New Approaches to Medieval Communication (USML 1) (Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy) [Illustrated] 2503508146, 9782503508146

Citation preview

New Approaches

to

Medieval ,ommunication

edited by Marco Mostert BREPOLS

with an introduction by Michael Clanchy

Utrecht Studies in M edieval Literacy One of the most importam developments in European history took place in communication. A transition is clearly visible from illiterate societies to societies in which most members are active users o f the written word. This complex process, which started in Antiquity and is still not complete, gained momentum during the Middle Ages. Many disciplines have recently made contributions to our understanding of the history of medieval communication: codicologists and historians o f the book, anthropologists and psychologists, but also philosophers, sociologists, literary historians, classicists and theologians, economists, art historians and historians. This series is intended to provide a forum for publications on the history of non-verbal, oral and written communication in the Middle Ages. Interest in the subject is now widespread within the worldwide community o f medieval studies; and ever mote acholan are becoming convinced of the potential o f studying the tensions between oral and literate modes of thought.

N ew Approaches to M edieval Communication This volume will serve as a textbook for studying this field, and as an introduction to current research. It is written in accessible language for non-specialists. T he volume has three sections: introductions by two o f the leading exponents worldwide: Michael Clanchy and Marco Mosten; a series of essays by members o f the Utrecht ‘Pionierprojcct’ which consider writing and written culture against the background of all forms o f communication available to a given medieval society, both in western and east-central Europe; and a comprehensive bibliography on the subject, comprising 1500 titles which will serve as a fundamental starting-point for work in this field.

Cover image adapted from the Utrecht Psalter (Utrecht, University Library, MS 32) Pionierprojcct Verschriftelijking, Universität Utrecht

"78 2503' 508146

N e w A p p r o a c h e s t o M e d ie v a l C o m m u n ic a t io n

UTRECHT STUDIES IN MEDIEVAL LITERACY

1

UTRECHT STUDIES IN MEDIEVAL LITERACY General Editor Marco Mostert (University o f Utrecht) Editorial Board Michael Clanchy (University o f London) Peter Gumbert (University o f Leiden) Mayke de Jong (University o f Utrecht) Rosamond McKitterick (University o f Cambridge) Arpád Orbán (University o f Utrecht)

NEW APPROACHES TO MEDIEVAL COMMUNICATION

Edited by Marco Mostert

with an Introduction by Michael Clanchy

T um hout: BREPOLS 1999

1999 - BREPOLS Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paper D/1999/0095/63 ISBN 2-503-50814-6 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission o f the publisher.

Contents

Editorial Preface Abbreviations

vil vin

Part I Introduction

3

MICHAEL CLANCHY

New Approaches to Medieval Communication?

15

MARCO MOSTERT

P a r tii The Audience of Early Medieval Hagiographical Texts

41

WOLFERT S. VAN EGMOND

“Send More Socks”: On Mentality and the Preservation Context of Medieval Letters

69

MARY GARRISON

Communication by Written Texts in Court Cases: Some Charter Evidence (ca. 800 - ca. 1100) KARL HEIDECKER

101

Contents Between the Imperial and the Sacred: The Gesture of Coronation in Carolingian and Ottonian Images

127

MARIËLLE HAGEMAN

The Introduction o f Writing in Central Europe (Poland, Hungary and Bohemia)

165

ANNA ADAMSKA

P a rtili A Bibliography o f Works on Medieval Communication MARCO MOSTERT

193

Editorial Preface

ne o f the most important developments in European history took place in communication. A transition is clearly visible from illiterate societ­ ies to societies in which most members are active users o f the written word. This complex process, which started in Antiquity and is still not com­ plete, gained momentum during the Middle Ages. Representatives o f many disciplines have recently made contributions to our understanding o f the history of medieval communication: palaeographers, codicologists and historians o f the book, anthropologists and psychologists, but also philosophers, sociologists, literary historians, classicists and theologians, economists, art historians and historians. Much has become known, but much more awaits discovery. Interest in the subject is now widespread within the worldwide community o f medieval studies; and ever more scholars are becoming convinced o f the potential o f studying the tensions between oral and literate modes o f thought. Since 1996, the Dutch “Pionier Project Verschriftelijking” has been researching the uses o f the written word in medieval Europe, particularly in the early Middle Ages, organising symposia and meetings at international confer­ ences. It has convened an Editorial Board to oversee the specialist series Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy, o f which New Approaches to Medieval Communication is the first volume. The series is intended to provide a forum for publications on the history o f non-verbal, oral and written communication in the Middle Ages. The intention is to publish two volumes per year.

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Editorial Preface

This first volume contains contributions by the members o f the “Pionier Project”, thereby giving an impression o f the various approaches adopted. A bibliography has been added which, although incomplete, shows the enormous amount of work which has been done in recent years on the subject o f medieval literacy and communication. Additions to this bibliography will be published in the annual Newsletter on Medieval Literacy and Communication, distributed by Brepols Publishers (Tumhout). Michael Clanchy, whose seminal From Memory to Written Record: Eng­ land 1066-1307 (London, 1979; second edn. Oxford, 1993) has inspired much o f the current interest in medieval literacy, has graciously consented to write an Introduction to the volume.

Abbreviations Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina Antiquae et Mediae Aetatis, 2nd edn., ed. A. PONCELET, 2 vols, and a Supplementum (Brussels, 1898-1901, 1911), followed by a Novum Supplementum, ed. H. F r o s (Brussels, 1986). CCSL Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina, 1- (Tumhout, 1954-). MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica Capp Capitularia Regum Francorum, 2 vols. (Hannover, 1883-1897). Epp Epistolae (in Quarto), vols. 1-8/1 (Berlin, 1887-1939). SRM Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum, 1 vols. (Hannover and Leipzig, 1884-1951). SS Scriptores (in Folio), 30 vols.; (in Quarto) vols. 31-34 (Hannover, 1826-1980). PL Patrologiae cursus completus ... series Latina, ed. J.-P. MlGNE," 221 vols. (Paris, 1841-1864). BHL

Part I

Introduction

MICHAEL CLANCHY

his first volume in the new series Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy presents work by the research group, the “Pionier Project ‘Verschriftelijking’ ” headed by Marco Mostert, which was formed at the University o f Utrecht in 1996 to study medieval written culture in relation to other forms o f communication. “Verschriftelijking” describes the process o f becoming literate; in English the word “literalization” has been coined for this, in order to distinguish this social and intellectual process from “literacy” which is its end product. “Literalization” involves much more than elementary schooling, as the acquisition of literacy had-and still has-many origins and roots. The intention of this innovative is to place medieval literacy-in all its varieties, ambiguities and ramifications-in its social, intellectual and cultural context. The research group is attached to the History Department o f the University and it is therefore principally concerned with the historian’s questions: who? what? when? where? and why? The questions that needs answering are huge, numerous and com­ plex, and the research group has to begin by concentrating on a few o f them. The medieval period is particularly difficult as far as “when?” and “where?” questions are concerned because so many manuscripts are undated and difficult to contextualize. As for “why?” questions, these have frequently been ad­ dressed by specialists in particular genres or regions without sufficient knowl­ edge of similar research being done elsewhere. The city o f Utrecht, near the mouth o f the Rhine and at the heart o f the Netherlands, is a vantage point from which to view developments in Europe as

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M ICHAEL CLANCHY

a whole. So much history in Europe has been written from a nationalist bias, even in medieval history and in non-political areas like art and literature. Much of this bias is unconscious and arises from writers identifying with particular nation states because that is how Europe, in peace and war, has been organized for centuries. To illustrate this, I need look no further than my own From Memoiy to Written Record: England 1066-1307. 'I concentrated on England because the medieval sources I knew best were English and they were preserved by English national institutions: the Public Record Office, the British Library, the county record offices, and so on. Furthermore, England was already a unit of government in the period from 1066 (the battle o f Hastings) to 1307 (the death of Edward i, England’s most powerful medieval king). England has produced so much distinctive documentation of its own that there has been little incentive for its historians to look outside it. In the Netherlands on the other hand-among academics in particular-a more internationally minded culture has grown up, notably in the Dutch mastery o f their neighbour’s languages and in the determi­ nation to see beyond the historical nation state. To produce results, the right questions have to be asked and at the same time researchers need to be aware o f what their predecessors have already writ­ ten. This is why the largest section o f this first volume consists o f M ostert’s bibliography o f publications on medieval communication. This extends in geo­ graphical area from Byzantium to Iberia and from the Scandinavian and Celtic lands to the Mediterranean. The period covered is equally wide, reaching from Antiquity through the medieval millennium (500-1500 AD) up to the invention o f printing, the Italian Renaissance and the Protestant Reformation. It must be emphasized that this bibliography is not intended to be exhaustive or all-inclu­ sive. It is based on the bibliography which Mostert published in 1995; supple­ mented by additions from colleagues and further thoughts and updates. Need­ less to say, a bibliography can only be a starting-point and check-point for a particular piece o f research. Nevertheless an ambitious bibliography like this one, made by a specialist in the area and arranged by topics, sets out in an eco­ nomical way the parameters o f a subject. In addition to the bibliography, Mostert publishes in this volume his own introduction to New Approaches to Medieval Communication. This provides an essential guide to questions o f terminology. Scholars writing in different lan­ guages (notably English and German) have different expectations o f the terms they use, even when the words employed look readily interchangeable from one language to another. What is meant by “communication” itself? Who is com' Item No. 294 m the bibliography in this volum e. 2 See No. 189 in the present bibliography.

Introduction

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mimicating what to whom? Messages come in many forms (not just in writing) and they are transmitted and received by all sorts o f agencies. Medievalists have to remember that many forms o f communication involved God and his saints as well as human agencies. In English the terms “literacy” and “orality” are recent inventions, which have become necessary as new questions are ad­ dressed. “Literacy” was first used by educationalists about a century ago and “orality” has only come into vogue in the last twenty years. Terms in English are not as flexible as they are in German, which has words to describe the “process of literacy/becoming literate”, and German can use paradoxical terms (“literalized orality” and “oral literacy”) without them looking perverse. The use o f such new terms is essential, as we still lack many words to describe how communication works. Forms o f “non-verbal communication”, for example, are very important and we have no really satisfactory term for them. The new re­ search exemplified in this book emphasizes how writing in itself is only one aspect of communication. Furthermore, in the inventive hands o f medieval monks writing took on the most extraordinary forms which transcended any­ thing the classical Greeks and Romans had ever attempted. M osterf s bibliography proceeds from theories about literacy in anthropol­ ogy, sociology and psychology to historical surveys o f literacy in Europe and the world; orality, ritual and non-literate forms o f communication come next because they were in use long before literacy was introduced and they continue to interact with literacy. The “Production and use o f written texts” in medieval society is not reached until section 8, which is halfway through the bibliogra­ phy. From there it follows a more conventional course, through the various ways in which writing was used culminating in “Literature” (section 14), until it reaches section 15 on “Religion and writing”. This leads to the concluding section (no. 16) on “The symbolism o f the book”, a theme which takes us once more beyond literacy as it is conventionally understood, since a book can serve as a symbol without it being widely read. In the liturgy o f the medieval Church splendid books, their bindings encrusted with jewels and their pages illumi­ nated with gold-leaf and colours, were ceremonially displayed by the priests for the laity to see and venerate. For Christian missionaries the books o f Scripture, which they carried with them, were as important symbols o f the new religion as baptism and the sign o f the cross. Conversion to Christ and conversion to book learning were inseparable. The bibliography makes clear why this volume is called New Approaches to Medieval Communication rather than New Approaches to Medieval Literacy. Section 3 on “Forms o f non-verbal communication” includes smells, colours, gestures, clothes, the visual arts and music. The liturgy o f the medieval Church

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M ICHAEL C LANCHY

shows how well its priests understood the powers of “non-verbal communica­ tion”. The smell o f incense, the colours associated with different liturgical seasons (purple for Lent, white for Easter), the gestures o f the sign o f the cross and the hand raised in blessing, the vestments o f the priest (recalling the splen­ dour of ancient Rome), wall paintings and mosaics, jewelled reliquaries and flickering candelabra, the words o f the celebrant and the responses merging into chant and music-all these things attracted the physical senses and engaged the feelings. The scholastic philosophers o f the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, from Abelard to Aquinas, presented Christianity as a series o f propositions to be mastered by reasoning and studied through Aristotle’s books as well as those of the Bible. As a result more people became literate, or-at least-more writing was done and kept for posterity. Nevertheless this intellectualism exposed weakness in Christian belief and hence also in many other aspects o f social control and traditional norms. Neither the clergy, nor society as a whole, neces­ sarily functioned better in the later Middle Ages when documents and learning were more widespread. Liturgy and ritual may have succeeded in uniting early medieval communities in a heart-felt faith, whereas literacy and reasoning fermented disputes. Non-verbal forms o f communication are so powerful because they directly engage the feelings through the physical senses. For similar reasons oral com­ munication is often more effective than writing because it too engages the fac­ ulties of hearing and speaking directly. All writing depends on the prior forma­ tion o f language and it makes no sense without speech; compared with lan­ guage, writing is an ancillary and dependent technology. Written record can be extraordinarily productive in advancing thought, because it fixes statements and enables a reader or writer to refer back and reconsider what is stated, but it cannot be a substitute for thought. Every piece o f writing needs an interpreter and it is reinterpreted every time it is read. Medieval readers inherited from the rhetoricians o f Antiquity the idea that reading was essentially a speech act; it was the process o f recovering and reconstituting a writer’s thoughts. That is why emphasis was put on reading aloud in medieval societies; the commonest way o f engaging with a book was by listening to it being read. The liturgical practice of reading or chanting extracts from the Bible is the most obvious example of this; much the same was done for the reading o f secular literature in the halls and private chambers o f castles and manor houses. Mostert gives central importance in his bibliography to “oral communica­ tion” and “oral and written memory” (sections 5 and 6) in order to emphasize the priority o f speech in communication. The section on “Literature” (no. 14), likewise begins with the paradox o f “oral literature” and proceeds from there to

Introduction

7

the general principles o f its composition and performance, before considering specific literatures in their various vernacular written forms. Sometimes medi­ eval society has been thought peculiar or primitive because it made such effec­ tive use of non-verbal and non-literate forms o f communication. Modem societ­ ies have supposedly progressed beyond ritual gestures and the acting out o f literature. Certainly modem societies differ from medieval ones in their insis­ tence on the universal ability to read and write and in making literacy the gate­ way to employment and status at a minimal level. Nevertheless non-verbal forms o f communication and orality are still central to the conduct o f society. Much o f the power o f television depends on it being a visual experience which appears to be more truthful and real than any written record. The most impor­ tant negotiations between business people or politicians still take place through face-to-face confrontation. Even academics, who have inherited the role o f the clergy in being the chief propagandists for literacy, privilege orality over writ­ ing in their day-to-day conduct. Teaching is initiated through speech and faceto-face meetings. Machines have not yet been devised which can replicate ef­ fectively enough all the aspects o f communication which are involved when one person communicates with another. Within the thousand-year span o f the Middle Ages from 500 to 1500 a division is often made at the eleventh century or the twelfth between an earlier period and a later one. Certainly this makes sense as far as the history o f re­ cords is concerned, as the earlier period is much more thinly documented than the later one. At a guess, at least three quarters o f all medieval manuscripts date from after 1200. Furthermore, many texts concerning the earlier period now exist only in later manuscripts. At present, estimates o f total numbers are no more than guesses, as there is no central register o f medieval libraries or ar­ chives, let alone o f individual documents which number tens o f thousands from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The task o f surveying them all is daunt­ ing, but it may be possible to achieve something substantial with computers in the not too distant future through the digitization o f texts and images. In Phantoms o f Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the End o f the First Millennium? Patrick Geary has argued that the eleventh century is a sig­ nificant turning point as far as written record is concerned. This is the very time in which the keepers o f memory, especially the monks, reviewed their archives and books and deliberately created the historical records which we now have. They did this by throwing away documents they considered useless or irrele­ vant to their interests, by reconstructing and rewriting memorials o f kings and noble families, and where necessary by forging new documents to tell the hisNo. 622 in the bibliography.

M ICHAEL C LANCHY

tory they wanted to pass on. Something o f this sort seems to have occurred in old established monasteries throughout western Europe, and notably in Italy, Germany, France and England. We are left with the books and records they made with the “Phantoms o f Remembrance” o f Geary’s title, bits o f the buried past that refused to stay buried. This is, o f course, the challenge which histori­ ans and archaeologists face in any period or place. Even where evidence is abundant, it may be deficient or misleading in crucial areas. Students o f medi­ eval books, which are such enticing objects in themselves with their beautiful layouts and illuminations, need to be constantly aware that they are not looking at raw historical evidence. These are constructs, which were made and kept so that we should know particular things about the past: why this monastery was entitled to a particular piece o f land, or why that king triumphed over his ene­ mies. My From Memory to Written Record, by focusing on the period from the eleventh century to the thirteenth, gives the impression that a new era in the history o f literacy began at this time. Certainly many more records survive from the twelfth century onwards, but this pattern o f survival may give a misleading impression about the extent o f literacy before 1100. The earlier medieval period is the more problematic one because so much remains hypothetical. There was not necessarily a progressive increase in literacy century by medieval century from a low point in the fifth century to a high point in the fifteenth. The articles in this volume are therefore most welcome, as they concentrate on the earlier period when the evidence is hardest to interpret. Wolfert van Egmond’s article on audiences raises large questions and an­ swers them in specific ways. Who read the books which the monks made, and how did they read them? Were they read aloud? I f so, would the audience have required a translator or did they know Latin? Had they been taught Latin, or was it their mother tongue? When did the status o f Latin as a spoken language change? How did Christian missionaries, who had Latin as their official lan­ guage, communicate with Germanic peoples? The answer to this last question seems to be that they used vernacular languages, while upholding Latin as the principal language o f record and o f the Roman Church. Fragments o f writing in Germanic vernaculars survive from before 1100 and, thinking along the lines suggested by Geary, it may be possible that many more vernacular writings once existed but got discarded. England, exceptionally, held on to substantial parts o f its legacy o f Anglo-Saxon literature and records because the special circumstances o f the Norman Conquest caused English monks to make every effort to preserve their distinctive heritage.

Introduction

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Mary Garrison, in her article on the preservation o f medieval correspon­ dence, emphasizes the contrast between copies o f letters deliberately selected and collected into books by their senders or recipients and the actual originals discovered by archaeologists. The latter are extremely rare, and yet they are very precious to historians precisely because they are the documents which their owners chose to throw away or at least failed to keep. They discarded them in rubbish tips, as at Vindolanda on Hadrian’s Wall on the northern fron­ tier o f Roman Britain, or dropped them at the dockside as at Bryggen on the waterfront at Bergen in Norway. Only the acutest observation by archaeolo­ gists, using techniques developed from the 1950s onwards, has brought letters of this sort to light. Unlike medieval parchment manuscripts, these letters are written on hard materials: slivers o f wood at Vindolanda, sticks inscribed with runes at Bergen, and birch bark at Novgorod. Individual finds have also occa­ sionally been made o f the wooden writing tablets, once covered with a surface o f wax, which were used for taking notes. These archaeological discoveries emphasize how writing was used for mundane purposes (“Send More Socks” in Mary Garrison’s title); it was not restricted to ecclesiastical and religious functions, even though that is the im­ pression given by the preservation o f early medieval texts by monasteries. Nevertheless by no means all the letters discovered by archaeologists concern day-to-day business matters. At Bergen some o f the rune-sticks have short Latin prayers on them {Pater Noster and Ave Maria) and others contain nothing more than vernacular obscenities and insults. Whatever their purposes, the sticks with prayers and insults on them suggest that writing was in frequent use, and this is also the inference to draw from the archaeological evidence as a whole. Even though there are huge gaps in the archaeological record (the Vindolanda letters are a thousand years earlier than those from Bergen and Novgorod), these finds raise disconcerting questions for the historian o f liter­ acy. What proportion o f the total output o f writings are the medieval manu­ scripts which we now possess? Should we assume that many more people were literate than surviving manuscripts suggest? How did numbers vary from place to place and from period to period? In particular, have we underestimated the numbers who could read and write in the post-Roman period? If literacy was commonplace among the Roman army at Vindolanda in 100 a d , is it not possi­ ble that the Germanic “barbarians” (who were incorporated into later Roman armies) also became familiar with writing?4

4 I should em phasize that these are m y questions and not G arrison’s. She has rightly not posed questions w hich cannot be answ ered from the existing evidence.

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Karl Heidecker’s article on the use o f charters in court cases concentrates on a few documents in order to draw out as much as possible from them. He describes nine cases, ranging in date from ca. 866 to 1104 and located in what is now Burgundy and Switzerland (these involve, among others, the great char­ ter collections o f the monasteries o f Cluny and St. Gall). He concludes that the evidence does not allow for generalizations in the form o f rules. We cannot say, for example, that documentary evidence prevailed over the spoken word; but neither can we say the opposite. From the cases discussed, it is difficult to see any progression or regression over time in the legal principles being applied. Indeed it is difficult to see what general legal principles were being applied. When the evidence is so scarce and scattered, it may not be possible to get beyond a series o f anecdotes or portraits o f particular cases. Furthermore, the very documents on which we have to rely to reconstruct these cases are them­ selves one-sided, as they typically consist o f memoranda made by particular religious houses to justify themselves. In his conclusion Heidecker looks for­ ward to producing a more sharply focused picture in the future. But, if Geary’s metaphor o f “Phantoms o f Remembrance” is right, the full picture will always prove elusive. What is needed in the short term, as Heidecker points out, are better editions o f many o f the surviving documents. Most medieval charters do not exist as originals, but as copies in later manuscripts. Even where originals exist (as at St. Gall for example), they are often unimpressive looking documents. They consist o f single sheets o f parch­ ment without embellishment, other than the signatures and signs o f the cross of the witnesses (generally, sealed charters do not begin until the twelfth century). By contrast, the books which Mariëlle Hageman discusses in her article are the originals and they were designed to look as impressive as possible. She asks what was the purpose o f the magnificent “portraits” of crowned kings and em­ perors, which are found in some o f the finest Carolingian and Ottonian manu­ scripts. They are not anything as simple as records o f particular coronations. Rather, they are images o f authority which associate earthly rulers with the saints and the supernatural power o f God. Coronation is a divine gift; that is why the hand o f God is depicted emerging from the heavens and conferring the crown on the recipient. In liturgical books pictorial miniatures and illuminated lettering had been used from the seventh century or earlier to reinforce the majesty and splendour o f the scriptural texts. Incorporating pictures o f earthly kings and emperors in these books followed on from the practice o f depicting biblical figures in them. In return for the wealth and protection which kings conferred upon them, monks presented them with books showing earthly rulers as superhuman and majestic figures.

Introduction

11

These miniatures can only have been seen by a select few: by the monks who made and kept these books and by the king and his courtiers who were shown them on special occasions. Was any larger audience intended? Why undertake such elaborate and expensive work and then enclose it in books which few people ever saw? Images in books could not have functioned di­ rectly as royal propaganda for the general public. Possibly they provided mod­ els for larger paintings and certainly the books acted as points o f reference for the liturgies in which the ruler displayed his majesty through crown-wearings and public ceremonial. Illuminated books and the miniatures within them, through their images as much as through the words o f their texts, acted as a resource and a generator. What was encapsulated in the miniatures could be magnified and projected to larger audiences through liturgical ceremonies, just as their texts could be amplified through chant and music so that the sound filled a whole church. “Non-verbal communication” is too negative a way to describe the power o f liturgy and ritual because it suggests that words alone might have done a better job. “Non-verbal communication” is used here for lack o f any better term for describing the indescribable. Medieval illuminated manuscripts were de­ signed to transcend the written word and so they are not altogether amenable to verbal analysis. Writing is a protean tool; it can be used to create mysteries and elaborate fictions and equally it can define and clarify. Modem literacy pro­ grammes, as promoted by UNESCO for example, emphasize the practical advan­ tages of writing. “Functional literacy” is so essential to the efficient operation of modem society that everyone is taught to read and write. This basic prag­ matic literacy is assumed to be the foundation o f western civilization and eco­ nomic prosperity. Computers and word processors reinforce the assumption that written language essentially consists o f units o f information, which can be mutually exchanged in a market economy. Medieval people saw very different advantages and priorities in writing. The monks and artists who made the earli­ est illuminated manuscripts, together with the kings and aristocratic patrons who supported them, valued writing primarily for its religious power. This was not necessarily because they were morally better people than we are; rather, it was because the occult and artistic potentialities o f writing were more attuned to their culture than its applications to information technology and mass in­ struction. Through their sacred books, the early Christian missionaries offered rulers a reinforcement o f their authority and access to a “world-wide web” which extended from the legendary empire o f Rome to the one true God who mied the heavens.

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In central Europe beyond the frontiers o f the Roman empire, which is the subject o f Anna Adamska’s article in this volume, writing may not have been used at all before the missionaries arrived, though Slav and Hungarian mer­ chants presumably came across Latin and Greek occasionally in commercial transactions. There, as everywhere else where Christianity' was introduced, books were given special status. The conversion o f the Slavs had been begun by Cyril and Methodius in the ninth century, ostensibly under papal authority but in fact preferring the traditions o f Greek evangelism which encouraged the use o f vernacular written liturgies. They devised the glagolitic alphabet specifi­ cally for writing Slavonic written texts. Subsequently German missionaries brought in liturgical books in Latin and insisted that only they had the authority o f the Roman Church. Competition between the Greek and Latin Churches meant that in the Czech lands in the eleventh century a bilingual written culture (in Latin and Slavic) was in existence, and occasionally even a trilingual culture (if a know ledge o f Greek is included as ell). As the Greek missionaries encour­ aged writing in the vernacular, one might have expected them to be much more influential than the Germans who insisted on the Latin rites o f the Roman Church. How ever, the success in the long term o f the Roman Church and the Latin liturgy' in Poland and Hungary, and even in the Czech lands to a consider­ able extent, show s how' closely written culture wras connected to political pow er. By the y'ear 1000 Latin was nobody’s mother tongue, and yet in western and central Europe it w as increasing rather than declining in pow'er because it w as treated by the Roman Church and intellectuals as the only true language o f literacy. The high point o f Latin writing came in the twelfth century' with St. Bernard. Abelard, Hildebert ofLavardin, John o f Salisbury, Otto o f Freising, and many others. All christianized medieval societies conferred extraordinary prestige on writing and devoted remarkable resources to the production o f books and docu­ ments. Investment in monks and illuminated manuscripts may' have consumed as large a proportion o f the wealth o f these societies as investment in schooling and information technology occupies in our own. Expertise in writing was deliberately confined at first to an elite o f monks and clerics, but its effects w ere w idespread and profound, if Christianization and the new- institutions it created arc included among the consequences o f “Iiteralization”. In their differ­ ent ways the articles and bibliography in this volume show- how medieval liter­ acy was part o f a larger and more inclusive network o f communication, which extended far beyond written language itself. Computers, the Internet and other recent inventions m information technology demonstrate that literacy has a great diversity' o f forms and that it is subject to change. Medieval literacy used

Introduction

13

parchment books and rolls, illuminated texts, sealed charters, quill pens, the Latin language-all forms o f writing which are now archaic-and yet these forms persisted and renewed themselves for a thousand years or more. The artifacts of the Middle Ages are now preserved and exhibited in libraries, archives and museums throughout the world. Treating communication, in all its complexi­ ties, as a subject o f historical research in its own right promises to be a fresh way to understand the past and also to reassess our own experience o f literacy’s changing forms and demands.

New Approaches to Medieval Communication?1

MARCO MOSTERT

he question whether it is possible to approach medieval communication in a new way merits an answer. The bibliography at the end of this volume lists some 1580 publications on the subject: books, articles in journals and more than 800 contributions to collective works.2 This massive scholarly output deals mostly with the Middle Ages; the rest deals either with earlier or later peri­ ods, or with theoretical problems which ought to be of interest to medievalists. If one considers the publication date of these collected volumes, monographs and journals, it is clear that they date mainly from the 1960s onwards (until the year 1963, which saw the publication of several seminal works,3 merely several dozens of publications have been included), with the tide rising in the 1980s (1984 was the first year in which more than 20 publications on the subject were published) and 1990s. From the year 1991 onwards, more than 50 publications per year have been included.4

T

1 I would like to express (hanks to the members of the Utrecht “Pionier Project Vcrschriftelijking” for the ungoing discussion which is reflected in these pages. 2 For brevity’s sake, wherever possible in the notes reference is made to the numbered title descriptions in the bibliography. 3Nos. 89 (G oody and W a it , 1963) and 157 (H ave-lock, 1963), neither of which written by medievalists. 4 Until 1994, which shows a decrease (to a “mere" 48 publications) which continues after that year for two reasons. First, bibliographical research has to limit itself to the perusal of published bibliographies, and not all recent titles had passed the bibliographers; second, the discourse

16

MARCO MOSTERT

The contributors to this volume do not claim to have themselves developed highly original approaches to medieval communication. Their approaches are not “new” in this sense. Rather, they address questions which have been raised fairly recently in medieval studies about communication, literacy and orality, in the hope that their provisional answers might show others ways in which to arrive at some cogent answers. The question might be pul whether medieval communication is in itself a valid subject for research. The implicit answer given by the very existence of this vol­ ume is affirmative. In order to substantiate it, a historiographical review of some of the evidence accumulated in the bibliography can be given. Many surveys of the debate on medieval literacy exist;5 to my knowledge, no survey of that debate in the context of medieval communication has as yet been attempted. Communication as it is understood in this volume is a modern concept. We have to be clear about what it means in medieval studies before we can study medieval communication. On the basis of the literature on the subject, we may attempt to establish which forms and modes of communication were available to medieval men and women. Because written and oral modes have so far been at the centre of attention, we will pay attention to the words denoting the concepts of literacy and orality. As Anglo-Saxon and German scholarly traditions have been the most influential in this domain, we will limit ourselves to the terminology developed in those two languages. Once we are clear about what we mean when we talk about medieval communication, we may survey the contents of the publi­ cations on the subject. Finally, we may suggest some promising “new” approaches to medieval communication.

C om m unication and the S tu d y o f the M id d le A g e s “Communication” and its German equivalent “Kommunikation” are relatively late arrivals in medieval studies. “Communication” first makes its appearance in 1979, as part of the title of Michael Richter’s book on oral communication in England in the later Middle Ages.6 The word tends to be used initially for forms of non-written communication, be they oral7 or non-verbal.8 It may be used in of medieval communication can be shown to be so m uch received into the mainstream of medieval studies that scholars no longer need to expressly refer to the subject by using the terminology developed for it in their titles. s Nos. 31-74. f' No. 300. 7Nos. 1248(Assmann , 1980), 560 (V an U ytfanghe, 1984), 518 (K leinschmidt , 1988), 510

New approaches to medieval communication ?

17

studies of daily life,9 more in particular of that of villagers.10 It is only very re­ cently that the word is used for forms of communication practised by powerful laymen who are also able actively to use the written word. Gerd Althoff’s use of “Kommunikation” in his studies of “political” and “symbolic” communication, which have been published from 1993 onwards,11 have made an impact in Mün­ ster.12Rather than on the rulers’and subjects’ ability to read, write, and understand the assumptions of written communication, the emphasis in his work is on the oral and non-verbal aspects of ritual. “Communication” denotes a topic different from that of writing and its uses. When oral and written modes of communication are compared, as in the case of Early Irish Literature-Media and Communication, an early volume in the Freiburg series ScriptOralia, published in 1989, the word “communication” seem to spring to mind because of the explicit reference to nonwritten communication.13There are as yet no attempts to use the word “communi­ cation” as a neutral term to denote the study of the whole set of forms of commu­ nication available to medieval man, together with the psychological and social implications of their use. Medieval history does not as yet seem to have grasped the importance of the insights of sociologists of literature, who correctly see writ­ ing as merely one of the forms of communication which may or may not be avail­ able in any given society.14 Or if medievalists have read their studies, they hardly ever refer to them. Because of the paucity of publications dealing explicitly with medieval com­ munication, there have been very few attempts to describe what the term “medi­ eval communication” may stand for. Apparently, medievalists are content to leave discussion of the concept to other disciplines. When they are merely dealing with an aspect of communication, they may be excused for assuming its meaning to be self-evident. When, as in the case of the present collection, the word is prominent in the title, an explanation of what is meant by “medieval communication” is necessary.

(B anniard , 1992) and 525 (R aíble , 1994). 8 Nos. 410 (M c C lintock , 1981) and 1543 (N ewbold , 1997). 9 No. 235 (ed. H undsbichler , 1992). ,0No. 1103 (W alz , 1992). 11 Nos. 477 (1993), 478 (1996) and 182 (1997). 12 Nos. 499 (S chulte , 1997) and 1177 (K eller , 1998). 13 No. 1469 (ed. T ristram , 1989). 14 See, e.g. No. 12 (E scarpit , 1984).

MARCO MOSTERT

18

C om m unication It is common knowledge that without communication human society is incon­ ceivable. A society presupposes collaboration, and to enable this, communication, the exchange of information, is essential. Information comprises both statements (knowledge, ideas, beliefs) and instructions (purposes, values and norms). Thanks to the exchange of information people may influence one another’s hearts and minds. Without that influence no durable society is feasible; nor would it be possi­ ble for human individuals to hold their own biologically or psychologically. Com­ munication aids the satisfaction of biological needs: obtaining food and drink, protection, safety and procreation. Not only in his physical growth, also in his psychological development man depends on communication. It also plays a role in the development and satisfaction of interpersonal needs: recognition, status, affec­ tion, building the image that an individual has of himself and of his (social and physical) environment. Some fifty ways in which human beings may communicate among themselves have been distinguished, and dozens of disciplines study communication. It is therefore not surprising that many definitions have been proposed, most of which go back to the theory which the electrical engineer Claude Shannon developed for the American Bell company. Shannon published his Mathematical Theory o f Communication in 1948.15 To understand this theory, profound mathematical knowledge is necessary. Yet Shannon’s outline has proven influential outside the physical sciences. He distinguishes (1) a source of information, (2) a sender which encodes the message, (3) a channel which conveys the encoded message from the sender to the receiver, (4) a receiver which decodes the message, (5) the destina­ tion of the message, and (6) interference which causes the signal produced by the sender not to be received intact by the receiver. This outline applies to all forms of communication. In the case of human speech, for instance the source is the person who wants to impart a message, the sender is his voice which encodes the message in certain vibrations of the air, the channel is the air through which the sound waves travel, the receiver is the human ear which decodes the vibrations of the human voice, the destination is the listener (or listeners), and the interference is caused by all sorts of more or less fortuitous circumstances (such as air vibrations produced by others than the speaker) which disturb the transmission of informa­ tion. Shannon was interested in the maximum of information that could be trans­ mitted per unit of time, with the minimum of interference. He was not interested No. 28 (S hannon , 1949).

New approaches to medieval communication ?

19

in the message as such. Nor did he devote attention to the process of communica­ tion in which the “destination”, the person for whom the information is intended, answers a message and thus becomes a “source”, while the original “source” be­ comes the “destination” of the answer. Many have tinkered with Shannon’s ele­ gant model in order to address its limitations. In the “process model of communica­ tion” of Oomkes, to take a random example, attention is paid to the contents of messages and the interaction which takes place when two human beings communi­ cate.16 He defines communication as follows: Communication is the exchange of symbolic information which takes place between human beings who are conscious of one another’s immediate or m ediated presence. This information is given, received and interpreted partially consciously, partly un­ consciously.17

This definition, too, does not seem to be wholly adequate. Although we obtain much information from the unconscious behaviour of the people we meet, such signals are quite different from consciously encoded messages. The sender must be conscious that he is providing information before we can speak of communica­ tion. An example may explain this. In the Early Middle Ages it was possible to indicate social status by hair-dress. The long hair of the Merovingian kings signi­ fied their royal blood. Those whom one wanted to exclude from royal succession were shorn. Hair-dress could therefore be used as a “medium” for the transmission of messages. When king Chilperic I was murdered at Chelles under mysterious circumstances, his body was recognized by its copious shock of h air.18 However, Chilperic was no longer conscious of the message he sent: he no longer had the possibility not to send this signal, for instance by covering up his long hair. A dead man does not himself “communicate”. In the suty of medieval communica­ tion the exchange of consciously encoded messages is privileged.

The Form s o f M edieval C om m unication Any attempt to reduce the fullness of medieval communicative behaviour to a rigid scheme risks to be both banal and soporific. Such a scheme has to take into account not only commonly known facts about the period, but also much that is 16 No. 26 (O omkes , 1986), p. 32. 17 No. 6 (O omkes, 1986), p. 44. 18J.M. W allace -H adrill, The Long-Haired Kings and other Studies in Frankish History (London, 1962), pp. 148-248, esp. pp. 156-158, 162, 232, 245.

20

MARCO MOSTERT

common to all human communication. However, a summary might be helpful of questions which might in principle be asked about any communicative behaviour encountered in medieval sources. This summary should obviously not be confused with a fully-fledged methodology or research strategy.1920With this proviso, the main variables in early medieval communicative behaviour seem to be the follow-

1

2 3 4

5

Who are represented by the “senders"? 1. supernatural beings: God; Christ; the Virgin Mary; angels; devils and demons; saints deceased; the souls of the deceased. 2. human beings, divided into 2.1 non-christians: Jews, muslims; and 2.2 Christians, divided into 2.2.1 clergy: secular clergy; regular clergy and 2.2.2 non-clergy: king; higher aristocracy; lower aristocracy; urban patricians; other town dwellers; agrarian population. Which is the sender’s sex? male; female; none. Which is the sender’s age? child; adolescent; grown-up; elderly; none. Which forms o f communication can be distinguished? attitudes; gestures; physical contact; visual signs; olfactory signs; fla­ vours; auditive, non-verbal signs; speech acts; writing as author; repro­ ducing written texts; reading aloud; reading silently; listening; comment­ ing; a combination. What is the subject o f the message? concerning the social function of the sender; concerning training or educa­ tion for a social role; concerning the image the social group of the sender has of itself and others; concerning social organization (normative and sanctioning; concerning government or management; concerning the rela­ tions with the supernatural; magical; concerning the organization of com­ munication; a combination.

19Other important questions may have to be included, e.g. where does the “sender” or “ receiver” come from? What is the esteem for “sender”, “receiver”, or message? Is the m essage serious or jocular? Is it menât to convey truth or fiction? etc. 20 Unfortunately, it is not possible to apply these questions quantitatively to medieval docum ents. The results would prove misleading, as the data are not suitable. Social groups are difficult to identify, a person’s age is hardly ever known, etc. Qualitatively, these questions can be answ ered only when we address the difficult task of trying to establish standardized descriptive criteria.

New approaches to medieval communication?

6

7 8

21

Who is represented by the “receivers ”? See (1). Add: humankind; Christendom; the sender himself; a combina­ tion. Which is the receiver’s sex? See (2). Add: combination. Which is the receiver’s age? See (3). Add: combination.

A few explanatory notes on details of this questionnaire may be necessary. In the Middle Ages, supernatural beings were considered to have properties which allowed them ro communicate freely with mortals. This means that they have to figure among the groups of senders (1) and receivers (6) of messages, together with the social groups studied until now. The study of the symbolic uses of writing is greatly helped by the provisional inclusion of these medieval “realities”. When we want to inform or instruct others, we need our senses, the receivers to decode the messages. Our message has to be encoded in olfactory, sapid, tactile, audible or visual form. Information, according to our twentieth-century ideas, may only be transmitted via physical media, and apart from his senses man has no “receivers” in Shannon’s sense. If, in the Middle Ages, someone thought a supernatural being to communicate a message by immaterial means, his appearance was usually de­ scribed as if it was perceived by the ordinary senses. The list of subjects of the messages communicated (5) is obviously not com­ plete: those listed concern mainly types of social activities with which historians are well acquainted. Some readers may be surprised to find that neither literature, art, nor music is represented by itself; they seem subsumed under the heading “concerning the image the social group of the sender has of itself and others”. This does not represent an aversion from aesthetics. Medieval communication, how­ ever, is an historical rather than merely a literary or artistic subject. All forms, products and traces of acts of communication are studied for the light they may shed on the subject. It will be clear that not all forms of communication were available to all medi­ eval men, nor to all medieval societies. More in particular, this is the case with the written word. And here a problem arises. When thinking about communication, recent research a tendency to focus its attention to oral and written messages. Verbal forms are indeed a privileged part of communication. Yet non-verbal phe­ nomena which may be apprehended by our senses are also potential channels of communication.

22

MARCO MOSTERT

Verbal forms of communication are privileged because they concern the spo­ ken and written natural languages. No society is conceivable without language. No human society is known to do without one, and we can hardly imagine how a group of humans could accomplish any but the simplest acts in its absence. How could one, without language, profit from the experience of others, let the others know one’s plans, or organize the tasks to be performed? Medieval societies, too, obviously attached great importance to verbal communication, and it is no coinci­ dence that many studies of medieval communication are devoted to the spoken and written word. Audible and visible media are extremely suitable for group use. The light perceived by the eye and the vibrations of the air captured by the ear may be “re­ ceived” over relatively long distances. Whereas smell, taste and touch demand the immediate vicinity of sender and receiver, these constraints are absent in the case of sound and vision. Thus, it is possible to communicate with more people at the same time. No doubt this possibility is one of the reasons why one has tried to give durability to visual and audible signs. Many of these signs (for instance gestures or exclamations) disappear, but they can be re-encoded in visual images or written texts. The spoken word is privileged by its flexibility and ease of use, but as a means of communication it is constrained by place and time: a discourse may be made only at a certain time, at a certain place. Man has leamt to control time and space by systems of coded material traces, such as writing, which call upon the eye. The relationship between writing and other forms of communication under­ went important changes during the Middle Ages. The development of medieval writing has to be studied in relation to changing social institutions. Writing was (as it still is) organized in social systems of producers and consumers of written texts. These systems interacted with other social systems, and technological inno­ vations in written culture are demanded by practical, social needs, might even argue that writing itself is also an institution, with its own canons.21

Literacy, orality and the study o f the Middle Ages Of all forms of medieval communication, the written word has benefited most from scholarly attention. Indeed, the study of communication is unthinkable with­ out the study of reading and writing, if only because the ability to participate ac­ 21 On literary and other codes, see No. 265, referring to B. H errnstein S mith , “Contingencies o f value”, in: Canons, ed. R. von H allberg (Chicago, 1983), pp. 5-93.

New approaches to medieval communication ?

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tively in written culture tends to colour and change the attitude towards all other forms of communication. The study of written texts is as old as writing itself, and the study of the medieval written word predates the explicit interest in medieval communication by many centuries. The sixteenth- and century scholars who founded historical criticism may be said to be the forerunners of the present-day students of medieval communication. Diplomatics, palaeography, philology and the other traditional auxiliary sciences of medieval history continue to contribute to the better understanding of communication in the Middle Ages. Nowadays, in the English speaking world the word “literacy” tends to be used for the study of all and any forms of written communication. Its possible meanings have inflated since the subject became en vogue in the 1980s and 1990s. In a study on “The extent of literacy in England in the fifteenth and sixteenth centu­ ries” published in 1930, J.W. Adamson took the word “in the humblest sense” merely to connote “the ability to read an English book, whether printed or in manu­ script”.22 This definition had the merit of being relatively clear. V.H. Galbraith, writing in 1935, also merely meant “the ability to read and write” by it.23 Things changed in 1963 with the publication of “The consequences of liter­ acy” by the anthropologist Jack Goody and the literary historian Ian Watt.24 Goody’s ideas, as well as the ideas of the classicist Eric A. Havelock, were to have a far-reaching influence in medieval studies.25 These authors suggested writing to be a possible motor of historical change. If they were right, and if the human mind was reorganized by learning to read and write, then instances of this reorganiza­ tion took place whenever someone became conversant with these technical skills. If the introduction of writing enabled social change, then the new forms of social and political life that developed during the Middle Ages might have been tributary to “literacy”. The first medievalists to use the English word “literacy” in the title of a publi­ cation after the thinking of the social scientists and classicists had sunk in, were F.H. Bäuml and E. Spielmann in their 1974 study of the Niebelungenlied,26 Bäuml was also one of the first medievalists to address the problem of literacy in a theoretical article, which appeared in Speculum in 1980.27 Meanwhile, the first surveys of literacy in individual medieval societies to appear: on the bookishness of the modem Icelanders and their assumption of the transmission of saga knowl­ 22 No. 292, p. 163. 21 No. 1092, reprint p. 78. 24 No. 89. 2' Cf. the “Index of m odem authors and editors” of the bibliography, s.v. 26 No. 1393. 27 No. 32.

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edge;23*28 on the literacy of the late medieval Yorkshire gentry;29 on Anglo-Saxon England;30 on the Lollards;31 Byzantium;32 late medieval Florence and Venice;33 ... The list is almost endless. Simultaneously, attempts were made by medievalists to further refine the concept of literacy, for instance by adding adjectives to it. Thus we have visual, female, lay, cultural, early, professional, runic, Jewish, ver­ bal, Christian, pragmatic and religious literacy.34 In most cases the use of an adjec­ tive is elucidating; in some it creates metaphors for something which ought not to be termed literacy. It is merely evidence of the use of the current buzzword. Quite often “literacy” is used in opposition to “orality”. “Oral” has been com­ mon to denote spoken as opposed to written modes of communication for a long time.35The techniques of “oral tradition”, the transmission of knowledge without recourse to writing, have been a preoccupation of historians and literary historians for some time.36 The use of the term, however, seems relatively recent. Spencer Cosmos used it in 1977 in his study of Bede’s Life of St. Aidan.37 Since then, among other things due to the influence of the Belgian anthropologist Vansina, who was trained as a medieval historian,38 the term has become current. In 1986 ajournai called Oral Tradition started to appear.39 The word “orality” seems to appear in medieval studies as late as 1986, when Evelyn Birge Vitz uses it in a study of the Old French octosyllabic couplet.40 She explicitly refers to Walter J. Ong’s synthesis of 1982, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing o f the Word.41 Ong can indeed be said to have done for orality what Goody and Watt did for literacy. In the third chapter of his book, “Some 23 No. 328 (T ommasson , 1975). 29 No. 302 (V ale , 1976). 10 No. 291 (W ormald , 1977). 31 No. 1509 (A ston , 1977). 32 No. 175 (B rowning , 1978). 33 No. 252 (H yde , 1979). 34 Visual: No. 410 (M c C lintock , 1981); lay: No. 258 (L aw rence , 1985); cultural: No. 44 (G atch , 1986); early: Nos. 306 (H arvey , 1987) and 333 (F ranklin , 1987); professional: No. 768 (G onzalez C asanovas , 1990); runic: No. 284 (D erolez , 1990); Jewish: No. 343 (R e if , 1990); verbal: No. 422 (D iebold , 1992); female: No. 1116 (M c Kitterick , 1992); Christian: No. 342 (B edos -R ezak , 1993); pragmatic: No. 1137 (ed. B ritnell , 1996); religious: No. 1519 (R itard , 1997). 31 Cf., e.g. No. 1280 (C urschmann , 1967). 36 Nos. 651-722, 205, 327,1531. 37 No. 1531. 35 Nos. 647-649. 39 No. 667. 40 No. 1389 (VlTZ, 1986). 41 No. 129 (O ng , 1982); No. 1389 (V itz , 1986), p. 300.

New approaches to medieval communication?

