Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and renewal 1407305433, 9781407305431, 9781407335841

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BAR S2054 2010 ERICKSON-GINI NABATAEAN SETTLEMENT AND SELF-ORGANIZED ECONOMY

B A R

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev Crisis and renewal

Tali Erickson-Gini

BAR International Series 2054 2010

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev Crisis and renewal

Tali Erickson-Gini

BAR International Series 2054 2010

ISBN 9781407305431 paperback ISBN 9781407335841 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407305431 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

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PUBLISHING

Table of Contents Preface.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Part One 1 The Regional Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Boundaries and Borders Geology and Geomorphology Climate Aquifers Vegetation Summary 2 Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Introduction Nineteenth Century Explorers Twentieth Century Exploration Surveys The Petra – Gaza Road between Moa and Oboda Mampsis and Sites along the Mampsis – Dead Sea Road Mezad Hazeva and the Ma’ale Tsafir Route Mezad Be’er Menuha Sites in the West Central Negev Archaeological Excavations in the Central Negev and Arava Valley Moyat 'Awad and the Early Petra – Gaza Road The Later Petra – Gaza Road through the Ramon Crater Mezad Be’er Menuha Mampsis and Sites along the Mampsis – Dead Sea Road Sites along the Mampsis – Oboda Road Mezad ‘En Hazeva and the Ma’ale Tsafir Road Sites in the West Central Negev Systematic Archaeological Map Surveys Summary 3 The Archaeological and Historical Background Early Settlement and Trade in the Negev Highlands.. . . . 35 The Nabataeans and the Incense Trade in the First Millennium BCE Nabataean Trade through the Negev in the First Millennium BCE The Nabataeans and Rome in the 1st c. BCE Roman Trade with the East in the Early First Millennium CE Nabataean Unguent Production and Trade in the 1st c. CE Nabataean Expansion in the 1st c. CE Nabataean Trade through the Negev in the Early Roman Period The Roman Annexation of Nabataea The Provincia Arabia The Negev and the Provincia Arabia 4 Crisis and Decline in the Third Century.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Economic Decline and the “Great Debasement” i

The Crisis in Leadership The Sassanid Threat Military Conflict between the Roman and Sassanian Empires in the Third Century The Rise of Palmyra The Third Century Crisis in the East The Central Negev in the Third Century Coins Inscriptions Ceramic Vessels Summary and Interpretation The Decline of Long Distance Trade through the Negev 5 Recovery in the Tetrarchic Period. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 The Reforms of Diocletian Political Reforms Military Reforms Economic Reforms The Military Buildup in Transjordan and the Negev under Diocletian 6 Political and Economic Developments in the Fourth Century CE .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Administration Military Developments The Economy The Central Negev in the Fourth Century CE Administration Defense The Introduction of Christianity Natural Disasters Agricultural and Settlement Expansion Part Two Material Evidence from Recent Excavations at Mampsis, Oboda and Mezad ‘En Hazeva 7. Mampsis.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 A Brief Description of the Site The 1993 and 1994 Excavation Areas 8. Oboda.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 A Brief Description of the Site The 1999 and 2000 Excavation Areas The Roman Army Camp The Late Roman/Early Byzantine Residential Quarter 9. Mezad Hazeva.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 A Brief Description of the Site The 1990 - 1994 Excavation Areas 10. Vessels and Special Finds of the early Third Century CE.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Pottery Discussion – Figures 2:1-74 Special Finds Discussion – Figures 3:1-3 11. Vessels and Special Finds, 363 CE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Pottery Discussion – Figures 4:1-63 Special Finds Discussion – Figures 5:1-14 12. Vessels and Special Finds of the early Fifth Century CE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Pottery Discussion – Figures 6:1-64 Special Finds Discussion – Figures 7:1-5

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Discussion and Conclusions.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 The Results of an Examination of the Material Evidence The Transformation of the Central Negev Climatic Change Acculturation The Self-Organized Economy of the Fourth Century CE A Description of the Theory of Self-Organization Urbanization and the Theory of Self-Organization Settlement and Agriculture in the Tripolitanian ‘Pre-Desert’ in the Imperial Roman Period The Florescence of the Central Negev in the Fourth Century CE Summary

