 43, 47, 55, 60, 69, 97, 115, 117, 201 n. 103, 202 n. 111 Orne, 60 Ornois, 51, 60, 61, 69, 99 Ostiarius, 45 Otbert, 43, 123 Otgar (bishop of Mainz), 44, 125, 157, 169, 206 n. 189 Othe, 60, 69, 123 Ouanne, 204 n. 151 Paetz, Johannes C., 6, 7 n. 32–33 Paris, 17, 18 n. 100, 19, 24, 28, 35, 36, 55, 59, 62, 64, 99, 113, 147, 151, 157, 202 n. 113, 202 n. 117, 206 n. 188 Paschal I (pope), 197 n. 16 Pays-de-la-Loire, 52, 57, 204 n. 167 Perche, 60, 69, 157 Perthes, 61 Perthois, 61, 69, 99

Pertz, Georg H., 15 n. 81, 24, 197 n. 16, 208 n. 240 Petau, Paul, 17, 20 n. 109, 21 Picardy, 51, 54, 57, 61, 63, 64, 206 n. 193 Pippin (son of Bernard), 44, 113, 198 n. 38 Pippin (son of Charlemagne and Hildegard), 30, 39, 42, 44 Pippin II (son of Pippin I of Aquitaine), x, 3, 5, 34, 44–45, 46, 49, 66, 105, 111, 113, 115, 117, 119, 133, 137, 139, 145, 153, 155, 157, 183, 199 n. 63, 200 n. 79, 201 n. 86, 201 n. 91, 201 n. 93, 201 n. 207, 204 n. 158, 205 n. 183, 209 n. 256 Pippin of Aquitaine (son of Louis the Pious and Ermengarde), x, 1, 35, 36, 43, 44, 46, 87, 89, 91, 93, 95, 101, 105, 196 n. 10, 196 n. 12, 197 n. 24–25, 197 n. 27, 198 n. 36, 198 n. 39, 199 n. 61 Pippin the Short (father of Charlemagne), 32 Pithou, Pierre, 14, 19–21, 23–24 Unknown Manuscript which Pierre Pithou used, 14, 20 Plantagenet, 57 Poitevin, 206 n. 193 Poitou-Charentes, 49 Polanichka, Dana, 6, 8 n. 45, 10, 11 n. 62, 12 n. 67 Prima sedes, 49 Provence, 64, 68, 115, 117, 153, 202 n. 111 Prüm (abbey of), 198 n. 30 Puy-de-Dôme, 54 Pyrenees, 50, 64 Quentovic (Quantovic), 61, 177 Quierzy, 4, 61, 69, 99, 113, 146, 189, 198 n. 36, 201 n. 99 Quierzy-sur-Oise, 61 Quincy, 203 n. 129 Quincy-Landzecourt, 203 n. 129 Rabano (envoy of Charles the Bald), 45, 149 Rabanus (Hrabanus) Maurus, ix, 44 Rabe, Susan A., 63 Radelchis, 46 Raoul, see Rudolph Ratold (bishop of Verona), 198 n. 38 Regina (concubine of Charlemagne), 33, 40 Reims, 18 n. 100, 33, 34, 61, 69, 147, 149, 175, 200 n. 80, 205 n. 173, 209 n. 258

218 Index Reliquiarium, 63 Rembold, Ingrid, 64 Renaud (count of Nantes), 41 Retia, 197 n. 19 Rhine, 41, 55, 56, 57, 58, 61, 66, 69, 97, 101, 105, 109, 125, 131, 137, 145, 165, 169, 179, 185, 196 n. 15 Rhine-Franconian, 4, 7, 14, 206 n. 194, 206 n. 197–98, 208 n. 225 Rhineland, 2, 41, 200 n. 76 Rhineland-Palatinate, 51, 57, 58, 64, 65, 68, 205 n. 175, 207 n. 213 Rhône, 61, 63, 64, 69, 169, 177, 179 Richard (bailiff), 45, 103 Richard (brother of Angilbert), 45, 189 Richbod (abbot of Saint-Riquier), 5 Ricuin (Ricouin), 45, 137 Riesgau, 29, 203 n. 132 Rigarde, 44, 46, 196 n. 12 Ripuarians (territory of the), 62, 69, 99 Robert the Strong (count of Anjou), 52, 60 Rogers, Barbara, 12 n. 68 Rome, 24, 37, 93 Romig, Andrew J., 11, 12 Rouen, 37, 123 Rudolph (brother of Judith and Conrad), 33, 45, 89 Rudolph (king), 16 Rudolph of Turenne (archbishop of Bourges), 201 n. 107 Rupertsberg (monastery), 51 Saint-André, Jean de, 17 Saint-Arnulf, 62, 107, 207 n. 200 Saint-Aubin, 38 Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire, 204 n. 166 Saint-Bertin, 40 Saint-Calais, 47 Saint-Cloud, 3, 8, 62, 69, 139, 151, 205 n. 182 Sainte-Croix (monastery), 197 n. 22 Saint-Denis, 3, 40, 62, 95, 99, 113, 123, 151, 155, 198 n. 35, 205 n. 181, 206 n. 187 Saint-Germain-des-Prés, 40, 62, 69, 123, 202 n. 117 Saint-Gond, 203 n. 134 Saint-Jean-et-Saint-Lézin d’Angers, 46 Saint-Josse-sur-Mer, 43, 61 Saint-Magloire, 17, 18