25

psychodynamics of orality”, he outlines the differences between thinking in oral and literate societies42-and, as like Goody and Watt, sees major adjustments to consciousness thanks to access to literacy.43 Because of the debate about orality in anthropological circles,44 medievalists, apart from literary historians who used it in a restricted sense,45 have tended to avoid the use of “orality” for about a decade;46since 1990 the term has gradually become accepted.47 In general, though, the use of “orality” remains restricted to certain forms of oral communication; and there is a tendency among medievalists not to speculate about orality’s possible implications for thought or the organization of society. The German terminology for literacy and orality had a slightly different devel­ opment. The nearest equivalent to “literacy” is “Schriftlichkeit”. In a posthumous publication of Fritz Rorig, published in 1952, he distinguished between “Schrift­ wesen”, the technical term for the conditions of the production of the written word in document or book form,48 and “Schriftlichkeit”, the degree to which the written word was used in any period. If this degree is so extensive that the use of writing may be assumed for everyone, then “general literacy” may be said to exist; if the use of writing in public and private life is absent or virtually absent, then “illiter­ acy” (“Schriftlosigkeit”) may be said to exist.49 The development of the meaning of “Schriftlichkeit”, influenced by Anglo-Saxon studies of literacy,50 is parallel to the development of the meaning of “literacy”. In German, too, adjectives have been developed, so that one has, for instance conceptual, vernacular, and prag­ matic literacy.51 “Schriftkultur”, the culture of the written word, one finds used as

42 No. 129 (O ng , 1982), pp. 31-77. 43 No. 129 (O ng , 1982), pp. 78-116. 44 Nos. 61 (O ng , 1987), 70 (S treet , 1987), 48 (H enige , 1988), and especially Nos. 82 (F innegan , 1988) and 42 (F innegan , 1990). 45 Nos. 1390 (V itz , 1987), 46 (G reen , 1990), 273 (G reen , 1990), 174 (B eaton , 1990). Green, e.g. (No. 46) focuses on the implications of orality for the history of reading (preparing No. 896 (G reen , 1994)). 46 An exception is No. 233 (G ellrich , 1988). 47 See, e.g. Nos. 781 (M ews , 1990), 290 (V anderbilt , 1990), 286 (M iller , 286), 718 (M urray , 1994), 316 (S tevenson , 1995) and 268 (Innes , 1998). 48 See W. W attenbach , Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter, 3rd edn. (Leipzig, 1896), dealing with the production o f written texts and its conditions. 49No. 207, p. 29. “Illiteracy” is also used in No. 31 (B auml , 1980), written by an Austrian-born Germanist, and in No. 415 (C amille , 1984). “Illiteracy” exclusively refers to absence of the written word; it should not be confused with “orality”. 50 See, e.g. the literature referred to in No. 75, 24 (1990), pp. 390 sqq. 51 “Konzeptuelle S.” : No. 57 (O esterreicher , 1993); “volkssprachliche S.”: No. 421 (C urschmann , 1996); for “pragmatische Schriftlichkeit”, see infra, p. 000.

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a synonym o f‘‘Schriftlichkeit", although sometimes with a certain emphasis on the products of writing.52 Of the German adjectives applied to “Schriftlichkeit”, undoubtedly “prag­ matisch” has been the most useful. Used by Brigitte Schlicben-Lange in 1979,53 “pragmatische Schriftlichkeit” was taken up in Münster. There, in 1986, the Ger­ man research project 231 (“Sonderforschungsbereich 231”) started with the aim of studying “all forms of literacy which directly serve functional actions, or which were meant to teach human actions and behaviour by making available knowl­ edge”.54 Such forms of writing were deemed “pragmatisch”. Written texts were studied which were demanded by the practice of daily life (‘‘Lebenspraxis”), such as charters and statutes, but also, in the case of the literary elites, encyclopedias or collections of learned law. The Münster project ends in 1999. In the fifteen years of its existence the concept of “pragmatische Schriftlichkeit” has exerted a pro­ found influence on German scholarship.55 Recently, Richard Britnell, of the Uni­ versity of Durham, edited a volume on Pragmatic Literacy East and West, 12001300, in which he expresses his indebtedness for the term to Thomas Behrmann, a representative of the Münster school: “pragmatic literacy”, according to Britnell, “is broader in scope than ‘official literacy’ or ‘administrative literacy’, since it includes the use of writing for practical purposes other than law and administra­ tion. It has fewer ambiguities than ‘practical literacy’, which would otherwise be the closest alternative”.56The problem posed by the term is, that once the demands for written texts by the literate, mainly clerical elites are also to be studied under the heading of “pragmatische Schriftlichkeit” (as has been done in several partial projects of the Münster “ Sonderforschungsbereich”), the boundaries with what one might term “mandarin literacy” become fluid.57 As “literacy” is often opposed to “orality” in English, so in German “Schriftlichkeit” is opposed to “Mündlichkeit” or “Oralität”.58 “Mündlichkeit” is first used in 1979, in the title of a collection of essays on oral poetry, edited by two Dutch scholars.59 The concept has clearly been borrowed from Anglo-Saxon literNos. 266 (E hllrs , 1989), 35 (B randt , 1993), 245 (R aíble , 1993), 955 (cd. E rfurt and G essingi r . 1993) and 1140 (ed. S chieffer , 1996). ' 3 No. 237 (S chlieben -Lange , 1979). ,4 No. 7 5 ,2 4 (1 9 9 0 ). p. 389. ” See. e.g. Nos. 1165 (cd. K eller and B u se n , 1991) and 1138 (cd. K eller , 1992). 1,6 No. 1137 (ed. B r iin e l j ., 1996), p. vii. '■ See tor an approximative distinction between pragmatic literacy and mandarin literacy the subjects of the titles listed in sections 13 and 11, with section 10 maintaining an uneasy balance between the two (cf. No. 1026 for one of the reasons). ^ Seldom used: Nos. 571 (HOLrus. 1989), 1150 and 1170 (both D ilchlr , 1996) 1,9 No. 1296 (ed. N. V oorwindln and M. DE H aan , 1979).

New approaches to medieval communication ?

27

ary scholarship. It has been at the centre of attention in the Freiburg school, with Wolfgang Raible expressly calling its programme of research “Transitions and tensions between orality (“Mündlichkeit”) and literacy (“Schriftlichkeit”)”.60 The German terminological development is different in that German has the possibility to form single words denoting the development of literacy and orality, a possibility not available in English. In 1980, Michael Giesecke wrote of the vernacular and the “development of literacy (“ Verschriftlichung”) of life” (in inverted commas) in late medieval Germany.61 “Verschriftlichung” became gener­ ally accepted in the 1990s,62 and its process character was strengthened by the use of “Verschriftlichungsprozeß” (“the process of the development of literacy”).63 Another useful German compound is “Verschriftung”, the (development of the) writing down of texts; one might say that the more texts are written down (“verschriftet”), the more the “Schriftlichkeit” of a society develops, together with the psychological and social implications that entails (“Verschriftlichung”). In 1993, Wulf Oesterreicher was the first to make the distinction between “Verschriftung” and “Verschriftlichung” explicit.64 In the light of this terminological development, it is understandable to see the substitution of the opposition “Mündlichkeit”- “Schriftlichkeit” by that of “Miindlichkeit”-“Verschriftlichung” in publications by Gerhard Dilcher and oth­ ers.65The new opposition implicitly stresses both the static character of orality and the dynamic character of literacy. Once “Verschriftlichung” had been given a name, degrees (“Stufen”) of literacy could be distinguished.66 The interaction between oral and literate forms of communication could be perceived more clearly, or at least given a less ambivalent terminology than in English. In 1989 Christoph Daxelmüller wrote of “literalized orality” (“literarisierte Mündlichkeit”) and “oral literacy” (“mündliche Schriftlichkeit”);67four years later, Franz Bäuml

60

No. 76 (Raíble , 1986). See also, e.g. Nos. 475 (ed. R aíble , 1988), 281 (ed. E rzgráber and V olk, 1988), 1469 (ed. T ranter and T ristram , 1989) and 1274 (ed. RöHRiCHand L indig , 1989). 61 No. 1006 (G iesecke , 1980). Nos. 1146 (B usch , 1991), 1168 (B ehrmann , 1991), 806 (R aíble , 1993), 57 (O esterreicher, 1993), 1088 (W ollasch , 1993), 617 (A lthoff , 1994), 956 (F rank , 1994) and 574 (RlEHL, 1995). 63 Nos. 1151 (K eller , 1988), 1064 (T rede , 1994) and No. 707 (B usch , 1995). w No. 57 (O esterreicher, 1993); see my review o f No. 230 (ed. S chaefer , 1993) in: Francia 23.1 (1996), pp. 248-249. See also Nos. 1041 (M eier , 1994) and 137 (ed. E hler and Schaefer , 1998). “ Nos. 1150 and 1170 (both D ilcher , 1996), and No. 137 (ed. E hler and S chaefer , 1998). 66 No. 1156 (M ihm , 1999). 67 No. 1060 (D axelmuller , 1989).

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talked of the same intermediate forms between absolutized orality and literacy.6” Recently, "Verschriftung” and “Verschriftlichung” have been used in relation with changes in the media of communication,69 a use of terminology which may con­ tribute towards the neutralization of certain still prevalent value judgments on the various oral, written and non-verbal forms of communication. The rapid review of the English and German terminologies for the study of medieval communication, literacy and orality could be repeated for the other lan­ guages in which work on the subject is being written. The word “communication” seems the least ambiguous (although French titles sometimes use “communica­ tion” in the titles of studies dealing with roads and waterways). There are prob­ lems with the other words we have examined. French, for instance, lacks words for “literacy” or “Schriftlichkeit” (although “culture de l’écrit” comes close in mean­ ing to “literacy” and “Schriftkultur”), but has “oralité” for “orality”. Dutch has the same flexibility as German, so that “verschriftclijking” can be used and under­ stood as German “Verschriftlichung”. But Dutch scholars share the problems of their German colleagues when they try to translate their terms in English70 The Slav languages have their own problems with “ literacy” and “Verschriftlichung”.71 But although the notions of literacy and the development of literacy are difficult to put into words in some of the European languages, this has by no means stop­ ped work to be done on the subject of medieval communication-even if some scholars, when they published their studies, were not aware that they might be extremely useful to self-confessed students of communication.

W hat h as been accom plished in the study o f m ed ieva l com m unication? Perusal of the bibliography makes clear that publications whose titles lack the words we have discussed have a bearing on our subject. Medieval communication as it is understood by the authors of this volume has been studied in one way or another from the beginning of this century-and even long before that. Although the bibliography represents only a small selection of work published before the 1960s and 1970s, it may be helpful to sec roughly since when publications ap-

^ No. 267 (BÃUML, 1993). ft'' No. 137 (cd. E uler and Schaefer ). The inept "litcralization”, proposed in the translation of the Utrecht "Pionier project Verschriftclijking" leads to misunderstanding. n See the contribution o f Anna Adamska to his volume (No. 330).

New approaches to medieval communication ?

29

peared, perusal of which may still be worthwhile at the end of the twentieth cen­ tury.72 Not surprisingly, palaeographers, diplomatists, codicologists and historians of reading have produced valuable work on the production and use of written texts long before the subject of medieval communication had been given a name. The topic of publication before the advent of printing was treated at least as long ago as 1913;73 that of the production of books in the vernacular in 1920;74 and the 1925 and 1927 publications of Joseph Balogh on praying, reading and writing aloud are still unsurpassed in the history of late antique and medieval reading.75 The interest of the palaeographical study of punctuation for the history of reading, however, did not become apparent until 1968,76 and the study of what space be­ tween words might mean for literate behaviour started only in 1979.77 The study of non-verbal communication, too, including as it does the objects studied by art history and musicology, has a long pedigree. Studies of smells, colours, clothes and symbolic objects other than what we nowadays tend to call works of art, are relatively scarce. The study of gestures, though it too has been broached before the Second World War,78 has been vigorously taken in hand by August Nitschke from 1967 onwards.79 He has been joined more recently by other scholars.80 Important work has been done on the interaction between the visual arts and other media, especially texts.81 Michael Camille’s 1985 publication “See­ ing and reading: Some visual implications of medieval literacy and illiteracy” betrays by its very title the influence of the literacy debate on recent art historical work on this topic.82

72With the exception of the symbolism o f the book, correspondence, and mandarin literacy, the sections on which are too short to warrant any serious consideration. Similarly, the “empty” section on the preservation o f written texts has not been taken into account. It is clear, however, that, had these four sections been developed fully, the earliest publications included ought to have dated from the nineteenth ce n tu ry ... 73 No. 833 (R oot , 833). 74 No. 842 (D eansley , L920). 75 Nos. 859 (B alogh , 1925) and 860 (B alogh , 1927). 76 No. 968 (M oreau -M arechal , 1968). See Nos. 946-991. 77 No. 983 (Saenger , 1979). 78 Nos. 379 (L ommatzsch , 1910) and 374 (D elling , 1925) 79 Nos. 382-389. 80 O f whom the most important are Ruth Schmidt-Wiegand (Nos. 392-394) and Jean-Claude Schmitt (Nos. 395-397). 81 Nos. 413-457. Early examples are Nos. 449 (STAMMLER, 1962), 454 (ed. FRÜHMORGEN-VOSS and O t t , 1975) and 437 (M oirand , 1978). 82 No. 415 (C amille , 1985).

30

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The investigation of the teaching of reading and writing still has to start with Henri Pirenne’s 1929 article in the first issue of th qAnnales on the instruction of medieval merchants, and his 1934 article on the education of laymen in Merovin­ gian France-if only to understand later modifications of the ideas he espoused.81*83 Medieval memory and the differences between oral and literate ways of re­ membering and forgetting became an object of research with Helga Hajdu’s 1936 study of mnemotechnical literature.84 The past as it was experienced in primarily oral medieval societies was first explored in 1970 by Michael Clanchy in “Re­ membering the past and the good old law”, an article predating much of the later concern with oral tradition.85 Surprisingly, the relation between writing and the religion of medieval laymen. There has been some interest in heretics,86 possibly because of the alleged links between Protestantism and the printing press at the very end of the Middle Ages. Hagiographical texts, too, have been studied for what they might reveal about the oral modes of communication of laymen.87 Similarly, studies of the magic of writ­ ing have provided some clues as to the uses of the written word by illiterates.88 But much may still be profitably explored in this domain. The study of the spoken word in the Middle Ages is still interested in the question of the end of Latin as a natural language. Ferdinand Lot’s question of 1931 (when did one cease to speak Latin?)89 has been often restated (for instance in Michael Richter’s review of the debate published in 1983)w but never satisfac­ torily answered.91The problem of the vernaculars, the province of modern philolo­ gists, has recently also been addressed by historians interested in the use of the vernacular in documents.92

81 Nos. 738 (PlRENNE, 1929) and 749 (PiRENNE, 1934). 84 No. 625 (H ajdu , 1936). 89 No. 638 (C lanchy , 1970), referring to No. 647 (V ansina , 1961), in the first English edn. o f 1965 atp . 168. 56 Nos. 1509 (A ston , 1977) and 1510 (B iller , 1986) are the first. 87 N os. 1528-1552, the earliest being Nos. 1547 (V an U ytfanghe , 1976), 1531 (C osmos , 1977) and 1541 (K resten , 1977). 88 Nos. 1553-1567; the earliest: Nos. 1566 (P oulin , 1977), 1556 (DOw el , 1988) and 1562 (M uller , 1988). 84 No. 555 (L ot , 1931). 90 No. 557 (R ichter , 1983). 91 See Nos. 543-562 and, for a summary o f the different views, the contribution o f Wolfert van Egmond to this volume (No. 1546). 92 Early examples are Nos. 588 (D e M eyer , 1974; corrected recently by No. 587 (B urgers , 1996), 595 (M iglio , 1986), 599 (V ries , 1989) and 593 (K och , 1990).

New approaches to medieval communication ?

31

Literary historians had long before the 1960s asked themselves questions about the relationship between oral and written verbal art. They had noticed re­ marks in the written texts they studied which seemed to suggest that oral versions might have preceded the written versions they were left with. Already before the Second World War appeared The Growth o f Literature. It was a three-volume attempt, edited by H. Munroe Chadwick and N. Kershaw Chadwick,93 to answer the question whether under similar circumstances similar forms of literature were likely to be produced. They compared European medieval forms of heroic litera­ ture with twentieth-century heroic literature produced all over the globe. Among other things they asked how writing changed the production of literary works. Even before that, in 1928, the American classicist Milman Parry had discovered that in the oral composition of literary works such as epics formulas were used, stop-gaps to fill out verses.94 In 1960 Albert B. Lord’s The Singer o f Tales ap­ peared,95 in which the views of Parry were presented anew, and ever since has been a veritable hunt for “oral formulas” in medieval epics, and a concomitant glut of articles on “oral formulaic theory”.96 Literary historians have also become sensitive to the information to be culled from the manuscripts in which medieval literature survives. Back in 1941-1942, Henry John Chaytor realized that medieval scribes had relied on “auditory mem­ ory” rather than modern “visual memory”, and concluded that “the difference between auditory and visual memory can be made a basis for emendation”.97 The influence of orality and on reading and on manuscript lay-out became ever more important outside palaeographical circles. Historians among medievalists started to produce surveys of the development of communication and literacy after the Second World War. Heinrich Fichtenau’s Mensch und Schrift im Mittelalter was published in 1946.98 Its immediate influ­ ence in the German speaking world seems to have been limited; only after the reception of Anglo-Saxon ideas about literacy was its subject matter to arouse enduring interest. Similarly, the works of Rörig99 and Grundmann100 were to be 93 No. 1253 (C hadwick and C hadwick , 1932-1940). M. PARRY, L ’Épithète traditionnelle dans Homère (Paris, 1928). Parry’s work was reprinted in 1971, when medievalists, too, had begun to be sensitized to the subject of medieval communication [The Making o f Homeric Verse. The Collected Writings o f Milman Parry, ed. A. P arry (Oxford, 1971)). 95 No. 1355. 96 See No. 1331. 97 No. 948 (C haytor , 1941-1942), p. 56. 98 No. 191 (F ichtenau , 1946). 99 No. 207 (R örig , 1953). 100See, e.g. the comments on No. 192 (G rundmann , 1958) in No. 39 (D e J ong , 1993) and No.

94

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subjected to criticism only after the 1960s. In England, too, Henry John Chaytor’s From Script to Print: An Introduction to Medieval Literature, published in 1945,101 was to exert its main influence only after a generation. The intensification of historical research on communication in the Middle Ages occurred after the 1960s. At first, attention concentrated on the relationship between oral and written communication. Scholars saw themselves living in a period of revolutionary technological change which brought about considerable changes in personal and social life. This made them acutely aware of the changes which the introduction of the printing press in the fifteenth and sixteenth century had caused. Research became sensitive to the influence of the channel by which messages were transmitted. And more than before questions were asked about the socio-economic position of the producers of written texts.102 Simultaneously, in linguistics the idea became current that not only spoken language, but also other symbolic systems had a syntax, lexicon and semantics of their own: written lan­ guage was no longer seen as a description of spoken language, but as a distinct system with its own rules and references. The various media began to be compared (going backwards from the electronic word via the written and spoken word to non-verbal communication) and their differences rather than their similarities were stressed. We have already had occasion to mention the publication of Jack Goody and Ian Watt’s article “The Consequences of Literacy” and the “technologist” trend it started.103 The first medieval historians who, after Goody and Watt, occupied themselves with the problem of medieval communication, seemed convinced of their being right. This was understandable: had medieval history not, over the last centuries, via palaeography, codicology, diplomatics and other “decoding scien­ ces” occupied itself with the technicalities of written communication? One ob­ served for instance that, as the Middle Ages progress, writing is introduced in ever more social spheres. On began to wonder under which circumstances the introduc­ tion of writing took place. One wanted to know when exactly written communica­ tion had supplanted the spoken word as the most valued form of communication. There were sources enough for this kind of enquiry: the whole of the surviving written texts was at the disposal of the researcher. It was possible to compare the production of written texts (including the production of copies of written texts) in different centuries, or in different geographical areas. When historians also devel294 (C l a n u iy , 1993), first edn. (1979), pp. 177-181. lül No. 279 (CHAYroR, 1945). 102 Sec the synthesis in No. 210. l0,See supra, p. 000.

New approaches to medieval communication ?

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oped an interest in the spoken word, they could go on to ask how this gigantic production of written texts reflected the spoken word. However, the early efforts by pioneering medieval historians concentrated on written culture, and (involun­ tarily or not) there was the suggestion that one communicated either orally or by means of writing. That there were societies in medieval Europe which got by with­ out any recourse to writing at all was a problem which for the moment was all but disregarded. With hindsight, discussion of the theses of Goody and Ong, among medieval­ ists as among social scientists, was often muddled by the fact that the participants talked about different things. Some of them talked about the techniques of oral and written communication, without considering their possible implications for other aspects of medieval culture. Others believed that changes in communication tech­ nology had a certain limited influence on psychological and social structures. Others again saw “oral” and “literate” as words summarizing two all-encompass­ ing cosmologies. Recently, discussions are slightly more dispassionate, but they may still flare up occasionally. Historical research on medieval literacy has gradually worked backwards from the printing press through the definitive “take-off’ of “pragmatic literacy” in the eleventh and twelfth century to Carolingian Europe and even further back. It is clear from the bibliography that no area in Europe escaped the historians’ atten­ tion. It is also clear that the attention is not evenly spread over regions and topics. Germany, England and Ireland have been studied relatively well, whereas there are few studies on France, Italy and the Iberian peninsula. Central and Eastern Europe, too, benefit from few studies.104 For the early medieval period, we have the publi­ cations inspired by Rosamond McKitterick’s investigations of Carolingian liter­ acy. In her The Carolingians and the Written Word of 1989105 she evaluated the uses of literacy by concentrating on the surviving written texts. This book was followed in 1990 by her edition of a collection of essays, The Uses o f Literacy in Early Medieval Europe ,106in which the question of the relative importance of written and non-written communication plays a significantly greater part. This change of emphasis reflects developments in other disciplines. It had always been clear that the spoken word continued to play an important role also after the intro­ duction of writing. The problem of the relationship between speech and writing gradually developed from an “either/or”-question into a “more/less”-question.

104 See the contribution o f Anna Adamska to this volume (No. 330). 105 No. 224 (M c K itterick , 1989). 106 No. 231 (ed. M c Kitterick , 1990).

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MARCO MOSTfcRT

One of the first questions addressed by historians was that of the literacy of groups outside the literate elites (which at first were considered to consist of cler­ gymen only). Were the English medieval kings literate? V.H. Galbraith asked himself in 1935.ltP Did women participate in literacy? Herbert Grundmann asked a year later.1™Were there monks who did not know how to read and write? Alfred Wendehorst wanted to know in 1963.109 When the obvious truth sunk in that not all medieval clerics were scholars, the literacy of regular and secular clergy was investigated.110 All social groups have been dealt with, including the illiterate peasants: in 1984, Aron Gurevich devoted attention to the “peasant visions” of twelfth- and thirteenth-century oral and written culture as he deduced them from learned Latin texts.111 Surprisingly, the use of writing in government, management and trade was addressed relatively late as a topic of research in its own right. Probably this has to do with the fact that general surveys of medieval literacy tend to privilege these uses of the written word. Diplomatics, legal and institutional history had always studied the use of documents. In 1971 Ruth Schmidt-Wiegand drew attention to the relationship between the spoken word and legal symbols in “German” Carolingian poetry.112But there are few studies until the appearance of Michael Clanchy’s From Memory to Written Record: England 1066-1307 in 1979.113 This work, which by no means deals only with government and administration, may be said to have been an inspiration for the German preoccupation with “pragmatische Schriftlichkeit”. Recently, the specialists of charters and documents have begun to realize the importance of rephrasing their research questionnaire in the terms of medieval communication and literacy. In 1997, for instance, Olivier Guyotjeannin, Laurent Morelle and Michel Parisse devoted an issue of the Bibliothèque de l ”École des Chartes to the uses of documents in the eleventh century,114 in which recent research on orality and literacy has been taken into account.115 Another very promising recent development is the shift in attention from juridical texts to the settlement of disputes. The Settlement o f Disputes in Early Medieval Europe,

,0’ No. 1092 (G aldrati h, 1935). I% No. 1108 (G rundmann . 1936). 109 No. 1086 (W fndehorst . 1963). u0 See Nos. 1058-1088. No. 1101 (G urevich . 1984). "2No. 1 1 5 9 (S chmjdt -W iegand . 1971). No. 294 (C lanchy , 1993; 1st edn. 1979), No. 1139 (ed. G u y o ije a n m n . M orelle and P arisse . 1997). m E.g. in the contribution of O. G uyotjeannin . “ ‘Penuria scriptorum ’: Le mythe de l’anarchie documentaire dans la France du Nord (Xe-première moitié du x i' siècle”, pp. 11-44 at pp. 13-14.

New approaches to medieval communication?

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edited by Wendy Davies and Paul Fouracre in 1986,116 stresses the function of documents among those of other forms of communication. Thus, the relative im­ portance of the written word in medieval judicial practice can be ascertained.117 Ritual and its juxtaposition of non-verbal, oral and written forms of communi­ cation seems the most recent addition to the study of medieval communication. As in dispute settlement, so in other “public” rituals the role of the written word can be shown to have been less important than earlier concentration on the extant written sources seemed to suggest.118 Consultation, demonstration and stage set­ ting of emotions show, according to Gerd A lthoff s recent analysis, to have been more important than writing in the medieval political game119 Similarly, the partic­ ipation of the aristocracy in the medieval liturgy, studied in 1995 by Horst Wen­ zel, shows the written word to have been only one form among many to represent the drama of Christianity.120 Not only written texts, visual images, too, have to be replaced in the context in which they were seen in order to be fully understood.121 We have concentrated this short review on the first publications dealing with specific aspects of medieval communication. As a consequence, certain titles of major importance have not been mentioned. They can, however, easily be traced in the bibliography. The aim has merely been to show when certain questions were first put, in order to find out when certain approaches to medieval communication are first expressly attested.

Conclusion A first conclusion from this rapid survey imposes itself: research is centred ever more on the question of the relative importance of writing, seen as part of the whole of medieval forms of communication. This change of perspective consti­ tutes a clear challenge for future research, and suggests a first approach to the subject. The earlier surveys of the uses of writing insisted on the preserved sources. Almost all sources, verbal as well as non-verbal, have been used for the study of 116 No. 1206 (ed. D avies and Fouracre , 1986). 117 Cf. the contribution of Karl Heidecker to this volume (No. 1197). 11!i See the contribution o f Mariëlle Hageman to this volume (No. 487). 119 Nos. 476-479 (A lthoff , 1990,1 9 9 3 ,1 9 9 6 and 1997). 120 No. 631 (W enzel , 1995), pp. 95-127. m M. MOSTERT, “ Q u’est-cc q u ’une image? En guise de conclusion”, in: I e s images dans les sociétés médiévales: Pour une histoire comparée, ed. J.-M. SANSTERRE and J.-Cl. SCHMITT (Brussels and Rome, 1999: Bulletin de l'Institut Belge de Rome 69), pp. 265-271, at p. 267.

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communication: objects, such as archaeological remains, town plans, monuments, works of art. books and documents, and iconographical and verbal “texts”. Any object which has come down to us from the Middle Ages may inform us as to aspects of medieval acts of communication, and not only those sources may be put to use which were explicitly meant by their authors (or makers) to convey informa­ tion to contemporaries or to posterity . Images were clearly meant to convey a message, and used a visual vocabulary, grammar and semantics which are just as difficult to interpret as those of verbal messages. The continued study of their messages provides another promising approach. Written texts form the privileged sources for the student of medieval commu­ nication, not only because of their intrinsic interest as depositories of the written word, but also because other forms of communication may be translated into writ­ ing (oral discourse, but also the symbolic systems of music and mathematics), or at least be described in written texts. Without written texts the symbolic meaning of objects, including visual images, would remain obscure or simply unknown. The study of descriptions of non-verbal and oral communication is a third major approach to medieval communication. Medieval written texts may also tell us something through the study of the copies in which they survive. Written texts may be copied, read, commented upon and translated in other times and places, and by others than those for whom they were originally intended. The message of the author may be changed, consciously or unconsciously, by ulterior readers. Written texts have to be studied not only for what their authors intended their message to be, but also for what others made of that original message. Copies may be as interesting for the study of medieval communication as original texts as they survive in autographs or apographs, or as they have been painfully reconstructed by philologists. The study of the transmis­ sion of written texts constitutes a fourth approach to medieval communication.122 Furthermore, the study of the organization of the texts as it is apparent in their subdivisions and in the lay-out of the manuscript page may suggest psychological changes over the medieval centuries.123 Apparently minor changes in punctuation or even word spacing may be signs of more important changes.124 This suggests a fifth approach. Are these five approaches new? After the foregoing discussion of the publica­ tions on medieval communication the answer must be cautious. What seems cer­ 122 See forthcoming studies by Mary Garrison and Karl Heideckcr. m See No 972 (ed. M ostert , 1999). ,2' See Nos. 976 (P arkes , 1992 and S aenger , 986).

New approaches to medieval communication?

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tain is, that taken together they will prove of more than average interest for future research.

Part II

The Audience of Early Medieval Hagiographical Texts: Some Questions Revisited WOLFERT S. VAN EGMOND

n impressive number o f hagiographical texts has survived from the early Middle Ages. These texts have proven to be rich sources for the study o f a wide range o f subjects.' They are considered to have served purposes which allow us to look through them into the heart o f early medieval societies. However, there are still some important unresolved problems con­ cerning their contemporary reception. Two related questions are central to these problems: which groups o f people were intended as the audience o f the stories in these texts, and how were these people reached? Even though much research has been done on this subject over the years, these matters have been only partly clarified.12

A

1 F or an overview o f recent trends in the study o f hagiography see: Julia M .H. Sm ith , “R eview article: early m edieval hagiography in the late tw entieth century”, Early Medieval

Europe 1 (1992), pp. 69-76. 2 B audouin D e G a iffier , “L ’hagiographie et son public au Xf siècle”, in: ID., Études critiques d'hagiographie et d ’iconologie (B russels, 1967: Subsidia Hagiographica 43), pp. 475507 (earlier published in: Miscellanea historica in honorem Leonis van der Essen (Brussels and Paris, 1947), pp. 136-166). Id ., “La lecture des actes des m artyrs dans la prière liturgique en occident. A propos du p a s s io n a le H ispanique”, Analecta Bollandiana 72 (1954), pp. 134-166. ID., “L a lecture des passions des m artyrs à R om e avant le IXe siècle” , Analecta Bollandiana 87 (1969), pp. 63-78. G uy Ph ilipp art , Les légendiers latins et autres manuscrits hagiographiques (Tum hout, 1977: Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental 24-25), pp. 112-121. ID., Les légendiers latins et autres manuscrits hagiographiques. Mise àjour (Tum hout, 1985), pp. 25-28. M artin H einzelma NN, Translationsberichte und andere Quellen des Reliquienkidtes (Tum hout,

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In order to investigate the role o f writing within a general spectrum o f early medieval communication, my present research is concentrated on hagiographical texts written in the dioceses o f Auxerre, Utrecht and Würzburg.3 To gain some insight into the meaning and value o f the stories contained in these texts, it is of course necessary to consider their audiences and uses, or, put differently, to consider to whom and in what manner the contents o f hagiographical texts were communicated. This article is a provisional attempt to consider hagiographical writing from this point o f view.

How Was Hagiographical Knowledge Disseminated? Reflecting on the question how hagiographical texts may have been used, it seems that three ways can be distinguished in which somebody in the early Middle Ages could become familiar with their contents.4 The first possibility was the private reading o f a hagiographical text. Next, texts could have been heard while they were read aloud by someone else. This might have happened in a church or a monastery, but we should not exclude places like royal palaces or village squares. Finally, a person might have heard the contents o f a 1979: Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental33), pp. 109-120. JD., “Une source deb a se de la littérature hagiographique latine: le recueil de m iracles”, in: Hagiographie, cidtures et société (iP-xif siècles). Actes du Colloque organisé à Nanterre et à Paris (2-5 mai J979) (Paris, 1981), pp. 235-259, esp. pp. 244-248. M arc VAN U y t fa n gh e , “L ’hagiographie et son public à l’époque mérovingienne” , in: Studia PatristicaXVi. Papers presented to the Seventh International Conference on Patristic Studies held in Oxford 1975, ed. Elizabeth A. L iv in g sto n e , part 2 (Berlin, 1985), pp. 54-62. Katrien KEENE, “M erovingian and Carolingian hagiography. Continuity or change in public and aim s?”, Analecta Bollandiana 107 (1989), pp. 415-428. ID., “Audire, legere, vulgo: an attem pt to defíne public use and com prehensibility o f Carolingian hagiography”, in: Latin and the Romance Languages in the Early Middle Ages, ed. R oger W rig h t (London, 1991), pp. 146-163. D ieter VON DERNa h m er , Die Lateinische Heiligenvita. Eine Einführung in die lateinische Hagiographie (D arm stadt, 1994), pp. 170-178. H edw ig Rö c k e l e in , “Zur Pragm atik hagiographischer Schriften im Frühm ittelalter” , in: Bene vivere in communitate.

Beiträge zum italienischen und deutschen Mittelalter Hagen Keller zum 60. Geburtstag überreicht von seinen Schülerinnen und Schüler, ed. Thom as SCHARFF and Thom as B eh rm a n n (M ünster, 1997), pp. 225-238. 3 These dioceses have been selected in order to exam ine w hether differences can be found in the attitude towards w riting betw een areas o f the C arolingian em pire w hich had previously been rom anized (A uxerre) and regions w hich had been on the border o f the R om an empire (U trecht) o r outside it (W ürzburg). 4 For discussions o f the different (especially m onastic) places w here hagiographical manuscripts m ay have been read, see: D e G a iffier , “L ’hagiographie et son public”, pp. 475-499, P h ilippa rt , Lègendiers latins, pp. 112-117, and id ., Mise à jour, pp. 25-28.

The Audience o f Hagiographical Texts

43

hagiographical text being recounted by somebody who had previously read or heard it. This last way o f becoming acquainted with hagiographical information is the most difficult to study. As we are primarily interested in the intended reception o f hagiographical texts, here we shall merely consider the possibility that a hagiographical text was read by someone with the purpose o f afterwards communicating its contents orally. Such a practice seems especially fitting for the kind o f preaching in which a written text was not itself read aloud, but served as an aid or inspiration for oral discourse. Is it possible to find passages in the sources from the early Middle Ages indicating that these three ways were indeed practised? The standard example for the first two possibilities is provided by Alcuin in his Vita Willibrordi. In the prologue he informs bishop Beomrad o f Sens (also abbot o f Echternach) that he has obeyed his request to write about the life and miracles o f saint Willi­ brord, and has produced two books, one proceeding in prosaic speech, which can be read out aloud to the brethren in church, if this seems suitable to your wisdom ; the other one striding with poetic feet, which should only be rum inated upon by your scholars (scholasticos) in the solitude o f the c e ll.... To the first book I have also added a homily, w hich hopefully m ay be worthy to be preached to the people by your venerable m outh.5

Alcuin mentions three possible uses o f his texts, two o f which seem to correspond to possibilities that we distinguished above, i.e. reading aloud and private reading. Yet it is unclear what kind o f private reading Alcuin intends. On the one hand he could envisage private reading by a single person in his own cell, on the other hand he could imagine occasions at which the inner intel­ lectual circle o f a clerical community gathered in the private room o f its abbot or bishop for intensive, collective study.6 It is not clear exactly how Alcuin imagined the homily he had written to be delivered to the people. Was it to be 5 A lcuin, Vita Willibrordi archiepiscopi Traiectensis{BHL Nos. 8935-8939), ed. W ilhelm LEVISON in: Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingtci5, ed. Bruno Kru sch and Wilhelm L evison (H annover and Leipzig, 1919-1920: MCHSRMl), pp. 113-141, prologue, pp. 113-114: “ ... unum prosaico sermone gradientem, qui puplìce fratribus in ecclesia, si dignum tuae videatur sapientiae, legi potuisset; alterum Piereo pede currentem , qui in secreto cubili inter scolasticos tuos tantum m odo rum inare deb u isset.... Unam quoque priori libello superaddidi omeliam , quae utinam digna esset tuo venerando ore populo praedicari” . The verse vita has been edited among: Alcuini (Albini) carmina, in: Poetae latinae aevi Carolini 1, ed. Ernst DÚMMLER (Berlin, 1881: MCHPP 1), pp. 160-351. 6 M ayke DE JONG, “From scholastici to scioli: A lcuin and the form ation o f an intellectual élite”, in: Alcuin of York: Scholar at the Carolingian Court, ed. L.A.J.R. H o uw en and A.A. M c D on ald (G roningen, 1998: Germania Latina 3), pp. 45-57, esp. pp. 47-49.

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read out, or was it to be declaimed by a preacher who had read and memorized it? Here we touch upon a problem that is common to the study o f most homilies and sermons that have come to us from the Middle Ages: the difficulty, if not the impossibility, o f determining the relationship between the text o f a sermon as it has been written down and the version that once may have been spoken before or after the text was fixed in writing.7 We shall return to this problem below. Alcuin not only distinguished three different uses o f his texts, he also spoke of three different audiences. Is it possible to say more about the different audi­ ences that could have been reached through the various possible uses o f hagiographical texts? Two separate approaches may bring us closer to an an­ swer. First, we can consider what knowledge was required for people to become acquainted with the contents o f hagiographical texts, and who in the early Mid­ dle Ages met these requirements. Looking at the three options distinguished above, it is clear that private reading was the most demanding. One had to be able to read in order to be able to study a written text privately. And since al­ most all texts during the early Middle Ages were written in Latin, people need­ ed to understand Latin to be able to grasp the meaning o f a text even when it was read out to them. Hence the central question that has to be answered is one which has occupied scholars for a long time: who understood Latin? The an­ swer is not as simple as has sometimes been thought, especially not regarding the area where the Romance languages came to be spoken. Elsewhere, one may assume, Latin texts always had to be translated if they were to be understood by those without Latin training. A lively debate is still going on about the relation­ ship between Latin and the Romance vernaculars.8 This discussion has implica­ tions for the question o f the possible audience o f Latin hagiography. Possibly a Latin text served as a basis for an oral delivery either in Latin or in the ver­ nacular, with only a knowledge o f spoken Latin being required on the part o f 7 Jean L o n g èr e , La prédication médiévale (Paris, 1983), pp. 155-164. 8 M arc V a n U y t fa n g HE, “Le latin des hagiographes m érovingiens et la protohistoire du français. État de la question”, Romanica Gandensia 16(1976), pp. 5-89. Jacques Fo n ta in e , “De la pluralité à l ’unité dans le ‘latin carolingien’?”, in: Nascità dell’Europa ed Europa carolingia: un'equazione da verificare (Spoleto, 1981: Settimane di studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo 27), pp. 765-818. R oger WRIGHT, Late Latin and Early Romance in Spain and Carolingian France (Liverpool, 1982). M ichael RICHTER, “A quelle époque a-t-on cessé de parler Latin en Gaule? A propos d ’une question m al posée”, Annales ESC 38 (1983), pp. 439-448, reprinted in: I D Studies in Medieval Language and Culture (D ublin, 1995), pp. 109-119. Latin and the Romance Languages. M ichel B an NIARD, Viva voce. Communication écrite et communication orale du IVe au nd siècle en Occident latin (Paris, 1992).

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the audience. Naturally, in the sources at our disposal this type o f reception is the hardest to grasp. Another approach is to see what the hagiographical texts themselves tell us about their intended audiences. Over the years important research has been done on this subject.9 We have a reasonably accurate picture o f the different ways in which hagiography was used in a monastic environment. From analysis of the prologues o f hagiographical texts it has become clear that in Carolingian times a relatively small, mostly clerical audience was envisaged, while under the Merovingians the laity had also been intended as an audience.10The reasons for this change are far from clear. However, on the basis o f the prologues we cannot exclude that other people than those mentioned were reached as well. In both approaches it is very difficult to distinguish between the possibility o f a text being read out aloud and that o f an oral discourse based upon the same text. Later on in this article we shall see whether we can say anything about preaching in general in the early Middle Ages, and consider whether that infor­ mation has any significance for our understanding o f the use o f hagiographical texts.

The Debate on Latin and Romance The study of the relationship between Latin and the Romance languages has a long history. Since the Romance languages evolved out o f Latin, research has tended to focus on this evolution itself and on the period when the Ro­ mance languages had become definitely different from Latin. No consensus on this subject has yet been achieved; roughly speaking it is possible to discern three distinct schools o f thought.11 According to a first group o f scholars, the Romance languages had already become separated from Latin around 500 AD, at the time when the Roman empire had ceased to exist in the West. A second group is of the opinion that the separation was accomplished (at least in Gaul) in the eighth century. A final group argues for a decisive separation (again in Gaul) only in the ninth and tenth centuries. The debate on this topic was greatly enlivened in the early eighties by the publication o f Roger W right’s book,Late

9 See note 2. 10 V an U ytfan GHE, “L ’hagiographie et son public”. HEENE, “Merovingian and Carolingian hagiography”. ID., “Audire, legere, vulgo". 11 A detailed sum m ary o f the views o f these “schools” is given by: Van U y tfanghe , “Latin des hagiographes m érovingiens”, pp. 23-83. A short update can be found in: Bannia rd , Viva voce, pp. 17-23.

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Latin and Early Romance in Spain and Carolingian France, which strongly argues in favour o f a late separation o f Latin and Romance. We will not be able to provide any new arguments. However, a few re­ marks are necessary to illustrate the prevailing uncertainty. In the past, much attention has been devoted to the classic question when Latin ceased to be spo­ ken as a mother tongue.12For our purposes an answer to the reformulated ques­ tion, that is when Latin ceased to be understood, is far more important.13 The answer to this question is important for assessing the possibilities available for reading written texts to an unlearned, even illiterate audience. Once Latin was no longer readily understood, it became necessary to make translations o f writ­ ten hagiographical texts. As a result, the possibilities for disseminating the contents of these texts would have been limited.14 More recently some have maintained that in a way Latin never ceased to be spoken. It simply evolved and was then given other names, such as French or Italian.15 This point o f view may be too naive when taken literally, but it does draw attention to the fact that the language o f our texts, which we call Latin, became ever more restricted to writing, while at the same time becoming a less and less perfect match for the language o f everyday speech. In the written lan­ guage the traditional rules for vocabulary, grammar and orthography were followed, while the spoken language evolved into the different Romance languages.16 Because people who learned to read and write were taught the traditional rules, they were less aware o f the growing gap between spoken and written language. Hence a distinction has to be kept in mind between linguistic changes on the one hand and contemporary awareness o f those shifts, together with changing opinions about them, on the other. These latter changes have been termed metalinguistic changes.17 12 Put this w ay by Ferdinand LOT, “A quelle époque a-t-on cessé de parler latin?”, Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi (Bulletin Du Cange) 6 (1931), pp. 97-159. L ater restated by: Dag N o rber g , “A quelle époque a-t-on cessé de parier latin en Gaule?”, Annales ESC 21 (1966), pp. 346-356. 13 R ic h t e r , “A quelle époque”. 14 Rosam ond M c K itter ic k , “Latin and Rom ance: an historian’s perspective”, in: Latin and the Romance Languages, pp. 130-145, at pp. 130-131. B a n n ia rd , Viva voce, is an excellent exam ple o f a study w hich treats com m unication in relation to questions about the relationship betw een Latin and Romance. 15 R ic h t e r , “A quelle époque” , p. 439. 16 W rig h t , Late Latin and Early R om ance, pp. x-xi. 17 See for considerations o f this distinction Paul M. LLOYD, “On the nam es o f languages (and other things)”, in: Latin and the Romance Languages, pp. 9-18; Tore JANSON, “Language change and m etalinguistic change: Latin to R om ance and o th er cases”, ibid., pp. 19-28; József

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47

With these considerations in mind, is it possible to determine when Latin, read aloud, finally ceased to be understood by an uneducated audience? We can only reach vague indications o f when this occurred. It is undeniable that a num­ ber o f the linguistic changes which were to lead to the development o f the dis­ tinct Romance languages had already taken place in Antiquity. Some early Christian authors were conscious o f problems in communicating the Christian message to uneducated people, problems which were not merely o f a stylistic nature. Nevertheless, well into the sixth century and possibly beyond the basic unity of the spoken and written forms o f the language was not broken, and it was therefore possible to read out texts to uneducated people and be sure that they understood them.18 From around 600 AD the evidence o f the sources becomes ambiguous. Norberg proposed to distinguish a period from around 600 ad to around 800 ad in which the spoken language evolved from Latin into Romance, so that the gap between the spoken and the written language became unbridgeable.19 As we have seen, however, there is also a group o f scholars who think that, in Gaul at least, this transition started in earnest only around 800 ad. They argue that this development was not complete even by the tenth century.20 Wright has called attention to the changes brought about by the Carolingian reforms. The Carolingian reformers, and especially Alcuin, who was himself a native speaker o f Old English, cut the organic connections between the written and the spoken forms o f language by imposing a new way o f pronouncing written words. Every writ­ ten letter was given to represent one distinctive sound. This new manner o f pronouncing Latin replaced the traditional way, in which some letters might be voiced in several ways rather than being restricted to representing one distinc-

H e rm a n , “ Spoken and w ritten Latin in the last centuries o f the R om an Empire. A contribution to the linguistic history o f the western provinces”, ibid., pp. 29-43, a tp . 30; R oger WRIGHT, ‘T h e conceptual distinction between Latin and Romance: invention or evolution?”, ibid, pp. 103-113; M arc V a n U y tfa n gh e , “The consciousness o f a linguistic dichotom y (L atin-R om ance) in Carolingian Gaul: The contradictions o f the sources and o f their interpretation”, ibid., pp. 114129. 18 V an U y tfanghe , “Latin des hagiographes mérovingiens”, p. 79. Wright , Late Latin and Early Romance,passim. H erm a n , “Spoken and written Latin”, pp. 41-42, Ban NIARD, Viva voce, pp. 487-488. 19 N o rber g , “A quelle époque?”. 20 For a sum m ary o f the work o f “older” adherents o f this idea, see Van U y tfanghe , “Latin des hagiographes m érovingiens”, pp. 23-31. In recent years this idea has been forcibly expressed by W r ig h t , Late Latin and Early Romance, pp. 261-262 (a schem atic sum m ary o f his conclusions). See also Ric h t e r , “A quelle époque”, p. 445. BANNIARD, Viva voce, pp. 485-490, points at difficulties arising before 750, but he also sees the final break occurring after that time.

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tive sound only.21 Thus, in W right’s view a text that was read out in the new manner would have become incomprehensible to an uneducated audience, even if that same audience would have understood the text if it had been read out according to the traditional rules o f pronunciation. In the beginning, this new pronunciation would only have been used for the “ritual” parts o f the liturgy. Other parts o f the liturgy, demanding comprehension o f the message o f the text, as e.g. the sermon, would have been voiced in the traditional pronunciation.22 With time, the new pronunciation led to experiments with spelling in order to put into writing the traditional, colloquial pronunciation. But for the moment there were, according to W right’s thesis, merely two different ways o f writing the same language and, partly independent from that, two different ways of pronouncing the one Latin language. Only after several centuries did this situa­ tion lead to separate languages, Romance and medieval Latin. In Gaul this situation would have been reached around the year 1000, in Spain only in the thirteenth century.23 As a result o f this theory, the discussion o f the relationship between Latin and Romance is very much alive, but general agreement on the issues is still far away. If according to some philologists the period around 800 merely brought to the surface linguistic changes that had already occurred centuries earlier, while others are o f the opinion that around 800 the decisive changes only star­ ted,24 where does that leave the non-specialist? The historian who wonders whether or not the texts he or she uses as sources could be understood by uned­ ucated people is left with a period o f at least four centuries o f uncertainty! Nevertheless the philologists’ debates hold important lessons for historians. They make at least clear that we should not dismiss out o f hand the possibility that uneducated people might understand Latin. In combination with the recent arguments in favour o f a higher level o f literacy in early medieval society than had been thought possible before25 historians now have to reckon with a larger audience for the texts in the language in which they survive. In other words, Latin may have been understood by more than merely a small group o f edu­ 21 22 23 24

WRIGHT, LateLatin andEarly Romance, pp. 104-116. WRIGHT, Late Latin and Early Romance, pp. 118-122. WRIGHT, Late Latin and Early Romance, pp. 122-144 and 261-262. A variety o f opinions is shown in the different contributions to Latin and the Romance

Languages.