Appendix – Pottery and Special Finds Corpus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 Pottery and Special finds from Mampsis by Locus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202 Pottery and Special finds from Oboda by Locus.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226 Oboda Coin List.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 Pottery and Special finds from Mezad ‘En Hazeva by Locus.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284 Abbreviations and References .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305

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List of Figures Figure 1.1. Figure 1.2. Figure 1.3. Figure 1.4. Figure 1.5. Figure 1.6. Figure 1.7. Figure 1.8. Figure 1.9. Figure 1.10. Figure 1.11. Figure 1.12. Figure 1.13 Figure 1.14. Figure 1.15. Figure 1.16. Figure 1.17. Figure 1.18. Figure 1.19. Figure 1.20. Figure 1.21. Figure 1.22. Figure 1.23. Figure 1.24. Figure 1.25. Figure 1.26. Figure 1.27. Figure 1.28. Figure 1.29. Figure 1.30. Figure 1.31. Figure 1.32. Figure 1.33. Figure 1.34. Figure 1.35. Figure 1.36. Figure 1.37. Figure 1.38. Figure 1.39. Figure 1.40. Figure 1.41. Figure 1.42. Figure 1.43. Figure 1.44. Figure 1.45. Figure 1.46. Figure 1.47. Figure 1.48. Figure 1.49. Figure 1.50. Figure 1.51.

The Negev The Afro-Syrian Rift Valley Geology of the runoff farming district The runoff farming district in the Central Negev Regional precipitation in millimeters per annum Towns and forts in the Central Negev and Arava Valley, Early Roman through Byzantine periods Oboda according to Palmer and Musil Oboda according to Jaussen et al and Woolley Woolley and Lawrence’s 1914 survey Major roads in the Eastern Negev in the Early and Late Roman periods Alt’s identification of Roman army sites, 1935 Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal and pool Mampsis according to Musil and Woolley Elusa, theater and earliest Nabataean inscription Qasr Ruheibeh and Kh. Ruheibeh/Rehovot in-the-Negev Woolley and Lawrence’s visit to Auja/Nessana Oboda according to Negev The caravanserai at Oboda The 1999 excavation of the army camp at Oboda Oboda Late Roman/Early Byzantine Residential Quarter, 1999-2000 excavations Mezad Nahal Avdat Horvat Ma’agurah The Darb es-Sultan road and Nabataean Hellenistic sites and roads in the Negev and Arava Moyat 'Awad Mezad Erga and Mezad ‘En Rahel The Petra. Gaza road by way of the Ramon Crater Mezad Neqarot Sha’ar Ramon Mezad Grafon Mampsis, 1993-1994 excavation areas Mezad Tamar Horvat Hazaza, 2003 excavation Mezad ‘En Hazeva Horvat Sa’adon Sobota Nabataean expansion in the Hellenistic period Aelius Gallus’ campaign Roman trade routes in the Egyptian Eastern Desert The incense and spice trade Palmyrene trade routes The Balanos motif Johnson’s Nabataean Unguentaria Typology Nabataean expansion in the 1st c. CE The Provincia Arabia The Eastern Provinces in the 3rd c. CE Rome and Persia, 1-4th c. CE Syria, 3rd c. CE The Palmyra. Dura Europos region Inscription and lintel from the En-Nusra burial cave Plan of the En-Nusra burial cave and inscription Dedicatory inscriptions from the acropolis in Oboda iv

Figure 1.52. Figure 1.53. Figure 1.54. Figure 1.55. Figure 1.56. Figure 1.57. Figure 1.58. Figure 1.59. Figure 1.60. Figure 1.61. Figure 1.62. Figure 1.63. Figure 1.64. Figure 1.65. Figure 1.66. Figure 1.67. Figure 1.68. Figure 1.69. Figure 1.70. Figure 1.71. Figure 1.72. Figure 1.73. Figure 1.74. Figure 1.75. Figure 1.76. Figure 1.77. Figure 1.78. Figure 1.79. Figure 1.80. Figure 1.81. Figure 1.82. Figure 1.83. Figure 1.84. Figure 1.85.