Saint-Mammès, 57 Saint-Martin de Tours, 47 Saint-Médard de Soissons, 16, 17, 40, 147, 198 n. 30, 205 n. 170 Saint-Quentin, 5, 40, 63, 69, 149, 191 Saint-Riquier, 5, 6, 7, 8, 15, 17, 21, 22, 26, 29, 38, 53, 63, 69, 196 n. 8, 210 n. 271, also see Centulum Saint-Symphorien d’Ancelles, 50 Saint-Victor, 18 Sallust, 7, 9 n. 51 Sambre, 53 Samoussy, 63, 69, 157 Saône, 50, 63, 69, 97, 179 Saône-et-Loire, 53, 58, 209 n. 241 Saracen, 46 Sarthe, 57, 60 Saverne, 63, 69, 157 Saxon, 32, 35, 41, 205 n. 180 Saxony (Saxonia), 41, 63, 69, 99, 165, 167, 175, 183, 189, 196 n. 15, 207 n. 211, 208 n. 233, 208 n. 235, 208 n. 237, 209 n. 252 Saxony-Anhalt, 63 Scheldt, 67, 209 n. 247 Scholz, Bernhard W., 12 n. 68 Scriptorium, 54, 67 Seine, 3, 5 n. 26, 44, 55, 57, 59, 62, 64, 69, 95, 99, 101, 111, 113, 115, 121, 123, 127, 147, 151, 153, 157, 191, 202 n. 116, 202 n. 121, 204 n. 149 Seine-et-Marne, 54, 59 Seine-Saint-Denis, 62 Semur-en-Auxois, 51, 206 n. 189 Senila, 46, 97 Sens, 29, 52, 64, 69, 99, 123, 157, 205 n. 184 Septimania, 30, 36, 39, 49, 64, 69, 89, 115, 117, 145, 153 Sigenulf, 46, 189 Sigihard (prince of Benevento), 46, 189 Sigolsheim, 64 Sigolswald, 64, 69, 93 Sinzig, 64, 69, 169, 207 n. 211 Slavs, 38, 41, 105, 175, 196 n. 15 Smith, Julia M. H., 52 Soissons, 2, 33, 51, 64–65, 69, 147, 205 n. 172 Solemnat, 55, 65, 69, 141 Solmet (Solmé, Solemé), 65



Index219

Somme, 54, 63 Southampton, 56, 60 Speyer, 65, 69, 165, 205 n. 175 Stellinga, 175, 183, 189, 208 n. 236 Stephen IV (pope), 61 Stone, Rachel, 10 Strasbourg, 4, 63, 65, 69, 159, 206 n. 191, 207 n. 199, 207 n. 203 Sturm, Saint, 56 Suger, Saint, 62 Swabia, 49 Switzerland, 49 Tabachovitz, Abraham, 17, 205 n. 171–72 Taunus, 55 Teodo, see Theoton Thegan (Theganus), 196 n. 7, 198 n. 29 Theobald (Theutbald), 46, 117, 123 Theodobert (count of Madrie), 44, 46, 196 n. 12 Theodoric (ally of Lothar), 47, 115 Theodoric (son of Charlemagne), 47, 87, 196 n. 11 Theodulf, ix, 60 Theoton (Teodo), 47, 97 Theutbald, see Theobald Thierry (brother of Bernard, duke of Septimania), 49 Thionville, 3, 4, 35, 65–66, 69, 149, 175, 183, 210 n. 276, 210 n. 278 Thuringia, 66, 69 Thury, 66, 69, 137 Toul, 60, 66, 69, 99, 157 Toulouse, 5, 8, 30, 34, 36, 66, 69, 183 Tours, 35, 40, 43, 47, 65, 66–67, 69, 157, 196 n. 12, 197 n. 17, 201 n. 86, 210 n. 283 Traube, Ludwig, 5 n. 26 Treffort, Cécile, 31 Tricasses, 67 Trier, 62, 66 Troyes, 19, 37, 60, 67, 69, 99, 125, 177, 203 n. 125, 207 n. 217 Turones, 66 Utrecht, 39 Val-de-Marne, 205 n. 184

Valenciennes, 67, 69, 191, 210 n. 282 Vangiones, 68 Vassus dominicus, 34, 38 Vatican Library, 17, 24 Venlo, 58 Verdun, x, 5, 67, 69, 99, 175 Verdun, Treaty of, x, 4, 5, 42, 55, 65 Vermandois, 44 Vic-sur-Aisne, 51 Vienne, 68, 69, 95, 198 n. 33 Villa, Claudia, 7 n. 33, 15 n. 83, 29, 31, 206 n. 193–94 Ville-en-Blaisois, 51 Vincent, Saint, 58 Virgil, 202 n. 114, 202 n. 122 Visigothic, 66 Vivian, 47, 97 Vodo (Odo), 35, 47–48, 97, 191 Vosges, 50, 68, 165, 169 Waitz, Georg, 16 n. 86 Wala, ix, 48, 93 Walcheren (island), 39, 208 n. 239 Warin, 30, 32, 48, 53, 57, 97, 117, 123, 183, 204 n. 153 Warnar, 48, 121, 202 n. 118 Wasseiges, 68, 69, 149 Weissenburg, see Wissembourg Westphalia, 63 William (constable), 2 n. 6 William (duke of Toulouse), 30, 36 William (son of Bernard, duke of Septimania), 49, 145 Wilmart, André, 22 n. 120 Wissembourg (Weissenburg), 68, 69, 165 Worms, 2, 33, 68, 69, 103, 109, 149, 165, 183, 200 n. 76, 200 n. 80–81, 207 n. 200 Worms, First Division of (829), 1, 197 n. 19 Worms, Second Division of (839), 2, 3 n. 15, 103, 105, 201 n. 87, 201 n. 94, 202 n. 115, 203 n. 143, 205 n. 177, 209 n. 249 Yonne, 50, 52, 55, 64, 65, 66 Yvelines, 55

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