1S R osam ond M c K it te r ic k , The Caroiingians and the Written Word (Cam bridge, 1989). For an opposite view: M ichael RICHTER, “... Quisquis scit scribere, nullum potat abere labore. Zur Laienschriftlichkeit im 8. Jahrhundert”, in: Karl Martell in seiner Zeit, ed. Jörg JARNUT, Ulrich NONN and M ichael RICHTER (Sigm aringen, 1994), pp. 393-404, andiD ., The Formation o f the Medieval West. Studies in the Oral Culture o f the Barbarians (D ublin, 1994).

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cated clerics. Obviously an assessment o f the understanding o f Latin must still take into account differences in region, period, and social group. But we should be open to the possibilities offered by W right’s model. The philologists’ debate about Latin and Romance has significant implica­ tions for our question, but no clear answer. Let us now turn to the hagiographical traditions themselves in order to see what kind o f information they offer.

Hagiographical Traditions Much work has been done on the uses o f hagiographical texts in the early Middle Ages. Research has focussed on the various uses o f hagiographical texts in and around monasteries; much less attention has been paid to their use in other contexts. Baudouin de Gaiffier has shown how these texts were used in a liturgical setting, and has made clear that this practice started at different times in different regions.26 While for Africa there is evidence that hagiographical texts were used in Mass as early as the fourth century, in Gaul the first signs of this development date from the sixth century, and in Rome their liturgical use seems to have become customary only around 800. It seems that the custom disappeared relatively early, for evidence o f hagiographical reading during Mass becomes very rare after the eighth century. There were however liturgical occasions requiring hagiography other than Mass, especially in the context of monastic liturgy. The reading o f hagiographical texts during the monastic of­ fices is well attested, also after the eighth century.27 There are many examples which show that in the monastery the texts were read on other occasions, such

26 D e G aiffier , “Lecture des actes des martyrs en occident”, and id ., “Lecture des passions des martyrs à Rome”. See also H e inzelm a n n , Translationsberichte, pp. 111-112. 27 P hilippa rt , Légenàiers latins, pp. 113-115.

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as in the refectory,28 or in the training o f the young members o f the commu­ nity.29 Even hagiography written within a monastic context could have reached a non-monastic audience. This is clearly indicated by Alcuin’s prologue to his Vita Willibrordi, where he states that the homily added to the prose vita was intended for preaching to the people.30 An obvious occasion for such discourse would have been the saint’s feastday, when groups o f pilgrims visited the mon­ astery. In non-monastic churches which owned relics o f important saints, the same practice must have been observed.31 Are there clues to the intended audience in the hagiographical texts them­ selves? They sometimes occur in the statements o f the authors about the public they had in mind. Such a statement, if made at all, is usually found (as in the case of Alcuin’s Vita Willibrordi) in the prologue.32 However, such passages hardly answer all our questions. It is possible that in his prologue the author had in mind a very specific public, for example one community or even one family,33 ignoring any other intended audience. One may also find the mere :8 The author o f the Vita altera Bonijatii, e.g. tells how he read out his text to his brethren: Vita altera Bonijatii auctore Radbodo qui dicitur episcopo TraiectensHßtlL No. 1401), c. 18, ed. Wilhelm L t viso n , in: Vitae sancti Bomfatii archiepiscopi Moguntini (Hannover, 1905: MGHSS rer Germ, in usu scholarum separatim editi 57), pp. 62-78 at p. 74. Cf. M. Cara SS0-K0K, Repertorium van verholende historische bronnen int de nüddeleeuwen. Heiiigenlevens, annalen, kronieken en andere in Nederland geschreven verhalende bronnen (The Hague, 1981: Bibliografische reeks van het Nederlands Historisch Genootschap 2), No. 18; ID., “Le diocèse d'Utrecht. 900-1200”, in: Hagiographies, ed. Guy PHILIPPART, 2 (Tumhout, 1996: CCSL s.n.), pp. 373-411, at pp. 385-386; Th. K lu ppel , “Die Germania (750-950)”, in '.Hagiographies, 2, pp. 373411, at p. 367. In a homily on saint Lebuinus bishop Radbod implies that the text may be read aloud during meals: Homilia sancti Radbodi de sancto Lebwino {bul No. 4811;), ed. in: PL 132 (Paris. 1853), col.553-558, atcol.553. Cf. Ca ra sso -K o k , Repertorium, No. 53; ID., “Le diocèse d ’Utrecht”, p. 384. 29 Julia Sm ith , “The Hagiography of Hucbald o f Samt-Amand”, Studi Medievali 35 (1994), pp. 517-542, at pp. 525-526. 1(1 Alcuin, Vita Willibrordi, prologue, p. 114: “Unam quoque priori libello superaddidi omeliam, quae utinam digna esset tuo venerando ore populo praedicari”. Heinzelm ANN, Translationsberichte, pp. 111-112. V a n U y t fa n g h l , “L’hagiographie et son public”, pp. 59-60. 32 De G a im ie r , “L’hagiographic cl son public”, pp. 501-502. Hllne, “Merovingian and Carolingian Hagiography”, p. 419. ” An example of a text that may have been written to reconcile two families is: Passio Praetecti Episcopi et Martyris Arverni {BH L Nos. 6915-6917), cd. Bruno Kr u s CH, in: Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici 3, cd. Bruno KRUSCH and Wilhelm LlVISON (Hannover, 1910: M G H SRU 5), pp. 225-248. Cf. Paul FOURACRE and Richard A. G e rb er d in g , Late Merovingian France History and Hagiography, 640-720 (Manchester and New York, 1996), pp. 254-270.

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statement that the text was intended for “the faithful”, which is too vague for our purposes. Furthermore the authors hardly ever specify how the text was expected to reach the intended public, and as a result it is unclear whether a given text was meant to be read out or to serve as an inspiration for preaching. This is true even when we exclude private reading as a form o f reception be­ cause the prologue explicitly points at an unlearned audience. Despite these reservations, the authors still give us some useful information about the public they intended to reach. Their prefaces seem to indicate signifi­ cant changes towards the end o f the eight century. Marc Van Uytfanghe and Katrien Heene34 have shown that, whereas in the Merovingian age hagiographers wrote (some of) their texts also for a lay audience, Carolingian authors hardly ever mention a non-clerical public, or only in very general terms. Fur­ thermore, in Carolingian hagiography we find a preference for references to reading (such as legere and lector) over terms alluding to hearing (such as audire and auditor). A text that speaks o f reading may still have been read out, but the increase in the use o f legere and lector suggests that an audience famil­ iar with reading skills is intended. Furthermore, when terms designating listen­ ers are used, the context often makes clear that a clerical public is envisaged, a group where a certain acquaintance with reading may safely be expected.35 As an example o f an hagiographical text from the earlier period which was explicitly intended for laymen, we may consider the Vita Amatoris, written around 600 by a certain priest Stephanus.36 In the letter o f commission from bishop Aunarius o f Auxerre (573-603) which, together with Stephanus’s an­ swer, serves as a preface to the vita, laymen are explicitly mentioned as the text’s public:37 It is know n to you, beloved brother, how great the variation is o f hum an m inds and how m uch not only the witless people (inane vulgas) but even the w hole o f the nobility is tom asunder by opposite passions. A nd you know how som e are pleased w ith prosaic style, w hile others state that they are am used by rhythm ic verses or songs o f verses. Therefore, in

34 V a n U ytfanghe , “L ’hagiographie et son public” . HEENE, “Merovingian and Carolingian hagiography”. ID,, ‘'Audire, legere, vulgo". A useful sum m ary is given in: Hedwig Ro ck elein , “Z ur Pragm atik hagiographischer Schriften im Frühm ittelalter” . 35 H e en e , “M erovingian and Carolingian hagiography”, pp. 421-422. ID., "Audire, legere, vulgo", p. 149. 36 Vita sancti Amatoris (BHL No. 356), in: Bibliothèque historique de l'Yonne ou collection de légendes, chroniques et documents divers, ed. Louis M axim ilien D uru , 2 vols. (A uxerre and Paris, 1850-1863), l ,p p . 135-158. 37 These letters are edited separately from the vita by W. GUNDLACH, “Epistolae aevi M erowingici collectae”, in: Epistolae Merovingici et Karolini aevi, ed. W ilhelm GUNDLACH, Em st DÜMMLER a.o. (Berlin, 1892: MGìiEpp. 3), Nos. 7-8, pp. 446-448.

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order that I may be able to meet everybody’s wishes and that nobody will be disappointed in his desire, it would please me if you would describe some lives o f the holy confessors in a free foot and would arrange others constrained by metrical law; for this reason I beseech the full friendship of your love for me not to desist from changing the life o f the most holy bishop Germanus into the quality of verse, and to describe the life o f the holy Amator in prosaic m odulation... ,38

Aunarius’ playful opposition between the inane vulgus and the nobilitas has been connected with his succeeding remarks on the different preferences for either verse or prose; somewhat surprisingly, this has led to the conclusion that members o f “the nobility” were connaisseurs o f both these genres. There is no reason, however, to think that Aunarius designated his audience in such a precise manner. He merely observes that men in general have varying tastes, to introduce the disparate genres o f prose and verse.39 Unfortunately, he does not describe the context in which he expects his public to encounter these texts, but his allusion to melodies and rhythms in the case o f verse might point to a performance going beyond simply reading aloud. The context o f reception is important. It gives an indication o f the possible public of individual texts. If we consider hagiographical production as a whole, indications o f context may also provide clues to the reasons for the changes taking place under the Carolingians. Two possibilities come to mind. The first is that because o f linguistic changes the texts could no longer be read out to an unlearned audience in a way that was intelligible. If this were the case, then the change of the intended audience is an argument against the theory o f a late separation o f Latin and Romance. We shall come back to this later. Alterna­ tively, the authors may have aimed at a different audience because o f changes in the liturgy o f Mass which no longer left a place for hagiographical readings 38 Vita Amatoris, p. 135: “C ognitum tibi est, carissim e frater, et quae sit hum anarum m entium diversitas, et quem adm odum in studia contraria non solum inane vulgus, verum etiam universa scindatur nobilitas: et quidam quidem prosaico oblectantur stylo, quidam autem numeris se rhythmisve ac cantibus versuum delectari fatentur. Ergo, ut om nium votis occurrerem, et nullus suo desiderio frauderetur, placuit mihi, ut vitas beatissim orum confessorum quasdam pede libero describeres, quasdam vero lege m etrica im peditas digereres; ob quam rem obsecro unitam m ihi tuae dilectionis am icitiam , ut beatissim i Germ ani episcopi vitam in versuum qualitatem com m utare non desistas: Sancti vero Am atoris prosaica m odulatione describas ...”. A part from som e variations in spelling, the edition o f G u n d l a ch , p. 447, differs from the edition ofDURU by tw o words. G u n dla ch gives “describerem ” and “digererem ” instead o f “describeres” and “digereres”, w hich I consider a m ore logical reading. It is not know n w hether or not Stephanus actually wrote a verse version o f the Vita Germani. 39 Aunarius did not have in m ind a public o f only noblem en as stated by Va n U y tfa n gh e , “L ’hagiographie et son public”, p. 57, and V o n d e r N a h m e r , Die Lateinische Heiligenvita p 174.

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in that context. Possibly their disappearance from the Mass was caused by the growing use in Gaul o f the Roman liturgy to the detriment o f indigenous Galli­ can rites.40 Whether this was indeed the reason remains unclear. However, most extant hagiographicai texts were too long to be read out in full during one ser­ vice. In the liturgy o f the monastic hours this posed less o f a problem, because one could divide the text into a number o f lessons, and read it over several services.41 Outside the monastic liturgy this was a less likely solution, as there was no way to ensure that the faithful would return to hear the rest o f the text. Two well-known examples reveal that only parts o f the texts were expected to be read during services. The prologue o f the Vita Eligii, which in its surviv­ ing form probably dates from the middle o f the eighth century, implies that for the feast o f the saint a selection should be made: Therefore, whenever w e celebrate the annual festivities o f the saints, w e should recite (recitare) in praise o f Christ som ething from their deeds which is suitable for the instruction o f the Christian people, since w hatever is praisew orthy in His saints is truly a gift o f Christ.42

More explicit is Hincmar o f Reims (845-882) in his Vita Remigii. In his prologue he not only says that the text is meant both for reading to an audience during the festivities o f the saint and also for private study by readers, but moreover that he has indicated in the text which passages are suitable for these different purposes. The passages meant to be read out to the people were mark­ ed with asterisks, while those for the educated reader had a paragraph sign at the beginning and an antisimma at the end: As these headings [o f the preceding table o f contents] have indicated, in the following little w ork are inserted things from the holy Scriptures and the sayings o f the Catholic [fathers] and also from histories fit to instruct and exhort the readers. In order that those things do not all com e to be recited (ad recitandum) before an audience o f the people, for w hom it suf-

40 D e G a iffier , “Lecture des actes des m artyrs en occident”, pp. 145-151. Ph jlippa rt ,

Légendiers latins, pp. 113-114. H e en e , “Audire, legere, vulgo”, pp. 147-148. G. ROUWHORST. “De kracht van water. D e wijding van het doopwater in de Rom einse liturgie van de late Oudheid tot aan het einde van de M iddeleeuw en”, in: De betovering van het middeleeuwse Christendom. Studies over ritueel en magie in de Middeleeuwen, ed. M. MOSTERT and A. D e m y tten a er E (Hilversum, 1995: Amsterdamse Historische Reeks. Grote Seriell), pp. 129-170, at pp. 131-137. 41 PHILIPPART, Légendiers latins, p. 119. 42 Vita Eligii episcopi Noviomagensis (BHL N os. 2474-2476), prologue, ed. in: Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici, 2, ed. Bruno K ru sch (H annover, 1902: mghsrm 4), p. 664: “Quotienscumque ergo sanctorum sollem nia anniversario curriculo caelebram us, aliqua ex eorum gestis ad aedificationem christianae plebis convenientia in Christi laudibus recitare debemus, quoniam re vera Christi muneris est, quicquid in sanctis eius laudabile est”.

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fices to be served with a m easure o f the w ord to capture the listeners, and at the sam e time in order that the parts in them selves selected for reading by scholars will not perish, ju s t as once happened on the occasion I recalled in the preface to this work, I have taken care to m ake these things clear by way o f established lessons to be read on tw o feasts, nam ely that o f the deposition and that o f the translation o f this, our lord and patron-in order that for the feast o f the deposition nine lessons be read concerning the m atters from the beginning until his death, and in order that for the festivity o f his translation six lessons be read from the things that w ere revealed after his death, and three from the hom ily on the lesson from the G ospel-w ith a subsidiary distinction by m eans o f signs discovered by the ingenuity o f the ancients, o f that which m ay be read to the listening people listening, and o f those parts which ought to be kept for reading by teachers and scholars, i f it would be allow ed to them and i f they would fancy it. In such a w ay that those parts w hich are to be read to the people are m arked by the sign called an asterisk *, not in order that those parts are shown which are to be left out, but so that like a star the beam s enlighten the lesser learned people; before the parts which m ust be reserved for those enlightened by G od’s grace to read, a paragraph sign T is placed to separate those things from the parts, w hich are m et with in the context; an antisimma o is put in w here those passages are to end w hich the paragraph postsigned43

The Vita Remigii shows that in the middle o f the ninth century a vita could still be meant for an unlearned audience. It also shows that the text was proba­ bly used in a liturgical setting, since Hincmar mentions the occasion o f the saint’s feasts. Yet it remains impossible to draw conclusions about the exact manner in which this text would have been communicated to an unlearned audience. Hincmar uses the word recitare, which, taken literally, might be seen 43 Vita Remigii episcopi Remensis auctore Hìncmaro (BHL Nos. 7152-7164), prologue, ed. in: Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici et antiquiorum aliquot, ed. Bruno KRUSCH (Hannover, 1896: m g hsrm 3), pp. 258-259: "H is m iraculorum prem issis capitulis, quedam sunt in sequenti opusculo de sanctis scripturis et catholicorum dictis sed et de hystoriis ad instructionem et exortationem legentium interposita. Q ue ut ad recitandum om nia in populi audientia non increscant, cui pro captu audientium m ensuram verbi convenit m inistrari, et excerpta per se alia lectioni studiosorum non depereant, sicut quondam contigisse hac occasione in prefatione huius operis com m em oravi, per lectiones ad legenda in duabus festivitatibus, scilicet depositionis et translationis huius dom ni et patronis nostri, determ inatas,-ut in depositionis sollem pnitate novem lectiones ab exordio usque ad obitum eius legantur, et in eius translationis festivitate sex lectiones de his que post obitum illius ostensa sunt et tres de om elia lectionis euvangelicae legantur,-subsiciva distinctione notis antiquorum peritia inventis, quantum inde, populo audiente, legantur, et que instructioribus et studiosioribus, quando sibi licuerit vel libuerit, legenda serventur, designare curavi: eo videlicet modo, ut illa que populo recitanda sunt nota quae asteriscus vocatur *, non ut ea que om issa fuerant illucescant, sed ut quasi stelle radii m inus scientes illum inent, prenotentur; eis vero quae per Dei gratiam illum inatis legenda reservari debent nota paragraphus T preponatur ad separandas res a rebus, quae in conexione concurrent; antisimma vero o subiungatur, ubi sunt finienda, quae paragraphus p renotavi”. The signs referred to have been rendered in the edition by a capital Chi, w ith dots betw een the arm s, a capital G amm a, and an inverted capital c. Cf. on these signs M alcolm B. Pa rk es , Pause and Effect. An Introduction to the History o f Punctuation in the West (A ldershot, 1992).

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as a proof that at the time the people o f Reims could still understand a Latin text when read out to them. But is that a valid conclusion? Heene has the im­ pression that the differences between the marked passages only involve con­ tents, not syntax or style.44 Probably Hincmar first composed the whole o f the text and only afterwards went through it to mark the different passages; in that case the distinction would have been merely an afterthought.45 One may wonder whether this text is not the product o f the scholar’s study rather than a work grown out o f pastoral experience. If so, it is questionable whether much weight can be given to the choice o f the verb recitare for the description o f how the text was to be transmitted to a listening audience. Did Hincmar really expect the people o f Reims to understand the text when it was read out to them? Or was his choice o f words that o f a highly literate man, who momentarily forgot that “reciting” might not be the appropriate word to de­ scribe the manner in which his text would be delivered to his flock? The same observation might be made about the prologue o f the Vita Eligii, which also uses recitare. With this uncertainty we have arrived once more at the problem o f the relationship between Latin and Romance. Hagiographical texts have been ad­ duced in the debate on this topic, but did not provide decisive support for any of the competing theses. Most often the Vita Willibrordi in its different forms and the Vita Richard,46 written by Alcuin, have been cited. The prologues of these texts give some intriguing information, which is difficult to interpret. In the Vita Richard Alcuin expressed his astonishment that the monks o f Saint Riquier thought they did not need a new text about the miracles o f their patron: To m y utter surprise the aforem entioned, mem orable man Angilbert told m e this, as did the spiritual brothers o f that sam e holy place, that they had there, and at several churches, a rather large codex in which could be read the m iracles on account o f w hich the whole o f Gaul exalted, not without reason, the holy confessor o f Christ. The brethren agreed that this description sufficed them , since in their eyes its sim ple and unpolished speech (locutio) seem ed m ore appropriate for reciting (ad recitandum) to the people.47

44 H eene , “Audire, legere, vulgo”, p. 150. 45 W ith thanks to Karl Heideckcr for pointing this out.

46 Vita Richard confessoris Centulensis auctore Alcuino(BHL N os. 7223-7228), ed. in: Passiones 2 (MGHSRM4), pp. 389-401. 47 Vita Richard, prologue, p. 389: “ldque mihi stupescenti innotuit iam dictus mem orabilis vir Angilbertus, ac spiritales fratres eiusdem sancti loci, haberi apud se, quin et apud diversas ecclesias, codicem alium grandioris quantitatis, in quo scilicet illa miracula legebantur, quibus non inm erito sanctum Christi confessorem om nis Gallia attollebat. Cuius sim plex et m inus polita locutio quia fratribus ad recitandum in populo aptior videbatur, sufficere sibi eandem

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Apparently the monks expected that a new text written by Alcuin would be too difficult to be used. But too difficult in what manner? Were they afraid that the new text could no longer be read out to the people in an understandable way, or that they themselves, while preaching, would have more problems translating the text into the vernacular because o f its more elaborate style? In both cases the problem would apparently have been the style o f the text rather than its language. Unless one takes recitare as a decisive proof that the text was read out rather than translated, the passage does not prove that a text in Latin could still be understood when it was read out. Earlier we cited Alcuin’s prologue to the Vita Willibrordi in which he states that he has written a prose vita which could be read out to the brethren in church and a vita in verse for intensive study.48Alcuin was not the first to write on one subject in both prose and verse. In England Aldhelm and Bede had done the same and bishop Aunarius o f Auxerre asked the priest Stephanus to rework the Vita Germani in verse, so that the coexistence o f vitae in prose and verse was not unknown in Gaul around 600 either.49 In fact, the tradition stems from late antique rhetorical training, in which the paraphrasing o f poetic texts in prose was considered an useful exercise. Before Alcuin the prose and verse versions of a vita were already seen as together constituting one single work; but he was the first to present them as a dyptych.50 And he also added a homily which, he said, could be preached to lay people. It is tempting to draw far-reaching conclusions from A lcuin’s choice o f words. He writes that the prose vita could be read out (legi), while the homily was to be preached {praedicari). We may assume that the preacher had some leeway to depart from the written text. But does this really point at a difference in communicating these texts? Or did Alcuin simply us qpraedicari as the obvi­ ous word in combination with omelia?51 These intriguing questions must re­ main unanswered. Two things emerge from the evidence o f the hagiographical traditions. The first is that, although the texts themselves do give some indication about their descriptionem consenserunt”. 4S See note 5. 49 See note 38. so G em ot W ill and . “ Geminus stilus: studies in Anglo-Latm hagiography”, in: Insular Latin Studies, ed. M ichael H erren (Toronto, 1981: Papers in Mediaeval Studies 1), pp. 113-133; Peter GODMAN, ‘T h e A nglo-Latin opus geminatum : from A ldhelm to A lcuin”, Medium Aevum 50 (1981), pp. 215-229. W ith thanks to M ary Garrison for these references. '■ For the m eaning o f the word praedicare, see: C hristine M o h rm a n n . “Praedicare -tractare-serm o”, in: JD.. Études sur le latin des chrétiens, 2, Latin chrétien et médiéval (Rom e, 1961), pp. 63-72, at pp. 63-70.

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intended audience and the context in which this audience was to be reached, they give us hardly any concrete information about the performance o f the texts. One cannot clearly distinguish the acts o f reading out the texts and preaching. Preaching could be done using a book, and legere or recitare do not always necessarily have to mean “reading aloud”. So far, however, with very few exceptions only a small number o f well-known texts have been adduced in the literature on this subject. Perhaps more information is hidden in texts which are lesser known and which seem not quite so spectacular. Heene has shown that enlarging the corpus can provide new insights into the general develop­ ments o f the hagiographical tradition.52 The reason for the differences in audi­ ence between Merovingian and Carolingian hagiography remain unclear. As­ cribing apparent shifts to linguistic changes causing the definitive separation between Latin and Romance is appealing, but cannot be substantiated. Returning to the central question o f the intended reception o f hagiographi­ cal texts in the early Middle Ages, the case for private reading seems clear enough. Considering the other possibilities, we are faced with the likelihood that in practice the reading out o f texts may easily have developed into oral exposé on the basis o f written texts. If so, we are faced with an unbridgeable gap between the preserved written texts and the oral exposés based on them that have gone forever.

H agiographical Serm ons a n d P reaching This problem is familiar to students o f sermons and homilies. They know that the texts they deal with are not necessarily the texts that were pronounced in preaching. Perhaps knowledge o f early medieval preaching will provide some clues for establishing the possible audiences o f hagiographical texts? Research into early medieval sermons was and still is mainly concerned with the study of written texts rather than with the act o f preaching. Clearly a distinction has to be made between the sermon as an oral discourse, which is usually held in a liturgical context or during a meeting with a religious purpose before a physically present audience, and the sermon as a published text with an implicit, more or less anonymous public. Both oral discourse and written text contain comments on the Faith and moral injunctions which are thought to 52 HEENE, “ M erovingian and Carolingian hagiography” . ID., “Audire, legere, vulgo". AnneM arie H elvetius , Abbayes, évêques et laïques, une politique du pouvoir en Hainaut au Moyen Age (vif-xt siècle) (Brussels, 1994), has shown how m uch new and valuable inform ation can be gathered from an appraisal o f lesser know n hagiographical sources.

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be important for their respective audiences.1*53 The relations between the two are often unclear. A sermon may have been written beforehand and read out or expounded upon during oral delivery. It may also have been written out after­ wards on the basis o f an earlier sketch or outline, or from notes made during the delivery of the sermon. A written sermon may even have had nothing to do with any actual preaching. Establishing the relationship between the written and oral versions o f a sermon which one knows has actually been pronounced, is one of the most difficult tasks in this kind o f research.54 In sermon studies as in the study o f hagiography, the most telling indicators for oral delivery are o f a linguistic nature. Surviving early medieval sermons from continental Europe are all written in Latin, even those written in Germanic speaking regions. From Anglo-Saxon England we also have sermons in the vernacular. On the Continent the vernacular was used for writing sermons only from the high Middle Ages onward.5556Nevertheless, even if written, vernacular sermons were available in the later Middle Ages, it was quite common for preaching in the vernacular to use texts written in Latin?6 For the early Middle Ages the evidence is less clear. In both royal and episcopal legislation from the eighth and ninth centuries, preachers are admonished to preach regularly and in a way that could be understood by their flock. As an example we may cite from the well-known synod held by Theodulph o f Orléans in 797: S1 G.C. ZlELEMAN, Middelnederlandse epislel- en evangeliepreken (Leiden, 1978; Kerkhistorische bijdragen 8), pp. 9-11. LoNGÈRE, Prédication médiévale, pp. 12-17. John W. O ’M alley S.J., “Introduction: m edieval preaching”, in: De ore domini. Preacher and Word in the Middle Ages, ed. Thom as L. AMOS, Eugene A. GREEN and Beverly M ayne KiENZLE (K alamazoo, 1989), pp. 1-11,at pp. 1-2. Beverly M ayne KiENZLE, “The typology o f the medieval serm on and its developm ent in the M iddle Ages: report on w ork in progress” , in: De l ’homélie

au sermon, histoire de la prédication médiévale. Actes du Colloque international de Louvain-laNeuve (9-11 juillet 1992), ed. Jacqueline H a m ESSE and X avier H erm a n d (Louvain-la-N euve, 1993), pp. 83-101. at pp. 84-85. Cf. also the contribution o f N iek TRa te in: Organizing the Written Word: Scripts, Manuscripts and Texts. Proceedings o f the First Utrecht Symposium on Medieval Literacy, Utrecht 5-7 June 1997, ed. M arco MoSTERT(Tumhout, 1999: Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy 2) (in the press). 5J M ichel ZINK, La prédication en langue romane avant 1200 (Paris, 1976), pp. 199-220, LONGÈRE, Prédication médiévale, pp. 155-164. KiENZLE, “Typology o f the m edieval serm on”, p p .85-88. 55 For Anglo-Saxon England, see: M ilton M cC. Gat CH, Preaching and Theology in AngloSaxon England: Aelfric and Wuljstan (Toronto, 1977); M ary C la y to n , “Hom iliaries and preaching in Anglo-Saxon England”, Peritia 4 (1985), pp. 207-242; Joyce H ill , “R eform and resistance: preaching styles in late Anglo-Saxon England”, in: De l 'homélie au sermon , pp. 15-46. For continental Europe in the High M iddle Ages: Z ink , Prédication en langue romane, pp. 85- ' 113; LONGÈRE, Prédication médiévale, pp. 161-164. 56 LONGÈRE, Prédication m édiévale, p. 163.

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W e exhort you to teach the people. H e who knows the Scriptures let him preach the Scrip­ tures, but whoever does not know them , let him at least tell the people w hat he knows best: In order that they depart from evil and do good, seek peace and pursue it, for the eyes o f the Lord are upon the righteous and his ears are [open] unto their prayers; but the face o f the Lord is against them that do evil, to cut o ff the rem em brance o f them from the earth (Psalm 33,15-17). Then no-one will be able to m ake excuses for him self on the grounds that he has no language in which to edify anyone.57

Part of this legislation seems to have been inspired by the resolution to solve problems in preaching arising from inadequate knowledge o f the priests.58 At the same time there is evidence, especially from the Germanic speaking regions, that preaching used the natural language o f the flock, and that preach­ ing aids were developed. This seems to be the reason for the production o f Old High German texts in the abbey o f Fulda. These German texts were, just as the Latin texts produced in the same centre, intended first o f all for the clergy. They show that German was accepted as a language for instruction in the Faith.59 Even though the surviving early medieval sermons are written in Latin, and even if many were certainly written for study by a monastic audience,60 a part o f this material seems to have been intended for popular preaching as w ell61 A rare description of preaching in the vernacular around 800 is given in the Vita Gregorii, written by Liudger in the last decade o f the eighth century or in the 57 Theodulph o f Orléans, Capitula ad presbyteros parochiae suae c. 28, ed. in: Capitula episcoporum 1, ed. Peter BROMMER (H annover, 1984: MGU Capitula episcoporum 1), p. 125: “Hortam ur vos paratos esse ad docendas plebes. Qui scriptura scit, praedicet scripturas; qui vero nescit, saltim hoc, quod notissim um est, plebibus dicat: U t declinant a malo et faciant bonum , inquirant pacem et sequantur eam , quia oculi domini super iustos et aures eius ad preces eorum; vultus autem dom ini super facientes m ala, ut perdat de terra m em oriam eorum . Nullus ergo sc excusare poterit, quod non habeat linguam , unde possit aliquem aedificare”. Translation after Rosamond M c Kjtterjc K, The Frankish Church and the CarolingianReforms, 789-895 (London, 1977), pp. 190-191. 58 McKlTTERlCK, Frankish Church, pp. 190-191. 59 M c K itterjck , Frankish Church, pp. 191-205. Michel Banniard , “Rhabanus Maurus and the vernacular languages”, in: Latin and the Romance Languages, pp. 164-174. Thomas L. AMOS, “Preaching and the serm on in the Carohngian w orld”, in: De ore domini, pp. 41-60. F or an overview o f the surviving Old High Germ an and Old Saxon material from the early M iddle Ages, see: Wolfgang H aubrjCHS, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur von den Anföngen bis zum Begum

der Neuzeit, 1,1: Die Anfänge: Versuche volkssprachiger Schriftlichkeit un frühen Mittelalter (ca 700-1050/60), 2nd edn. (Tübingen, 1995), and Cyril E d w a rd s , “Germ an vernacular literature: a survey”, in: Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation ed. R osam ond McKlTTERlCK (Cam bridge, 1994), pp. 141-170. 60 E.g. those studied by Henri B a r r é , Les hom èliaira carolingiens de ¡'école d Auxerre Authenticité-inventaire-tableaux comparatifs-initia(Città del Vaticano, 1962: Studi e Testi 225). 61 McKlTTERlCK, Frankish Church, pp. 97-114. AMOS, “Preaching in the Carolingian w orld”, pp. 47-53.

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early years o f the ninth.62*Liudger was a Frisian who as a child had been given into the care o f Gregory, the leader o f the monastic community at Utrecht and the hero of the Vita Grego rii. Later on, Liudger studied with Alcuin in York. After working as a missionary among the Frisians and Saxons he ended his life as the first bishop o f Münster (804-809). Most o f what we know about Liudger is told by Altfried, his cousin and second successor as bishop o f Münster (839849), who wrote the Vita Liudgeri.61 At the beginning o f the Vita Gregorii, Liudger tells the story o f how Greg­ ory met Boniface at the age o f fifteen.6465This happened in the conventPalatiolutn near Trier, which was led by Gregory’s grandmother Addula. Boniface stayed one night on his way to Thuringia. During dinner someone was needed to read from the Scriptures and Gregory, who had just returned from the palace, was given the task. We are told that Gregory performed remarkably well for his age. When the lesson was finished, Boniface praised Gregory and asked whether he understood what he had read. Gregory said he did, but when Boni­ face asked him how he understood it, he started once more to read out loud from the beginning. Soon Boniface interrupted him and explained his earlier question: “I did not ask you, m y son, to give m e only your reading, but to explain your reading to me in your own words and in the natural language o f your parents”. And he, convinced through the correct reasoning by his superior, and not having any other reasons h e could resort to, confessed that he was unable to do that. So the holy B oniface asked: “ W ould you like me to tell you, son?” A nd he answ ered: “Y es”. Then the blessed B oniface said: “R epeat from the beginning your reading and read distinctly (discrete)". A nd so he did. T hen the holy m aster started to preach in frank language (libera voce) to the abbess and the whole com m u­ nity.6' 62 Liudger, Vita sancti Gregorii abbatis Traiectensis (BHL No. 3680), ed. O swald H older EGGER in: Supplementum tomorum I X II pars lit. Supplementum tomi X III ed. G eorg W a it z , W ilhelm W a t ten b ac h a.o., 2 parts, part 1 (H annover, 1887: MGii ss 15.1), pp. 66-79. Cf. C a ra sso -K o k , Repertorium, No. 33, and KLÜPPEL, “D ie G erm ania” , pp. 171-172. 61 Altfried, Vita sancti Liudgeri episcopi Mimigardefordensis et miracula (BHL N o. 4937), ed. W. D ieka m p , Die Vitae Sancti Liudgeri (M ünster, 1881: Die Geschichtsquellen des Bisthums Münster 4), pp. 3-53. Cf. C a r a SSO-Ko k , Repertorium, No. 60, and K l ü ppel , “D ie G erm ania”, pp. 172-173. 64 Liudger, Vita Gregorii, c. 2, pp. 67-69. 65 Liudger, Vita Gregorii, c. 2, p. 68: “ ‘N on ita, fili, quaero, u t m ihi dicas m odo lectionem tuam, sed secundum proprietatem linguae tuae et naturalem parentum tuorum locutionem edissere m ihi lectionem tuam .’ Ille vero recta ratione a superiore convictus, quo se alias verteret non habens, confessus est, quia hoc facere non potuisset. Sanctus vero inquit Bonifatius: ‘Vis, fili, ut ego tibi dicam ?’ E t ille respondit: ‘V olo.’ Tunc beatus B onifatius: ‘R epete’, ait, ‘ab exordio lectionem tuam et discrete lege!’ Qui et ita fecit. Tunc exorsus est sanctus m agister et libera voce coepit praedicare et m atri et omni fam iliae”.

- ,

,

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As a result o f this Gregory became so impressed by Boniface that he wish­ ed to be his pupil. He urged his grandmother to allow him to follow Boniface. From then on Gregory was the pupil and follower o f Boniface. According to the Vita Gregorii Gregory helped Boniface in his activities in Germany, trav­ elled with him to Rome, where Boniface was ordained bishop, and finally be­ came the leader o f the Utrecht monastic community which was founded by Willibrord, and where, we are told, among many others he educated Liudger66 In this passage we see how Boniface improvised a sermon in the vernacular on the basis of a biblical passage read out in Latin. This is significant, because the whole o f the Vita Gregorii seems to be about preaching and educating. Both Gregory and Boniface, who in the first half o f the vita almost eclipses Gregory, are depicted as great preachers and teachers who convert multitudes and edu­ cate a large number o f pupils.67 In view o f the emphasis on preaching which pervades the whole text, the story o f the meeting o f Gregory and Boniface has important implications.68 From Boniface’s explanation o f his question to Gregory, we might be in­ clined to deduce that the saint asked for a translation o f the passage that Greg­ ory had read,69 and that when a translation was not forthcoming he provided one himself. But what Boniface did is described as praedicare, preaching. And from the wording o f his question to Gregory it becomes clear that Boniface did ask for more than just a translation. Both in his initial remark, “you read well, if you understand what you read”,70 and in his question, “tell me, how you understand what you read”,71 Boniface employed the words o f the apostle Philip’s question to the Ethiopian eunuch who was reading Esaias (Acts 8,30).72

M The Vita Gregorii is alm ost the only text that inform s us about Gregory. Other vitae that mention him depend m ostly on the Vita Gregorii for their information. However, in his passages about Boniface Liudger does not prove to be a reliable source. He turns B oniface’s first two, short stays in Frisia, which together lasted a little over three years, into a long period o f thirteen years. Cf. Ian W oo d , “M issionary hagiography in the eighth and ninth centuries”, in: Ethnogenese und Überlieferung. Angewandte Methoden der Frühmittelalterforschmg ed. Karl BRUNNER and Brigitte MERTA (V ienna and Munich, 1994), pp. 189-199, at p. 197. 67 M ost explicitly in: Liudger, Vita Gregorii, c. 2-3, pp. 69-70; c. 5-6, pp. 71-72; c. 10-11, pp. 74-76. 68 WOOD, “M issionary hagiography”, pp. 197-198, suggests that Liudger w rote the Vita Gregorii as a m odel o f w hat he him self wanted to accom plish. w Liudger, Vita Gregorii, c. 2, p. 68: “... quaero ... secundum proprietatem linguae tuae et naturalem parentum tuorum locutionem edissere mihi lectionem tuam ”. 70 Liudger, Vita Gregorii, c. 2, p. 68: “B ene legis, fili, si intelligis quae legis”. 71 Liudger, Vita Gregorii, c. 2, p. 68: “Dic m ihi, quom odo intelligis quae legis” . 72 “Putasne intelligis quae legis?”. Cf. Peter M ü ller , “Verstehst du auch, ira s du liest? Lesen und Verstehen im Neuen Testament(f)axmstùàt, 1994).

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This is no doubt a conscious quotation. Just as the Ethiopian became a Chris­ tian through Philip’s explanation, Boniface’s preaching incited Gregory to become his pupil, and, later on, a preacher and teacher like Boniface himself. Apparently Boniface’s manner o f preaching, improvising in the vernacular on the basis o f a Latin text, was the kind o f preaching Liudger saw as the hallmark of the true preacher. Another story mentioning preaching in the vernacular is the Passio maior Kyliani which was probably written in Würzburg in the middle o f the ninth century.71*Here we are told that, when the Irish monk Kilian came to Würzburg in the last quarter o f the seventh century, he preached in the vernacular. The author stresses the importance o f such preaching in spreading the Faith. Then the honourable m an gradually started to serve the unbelieving people the food o f the divine W ord. The Lord offered him such a grace that in a short tim e he learned the speech o f the people (gentis loquelam) and could give them the seeds o f the Truth in their own language. A nd everybody w ondered not only about the new teaching, but also about his abundant eloquence. Faculty o f speech was accom panied by efficacy o f virtue. In him was fulfilled what the Truth had prom ised the apostles: “I shall give you a m outh and wisdom ” (Luke 21, 15), and also: “The works that I do, shall you do also” (John 14, 12).74

Shortly after this passage the Passio maior Kyliani gives a glimpse o f what the content o f missionary preaching in the vernacular should be. As K ilian’s efforts became successful, he was brought before duke Gozbert, who wanted to know about the new doctrine that Kilian was preaching. Kilian availed himself of the opportunity and expounded the Christian faith by pronouncing a Creed. W hen the blessed m an had com e to him [duke Gozbert], he started steadfast to expound the doctrine o f the true religion, saying that there is one G od. the m aker o f visible and invisible creation, consisting o f a Trinity o f persons and an unity o f Divinity; and that Jesus Christ, who was crucified by the Jew s, was in one person truly G od and truly m an, in his divine nature the equal o f the Father, in his hum an nature m ade m ortal, through W hom the rational 71 Passio maior sancti Kyliani et sociorum ems (BUL No. 4661), ed. Franz EMMERICH, Der heilige Kilian. Regionarbischofund Märtyrer (W ürzburg, 1896), pp. 11-25. For a summary o fth e problem s surrounding the tw o C arolingian passiones o f saint K ilian, see: H ans-W em er Go e t z , “D ie V iten des hl. K ilian”, in: Kilian, Mönch aus Irland-aller Franken patron. Aufsätze, ed. Johannes E rich sen and Evam aria BROCKHOFF (M unich, 1989: Veröffentlichungen zur bayerischen Geschichte und Kultur 19), pp. 287-297. 74 Passio maior Kyliani, c. 7, pp. 14-15: “Porro venerabilis vir paulatim coepit pabula divini verbi incredulis populis m inistrare; tantam etenim ei Dom inus gratiam contulerat, ut in brevi tem pore gentis loquelam perdisceret et eis proprio sermone sem ina veritatis erogaret. M irabantur autem om nes non solum novitatem doctrinae, sed exuberantiam quoque eloquentiae; facundiam etiam sermonis com itabatur efficacia virtutis; impletum est in illo, quod veritas apostolis promisit; ‘E g o ,' inquiens, ‘dabo vobis os et sapientiam ’ et item: ‘Opera, quae ego facio, et vos facietis’ ”.

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and m ortal creation, misled by the deceit o f the envious enemy, m ay be mercifully restored.75

Apparently, in the middle o f the ninth century it was considered proper to preach in the vernacular about Christian dogma. This is not very surprising, since it would be foolish to try to teach people in a language they did not under­ stand, such as Latin, as was doubtless the case for most o f the inhabitants o f the diocese o f Würzburg.76 We may conclude that in the early Middle Ages it was normal for preach­ ing to be done in a language that was understandable to illiterate people. When­ ever the spoken language was somehow different from written Latin, the writ­ ten texts were adapted to the spoken language. What implications does this have for the reception o f hagiographical texts? Although most sermons expounded material taken from Scripture, some also used other, e.g. hagiographical material.77 Alcuin’s homily on Willibrord has already been mentioned several times, and he also wrote an accompanying homily to his Vita Vedasti,78 These homilies were meant for the laity. From the diocese of Utrecht, four sermons on saints have survived attributed to bishop Radbod (900-917); these were probably meant for a monastic audience.79 For 75 Passio maior Kyliani, c. 8, p. 15: “Ad quem cum a beato viro perventum esset, constanter verae dogm a religionis insinuare coepit, docens: unum esse Deum, visibilis et invisibilis creaturae auctorem , in trinitate personarum et unitate divinitatis consistentem ; Jesum Christum a Judaeis crucifixum, in una persona \ erum Deum verumque hominem, in natura divinitatis aequalem Patn, in natura hum anitatis factum m ortalem , per quem rationalis m ortalisque creatura, invidi hostis fraude decepta, sit m isericorditer reparata”. 76 M c K itter ic k , Frankish Church, pp. 187-192. AMOS, “ Preaching in the Carolingian W orld”. B an nia RD, “Rhabanus M aurus”. 77 KiENZLE, “Typology o f the medieval sermon”, p. 85. Thomas L. Am o s , “Early Medieval Serm ons and the Holy”, in: Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons. Proceedings oj the International Symposium (Kalamazoo, 4-7 May 1995), cd. Beverly M ayne KiENZLE a.o. (Louvain-la-N euve, 1996), pp. 23-34. 78 A lcuin , Adhortatio ad imitandas virtutes sancti Vedasti(BHL No. 8509), cd. in: PL 101, col.678-681; Alcuin, Vita sancti Vedastis episcopi Atrebatensis(BHL Nos. 8506-8508), ed. in: Passiones .... 1 {MGIISRM3), pp. 414-427. 79 Sermo de sancto Servatio (BHL No. 7614), ed. c. D e S m eth . “Sancti Servatii Tungrensis episcopi vitae antiquiores tres ", Analecta hollandiana 1 (1882), pp. 104-111; cf. C aras SO-Ko k , Repertorium, No. 80. Sermo sancti Radbodi de sancto Switberto{BHL No. 7939), ed. in: PL 132, col.547-550; cf. CARASSO-KOK, Repertorium, No. 88. Sermo Radbodi de vita sanctae virginis Christi Amelbergae (BHL No. 322), ed. in: PL 132, col.549-554; cf. CARASSO-KOK, Repertorium, No. 8. Homilia sancti Radbodi de sancto Lebwino(BHL No. 4814), ed. in: PL 132, col.553-558; cf. CARASSO-KOK, Repertorium, No. 53. For these and other works by Radbod, see: M ichel T rjg alet , Radbod d 'Utrecht. Introduction à une hagiographie pastorale (M émoire de licence, Louvain-la-Neuve, 1990-1991), and W olfert Van E g m o nd , Bisschop

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the eleventh century, De Gaiffier has demonstrated the existence of hagiographical sermons aimed at pilgrims visiting monasteries.80 There are references to the oral transmission o f hagiographical stories by lay ioculatores.81 It is just as difficult to establish how hagiographical sermons were used as it is to arrive at conclusions about any other sermons; but at least they reveal that in the early Middle Ages hagiographical material was used for preaching to unlearned audiences. We can now compare these modest data about early medieval sermons with what is thought to be known about the writing o f hagiography for lay audiences in Merovingian and Carolingian times. The conclusion may be that, although under the Carolingians hagiographers apparently wrote in the first place for a clerical public, it is very likely that hagiographical texts could still be transmit­ ted to unlearned audiences through oral performances other than reading the texts themselves. The latter might have been feasible in areas where Latin could still be understood when a Latin text was read aloud. Elsewhere, expositions in the vernacular based on Latin texts must o f necessity have been the rule.

M anuscripts o f H a g iographical Serm ons A final example o f a sermon may point to a new avenue for studying the reception o f hagiographical texts. Information may be gained by scrutinizing the manuscripts in which the texts survive. The Sermo in festivitate sancti Marsi presbyteri et confessoris is preserved in a composite German manuscript from the eleventh and twelfth centuries, kept in the Vatican library (Codex Reg. lat. 497).82 The sermon itself, written in a hand from the first half o f the twelfth century, tells about the translation o f the

Radbod van Deventer (900-917) en de kerstenmg van het Utrechtse (D octoraalscriptie, Universitcit van Am sterdam , 1995). 80 D e G a iffier , “L ’hagiographie et son public”, pp. 489-499. 81 D e GAIFFIER, “L ’hagiographie et son public”, p. 497. The view s on thcioculatores o f M ichael RICHTER, The Oral Tradition in the Early Middle Ages (Tum hout, 1994: Typologie des sources du Moyen Age occidentallT), are highly problematical. 82 Sermo in festivitate sancti Marsi presbyteri et confessoris, ed. K lem ens HONSELMANN, “Eine Essener Predigt zum Feste des hl. M arsus aus dem 9. Jahrhundert. M it einer Einleitung versehen, herausgegeben und übersetzt”, Westfälische Zeitschrift. Zeitschrift fü r vaterländische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 110 (1960), pp. 199-221, at pp. 208-220. Cf. A lbert PONCELET S.J., Catalogus codicum hagiographiconim latinorum bibliothecae Vaticanae (B russels, 1910: Subsidia hagiographica 11), pp. 339-341, p. 341, No. 17 and pp. 525-526; and Andreas W ilm ar t , Codices Reginenses latini 2 (C ittà del V aticano, 1945), under M S Reg. lat. 497.

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relics o f Saint Marsus from Auxerre to Saxony in 864.83 The author was among the Saxons who went to Auxerre to obtain the relics.84 In the text and in the margins a number o f small changes and notes is visible, which point at the use made o f the manuscript. In the margins are written the numbers il, ill, v, vi, vu and vili; the letter “F” occurs several times. The numbers indicate different lessons, whereas the “F” must be read as Finis, indicating the end o f a lesson (although not every number has been provided with a corresponding “F”). Later on, changes were made in the number and size o f the lessons. The new lessons partly correspond to changes made within the text. The name Marsus is crossed out in several places and replaced by the name Felix, and at the beginning martyris Felicis has substituted confessoris Marsi. Since the contents o f the new lessons was o f a rather general nature, it was very easy to adapt the text on Saint Marsus into a text on the martyr Felix. Once this was done, the next step was to change some o f these passages into a kind o f passe-partout for the cele­ bration of any saint by inserting phrases like “the most glorious confessor lord N, whose feast we celebrate today, was sad ...”, and writing A as an alternative before the names Marsus and Felix?5 This Latin sermon seems to have been written for a monastic audience. The almost formulary character o f the final set o f lessons points at a reading aloud o f at least the selected parts in a monastic setting. More importantly, the manu­ script suggests that in oral delivery the whole o f the written text was not neces­ sarily pronounced: parts o f it could be taken out and used on there own, even if the text was a sermon apparently meant to be preached in toto. It seems likely that further study o f hagiographical manuscripts, with due attention paid to their structure, the organization o f the hagiographical texts they contain, and the minute changes made by their users will provide us with valuable information on the intended and actual audiences o f medieval hagiographical texts.86

K'

H o n selm a nn , “Eine

Essener Predigt”, pp.