The Late Roman tower and inscription in Oboda The Roman Empire under Diocletian The Strata Diocletiana Legionary camps at Lejjun and Udruh Da’ajaniyeh fort Yotvata fort and inscription Late Roman cavalry camp, ‘En Hazeva ‘En Hazeva cavalry camp treasury vault Mosaics with depictions of ‘Gaza’ wine jars The citadel forts at Nessana and Oboda Fault lines in the Negev Highlands Agricultural expansion in the Negev Highlands, 4th-7th c. CE Mampsis, Building XXV Mampsis, Building XXV section In situ pottery found in Building XXV, Mampsis Finds from the kitchen in Phase 3 of Building XXV destroyed in the 363 CE earthquake at Mampsis Mampsis, Area Building XII South Section drawing and debris layers in Area Building XII South, Mampsis The 1999 excavation of the army camp at Oboda Cross section of the principia in the army camp at Oboda and coin graph Oboda Late Roman/Early Byzantine Quarter, 1999-2000 excavations Oboda Late Roman/Early Byzantine Quarter, occupational phases and rooms Oboda Late Roman/Early Byzantine Quarter, Phase 2 dwelling Section drawing of Room 13, Oboda Oboda Late Roman/Early Byzantine Quarter, Phase 2 dwelling and Room 6/pantry Oboda Late Roman/Early Byzantine Quarter, 1999-2000 excavations In situ finds in Phase 3, Oboda Room 23 photograph and section drawing In situ finds in Room 22 Room 16 section drawing and in situ braziers in L2321 In situ braziers in Room 14 and basalt grinding implements found in the excavation ‘En Hazeva, 1990-1994 excavations ‘En Hazeva Late Roman fort In situ finds from the 363 CE destruction layer in the casemate rooms in the Late Roman fort at ‘En Hazeva Figure 1.86. Schmid’s Nabataean Painted Fine Ware chronology Figure 1.87. Nabataean unguentaria, Johnson’s Group 4 Figure 1.88. Majcherek’s Gaza wine jar chronology, Form 1 Figure 1.89. Majcherek’s Gaza wine jar chronology, Form 2 Figure 1.90. Pottery forms, early 3rd through early 5th c. CE, Graph 1 Figure 1.91. Pottery forms, early 3rd through early 5th c. CE, Graph 2 Figure 1.92. Changes in Dead Sea levels during historical periods, ca 3800 BCE. 1950 CE Figure 1.93. Bifurcation tree Figure 1.94. Process of transformation Figures 2.1-74. Vessels from the Early 3rd c. CE Figures 3.1-3. Special Finds from the Early 3rd c. CE Figures 4.1-63. Vessels from 363 CE Figures 5.1-15. Special Finds from 363 CE Figures 6.1-64. Vessels from the Early 5th c. CE Figures 7.1-5. Special Finds from the Early 5th c. CE

List of Tables Table 1 – Map Surveys in the Central Negev Table 2 – Nabataean King List and Chronology Table 3 – Emperors of Rome until 641 C.E.