200-201.

Hedw ig

Rö ck elein ,

Reliquientranslationen nach Sachsen im 9. Jahrhundert. Über Kommunikation, Mobilität und Öffentlichkeit im Friihmittelalter{unpublished Habilitationsschrift, Hamburg, 1997), pp. 258-275, shows that this sermon probably does not describe a translation from A uxerre to the w om en’s convent o f Essen, as Poncelet and Honselm ann claim ed, but rather to the m en’s convent o f Höxter, near C orvey, whence the relics were later brought to Essen. 84 Sermo in festivitate Marsi, c. 3, p. 208; c. 8, p. 212. 85 H o n selm a nn , “Eine Essener Predigt”, pp. 202-204: “G loriosus confessor dom ini N, cuius hodie festa celebram us, tristabatur”. 86 Cf. for the study o f hagiographical m anuscripts also Manuscrits hagiographiques et travail des hagiographes, ed. M artin H einzelm a n n (Sigm aringen, 1992: Beihejte der Francia 24).

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P rovisiona l C onclusions We have tried to get a bit closer to the audience o f the surviving early me­ dieval hagiographical texts. O f course the conclusion remains that we do not really know. Only a relatively small group was able to read the texts independ­ ently. In the sixth and seventh centuries probably the whole population o f the (later) Romance speaking areas could understand Latin hagiographical texts without special training when they were read out to them. This possibility had certainly disappeared (in Gaul) by the year 1000, but it is not clear when ex­ actly problems in understanding spoken Latin arose. Whenever this happened, reading the surviving hagiographical texts aloud was rendered unpractical as a means of communicating their contents to unlearned laymen. In both the Ger­ manic and the Romance speaking areas alike, at all times a hagiographical text might be used in preaching. A Latin text could inspire or aid preaching in a language understandable to laymen. We may assume that this use of hagiographical texts was quite common, but there is no means to establish how widespread the practice was. The authors o f the texts may have been aware o f the homiletical use to which their writings were put, but did not find it neces­ sary to allude to it. They wrote first o f all for a clerical audience, which was at least semi-literate. Since it is impossible to make general statements about the audience of hagiographical texts, it will be necessary to consider every single text individu­ ally. If we limit ourselves, as has been customary in discussions o f the topic so far, to a small number o f well-known examples, we run a grave risk o f arriving at erroneous conclusions. In the debate on the relationship between Latin and Romance, a very small number o f hagiographical witnesses is commonly in­ voked: the Vita Eligii, Alcuin’s Vita Willibrordi and Vita Richarii, and Hincmar’s Vita Remigii. The risk o f generalizing from such a minute sample may be mitigated by enlarging the corpus o f texts. Katrien Heene has brilliantly re­ vealed an important change in the intended audience o f hagiography by study­ ing a large number o f Merovingian and Carolingian texts. The few examples from Auxerre, Utrecht and Würzburg mentioned in this article show that it may be worthwhile to include the hagiographical production o f these dioceses in future studies. However, not only the study o f “new” texts may increase our knowledge. A fresh look at the manuscripts o f already well-known texts may also prove fruitful. The manuscript o f the sermon on Saint Marsus serves as an example o f the valuable information a manuscript-oriented approach may pro­ vide. Most likely the definitive answer to the questions of the audience o f early medieval hagiography must remain elusive. Yet a careful reading o f the few

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available sources may enable us to determine the limits and ambiguities o f our knowledge.

“Send More Socks”: On Mentality and the Preservation Context of Medieval Letters1 MARY GARRISON

he extant latin letters from early medieval western Europe can be com­ pared to the tip of an iceberg. Yet they are an unrepresentative sample. They can be demonstrated to constitute the merest subset of the total num­ ber of messages drafted and sent-namely the letters which were intentionally preserved and copied, usually because someone produced a letter-collection from some part of a sender's drafts. Principles of selection varied of course, but in gen­ eral the selectivity entailed by intentional preservation on parchment has ensured that entire categories of written communication either do not survive or else are barely attested. Informal letters, letters by the laity, ephemeral business notes (evidence of what is termed “pragmatic literacy”) and love letters are categories are all poorly represented in the extant corpus. This lacuna has sometimes led scholars to postulate reliance on oral communication for spheres of activity for

T

1 This article presents an overview o f various issues, some of which 1 discuss in m ore detail in published and forthcoming articles. I thank my Pionier Project colleagues for stimulating discussion and Marco Mostert for patience and editorial assistance; 1 am also greatly indebted to the generosity and expertise of m any people who have helped me: John Lind, Inger Larsson, Barbro Söderberg, David Ganz, and especially to both M ichael Clanchy, w ho provided essential basic bibliographic advice on Bergen and lent me his copy of Norges Innskrifter med de Yngre Runer vi, and to Willem Verm eer for loans o f articles and indispensable help with the Novgorod beresty. I also thank Peter Linehan, Constant M ew s and Dieter Schaller for references to their work. Needless to say, the attempt to survey several fields outside my own may have resulted in errors or omissions, for which I take responsibility.

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which letters are lacking. Through circular reasoning, widespread lay illiteracy has both been seen as the cause of this lacuna, and has been inferred from it. Comparing these Latin letters preserved in libraries with letters from other contexts which were deliberately discarded and subsequently recovered from ar­ chaeological sites can open the way to a more optimistic assessment of the extent of written communication in the early medieval West. A survey of the voices from the garbage dump-the letters on wood excavated at the Roman fortress at Vindolanda, the Bryggen harbour site in Bergen and Medieval Novgorod-can provide an illuminating contrast to the corpus of Latin letters from the early medieval West.

It is an untested commonplace that “government, trade and administration” rather than literature and religion have been the foster parents of literacy.2 Yet one only has to look at the development and use of new communications technology in our own day to be reminded how quickly a fundamental human need, the need for contact and communication, takes its place alongside pragmatic and administrative motives for literacy-above all, where communication rather than record-keeping is concerned.3 There is perhaps no more vivid reminder of the primacy of this impulse than the phenomenal popularity of the internet, e-mail and mobile tele­ phones, developed for defense and business use but now media for non-stop so­ cializing and recreation. But while we have the luxury of cheap and rapid or even simultaneous com­ munication technology, and are correspondingly profligate with our written and oral long-distance messages, the extant letters from the early Middle Ages in contrast were laboriously dictated in Latin and conveyed by messengers in a world where travel was slow and dangerous, costly in time and risk if not money.4 From the surviving corpus of Latin letters from the early medieval West, one can get the impression that written long-distance communication was primarily reserved for theological disputes and high politics and that oral communication was over­

2 British Library Exhibition notes (1989?); J. G oody , The Logic o f Writing and the Or­ ganization o f Society (Cambridge, 1986: Studies in Literacy, Family, Culture and the State), see chapters 2, “The word o f M am m on” and 3, “The State, the bureau and the file”, pp. 87-126. 3 See, e.g. T. Salminen , “Multilinguality and written correspondence in the late medieval Nor­ thern Baltics: Reflections o f literacy and language in the communication between the Council o f R evaland the Finnish Bailiffs”, Das Mittelalter 2 (1997), pp. 151-162, at p. 153. 4 D. GORCE, Les voyages, l'hospitalité et le port des lettres dans le monde chrétien des IVe et Ve siècles (Paris, 1925).

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whelmingly important in other spheres. But is the impression a fair one? Can the extant letters be regarded as typical in any meaningful way? Before one can generalize about the nature of written communication in a past society, it is essential to assess the representativeness of the messages that survive. What letters did people choose to save? What did they discard? And how are these two categories reflected in the surviving evidence? The vast majority of extant medieval Latin letters are available to us because they were intentionally preserved and recopied, and lucky enough to escape destruction. But what of those which encountered bad luck and no good intentions? It would be a mistake to draw con­ clusions about literacy and even mentality in a past society by assuming that the extant material is all that once existed. To arrive at a more nuanced and positive estimate of the importance of written communication in the early medieval West, one must consider the problem from as many angles as possible. First one must consider how the extant letters came to be preserved. Then the extent of lost letters must be assessed, qualitatively and quantitatively. Possible correlations should be sought between the writing support, contents and preservation context of the extant letters. Finally, comparanda from other cultures with contrasting survival patterns for written communication can be invoked. It is a striking fact that regarding Latin letters of the early medieval West we possess almost exclusively texts that were deliberately preserved, whereas for other medieval cultural areas, only letters deliberately discarded are available for study. The purpose of this article is to pursue some of these lines of attack (though not all with equal thoroughness) and to explore the consequences of a fundamental contrast-that between what one might call “garbage dump” evidence for literacy and letter-writing on the one hand, and manuscript evidence on the other. It may be useful to begin with some remarks about lost letters and then to examine the correlation between the material on which letters were written and their contents. Letters preserved on parchment and intentionally stored in libraries and archives can seem to reveal a mental world completely different from that illustrated by texts from archaeological excavations.

L o st Letters Lost evidence for communication can be approached quantitatively, by cata­ loguing evidence for deperdita in existing collections and by listing entire collec­ tions known to have perished. A qualitative approach is also possible and invites

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one to consider groups of people or activities and achievements which could not have been accomplished without literate skills and communications.5 For example, some of the monumental earthworks of the early Middle Ages, Offa’s dyke and the Karlsgrab (Charlemagne’s unsuccessful attempt to have a canal dug to join the Rednitz and the Altmühl) must have required numerous messages to requisition labour, food and shelter, not to mention considerable surveying skills. Wooden and papyrus records can show us how the Roman army and its bureaucracy met these challenges, but the records are largely silent for eighth-century rulers.6 Does this entitle us to assume that such projects were arranged orally and on an ad hoc basis? (I would argue that the burden of proof is on the oralists!) More mundane arrangements also surely entailed written communication. Letters of excuse and letters of commendation for travellers are two other important categories of activ­ ity requiring written communication; both must once have been exceedingly nu­ merous, but only the tiniest fraction of their original quantity has been preserved. Messages announcing a king’s travels and arranging food and shelter for the men and animals in his retinue are also exceedingly rare. Likewise, letters concerning domestic affairs, laundry and farm- and estate management are also poorly represented among Medieval Latin letters. Yet it is obvious that the everyday business of ordinary people, not just rulers and clerics, can also benefit from or even require literate means for its accomplishment. Con­ sider the following notes: From Boris to Nastasya. As soon as you receive this letter, send m e a man on horseback, since 1 have a lot to do here. Oh yes, send a shirt, I forgot one.7 I have sent (?) you ... pairs of socks from Sattua, two pairs of sandals and two pairs o f under­ pants, two pairs of sandals... Greet ...ndes, Elpis, Iu........enus, Tetricus and all your messmates with whom I pray that you live in the greatest good fortune.*

s Sec m y forthcoming article on “Early medieval letters o f excuse as evidence for literacy and communication”. 6 B ut see M. M ersiow sky , “Regierungspraxis und Schriftlichkeit im Karolingerreich: Das Fallbeispiel der Mandate und Briefe”, in: Schriftkultur und Reichsverwaltung unter den Karolingern, ed. R. Schieffer (Opladen, 1996: Nordrhein-Westfälische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Abhandlungen 91), pp. 110-166. 7 V. Y anin , “T he Archeology of Novgorod”, Scientific American, February 1990, pp. 84-91, at p. 87. 8 A.K. B owman and J.D. T homas (with contributions by J.N. A dam s ), The Vindolanda Writing Tablets (Tabulae Vindolandenses ¡if) (London, 1994), No. 346, pp. 335-336.

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The cloak that I left at Troas, with Carpus, when thou comest, bring with thee, and the books, specially the parchm ents.9

Such written messages about new clothes and forgotten clothes sound strange­ ly familiar despite their diverse origins. They are a category of everyday message that is still coming to light: until a couple of decades ago, the first two texts were unknown, still buried on pieces of wood in the damp ground of Novgorod and Corbridge, respectively, while the third text lurks in the Pauline epistles. A dedi­ cated reader of the large corpus of letters assembled in the volumes of the MGH Epistolae series might register them with interest: for although allusions to fish­ ing, short cloaks, bad beer and large print books can be found there, references to material culture and everyday life are relatively scarce and must be patiently culled from the ubiquitous topoi of amicitia, requests for reciprocal prayers, long discus­ sions of theology and politics, and other characteristic preoccupations of highranking ecclesiastics and rulers. Why should practical and informal messages be so poorly represented in the corpus of extant letters? One might try to explain their scarcity by an appeal to widespread popular illiteracy, by assuming, in short, that those who forgot their shirts were usually unable to read or write, while those who could write had dele­ gated responsibility for their laundry and other practical matters to others. But those assumptions are not only too simple; they are also untestable. They do not satisfactorily explain the lacunae in the evidence. Instead, it may be more illumi­ nating to analyze the patterns of preservation for medieval latin letters between the sixth and the ninth centuries.

The Survival a nd Transm ission o f E a rly M ed ieva l L a tin L e tte rs10

9 2 Tim. 4 ,1 3 (King Jam es Version). 10 G. CONSTABLE, Letters and Letter Collections (Turnhout, 1976: Typologie des Sources du moyen âge occidental 17). For the earlier period, see H. H offmann , “Zur Mittelalterlichen Brieftechnik”, in: Spiegel der Geschichte: Festgabe fiir Max Braubach zum 10. April 1964 , ed. K. Repgen and S. Skalweit (M ünster, 1964), pp. 141-170; B. S chmiedler , “Ueber Briefsamlungen des früheren Mittelalters in Deutschland und ihre kritische Verwertung”, Ársbok, Vetenskapssocieten i Lund (Lund, 1926), pp. 5-27; D. W hitelock , English Historical Documents i: c. 5001042,2nd edn. (London, 1979), pp. 620-628; I. W ood , “ Letters and letter-collections from Antiquity to the early Middle Ages: The prose works of Avitus o f Vienne”, in: The Culture o f Christendom: Essays in Medieval History in Commemoration o f Denis L. T. Bethell, ed. M.A. MEYER (London, 1993), pp. 29-43. For an overview, M. G arrison , “Letter Collections”, in: The Blackwell Encyclopaedia o f Anglo-Saxon England ed. M. Lapidge a.o. (London, 1999), pp. 283-284.

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The most fundamental feature of medieval Latin letters is that they were al­ most without exception intentionally preserved through recopying into manu­ scripts, usually letter-collections or miscellanies. Because of their exceptional authority, papal letters and those concerned with church discipline had slightly better survival chances and might survive as originals or through inclusion into various normative compilations. Thus we owe extant letter-texts to a combination of deliberate selection with good luck. It is well known that scarcely any medieval Latin letters survive in their original form. There are perhaps less than half a dozen from before the year 1000 and the note inscribed on the back of one remarkable exception explains why.11 It reads “useless letter’ -useless, that is, because the letter lacked legal value in the eyes of those who ensured its preservation in a monastic archive. Accordingly, letter collections are the most important vehicle for the transmission of letters. Letter collections could be assembled either from the sender’s drafts or from the receiver’s copies; the two processes are known as Absenderüberlieferung or “sender transmission” and Empfängeriiberlieferung or “receiver transmission”. Apart from papal letters and letters perceived to have important bearing on eccle­ siastical questions, which are often disseminated by receiver transmission, most early medieval letters are preserved in collections more or less closely associated with their senders and in many cases it can be shown that a close associate or later hagiographer was responsible for recopying the preserved drafts of outgoing let­ ters. But whereas classical, late antique, and twelfth-century letter-writers had often issued carefully edited collections of their letters12 the impulse to produce authorial collections waned and is scarcely detectable between Avitus of Vienne (ca. 500 AD) and Alcuin (f804). Surviving collections can be demonstrated to

" P . C haplais , “The letter from bishop Wealdhere of London to archbishop Brihtwold of Canterbury: The earliest original ‘letter close’ extant in the West”, in: Medieval Scribes, Manuscripts and Libraries: Essays presented toN.R. Ker, ed. M.B. PARKES and A.G. W atson (London, 1978), pp. 3-23. For an eighth-century papal letter preserved in its original form, see: Chartae Latinae Antiquiores: Facsimile Edition o f the Latin Charters Prior to the Ninth Century, ed. A. BRUCKNER and R. M arichal, part XVI, France iv (Zurich, 1986), No. 630 (the text is printed by W. G undlach in: Epistolae Merowingici et Karolini Aevi 1, ed. W. G undlach , B, D ümmler a.o. (Hannover, 1892: MGH Epp 3), pp. 654-657). T. S chieffer , “Z u einem Briefe der späten Karolingerzeit”, Deutsches Archiv 2 (1938), pp. 193-204; F.W. O ediger , “Das älteste Zeugnis für den Namen Xanten (Sanctos super Rhenum ): Zur Datierung eines Briefes aus der Karolingeizeit”, Annalen des Historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein, 144-145 (1946-1947), pp. 39-43. 12 On classical collections, see H. P eter , Der Brief in der römischen Literatur (1901; reprint Hildesheim, 1965).

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contain only a small fraction of a writer’s epistolary output, and entire collections associated with other individuals can be shown to have perished completely.13 Thus, even the letters that were intended to be saved had poor chances of survival. In addition to collections more or less closely associated with a single individual (though perhaps containing letters by associated contemporaries), some miscellaneous or mixed collections were compiled; the criteria for inclusion are not always clear-cut, but items transmitted in these miscellaneous collections may be united by their destination or their place of origin or both.14 Mixed collections are often termed formularies, although the designation can be misleading, since the evidence of annotations and extant letters does not justify the assumption that all so-called formularies were intended to serve as models for drafting letters; elemen­ tary instruction and reading were among the many purposes of mixed collections.15 Documentary formularies should be distinguished from mixed letter collections. Although texts are frequently anonymized in both sorts of collections, anonym­ ization cannot be taken as a criterion for identifying formularies. Collections associated with named individuals are usually one-sided as a result of a standard ancient and medieval archiving practice, the segregated storage of incoming letters and drafts of outgoing letters (still a feature in most e-mail pro­ grammes).16 As a result, paired letters and replies are unusual. Thus despite the fact that letters as a medium are intrinsically dialogical, the surviving epistolary evidence is overwhelmingly one-sided. And so recipients’ reactions to invective and flattery are usually unknown.17 Letters not copied into collections or formularies had slim chances of survival. If of outstanding interest, they might be incorporated into a history or chronicle.

13 I survey more instances of such loss in my forthcoming article “Epistolae deperditae: Lost Letters from Alcuin’s Correspondence”. 14 For literature and discussion o f two such collections, See M. G arrison , “Letters to a king and biblical authority: T he examples of C athuulf and Clemens Peregrinus”, Early Medieval Europe 7 (1998), pp. 305-328. 15 C.D. L anham , “ Freshman composition in the early Middle Ages: Epistolography and rhetoric before the Ars Dictaminis”, Viator 23 (1992), pp. 115-134. 16 A practice that derives from Roman imperial practice and papal registering procedures, on which see T.F.X. N oble, “ Literacy and the papal government in late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages”, in: The Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe, ed. R. M c Kit te r i CK (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 82-108 at p. 87. 17 For exceptions, see the (possibly fictional) letters o f Frodebertus and Importunus, ed. G. Walstra, Les cinq épîtres riméesdans l ’appendice des formules de Sens, Codex parisinus Latinus 4627, fo l 27v-29r, La Querelle des évêques Frodebert et Importun (an. 6651666) (Leiden, 1963); Oso Epistolae Senecae ad Paulum et Pauli ad Senecam “quae vocatur”, ed. C.W. B arlow (Rome and Horn, 1938).

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Or, for reasons we can only guess at, they might be copied onto a fly-leaf or a blank leaf in a manuscript.18 In some cases such preservation clearly reflects the intention to preserve a text, especially when the letter had some documentary value; in others, the copyist’s attitude to the text is impossible to divine. One can only conclude that this category of copying reveals contemporary awareness of the vulnerability to loss of stray items on single sheets or parchment or other media. A rare example of a palimpsested letter seems to attest to both an attempt to pre­ serve and to destroy.19 As a general principle it seems that stray letters by other­ wise unknown individuals will owe their preservation to the initiative of receivers or messengers rather than the writers, but this apparent regularity may be a selffulfilling-prophecy: if an obscure individual’s literary remains (including his own drafts of his outgoing correspondence) perished with the archives of his monas­ tery, then of course the only writings by that person to survive will be those multi­ plied or preserved in other locations. One might call this pattern “receiver-transmission preservation of the stray letters of obscure people”. It can help to explain the gender bias of the Latin epis­ tolary evidence. Letters by women tend to survive in receiver-transmission incor­ porated into the letter collections associated with men, usually the men they wrote to, even though female letter-writers, like men, must often have saved their drafts and must have engaged in correspondence with both men and other women. Thus the letters of Jerome’s female correspondents, those of the mothers of Desiderius of Cahors and of Leodegar of Autun,20 or of Radegunde of Poitiers, of women in the Boniface-mission, of Alcuin’s female correspondents, and of Einhard’s wife, either survive in small numbers embedded in other collections or else are attested only through the replies of their male correspondents. These literate women were surely engaged in correspondence with more than one other person, but their own drafts generated no surviving independent sender-transmission collections. A number of factors may have contributed to this lacuna: women letter-writers might have lacked literary executors, scriptorial resources or the esteem and interest that ensured recopying of their letters.21 Whether receivers and collection-compilers 18 Fur one example o f fly-leaf letters, sec B. B ischoff , “Briefe des ix. Jahrhunderts: i. Eine westfränkische Briefsammlung aus der Zeit Kaiser Karls in. und König Odos”, in his Anecdota Novissima: Texte des vierten bis sechzehnten Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1984: Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters 7), pp. 123-138 at pp. 123-135. 19 For a letter preserved by palimpsesting earlier texts, see Königsbrief Karls d. Gr. an Papst

Hadrian über Abt-Bischof Waldo von Reichenau-Pavia: Palimpsest-Urkunde aus cod. lat. monac. 6333, ed. E. M unding (Beuron, 1920: Texte und Arbeiten 1.6). 20 On Herchenefreda and Sigrada, see H offmann , “Zur mittelalterlichen Brieftechnik”, p. 152. 21 B ut for an example o f a collection perhaps assembled in a nunnery and containing an

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preserved these letters from women as curiosities or because they realised that the women’s letters would otherwise be unlikely to survive is a matter for speculation. Interrupted institutional continuity and library histories could also account for the loss of any collections that once existed. Yet although one can suggest that women’s religious houses suffered from more institutional discontinuity, poverty, or library disruptions than men’s institutions, it is not possible to substantiate or even test this hypothesis here. The only clear conclusion is that women’s letters must once have existed in appreciable numbers and that they had poorer chances of survival than letters by men. But gender bias is not the only distortion incurred by the survival patterns of the evidence for early medieval correspondence. The fact that we depend on eccle­ siastical copyists means that many categories of correspondence would have been neglected or systematically excluded. Texts concerning daily affairs, estate man­ agement, arrangements to supply or shelter a royal army are massively underre­ presented in the extant evidence, although writing and even some rudimentary bureaucratic forms were surely necessary for many of these. Here, deposits from garbage dumps rather than libraries and archives can enrich our perspective. The medieval Latin letters extant today are a demonstrably minute subset of the letters which contemporaries strove to preserve or else neglected to destroy. What of those they deliberately discarded? In short: the nonchalance about originals, later recopying and preservation by third parties, the transmission of letters in collections associated with single indi­ viduals of responsibility and influence- all of these characteristic features of early medieval Latin letter collections on parchment have far-reaching implications, both for our ability to interpret extant letters and for our capacity to guess at the tenor and even the original format and appearance of lost originals. Individual texts and collections were vulnerable to selection and omission at every stage of recopying. Because marks of authentication and addresses have usually been lost from copied letters22we therefore know little about signs of authentication or other

exceptional num ber of letters by wom en, see: B. B ischoff , “Salzburger Formelbücher und Briefe aus Tassilonischer und Karolingischer Zeit” (M unich, 1973: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 1973, Heft 4), pp. 3-84; for Bischoff’s conjecture o f Nonnberg as the place o f origin o f one o f the collections, see pp. 17-18 and 5Q. 22 For copies of marks including indications of address, see examples in the Boniface collection, ed. M. T angl, Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius und Lullus (S. Bonifatii et Lulli epistolae) (Berlin, 1916: MGH Epp. selectae 1); from the English Abbot Eanwulf, Nos. 93, 119-120, 122, and H offmann , “Zur Mittelalterlichen Brieftechnik” discusses problems o f authentication at length, pp. 143 ff. Ancient wooden and wax tablet letters which survive as originals quite frequently have indications of the address.

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visual cues that would have distinguished letters addressed to kings, as opposed to, say, simple memoranda to bailiffs. As we have seen, these transmission patterns interact with gender and con­ tents in ways which further distort the representativeness of the surviving evi­ dence. The most stable places of preservation for letters and other documents were naturally monastic and episcopal armaria. But even if ecclesiastical libraries and archives were the filing boxes of the middle ages, they were far from fireproof. Books and documents from countless religious houses have perished utterly.223

The G arbage D u m p vs. The Library One way to get some insight into ephemeral discarded messages is through comparisons with the contents and find-circumstances of ephemeral letters that were thrown away in other times and places. Evidence for communication recov­ ered from archaeological contexts rather than archives has been able to revolution­ ize scholarly understanding of literacy and society in a number of pre-modern societies in a way that no amount of careful reinterpretation of archivally pre­ served texts could have done. Messages deemed ephemeral by contemporaries might be discarded systematically-buried in jars,24 thrown into rubbish pits, sealed into rooms,-or haphazardly lost, discarded in a harbour or dropped between wooden slats of a floor or a walkway, only to be discovered later by the most extraordinary luck. When found, such messages bring the voices of previously mute subjects back into history. It is significant that most finds of discarded letters have been on wood,25 yet wood messages were not usually continuously preserved in libraries and archives.26 The dichotomy between preserved parchment letters 22 E.g. D.P. K irby , “Bede’s native sources for the Historia Ecclesiastica”, Bulletin o f the John Rylands Library 48 (1965-1966), pp. 341-371. Part o f the library and archive o f the monastery of Lidlum (Frisia) was discarded at the time of its dissolution. Am ateur archaeologists with metal detectors found seals of several abbots. See J.M . B os, Archeologie van Friesland (Utrecht, 1995), p. 180. 24 In the East, Christians and Jew s alike disposed scrupulously of texts containing abbreviations for the nam e o f God by sealing them in jars or burying them. See M .D. G oodman , “Texts, scribes and power in Roman Judaea”, in: Literacy and Power in the Ancient World, ed. A.K. BOWMAN and G. W oo lf (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 99-108, at p. 101; R.L. F ox, “Literacy and Power in Early Christianity”, ibid., pp. 126-148 at p. 130. 25 Papyrus, slate and ostraka (potsherds) however are also known. In general, w ood is available and likely to be preserved in wet northerly latitudes whereas papyrus and ostraka are available in mediterranean climes, w here their chances o f survival are enhanced by the dryness. 26 For an exception, the accounting records o f Halle, where w ax tablets were used for

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and others almost seems to point to a two-tier communication system divided between parchment and wood or other readily available substances which required less complicated preparation than animal skin. The poor chances of preservation of wooden objects affect our view of almost every aspect of past cultures, not merely communication. It has been estimated that ninety percent of Medieval household objects were made of wood, yet durable substances such as metal, glass and stone are overwhelmingly represented in mu­ seum exhibitions.27 One writer commented :“if wood has not survived on the site, the picture of life presented to the archaeologist is distorted out of all recogni­ tion”.28 Another has signalled the paramount importance of wood as a raw mate­ rial in prehistoric and early historic times for a huge range of uses: dwellings, household objects, vessels, tools, artwork, even weapons and jewelry and stressed the importance of extrapolating from Paralleliiberflieferung to make good the gaps in the archaeological and historical record.29 The survival patterns for wax-writing tablets might serve as an emblem for the distortions incurred by making assumptions from lost evidence.30 It is clear that wax tablets were continuously in use from Antiquity, throughout the Middle Ages, and even in some places, until the nineteenth century; the American chil­ dren’s toy called a “magic slate” illustrates the persistence of wax as a cheap reusable writing surface even in our times. Yet although the styli for writing on wax tablets have been found in large numbers, there are far fewer extant waxtablets dateable between, say, 600 and 1200 AD than for the centuries before or after. An image of decline parallel to the “Dark Ages” and relieved by the twelfthcentury renaissance? Hardly. Despite the gap in the material evidence, it is clear accounting until the early nineteenth century, see W. W attenbach , Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter, 3rd edn. (Leipzig, 1896; reprint Graz, 1958), pp. 51-89. A w ax tablet was in use in the Rouen fish market until the late nineteenth century (ibid., p. 89). 27 V .L YANIN, “The Archeology of Novgorod”, Scientific American, February 1990, pp. 84-91 at p. 86. 28 M.J. T hompson , Novgorod the Great: Excavations at the Medieval City directed byA.V. Artsikhovsky and BA. Kolchin (London, 1967), p. xvi. 29 T. C apelle , “Parallelüberlieferung, Tradition und Quellenlücke im ur- und frühgeschicht­ lichen Fundgut: Bemerkungen zum Holz als W erkstoff’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 14 (1980), pp. 410-422. 30 On wax tablets, see WATTENBACH, Das Schriftwesen, pp. 51-89;B. BlSCHOFF, Latin Palaeo­ graphy: Antiquity and the Middle Ages, tr. D. Ó C róinin and D. G anz (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 1314; Les tablettes à écrire de l’antiquité à l’époque moderne (Actes du colloque international du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris, Institut de France, 10-11 October 1990), ed. É. Lalou (Tum hout, 1993: Bibliologia: Elementa ad librorum studia pertinentia 12); R.H. and M A ROUSE, “The vocabulary of w ax tablets” , Harvard Library Bulletin, N.S. 1 (1990), pp. 12-19; H offmann , “Mittelalterliche Brieftechnik”, p. 148.

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that wax tablets were commonplace and continuously in use for drafts, accounts and ephemeral messages. But the wax tablets of the early medieval world have rarely been preserved. 1 know of no spectacular examples of early medieval letters found in the ground.31 However, finds from ancient times and the central middle ages can show how transforming such discoveries can be, and perhaps cast some light on the nature of the lost letters of the early medieval world.

Vindolanda (ca. 100 A D ) The wooden writing tablets recovered at the excavation of the Roman fort at Vindolanda (near modem Corbridge) illustrate the way a discovery of a previously unknown and highly perishable category of evidence can revolutionize received views of literacy and communication in an apparently well-documented and thor­ oughly studied past society. Before the tablets came to light, 170 original latin letters were known from before 300 A.D.;32 after the publication of the writing tablets, 144 whole letters had been added to this corpus plus 156 fragmentary texts.33 Evidence for ancient Latin letters in their original format had thereby al­ most tripled and wood had outstripped papyrus and ostraka (potsherds) as the best attested medium. The total number of tablets and fragments recovered is now close to 2000.34 Before the discovery, the notion that officers and low-ranking members of Batavian and Tungrian cohorts stationed in Northern Britain might be able to engage is long-distance correspondence would have been dismissed as unlikely.35Now it is documented. Moreover, because incoming letters from distant places were recovered alongside sender’s copies, the tablet letters show empire­ wide conventions prevailing for the epistolary register preserved on the tablets. The tablets themselves are very thin slivers of wood, comparable in size to our postcards: ca. 6-8 inches long and 2.5-3 inches wide. They are exceedingly thin (0.04-0.08, or thinner) and were suitable for writing on with regular ink and a metal nibbed pen. Prior to the discovery, a more substantial sort of wooden tablet 11 O n a single letter on slate, see below, p. 92. The Springmount bog tablets from Ireland contain psalm-verses, not a letter. 12 P. CUGUSI, Corpus epistularum latinorum papyris, tabulis, ostracis seruatarum (Florence, 1992). 33 B owman and T homas , The Vindolanda Writing Tablets, p. 8. 34 A K . B owman, Life and Letters on the Roman Frontier: Vindolanda and its People (Lon­ don, 1994), p. 15. 35 D espite Vegetius, Epitoma rei militaris II. 19, on the need for skill in short-hand and com putation am ong army recruits (See tr. N.P. MILNER, Vegetius, Epitome o f Military Science (Liverpool, 1993: Translated Texts for Historians 16), pp. 51-52).

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was known (wax- or stylus tablets, made of thicker pieces of wood), but tablets of the type discovered at Vindolanda were scarcely documented in literary texts. Two references established that such wood-sliver tablets were everyday objects.30 The Vindolanda finds were deliberately discarded, perhaps in connection with rebuild­ ing of the fort, or troop transfers; the find location cannot be equated with the fort’s official record office.37 The wood slivers owe their preservation to moist anaerobic soil conditions (which also ensured that a good deal of footwear and even a sock have survived).38Tablets were apparently deliberately discarded along with other refuse in a spot near the commanding officer’s residence. There are indications that the refuse was set alight and it has been surmised that dumping occurred in connection with phases of rebuilding and departure and reoccupation of the fort. Since the finds at Vindolanda alerted excavators to the appearance and impor­ tance of wooden stilus tablets, additional examples have been identified at other sites in Britain. It is now beyond doubt that such tablets were widely available and in everyday use. Outside the Northern European tree-growing area, other materials have been found which attest similar personal and bureaucratic literacy in the Roman army: papyri from Dura-Europus (apparently discarded in the mid-third century as a consequence of Syrian takeover) and ostraka from Bu Njem in Libya.39 The Vindolanda texts include records of army bureaucracy, but also personal letters, a list of tableware, even a birthday invitation. The non-epistolary texts illuminate the fundamental importance of literacy to the effective functioning of the Roman army on a remote provincial frontier. The letters demonstrate that literacy came with the army and did not depend on the literacy of the environs; indeed it was crucial to Romanization.The officers of Batavian origin, perhaps only recently enfranchised,40 can be shown to be latinate and literate. Auden’s evocation of “Fall of Rome” could apply to Ultima Thule as well as the Empire’s capital.367*940

36 Ibid., p. 16, citing Herodian and Cassius Dio. Wax tablets, in contrast, are fairly abundantly attested in Roman literature. 37 Ibid. p. 16. 3S Ibid., p. 157, plate I. For a concise account of the preservation conditions, see P. B ahn , “Letters from a Roman Garrison”, Archaeology 45 (1992), pp. 61-65, at p. 63. 39 B owman , Life and Letters, p. 16; R. M arichal , Les ostraca deBu Njem, Libya Antiqua, Suppl. 9 (Tripoli, 1992); C.B. W elles a.o., The Excavations at Dura-Europus, Final Report v, part I: The Parchments and Papyri (New Haven, 1959). 40 B owman , Life and Letters, p. 56.

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Caesar’s double-bed is warm As an unimportant clerk Writes I DO NOT LIKE MY WORK On a pink official form .41

In the Roman army camps from Syria to remote northern Britain, practical tasks and personal relationships alike entailed extensive reliance on pragmatic literacy. For this the use of locally available perishable material was apparently standard practice. The documents generated and letters received were eventually deliberately discarded. Their preservation and eventual discovery depends on climatic and environmental factors and luck.

B ergen R ú n a kefli (s. X lF —s.xr/* ) Bergen harbour on the west coast of Norway is one of the rainiest cities in the world and therefore a favourable site for the preservation of organic material. Excavations near the old harbour site (Bryggen) were possible after a fire in 1955. Within a few days in 1957, the discovery of several “rune-sticks” almost doubled the tally of runic inscriptions from the area; since then over 650 further runic inscriptions have been discovered, including letters, tally sticks, practice alpha­ bets, indications of ownership, charms, and brief notes of what has been character­ ized as sheer pornography and obscenity.42 Although runic inscriptions have been 41 W .H. A u den , ‘T h e Fall o f Rom e”, in: ID, W.H. Auden: A Selection by the Author (Harmondsworth, 1958), p. 138. 42 A. LIEST0L, “ Correspondence in Runes”, Medieval Scandinavia 1 (1968), pp. 17-27 (550 inscriptions up to 1968); the official publication o f the Bergen Runesticks is: Norges Innskrifter med de Yngre Runer, ed. J.E. K nirk , voi. 6, part 1: Bryggen i Bergen ed. l.S. J ohnsen (Oslo, 1990: Norsk Historisk Kjeldskrift-Institutt). See K.F. S eim , “A Review o f the Runic Material”, in: The Bryggen Papers, Supplementary Series, No. 2 (Bergen, 1988), pp. 10-23; Proceedings of the Third

International Symposium in Runes and Runic Inscriptions, Grindaheim, Norway, 8-12 August 1990, ed. J.E. Knirk (Uppsala, 1994: Runrön: Runologiska bidrag for nordiska sprâk vid Uppsala universitet 9) (Uppsala, 1994) (not primarily concerned with Bergen); Medeltida skrift- och sprâkkultur, Nio fòrelásningar frön ett symposium i Stockholm váren 1992, ed. I. L indell (Stockholm, 1994: Sällskapet, Runica et Medicevalia, Opuscula 2) (Stockholm, 1994); see especially J.E. Knirk , “Learning to write with runes in medieval Norway”, ibid., pp. 169-212; Runor och A B C Elvaföreläsningarfr&n ett symposium ¡Stockholm váren 1995, ed. S. NYSTROM (Stockholm, 1996: Runica etMediaevalia: Opuscula 4); T. Spurkland , “Speech and writing in medieval Bergen”, in: HistoriskSprákvitenskap/HistoricalLinguistics, cd. E.H. JAHR and 0 . Lorentz (Oslo, 1993: Studier iNorskSprâkvitenskap/Studies in Norwegian Linguistics). pp. 405 ff. For an overview o f questions about literacy and digloss-and digraphia, see: Nordiskmedeltidsliteracy i ett diglossiskt och digrafiskt

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found on a variety of materials including wood, stone, horn, bone, leather and pottery, small specially-cut wooden sticks seem to have been a standard format for runic notes and messages (hence the term rune-stick). It seems that the Bryggen rune sticks were variously accidentally lost or deliberately discarded at the harbour site after they were no longer relevant.43 Six known datable medieval fires in Ber­ gen left deposits which facilitate both relative and absolute dating of the finds. It is sobering to realize how nearly this extraordinary corpus of material es­ caped notice. An eye-witness commented: “there were... more or less recognizable objects in abundance and we did not feel obliged to investigate the masses of wood-chips particularly closely...”.44 Discounting those inscriptions which are indecipherable for various reasons (ca. 1/3), the material includes Old Norse texts (as one would expect), but also Latin and even a bit of Greek transliterated into runes.45The texts reflect the activities of a busy commercial centre. Personal notes occur alongside business notes and even alphabets, charms and prayers and Latin poetry transliterated into runes. It has been doubted whether runic literacy was widespread, but the brevity, secrecy and informality of some of the messages can be taken to suggest that people were able to write for themselves. Indeed, it is hard to imagine that the various obscene and informal tavern-messages required the mediation of professional readers and writers. The entire corpus has not yet been printed and still fewer runic messages have been translated; transcriptions and translation remain unclear in many cases. A few sample messages can give an impression of the tenor of runic corre­ spondence: Eindriöi, you m ust let me have these: two m easures and three casks, and otherwise (if you cannot?) sixteen measures. And Eindriöi, you shall take that com which Bergthorr owes me. No less than sixteen m easures m ust you take; if not then take nothing. And 1 ask my father if he will let me have three casks.46 To Hafgrimr, his partner, Thorir Fagr sends G od’s and his own greetings, and true partnership and friendship. Things are bad with me, partner, I did not get the beer, nor the fish. I want you to know this, and ask you not to press m e...47

perspektiv, ed. P. ÄSTRÖM (Stockholm, 1993: Meddelanden frän Institutionen för nordiska sprâk 39). W ebsites listing the inscriptions and recent discoveries can be consulted at: http://gonzo.hd.uib.no/NCCH-docs/runes.html and at http://www.hf.uio.no/iakn/runcnews/bibIio.htm 43 For an example o f a letter-stick sharpened to serve some other use, see L iest 0 i_ “Corres­ pondence in runes”, p. 25. 44 S eim , “A review o f the runic material”, p. 10. 45 For the Latin inscriptions, see The Bryggen Papers, Supplementary Series No. 2, pp. 24-65. 46 LIEST0L, “Correspondence in runes”, p. 23. 47 Ibid., p. 24.

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I would ask you this, that you leave your party. Cut a letter in runes to Olafr H ettusveinn’s sister. She is in the convent in Bergen. Ask her and your kin for advice w hen you com e to terms. You, surely arc less stubborn that the Earl. My dear, kiss m e.48 They are shacking up together, Clumsy (?)/Harelipped(?)-Kári and Viljalmr’s wife...49

At least one letter shows some traces of awareness of Latin epistolary formu­ lae,50 but there is insufficient internal and external evidence to allow any firm conclusions about whether rune carving was taught in a school, in the family, or in informal social settings and where and how writers gained the gained the knowl­ edge necessary to draft their rudimentary memoranda and missives.51 Practice alphabets show only that even pen-knife and wood literacy required basic instruc­ tion, practice and coordination. The Bryggen runesticks allow one to imagine the physical format of the small number of allusions to written messages in the sagas,52 but on the basis of the saga-evidence alone it might have seemed optimistic to predict the existence of the Bergen runesticks.53 (In this connection it is instructive to remember how meagre the classical Latin literary evidence for the existence of non-wax wooden tablets such as those found at Vindolanda was: a reminder that the most common ephem­ eral everyday objects and technologies may escape notice in written sources). The origins and original purpose of the runic alphabet are hotly debated.54 But most specialists agree that the alphabet or “futhark” arose in the context of contacts with Romania, and that letter forms were designed to be cut onto wood. Hence the vertical strokes are perpendicular to the grain, thus clearly visible, and there are no horizontal-cross strokes which would disappear into the pattern of the wood-grain. Subsequent adaptations of the runic alphabet remain true to these principles. Yet the poor preservation of wood and organic materials in most archaeological con­

48

K n i r k , “ Learning lo write with runes”, p. 190 (inscription B 17). 49 K nirk , “ Learning to write with runes”, p. 205 (A 35). 90 LILST0L, “Correspondence in runes”, p. 25. 91 B ut see Knirk , “Learning to write with runes”. 92 LICST0 L, “Correspondence in runes”, pp. 17-18. " But on the strong evidence for Viking literacy, see I. L arsson and B. Soderberg , ‘ ‘Nordisk medeltidsliteracy i ett diglossiskt och digrafiskt perspektiv: ett forskningsprogram ” , in: Nordisk medcllidslilcracy i ett diglossiskt och digrafiskt perspektiv, pp. 31-32. 94 R.I. P age, Runes (London. 1987), pp. 6-8; H. W illiams , “The Rom ans and the R unes-U ses o f Writing in Germania”, in: Runor och A B C Elva fórelàsningar frati ett symposium i Stockholm varen 1995, ed. S. N ystrom (Stockholm, 1996: Runica etMediaevalia: Opuscula 4), pp. 177-192 at pp. 177-181: contrast D.H. GREEN, Language and History in the Early Germanic World (Cambridge, 1998), p. 254.

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texts has meant that the earliest extant runic monuments are on more durable substances rather than on wood. It is a striking fact that the Bergen finds outnum­ ber the entire previously known corpus of runic inscriptions from medieval Nor­ way. Rune-sticks have subsequently been found at other urban sites including Trondheim, Oslo and T 0 nsberg, though in far smaller quantities.55 It is not clear whether the astonishing amount of evidence for literacy and written communica­ tion recovered at Bergen reflects the exceptional circumstances of a port and mar­ ket city, the favourable wet anaerobic soil conditions or the special opportunity afforded by the fire of 1955 to dig in an urban area of exceptional continuity of use and occupation. As a whole however the rune sticks and runic graffiti seem to point to widespread use of written communication across the social hierarchy. The quantity of finds seems to taper off at the end of the fourteenth century, but the significance of this decline is unclear. Runes may have begun to fall into disuse, another more perishable writing support may have replaced wood or else the grad­ ual replacement of the Norwegian population of Bryggen with non-rune-using Germans may have played a role.56

R unes in E ngland Runes were apparently known throughout the Germanic world from perhaps the first centuries A.D. or even earlier. While the abundance of evidence from Bryggen in the central Middle Ages seems to reflect the special role vernacular runic literacy in a busy urban and commercial environment,57 it is tantalizing to consider whether rune-sticks might have been known and used earlier in other Germanic societies. As we have seen, wherever it originated, it is clear that the runic alphabet was designed for carving on wood; indeed, the common Germanic vocabulary of literacy points either to the actual use of wood as a writing support or to familiarity with Roman writing on wood.58 It has been assumed that this vocabulary developed through contact with Romania and Christianity, and specifi55 Seim , “A review o f the runic material”, pp. 10-11. One should distinguish Viking age runic inscriptions from medieval inscriptions; for an over view of Scandinavian rune finds by type and period, see L arsson and Soderberg , “Nordisk medeltidslitcracy”, pp. 32-35. 56 LIEST0L, “Correspondence in runes”, p. 27. 57 On runic literacy and commerce, see J.R. H agland , “ ‘Torkjel myntästare sánder peppar’: Köpenskap och Handel”, in: Runmürkt: Frân brev till klotter: Runorna under medeltiden, ed. S. B enneth a.o. (Stockholm, 1994), pp. 83-90. 58 G reen , Language and History, pp. 254-270.

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cally, through observation of the use of wooden writing tablets, whether wax tab­ lets or thin wooden leaves. Tantalizing evidence from two Old English poems seems to point to some knowledge of the use of wood and runes as a medium for communication. Old English Riddle 60 in the Exeter book has been interpreted as describing a reed-pen, a gospel book, a beech tree (OE boc means book as well as beech-tree), but rune stick is also a plausible answer, indeed, one might argue, the only plausible answer, since the description of writing with the point of a knife cannot refer either to the use of ink or to the use of a stylus on a wax tablet.59 The narrator of the riddle describes how he used to stand alone by the seashore, “little I imagined that early or late I should ever speak, mouthless, across the meadbench, and communicate words. It is something of wonder, perplexing to the mind of him who knows nothing of such, how the point of a knife and the right hand, a man's ingenuity and point together, deliberately pricked me so that I should confi­ dently declare a message in the presence of us two alone, so that no more people might gossip our converse farther afield”.60 Riddle 60 is immediately followed in the unique manuscript which preserves it by an even more enigmatic text known as “the Husband’s Message”, a poem narrated by the support of the message. The message alludes to an ancient pact, a feud, an expelled lord, and a summons to a spouse to return across the sea to a lord. "Now in privacy I will tell you... Now I have come here in a ship and now you shall know how you may think in your mind of my lord’s heartfelt love... See, he that inscribed this wood instructed me to beseech you that you, the jewel-span­ gled, yourself recall into mind the spoken vows which you two often voiced in earlier days...Now he has bidden me gladly inform you that you should ply the ocean...*".61 In contrast to the preceding riddle, where clues that a written message is involved are obvious, one might assume that the speaker here is a messenger conveying oral summons and greetings. But the last few lines of the poem include runes and depend on the appearance of the runes and the reader’s knowledge of their names: "I conjoin S (sun) together with R (road) (sun-road, heaven) and EA (earth) and W (joy) and M (man) to declare on oath that he would fulfil by his living self, the pledge and the covenant of friendship which in former days you two often voiced*’.62 See G.P. Krapp and E. van K ir k D obbil , The Exeter Rook (New York, 1966: The AngloSaxon Poetic Reconh: A Collective Edition 3), pp. 225-227 (hereafter ASPR 3) and Anglo-Saxon Poetry, tr. S A.J. B radley (London, 19S2), pp 397-398. w Riddle 60, ASPR 3, p. 225: Anglo-Saxon Poetry, p. 398. ASPR 3, pp. 225-227, lines 1-228; Anglo-Saxon Poetry, pp. 399-400; on .alternative interpretations lor the runes, see ASPR 3, p. 364. ‘■· ASPR 3, p. 227, lines 49-53, Anglo-Saxon Poetry, p. 400.

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No rune-sticks have yet been recovered from an Old English site. However, previously unknown runes have been remarked on a bone writing tablet, both on the rim and in the recessed area where the wax would have been; preliminary investigations suggest the runes in the wax area appear because they were inadver­ tently scratched through the wax, and were perhaps pen trials.63 Much Old English evidence for knowledge of runes comes from manuscripts made on the continent in Anglo-Saxon mission circles. It has sometimes been assumed that the manu­ script evidence attests to antiquarian interest, especially when runic alphabets occur alongside other alphabets.64 Yet the runic inscriptions on objects such as the monumental eighth-century Ruthwell cross or the small Franks casket suggest that runes were familiar, not esoteric: those who commissioned or designed the objects expected them to be comprehensible to some audience. It is interesting to note that the Ruthwell cross inscription is in the first person (like the Old English riddles, but also like medieval letters); it narrates the story of Christ’s crucifixion from the point of view of the cross. Was the stone cross a kind of monumental version of a wooden rune-stick bearing a message, like the message of salvation in the poem “The Husband’s message”? A tantalizing clue that runes may have been associ­ ated particularly with correspondence comes from the Boniface letter collection, where the dorse of some letters contain monograms and designs which include runes and Greek letters.65 The combined evidence of the vocabulary of writing, two Old English poems and the use of runes in the Boniface correspondence can be interpreted to suggest that in the British Isles runesticks could have been famil­ iar as a medium for written communication, rather than merely as an epigraphic writing system.66 This hypothesis is not so much an argument from silence as an 63 R.I. P a g e , “Runes in East Anglia”, in: Proceedings o f the Third Internationa! Symposium on Runes and Runic Inscriptions, pp. 105-118, a tp . 111. 64 R. D erOLEZ, Runica manuscripta: The English Tradition (Brugge, 1954: Werken uitgegcven door de Faculten van deWijsbegeerle enLetteren ] 18); while this m ust be true for Byrhtferth in the eleventh-century, it is less likely for the eighth. 63 It is remarkable and almost unique that a copyist preserved not only the dorsal addresses of letters in the Boniface collection, but also sketched the marks of the ties. This information needs to be correlated with selection by sender and receiver since the Boniface collections are thought to derive from Boniface’s own drafts. Ed. T angl, Die Briefe des Bonifaüus, No. 119, p. 255, Eanw ulf to Lui; No. 120, p.256, Eanw ulf to Charlemagne. Eanw ulf is otherwise unknown, but is thought to have been a Northumbrian abbot and his letters, including the one to Charlemagne are thought to have been preserved by receiver-transmission; Lui apparently saved or recopied the letter to Charlemagne (sec T a n g l p. 256 n. 1, and on the letters, G arrison , “Letters to a king”, p. 320 n. 61. 66 On the possibility o f rune-sticks in England, see S. K e l l y , “Anglo-Saxon lay Society and the Written Word”, in: The Uses o f Literacy, pp. 36-62 at p. 37: on runic literacy in England more generally, see Page, “Runes in East Anglia”, and C.E. FELL, “Anglo-Saxon England: A Three Script Community?”, in: Proceedings o f the Third International Symposium on Runes and Runic

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extrapolation from hints. And yet, because the Anglo-Saxons assimilated Chris­ tianity, Latin literacy, and scriptorial practices (including the use of parchment) far sooner than the residents of medieval Scandinavia, one might be sceptical about the persistence in the British Isles of runic literacy and the use of rune-stick letters among Anglo-Saxons (rather than, say, among Scandinavians in the Danelaw). One thing is certain: if archaeologists ever do manage to dig up some rune-sticks in England, the messages will surely be qualitatively very different from the known medieval Latin letters from the British Isles. The circumstances of a late medieval harbour town such as Bergen naturally encouraged the use of writing and perhaps even made knowledge of runic literacy necessary for business. Yet the technology used (runic alphabet and wood-carving) had been available in Northern Europe for centuries. Moreover, the knowledge of these writing practices had been transmitted even when the demands of harbour business had not made runic liter­ acy a practical necessity. One might well wonder if rune-sticks had also been also in use in the busy Scandinavian trade centre of medieval Jorvik, or perhaps even earlier, in Northumbrian York.

Novgorod At Novgorod, as at Vindolanda and Bergen, opinions about the cultural level and literacy of a population hitherto considered scarcely literate were revolution­ ized at a stroke with the discovery of a substantial corpus of new evidence. In this case, it was hundreds of letters incised on birch bark in majuscule non-cursive cyrillic letters which transformed scholarly views of medieval Novgorod.67 As at Inscriptions, pp. 119-137. 67 For an oven iew of medieval Novgorod, see A. P o p p e , “Novgorod", Lexikon des Mitleialters 6 (M unich. 1993), cols. 1306-1311; for a brief introduction to the excavation, Y a n i n , “The Archaeology o f Novgorod", pp. 84-91. For an early and non-Russian language extensive scholarly introduction to the birch-bark letters, sec W. V o d o i f , “Les Documents sur écorce de bouleau de Novgorod”, Journal des Sauints (1966), pp. 193-233 (but overestimating the age o f the documents); follow ed by W. V o d o i f , “Les docum ents sur écorce de bouleau de Novgorod: Decouvertes et travaux récents”, Journal des Savants (1981), pp. 229-281. I know of no translation o f any substantial portion of the corpus into any Western European language, but most articles offer translations of at least a handful of texts. For a selection, see R. F a c c a n i : “Messaggi dall’antica Novgorod”, Annali della facoltà di lingue e letterature straniere dt Ca’ Fosean 21 (1982), pp. 6984; i d , “GYû/noiynovgorodianc su corteccia di betulla. I (secoli xi-xn), ibid. 26 (1987), pp. 117-136. and ID., ’Gramoty Novgorodiane su corteccia di betulla. U (secoli X I-X U )” , ¡bul. 27 (1988). pp. 139 159 For a broad overview of the context o f the beresty, see S. F r a n k ] IN, “ Literacy ano documentation in early medieval Russia”, Speculum 60 (1985), pp. 1-38. The edition of the texts i-

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Vindolanda and Bergen, too, exceptionally wet conditions were favourable for the preservation of organic matter. Thus not only the birch-bark letters, but also shoes, socks, mittens, rope, wool, toys, furniture, and layer upon layer of the city's corduroy sidewalks, relaid through the centuries, have been preserved. The birchbark texts (beresty) were incised onto pieces of boiled birch bark,68 a cheap, lo­ cally available substance that was also used for all sorts of household objects. (Eventually ink writing instruments began to take their place alongside the stylus: unfortunately the ink usually disappeared, whereas incised letters, whether on rune sticks or birch bark, can remain visible, if not easily legible, for centuries). The letters are terse, brief and direct. It is clear that they were deliberately discarded. Some were intentionally damaged or had the names cut off to cancel their validity. As at Bergen, the importance of the discovery was recognized immediately. “The whole basis of the subject changed... in 1951 when the first birch-bark docu­ ments were discovered. Written documents were... calculated to impress the au­ thorities who controlled the finances of the excavation, and so the discovery made it possible to enlarge the scale of the work. Ostensibly the object of the excavation in the early years was to find more birch-bark documents...” .69 Since then, hun­ dreds of letters written on birch bark (beresta, beresty, pi. or berestjanaja gramota, berestjanye gramoty, pi. ) have to come to light. Seven hundred and ten documents have published from Novgorod and a small number from other sites including Moscow, Smolensk and Staraja Russa have also been edited; about two hundred texts await publication. Excavations in Novgorod are still under way and new birch-barks continue to come to light.70 The majority of the texts are in Old Russian in a local Novgorod dialect, rather than Old Church Slavonic, although among the birch-barks from various

Novgorodskiye gramoty na beryoste, 1- (Moscow, 1953-), 9 volumes so far, with various editors including A.V. A rtsikhovsky , V.L. Y an in and A.A. Zaliznjak . 58 V.L. J an in , “Novgorods näverbrev” in: Medellida skrift- och sprãkkultur, pp. 121-139, at pp. 121-123. 69 T hompson , Novgorod the Great, p. xi. 70 W. V ermeer, “Towards a thousand birchbark letters”, [a review o f the ninth volume of the birchbark texts] Russian Linguistics 19 (1995), pp. 109-123 at p. 109: 710 from Novgorod and a total of 53 from seven other locations; subsequently discovered and still unpublished letters bring the total to 900. It is important to note that only about 20% o f the texts are complete; of those that remain, half are fragmentary but useful, and another half, exceedingly small and fragmentary. For details o f the printed editions o f the texts from other sites (to 1985), see F ranklin , “ Literacy and documentation”, p. 6, n. 16.

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sites, there are isolated examples of Latin,71 German, Greek,72 Finnish,73 and even a runic alphabet,74reflecting trade-contacts and the activities of foreign merchants stationed in Novgorod. Thus with the discoveries, the entire corpus of Old Russian exploded in size. The majority of the letters were written by lay-people, many, by women; most concern business transactions and administration of distant estates-money and land75-but disputes, a marriage proposal and even a child’s drawings are represented in the corpus. Letters written by clerics are linguistically distinct and usually immediately recognizable from the influence or use of Old Church Slavonic; letters by clerics are also characterized by less punctuation. It seems clear that the laity, including women, could read and write for themselves. Although palaeographical analysis can sometimes show that one writer inscribed letters for others, as with the Bergen rune-sticks, the messages are often so brief and informal that it would be hard to imagine that they would have been written or sent if professional scribes or readers were necessary.76 Despite their brevity and directness (the longest letter (N531) is 166 words)77 the formulation of the letters seems to point to some very limited regular form of instruction in both writing and epistolar conventions for lay people.78 Where and how this training occurred is 11 No. 488, a Latin booklet found near the “Gothic house”, the place of Hanse and Scandinavian traders. No. 552. ' ' On the birch-bark letters relating to Novgorod or Swedish activity in the Finnish speaking area o f Karelia, see R. H olthofr , “Birch-bark docum ents from Novgorod relating to Finland and Scandinavia”, in: Les Pays du Nord et Byzance (Scandinavie et Byzance): Actes du Colloque nordique et international de byzantinologie tenu à Upsal 20-22 avril J979, ed. R. ZEITLER (Stockholm, 1981: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis Figura, Nova series 19), pp. 161-167. For an analysis o t some o f the linguistic idiosyncrasies of some birch-bark texts, see W. V ermeer , “ E vfim 'ja, Maskim and others: Critical notes on Novgorod birchbark docum ents”, in: Studies in Russian Linguistics, cd. A.A. B arentsen a.o. (Amsterdam. 1992: Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics 17) pp. 383-434. 1 Document No. 11 from Smolensk. R unic alphabets on other (non-birch-bark) material have been found in Novgorod. O n the contrast between the importance ol money in the early letters and land later, see F ranklin . “ Literacy and docum entation”, p. 14. 76 On the lack of evidence for scribes for the early letters, see Franklin , "Literacy and docu­ m entation”, p. 9. See A Lubootsky and W. V ermeer , “Observations on the longest birchbark letter (N ovgo­ rod 531)”. Russian Linguistics 22 (1998), pp. 143-164, and for an illustration and partial English translation. Y an in . “The Archaeology ot Novgorod”, p. 90. 7> On a wooden tablet with an alphabet and holes for wall-mounting, presumably for use in learning to read and write, sec T hompson . Novgorod the Great, p. 56 and Y an in , “T he Archaeology o f Novgorod”, p. 89; for young O nfim 's school exercise book, his lists of syllables and his drawings, sec V odoie , “Les Documents sur écorce de bouleau de Novgorod", (1966), p. 214 and Y a n in , ibid.

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unknown, but the fact that the local Novgorod dialect was used rather than Old Church Slavonic points to educational arrangements separate from clerical educa­ tion, even if administered by clerics.79 The find circumstances of the Novgorod beresty would make them the envy of scholars in many fields if they were only better known. In contrast to the evi­ dence at Bergen and Vindolanda, the Novgorod letters can be stratigraphically dated quite precisely by their position between the layers of the corduroy side­ walks (which were replaced at regular intervals) and have provided an excellent sequence for dendrochronological dating.80 The letters were found on strata rang­ ing in date from the eleventh to the fifteenth century and can be fairly precisely dated by dendrochronological dates for the side-walk layers.81 Besides this (rela­ tive) chronological precision, many of the letters seem to have been relatively undisturbed and to have remained where they were discarded, sometimes on the property of the persons concerned. The corpus can also offer exceptional insights into social networks. There are a number of blocks of letters sent by the same person; letters by individuals referred to in other letters have been found, as have letters by or concerned with individuals known from other sources.8283A sample of the texts of a few beresty illustrates the their terse and direct style and mundane concerns: Mikhail makes obeisance to his lord Timothy. The ground is prepared and we m ust sow. Come, sir, for everyone is ready but we cannot have rye without your command.81 Order from Grigory to Dom na and Repekh. Get the log cabin and outhouse ready and send Nedan into Luga to Hin today.84 79 D. W orth demonstrated a distinct shift in the formulation o f the letters after the disconti­ nuities and hardships of the mid-thirteenth-century (M ongols, famine, plague): see his “ Incipits in the Novgorod birchbark letters”, in: Semiosis: Semiotics and the History o f Culture ln honorem Georgii Lotman (Michigan, 1984: Michigan Slavic Contributions 10), pp. 320-332, and ID., “The birchbark letters in time and space”, in: Festschrift L ’ubomir Duroviczum 65. Geburtstag (Vienna, 1990: Wiener Slawistischer Almanach 25-26), pp. 439-450. 80 Twenty eight sidewalk layers were laid between 953 and 1462; on the street system and the dates, see “Stratigraphy o f the streets, chronology and the finds” (after B.A. K olchin ) and “Dendrochronology” (after B.A. K O LC H IN ), in: THOM PSON, Novgorod the Great, pp. 13-22 and 2334. 81 Disturbingly, misinterpretation of the original field notes has sometimes led to incorrect dating of the texts in the published edition; scholars are discovering and rectifying some o f these errors. One should also be aware that preliminary studies o f the letters overestimated the age o f the earliest texts. I thank Willem Verm eer for information about these points. 82 V ermeer , “Towards a Thousand”, p. 188. 83 T hompson , Novgorod the Great, p. 58; 1409-1422 AD. 84 T hompson , Novgorod the Great, p. 60; undated. Willem Verm eer suggests that w hat is

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To lords Adrian Mikhailovich and Nikita Mikhailovich and our m istress Nastasya, wife of M ikhailov, the peasants of Izboisch make this petition. Here, sir in your district magistrates have appeared in Gorodno and they are false magistrates, w ho make false judgm ents. They have made irregular transfers o f your property. The magistrate’s clerk has m ade false entries, which he has put his seal to. And they have made judgm ents in Parta. And w e your serfs beg you, our lord, for redress.1'5 From Nikita to Ulyanitsa. Marry me. I want you and you me. And as witness will be Ignato...85 Sell the house and come to Smolensk or Kiev; bread is cheap; if you cannot come, write to me about your health.87

O ther F ind s and O ther M edia Moving farther afield from the wet, Northern European tree-growing latitudes, other evidence for letters preserved by accident or good luck reinforces the impres­ sion that the recopied medieval Latin letter collections preserved on parchment are indeed the tip of an iceberg, and a highly atypical sample of pre-modern written communication. For example, texts scratched into slate have been found from early medieval Spain, from early and high medieval Ireland and from thirteenth century Laon.88 Where it is readily available, slate has the advantage of requiring almost no preparation and being easy to scratch. The Spanish material includes a letter, but also a charm and some trade documents, precisely the quotidian con­ cerns of lay people that are poorly represented in the parchment letter-collections of the period.89 It is particularly interesting that the Spanish slates are from an area in Northern Spain roughly between Avila and Salamanca, a rural area, indicating that towns and commerce, though strongly correlated with medieval lay-literacy, are not a prerequisite for it. These Spanish slates also seem to point to some contimeant is probably “into Luga before Saint Il’ja ’s day”. 85 T hompson , Novgorod the Great, p. 62,1422-1446 a d . 86 T hompson , Novgorod the Great, p. 63,1268-1299 a d . 87 Franklin , “Literacy and docum entation”, p. 7. 88 BiSCUOFF, Líïf//i Palaeography, p. 15-16. 89 For a recent exhaustive edition of the Visigothic slates, see: I. VELÁZQUEZ SORIANO, Las Pizarras Visigódas (Murcia, 1989: Antigüedad y Cristianismo 6) (unavailable in the Netherlands). I have consulted M. G ómez -M oreno , “Documentación goda en pizarra”, Boletín de la Real Academia Española 34 (1954), pp. 25-58, where the slate letter, item VI, is at pp. 43-45, and M.C. D íaz y D íaz , “ Los docum entos hispano-visigóticos sobre pizarra”, Studi Medievali 3rd series 7 (1966), pp. 75-107. Gómez-M oreno expressed surprise at the use o f slate for docum ents, but it-is salutary to remember that slate and chalk have been used for school-exercises even through m ost of this century.

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nuity in lay education through the Visigothic period, even in a rural area. Like the Vindolanda tablets, they are written across the long side of the stones, perhaps a clue to the survival of an Empire-wide convention. Whereas the diverse find-sites of the slates seem to show that they were haphazardly discarded, some private documents written on wood from fifth-century Vandal Africa survive because they were stowed in a pottery jar in a wall.90 Still earlier, at Masada, it seems that Ro­ man soldiers stuffed their own Latin papyri, Greek papyri and Hebrew scolls into a room inside one of the casements of the wall. This took place after the fall of Masada and perhaps in connection with sorting booty; the deposit is neither a rubbish pile nor an official archive.91 The discovery yielded insights into the role of literacy in the administration of the Roman army similar to those gained at Vindolanda; it also illuminated the coexistence of literacy in several languages and the use of a range of media. Local Jews and soldiers in the Roman army used primarily papyrus and ostraka as writing materials, with Jewish writers using primarily Greek on papyrus and mainly Hebrew and Aramaic on ostraka and Romans, the Latin language and script on all materials.92 Prior to this discovery however, parchment had seemed to be the most important writing surface (though for literary rather than pragmatic or administrative texts) in first-century Pales­ tine.93Perhaps the most spectacular cache of documents of all, however, is the one preserved in the Cairo Genizah. Jews did not throw away any sacred writings, but buried them or deposited them in Genizas. In Cairo, there was a Geniza attached to a synagogue where non-religious texts of all kinds came to be preserved for reasons unknown; this extraordinary material includes including over a thousand secular business letters.94 The foregoing examples of letters discarded (or deposited) and preserved by good luck in their original form show how tenaciously past societies clung to the skill of writing, even in times and places where the materials available and the provisions for education are hardly favourable. The examples from Novgorod and Bergen seem to indicate that in certain cultures, a rudimentary knowledge of writ­ 90 C. C ourtois a.o., Tablettes Albertini: Actes privés de l'époque vandale (fin du V- siècle) (Paris, 1952). The tablets are private legal acts, not letters. 91 See: Masada II: The Yigael Yadin Excavations 1963-1965, Final Reports: The Latin and Greek Documents, ed. H.M. C otton and J. GtJGER, with a contribution by J.D. T homas (Jerusalem, 1989), p. 1 andpp. 17-19; p. 13 on the various find locations of the ostraka. 92 Masada //, p. 113, p. 1. n Masada //, p. 2. 94 S.D. GorreiN, Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders, Translated from the Arabic with Intro­ ductions and Notes (Princeton. 1973), pp. 5-6. For a survey and additional literature, see S. M enache , “ Communication in the Jewish diaspora: A survey”, in: Communication in the Jewish Diaspora: The Pre-Modern World, ed. S. M lnache (Leiden, 1996), pp. 15-58.

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ing could be acquired without an ecclesiastically sponsored educational system, while an anecdote about King Alfred points to some family context for the acquisi­ tion of vernacular literacy in ninth-century Wessex.95 Are we justified in assuming that some appreciable quantity of simple correspondence occurred among lay people and clergy in the early medieval West? The foregoing examples cannot demonstrate that was the case, but another look at two lacunae in the evidence for communication in Latin in Carolingian Europe may suggest, once again, that the burden of proof is on the oralists, on those who deny that writing was used for some everyday affairs, in a world already familiar with literacy. Two cases where the argument from analogy can suggest a more positive interpretation of extant evidence are letters concerning estate-management and love letters.

E state M anagem ent Many Carolingian abbots were in charge of extensive and far-flung estates.96 Administration and record keeping for such properties can be studied in various documents, including the polyptichs.97 But alongside such records, it is clear that a large of amount of long-distance communication as well as record-keeping would have been necessary. Letters concerning these activities however are rare, although they must once have been exceedingly numerous.98 Scattered examples do survive however. Thus Einhard wrote letters to monks or deputies about fatten­ 95 The story o f King Alfred’s m other’s promise o f a book o f English poetry as a reward to whichever of her sons could leam it the fastest: set Alfred the Great: Asser’s Life o f King Alfred and other Contemporary Sources, tr. S.D. K eynes and M. L apidge (Harmondsworth, 1984), p. 75. % See e.g. W. Stürmer . “Zur Frage der Funktionen des kirchlichen Fernbesitzes im Gebiet der Ostalpen vom 8. bis zum 10. Jahrhundert”, in: Die Transalpinen Verbindungen der Bayern, Alemannen und Franken bis zum 10. Jahrhundert, ed. H. B eumann and W. SCHRÖDER (Sigmaringen, 1987: Nationes 6), pp. 379-403. 97 L. K uchenbuch , “Ordnungsverhalten im grundherrlichen Schriftgut vom 9. zum 12. Jahr­ hundert”, in: Dialektik und Rhetorik im früheren und hohen Mittelalter: Rezeption, Überlieferung und gesellschaftliche Wirkung antiker Gelehrsamkeit vornehmlich im 9. und 12. Jahrhundert, ed. J. F ried (M unich, 1997), pp. 175-268. 9li Collections where such m emoranda are represented include the letters o f Einhard, Lupus of Ferrières and Frothar of Toul. For editions, see: Epistolae Karolini Aevi 3, ed. E. DÜMMLER, K. H ampe a.o. (Hannover, 1898-1899: mgh Epp 5), pp. 105-145 (Einhard’s letters, ed. K. H ampe ) and pp. 275-298 (Frothar’s letters, ed. K. H ampe ), and Loup de Ferrières, Correspondance, 2 vols., ed. and tr. L. L evillain (Paris, 1927-1935: ¿es1classiques de l ’histoire de France au moyen âge); La

Correspondance d ’un évêque Carolingien: Frothair de Toul (ca. 813-847) avec les letters de Theuthilde, abbesse deRemiremont (1998), ed. M. PARISSE a.o. (Paris, 1998: Textes et Documents d ’histoire médiévale 2).

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ing pigs," obtaining beeswax when the production in one region was in­ adequate,99100 restoring buildings,101 planting sorrel and making tiles or slabs;102 Frothar wrote to other abbots to obtain wine and pigments for wall-painting.103 Such letters survive in small numbers, but a busy abbot must have despatched dozens of them in a year. In the case of Einhard, it is particularly striking to notice the extremely bald and unadorned style of his business notes, and their extreme brevity. In these two respects, they contrast completely with his literary achieve­ ment in his biography of Charlemagne, his theological letters, or the letters he wrote after the death of his wife. Einhard’s business letters survive apparently because a member of his monastic community copied Einhard’s own drafts or correspondence book. But what of other letters of this sort, and what of the fate of receiver’s copies? One might surmise that it was not just the mundane contents of such messages that ensured their omission by the copyists of most letter collec­ tions, but the circumstances of their dictation and preservation. Wax tablets have been associated with accounts and record keeping at many times in their history.104 Is it unreasonable to imagine that the extremely simple style and consistently short length of estate memoranda by Einhard and others might be associated with origi­ nal transmission on wax tablets?105 The poor survival of such messages may re­ flect not only the disinterest of subsequent copyists, but also other factors: the loss of messages due to reuse of the wax-tablet, and the possibility that estate memo­ randa might be dictated, received, and kept (if preserved) in an office or storage room separate from the monastic scriptorium or library.

The R arity o f E arly M ed ieva l L o v e L etters Whereas loss resulting from wax-tablet transmission is only a hypothesis for estate memoranda, in the case of love-letters, it is established that wax tablets were used for love-letters or poems in both classical antiquity and thirteenth cen­ 99 Ed. H am pe , N o. 58. 100 Ed. H ampe , N o. 56. 101 Ed. H ampe N o. 5. 102 Ed. H ampe N o . 59. 103 Frothar, ed. PARISSE et. al, Nos. 19 and 20, p. 128. lw For examples from thirteenth- and fourteenth-century France, Sicily and England, see W a t 1ENBACH, Schriftwesen, p. 80; for eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Halle, Schwäbisch Halle and Rouen, see ibid., pp. 88-89. I0 Many different interpretations have been given o f this enigmatic image. Sec, e.g. Em st H. K antorowicz, I he King’s Two Bodies. A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton, 1957) and Konrad HOF'FM\NN, Taufsymbohk im mittelalterlichen Herrscherbild (Düsseldorf. 1968).

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Hoc, Auguste, libro tibi cor deus induat Otto Quem deLiuthario te suscepisse memento?0

Compared to the left page, the right page is full of figures and life. The figures do not pay attention to the monk, just as Mary does not turn to the bishop of Hil­ desheim. The ruler is enthroned in a mandorla, his throne supported by Terra, a personification of the earth. The composition of the ruler, high up in the air, reminds us of images of the Ascension, and it was exactly on Ascension Day 996 that Otto m was crowned emperor in Rome.7071 In his right hand Otto is holding the imperial globe, his left hand is opened in expectation, perhaps to receive the book. On his left and right are two crowned dignitaries, probably dukes, paying tribute to their ruler.72 Under this scene, we find on the left two armour-bearers, on the right two bishops. As the inscription tells us, the four apocalyptic creatures, symbols of the evangelists, “invest” the ruler’s heart with a scroll. It is their Holy Writ which, in the tangible form of the Liuthar Gospels, has become a symbol of power on a par with the crown, the globe and the mantle.73 ’’Augustus Otto” receives the crown from the hand of God, descending from a blue cross-nimbus from heaven; his rule is of Divine power and strength. Otto is depicted elevated over the earth and over the other rulers. He is represented motionless and frontal, which is even more clear when we see the movement and gestures of the figures surrounding the emperor. Otto is tacitly compared with Christ not only through the position of his arms, reminding us of Christ on the cross, but also through the use of the Maiestas-formula with mandorla and the four animals, as it had been known since Carolingian times. Otto, however, is not placed on the same footing as Christ. The emperor in his mandorla is not the central point from which the animals fan out. The animals seem to radiate from the hand of God.74 It is this hand that is crowning Otto, 70 Joachim PROCHNO, Das Schreiber- und Dedikationsbild in der deutschen Buchmalerei, i: Bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts (800-1100) (Leipzig and Berlin, 1929: Entwicklung des menschlichen Bildnisses 2), p. 36. 71 H offmann , Taufsymbolik, p. 35. Hoffmann also compares the high position o f the ruler with Liudprand”s description of his audience with the Byzantine emperor, w ho is rather suddenly raised up high in the air (Liudprand of Cremona, Liber antapodoseos vi, c. 5, ed. Joseph B ecker and tr. Albert B auer and Reinhold R au , in: Quellen zur Geschichte der sächsischen Kaiserzeit, ed. Albert B a u er and Reinhold R au , 2nd edn. (Darmstadt, 1977: Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte 8), p. 488). 72 Hoffmann, however, has argued that these are independent rulers converted by Otto. See H offmann , Taufsymbolik, p. 37. 73 Em st Günther G rimme , Das Evangeliar Ottos in. (Frankfurt am Main, 1978), p. 16. 74 H offmann , Taufsymbolik, p. 22.

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giving imperial authority its Divine splendour in the iconographical tradition that we have been able to follow since Constantine and through the Metz Sacramen­ tary. A miniature showing a coronation that at first sight seems more “realistic”, because it is not according to the “frontal and flanked” model we have encountered so far, can also be traced to the environment of Otto ill. This time, however, we have to go to Italy, which may account both for the picture’s provincial style and for the differences in representing the coronation. Folio 2 of the Sacramentary made for bishop Warmund of Ivrea (ca. 969-1011) shows the coronation of a king (Plate 6).75 It is, according to Robert Deshman, the earliest known representation of the actual liturgical ceremony. The miniature prefaces the text for a royal conse­ cration, the earliest and purest preserved text of the Early German coronationordo. This ordo was a basic source for the Mainz ordo used for the royal conse­ cration of Otto DI. The appearance of a rare German ordo in this provincial Italian Sacramentary points towards Otto III, who is probably the ruler depicted, and “the prominent placement of this particular text and its miniature at the very beginning of the manuscript pays a discreet compliment to the emperor”.76 A second corona­ tion image confirms the connection with Otto in. It is a miniature illustrating the Missa pro regibus, representing the Virgin Mary investing Otto ill with crown and sceptre, again in a composition different from the ones we have encountered so far. The titulus in the border states that the emperor Otto is crowned on behalf of the “well defended” bishop Warmund.77 Between 999 and 1001 Otto ill took Warmund’s part in a bitter dispute with Arduin the Margrave of Ivrea. The royal mass and its coronation picture express the bishop’s gratitude (the Afosa pro regibus mentions ’’imperatori nostro Ottoni”). Undoubtedly, the Sacramentary was made in Warmund’s cathedral scriptorium during these years.78 The second miniature renders the moment of crowning rather than any other event in the rite. However, Robert Deshman has drawn attention to another event in the accession ceremony alluded to in Warmund’s co-ro-nation scene, the anoint­ ment of the ruler. A cleric behind the king displays two small containers of the holy oil used to anoint the ruler. This is not the place to go into the extensive ide­ 75 MS Ivrea, Biblioteca Capitolare, lxxxvi . See: Le miniature del Sacramentario d ’Ivrea e di altri codici Warmondiani, ed. Luigi M agnani (Vatican City, 1934: Codices e Vaticanis selecti phototypice (quam simillime) expressi... Series minor 6). 76 Robert D e s h m a n , “Otto ni and the W arm und Sacramentary. A study in political theology”,

Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 34 (1971), pp. 1-20. 71 “ Pro bene defenso W arm undo presule facto m unere te dono caesar diadematis Otto”. Sec D eshman , “ Otto m and the W arm und Sacramentary”, p. 1 and note 2 (p.16). n D eshman , “Otto in and the W arm und Sacramentary”, p. 1 and note 4 (pp.16-17).

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ology concerning the salving of the ruler. Since Pippin’s anointment in 751, the Carolingian and Ottonian rulers were salved, in imitation of the kings of the Old Testament. Anointment was also part of the ceremony of baptism. From Carolin­ gian times onwards, Clovis’s baptism was interpreted as a royal anointment. It is interesting that in Warmund’s Sacramentary we find another miniature showing the baptism of Constantine the Great, in which the emperor is wearing a crown. This prominent crown implies that the unction also has connotations of imperial sacring. We have seen how medieval rulers were portrayed in the tradition of Con­ stantine’s coronation image, e.g. in the Liuthar Gospels. Here the exact opposite is found. Constantine’s accession is represented as an anointment, following the medieval tradition of royal and imperial unction. That it is the emperor Constan­ tine who receives this baptismal coronation is not accidental. Constantine, the first Christian emperor, served as an example to medieval rulers. The precedent of Constantine would have been especially significant to both Otto and Warmund. Otto appointed his friend and teacher Gerbert to the papacy in 999. Gerbert took on the name Sylvester II, referring to the first Sylvester, who had baptized Con­ stantine. The emperor and the pope together sought to create a “Renovatio Imperii Romanorum”.79 One of Otto’s first acts after making Gerbert pope was to preside jointly with him over an Easter synod in Rome condemning Warmund’s enemy Arduin.80 Emphasis on ritual and ideology seems to have augmented in the art of Henry n. His books show an even greater stress on majesty, rule and hierarchy compared to those made for Otto m.81Henry’s art expresses the ideology of Divine and royal rule especially through gesture and ritual. Indeed, Henry is the ruler most often shown being crowned. Henry Mayr-Harting has explained this emphasis by point­ ing at the struggle for succession following Otto ill’s death. Henry was the first Saxon ruler who lacked both the advantages of kingly unction and that of designa­ tion by his predecessor-the two elements of divine and ancestral appointment so prominent in art and literature concerning accessions since late Antiquity. Thietmar of Merseburg, a great supporter of Henry’s, in his description of Henry’s election stresses both Henry’s descent and his ties with God, writing: “With one voice the multitude cried out that Henry was to rule with the help of Christ and by right of inheritance”.82 Mayr-Harting finds that written texts highlight the ritualist

79 Wemer G oez, Translatio Imperii: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Geschichtsdenkens und der politischen Theorien im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit (Tübingen, 1958). 80 D eshman , “Otto III and the W arm und Sacramentary”, pp. 11-13. 81 Henry M ayr -H arting , Ottonian Book Illumination, 2 vols. (New York, 1991), 1, p. 179. 82 Thietmar, Chronicon, v , c. 3, pp. 196-197.

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aspects of Henry’s campaign for the crown. Both in texts and in images ritual was used to pursue Henry’s claim to the throne and to legitimize his authority. “ [Hen­ ry] needed every ounce of sacrality that he could muster in order to achieve and then maintain his election’.83 The coronation is one of these rituals, and a very important one, as through it could be expressed the ideology serving to legitimize Henry’s much contested succession. It showed that Henry was appointed by God. Henry had received a religious education; he had strong ecclesiastical leanings and knowledge of Church matters.84 But it was not just his religious inclination that made Henry to have himself depicted and described as chosen by God. The politi­ cal motif of reinforcing his position was at least as important. Thietmar is laconic about the coronations of other rulers. He does, however, describe the coronation of Henry n at some length, and stresses the ruler’s appointment by God by calling him ”a Deo coronato regi Heinrico”.85 In pictorial images the royal ideology was expressed through a gesture we have encountered repeatedly: the coronation by the hand of God. The coronation image in Henry’s own Sacramentary is particularly close in composition to the Metz Sacramentary. The Sacramentary of Henry II (Plate 9)86 was made at Regensburg, a city that occupied an important position as a commercial centre between the West and the Byzantine Empire.87 Henry had received his education here. He probably gave the book to his favourite foundation of Bamberg,88 to which he gave the status of diocese in the year 1007. That very year he donated many treasures and works of art to the new diocese. On 6 May 1012, Henry’s fortieth birthday, the new cathedral was consecrated and once again provided with many gifts. At either one of these two ceremonies the manuscript may have been given to the Bamberg cathedral.89 Henry is given the title rex in the verses accom­ panying the dedication miniature. This means the book must have been manufac­ tured before his imperial coronation in the year 1014. Just as the Metz Sacra­ mentary, Henry’s Sacramentary need not have been made for any specific corona­ tion, as Swarzenski has pointed out. It is the theocratic ideal of government that has been represented.90

M ayr -H arting , Ottoman Book Illumination, 1, pp. 193-195. M T schan , Saint Bernward of Hildesheim, 1, p. 125. 85 Thietmar, Chronicon, vi, c. 6, pp. 248-249. Sf> MS Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cim 4456. 87 S warzenski , Die Regensburger Buchmalerei, pp. 80-82. ss Swarzenski , Die Regensburger Buchmalerei, p. 66. 8 For the analysis of a Cistercian scriptorium, see: K.K. J a Z d z e w s k i . Lubiqz: Losy t kultura umyshwa sl.pkicgo opactwa cystersnw (1163-1642) [Lubi^i: History and intellectual culture o f a Silesian Cistercian abbey] (W roclaw. 1993), pp. 174-239. See also: Historia i kultura cystcrsów vv dawncj Polscc [History and culture o f the Cistercians in old Poland], cd. J. S i r z e l c z y k (Poznan. 1987), and Cystem w kidturze sredmowieeznej Europy [The Cistercians in medieval European culture], ed. J. S i r z e l c z y k (Poznan, 1992). 70 B. Ki'RBis, “ Pisanze i czytclnicy w Polscc xii i xm w ieku” [Authors and readers in twelfth and thirteenth-century Poland], in: Polska dziclnicowa i zjednoczona, ed. A. GiF YS/rOR (Warsaw 1972), p 172.

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ing and use of keeping a record of gifts of property or of rights.51 The twelfth century saw a flourishing of fiscal and juridical exemptions bestowed on landed property. The ecclesiastical practice of writing down an immunitas stimulated the use of charters.52The Church also contributed to the introduction of documents in public law by keeping records of its own juridical actions and by seeking similar documents from the sovereigns. Until the twelfth century, public law had had virtually no use for writing. When the legal use of the written word took off, char­ ters for the Church (bishoprics and monasteries) were at first drafted by the clerics themselves, by the beneficiaries. Royal chanceries were to be developed only later on. The twelfth century also saw ecclesiastical institutions issuing charters in their own name. However, the use of these documents was not without juridical obsta­ cles. In public law, ecclesiastical charters were considered private documents, valid only in canon law.53 In Poland, this situation lasted even until the end of the Middle Ages. From the twelfth century onwards, bishops started to use seals to corroborate their documents. In Bohemia, the oldest preserved seal is that of Henry Zdik, bishop of Olomouc; it dates from around 1141.54 In Poland, a docu­ ment of 1153 has been sealed with the sigillum of Jan, archbishop of Gniezno.55 The oldest Hungarian ecclesiastical documents date from the 1180s.56

The State Compared with the unequivocal development of ecclesiastical “pragmatic literacy”, the place of the written word in state matters was much more limited. Oral modes of communication remained most important before the tribunals. It 51 K r e j C i k o v a ,

“ Introduction

à

la sigillographie tchèque”, p. 36; I.

B o r sa

and

G . G y o r ffy ,

“Actes privés, ‘locus credibilis’ et notariat dans la Hongrie médiévale", in: Notariado público y documento privado de los orígenes al siglo XIV, 2 vols. (Valencia. 1989), 2. pp. 942-943. 52 A G ie y s z t o r ,

“Les chartes de franchises urbaines

et

rurales en Pologne au

XIIIe

siècle”, in:

Les libertés urbaines et rurales du xtlf au XiV siècle, ed. W. P r e v e n i e r (Spa. 1968), p. 105. S1 Ceskoslovenskd diplomatika, ed. J, S e b a n e k and J. R a l a (Prague. 1971), p. 37; L. M e z e y , “A nfänge der Privaturkundc in Ungam und der Glaubwürdigen Orte”, Archiv fur Diplomatik 18 (1972), pp. 290-302; K. S k u p i e n s k i , Funkcje malopohkich dokumentów w sprawach prywalnoprawnych do roku 1306 [The functions o f private charters in Lesser Poland until 1306] (Lublin, 1990). u K rejciková , “ Introduction à la sigillographie tchèque”, p. 63. ” See: Z . K o z l o w s k a - B u d k o w a , Repertorium pohkich dokumentów doby piastowskiej [Repertory of Polish documents from the era of the Piasts] (Cracow, 1937), No. 55. 56 L. Solymosi, “Chartes archiépiscopales et épiscopales en Hongrie avant 1250”, in: Diplomatik der Bischofsurkunde, pp. 159 sqq.

Die

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ANNA ADAMSKA

was to take a long time before documents were allowed to be used in public law. Only in the twelfth century the document was admitted on the same footing as oral testimony. The gradual growth in the role of documents was inspired by social, political and economical developments. In all three countries of Central Europe, the personal justice of the ruler was gradually abolished, and forms of local government developed which were very often controlled by the nobility of the region.57 In Poland, divided into a series of small principalities from 1138 on­ wards, these processes were relatively strong. At the same time, a hierarchy of court officials and a chancery were brought into being. In all three countries, the capella regia, the circle of court chaplains, was the cradle of the chancery. The beginnings of the Hungarian royal chancery are already clearly percepti­ ble during the reign of St. Stephen, who after his coronation adopted the model of the imperial bureaucracy.58 The chancery was officially organized by Béla III (1181-1190), who ordered that written proof be presented before the royal tribu­ nal.59 The position of chancellor was assumed by the archbishop of Esztergom. Around 1210 the chancery of the Hungarian queen appeared, with the bishop of Veszprem at its head.60 In Bohemia, the twelfth century saw the setting up of the ducal, then royal chancery as the central organ of government. The post of chan­ cellor pertained to the dignity of the provost of Vysehrad (definitively from 1225 onwards).61 The origins of the Polish royal chancery are unclear. Because hardly a single document promulgated by a ruler from before the second half of the elev­ enth century exists,62 the opinion has gained ground that there existed no central chancery before the feudal dismemberment of the country of 1138. According to this view, one has to wait for the social and economical changes of the thirteenth century for the emergence of small chanceries fostered by the local princes. Never­ 57 For Hungary, see: D ’E szlary , Histoire des institutions publiques hongroises, pp. 117 sqq.; E. FUGEDI, “ Verba volant... Oral culture and literacy am ong the medieval hungarian nobility”, in: Kings, Bishops, Nobles and Burghers in Medieval Hungary, ed. J.M . B ak (Aldershot, 1986), essay vi, pp. 1-25. For Poland, see: J. B ieniak, “Polska elita polityczna x n wieku (cz. 1)” [The. Polish political elite in the twelfth century (part 1)], in: Spoleczeiistwo Polski sredniowiecznej. 7 vols., ed. S.K. K uczyñski (Warsaw, 1982), 2, pp. 7-83. 58 G yorffy , “Die Anfänge der ungarischen Kanzlei”, pp. 88-89; D ’E szlary , Histoire des institutions publiques hongroises, p. 116. 59 D ’E szlary , Histoire des institutions publiques hongroises, ibid. 60 ¡bid., p. 199. 61 See Ceskoslovenská diplomatika, p. 52. 62 Until the end of the twelfth century there are only ten Polish royal charters, considered to be originals. See: I. S ulkowska -K uras , “La typologie des actes royaux polonais avant 1200”, in id .,

Typologie der Königsurkunden: Kolloquium de la Commission Internationale de Diplomatique in Olmiitz 30.8.-3.9.1992, ed. J. BlSTRlCKY (Olomouc, 1998), pp. 249-255.

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theless, the chronicle of Gallus Anonymus, written at the beginning of the twelfth century, mentions a chancellor Micha! (Michael), a member of the most powerful Polish family of the time.63 Debate on the beginnings of the Polish chancery is bound to continue... ,64 The charters issued in the name of rulers are addressed primarily to ecclesias­ tical institutions. One of the oldest princely charters which has been preserved was issued for the Bohemian collegiate church of Litomërice; it is dated 1057.65 The oldest Hungarian royal documents date from the middle of the twelfth century.66 Charters for laymen appear only in the thirteenth century, and it seems more than possible that oral procedures were long deemed sufficient for royal donations to laymen.67 The first stage of the introduction of writing already saw some efforts at draw­ ing up law codes. The legislative activities of the first Hungarian kings are aston­ ishing. The statutes of Saint Stephen (1000-1030), Saint Ladislaus (1077-1095) and king Coloman (1095-1116) “constitute the foundation of the new monarchic and Christian order”.68 The decrees of the Czech prince Bretislav I, meant to rein­ force secular and ecclesiastical power, were promulgated in 1039 during a war against Poland.6970They are probably the oldest legislative texts of the Slavic world. The first Czech collection of customary law dates from 1189.™ Bohemia was precocious within the Slavic world, for in Poland written law became possible only in the middle of the fourteenth century.71*

63 Gallus Anonymus, Chronica, il, Epistola, p. 60. w See M. B ie l d ís k a , “W kwestii pocz^tkow kancelarii polskiej” [Concerning the origins of the Polish central chancery], Studia ¿ródloznawcze: Commentationes 13 (1968), pp. 63-71. 65 Codex diplomáticas et epistolaris regni Bohemiae, 1, ed. G. F r i e d r i c h (Prague, 19041907), No. 55. See also: J. B i s t r i c k y , “Übersicht über das Urkundenwesen der böhmischen Herrscher bis zum Jahre 1197”, in: Typologie der Königsurkunden, pp. 227-233. 66 See: Gy. G y ò RFFY, “Die ungarischen Königsurkunden bis 1200”, in: Typologie der Königsurkunden, pp. 259-270; M e z e y , “Anfänge der Privaturkunde in Ungarn”, passim. 67 G. LABUDA, “Dokumenty i listy jako zródla do historií Czech i M oraw” [Chartersand letters as sources for the history o f Bohemia and Moravia], in: Slownik Starozytnosci Slowiaiiskich, 7 vols., ed. W. K owalenko a.o. (Warsaw, 1961), 1, p. 360. 65 G. B ó n is , J.M . B ak and J.R. S w eeney , “Introduction”, in: The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary, 3 vols. (Bakersfield, 1985-1990), 1, p. IX. This edition contains all Hungarian royal decreta from the Middle Ages with an English translation. 69 See Cosmas of Prague, Cronica Bohemorum, n, 4, pp. 86-88. 70 Opinion o f J. HO EN SCH , Histoire de la Bohême (Paris, 1995), p. 50. 71 Large-scale development o f written law occurs during the reign o f Kazimir the Great ( E S ­ ISTO). See-. S. R oman , Geneza statutów Kazimierza Wielkiego: Studium ¿ródloznawcze [The genesis of the statutes o f Kazimir the Great: A study of the sources] (Cracow, 1961).