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Acknowledgements The contents of this book are derived from my doctoral dissertation, presented to the Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem in 2004. Since its acceptance, I have worked to update the contents and add new information and references. My advisor was Prof. Yoram Tsafrir and I would like to thank him for his aid and encouragement in preparing and presenting this study. While attending a conference in Matera, Italy in 2005, I met David Davison and he suggested that I publish my dissertation in BAR Series. I would like to thank him for advice and encouragement in doing so. I appreciate the fact that his publication provides a great deal of important research material that is disseminated in research libraries throughout the world. I would like thank Prof. S. Thomas Parker and Prof. Yoram Tsafrir for recommending its publication in BAR Series. The material evidence used in the research of this paper is based on the work of a number of people employed by the Israel Antiquities Authority involved in the excavation and post-excavation process of projects carried out in recent years at Mampsis, Oboda and Mezad ‘En Hazeva. Thus, I would like to recognize, first and foremost, the encouragement and help I received from Dr. Dov Nahlieli, the director of the Southern Region in the Israel Antiquities Authority, and his part in promoting the excavations at Mampsis and Oboda, as well as my good friend, Dr. Yigal Israel, for kindly allowing me to make full use of the material from the excavation of the site of Mezad ‘En Hazeva. The work on the material from Mezad ‘En Hazeva, which was originally stored in the Israel Museum, was greatly facilitated by the help I received from Ms. Rebecca Cohen-Amin. Yeshayahu Lender assisted me in the precarious excavation of the smaller Late Roman vault in the cavalry camp at ‘En Hazeva in February 2003. Ms. Sharon Gal provided me with many helpful suggestions in regards to technical matters in preparing this paper. I would also like to thank Yaacov Bamgarten for his advice and kindness in providing me with books and articles as well as his assistance. The most important part of my research was based on the fine drawings of the pottery and other finds carried out by the late Yochi Kasabi (Mampsis) and Anna Dudin (Oboda). Shula Lavi skillfully reconstructed numerous vessels found at both sites and the photographers, Sando Mandrea, Clara Amit and Tzila Segiv carefully photographed both of the sites and many of the finds. Yochi Kasabi drew the plans and sections for the excavation of Building XII South at Mampsis and Vadim Essman and Slava Persky drew the plans of the Late Roman army camp at Oboda and the recent excavation of the small Roman military treasury vault at ‘En Hazeva. Avi Hajean drew the plans for the excavation of the Late Roman/Early Byzantine Quarter at Oboda. Natasha Zak was helpful in preparing the plans from Oboda for final publication. One of the most important aspects of the research was the study of coins found at all three sites. These were cleaned by the team of the IAA laboratory at Har Hotzvim in Jerusalem under the direction of Ella Altmark. The coins from Mampsis were studied by Mr. Robert Kool, who has also prepared a final report, and the coins from Oboda and ‘En Hazeva were studied by Helena Sokolov. The head of the IAA numismatics department, Dr. Donald Ariel, has provided me with aid and advice many times. Yael Goren-Rosen is currently preparing the reports on the glass objects found at all three sites. Her preliminary analyses and dating of the material have been a very important part of this research. Dr. Guy Bar-Oz from Haifa University is currently processing the animal bones found in the pantry in the Late Roman Quarter at Oboda. The late Professor Avraham Negev spent many hours working on and finally completing the translation of the Nabataean inscription found in the Late Roman Quarter at Oboda. During the excavations I was aided by several valuable people. These include my close friends, Yeshayahu (Paul) BenYa’akov at Mampsis and Larissa Shilov at Oboda. Haim Lavi served as my capable logistics manager at Oboda and Nir S. Paran was my field supervisor in the Late Roman Quarter at Oboda. The work at Mampsis and Oboda was also greatly facilitated by the aid and support of members of the National Parks Authority and particularly Nili Dvash, Orli Sarig and Ilan Kembel. I owe a great deal to my close friend and colleague, Dr. Benjamin J. Dolinka, for sharing with me his extensive knowledge of Nabataean and Late Roman ceramics. Moreover, Dr. Dolinka kindly offered to read and help to edit this volume as did vii

Daniel and Barbara Gold of Herzliya, Israel. Mr. and Mrs. Gold very kindly volunteered their services in editing most of this volume and I am forever grateful. I would also like to acknowledge friends and fellow researchers from Israel and abroad for their encouragement and advice and input: Dr. Benjamin A. Saidel, Prof. S. Thomas Parker, Dr. Christopher Tuttle, Prof. Jodi Magness, Dr. Ina Kehrberg, Prof. David F. Graf, Dr. Haim Ben David, Dr. Zbigniew Fiema, Dr. David Johnson, Prof. Martha S. Joukowsky, Prof. Tina Niemi, Prof. John Oleson, Dr. Andrey Korjenkov, Dr. Walter Ward, Dr. Leah Di Segni, Dr. Ariel Lewin, Prof. Joseph Patrich, Shulamit Cohen, Arieh Roichman-Halperin, Flavia Sontag, Dr. Zeev Meshel and Dr. Hendrick Bruins. Finally, I would like to thank my parents-in-law, Dany and Clara Gini for the frequent hospitality in their home in Jerusalem, as well as my children: Liel, Aviel, Elore and Daniel, my mother Dorothy, and especially my husband, my heart, Moshe, for their patience and support.