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The royal and princely courts of Central Europe were the only lay milieux familiar with writing. Manuscripts were always present in the dowries brought by foreign princesses to the ruling families.72 The Premyslids, Piasts and Arpads gave dozens of liturgical books to newly-founded churches. As in the West, gifts of this type were an instrument of royal propaganda, proof of largesse as well as proof of devotion. The presence of deluxe liturgical manuscripts in the royal treasury was a materialisation of the ties between the monarch and God, and a symbol of the sacral character of his power.71

Literary Production Both the needs of the Churches and of the courts stimulated the development of literary forms in Central Europe. They controlled both the forms and the genres practised. It is no coincidence that the first literary works were hagiographical by nature. The young Churches in all three countries needed texts to show the glory of its first saints in order to inspire devotion. In Bohemia and Hungary all saints of the “first generation"’ belonged to the ruling dynasties.7374 The wife of the first Christian Czech prince, Ludmila ( f around 921) and especially her grandson Venceslaus (Vaclav) ( t between 927 and 935) were the heroes of the first Bohemian hagiographical works.75 In Hungary, hagiography treated three saints of the dy­ nasty of the Arpads: Saints Stephen (f 1038), Emeric (f 1031) and Ladislaus (f 1095).76 In Poland, no member of the ruling dynasty was venerated, and hagiogra 73 Richeza, the wife of the Polish king M ieszko it (1025-1032) c.g., w ho came from the region of Cologne, brought a copy with the Annales o f Reichenau, and from Cologne the Psalter of Egbert. See: Z. Swn c.h o w s k i , “Königin Richcza von Polen und die Beziehungen polnischer Kunst zu Köln im 11. Jahrhundert’’ Kölner Domblatt 40 (1975), pp. 27-48. 71 R . M i c h ä f o w s k i , Princeps fundator (W arsaw 1 9 89,1993) pp. 160 sqq. (see the review of A . R y b i c k a -A d a m s k a in: Revue d 'Histoire Ecclesiastique 86 (1991), pp. 608-609); G lL Y S Z tO R , “Symboles de la royauté en Pologne’’, pp. 128-129. On the model of the holy king in Central Europe, sec: F. G r a u s , “La sanctification du souverain dans l’Europe Centrale des X1 et XIe siècles”, in: Hagiographie: Cultures et sociétés ¡'/-Xi1e 5. (Pans. 1981). pp. 559-565. 7J T he edition o f all Bohemian narrative sources until the end of the twelfth century can be found in -.Fontes rerum Bohemtcarum, ed. J. E mler , 1 (Prague, 1873-1874). See also: D. T r e Su k , Pocátky Pfcmyslovcii [The origins o f the Premyslids] (Prague, 1981); W. B aumann , Die Literatur des Mittelalters in Böhmen (M unich and Vienna, 1978). 76 Edition o f the wine in: Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum, 2, ed. E. SZENTPhTERY (Budapest 1938). On the vita of St. Ladislaus, see: G. K l a n i c z a y and E. M a d a s , “ La Hongrie", v Hagiographies 2, ed. G. Putt i p p a r t (Tum hout. 1996: Corpus Christianorum s.n.), pp. 105-16 G. K l a n i c z a y , “ L ’Image chevaleresque du saint roi au X IIe siècle”, in: La royauté sacré dans

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phy concentrated on saints from ecclesiastical environments: St. Adalbert and the five hermits martyred in 1003.77 We also have prayers and religious chants from the first stage of the introduc­ tion of writing. These genres seem rather more “fragile”, as by nature they func­ tioned according to the rules of orality. All the more interesting, therefore, is the eleventh-century collection of prayers contained in the Codex Gertrudianus. Its author probably was princess Gertrud, of the Piast dynasty.78 From Bohemia come the hymns Hospodine pomiluj ny (datable to the tenth century) and Svaty Václave (twelfth century).79 The first historiographical notices and works were doubtlessly inspired by lay environments. An aristocratic lay public of kings and powerful lords demanded stories about kings courageous in battle and wise in peacetime. Narratives of this kind are found in the work of an anonymous chronicler, generally known as Gallus Anonymus. In the years 1112-1115/6 he put into writing the oldest history of the Polish dynasty of the Piasts and their patrimony.80 According to his own testi­ mony, the work, written in rhythmical rimed prose, was written at the demand of Micha!, chancellor to king Bolesîaw III the Wry-mouth. Bolesîaw himself had presented the author, who was a foreigner, with most of the necessary informa­ tion.81In this way, the oral traditions of the court were put into writing. The chron­ icle, which is trustworthy for the facts it contains, is the most important written source on the Polish early Middle Ages. Similar stories of heroism written for an aristocratic lay public can be found in Hungarian historiography. Probably around the turn of the eleventh century a series of historiographical notices was written, together known as the “lost Gesta”, traces of which have been found in later histo­ riographical works.82 The first of these extant works are the Gesta Ungarorum monde occidental, ed. A. B oureau and C.-S. INGELFLOM (Paris, 1992), pp. 53-61. 77 Edition of the vitae in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, new series 4,1-3, ed. J. K ar w asiñska (Warsaw, 1962-1973). See also: J. Karwasinska , Pisma wybrane: Swiçty Wojciech [Selected essays: St. Adalbert] (Warsaw, 1996). On Bruno of Querfurt, the author of these works, see p. 23. 73 Manuscriptum Gertrudae filiae Mesconis et regis Poloniae, ed. W. MEYSZTOWICZ (Rome, 1955: Antemurale 2). See also: MlCHALOWSKA, Sredniowiecze, pp. 99-102. 79 Edited in M ares , An Anthology of Church Slavonic Texts. 80 Gallus Anonymus, Chronica,passim. The immense bibliography about the author and his w ork has recently been collected by Cz. D eptula , Galla Anonima mit genezy Polski: Studium z historiozofii i hermeneutyh. symboli dziejopisarstwa sredniowiecznego [The myth o f the genesis of Poland according to Gallus Anonymus: A study o f the historiography and the hermeneutics of symbols in medieval historiography] (Lublin, 1990). 81 Gallus Anonymus, Chronica, I, Epistola, p. 1. 82 M acartney , The Medieval Hungarian Historians, pp. 20 sqq.

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Anonymi, written around 1200.83 The first Bohemian historiographical work, the chronicle of the Prague canon Cosmas, was conceived at the beginning of the twelfth century. He started his work in 1110, and continued it until his death in 1125.84The works mentioned may be considered “national chronicles” in that they give predominance in their country’s history to the ruling dynasty; they present an “official” account of the beginning of the nation and the state. Naturally, the origi­ nes are accompanied by supernatural events to prove the exceptional origin of the dynasty. In this, they are altogether similar to the historiography of the “barbar­ ian” peoples of the early medieval West, in which myths about origins also play an important role.85 The second Polish chronicle, that of Magister Vincendus (ca. 1150-1223), presents a myth in which the Poles battle valiantly against Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar.86

L atin L itera cy a n d the C entral E uropean L iterates After this short summary of the first presence of the written word in Central Europe, a few general remarks on the forms and levels of literacy seem in order. The language of the written word was unquestionably Latin, although, as we have seen, there were exceptions to this rule. There are for instance charters of St. Stephen of Hungary in demotic Greek for the monastery of Veszprem, which followed the Orthodox rite.87 From the twelfth century onwards, in Polish charters one finds ever more words in the vernacular, mainly legal terms, and place names.88 As for liturgical texts, we have seen the exceptional plight of Bohemia, due to the mission of Saints Cyril and Methodios. Here, the use of the vernacular was not limited to the liturgy: the first Bohemian hagiographical texts were also written in the vernacular. The oldest version of the legend of St. Venceslaus, for 63 P. magistri, qm Anonymus dicitur, Gesta Hungarorum, ed. A. JAKUBOVICH, in: Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum 1 (Budapest, 1937), pp. 13-119, an edition w hich has recently been replaced by Die “Gesta Hungarorum ” des anonymen Notars, cd. G. SlLAGl (Sigmaringen, 1991). 84 For the bibliography on Cosmas, see: D. T ke Stik , Kosmova kronika [The Chronicle of Cosmas] (Prague, 1968). 85 D eptula , Galla Anonima mit genezy Polski, p. 158. 86 Magistri Vincendi dicti Kadlubek Chronica Polonorum, ed. M. P lezia , in: Monumenta PoloniaeHistorica, new series 11 (Cracow, 1994). The bibliography has been collected in: “Mistrz Winccnty Kadlubek-pierwszy uczony polski-w 750-lccie smierci” [Magister Vincendus as the first Polish scholar-on the 750th anniversary of his death], Studia ¿ ródloznawcze: Commentationes 20 (1976), pp. 3-132. On M agister Vincendus, see also infra, p. 25. 87 G yorffy , “Die Anfänge der ungarischen Kanzlei”, pp. 91-92. 88 MlCHALOWSKA, Sredniowiecze, pp. 154-156.

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instance, was written in Slavic.89 At the end of the twelfth century the first texts written in Czech and Hungarian appear.90 For the time being, however, Latin held sway in written culture. It is worthwhile to reflect on the consequences of the diglossia written La­ tin-spoken vernacular, which was the norm here as elsewhere in medieval Latini­ tas. Problems might occur when juridical terms from oral customary law had to be expressed in Latin, the language of the first charters. Imported written Latin re­ ferred to different sets of legal realities.91 The vernaculars can be seen to enrich Latin vocabulary, thereby forming a Latin characteristic of Central Europe.92 At the same time, due to the Latin of the missionaries and the clerics who succeeded them, the vocabulary of the vernaculars was enriched by Latin. However, new words for religion and worship were often not borrowed from Latin directly, but through the intermediary of the German dialects of foreign clergymen. With the reception of Christianity came the gradual assimilation of certain elements of Western civilization, such as the ecclesiastical calendar and its Latin vocabulary and the institution of the school. The number of lexical borrowings in the vernacu­ lars grew very slowly during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Polish, for in­ stance, kept almost all the names for the months it had known before the period of the Latinization of the calendar. Only the words for March (marzec) and May (maj) are loanwords.93 In all three countries of Central Europe, the number of people having direct access to the written word was very limited in this first stage of the introduction of writing. The literates came exclusively from the secular and regular clergy. For a 89 See: A A venarius, “Prvá slovanská Vaclavská legenda a slovanslá kultura v Cechach v 10 storaci” [The first Life of St. Venceslaus and tenth-century Slavic culture in Bohemia], in: Typologie rane feudálnich slovanskych státu (Prague, 1987), pp. 275-292. 90 L. C zioany , The Oxford History o f Hungarian Literature (Oxford, 1984), p. 16. 91 See e.g., A B ogucki, “Zbadari nad terminologie ¿róde! polskich do polowy xiv w .” [Studies on the vocabulary of Polish sources until the middle of the fourteenth century], Studia ¿ród/oznawcze: Commentationes 19 (1974), pp. 38-45; K. O rzechowski, “ ‘Terra’ w dokum entach slqskich do koñca x iv wieku” [“Terra” in Silesian charters until the end o f the fourteenth century], Sobótka 40 (1985), No. 2, pp. 225-251. 92 This becomes clear by leafing through the “national” dictionaries o f medieval Latin: Latinitatis medii aevii lexicon Bohemorum (Prague, 1977-); Lexicon mediae et infimae latinitatis Polonorum, ed. M. P lezia (Cracow, 1957-); and Lexicon latinitatis medii aevii Hungariae, cd. J. H a rm atta and I. B oronkai (Budapest, 1987-). See also: K. W eyssenhoff -B rozkowa , Wptyw polszczyzny na iacinç sredniowiecznq w Polsce [The influence of the Polish language on medieval Latin in Poland] (Cracow, 1991 ), passim. 91 J. D owiat , “ Srodki przekazywania mysli” [Means o f communication], in: Kultura Polski sredniowieeznej x-xm w. [The culture o f medieval Poland, tenth-thirteenth centuries], cd. J. DowiAr (Warsaw, 1985), pp. 206 sqq.

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long time, they were also foreigners. In Bohemia and Poland, most bishops came from the Empire; in Hungary, most of them came from France.The author of the second legend of St. Adalbert (Nascitur purpureus flos) and of the Life of the five hermits, was Bruno of Querfurt (ca. 9 7 4 - 1 0 0 9 ) .94 Another foreigner who influ­ enced the culture of the written word in Poland was Gallus Anonymus, whom we have met before. Several generations of medievalists have tried to analyze the descriptio this anonymous chronicler gives of himself, and his declaration that he started his work “lest I ate Polish bread for nothing”.95 The present consensus seems to be that he was a French Benedictine, probably educated in the school of Hildebert of Lavardin.9697Foreign contributions to Hungarian written culture were also considerable. Geliert (Gerhard), the bishop of Csanád and the author of the theological tract Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum97 who was canon­ ised in 1 0 8 3 , came from the North of Italy.98 It was probably a monk from the Empire who, at the end of the eleventh century, wrote the Legenda maior of St. Stephen.99 Only in the twelfth century do we encounter the first native literates. Then, the period of travels in search of Western scholastic erudition begins. For Central Europeans, Liège, Paris and Bologna became the main destinations. Ever more Czechs and Poles went to Italy, whereas the Hungarians had a strong preference for France. The two marriages of king Béla III (ca. 1 1 4 8 - 1 1 9 6 ) with French prin­ cesses (Anne of Châtillon and Marguerite Capet) as well as the activities of French clerics, especially Cistercians, were to lead to the permanent presence of Hungarian students at the University of Paris.100

94 S. Adalberli Pragensis episcopi Vita altera auctore Brunone Querfiirtensi, ed. J. K arwa SINSKA, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, new series 4,2 (Warsaw, 1969); Vita quinque fratrum eremitarum [seu] Vita nel passio Benedicti et Iohannis sociorumque suorum auctore Brunone Querfiirtensi, ed. J. K arwasinska [in :] ibid. 4,3 (Warsaw, 1973). 95 “ ... ne frustra panem polonicam m anducarem ” (Gallus Anonym us, Chronica, in, Epistola, p. 120. 96 M. P lezia, “Nowe studia nad Gallem Anonimem”, in: Mente et litteris (Poznan, 1984), pp. 65 sqq. 97 Sancti Gerardi Episcopi Chanadiensis Scripta et Acta, ed. I. DEB atthyan (Albo-Carolinae, 1970), pp. 1-297. See: L. SzhGFU, “La missione politica ed ideologica di San Gerardo in Ungheria”, in: Venezia e Ungheria nel Rinascimento, ed. V. B ranca (Florence, 1973), pp. 23-36. 98 See: G. SiLAGl, “Gerhard”, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters 4, col. 1312. 99 M acartney , The Medieval Hungarian Historians, p. 27. 100 E. Fugedi , “Les intellectuels et la société dans la Hongrie médiévale”, in: Intellectuels français, intellectuels hongrois, ed. J. Le G off and B. K opeczi (Budapest and Paris, 1975), reprint! in: ID, Kings, Bishops, Nobles and Burghers in Medieval Hungary, Essay vu , pp. 1-14.

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The first generation of native authors begins with Cosmas, the Prague canon who wrote the first Bohemian chronicle (f 1125). His knowledge of Classical authors and of the ars dictandi was acquired at the renowned cathedral school of Liège.101 In the thirties of the twelfth century, one of the first Polish intellectuals, Jan, archbishop of Gniezno, had probably studied there as well.102 Around 1200, Poland will possess in Magister Vincentius Kadlubek a learned chronicler whose erudition is even more impressive than that of Cosmas. Having studied at Bolo­ gna, he left an account of Polish history which is at the same time a political and philosophical treatise, full of quotations from auctores, theological and juridical works.103 Two important groups of milieux can be distinguished among these clerical literates. The first is that of the cathedral milieux centred on the bishops. Rather than the monasteries, the cathedrals were the first intellectual centres of Central Europe. Everywhere it was at the cathedrals that the first systematic annalistic records were kept. In Prague annalistic notices are made from the tenth century onwards (although the exact date at which they were begun is still in dispute).104 In Poland, because of the pagan reaction which destroyed Gniezno in the middle of the eleventh century, the cathedral milieu of Cracow became the predominant centre of learning. It was here that annals began to be kept and a relatively large library was collected, the contents of which are known through inventories drawn up in 1101 and 1110. Among the titles of its 53 manuscripts can be found texts of Boethius, Gregory the Great and Isidore of Seville, but also Classical authors such as Sallust and Terence.105 The second group of milieux was that of the central (most often royal) chan­ ceries. They were true concentrations of literates, and in time became centres of intellectual and literary life.106 The Hungarian royal chancery, for instance, whose structures were influenced by those of the Empire and France, saw the compilation

101 T r e s t ÍK, Kosmova

kronika, passim.

102 See: B. KÜRBIS, “Cystersi w kulturze polskiego sredniowiecza: Trzy swiadectwa z XII w ieku” [The Cistercians in medieval Polish culture: Three witnesses of the twelfth century], in: Historia i ¡cultura cystersów, pp. 321-342. 103 See note 83. 104 BUJNOCH, “Kirche und lateinische Literatur im Mittelalter”, p. 361, and, for a different opinion, T r e s t ÍK, Pocátky Premyslovcû, pp. 104-114. 105 M iCHALOwska , Sredniowiecze, p. 46. 106 On the cultural role o f the medieval chanceries see, in general: Canediaria e cultura nel

Medio Evo: Journées d ’Etudes de la Commission internationale de diplomatique, Stuttgart, 29-30 août 1985 (Vatican, 1990), and in particular R.-H. B autier , “ Chancellerie et culture au Moyen Age”, ibid., pp. 1-75.

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of historiographical works.107 Each chancery expressed in its literary output the will and interests of the monarch. What was the level of access to writing of the members of the ruling dynas­ ties, who formed the apex of the lay elites? Were they able to read, and thereby to enter the world of the litteratiï Unfortunately, our knowledge of this topic is lim­ ited. Nevertheless there are sources for each dynasty of Central Europe. As we have already observed, the Premyslids learned to read with the aid of psalters in Latin and Slavic. That the girls, too, may have learnt to read, can be concluded from the observation that princess Mlada-Maria was “learned in the Scriptures”.108 According to his Legenda minor, the first Hungarian king, St. Stephen, not only learnt to read, but also to write.109 However, the hagiographical character of the Legend calls for some doubts about the reliability of this observation. As for the Piasts, we have a snippet of information about the education of king Mieszko II (1025-1034). At the beginning of his reign (1025-1027), he received a deluxe copy of the Liber officiorum of Ps.-Alcuin from Matilda, the daughter of Her­ mann, Prince of Suabia. Matilda at the time was married to the duke Frederick of Lorraine (1026-1033). In the letter accompanying the gift, the young addressee’s Christian and royal virtues are praised together with his linguistic abilities: “Who has put together so many languages in the praise of God? Whereas you might have venerated God decently in your own language and in Latin, that was not enough for you, and you wished to add Greek to them”.110 One is led to think that his linguistic ability means that Mieszko was able to read Scripture in three lan­ guages. Where Mieszko learnt to read is not clear. Maybe the study of Greek was

107 M alyusz , “La chancellerie royale et la rédaction des chroniques”, passim. I0K "... sacris litteris erudita” (Cosm as of Prague, Chronicon, pars I, 22, p. 42). 109 Et puer adhuc scientia grammatice artis ad plene imbutus est (Legenda sancti Stephani regis minor), ed. E. B artoniek (Budapest, 1938: Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum 2.3). n° i-Qlljs i,j ¡andati j)ei totidem coadunavit linguas? cum in propria et in latina Deum digne venerari posses, in hoc tibi non satis, graecam superaddere maluisti”, ed. as: “List Matyldy do Micczyslawa i f [The letter of Matilda to Mieczyslaw il] by A. B ielow ski , in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica 1 (Lwow, 1864), p. 323. See E. M utherich , “ Epistola Mathildis: Eine wieraufgefundend Handschrift”. Studia 2,ródbznawcze: Commentationes 26 (1981), pp. 73-78; G. Labuda , Mieszl ¡i, Krôl Pohki (1025-1034) [Mieszko II, King of Poland (1025-1034)] (Cracow, 1992), pp. 62 sq >

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already possible in the surroundings of the first archbishops of Gniezno?111 Or maybe Matilda merely exaggerated Mieszko’s abilities?

Illiterates It is clear that in the first stage of the introduction of writing the uses of the written word were quite limited. Equally limited was the number of people who had reason to resort to writing and had the ability to do so. Writing functioned rather like a supplementary form of communication, with the bulk of the popula­ tion unable to participate in Latin written culture. If laymen used graphic symbols at all in everyday life, they were not alphabetical. Pictograms and geometrical designs to mark roads and properties did exist. In Silesia, for example, even today the thirteenth-century pillars that demarcated the property of the bishops of Wroc­ law remain in situ, engraved with crosses and croziers.112 These signs were clear to illiterates, and may be considered a substitute for writing. But laymen did not themselves use the alphabet. Illiterates came into contact with written texts when they saw the inscriptions in churches, the legends on coins and on seals.113 Coins, produced by the thousand, mobile and durable by their very nature, carried messages which were recognized as such. Being able to read accurately their signs was a different matter. Even if they were conscious of the importance of inscriptions, illiterates needed help to understand them. This type of contact with writing may easily have led to the use of writing and written texts for magical purposes.114 111 L a b u d a , Mieszko //, pp. 27-28; J. D o w i a t , “ Ksztalcenie umyslowe synów ksiqzçcycb i moznowladczych w Polsce i niektorych kiajach sqsiednich w x - x i i w. [The education of the sons of princes and noblemen in Poland and in neighbouring countries, tenth-twelfth centuries], in- Polska w swiecie (Warsaw, 1972), pp. 57-93. B. K ü r b i s , “Slavisch, Lateinisch und Grechiseli. An der Schwelle der lateinischen Schriftkultur in Polen”, in: Lateinische Kultur im 10. Jahrhundert: Akten des 1. Internationalen Mittelalteiner-Kongresses, Heidelberg 12-15.ix.1988, ed. W. BERSCHIN (Stuttgart, 1991), pp. 235-248. 112 D owiat , “Srodki przekazywania mysli”, pp. 225 sqq. 113 R. K j e r S n o w s k i , Moneta w kulturze wieków srednich [Coinage in medieval culture] (Warsaw, 1988). 114 On this topic, see, in general: M. M o s t e r t , “ La magie de l’écrit dans le haut Moyen Age: Quelques réflexions générales”, in: Haut Moyen Age: Culture, éducation et société: Études offertes à Pierre Riché, ed. M. S ot (Paris, 1990), pp. 272-281; ID., “De magie van het geschreven word”, in: De betovering van het mtddeleeuwse Christendom: Studies over ritueel en magie in de Middeleeuwen, ed. M. MOSTERT and A DEMY1TENÆRE (Hilversum, 1995: Amsterdamse Historische Reeks: Grote Serie 22), pp. 61-100.

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The N ex t Sta g es in the Introduction o f W riting The situation begins to change in the thirteenth century, which signified a new stage in the development of literate modes of behaviour in the three countries of Central Europe. Characteristic of this new stage is the astonishing take-off of pragmatic literacy in response to factors which changed the economy and the social structures of the region. The “German colonization” East of the Elbe, or rather the “colonization according to German law”, was followed by economic prosperity and the development of town life. Towns were to make excellent use of the possibilities of writing. One also sees the reception of Roman law in political ideology. The implementation of the model of the sovereign monarch as expressed in the concept of the Corona regni needed an efficacious bureaucracy. The first universities in Central Europe, those of Prague (founded in 1346) and Cracow (founded in 1363 and re-founded in 1400) became the nursery of indigenous intel­ lectual milieux that did no longer feel the need to set off for Italy or France in search of an education. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the vernaculars were emancipated and become languages of writing. The Czech language was the first to be written down; the Hussite revolution of 1416 was to accelerate the development of Czech as a literary language. The fifteenth century may be characterized as the third and final phase of the introduction of writing, when the written word permeates the fibre of Bohemian, Polish and Hungarian social life-even if there remain certain areas in which orality continues to be preeminent. Central Europe participates actively in European cultural exchange, digesting Renaissance thought and providing the budding Ref­ ormation with some of its more radical ideas. Although in the space of an article it is impossible to deal with all aspects of the topic, I hope to have shown at least the outline of the process. As with the study of medieval written communication in Western Europe, much may be hoped from rereading the written sources from this relatively new perspective. A compar­ ison with post-Roman Western Europe also imposes itself. Only if the cultural history of the “peripheral” zones of Western civilization is taken on board, may one discern what was common to the development of literacy, and what was mere­ ly peculiar to a particular region. A comparative approach on a pan-European level is needed in order to answer the general question whether there was indeed a single process of “literalisation”, and, if so, where it originated. A comparative approach on the level of Central Europe is needed to find out which characteristics of “literalisation” were common to Bohemia, Poland and Hungary, and in which

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respects these countries went their different ways. Much research remains to he done before even an approximate answer to these questions may he given.11*

Next page: Bohemia, Poland and Hungary 1050-1300. From: The Cambridge Medieval History, cd. C.W. PRlivm'i-ORTON and Z.N. Brookh, Volume o f Maps (Cambridge, 1930), Map 63. ,l} The development of this them e is in preparation for a volume to he published in

Studies in Medieval Literacy.

Utrecht

ANNA ADAMSKA

.'-V

190

Part III

A Bibliography of Works on Medieval Communication MARCO MOSTERT

1. Introductions 195 1.1 Theory of literacy and (written) communication; 1.2 Orality versus the culture of the written word (in the Middle Ages); 1.3 Anthropological and sociological contributions to the debate; 1.4 Psychological contributions to the debate 2. Surveys o f the introduction and development o f written culture 201 2.1 From Antiquity to the present; 2.2 Antiquity; 2.3 Byzantium; 2.4 The Middle Ages; 2.5 Italy; 2.6 Iberian peninsula; 2.7 France; 2.8 Germany; 2.9 Low Countries; 2.10 England; 2.11 Ireland and the “Celtic fringe”; 2.12 Scandinavia; 2.13 Central and Eastern Europe; 2.14 Jews; 2.15 After the Middle Ages 3. Forms o f non-verbal communication 218 3.1 Smells; 3.2 Colours; 3.3 Gestures; 3.4 Symbolic objects; 3.5 Clothes; 3.6 Visual arts; 3.7 Visual images and texts; 3.8 Music 4. Ritual 225 4.1 Political ritual and ceremony 5. Oral communication 228 5.1 Silence; 5.2 Language; 5.3 The problem of Latin; 5.4 The problem of the vernaculars

MARCO MOSTERT

194

6. Oral and written memory 234 6.1 Classical Antiquity; 6.2 Middle Ages; 6.3 “Lieux de mémoi­ re”; 6.4 The past in primarily oral societies; 6.5 Oral tradition 7. Teaching, mainly o f reading and writing 242 7.1 Antiquity; 7.2 Middle Ages 8. Production and use o f written texts 246 8.1 Script and script forms; 8.2 Book production and use; 8.3 Reading and the reception of texts; 8.4 The printed word 9. The preservation o f written texts 260 10. Correspondence 260 11. Mandarin literacy 261 12. The use o f writing by different social groups 262 12.1 Clergy and laymen; 12.2 Aristocrats; 12.3 Peasants; 12.4 Town dwellers; 12.5 Women 13. The use o f writing in government, management and trade 268 13.1 Legislation; 13.2 Charters; 13.3 Jurisdiction and dispute settlement; 13.4 Government; 13.5 Management; 13.6 Trade 14. Literature 276 14.1 “Oral” literature; 14.2 The composition of oral literature; 14.3 Performance; 14.4 Iberian literature; 14.5 Italian literature; 14.6 French literature; 14.7 German literature; 14.8 Dutch litera­ ture; 14.9 Old English literature; 14.10 Middle English literature; 14.11 Celtic literature; 14.12 Scandinavian literature; 14.13 Central and Eastern European literature; 14.14 Arab and Middle Eastern literatures 15. Religion and writing 292 15.1 Middle Ages and early modern times; 15.2 Hagiography; 15.3 Magic of the written word 16. The symbolism o f the book 296 Subject index Index of modern authors and editors

T?

297 304

is bibliography is not meant to be inclusive; it is merely hoped it will be of some service to the scholar who wishes to investigate o certain aspects of medieval communication.

195

Bibliography

In many cases it proved difficult to decide under which heading a title might best be placed. It is clear that there is an important amount of over­ lap between the sections of the bibliography. This is also evident from the internal cross-references, which more often than not refer to works in other sections. To make sure the user will find all titles relevant to his interests, two indices have been added, consultation of which will probably prove rewarding. The bibliography is based on an earlier effort, published in 1995 in Communicatie in de Middeleeitwen (No. 189 in the present bibliogra­ phy). It numbered a mere 702 titles, whereas the present bibliography numbers 1580 titles. The increase is due not only to the continuing interest of medievalists in matters relating to medieval communication, but also by the inclusion of several new sections. In addition, an effort has been made to include a representative selection of work done in Scandinavia and the countries of East Central Europe. Many have brought publications to my attention. In particular I would like to thank the members of the “Pionier project Verschriftelijking” of the University of Utrecht (among whom Anna Adamska was responsible for most of the references to Czech, Polish and Hungarian materials), Michael Clanchy (London) and Inger Larsson (Stockholms Universitet). Janneke Raaijmakers, now of the University of Amsterdam, helped compile an impressive list of additions to the 1995 bibliography on the basis of the electronic International Medieval Bibliography and the International Bibliography o f the Modern Languages Association. Needless to say, all errors and inconsistencies in the following pages are my own.

1. Introductions

1.1 1

Theory o f Literacy and (Written) Communication

B a rtoli La n g e l i , A , “(A lfabetism o e cultura scritta:) P rem e ssa alla p arte m o n o ­ g ra fica”,

Quaderni storici 38

(1 9 7 8 ), p p . 4 3 7 -4 5 0 .

2

B a rtoli L a n geli , A , “S toria dell’alfab etism o e m eto d o q u a n titativ o ” , Annuario de estudios medievales 21 (1 9 9 1 ), p p . 3 4 7 -3 6 7 .

3 4

B izzell , P., “A g u in g ab o u t literacy” , College English 5 0 (1 9 8 8 ), pp. 1 4 1 -1 5 3 . B o rm u th , J.R., “V alue and volum e o f literacy”, Visible Language 12 (1 9 7 8 ), pp. 1 1 8 -1 6 1 .

196 5 6

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C a m p b e l l , J., Grammatical Man: Information, Entropy, Language and Life (Harmondsworth, 1982). C a r e y , J.W ., “A c u ltu ra l a p p ro a c h to co m m u n ica tio n ” , Communication 2 (1 9 7 5 ), p p . 1-22.

7

Communication Theory Today, ed. D. C r o w l e y and D. M it c h e l l (Cambridge,

8

1 9 94). C o o k -G u m per z , I., and J.J. G u m p e r z ,

10

“From oral to written culture: The transi­ tion to literacy”, in: Writing: The Nature, Development and Teaching of Written Communication, ed. M.F. W h it e m a n , 2 vols. (New Jersey, 1 9 8 1 ), p p . 8 9 -1 0 9 . D a u z a t , S .V ., an d J.A . D a u z a t , “ L iteracy: In q u e s t o f a d efin itio n ”, Conver­ gence 10 (1 9 7 7 ), p p . 3 7 -4 1 . E h l ic h , K., “Funktion und Struktur schriftlicher Kommunikation”, in: No. 132,

11

l , p p . 1 8 -4 1 . E i s e n b e r g , P.,

12

1380. E sc a r p it ,

9

“Sprachsystem und Schriftsystem”, in: No. 132, 2, pp. 1368-

R L ’écrit et la communication, 3rd edn. (Paris, 1984: Que sais-je?

546). 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

E v a n s , J.D., “Medieval

studies and semiotics: Perspectives on research”, Semi­ otica 63 (1987), pp. 13-32. G e ie r , M., “Sekundäre Formen der Schrift”, in: No. 132,1, pp. 678-686. G l u c k , H., “Schriften im Kontakt”, in: No. 132,1, pp. 745-766. G o o d m a n , T.A., “On literacy”, Exemplaria: A Journal of Theory in Medieval and Renaissance Studies 8 (1996), pp. 459-472. G u ir a u d , P., La Sémiologie (Paris, 1971) [English tr.: Semiology (London, 1975)]. H a b e r m a s , J., Communication and the Evolution of Society (Boston, 1979). H a r r is , R., The Origin o f Writing (London, 1986). H a r r is , R., “Ecriture et notation” [preceded b y a “Presentation” b y E. F e r r e ir o ], in: No. 6 4 , pp. 1 1 -44.

21

H a r r is , R ., “ W ritin g a n d N o ta tio n ” , in: N o . 1 32, 2 , p p . 1 5 5 9 -1 5 6 8

22 23

R., Signs of Writing (London, 1995). Kulturelle Perspektiven aufSchrift und Schreibprozesse: E lf Aufsätze zum The­ ma “Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit”, ed. W . RAIBLE (T ü b in g e n , 1 9 9 5 : ScriptOralia 72). L ea c h , E ., Culture and Communication: The Logic by Which Symbols are Con­ nected: An Introduction to the Use of Structuralist Analysis in Social Anthro­ pology (Cambridge, 1976). Materialität der Kommunikation, ed. H.U. G u m b r e c h t and K.L. P f e if f e r (Frankfurt a.M., 1988). O o m k e s , F.R., Communicatieleer: Een inleiding (Meppel and Amsterdam. 1986).

24

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R a u m olin -B r u n be rg , H ., “H istorical s o c io lin g u istics” , in: Sociolinguistics and Language History: Studies Based on the Corpus of Early English Correspon­ dence, ed. T . N e v a l a in e n an d H . R a u m o l in -B r u n b e r g (A m sterd am , 1996: Language and Computers: Studies in Practical Linguistics 1 5 ), p p . 11-37.

28

S h a n n o n , C .E., “T he m athem atical theory o f com m unication”, in: C .E . S h a n n o n a n d W . W e a v e r , The Mathematical Theory o f Communication (U rb an a , 111.,

29

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30

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1 9 4 9 ), p p . 2 9 -1 1 5 .

1.2 31

32

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B àuml , F.H ., “M edieval literacy and illiteracy: A n essa y to w ard th e co n stru c tio n o f a m o d e l” , in: Germanic Studies in Honor of Otto Springer, ed. S .J. K a p LOWITT (P ittsb u rg h , 1 9 7 8 ), p p . 4 1 -5 4 . B ä u m l , F .H ., “ V a rieties an d c o n se q u en c es o f m ed iev a l lite ra cy and illiteracy” ,

Speculum 5 5 33 34

(1 9 8 0 ), p p . 2 3 7 -2 6 5 . B ä u m l , F .H ., “T h e d is s a p p e a ra n c e o f th e te x t”, in: N o. 7 1 , p p . 8 3 -8 6 . B e tten , A ., “Zur P roblem atik der A bgrenzung von M ü n d lich k eit u n d S c h riftlich ­ keit b ei m ittelalterlichen Texten”, in: Neuere Forschungen zur historischen Syn­

tax des Deutschen: Referate der internationalen Fachkonferenz Eichstätt 1989, ed . A . B e t t e n an d C .M . R ie h l (T ü b in g e n , 1 9 9 0 : Reihe Germanistische Lin­ guistik 1 0 3 ), p p . 3 2 4 -3 3 5 . 35

B r a n d t , R ., “ Phänom ene ‘struktureller A m n e s ie ’ in d e r S c h riftk u ltu r d es M itte l­ alters: N e b s t zw e ie r p o lem isch e r C lag -red en ü b e r In te rd iszip lin a rität un d den m orbus nostalgicus O ng”, in: Vergessen: Entdecken: Erhellen: Literaturwissen­

schaftliche Aufsatze, ed. J. D r e w s (B ielefeld, 1993: Bielefelder Schriften zu Linguistik und Literaturwissenschaft 2), p p . 3 1 -5 6 . 36 37

C l a n c h y , M .T ., “ In tro d u c tio n ” , in this v o lu m e, p p . 3 -1 3 . D a v is , A .B ., “E p ilo g u e: D e S cien tia Inte rp re ta n d i: O ra l tra d itio n and th e place o f other theories in the graduate cu rricu lu m ”, in: Speaking Two Languages: Tra­

ditional Disciplines and Contemporary Theory in Medieval Studies, ed . A .J. F r a n t z e n (A lbany, 1991: SUNYStudies in Medieval Studies), p p . 2 1 1 -2 4 . 38 39 40

D e J o n g , M ., “H et perkam enten w oord: O ver schrift en c u ltu u r in d e v ro e g e M idd ele eu w e n ” , Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 10 6 (1 9 9 3 ), pp. 10-22. D e J o n g , M ., “ G e le tte rd en on g ele tte rd : Z in en o n zin v an een teg e n ste llin g ”, in: N o. 2 0 3 , p p . 9 -3 1 . D o w n e s , J ., “ O r(e)ality : T h e n atu re o f tru th in o ra l s ettin g s” , in: N o . 6 6 9 , pp. 1 2 9 -1 4 4 .

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E y r e G , and J. B a in e s , “ In te rac tio n s b e tw e e n o ra lity and literacy” , in: N o . 123,

42

p p . 9 1 -1 1 9 . F in n e g a n , R .H ., “W h a t is orality, i f anything?”, Byzantine

and Modern Greek

studies 14 (1 9 9 0 ), p p . 1 3 0 -1 5 0 . 43

F le t c h e r , B .Y ., and A L H a r r is , “ O n th e co n c e p t o f ‘p o p u la r’ in M id d le E n g ­

44

lis h poetry” , English Studies 7 3 (1 9 9 2 ), p p . 2 9 2 -2 9 9 . G a t c h , M . M c G , “T h e m e d iev a list and c u ltu ra l lite ra cy ” , Speculum 6 6 (1 9 9 1 ),

pp. 591-604. 45

G o e t sch , P ., “D e r Ü bergang v o n M ündlichkeit zu S chriftlichkeit: D ie k u ltu r-k ri­

Symboli­ sche Formen-Medien-Identität: Jahrbuch 1989-90 des Sonderforschungs­ bereichs “Übergänge und Spannungsfelder zwischen Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit”, ed. W . R a íb l e (Tübingen, 1 9 9 1 : ScriptOralia 3 7 ), p p . 1 1 3 -1 2 9 . tischen Im plikationen der T heorien von M cL uhan, G o o d y u n d O n g ” , in:

46

G r e e n , D .H ., “O rality a n d re ad in g : T h e state o f re se a rc h in m e d iev a l stu d ie s”,

47

Speculum 65 (1 9 9 0 ), p p . 2 6 7 -2 8 0 . H a v el o ck , E A , The Muse Learns to Write: Reflections on Orality and Literacy from Antiquity to the Present (L o n d o n an d N e w H a v en , 1 9 8 6 ).

48

H e n ig e , D ., “O ral, bu t oral w hat? T h e no m en clatu res o f o ra lity and th eir im p lic a­

49

tio n s” , Oral Tradition 3 (1 9 8 8 ), p p . 2 2 9 -2 3 8 . H o r n b e r g e r , N .H ., “ O ra l an d lite ra te c u ltu re s ”, in: N o . 1 3 2 ,1 , p p . 4 2 4 -4 3 1 .

50

L u m pp , R.F., “W alter Jackson O ng, S.J.: A b io g ra p h ic a l p o rtra it” ,

51

2 ( 1 9 8 7 ) , p p . 1 3 -30. M c K it t e r ic k , R ., “ In tro d u c tio n ”, in: N o . 2 3 1 , p p . 1 -1 0 .

Oral Tradition

54

M c K it t e r ic k , R ., “C o n clu sio n ” , ibid., p p . 3 1 9 -3 3 3 . M o s t e r t , M ., “ C o m m u n ic atie in d e M id d elee u w en ” , in: N o . 1 8 9 , p p . 9 -2 0 . M o st e rt , M ., “H et gesproken en g esc h rev e n w o o rd in d e M id d elee u w en ” , The­

55

oretische Geschiedenis 2 2 (1 9 9 5 ), p p . 1 3 5 -1 4 8 . M o s t e r t , M ., “D e g e s c h ied en is v a n le z e n en s c h r ijv e n -e e n n ieu w e v o rm v an

52 53

cu ltu u rg e sch ied e n is” , 56 57 58 59 60 61

Theoretische Geschiedenis: Beeiden, begrippen, ideeën

23 (1 9 9 6 ), p p . 1 2 9 -1 4 4 . M o st e rt , M ., “ N e w a p p ro ac h es to m e d iev a l co m m u n ica tio n ?”, in th is vo lu m e, p p . 1 5 -3 7 . O est e r r e ic h e r , W ., “Verschriftung u n d Verschriftlichung im K o n tex t m ed iale r u n d k o n ze p tio n e lle r S ch riftlich k e it”, in: N o . 2 3 0 , p p . 2 6 7 -2 9 2 . O g d e n , D .B ., “W h e re lies y our tex t?”, in: N o. 7 1 , p p . 5 9 -7 1 . O n g , W .J., The Presence o f the Word: Some Prolegomena for

Cultural and Re­ ligious History (N e w H aven, 1 9 67). O n g , W .J., Rhetoric, Romance and Technology: Studies in the Interaction o f Expression and Culture (Ith a ca a n d L ondon, 1 9 71). O n g , W .J., “O rality-Iiteracy stu d ies an d th e u n ity o f th e h u m an ra c e ”, Oral Tra­ dition 2 (1 9 8 7 ), p p . 3 7 1 -3 8 2 .

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R a íb l e , W ., “ O rality and L iteracy” , in: N o. 1 3 2 ,1 , p p . 1-17.

67

S c h a efer , U ., “Z um Problem der M ündlichkeit”, in: Modernes Mittelalter: Neu­ es Bild einerpopulären Epoche, ed. J. H e in z l e (F ra n k fu rt a.M ., 1 9 9 4 ), p p . 3 5 7 -

68

375. S c h l ie b e n -L a n g e , B ., “ G e sch ich te d e r R eflexion ü b e r S ch rift u n d S c h riftlich ­ k eit”, in: N o. 1 3 2 ,1 , p p . 1 0 2 -1 2 1 .

69

Schrift und Gedächtnis: Beiträge zur Archäologie der literarischen Kommuni­ kation 1, ed. A . A s s m a n n , J. A s s m a n n a n d C. H a r d m e ie r (M unich, 1983).

70

S tre e t , B .V ., “O rality and literacy as id eological constructions: S o m e p ro b le m s

71

in cro ss-cu ltu ra l s tu d ies” , Culture and History 2 (1 9 8 7 ), p p . 7-30. Talks on Text. Papers Read at the Closing Session o f the NIAS Theme Group “Orality and Literacy’' on May 27th, 1992, ed. W .P . G e r r it s e n and C. V e l l e koop

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(W assen a ar, 1992).

V e s s e y , M ., “l i te r a c y and litteratura a .D. 2 0 0 -8 0 0 ” , Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, NS 13 (1 9 9 2 ), p p . 1 3 9 -1 6 0 . V itz , E.B ., “O n the role o f a renew ed ph ilo lo g y in the stu d y o f a m an u sc rip t- and an oral-culture”, in:

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B u sb y (A m sterd am , 1993: Faux Titre 6 8 ), pp. 7 1 -7 8 . W est r a , H ., “lite ra cy , orality and m edieval patro n ag e: A p h en o m e n o lo g ic al o u t­ lin e”, Journal o f Medieval Latin 1 (1 9 9 1 ), p p . 5 2 -5 9 .

The Münster School

“Der Münsterer Sonderforschungsbereich 231 ‘Träger, Felder, Formen pragma­ tischer Schriftlichkeit im Mittelalter’ "frühmittelalterliche Studien 24 (1990), pp. 430-459; 25 (1991), pp. 462-466; 26 (1992), pp. 440-466; 27 (1993), pp. 480-483; 28 (1994), pp. 436-474; 29 (1995), pp. 456-459; 30 (1996), pp. 425470; 31 (1997), pp. 414-417; 32 (1998), pp. 442-473.

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R a íb l e , W., “Übergänge und Spannungsfelder zwischen Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit: Forschungsprogramm des Sonderforschungsbereichs 321 an der Universität Freiburg”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Germanistenverbandes 33 (1986), pp. 14-23.

1.3 77

The Freiburg School

Anthropological and Sociological Contributions to the Debate

The Transition from Oral Tradition to Written Convention: Paral­ lels in Medieval French Literature and Contemporary African Literature (diss. C a r t e r , C.J.,

78

W a s h in g to n , C ath o lic U n iv e rsity o f A m erica, 1 9 86). C r u ik s h a n k , J ., “ O ra l tra d itio n an d m aterial c u ltu re : M u ltip ly in g m e a n in g s o f

79

E l w er t , G., “D ie V e rsch riftlich u n g v o n K u ltu re n : S k iz ze e in e r F o rs c h u n g ”, So-

‘w o r d s ’ and ‘th in g s ’ ” , Anthropology

Today 8

(1 9 9 2 ) , p p . 5 -9 .

ciologus 3 6 80

(1 9 8 6 ), p p . 6 5 -7 8 . F a b ia n , J., “ K eep listening: E th n o g ra p h y an d re a d in g ”, in: N o . 8 6 8 , p p . 8 0 -9 7 .

81

F in n e g a n , R .,

82

F in n e g a n , R., Literacy and

83

tion (O x fo rd , 1 9 88). GOODY, J., The Domestication of the Savage Mind (C a m b rid g e ,

Oral Literature in Africa (O x fo rd , 1 9 70). Orality: Studies in the Technology of Communica­ 1 9 7 7 ).

85

Spo­ ken and Written Language: Exploring Orality and Literacy, ed. D . T a n n e n (N o rw o o d , N J , 1 9 8 2 : Advances in Discourse Processes 9 ), p p . 2 0 1 -2 1 5 . G o o d y , J., The Logic of Writing and the Organization of Society (C am b rid g e ,

86

G o o d y , J.,

87 88

G o o d y , J., “ O n th e th re sh o ld to lite ra cy ”, in: N o . 1 3 2 ,1 , p p . 4 3 2 -4 3 6 . G o o d y , J., B . S t o c k a.o., “ S elec tio n s from th e sy m p o siu m on ‘L iteracy, re ad in g

84

G o o d y , J., “A lternative paths to know ledge in o ra l an d lite ra te cu ltu re s” , in:

1 9 86).

The Interface Between the Written and the Oral (C am b rid g e ,

an d p o w e r’ ...”, 89

The Yale Journal of Criticism 2 (1 9 8 8 ) ,

G o o d y , J., and I. W a tt , “T h e consequences o f literacy” , in:

in Society and History 5 (1 9 6 3 ),

1 9 87).

p p . 1 9 3 -2 3 2 .

Comparative Studies

p p . 3 0 4 -3 4 5 ; re p rin te d in: N o . 9 2 , p p . 2 7 -6 8 ,

an d in: N o . 1 31, p p . 3 -2 7 . 90

G o o d y , J., I. W a t t and K. G o u g h , Entstehung und Folgen der Schriftkultur, tr. F . H e r b o r t h (F ra n k fu rt a.M ., 1 9 86).

91

G raff , H .J., The Legacies of Literacy: Continuities and Contradictions in Wes­ tern Culture and Society (B lo o m in g to n a n d In d ia n ap o lis, 1 9 87). Literacy in Traditional Societies, ed . J. G o o d y (C a m b rid g e , 1 9 68). S c h m it z , H .W ., Ethnographie der Kommunikation: Kommunikationsbegriff undAnsätze zur Erforschung von Kommunikationsphänomenen in der Völker-

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1.4

Psychological Contributions to the Debate Psychiatry

95

C a r o t h e r , J.C ., “C u ltu re, p sychiatry and th e w ritten w o rd ” , (1 9 5 9 ), p p . 3 0 7 -3 2 0 .

96

C ole , M ., “H o w ed ucation affects th e m in d ”, Human Nature (A p ril, 1 9 7 8 ), pp. 5 1 -5 8 .

97

H o rto n , R., and R. F in n e g a n , Modes of Thought: Essays on Thinking in Wes­ tern and Non-Western Societies (L ondon, 1 9 73). Ir is , M .A., a.o., “ M ov in g tow ards lite ra cy b y m ak in g defin itio n s”, International Journal of Lexicography 1 (1 9 8 8 ), pp. 2 3 8 -2 5 2 . L u r ia , A .R ., Cognitive Development: Its Cultural and Social Foundations, tr.

98 99

22

M . L o p e z -M o r il l a s and L S o l o t a r o f f , ed. M . C o l e (C am b rid g e , M ass., 1 9 76). 10 0 101 10 2

O l s o n , D .R ., “T h e c o g n itiv e c o n se q u en c es o f literacy” , Canadian Psychology/Psychologie canadienne 2 7 (1 9 8 6 ), p p . 1 0 9-121. O lson , D .R ., The World on Paper: The Conceptual and Cognitive Implications of Reading and Writing (C am b rid g e , 1 9 94). O n g , W .J., Interfaces of the Word: Studies in the Evolution of Consciousness and Culture (Ith a ca an d L ondon, 1977).

103

O n g , W .J., “W ritin g is a tech n o lo g y th at re stru ctu re s th ought” , in: N o. 13 9 , pp. 2 3 -5 0 .

104 105

O n g , W .J., “ S o m e p sy chodynam ics o f o rality” , in: N o . 1 31, p p . 2 8 -4 3 . D e M a ttos P im e n t a P a r e n t e , M .A ., and A .R . L e c o u r s , “T h e in flu en c e o f cu l­ tu ra l fa cto rs in neuro p sy ch o lo g y an d neu ro lin g u istics” , International Social

Science Journal 4 0 106 107 108

(1 9 8 8 ), p p . 9 7 -1 0 8 . R u b in , D .C ., “T e x t, thought, and oral tra d itio n s”, in: N o . 7 1 , p p . 5 -1 2 . R u b in , D .C ., Memory in Oral Traditions: The Cognitive Psychology

of Epic, Ballads, and Counting-Out Rhymes (O x fo rd and N e w Y o rk , 1995). S cr ib n e r , S., and M . C o l e , The Psychology of Literacy (C am b rid g e , M ass., and L ondon, 1 9 81).