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Preface

When compared to the historical and archaeological documentation concerning the Negev in other periods, the Late Roman and Early Byzantine periods in this region (the second through early fifth centuries CE) have received relatively little attention on the part of researchers. However, the Late Roman period is a critical era that witnessed the cessation of international trade passing through the region while the Early Byzantine period is the formative period that preceeded the largest increase in population ever to have taken place there. The lack of scholarly attention focusing on this transformation is largely due to a paucity of primary historical sources about the region during the upheavals of the third century CE as well as a lack of archaeological data from the third through the early fifth centuries CE.

the second chapter a summary of archaeological research of the region under discussion, including surveys and excavations, will be presented. In chapters three through six the historical background in the early centuries of the first millennium CE will be presented together with historical and archaeological evidence pertaining to the region. In this section particular attention will be paid to economic, political and military developments in the eastern empire in general, and in the region under discussion. In the second part of this work, the material finds from sealed deposits found in recent excavations from Mampsis, Oboda and Mezad ‘En Hazeva will be presented and discussed in their archaeological and historical contexts. Attention will be directed to the ceramic evidence and the implications that this evidence holds with regard to demographic and economic developments in the region in the period under discussion. The ceramic assemblages examined here are of particular research value because they are “Pompeii-type” deposits found in primary contexts. These assemblages provide a rare window through which we may view the pottery vessels in use and in their relative amounts at the time of their deposition. Three such deposits will be examined in this paper. The first assemblage was uncovered in an abandoned kitchen pantry found in situ at Oboda, dated to the early third century CE. The second assemblage was discovered in rooms apparently destroyed by the earthquake of 363 CE at Mampsis, Oboda and the fort at ‘En Hazeva. The third assemblage was found in situ in a residential complex destroyed by an earthquake in the early fifth century CE at Oboda.

The purpose of this study is to examine the transformation that took place in the central Negev during the Late Roman and Early Byzantine periods by addressing the following questions: 1. What do existing historical records and past archaeological research tell us about the transformation that took place in the Negev and in neighboring regions during this period? 2. What can the material finds from recent excavations in the area, for the purposes of this study at Mampsis, Oboda, and Mezad ‘En Hazeva, provide to supplement that information? 3. What factors contributed to the greatest population increase and permanent settlement activity to have ever taken place in such an inhospitable desert environment as occurred in the Byzantine period between the fourth and the seventh century CE?

Finally, I will examine and summarize the hypothesis that international trade through the Negev in the early centuries of the Christian era was replaced by interregional trade based on agricultural production starting in the fourth century CE, as well as the reasons that this transformation took place.

Part One is made up of the following chapters: in the first chapter the geographical setting, including the geology, climate, hydrology and vegetation will be discussed. In

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Part One Chapter One The Regional Environment

land using run-off farming methods in the Byzantine and Early Islamic periods (Fig.1.4). In the western extremes of the area of this study, the landscape is dominated by a largely uninhabited tract of sand dunes, the Halutza and Shunra Dunes, extending from the area south of Nahal Be’ersheva into northern Sinai. The sand is the result of the erosion of granite mountains located in East Africa, washed down the Nile Valley and deposited in the Mediterranean Sea (Nahlieli 1999: 69). For millennia the sand was carried along the Mediterranean coast by strong currents and was blown into the area of the western Negev and northern Sinai. In the northern most area the dunes are stable; however, as one travels to the south and west the dunes are unstable and shift frequently during heavy winds. Some historical and archaeological evidence exists to suggest that since the sixth century CE the previously inhabited area of Rehovot in the Negev, Horvat Sa'adon and Halutza was inundated by unstable sand covering the area (Mayerson 1983: 250). The ancient track running past these towns connecting Be’ersheva and the oasis of Kadesh Barnea in northern Sinai, the proposed Biblical “Way of Shur,” fell out of use. In recent times the Ottoman railroad and the modern road were situated further south on the edge of the sand dunes.

Boundaries and Borders The area dealt with in this study includes the arid region stretching from the Mediterranean coastal plain on the west and northwest to the Arava valley on the east. This area is physically cut off from the fertile coastal plain on the west by a largely uninhabited belt of shifting sand dunes, the Halutza and Shunra dunes (Fig.1.1). The western border touching the Sinai Peninsula is defined by the southern reaches of the Ramat Barnea ridge and Wadi El Arish. To the south and southeast the Ramon Crater formed a great physical obstacle to travelers and settlers in antiquity. The central Arava valley included in this study is bounded on the south by the Omer Ridge and on the north by the southern shore of the Dead Sea. The northern boundary of this study includes the part of the north central Negev as far as the Be’ersheva basin in the northwest and Mampsis and the ancient and modern routes leading towards the southern end of the Dead Sea on the northeast. Geology and Geomorphology The geological history of the Negev highlands was influenced primarily by two factors: first, its proximity to the Afro-Syrian Rift Valley and second, the deposition of sediments, mainly carbonates, over large areas of the region due to the presence of the Tethys Ocean in early geological periods (Benjamini 1979; Bruins 1986: 17-18), (Fig. 1.2).

The volatile geology of the area resulted in extreme differences in elevations as can be seen in the Dead Sea area, which at 400 meters below sea level is the lowest point on earth, and the mountainous area of the western Negev. In that region the highest elevations, such Har Loz and Har Ramon at 1000 meters above sea level, are located on the western edge of the largest of the three deep erosional cirques or craters, Ramon Crater. The drop in elevation between the highlands at this point and the bottom of the Ramon Crater is a dramatic 400-500 meters within the space of merely five kilometers (Scott 1977: 159,166).

The Negev highlands are located in close proximity to the Arabo-African craton that rifted apart in the Late Cenozoic period (Fig.1.3). A series of faults and asymmetric folds aligned northeast-southwest and east to west in an arc extending from the Euphrates River through Northern Jordan, Israel and the Sinai into Egypt was created between the Late Cretaceous and Tertiary periods. Associated folded anticlines in the Negev highlands rise steadily on the north-western side and drop off steeply on the south-eastern side, the geomorphology of which greatly influenced settlement patterns and agricultural activity in ancient times (Bruins 1986: 17-18). During the Quaternary loessial soil was deposited in the valleys and streambeds in this region, forming the basis for cultivable

Climate Prior to the mid third millennium BCE the region of the southern Levant appears to have enjoyed a moister climate than at present (Goldberg and Bar-Yosef 1990: 84). Some researchers maintain that arid conditions have existed 1

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal.

Figure 1.1. The Negev

Figure 1.2. The Afro-Syrian Rift Valley (Edelman 2000: 1880). The Afro-Syrian Rift Valley Figure 1.3. Geology of the runoff farming district in the Central (EdelmanNegev 2000: (Bruins 1880) 1986: 20)

The Negev Figure 1.1

Figure 1.2

2 The geology of the runoff farming district in the Central Negev (Bruins 1986:20)

The Regional Environment

Figure 1.4. The runoff farming district in the Central Negev (Bruins 1986:8)

The runoff farming district in the Central Negev 3

(Bruins 1986: 8) Figure 1.4

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. reach 40 degrees or more during the summer months.

since that period and have not changed significantly in the last 5000 years, although periodic fluctuations in the mean average are indicated (Rosen and Finkelstein 1992: 45).

Rainfall in the Negev is confined to the cold season, and the amount of rainfall drops off sharply towards the south and east (Stern et al. 1986: XII-XIII), (Fig.1.5). The range of precipitation in the central Negev Highlands varies between 120 mm annually in the north to 75 mm in the southeast (Bruins 1986: 23). Precipitation in the Arava is much less, averaging 50 mm or less annually (Stern et al. 1986: 63).

The possibility that climatic change was responsible for the development of widespread agriculture and settlement in the Roman and Byzantine periods was first raised by E. Huntington who explored the central Negev in 1909 (Huntington 1911). Huntington believed that climatic cycles were the key to the ancient history of Israel and pointed to the florescence of the Negev in the Byzantine period as evidence of an increase in precipitation in ancient times. Since Huntington’s publication this particular issue has created controversy among researchers. There are those who claim that conditions in the Roman and Byzantine periods were wetter and colder until the end of the Byzantine period when the climate became much drier (Issar and Govrin 1991; Issar

Measurements of dew in the region indicate that the area north and east of the Negev Highlands receives annual amounts between 15-20 mm. This figure drops off drastically east and south of the central mountains and in the Arava amounts to only 1 mm or less (Stern et al. 1986: XIII). Dew in the central Negev Highlands occurs between 150-200 nights each year (Bruins 1986: 25). Evaporation is lower in the central Negev, between 2000-2600 mm annually, as compared to the area further east and south including the central Arava, between 2600-3200 mm annually (Stern et al. 1986: 66).