2. 10 9

Surveys o f the Introduction and Development o f Written Culture

MündlichkeitSchriftlichkeit-Weltbildwandel, ed . (T iibingen, 1996: ScriptOralia 71).

W . R ö c k e an d U . S c h a e fe r

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From Antiquity to the present

B a l d in i , M ., Storia della comunicazione (R o m e, 1 9 95). B ie re , B .U ., “S chriftlichkeit und M ü n d lic h k e it-V e re in h e itlic h u n g un d V e rs tä n d ­ lichkeit: E in e h isto risch -sy stem atisch e S k iz z e ” , in: Germanistik-For­ schungsstand und Perspektiven: Vorträge des Deutschen Germanistentages, ed. G.

S t o t z e l , 2 vols. (B e rlin an d N e w Y o rk , 1 9 8 5 ), 1, p p . 3 4 6 -3 6 5 .

118

Yearbook of English Studies 25 (1995), pp. 6-21. C h a r t ie r , R ., Literacy in European History (O x fo rd , 1 9 9 8 ) [in th e p re ss]. C ip o l l a , G , Literacy and Development in the West (H a rm o n d sw o rth , 1 9 69). La comunicazione nella storia, 2 vols, in 6 (R o m e, s.d.). Encyclopedia of Rhetoric and Composition: Communication from Ancient Times to the Information Age, ed . T . E n o s (N e w Y o rk , 1 9 9 6 ). G luck , H ., Schrift und Schriftlichkeit: Eine sprach- und kulturwissenschaftliche Studie (S tu ttg a rt, 1987). G r a f f , H .J., Literacy in History: An Interdisciplinary Research Bibliography

119

(N e w Y o rk a n d L ondon, 1 9 81). G ra ff , H .J., The Legacies ofLiteracy : Continuities and

112 113 114 115 116 117

120 121

B lake , N .F., “S peech and writing: A n historical o v e rv ie w ” ,

Contradictions in Wes­ tern Culture and Society (B lo o m in g to n , 1 9 87). H a jn a l , E., “ Le rô le social d e l ’éc ritu re e t l ’év o lu tio n e u ro p é e n n e ” , Revue de l’Institut de Sociologie 14 (1 9 3 4 ) , p p . 2 3 -5 3 , 2 5 3 -2 8 2 . Il l ic h , L, and B. S a n d e r s , a s c : The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind (S an F ran c isc o , 1 9 88).

122 123 124

Kanon und Zensur: Beiträge zur Archäologie der literarischen Kommunikation 2, ed . A . A s s m a n n a n d J. A s s m a n n (M u n ich , 1 9 8 7 ). Literacy and Orality, ed. D .R . O l s o n and N . T o r r a n c e (C a m b rid g e , 1 9 91). Literacy and Social Development in the West, ed. H .J. G r a f f (C am b rid g e , 1981)

125 126 127 128 129

1982) 130 131 132

.

Literacy and Society, ed. K ScHOUSBOE and M .T . La r s e n (C o p en h a g en , 1 9 8 9 ). Literacy in Historical Perspective, ed . D .P . R e s n ic k (W ash in g to n , 1 9 83). M c K e n z ie , D .F., “S p e ec h -m an u sc rip t-p rin t”, in: New Directions in Textual Stu­ dies, ed. D . O l ip h a n t an d R. B r a d f o r d (A u stin , 1 9 9 0 ), p p . 8 6 -1 0 9 . M a r t in , H .-J., Histoire et pouvoirs de l'écrit (P a ris , 1 9 8 8 ). O n g , W ., Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (L ondon, .

On Literacy: The Politics of the Word from Homer to the Age of Rock (O x fo rd , 1 9 8 2 ). Perspectives on Literacy, ed . E .R . K in t g e n a.o . (C a rb o n d a le , 1 9 88). Schrift und Schriftlichkeit-Writing and Its Use: Ein interdisziplinäres Hand­ buch internationaler Forschung-An Interdisciplinary Handbook of Internatio­ nal Research, ed. H. G u n t h e r an d O . L u d w ig , 2 v o ls. (B e rlin , 1 9 9 4 -1 9 9 5 ). P a ttiso n , R .,

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S ö d e r b e r g , B ., “M ed e ltid a lite ra c y -e tt ñ u tid a term p ro b le m ”, in: Sprâkbruk, grammatikoch sprâkfôrândring: En festskrift tili Ulf Teleman 13.1.1994 (L und,

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in Theory and Practice (C am b rid g e , 1984: Cambridge Studies in Oral and Literate Culture 9). V a n d e r W o u d e , A ., “ S ch rift en cu ltu u r” , Spiegel Historiad (1 9 7 2 ), p p . ISO133.

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Verschriftung und Verschriftlichung: Aspekte des Medienwechsels in verschie­ denen Kulturen und Epochen, ed. C . E h l e r and U . S c h a e f e r (T ü b in g e n , 1998: ScriptOralia 9 4 ). Weisheit: Beiträge zur Archäologie der literarischen Kommunikation 3 , ed. A. A ss m a n n (M u n ich , 1991).

139

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2.2

Antiquity

2.2.1

Biblical Antiquity

140

G a ndz , S., “O ral tradition in the B ible”, in: Jewish Studies in Memory o f George A. Kohut 1874-1933, ed. S.W . B a r o n and A. M a rx (N ew Y o rk , 1 9 35), p p . 2 4 8 -

141

G erh a rd sso n , B ., Memory and Manuscript: Oral Tradition and Written Trans­ mission in Rabbinic Judaism and Early Christianity, tr. E .J. S h a r pe (U p p sa la etc., 1961 \Acta Seminarii Neotestamentici Upsaliensis 22). K e l be r , W .H ., The Oral and the Written Gospel: The Hermeneutics o f Speak­ ing and Writing in the Synoptic Tradition, Mark, Paul, and Q (P h ilad elp h ia,

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1 9 83). 143 144

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S c h elk le , K.H., “ ‘B ringe die B ü ch e r m it’: Z ur B u ch w e rd u n g des N e u en T e sta ­ m entes”, in: Beiträge zur Geschichte des Buches und seiner Funktion in der Ge­ sellschaft: Festschrift für Hans Widmann zum 65. Geburtstag am 28. März 1973, ed. A . S w ie r k (S tu ttg a rt, 1 9 7 4 ), pp. 2 4 6 -2 5 1 .

145

V e r m e s , G ., “Scripture and tradition in Judaism : W ritte n and oral T o ra h ” , in: No. 1 39, p p . 7 9 -9 5 .

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Classical Antiquity

146

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BELL (N e w Y o rk , 1 9 78). F a u lstic h , W ., Das Medium als Kult: Von den A nfängen bis zu r Spätantike (8.

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W r ig h t . R., “L o g o g ra p h ic s c rip t and assu m p tio n s o f lite ra cy in tenth-century Spain”, in: The Changing Voices o f Europe: Social and Political C hanges and

Their Linguistic Repercussions, Past, Present an d Future, ed. M . M a ir P a rry a.o. (C ardiff, 1 9 94), p p . 1 2 5 -1 3 9 .

2.7 France 260

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C o n t a m in e . P ., " L 'é c rit et l ’oral en F rance à la fin du M oyen-A ge: N o te su r 1' ‘alphabétism e’ de l ’en c ad rem en t m ilitaire”, in: H istoire comparée de ¡’admini­ stration (IVe-XVIif siècles), ed. W . P a r a v ic in i and K.F. W e r n e r (S ig m arin g en , 1980: Beihefte der Francia 9 ), pp. 1 0 2 -1 1 3 , 6 8 8 -6 8 9 .

26 3

P f e f f e r , W ., “A sig n o f th e tim es: T h e qu estio n o f literacy in m edieval O ccilania”, in: Literary A spects o f Courtly Culture, ed. D . M a d d o x and S. M a d d o x S t u r m (N ew Y ork, 1 9 9 4 ), pp. 2 8 3 -2 8 9 .

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B a u m l , F.H ., “Scribe et im pera : G eletterdheid in m iddeleeuw s D u itslan d ” , in: N o. 189, p p . 7 5 -8 7 .

26 5

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E h l e r s , J., “ Schriftkultur, E th n o g e n e se u n d N a tio n s b ild u n g in o tto n isc h e r Z e it” ,

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M c K itter ic k , R., “lite ra c y in A le m a n n ia an d th e R o le o f S t. G a ll” , in: The Cul­ ture o f the Abbey o f St. Gall: An Overview, ed . J.C . K i n g a n d W . V o g l e r (S tu tt­ g a rt and Z ü ric h , 1 9 9 1 ), p p . 2 1 7 -2 2 6 . S pl e t t , J., “D e r Abrogans un d das E in setze n alth o c h d e u tsc h e r S ch riftlich k e it im 8. Jahrhundert”, in: Typen der Ethnogenese unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Bayern, Teil 1: Bericht des Symposiums fü r Frühmittelalterforschung, 27. bis 30. Oktober 1986, Stift Zwettl, Niederösterreich, ed. H . W o l f r a m an d W . P oH L (W enen, 1990: österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil-Hist. Klasse, Denkschriften 20 1 = Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Frühmittelalterforschung 1 2 ), p p . 2 3 5 -2 4 1 .

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F r ie d l a n d , K ., “Italiens B eiträge z u r S ch riftlich k e it im frü h h a n s is c h e n L ü b e c k ” , in: Nord und Süd in der deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters: Akten des Kolloquiums veranstaltet zu Ehren von Karl Jordan, 1907-1984, Kiel, 15.-16. Mai 1987, ed . W . P a r a v ic in i (S ig m arin g en , 1 9 9 0 : Kieler Historische Studien

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G r e e n , D .H ., “Individual an d society: T h e ev id e n ce o f w ritin g and o ra lity in late m edieval G e rm an y ” , in: Homo Sapiens, Homo Humanus n: Letteratura, arte e scienza nella seconda metà del Quattrocento: Atti del XXIX Convegno inter­ nazionale del Centro di studi umanistici Montepulciano-Palazzo Tarugi—1987: Individuo e società nei secoli x v e xvi: Atti del XXX Convegno internazionale del Centro di studi umanistici Montepulciano-Palazzo Tarugi-1988, ed. G. T a r u GI

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“ N o tes on re ad in g and p ra y in g audibly", Classical Philology

4 3 (1 9 4 8 ), p p . 1 8 4 -1 8 7 .

(C am b rid g e , 1996).

8.3.1

Reading in Antiquity

881

Boyarín, D .,

882

5 0 1 , p p . 1 0 -37. C a v a l i a G ., “l i b r o e pubblico alla fine del m o ndo an tic o ”, in: N o. 8 8 4 , p p . 83-

883

C a v a i i n , G., “D u volum en au codex: La lec tu re d an s le m onde ro m a in ” , in: N o.

“ P la cin g re ad in g : A n c ie n t Israel and m edieval E u ro p e ”, in: N o.

132. 8 7 3 , p p . 7 9 -1 0 7 . 884 88 5 886 887

Libri, editori e pubblico nel m ondo antico: G uida storica e critica, ed. G. C a ­ vallo (R o m e an d B ari, 1989). P esa n d o , V.,Libri e biblioteche (R om e, 1994: Vita e costum i dei rom ani antichi 17). S a l l e s , C .,L ire à R om e (P aris, 1992). Stock, B., Augustine the Reader: M editation, Self-Knowledge, and the Ethics o f Interpretation (C am b rid g e , M ass., and L ondon, 1996).

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252 88 8

Svenbro, J.,

“ L a G rèce a rch a ïq u e et cla ssiq u e : L ’in v en tio n d e la lec tu re silen ­

c ie u s e ”, in: N o . 8 7 3 , p p . 4 7 -7 7 .

8.3.2

Reading in Byzantium

Cavallo

889

L ib r i e lettori nel mondo bizantino: G uida storica e critica, ed. G.

890

(R o m e and B a ri, 1990). Wilson, N .G ., “ B o o k s and re ad e rs in B y za n tiu m ” , in: Byzantine Books and Bookm en: A D um barton O aks Colloquium (W ash in g to n , 1 9 7 5 ), p p . 1-15.

8.3.3 891

Reading in the Middle Ages

B o n fil , R., “La lecture d ans le s co m m u n au té s ju iv e s d e l ’E u ro p e o cc id en tale au M oyen  g e ”, in: N o . 8 7 3 , p p . 1 7 5 -2 0 8 .

892

The B ook and the M agic o f Reading in the M iddle A ges, ed . A . Classen (N ew Y o rk , 1999: Garland M edieval C asebooks 2 4 ).

89 3 894

Rudder, O ., “ P o u r u n e 110.

De

h isto ire de la lec tu re” , M édiévales 3 (1 9 8 3 ), p p . 9 7 -

G e n e st , J.-F., “Types de livres et de lectures en O c cid en t” , in: L e livre au M oyen

 ge, ed . J. G l e n is s o n (P a ris , 1 9 8 8 ), p p . 8 2 -8 7 .

Green, D .,

895

“H ö re n u n d L esen: Z u r G e sch ich te e in e r m itte la lte rlich e n F o rm e l”, in: N o . 11 3 8 , p p . 2 3 -4 4 .

896

Green, D .H ., M edieval Listening an d Reading: The P rim ary Reception o f G er­ man Literature 8 00-1300 (C am b rid g e , 1 9 94). Illich, I., “ ‘L ectio d iv in a ’ ”, in: Frömm igkeit: Formen, Geschichte, Verhalten, Zeugnisse: Lenz Kriss-Rettenbeck zum 70. Geburtstag, ed . I. B a u e r (s.l., 1993: Forschungshefte 13), p p . 1 3 -2 6 . I l l ic h , I., ‘L e c tio D ivina ” , in: N o. 2 3 0 , p p . 1 9 -35.

897

898 899

Rieger, D ., “

‘Senes B ren d e P a rg u a m in a ’? Z u m P ro b le m d es ‘g e le s e n e n L ie d s ’

im M itte la lte r”, Rom anische Forschungen 9 9 (1 9 8 7 ), p p . 1-18.

8.3.4 900

Reading in the Early Middle Ages

Corthals, J., “A

reference to the listener to E a rly Irish p ro s e ta le s ? ” , Cam bridge

M edieval Celtic Studies 2 3 (1 9 9 2 ), p p . 2 5 -2 7 . 901

Grotans, A .A ., “

‘S ih d ir se ib o le c to r’: C u es fo r re ad in g in ten th - and eleventh-

ce n tu ry S t. G a ll”, Scriptorium 51 (1 9 9 7 ), p p . 2 5 1 -3 0 2 .

253

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H o w e , N ., “T h e c u ltu ra l c o n stru c tio n o f re ad in g in A n g lo -S ax o n E n g la n d ”, in: N o . 8 6 8 , p p . 5 8 -7 9 . P a rk e s , M ., “Lire, écrire, interpréter le texte: P ratiq u es m o n astiq u es d an s le haut M oyen  g e ” , in: N o . 8 7 3 , p p . 1 0 9 -1 2 3 . Trauber, S ., “ M arg in a l p ro b le m s ” , in: N o . 1 4 6 9 , p p . 2 2 1 -2 4 0 . Schaefer, U ., “F ro m an ae sth etic po in t o f v iew ...: R e c ep tio n al a sp e cts o f O ld E n g lish poetry” , in: N o. 1 2 6 0 , pp. 4 9 4 -5 4 1 . V o n E uw , A ., “F rüh- un d hoch m ittelalterlic h e E v a n g elien b ü ch e r im G e b rau c h ” , in: N o . 9 4 9 , p p . 2 1 -3 0 .

8.3.5

Reading in the Later Middle Ages

907

B el y ea ,B ., “C axton’s reading p u b lic ”, English Language N oles 19 (1 9 8 1 ), p p .

908

1 4 -19. “ P rin ters, au th o rs, a n d re a d e rs, 1 4 7 5 -1 5 5 7 ” , The Library, 5th se rie s 4 (1 9 4 9 ), p p . 1 5 5 -1 6 5 .

909 910

Bennett, H .S ., E nglishB ooks a nd Readers, 1475-1557 (C am b rid g e , 1952). Berger, P., “L a lecture à V alence d e 1474 à 1560 (É v o lu tio n d es co m p o rte m en ts

Bennett, H .S .,

en fonction d es m ilieux so cia u x )” , in: Livre e t lecture en Espagne et en F rance sous l ’ancien régim e (P a ris , 1 9 81), p p . 9 7 -1 1 0 . 911

B o z z o l o , G , and E . O r n a t o , “L es lec tu res d es F ran ç ais aux XIVe e t x V siècle: U ne approche q u an titativ e”, in: E nsi fire n t U ancessor: M élanges de philologie médiévale offerts à M arc-René Jung, ed. L. R o s s i, 2 vols. (A lle ssa n d ria, 1 9 97), 2 , p p . 7 1 3 -7 6 2 .

912

Braunstein, P ., “ L ’é m e rg en c e

913

ed . G . D u b y (P a ris , 1 9 8 5 ), p p . 5 2 6 -6 1 9 . Carlquist, J ., “ P riv at lä sn in g av fo rn sv en sk re lig iö s litte ratu r” , in: Studier i svensksprâkhistoria, 3: Förhandlingar vid Tredje sam m ankom sten fö r svenska

d e l ’individu: A p p ro c h e s de l ’intim ité, x iV -x v * sièc le” , in: Histoire de la vie privée, 2: D e l ’E urope féo d a le à la Renaissance,

sprakets historia Uppsala 15-17 Oktober 1992 (U p p sa la , 1 9 9 3 : Skrifter utgivna av Institutionen fö r nordiska sprak vid Uppsala universitet 3 4 ), p p . 4 3 -5 3 [re­ 914

p e a te d in: N o . 3 2 1 , p p . 1 5 3 -1 6 7 ]. C o lem a n , J., “T h e a u d ib le C axton: R ea d in g and h ea rin g in th e w ritin g s o f E n g ­

916

la n d ’s first p u b lis h e r”, Fifteenth Century Studies 16 (1 9 9 0 ), p p . 8 3 -1 0 9 . Coleman, J., “T he so lac e o f lea rn in g : L a te m ed iev a l v iew s o n th e re ad in g aloud o f literature”, A rv; Scandinavian Yearbook o f Folklore 4 6 (1 9 9 0 ), p p . 1 2 3 -1 3 1 . Coleman, I , “Talking o f chronicles: T h e p u b lic re ad in g o f h isto ry in late m ed ie­

917

v al E n g lan d a n d F ran c e” , in: N o. 5 0 5 , p p . 9 1 -1 1 1 . C o l e m a n , L, Public Reading and the Reading Public in Late M edieval England

915

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254 918

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in: La Technique littéraire des chansons de geste (Actes du Colloque de Liège, septem bre 1957) (P a ris , 1 9 5 9 ), p p . 7 5 -8 4 . Fritz, B., “P rivata b ö c k e r o ch b o k sam lin g ar u n d e r fo lk u n g a tid e n ”, in: Helgerànet: Fran mässböcker tili m unkepärm ar , ed. K. Abukhanfusa (S to ck h o lm , 1 9 9 3 ), p p . 3 7 -4 6 .

920

Gillespie, V .J., “

‘Lukynge in h a ly b u k e s ’: L ectio in so m e late m e d iev a l sp iritu al

m isc e lla n ie s” , in: Spätmittelalterliche geistliche Literatur in der N ational­

sprache 2 , ed . J. HOGG (S a lz b u rg , 1 9 8 4 : A nalecta Cartusiana 1 0 6 ), p p . 1 -2 7 . 921

Grafton, A .,

922

Grafton, A ., Com m erce with the Classics: A n cien t B ooks an d R enaissance R eaders (A nn A rb o r, M i., 1 9 97).

“L e lec te u r h u m an iste” , in: N o . 8 7 3 , p p . 2 0 9 -2 4 8 .

923

H a m e s s e , J., “ Le m o d èle s co la stiq u e d e la le c tu re ”, in: N o . 8 7 3 , p p . 1 2 5 -1 4 5 .

924

Hogenelst, D ., “D e receptie van berijm de

a rte s -lite ra tu u r” , in: Een school spierinkjes: Kleine opstellen over M iddelnederlandse artes-literatuur, ed . W .P . Gerritsen a.o. (H ilv e rsu m , 1 9 9 1 : M iddeleeuw se Studies en Bronnen 2 6 ), pp.

925

Illich, L, In the Vineyard o f the Text: A C om m entary on H ugh o f S t V ictor’s “Didascalion ” (Chicago, 1993) [English tr. o f D u lisible au visible: S u r l ’A r t de lire de H ugues de Saint-Victor, revised by M. SissuNG (Paris, 1991)]. Kürbis, B ., “P isarze i czytelnicy w P o lsc e x n i x m w ie k u ” , in: Polska dzielnicowa izjednoczona, ed. A. Gieysztor (W arsa w , 1 9 7 2 ), pp. 1 5 9 -2 0 1 .

8 8 -8 9 .

926 927

Laienlektiire und Buchmarkt im späten Mittelalter, ed. T . KOCK and R. SCGLUSE-

928

Lie, O.S.H ., “ V an onm ondig publiek

929

d eln e d erla n d se arte s -te k s te n ” , in: N o . 2 0 3 , p p . 1 8 9 -2 0 3 . Mandingorra Llavata, M .L , “E l lib ro y la lec tu ra en V a le n cia, 1 3 0 0 -1 4 1 0 :

930

Mantingh, E ., “Lanceloet, Perchevael, M oriaen, en

MANN (F ra n k fu rt a.M ., 1 9 97). tot z e lfstan d ig e lezer: H e t p u b lie k v an M id ­

notas p a ra su e s tu d io ” , A nuario d e estudios m edievales 21 (1 9 9 1 ), p p . 5 4 9 -6 9 . d e s p in S eb astiaa n : L uisteren

m e t tu s s e n p o z e n ? ” , in: D e O ngevalliche Lanceloet: Studies over de Lance-

931

lotcompilatie, ed. B. Besamusca and F . Brandsma (H ilv e rsu m , 1 9 9 2 : M iddel­ eeuwse Studies en B ronnen 2 8 ), p p . 4 4 -7 5 . Oddos, J.-P ., “ L a m an ière d e (b ie n ) lire ”, Gazette d es beaux-arts 10 0 (1 9 8 2 ),

932

Pleu, H ., “ M et

p p . 1 7 5 -1 7 7 . een b o e k je in een h o ek je ? O v e r lite ra tu u r en le z e n in d e m iddel-

eeuw en”, in: H et woord aan d e lezer: Z even literatuurhistorische verkenningen, 933 934

ed. W . van den Berg an d J. Stouten (G ro n in g en , 1 9 8 7 ), p p . 1 6 -4 8 . S ., “ ‘L et h im re a d th e S a tire s o f H o r a c e ’: R ea d in g , literacy, and g ra m m a r in th e tw elfth ce n tu ry ” , in: N o . 8 8 0 , p p . 2 2 -4 0 .

Reynolds,

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938

S a e n g e r , P ., “ L ire au x d ern iers sièc le s du M oyen  g e ” , in: N o . 8 7 3 , p p . 1 47174.

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Reading in Early Modern Times

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1- 10. Chaytor, H J ., “T he m edieval reader an d

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STEIN (M a d iso n , W ise ., 1 9 9 1 ), p p . 7 5 -1 1 1 . Doane, A N ., “ E d itin g O ld E n g lish o ra l/w ritte n tex ts: p ro b le m s o f m e th o d ”, in: The Editing o f Old English: Papers fro m the 1990 M anchester Conference, ed.

953

E v a n s , M .J., Rereading M iddle E nglish Rom ance: M anuscript, Decoration,

954

Foley, J.M .,

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G u m be rt , J.P., “Z u r ‘T y p o g ra p h ie ’ d e r g es c h rie b e n e n S e ite ”, in: N o. 1 1 3 8 , pp.

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Correspondence

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“Aufführung” und “Schrift” in Mittelalter undfrüher Neuzeit, ed. J.-D. MÜLLER (Stuttgart, 1996: Germanistische Symposien: Berichtsbände 17). Barker, E.J., “Activation and preservation: The interdependence of text and per­ formance in an oral tradition”, Oral Tradition 8 (1993), pp. 5-20. Bauml, F.H., “Autorität und Performanz: Gesehene Leser, gehörte Bilder, ge­ schriebener Text”, in: No. 137. Buchholz, P., “ Tornaldarsaga’ und mündliches Erzählen zur Wikingerzeit”, in: Les Vikings et leur civilisation: Problèmes actuels, ed. R. Boyer (Paris and The Hague, 1976), pp. 133-178. Duggan, J.J., “Oral performance of Romance in medieval France”, in: Continu­ ations: Essays on Medieval French Literature and Language in Honor of John L. Grigsby, ed. N.J. Lacy and R.G. Torrini (Birmingham, Alab., 1989), pp. 5561. Duggan, J.J., “Performance and transmission, aural and ocular reception in the twelfth- and thirteenth-century vernacular literature of France”, Romance Philo­ logy 43 (1989), pp. 49-58. Foley, J.M., The Singer of Tales in Performance: Voices in Performance and Text (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1995). F o l e y , J.M ., “T he p o e t’s self-in te rru p tio n in Andreas”, in: Prosody and Poetics in the Early Middle Ages: Essays in Honour ofC.B. Hieatt, ed. H .J. TOSWELL (T o ro n to , 1 9 9 6 ), p p . 4 2 -5 9 .

1351 1352 1353 1354 1355 1356 1357 1358 1359 1360 1361

Gerritsen, W.P., “A medieval text and its oral delivery”, in: No. 71, pp. 73-81. Karhof, G., Der Abschnitt als Vortragsform in den Handschriften frühmittel­ hochdeutscher Dichtung (Münster, 1967). Jammers, E., “Der musikalische Vortrag des altdeutschen Epos”, in: No. 1296, pp. 127-149. Kleiner, Y.A., “The singer and the interpreter: Caedmon and Bede”, Germanic Notes 9 (1988), pp. 2-6. Lord, A., The Singer of Tales (Cambridge, Mass., 1960; New York, 19782). MAGOUNjr., F.P., “Bedas Bericht über Caedmon: Die Fallstudie eines angelsäch­ sischen Sängers”, tr. in: No. 1296, pp. 46-70. Monroe, J.T., “The tune or the words? (Singing Hispano-Arabic strophic poe­ try)”, Al-Qantara 8 (1987), pp. 331-346. Noomen, W., “Performance et mouvance: A propos de l’oralité des fabliaux”, Reinardus 3 (1990), pp. 127:142. Oral Culture and Oral Performances = New Literary History 8 (1977). Scheub, H., “Body and image in oral narrative performance”, in: No. 1359, pp. 345-367. Slyomovics, S., “Performing a Thousand and One Nights in Egypt”, Oral Tra­ dition 9 (1994), pp. 390-419.

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14.4

Iberian Literature

1367

Montgomery, T., “The ‘Poema de Mio Cid’: Oral art in transition”, in: “Mio Cid” Studies, ed. A.D. Deyermond (London, 1977), pp. 91-112.

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14.5 1372

Italian Literature

Vitullo, J., “Orality, literacy, and the prose epic: The case of Andrea da Barberino’s Ugo d ’Alvernia”, The Italianist 13 (1993), pp. 29-46.

14.6 1373 1374 1375

French Literature

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Dufournet, J., “Littérature oralisante et subversion: La branche 18 du ‘Roman de Renarf ou le partage des proies”, Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale 22 (1979), pp. 321-335. Gravdal, K., “Counterfeiting orality: Parody in the French Middle Ages”, in: “Et c ’est la fin pour quay sommes ensemble”: Hommage à Jean Dufournet: Littéra­ ture, histoire et langue du Moyen Age, 3 vols. (Paris, 1993: Nouvelle bibli­ othèque du Moyen Age 25), 2, pp. 662-669. Grigsby, J.L, “Remnants of Chretien’s aesthetics in the early Perceval continu­ ations and the incipient triumph of writing”, Romance Philology 41 (1988), pp. 379-393. Huot, S., From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry (Ithaca and London, 1987). Huot, S., “Chronicle, lai and romance: Orality and writing in the Roman de Perceforesf ’, in: No. 213, pp. 203-223. Koch, P., “Pour une typologie conceptuelle et médiale des plus anciens documents/monuments des langues romanes”, in: No. 581, pp. 39-82. Kristol, A.M., “ ‘Que dea! Mettes le chapron, paillard, com tu parles a pro­ drome!’ La représentation de l’oralité dans les Manières de langage du xivVxVsiècle”, Romanisches Jahrbuch 43 (1992), pp. 35-64. Nichols, S.G., “Voice and writing in Augustine and in the troubadour lyric”, in: No. 213, pp. 137-161. Pitts, B.A., “In praise of Tristan: Oral composition and epic technique and Béroul’s Roman de Tristan”, Romance Philology 46 (1992), pp. 1-12. Regalado, N.F., “Speaking in script: The construction of voice, presence, and perspective in Villon’s Testament”, in: No. 669, pp. 211-25. Spiegel, G.M., “De l’oral à l’écrit: La sémantique sociale de la prose française au XIII1' siècle”, in: Histoire et société: Mélanges offerts à Georges Duby, 4 vols. (Aix-en-Provence, 1992), 4, pp. 21-28. Stuip, R.E.V., “Het chanson de geste en het boek”, in: No. 203, pp. 155-187. Van den Boogaard, N., “Le caractère oral de la chanson de geste tardive”, in: Langue et littérature françaises du moyen âge: Études, ed. R.E.V. Stuip (Assen and Amsterdam, 1978), pp. 25-38. Vitz, E.B., “Rethinking Old French literature: The orality of the octosyllabic couplet”, Romanic Review 11 (1986), pp. 307-321. Vitz, E.B., “Orality, literacy and the early Tristan material: Béroul, Thomas, and Marie de France”, Romanic Review 78 (1987), pp. 298-310. Zumthor, P., “L’écriture et la voix dans le ‘Roman d’Eracle’ ”, in: TheCraftof Fiction: Essays in Medieval Poetics, ed. LA. Arrathoon (Rochester, N.Y., 1984), pp. 161-209.

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14.7 G erman Literature

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1404

Bauml, F.H., and D.J. Ward, ‘‘Zur mündlichen Überlieferung des Nicbclungenliedes’', Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesge­ schichte 41 (1967), pp. 351-390. Bauml, F.H., and E. Spielmann, “From illiteracy to literacy: Prolegomena to a study of the NiebelungenlietF. Forum for Modem Language Studies 10 (1974), pp. 248-259. Bauml, F., “Medienwechsel und Fiktionsgcstaltung: ordo der Thesaurierung, statiin invenire und Rezeption der Manessischen Liederhandschrift”, in: No. J034, pp. 95-105. Betten, A., “Zur Problematik der Abgrenzung von Mündlichkeit und Schriftlich­ keit bei mittelalterlichen Texten; Referate der Internationale Fachkonf. Eichstatt 1989”, in: Neuere Forschungen zur historischen Syntax des Deutschen, ed. A. Betten and C.M. Riehl (Tübingen, 1990: Reihe Germanistische Linguistik 103), pp. 324-335. CuRSCHMANN, M., “Dichter alter maere: Zur Prologstrophe des Niebelungenliedes im Spannungsfeld von mündlicher Erzähltradition und laikaler Schriftkultur”, in: Grundlagen des Verstehens mittelalterlicher Literatur: Literarische Texte und ihr historischer Erkenntniswert, ed. G. Hahn and H. Ragotzky (Stuttgart, 1992), pp. 55-71. Green, D.H., “The aesthetic consequences of literacy: An aspect of the twelfthcentury Renaissance in Germany”, Studi umanistici Piceni 5 (1985), pp. 83-92. Green, D., “Oral and written literature in medieval Germany”, in: The Spirit of the Court, ed. G.S. Burgess and R.A. Taylor (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 5-8. Green, D., “Literacy and history in German literature of the Middle Ages”, Res publica litterarum 10 (1987), pp. 159-167. Green, D.H., “Über Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters”, in: Philologie als Kulturwissenschaft: Studien zur Literatur und Geschichte des Mittelalters: Festschrift Karl Stackmann, ed. L. Grlnzmann, H. H erkommer and D. Wuttke (Göttingen, 1987), pp. 1-20. Green, D., “Zur primären Rezeption von Wolframs ParzivaF, in: Studien zu Wolfram von Eschenbach: Festschriftfür Werner Schröder zum 75. Geburtstag, ed. K. Gartner and J. Heinzle (Tübingen, 1989), pp. 271-288. Green, D.H., “Vrumc rîtr und guotc vrouwen/und wise phaffen: Court literature and its audience”, German Narrative Literature of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Tübingen, 1994), pp. 7-23. HaubriCHS, W., Geschichte der deutschen Literatur von den Anfängen bis zum Beginn der Neuzeit, lA: Die Anfänge: Versuche volkssprachigen Schriftlichkeit im frühen Mittelalter (Tübingen. 1995). Haug, W., “Schriftlichkeit und Reflexion: Zur Entstehung eines deutschsprachi­ gen Schrifttums im Mittelalter”, in: No. 615, pp. 141-157.

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Reichert, H., “Autor und Erzähler im Niebelungenlied: Seine Mündlichkeit, Schriftlichkeit, Bildung, Trinkgewohnheiten und sonstigen Charakteristika”, in: Helden und Heldensage: Otto Gschwantler zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. H. Rei­ chert and G. Zimmermann (Wenen, 1990: Philologica Germanica 11), pp. 287-327. Scholz, M.G., “On presentation and reception guidelines in the German strophic epic of the late Middle Ages”, in: No. 670, pp. 137-151. Sonderegger, S., “Reflexe gesprochener Sprache in der althochdeutschen Lite­ ratur”, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 5 (1971), pp. 176-192.

14.8 1408

Van DENBerg, E., “Vorm en inhoud: Ontwikkelingen binnen de ridderepiek ca. 1200-1350”, De Nieuwe Taalgids 85 (1992), pp. 405-421.

14.9 1409 1410 1411 1412 1413 1414 1415

1416 1417

1418 1419 1420

Dutch Literature

Old English Literature

Amodio, M.C., “Affective Criticism, Oral Poetics, and Beowulfs Fight with the Dragon”, Oral Tradition 10 (1995), pp. 54-90. Andersson, T.M., “The speeches in the Waldere Fragments”, in: No. 1260, pp. 21-29. Berlin, G.I., “Memorization in Anglo-Saxon England: Some Case Studies”, in: No. 669, pp. 97-113. Cherniss, M.D., “The oral-traditional opening theme in the poems of Cynewulf’, in; No. 1260, pp. 40-65. Clark, G., “Maldon: History, poetry, and truth”, in: No. 1260, pp. 66-84. Crêed, R.P., “Beowulfs fourth act”, in: No. 1260, pp. 85-109. Creed, R.P., “Sutton Hoo and the recording of Beowulf’, in: Voyage to the Other World: The Legacy of Sutton Hoo, ed. C.B. Kendall, B. Calvin and P.S. Wells (Minneapolis, 1992: Medieval Studies in Minnesota 5), pp. 65-75. Creed, R.P., “The remaking of Beowulf’, in: No. 1297, pp. 136-146. Davis, A.B., “Verba volent, scripta manent: Oral tradition and the non- narrative genres of Old English poetry”, Dissertation Abstracts International 52,6 (1991), p. 2137A. Davis, A.B., “Agon and Gnomon: Forms and functions of the Anglo-Saxon rid­ dles”, in: No. 1260, pp. 110-50. Desmond, M., “Beowulf: The monsters and the tradition”, Oral Tradition 1 (1992), pp. 258-83. Erzgräber, W., “The beginnings of a written literature in Old English times”, in: The Living Middle Ages: Studies in Mediaeval English Literature and its

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Poetry”, Anglo-Saxon England 16 (1987), pp. 45-66. Pasternack, C.B., “Anonymous polyphony and The Wanderer’s textuality”, An­ glo-Saxon England 20 (1991), pp. 99-122. RUSSOM, G., “Verse translations and the question of literacy in Beowulf’, in: No. 686, pp. 567-580. Schaar, G, “Zu einer neuen Theorie altenglischer poetischer Diktion”, tr. in: No. 1296, pp. 71-78. Schaefer, U., “Hearing from books: The rise of fictionality in Old English poe­ try”, in: No. 213, pp. 117-136. Schaefer, U., Vokalität: Altenglische Dichtung zwischen Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit (Tübingen, 1992: ScriptOralia 39). Sorrell, P., “Oral poetry and the world of Beowulf’, Oral Tradition 7 (1992), pp. 28-65.

14.10 1446 1447 1448

1449 1450 1451 1452 1453

1454 1455

Middle English Literature

Amodio, M.C., “Old-English oral-formulaic tradition and Middle-English verse”, in: No. 1260, pp. 1-20. Amodio, M.C., “Introduction: Oral poetics in post-Conquest England”, in: No. 1456, pp. 1-13. Amodio, M.G, “Tradition, modernity, and the emergence of the self in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight”, Assays: Critical Approaches to Medieval andRenaissance Texts 8 (1995), pp. 47-68. Arnovick, L.K., “Dorigen’s promise and scholars’ premise: The orality of the speech act in the Franklin’s Tale”, in: No. 1456, pp. 125-147. B a n s o n , C .D ., “The lost honor of S ir Gawain”, in: No. 1 2 6 0 , pp. 3 0 -3 9 . B ra d bu ry , N .M ., “The traditional origins of Havelock the Dane”, Studies in Phi­ lology 9 0 (1 9 9 3 ), pp. 1 1 5 -1 4 2 . Bradbury, N.M., “Literacy, orality, and the poetics of Middle English Ro­ mance”, in: No. 1456, pp. 39-69. Fisher, J.H., “Chaucer and the written language”, in: Popular Literature of Me­ dieval England, ed. T.J. H e ff e r n a n (Knoxville, Tenn., 1 9 8 5 : Tennessee Studies in Literature 2 8 ), p p . 2 3 7 -2 5 1 . Harwood, B.J., “Dame Study and the place of orality in Piers Plowman”, Jour­ nal of English Literary History 57 (1990), pp. 1-17. Lerer, S., “ ‘Now Holde Youre Mouth’: The romance of orality in the Thopas-Melibee section of the Canterbury Tales”, in: No. 1456, pp. 181-205.

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14.11

Celtic Literature

1465

Bruford, A , “Why an Ulster Cycle?”, in: Ulidia: Proceedings of the First Inter­ national Conference on the Ubter Tale Cycle, ed. J.P. Mallory and G. Stock-

1466

Conran, T., “The ballad and Taliesin”, Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 28

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(1994), pp. 1-24. Cornier, R.J., “Anonymity and oralism in the ‘Táin’ ”, Studia celtica 14-15 (1979-1980), pp. 66-73. Cornier, R.J., “L’épopée irlandaise médiévale, anonyme et orale”, in: vm Con­ greso... Rencesvals, ed. C. Alvar and V. Cirlot (Pamplona, 1981), pp. 87-91. Early Irish Literature-Media and Communication: Mündlichkeit und Schrift­ lichkeit in derfrühen irischen Literatur, ed. S.N. Tranter and H.LC. Tristram (Tübingen, 1989: ScriptOralia 10). Edel, D., “Die inselkeltische Erzähltradition zwischen Mündlichkeit und Schrift­ lichkeit”, in: No. 1469, pp. 99-124. Evans, D.S., “Oral and dialect in Early Welsh literature”, Language Sciences 15 (1993), pp. 107-13.

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Koch, J.T., “When was Welsh literature first written down?”, Studia celtica 2021 (1985-1986), pp. 43-66. Laurent, D., “Tradition orale et tradition écrite du conte dans les pays celtiques”, in: Le conte de la tradition orale dans le Bassin méditerranéen: Actes des Rencontres de Carcassonne, ed. J.-P. PlNiES (Carcassonne, 1986), pp. 17-33. MacEoin, G., “Orality and literacy in some Middle Irish king-tales”, in: No. 1469, pp. 149-183. MacGearailt, U., “Cath Ruis na Rig and twelfth-century literary and oral tradi­ tion”, Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie 44 (1991), pp. 128-53. NíChonoaile, N., and H.L.C. Tristram, “Die mittelirische Sagenlistcn zwi­ schen Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit, in: No. 305, pp. 249-268. O’Hehjr, ß., “Traces of orality in an Irish literary text”, in: No. 1260, pp. 378-387. Roberts, B.F., “Oral tradition and Welsh literature: A description and survey”, Oral Tradition 3 (1988), pp. 61-87. Tristram, H.L.C., “Warum Cenn Faelad sein ‘Gehirn des Vergessens’ verlor-Wort und Schrift in der älteren irischen Literatur”, in: No. 305, pp. 207-248. Tristram, H.L.C., “The ‘Cattle-Raid of Cuailnge’ in tension and transition be­ tween the oral and the written, classical subtexts and narrative heritage”, in: No. 303, pp. 61-81. Van Strien-Gerritsen, L., “Orale poezie in Oudierse rechtsboeken”, in: No. 203, p p .135-143.

14.12 1482 1483 1484

1485 1486

Scandinavian Literature

Byock, J.L., “Saga form, oral prehistory, and the Icelandic social context”, in: No. 670, pp. 153-174. Byock, J.L, “Choices of honor: Telling saga feud, Thattr, and the fundamental oral progression”, Oral Tradition 10 (1995), pp. 166-80. Byock, J.L, and G. Sigurdsson (tr.), “Islendingasögur og kenningar urn formgerd frasagna: Munnleg hefd og boksogur i Ijosi samfelagsgerdar”, Timarit 51 (1990), pp. 21-39. Gurevich, E.A., “The formulaic pair in Eddie poetry”, in: Structure and Mean­ ing in Old Norse Literature, ed. J. LiNDOWa.o. (Odense, 1986), pp. 32-55. Kellogg, R.L, “Literacy and orality in the poetic Edda”, in: No. 213, pp. 89101 .

1487 1488

Lindow, J., “Thaettir and oral performance”, in: No. 669, pp. 179-86. LóNNROTH, L, Den dubbia scenen: Muntlig diktning frati Edda till Abba (Stockholm, 1978).

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Melettnsky, E.M., “Commonplaces and other elements of folkloric style in Ed­ die poetry”, in: Structure and Meaning in Old Norse Literature, ed. J. Lindow a.o. (Odense, 1986), pp. 15-31. M itchell , S.A., “The sagaman and oral literature: The Icelandic traditions of Hjórleiff inn kvensami and Geirmundr heljarskinn”, in: No. 686, pp. 395-423. Olason, V., “The marvellous North and authorial presence in the Icelandic Fornaldarsaga”, in: Contexts of Pre-Novel Narrative: The European Tradition, ed. R. Eriksen (Berlin, 1994:Approaches to Semiotics 114), pp. 101-134. SÓDERBERG, B., “Saga och bulla: Fornsvenska genrebeteckningar och medeltida skriftmiljöer”, Arkiv for nordisk filologi 109 (1994), pp. 141-172. Von See, K., “Skaldenstrophen und Sagaprosa: Ein Beitrag zum Problem der mündlichen Überlieferung in der altnordischen Literatur”, Medieval Scandinavia 10(1977), pp. 58-82. Von See, K-, “Mündliche Prosa und Skaldendichtung: Mit einem Exkurs über Skaldensagas und Trobadorbiographien”. Medieval Scandinavia 11 (19781979), pp. 82-91. Wolf, A., “Snorris Wege in die Vergangenheit und die Besonderheiten auslän­ discher Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit”, in: Snorri Sturluson: Kolloquium an­ lässlich der 750. Wiederkehr seines Todestages, ed. A. Wolf (Tübingen, 1993: ScriptOralia 51), pp. 267-293.

14.13 1496

Michalowska, T., “Miçdzy slowem mówionym a pisanym (O poezji polskiej póznego sredniowiecza)", in: Literatura i kultura páznego sredniowiecza w Polsce, ed. T. Michalowska (Warsaw, 1993), pp. 83-124.

14.14 1497 1498

1499

Central and Eastern European Literature

Arab and Middle Eastern Literatures

Kruk, R., “De geschiedenis van koning ‘Untar An-Nu‘mân: Over Arabische ridderromans”, in: No. 203, pp. 171-187. Kudeline, A.B., “Tradition orale et tradition écrite dans la poésie arabe du vic au IXe siècle”, in: Proceedings of the xiith Congress of the International Comparative Literature Association/Actes du X l f congrès de ¡’Association In­ ternationale de Littérature Comparée: München 1988, 4: Space and Bound­ aries of Literature/Espace et frontières de la littérature, ed. R. Bauer a.o. (Mu­ nich, 1990), pp. 430-435. Mahé, J.-P., “Échos mythologiques et poésie orale dans l’oeuvre de Grigor Narekac’i”, Revue des études arméniennes 17 (1983), pp. 249-278.

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1501

O t t e n , R.Th., “Verschijnselen van oraliteit en schriñelijkheid in de Berbercultuur”, in: No. 203, pp. 33-61. of redemption: An elegy by al-Fari’ah b. Shaddad al-Murriyah”, in: Literary Heritage of Classical Islam: Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honor of James A. Bellamy, ed. M. M u st a n sir (Princeton, 1993), pp. 85-105.

1502

S t e t k e v y c h , S.P., “The generous eye/I and the poetics

15. 1503

1504 1505

1506

1508 1509 1510 1511 1512 1513

Religion and Writing

“Medienwechsel-Medienwandel: Geistliche Texte auf Einblatt­ drucken und anderen Überlieferungsträgern des 15. Jahrhunderts”, in: Das il­ lustrierte Flugblatt 1450-1750 in kombinierten Perspektiven mehrerer Fachgebiete, ed. M. Schilling and W. H a r m s [in the press]. Graham, W.A., Beyond the Written Word: Oral Aspects of Scripture in the His­ tory of Religion (Cambridge, 1987). Le Livre religieux et ses pratiques: Études sur l'histoire du livre religieux en Al­ lemagne et en France à l’époque moderne, ed. H.E. BÓDEKER a.o. (Göttingen, 1991). Stine, P.C., “Writing and Religion”, in: No. 132,1, pp. 604-610. E ise rm a n n , F.,

15.1 1507

“The Arabian Nights: The oral connection”, Edebiyât 2 (1 9 8 8 ),

Middle Ages and Early Modern Times

Adamska, A., “Dieu, le Christ, la Vierge et l’Église dans les préambules polo­ nais du Moyen Âge”, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 155 (1997), pp. 543573. Angenendt, A., a.o., “Gezählte Frömmigkeit”, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 29 (1995), pp. 1-71. Aston, M., “Lollardy and literacy”, History 62 (1977), pp. 347-371. Biller, P., “The oral and the written: The case of the Alpine Waldensians”, Bul­ letin o f the Society for Renaissance Studies 4 (1986), pp. 19-28. Borkowska, U., Królewskie modlitewniki (Lublin, 1988). Carey, H.M., “Devout literate laypeoplc and the pursuit of the mixed life in later medieval England”, Journal of Religious History 14 (1987), pp. 361-381. Cavallo, G., “Scrivere leggere memorizzare le sacre scritture”, in: Morfologie sociali e culturali in Europa fra tarda antichità e alto medioevo (Spoleto, 1998: Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo 45), pp. 987-1013.