and Makover-Levin 1995). Woolley and Lawrence questioned the validity of Huntington’s theory in wake of their survey of ancient towns from the Roman and Byzantine periods in the Negev (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 33). That survey revealed evidence that the inhabitants had gone to great lengths to procure water for drinking and agriculture and even for bathing facilities. W. F. Albright was one of the leading opponents of Huntington’s theory (Albright 1958: 108-111). He also emphasized the archaeological evidence of the procurement of water in the Negev as proof of the scarcity of water in that period. According to Albright, Huntington’s theories were misinformed, based on “false premises and on induction of wrongly observed facts” and he noted that Huntington had ignored contradictory archaeological evidence found in other parts of the Near East (Albright 1958: 109-111). At present, few researchers accept Huntington’s ideas, and more scientific evidence has accumulated to refute them. Studies on fluctuations in water levels in the Dead Sea point to a higher level of humidity in the first century BCE and first century CE followed by a more arid climate through the remainder of the first millennium (Rosen 2000: 55). The wet period in the Early Roman era peaked around 90 CE and conditions became increasingly drier by the third and fourth centuries CE (Bruins 1994: 307-308).

Aquifers Water in the central Arava, including ‘En Hazeva, is mainly acquired from water wells of exploit floodwaters derived from the Hazeva formation and the alluvial fill of the Arava valley. Here floodwaters of perennial streams are soaked up and flow in two separate basins underground: north towards the Dead Sea and south towards Eilat (Stern et al. 1986: XIV; Map 10.2). Numerous wells and springs are concentrated in a relatively small area located between the Nabataean site of Moyat 'Awad on the Petra-Gaza Route and ‘En Hazeva. The quality of water in the Arava valley is often poor with a high saline content (‘Drinking Water Under the Negev’, Teva Ha Dvarim 74:20). Water wells in the central Negev tap into the Judea Group, and the northwestern slopes of the highlands act as local replenishment areas with water flowing underground towards the Be’ersheva area (Stern et al. 1986: XIV; Map 10.2). Wells and springs in the central Negev Highlands are scarce. The main concentration of springs is located in the area of Nahal Zin near Sede Boqer (Nahlieli 1999:75) and in the northern Sinai in the Kadesh Barnea district. Water wells tap into areas with high water tables generally located in or next to large dry streambeds such as Nahal Nizzana and Nahal Be’erotayim, Nahal Shunra, Nahal Besor and Nahal Revivim. Major wells in these areas include the wells next to modern Mizpe Ezuz at Be’erotayim, Auja el-Hafir -Nizzana (ancient Nessana), Rehovot and Halutza (ancient Elusa). Two wells, located at Oboda and Rehovot, were excavated through at least 60 meters of bedrock in order to reach the water table, probably in order to provide water for the use of communal bathhouses in those communities during the Byzantine period (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915:55,131).1 The ancient settlements of

The present climate of the central Negev Highlands has been described as arid bordering on the hyper-arid zone of the inner desert of the Arava, southern Negev and Sinai Peninsula. Arid zone environments are described as regions in which the annual rainfall is between 80-150 mm in winter rainfalls, areas with interannual rainfall variability between 50% – 100%, have scattered vegetation, supports nomadic livestock and can support local rainfall-based agriculture only through rainwater harvesting techniques such as runoff farming (Bruins 1986: 4-5). Temperatures in the central Negev vary between an average of 12 degrees Celsius in mid winter to an average of 27 degrees C. in August. Temperatures in the Arava valley