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Hagiography

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Bronzini, G.B., “Hagiographie de cour et hagiographie de peuple”, in: D ’un conte ...-à l’autre: la variabilité dans la littérature oralelFrom One Tale... to the Other: Variability in OralLiterature, ed. K. V. Gorog and M. Chiche (Paris, 1990), pp. 261-273. Butler, F., “The Representation of oral culture in the Vita Constantini”, Slavic and East European Journal 39 (1995), pp. 367-84. Cosmos, S., “Oral tradition and literary convention in Bede’s Life of St. Aidan”, Classical Folia 31 (1977), pp. 47-63. De Nie, G., “Text, symbol and ‘oral culture’ in the sixth-century Church: the mi­ racle story”, Mediaevistik 9 (1996), pp. 115-133. Despodova, V., and M. Mitrevska (tr.), “On the level of a religious cult”, Ma­ cedonian Review: History, Culture, Literature, Arts 21 (1991), pp. 16-19. Elliott, A.G., “The ‘Triumphus Sancti Remacli’: Latin evidence for oral com­ position”, Romance Philology 32 (1978-1979), pp. 292-298. Elliott, A.G., “The ‘Vie de Saint Alexis’: Oral ‘versus’ written style”, in: vtn Congreso ... Rencesvals, ed. C. Alvar and V. Cirlot (Pamplona, 1981), pp. 137-148. Heene, K., “Merovingian and Carolingian hagiography: Continuity or change in public and aims?”, Analecta Bollandiana 107 (1989), pp. 415-428. Heene, K, ‘Audire, legere, vulgo: An attempt to define public use and compre­ hensibility of Carolingian hagiography”, in: No. 543, pp. 146-163. Heene, K., “Litteris ac memoriae mandare: writing and oral information in Ca­ rolingian miracle stories”, Litterae Hagiologicae 3 (1997), pp. 6-14. Jansen, J., “Vroegmiddeleeuwse strafwonderen als bron van onze kennis over een orale samenlcving”, Archief voor de Geschiedenis van de Katholieke Kerk in Nederland 31 (1989), pp. 163-191. Karwasiñska, J., Wybór pism: Swiçty Wojciech (Warsaw, 1996). Kresten, 0., “Leontios von Neapolis als Tachygraph? Hagiographische Texte als Quellen zu Schriftlichkeit und Buchkultur im 6. und 7. Jahrhundert”, Scrittura e civiltà 1 (1977), pp. 155-175. Magennis, H., “ ‘Listen now all and understand’: Adaptation of hagiographical material for vernacular audiences in the Old English Lives of St. Margaret”, Speculum 71 (1996), pp. 27-42. Newbold, R., “Non-verbal communication in early Christian hagiography”, The Ancient World: Art and Literature in Antiquity 28 (1997), pp. 83-94. O Riain, P., “The saints and their amanuenses: Early models and later issues”, in: No. 1469, pp. 267-280. Smith, J.M.H., “Oral and written: Saints, miracles and relics in Brittany, c. 8501250”, Speculum 65 (1990), pp. 309-343. Van Egmond, W.S., “The audience of early medieval hagiographical texts”, in this volume, pp. 41-66.

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Magic o f the Written Word

A., “Language as affective medium and as modelling system: Anglo-Saxon script charms and the condition of magic”, in: No. 2 3 0 , pp. 127154. B y l in a , S., “Cum luda, Datan etAbiron: Maledykacje w dokumentach sredniowiecznej Europy Srodkowo-Wschodniej”, in: Biedni i Bogad (Warsaw, 1992), pp. 243-251. De Nie, G., “De ‘kracht’ van wat in het boek gezegd wordt: Woord, schrift en teken in zesde-eeuws Gallië”, in: No. 203, pp. 63-88. D üw el , K-, “Buchstabenmagie und Alphabetzauber: Zu den Inschriften der Goldbrakteaten und ihrer Funktion als Amulette”, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 22 (1988), pp. 70-110. Ganim, J.M, “The devil’s writing lesson”, in: No. 1456, pp. 109-23. Guarducci, M., “Il fenomeno orientale del simbolismo alfabetico e i suoi svilup­ pi nel mondo cristiano d’Occidente”, in: L ’Oriente cristiano nella storia della civiltà (Rome, 1964), pp. 467-499. Hartung, W., “Die Magie des Geschriebenen”, in: No. 230, pp. 109-126. M o st e rt , M., “La magie de l’écrit dans le Haut Moyen Âge: Quelques réflexions générales”, in: Haut Moyen-Age: Culture, éducation et société: Etudes offertes à Piere Riché, ed. M. S o t (La Garenne-Colombes, 1990), pp. 273-281. M o st e rt , M., “De magie van het geschreven woord”, in: De betovering van het middeleeuwse Christendom: Studies over ritueel en magie in de Middeleeuwen, ed. M. M o s t e r t and A. D e m y t t e n a e r e (Hilversum, 1995: Amsterdamse Historische Reeks: Grote Serie 22), pp. 61-100. M uller , G., “Von der Buchstabenmagie zur Namenmagie in den Brakteateninschriften”, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 22 (1988), pp. 111-157. B r o o k e D a v is ,

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Nelson, M., “King Solomon’s magic: The power of a written text”, Oral Tra­ dition 5 (1990), pp. 20-36. Nielsen, KM., “Runen und Magie: Ein forschungsgeschichtlicher Überblick”, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 19 (1985), pp. 75-97. Olsan, L, “Latin Charms of medieval England: Verbal healing in a Christian oral tradition”, Oral Tradition 7 (1992), pp. 116-42. Poulin, J.-G, “Entre magie et religion: Recherches sur les utilisations marginales de l’écrit dans la culture populaire du haut Moyen-Âge”, in: La culture populaire au Moyen Âge, ed. P. Boglioni (Montreal, 1977), pp. 121-143. Schwab, U., “Runen der Merowingerzeit als Quelle für das Weiterleben der spätantiken christlichen und nichtchristlichen Schriftmagie?”, in: Runenin­ schriften als Quellen interdisziplinärer Forschung: Abhandlungen des Vierten Internationalen Symposiums über Runen und Runeninschriften in Göttingen vom 4.-9. August 1995, ed. K Düwel and S. Nowak (Berlin, 1998: Ergän­ zungsbände zum Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 15), pp. 376433.

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Bloch, P., “Das Buch im Spiegel mittelalterlicher Handschriften”, Das Münster: Zeitschriftßr christliche Kunst und Kunstwissenschaft 5 -6 (1 9 7 2 ), pp. 3 2 5 -3 3 2 . The Book and the Body, ed. D. Warwick Frese and K O’Brien O’Keeffe (Notre Dame and London, 1 9 97). Curschmann, M., “Hören-Lesen-Sehen: Buch und Schriftlichkeit im Selbst­ verständnis der volkssprachlichen literarischen Kultur Deutschlands um 1 2 0 0 ”, Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 1 0 6 (1 9 8 4 ), pp. 2 1 8 -2 5 7 .

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Curtius, E.R., “Das Buch als Symbol in der Divina Commedia”, in: Festschrift zum sechzigsten Geburtstag von Paul Clemen (Düsseldorf, 1 9 2 6 ), pp. 4 4 -5 4 . Curtius, E.R., “Das Buch als Symbol”, in: E.R. Curtius, Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter (Bern, 1 9 7 3 8), pp. 3 0 6 -3 5 2 . Dinzelbacher, P., “Die Bedeutung des Buches in der Karolingerzeit”, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 2 4 (1 9 8 3 ), col. 2 5 7 -2 8 8 . G u s s o n e , N., “Der Codex auf dem Thron: Zur Ehrung des Evangelienbuches (oder: des heiligen Buches) in Liturgie und Zeremoniell”, in: Wort und Buch in der Liturgie, ed. H.P. N e u h e u s e r (St. Ottilien, 1 9 9 5 ). Herkommer, H., “Buch der Schrift und Buch der Natur: Zur Spiritualität der Welterfahrung im Mittelalter, mit einem Ausblick auf ihren Wandel in der Neu­ zeit”, Zeitschrift für schweizerische Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte 46 (1 9 8 6 ), pp. 1 6 7 -1 7 8 .

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1578

Koep, L., Das himmliche Buch in Antike und Christentum: Eine religions­ geschichtliche Untersuchung zur altchristlichen Bildersprache (Bonn, 1952: Theophaneia: Beiträge zur Religions- und Kirchengeschichte des Altertums 8). S ch m id t , G., “Waffenlärm und Grabesstille: Buch und Bibliothek im Spiegel der Metapher”, Philobiblon 3 4 (1 9 9 0 ), pp. 3 -1 2 . Schreiner, K., “ ‘... wie Maria geleicht einem puch’: Beiträge zur Buchme­ taphorik des hohen und späten Mittelalters”, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwe­ sens 11 (1971), col. 1437-1464.

1579

1580

edn. (G ren o b le,

Subject index abacus 779 Abba 1488 Abiron 1554 Acallam na Senorach 680, 694 Adalbert, St. [Wojciech] 1540 Aidan, St., see: Vita Sancti Aedani Aldeia do Lamegai 688 Alexius, St. 1535; see also: Vita Sancti Alexii Alfonso X, king 768 alphabet, alphabétisation 1-2, 121, 160, 177, 181, 217-218. 232, 240, 242-243, 249, 255-256, 262, 312, 340, 359, 748, 794. 805, 807, 950, 989. 1067, 1136, 1556, 1558 Andrea di Barberino 1372 Andreas 1350 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 706 Anjou dynasty 1184 annals 711 anthropology 77-94 Antiquity 140-173; see also: book production and use; memory, oral and written; reading; teaching Arab and Middle Eastern literatures 1497-1502 archaeology 637 Arezzo 681, 790 aristocrats 747, 1089-1099 arithmetic 767 ars dictaminis 785

artes mechanicae 1041 Arthurian literature 682 audience, see: public Augustine, St. 887 authors 190, 244, 297, 345, 428, 661, 908, 926, 995,1106 Avian 757 Avignon 1245 Babel 511, 539 ballads 1278,1 3 3 4 ,1 4 6 6 Battle o f Maldon 1336, 1413 Bayeux 406 Beda Venerabilis 1531 Beira Alta 688 Belial 439 Benedict, St. 373 B eow ulf 971, 1305, 1320, 1323, 1414-1416, 1419, 1425, 1427, 1432, 1434-1435, 1441, 1445;see also: Grendel Bergamo 1143,1215 Bergen (Norway) 325 Bernard, St. 620 Beroul 1384 Berthold of Regensburg 630 Bestiaire dA m our 447 Bible 1 4 0 ,142-144,196, 267, 456, 906,1051, 1507, 1517 Bible m oralisée416 Biblical Antiquity 140-145

298 bilingualism 590, 597, 68 9 ,1 5 2 6 B ohem ia 330, 335, 340, 568, 57-576, 586, 597-598, 772, 825, 829-831, 857, 10731174 book production and use, general 824-834; Antiquity, Byzantium and Early Middle Ages; Later Middle Ages 840-858 Book of Armagh 315 Book of Margery Kempe 1459,1462 books of hours 937 bracteates 823 Bretagne 591,1093 Byzantium J 74-181 ; see also: book production and use; reading Caedmon's Hymn 1430-1431,1437 Caesarius of Arles 171 calligraphy 796 Canterbury 296 Canterbury Tales 697, 1453-3455; see also: Franklin's Tale Cantigas 459 capitularies 1157,1163 Carolingians 216, 220, 224, 227, 383, 434, 491, 559, 562, 714, 839, 1140, 1L59, 1177,1218,1224-1225,3536-1538,1573 Carpenter, John 856 Castile 258, 1011 Catalonia 596,1232; see also: Iberian Peninsula Catherine of Siena, St. 1121 Caxton, William 293, 907, 914 Celtic Fringe, see: Ireland and the “Celtic Fringe” Celtic literature 1465-1481 Cenn Faelad 1479 Central and Eastern Europe, general surveys 330-341 Central and Eastern European Literature 1496 ceremony, see: ritual and ceremony, political Chanson de Roland 39 8 ,1 0 7 7 chansons de geste 4 4 0 ,1 2 5 5 ,1 3 6 2 ,1 3 8 7 -1 3 8 8 Charlemagne 219, 527, 5 4 9 ,1 2 4 4 ,1 3 2 6 . Charles Le Téméraire, king 1099 charters 251,276, 587, 9 5 7 ,1 0 5 9 ,1 1 3 6 ,1 1 6 8 1185,1507 Chaucer, Geoffrey 3 0 1 ,6 9 7 ,1 0 6 6 ,1 4 5 3 -1 4 5 5 Chrétien de Troyes 3 91,1378

MARCO MOSTERT

chronicles 5 8 6 ,7 0 5 , 711, 712, 718, 722, 916, 1380 Cid, see: Mio Cid Cividale 1112 Classical Antiquity 146-155 clergy and laymen 1049-1057 clergy, regular 1068-1088; secular 1058-1067 clothes 403-405 Codex M anesse 421 codicology 94 7 ,1 1 5 3 coins 401, 823 Cologne 59 2 ,1 2 1 6 Colop, John 856 colours 366-367 communication, theory 1-30 Com o 1165 C om pendium historiae in genealogia Christi (C om pendium veteris testamenti) 1051 composition o f oral literature 1329-1342 Concelho de Pinhel 688 Constantine, see: Vita Constantini Consuetudines Guigonis 1070 contes 1473 coronation 376, 486, 487, 642 correspondence 1025-1033 Cracow 1062 Cynewulf 1412 cyrillic writing 2 2 5 ,3 3 7 ,5 7 6 D alim il586 Dante Alighieri 246, 7 6 3,1571 Datan 1554 Den Bosch 1021 Denmark 323 Deventer 1524 devotio m oderna 8 58,1523 Diderot, Denis 1024 diglossia 322, 512, 570 dispute settlement, see: jurisdiction and dispute settlement distinction, see: language as a means of distinction Domesday Book 293 Douce Apocalypse 438 Durham 420 Dutch literature 1408 dyslexia 866 Early Middle Ages, general surveys 216-231

Bibliography Eastern Europe, see: Central and Easetrn Europe Edda 1333, 1485-1486,1488-1489 editorial techniques, see: reading education, see: teaching electronic word 353 Eligius, St., see: Vita Eligii encyclopaedia 43 5 ,1 0 4 2 ,1 0 4 4 Eneasroman 398, 427 England 279-281, 289, 292. 294-295, 298, 300-302, 348, 358. 408, 537, 762, 771, 773, 780, 783-784, 832-833. 841-842. 856, 880, 909. 914, 917, 935, 962-963, 993,1032,1066-1067.1069,1092,1098, 1124, 1171. 1192. 1203, 1217, 1223. 1230-1231, 1239. 1270, 1312, 14091464. 1512. 1515-1516, 1519. 1542, 1545, 1565: Anglo-Saxon E. 282-286. 290-291, 678. 812, 902, 1109. 1164, 1179, 1194, 1220. 1336, 1411, 1422, 1426-1428. 1433, 1438. 1553: Early Middle Ages 282-291; Later Middle Ages 292-302 English literature 287, 692-693, 696. 962. 1280, 1336; see also: Middle English lite­ rature. Old English literature epic 1312-1328; see also: Heldcndichtung, Hel­ densage E re c 3 9 1 ,1114 ethnography 80, 93 exempla 1060 fabliaux 1205, 1358,1373 Fibel 775 Finland 1030 Florence 252, 255, 763, 767. 776 Fomaldarsaga 684, 1346,1491 Francia, romance speaking 549 France 260-263, 342, 379, 406, 488, 571, 574, 800,867,911,917, 995-997, 1063,1141, 1196, 1212, 1293, 1347-1348, 13731391,1505 Frankfurt am Main 219 Franklin's Tale 1449 Franks 679, 717,1210, 1218 Freiburg school 76 French literature 77, 508, 1280, 1293, 13731391

299 Frisia (Friesland) 277, 599 Galbert o f Bruges 718 Gallus Anonymus 710 Gaul 260. 5 5 1 ,5 5 7 ,1 2 3 7 ,1 5 5 5 Geinnundr heljarskinn 1490 genealogies, royal 678,1051 German literature 509, 704, 896, 1280, 1288, 1341.1392-1407 Germania, see: Germany Germ any 223. 264-266. 270, 272-274, 304, 350, 404, 480, 495. 515, 574, 597, 678, 6 9 1 ,7 0 4 .8 0 0 ,8 3 4 ,8 4 3 ,9 4 5 ,1 0 0 6 . 1040, 1118. U44-U45. 1159, 1183, 1210, 1216, 1227, 1287-1288, 1305, 1318. 1327. 1341, 1392-1407, 1505, 1525, 1570: Early Middle Ages 267-270; Later Middle Ages 271-275 Gesta Francorum 717 gestures 3 6 8 4 0 0 Ghcraert Lecu 1000 Giotto 370 glagolitic writing 225. 735 Goody, Jack 45 Goths 218 Gouda 1000 government 1213-1237 governm ent, management and trade, general 1128-1141 Gower, John, Confessio Amantis 424 grammar 5. 222, 775, 934 Greek Antiquity 156-165 Gregorian music 460, 465 Gregory the Great, St. 241, 419 Grendel 360 Guigo, see: Consuetudines Guigonis Gutenberg, Johann 1024 hagiography 1528-1552 Halewijn, Heer 701 Hamburg 1227 Hans, Bruder 1068 Hartmann von Aue 3 9 1,1114 Havelok the Dane 683,1451 Heldendichtung 1315,1318 Heldensage 684, 690-691, 699, 1281, 1318, 1327-1328,1482-1495 Heliand 267 Henry I, emperor 642

300 heresy 1509-1510, 1514-1516, 1520-1521 historiography, see: oral tradition; history history, 176,515, 528, 586, 612, 616, 635-636, 639-640, 643, 645-646, 656, 665-666, 699. 704-722,916, 991 Hjorleifr inn kvensami 1490 Holland, sec: Low Countries H om er 130, 1323 Horace, Satires 933 Hugh of Cluny 1088 Hugh of St. Victor, Didascalion 925 hum anism 274, 327, 384, 768, 922, 1016, 1019 Hungary 330, 7 15-716,1091, 1172, 1180 Iberian literature 1367-1371 Iberian Peninsula, general surveys 257-259 Iceland 319, 326, 328, 872, 1200,1304, 1482, 1490 illiteracy 31-32, 39, 192, 282, 415, 423, 723, 1095, 109S, 1250,1393 inscriptions 436, 823 Ireland and the “Celtic Fringe” 303-316, 708, 7 4 5 ,9 0 0 ,1 0 6 5 , 1271, 1304,1312, 14651470, 1473-1477, 1479-1481 Italian literature 1372 Italy 239-240, 243-245, 248, 250, 252-256, 499, 536, 553, 571, 574, 707, 763, 769, 776, 788, 802, 993, 1019, 1059, 1063, 1117, 1121, 1129, 1143, 1145-1146, 1151-1153, 1155, 1165, 1168, 1187, 1199, 1213-1215, 1219, 1221-1222, 1238,1372,1520; Early Middle Ages 241245; Later Middle Ages 246-256 Iwein 391 Jagicllonian dynasty 1184 Jerome, St. 835 Jew s, see: Judaism jonglcurs918 Judaism , 141, 145, 342-343, 653, 807, 881, 891 Judas 1554 jurisdiction and dispute settlement 1186-1212 Kalevala 1332 Karel ende Elegast 702 Kempe, Margery, sec: B ook o f M argery Kempc kingship, see: politics Koopmans, M. 723, 727

MARCO MOSTERT

Kosovo 672 Krem smiinstcr 766 Labov, William 719 Lancelot 930 language as a means of distinction 536-538 language, general 510-535 language, thinking about 539-542 Late Antiquity 170-173 Later Middle Ages, general surveys 232-238 Latin language 543-546; as m other tongue 547562; as “ father tongue” 563-570 lay-out, see: reading laymen 2 5 7 ,2 85,302,749, 750, 839, 855, 912, 1049,1053-1054,1056-1057, 1089-1105, 1179,1512; see also: clergy and laymen Legend o f Kosovo 672 legislation 1142-1167 Leontios o f Naples 1541 Lcrins 1074 libraries 335, 345, 839, 847-848, 850, 885, 9 4 0 ,1 0 4 4 ,1 0 6 9 , 1079, 1579 libri pauperum 1527 lieux de mémoire 634-637 Lille 1233 literary texts, see: oral tradition literature, general 1248-1277 Lodi 1148,1165 Lombards 679 London 8 4 1 ,8 5 6 Louis XI, king of France 1099 Low Countries 276-278, 349, 359, 587, 764, 826, 941, 1 0 0 5 ,1 0 2 2 ,1 1 3 2 , 1169,1326. See also: Frisia Lübeck 271, 1227 Lucan 1099 Lyon 589 M acEoin, Gcroid 306 m agic 892, 1553-1567 M agna Charta 1203,1231 Maldon, sec: Battle o f Maldon management 1238-1244; see also: government, managem ent and trade mandarin literacy 1034-1045 Manicres.de langage 1382 manuscript research, sec: reading M argaret, St., sec: Vita Sanctae Margarethae Marie de France 1375, 1390

Bibliography McLuhan, Marshall 45 Melk 774 m em ory 268, 294, 429, 458, 600-635, 6396 4 1,648, 6 7 1 ,7 1 1 ,7 3 9 , 797 M erovingian dynasty 559, 749, 1237, 1536, 1547-1548,1567 Middle Ages, general surveys 182-215 Middle Eastern literatures, see: Arab and Middle Eastern literatures Middle English literature 9 5 3 ,9 6 3 ,1 2 7 0 ,1 3 0 2 , 1446-1464; poetry 43 Milan 1064,1188 minstrels 1302 Mio Cid 1294,1367,1371 Mitüberlieferung 1162 mnemonic systems 608, 613, 620, 625-626, 630 Modern times, general surveys 344-360 monastic culture 2 8 7 ,3 6 8 ,3 7 3 ,4 0 9 ,5 0 7 , 620, 720,746,766,830,854, 9 0 3 ,1 0 5 0 ,1 0 6 8 1088,1243-1244 Montaillou 641 M onte Velate, S. Maria di 1064 monum ents 637 Moriaen 930 M ount Athos 179 multilingualism 5 2 6 ,1 0 3 0 ,1 0 3 6 M ünster school 75 m usic 458-465 myth 607, 636, 1207 Naples, see: Leontios 1541 Nibelungenlied 400, 1332, 1392-1393. 1396, 1405 Njàls saga 6 9 9,1207 non-verbal communication, general 361-364 Novara 1059,1165 Novgorod 1031 Occitania 263 ogamic writing 306 Old English literature 577, 951-952, 1312, 1409-1445, 1542; poetry 689, 1110, 1417, 1421, 1423-1424, 1430, 1436, 1439,1442-1444,1446 Olkofra Thattr 1304 Ong, Walter 3 5 ,4 5 ,5 0 oral communication 324, 502-506 oral literature 1278-1311; see also: composition

301 oral societies, see: past, the oral tradition, general 651-674; Early Middle Ages 675-680; in historiography 704-722; in literary texts 682-703; Later Middle Ages 681 orality 8, 31-78, 81-82, 8 4 ,8 6 ,1 0 4 ,1 0 6 -1 0 7 , 109, 111-112, 123, 127, 129, 140-142, 145, 161, 163-166, 174, 180, 201-203, 205, 213, 221, 223, 228-229, 233, 246, 260, 262, 267-268, 273, 281, 286, 288, 290, 300, 304, 316, 321, 325, 327, 334, 360, 392-393, 426, 459, 460-461, 475, 4 83, 502-506, 510, 516, 518, 520, 522523, 531, 534-535, 547, 550-552, 554555, 557, 561, 563, 565, 571, 588, 596, 631, 638-674, 676-682, 685-689, 694697, 699, 701, 703, 715, 717-722, 759. 7 69. 781-793. 807, 913-914, 943, 951952, 962-963, 988, 990, 1015, 1029, 1038, 1045, 1074, 1080. 1084, 1091, 1101, 1113, 1121, 1135, 1150, 1161, 1163, 1170, 1172, 1194, 1205, 1209, 1250, 1259, 1261, 1263, 1265, 1269, 1274-1275, 1277, 1278-1342, 1344, 1347, 1351, 1359, 1360, 1363, 13671370, 1372-1377, 1380, 1382-1386, 1388-1392, 1395-1396, 1398, 1400, 1405, 1409-1410, 1412, 1417, 14211422, 1424, 1426-1427, 1429, 1433. 1435, 1437-1439, 1443-1447, 1449, 1452, 1454, 1455-1456, 1458-1459, 1462-1464,1467-1471,1473-1478, 14801496, 1498-1501, 1504, 1510, 15301532, 1534-1535, 1538-1539, 1545, 1549-1550, 1555, 1565, 1570; orality versus literacy 31 -74 orthography 809, 980, 989 Oswald von Wolkenstein 275 Ottonian dynasty 266, 383, 490, 491, 747, 1177 Palaiologian dynasty 1228 parody 1377 Parry, Milman 657, 686 Parzifal 39 1 ,9 3 0 ,1 3 7 8 ,1 4 0 1 past, the 638-650 Pastoureau, Michel 366 Patrick, St. 315

302 Patristic literature 695, 835, 887 patronage 74, 855, 9 95,1275 Pavia 1165 peasants 1100-1104 Pecock, Reginald 856 performance 1343-1366 Peter o f Poitiers 1051 Piast dynasty 4 1 1 ,1 0 9 0 ,1 1 1 2 ,1 1 8 5 písemníctví, see: literacy pismiennosc, see: literacy pismo, see: writing Pizzicatola, Maddalena 256 Plato 157 Poland 330,335,337, 3 3 9 ,3 7 6 , 3 8 1 ,4 1 1 ,4 8 6 , 5 6 8 ,7 1 0 ,7 9 1 ,8 5 0 ,8 5 1 ,9 9 1 ,1 0 6 1 ,1 0 8 5 , 1090,1111-1112,1181-1182,1184-1185, 1229,1496, 1 5 0 7 ,1 5 4 0 ,1 5 5 1 ,1 5 5 4 , see also: Jagielionian dynasty, Piast dynasty political propaganda, see: politics politics, 138,153,238, 238, 264-265, 289, 380, 396, 476-501, 529, 679, 795, 803.1038, 1072, 1090, 1092-1093, 1099, 11281141, 1176, 1217-1218, 1220, 12241 2 2 6 ,1 2 2 8 -1 2 3 1 ,1 2 3 4 ,1 4 2 8 ,1 5 7 4 Portugal, see: Iberian Pensinsula power, see: politics Prague 772 prayer 859 printing, print 127, 187, 279, 347, 354, 441, 8 4 5 ,9 0 8 ,9 9 2 -1 0 2 4 ,1 0 9 3 production and use of written texts 792-793 protestantism, Reformation 350, 777, 778, 1525 Psalter, in German 1068 Psalter of Charles the Bald 422 Psalter of Egbert 1112 psychology 95-108 public, audience 1 7 2,190, 244, 297, 345, 861, 88 2 ,8 8 7 ,8 8 9 -8 9 0 ,9 0 8 -9 0 9 ,1 0 0 0 ,1 0 5 8 , 1124, 1249, 1250, 1402, 1457, 1528, 1537,1552 punctuation 958, 962, 9 6 4 ,9 6 8 ,9 6 9 ,9 7 4 , 976 readers, see: public reading 4 6 ,5 5 ,8 0 , 9 4 ,1 0 1 ,1 7 1 -1 7 2 , 234, 237, 244, 301, 319, 329, 415, 432, 447, 561, 706, 732, 744, 746, 752, 769, 779, 789, 859-880, 946-991, 1071, 1093, 1117,

MARCO MOSTERT

1 5 1 3 ,1 5 2 5 , 1570; in Antiquity 881-888; in Byzantium 889-890; in the Middle Ages, general 891-899; the Early Middle A ges 900-906; in the Later Middle Ages 907-943; in Early Modern times 944-945; see also: teaching reading, lay-out, manuscript research and editorial techniques 946-991 Religion and writing, general 1503-1506; in the M iddle Ages and in Early Modern times 1507-1527 RemacluS, St., see: Trium phus Sancti Remacli Reynaert 538 rhetoric 60, 116, 170, 768, 934, 953, 969, 1 0 3 5 ,1 0 3 6 ,1 0 3 9 ,1 1 1 9 Riquier, St., see: Vita Riquieri ritual and ceremony, general 466-475; political 476-501 Robert de Boron 1374 Roman Antiquity 166-169 Roman dEracle 1391 Roman de Perceforest 1380 Rom an de Renaît 1376 Rom an de Tristan 1339,1384 romances 1270 ,1 2 9 1 ,1 3 0 2 -1 3 0 3 ,1 3 2 6 ,1 3 4 7 , 1 3 8 0 ,1 4 5 2 ,1 4 5 7 Rome, medieval 256 Romenia 593 runic writing 284, 734, 811-824, 1207, 1564, 1567 Rush, Friar 1084 Russia 332-333, 338, 34 1 ,1 3 2 0 Sachsenspiegel 444, 452, 98 2 ,1 1 5 4 Salemo 242 San Vincenzo al Volturno 436 Scandinavia, general surveys 317-329 Scandinavian literature 1482-1495 Scela M ucce M eic Datho 1304 Scotland 1128 scribes 295, 853, 97 5 ,1 5 5 7 script and script forms 794-810

seals 1175,1177 Sebastiaan, de spin 930 semiotics 1 3 ,1 7 , 979 Serenus of Marseilles 419 sermons 1 0 5 8 ,1 0 6 5 ,1 0 6 6 ,1 0 6 7 ,1 5 2 6 silence 507-509

Bibliography Sir Gawain and the Green Knight 1448,1450 skalds 1493-1494 Slavs 225, 582,1294-1295 smells 365 Snorri Sturluson 1495 social groups, general 1046-1046 sociology 77-94 Solomon and Saturn 1424 songs 899 Spain 257, 259, 562, 572, 585, 72 1 ,7 6 8 , 910, 1011, 1357,1367-1371; see also: Iberian Peninsula Speyer 238 St. Gall 269, 902 Strasbourg 357, 997 Stuart dynasty 762 Sulpicius Severus 551 Suso, Heinrich 409 Sweden 567 symbolic communication 182, 1173, 1532, 1543,1558,1568-1580. symbolic objects 401-402 symbolism o f the book 1568-1580 tachygraphy 1541 Táin 1467 Taliesin 1466 teaching 96, 256, 462, 564, 566, 723-727, 1040, 1073; in Antiquity 728-730; in the Middle Ages 731-743; in the Early Middle Ages 744-756; in the Later Middle Ages 757-791 textualisation, see: textuality textuality 202, 213, 342, 447, 6 6 4 ,1 2 6 3 ,1 2 8 6 , 1440, Thidrek's saga 691 Thousand and One Nights 1361 tow ns 243, 247, 249, 250-252, 254-256, 271, 356, 495, 499, 592, 738, 763, 767, 769, 776, 788, 841, 851, 856, 910, 945,1105, 1129, 1143-1144, 1146, 1148, 11501153, 1155-1156, 1168, 1170, 1187, 1213-1214, 1216, 1219, 1221-1223, 1227, 1232,1 2 3 5 ,1 5 2 0 trade 1245-1247; see also: government, managem ent and trade tradition, see: oral tradition Traditionsbuch 1175 Traditionsnotiz 1175

303 Tristan 3 9 8 ,1 3 3 9 ,1 3 9 0 Trium phus Sancti Remacli 1534 troubadour lyric 4 2 9 ,1 2 6 5 ,1 3 4 2 ,1 3 8 3 troubadours 1494 Trubert 1373 Tudor dynasty 762 Tyniec 1182 Ugo d'Alvernia 1372 Um ar An-Nu’man 1497 university 772, 782 Valencia 910, 929 Venice 252, 769 vernaculars, surveys 571-575; Early Middle Ages 576-585; Later Middle Ages 586-599 Verona 1155 Villon, François 1385; Testament 1385 Virgin Mary 1120,1 1 2 2 ,1 5 0 7 visual arts 406-412 visual images and texts 413-457 Vita Constantini 1530 Vita Eligii 260 Vita Riquieri 548 Vita Sanctae Margarethae 1542 Vita Sancti Aidani 1531 Vita Sancti Alexii 1535 Voghera 1165 Wales 304, 311 Waltharius 1322 Wavrin, Jean de 847 wax tablets 154,185 Westphalia 1050 Willehalm 506 Wolfram von Eschenbach 391, 506,1401 wom en 1106-1127 Wright, Thom as 843 writing 8,1 1 -1 2 ,1 4 -1 5 ,1 9 -2 3 , 38, 54, 68, 9495, 101, 112, 117, 120, 128, 132-133, 136, 139, 141-142, 145, 150, 155, 160161, 178, 180, 188, 191, 196-197, 215, 220, 234, 237, 241-242, 251, 256, 273, 2 76, 298, 301, 325, 329, 344, 447, 461, 465, 531, 547, 561, 596, 608-609, 615, 623-624, 631, 706, 746, 748, 752, 7657 66, 779, 786, 789, 795-799, 801-802, 805, 808-810, 866, 989, 1046, 1063, 1071-1072, 1086, 1093, 1117, 1124, 1246, 1343, 1504,1513, 1555; see also:

304

MARCO MOSTERT

glagolitic w., cyrillic w., ogamic w ., runic writing, see also: teaching written culture, general historical surveys 109139

Wulfila 2L8 Wulfstan, Sermones Lupi 288 York 185 Zuanne 769

Index o f modern authors and editors Abou-el-Haj, B., 1528 Abukhanfusa, K., 919 Acker, P., 1312 Adatnska, A., 330, 36 6 ,1 5 0 7 Adamson, J.W., 2 8 2 ,2 9 2 ,7 3 1 Ahern, J.J., 246 Ahlzweig, C , 824 A lexander,!., 408 Alexandre-Bidon, D., 732, 740 Altenburg, D., 495 Althoff, G„ 182, 466, 476-479, 617, 704, 806, 1089,1186 Altmann, U., 992 Alvar, C., 1468, 1535 Ambrosiani, B., 820 Amodio, M .C., 1409,1446-1448,1456 Amos, T.L., 1058 Andersson, T.M ., 1410 Angenendt, A., 1508 Antonelli, R., 535 Antos, G., 792 Argyle, M., 361 Ariès, Ph., 344 Arlinghaus, F.-J., 1245,1246 Am , M .J., 1457 Arnovick, L.K., 1449 Arns, E., 835 Arrathoon, L.A., 1391 Ashcroft, J., 1068 Assm ann, A., 69, 122, 138, 613, 615, 651, 6 52,1248 Assmann, J., 6 9 ,1 2 2 , 600-601, 611, 615; 652 Aston, M., 1509 Asztalos, M., 815 Auerbach, E., 1249 Bach, U., 1250 Bacou, M , 505 Badei, P.-Y., 1373

Baecker, D., 1046 Baillet, P., 540 Baines, J., 41 Bak, J., 481 ,1 0 3 7 ,1 0 9 1 Bakarat, R., 368 Baker, P.S., 1425 Bakker, E., 1363 Bakker, E.J., 1344 Balard, M., 503 Baldini, M., 110 B aldzuhn, M., 757 Balogh, J., 859, 860 Balsamo, L., 993 Bammesberger, A., 2 8 4 ,8 1 2 Banaszkiewicz, J., 380 Bange, P., 277 Banniard, M., 216, 241, 260, 510, 547-550 Banson, C.D., 1450 Bar Itzhak, H., 653 Barasch, M., 3 6 9 ,3 7 0 Barney, S.A., 970 Baron, S.W., 140 Barrow, G., 1128 Bartoli Langeli, A., 1, 2 Bauer, I., 897 Bauer, R., 1498 B aum ann, G., 139 Baum gartner, N., 978 Bäuml, B.J., 371 Bäuml, F., 1314,1394 Bäuml, F.H., 31-33,183, 264, 265, 267, 371, 1 2 5 1 ,1 3 1 3 ,1 3 2 9 ,1 3 4 5 ,1 3 9 2 ,1 3 9 3 Bautier, R.-H., 184 Beard, M., 167 Beaton, R., 174 Beck, H., 1318 Becker, C., 1213,1214 Bedos-Rezak, B., 342

Bibliography Behrm ann, T., 239, 247, 1059, 1129, 1168, 1 1 8 7 ,1 1 8 8 ,1 2 2 2 Bekker-Nielsen, H., 6 68,1292 Bell, D.N., 1069 Bellomo, M., 1189 Belyea, B., 907 Benneth, S., 817 Bennett, H.S., 8 4 0 ,908, 909 Berbig, H.J., 480 Berger, C , 458 Berger, P., 910 Berlin, G.I., 1411 Berschin, W., 337 Bertelson, P., 723 Besamusca, B., 930 B essason,H ., 1333 Betten, A , 34,1395 Bieler, L., 563 Bieniak, J., 1049 Biere, B.U., 111 Biller, P., 1510,1514 Binkley, P., 1042 Binski, P„ 408 Birkhan, H-, 1094 Bischoff, B., 565 Bitsch, I., 466 Bizzell, P., 3 Bláhová, E., 576 Bláhová, M., 586, 705 Blake, N.F., 112 Blanche-Benveniste, C., 64 Blattmann, M., 250,1142-1145,1215 Bloch, P „ 1568 Blok, D.P., 278 Blumenfeld-Kosinski, R., 1374,1550 Bödeker, H.E., 828,1505 Bodemann, U., 758, 759 Boekholt, P.Th.F.M ., 760 Boffey, J., 1106 Boglioni, P., 1566 Bogoch, B., 1194 Boitani, P., 1264 Böker, U., 1420 Boklund-Lagopoulou, K., 1107 Bonaventure, Brother, 564 Bonfil, R., 891 Bonjour, A , 1315

305 Borgolte, M., 483, 634,1209 Borkowska, U., 1511 Bormuth, J.R., 4 Borst, A , 539 Bosselmann-Cyran, K., 511 Bossy, J., 1195 Boulestreau, N., 978 Boureau, A , 1025 Bourgain, P., 946 Bouterse, C.C., 459 Bowman, A K ., 153 Boyarín, D., 881 Boyarín, J., 868 Boyer, R., 1346 Boyle, L.E., 947 Bozóky, E., 682 Bozzolo, C., 911 Bracha, K., 786,1111 Bradbury, N.M ., 683,1451-1452 Bradford, R., 127 Brail, H., 942 Brandsma, F., 930 Brandt, R., 35 Braunstein, P., 912 Brechter, S., 565 Bredehoft, T A , 706 Breidenbach, S., 1190 Bremmer, J., 372 Brewer, J., 348 Brezzi, P., 1136 Bright, W „ 810 Brilliant, R., 406 Britnell, R-, 1 1 3 0 ,1 1 3 1 ,1 1 3 7 Brixhe, C., 794 Bronzini, G.B., 1529 Brooke Davis, A , 1553 Brouwer, H., 994 Brown, C.J., 995 Brown, G.H., 283, 577 Brown, M .P,, 185 Browning, R., 175-177 Brubaker, L., 407 Bruckner, M.T., 1375 Bruford, A , 1465 Brüggen, E., 403 Brunner, H., 457 Bruns, G.L., 1252

306 Buc. P.. 467 Buchholz. P., 68 4 .1 3 4 6 Bulîough. D., 1191 Burgers. J.W J., 276, 5 8 7 .1 0 0 5 ,1 1 3 2 Burgess, G.S., 431, 1048.1398 Burke. P., 186, 248, 502, 521-522, 536, 602 Busby, K., 7 3 ,9 9 0 Busch. J.W., 7 0 7 .1 1 4 6 -1 1 4 9 ,1 1 6 5 ,1 2 3 8 Butler. F., 1530 Butler, T., 612 Butzer, G., 685 Butzer, P., 1244 Bylina. S., 1554 Bynum, D.E., 1279 Byock.J.L., 1482-1484 Byrne, C.J., 579, 680 Calder, D.G., 1341 Calvet, L -J., 654 Calvin, B., 1415 Cameron, A., 170 Camille, M „ 408,414-417 Campbell, J., 5 Can, E., 217 Canadé Sautman, F., 674 Cancik, H ., 418 Candau, J., 603 Cannadinc, D., 498 Cardini. F., 249 Carey, H.M ., 1512 Carey, J.. 708 Carey. J.W., 6 Carlquist, J., 317 ,9 1 3 Carother, J.C., 95 Carpenter, E., 1013 Carruthers, M.J., 618-619. 1035 Carter, C.J., 77 Casagrande, C., 540 Caspi, M .M ., 1368 Cathey, J.E., 218 Cavallo, G., 873. 882-884, 889, 1513 Ccrquiglini, B., 261 Chadwick, H.M ., 1253 Chadwick, N. K., 1253 Chandes, G., 1254 Chartier, R., 113. 344-347. 827, 862, 873-874. 879. 9 9 6 ,9 9 9 , 1025 C hajtor, H.J., 2 7 9 ,9 4 8

MARCO MOSTERT

Chazcllc, C.M., 419 Cherewatuk. K., 1121 Cherniss. M .D.. 1412 Chiche, M., 1529 Chrisman, M .U., 997 Christianson, C.P., 841 Christmann, U., 863 Christy, T.C., 1341 Cipolla. C., 114 Cirlot, V., 1468,1535 C lanchy, M.T. 36, 187, 188, 280, 293, 294, 420, 638, 1192 Clapham, M., 998 Clark, C., 295-296 Clark, G., 1413 Clarke, H., 820 Classen, A., 892 Classen, P., 1202 Clayton, J., 951 Cole, M., 96, 9 9 ,1 0 8 Coleman, J., 2 9 7 ,6 2 0 ,6 2 1 ,9 1 4 -9 1 7 Collins, R., 25 7 ,1 1 9 3 C onnerton, P., 604 C onran, T., 1466 Contamine, P., 262 Cook-Gumperz, J., 8 ,2 9 C ook Morse, C., 1124 Copeland, R., 1036 Cornier, R.J., 1467-1468 Corthals, J., 900 Cosmos, S., 1531 Coué, S., 709 Coulmas, F., 1 4 8 ,512 Cowell, A., 687 Cramer, T., 592 Crane, S., 761 Creed, R.P., 1414-1416 Cressy, D., 348, 762 Cribiore, R., 728 Crowley, D., 7 Cruikshank, J., 78 Crum p, C.G., 731 C urschm ann, M „ 421, 1 2 8 0 ,1 3 9 6 ,1 5 7 0 Curtius, E.R., 1571,1572 Cygler, F , 1070 Da Cruz, J.P., 688 Dagenaís. J.. 864

Bibliography Daiches, D., 1053 Dallapiazza, M., 1259 Daly, L.W., 950 Damico, H., 1322 Danet, B., 1194 Daniels, P.T., 810 Darnton, R., 865 Dauphin, C., 1025 Dauzat, J .A , 9 Dauzat, S.V., 9 Davids, C A , 356 Davies, S., 304 Davies, W., 1206 Davies, W.J.F., 744 Davis, A B ., 3 7 ,1 4 1 7 ,1 4 1 8 Davis, C.T., 763 Davril, A , 373 DaxelmüUer, C., 1060 De Boer, D.E.H., 1132 De Haan, M., 1296 De Booy, E.P., 760 De Jong, M., 38, 39 De Kooker, H.W ., 349 De Mattos Pimenta Parente, M A ., 105 De Meyer, G.M ., 588 De Nie, G., 1532,1555 De Ridder-Symoens, H, 764 De Riquier, M., 918 De Rudder, O., 893 D e Vries, J., 1281 D eW it, O., 1022 Deansley, M., 733, 842 Delbouüle, M., 1255 Delling, H., 374 DeM olen, R., 736 Demyttenaere, A , 190,1561 Deptula, C., 710 Derolez, R., 2 8 4 ,812 Derville, A , 232 Derwich, M., 1073,1085 Desmond, M., 1419 Despodova, V., 1533 Deyermond, A D ., 1367 Diebold, W.J., 422 Dijkhof, E.C., 1132,1169 Dilcher, G., 1150,1 1 7 0 ,1 2 1 0 Dinzelbacher, P., 1573

307 Ditter jr., F.L., 610 Ditter, V.Y., 610 Doane, A.N., 2 1 3 ,8 3 6 ,9 5 1 ,9 5 2 Dobozy, M., 843 Dodds, W.J., 724 Dowiat, J., 3 31,1090 Downes, J., 40 Drews, J., 35 Duby, G., 640, 912 Dufournet, J., 1376 Duggan, J.J., 1347,1348 Duggan, L.G., 423 Durdilly, P-, 589 Düwel, K., 1556,1567 Dymmel, P., 336 Ebbesen, S-, 517 Ebels-Hoving, B., 641 Eberle, P., 424 Edel, D., 3 0 3 ,6 0 5 ,1 4 7 0 Ehler, C„ 137,1171 Ehlers, J., 266 Ehlich, K-, 10, 148,655 Eisenberg, P., 11 Eisenstein, E.L., 1001-1003 Eisermann, F., 1503 Elliott, A.G., 1534,1535 Ellis, A W ., 866 Elm, K., 1050 Eisner, J., 413 Elwert, G., 7 9 ,1046 Engelsing, R., 944, 945 Engler, B., 197 Enos, T., 116 Erfurt, J., 513, 955 Eriksen, R., 1491 Ernst, U., 4 25,1256 Erzgräber, W., 2 8 1 ,6 9 8 ,1 4 2 0 Escarpit, R., 12,867 Estivals, R., 133 Evans, D.S., 1471 Evans, J.D., 13 Evans, M.J., 953 Eyre C., 41 Fabian, J., 80 Farai, E., 1257 Faulstich, W., 147, 482 Febvre, L., 1004

308 Fchcr, M . 395 Tcntrcss, J . 606 Ferm, O.. 318 Ferraro, A , 171 riam i. K.. 1133 Fichte, J O .. 1029 Fichtenau. I L 191 Finley. M I., 607 Finnegan. R.. S I. 82, 97. 1282 Finnegan. R.H., 42,656-658 Fisher, J.H., 1217.1453 Reckenstein, J.. 496, 1095 Fletcher, B.Y . 43 Fleuriot, I .. 591 Foley, J.M ., 659, 686, 6S9, 954, 1260, 1283-1286, 1297. 1316. 1330, 1331, 1338. 1349, 1350, 1421 Fontaine. J . 2 4 1 ,2 6 0 ,5 5 1 Forster, L , 608 Fouracre, 1\. 1206 Frank, B , 581,955-957 Frank. K.S., 1071 Frank, R„ 1422 Tranklin, S„ 332, 333 Frant/en, A.J., 3 7 ,6 8 9 F'rcisc, F.., 711 F'rey.S . 362 Fried. J., 2 1 9 ,4 8 3 ,6 4 2 ,7 8 9 Friedland, K„ 271 Frith, U.. 63 Frit/, B„ 919 Fromm, II.. 578, 1332 Fruhmorgen-Voss, H„ 454 Fuchs, P . 507. 643 Fugedi. F.. 1037, 1091, 1172 Fuhrmann. H., 468 Fussel, S., 441 Gaeng, P.A.. 552 Galbraith. V.H., 537, 1092 Gallmann. P.. 958 Gamble. 11.Y., 172 Gumeson, R . 406 G and/, S.. 140 G am m .J.M , 1557 Ganshol, F L . 121S G an/. H . 220 Ganz. F.. 208

MARCO MOSTFRF

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310 Hildbrand, T., 1072, 1398 Hillgarth, J.N., 260 Hilpert, H.-E., 1051 Hindman, S., 1017 Hintz, E.R., 1040 Hlavácek, 1., 335, 575, 772, 829-831,1073 Hledíková, Z., 1174 Hoeppner M oran, J.A., 773 Hofer, P., 774 Hoffm ann, D., 1288 Hoffm ann, H ., 1028 Hoffm ann, W., 592 Hogenelst, D., 924 Hogg, J., 920 Hölscher, T., 611 Holt, J.P., 816 Holtus, G., 571 Honko, L., 1332 Hornberger, N.H., 49 Horner, S.L., 1110 Horton, R., 97 Houston, R.A., 352 Howe, N., 902 Hubbard, R.S., 428 Hudson, A., 1514-1515 Hundsbichler, H., 235 Huot, S., 429,1379-1380 Hüpper, D., 45 2 ,9 8 2 , 1262 Hyde, J.K., 252 ,2 5 3 Dlich, I., 121, 875, 897, 898, 92 5 ,1 0 5 2 Innes, M., 268 Iris, M.A., 98 Irvine, M., 222 Irving jr., E.B., 663 Irwin, B.D., 664 Isaacson, L.H., 1334 Iwaiiczak, W., 7 86,1111 Jackson, P., 295 Jacobi, K., 517 Jacobs, E.F., 731 Jammers, E., 1353 Janota, J., 439, 455 Janowska, B., 1111 Jan se n ,J., 3539 Jansson, S.-B., 320 Jantzen, H., 430 Jam ut, J., 54 9 ,1 0 5 4

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