  Water in the well at Oboda was measured at a depth of 70 meters in

1

4

The Regional Environment Mampsis and Sobota (Shivta) derived their water supply solely from the collection of winter rains into man-made catchments and cisterns.1 Vegetation The flora found in the area of the Halutza Sands and the Negev Highlands belong mainly to the SaharoArabian species. Vegetation in these areas is restricted to favorable locales such as crevices in rocks and ephemeral streambeds, and salt-resistant shrubs grow in areas with a high water table (Bruins 1986:26; Stern et al. 1986: XVI). Mediterranean Irano-Turanian flora is also found in the highlands and may be described as relics of wetter climates. In the Negev Highland foothills there is a cover of semi-shrubs, perennials and herbaceous annuals including cultivated cereals, depending on the yearly amount and distribution of rainfall. Sudanian species appear in the Arava valley due to that area’s high temperatures but are less common in the highlands and westwards (Stern et al. 1986: XIV-XVI). Archaeological research has provided some information about the types of domestic plants cultivated in the region in ancient times. Information dated to the sixth and seventh centuries CE found in the Nessana papyrus, Document 82, refers to domestic crops, mainly wheat, barley and a type of legume (aracus), while other papyri from the site indicate that grapes, olives and figs were also cultivated in the region around Nessana in that period (Mayerson 1962: 227-229).2 Winepresses dated to the Byzantine period have been found at Oboda, Sobota and near Elusa, and at least two caves at Oboda contained installations used to store and ferment wine (Negev 1988c: 29, 1997: 7; Mazor 1981: 53-54). Olive presses have been found at Oboda, Sobota and in the fort of Moyat 'Awad in the Arava (Rubin 1990: 91-92; Cohen 2000: 78). Summary Figure 1.5. Regional precipitation in millimeters per annum

An examination of the environmental factors affecting the region of this study indicates that it lacks most of the features that sustain permanent settlement activity, namely sufficient rainfall, arable soil and farmland, and plentiful natural sources of water in the form of rivers, springs and wells. The one area with numerous springs and wells of rather low quality, the central Arava valley, is located in

an area with very high temperatures and high evaporation rates combined with a lack of arable soil. Arable soil in the central Negev, located mainly in man-made terraced wadis, probably suffered from a lack of fertilization that would have resulted in very low yields of crops (Bruins 1986: 91-92).

1993. 1   The Colt Expedition, sponsored by New York University and the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem, was forced to abandon their fieldwork at Shivta in the mid-1930s due to a lack of water. The expedition began to excavate the site of Auja el-Hafir, where water wells are located. The British cleaned out the south well there for use by the local Bedouins in the aftermath of a drought that lasted between 1936 -1939. The British also cleaned out and often partially rebuilt wells at other sites: Be’erotayim, Be’er Hafir, Be’er Resisim, Be’er Milcah, Be’erot Asluj, Be’er Yeroham and Be’er Halutza (Orion and Eini 1988:40). They also cleaned and rebuilt wells at Oboda and Rehovot. 2   A. Negev has suggested that the dates mentioned in the Nessana documents were probably not cultivated near the site but were brought there from the area of El-Arish (Negev 1988c: 29).

In addition, travel and communication through the region was hampered by extreme elevations between the Arava valley and the central Negev Highlands, as well as the existence of large natural craters: the Ramon Crater, the Large Crater, and the Small Crater. The dramatic topography of the Negev and Arava Valley had a direct impact on the location of roads and mountain passes.

Regional precipitation in millimeters per annum

Historical and archaeological evidence indicates that until 5

(Bruins 1986:23) Figure 1.5

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. recent times the region was mainly inhabited by nomadic pastoralists. The first millennium CE, and particularly the Byzantine period (fourth – seventh century CE), were exceptions, when large permanent settlements and widespread agricultural activity took place.

6

Chapter 2 Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley

Introduction

of European explorers in the early nineteenth century. Ulrich Jaspar Seetzen was the first to explore and record Byzantine ruins in the Negev (Seetzen 1855, 1859; Schur 1992: 105). Seetzen appears to have visited only a few sites: Elusa (el-Khalasa), Rehovot in-the-Negev, Mampsis (Kalla el-Kurnub) and Nessana (Auja el-Hafir), which he mistook for Oboda (Negev 1988a: 9; Negev 1997: 10-11), (Fig. 1.6). Negev points out that Seetzen’s description of what he assumed to be Oboda includes large pools found at other sites such as Nessana, Subeita, Rehovot-in-theNegev, and Mampsis but not at Oboda (Negev 1997: 1011).

In this section I will provide an overview of the archaeological research in sites dated to the Hellenistic through Early Byzantine periods, which was carried out in the central Negev and central Arava in the nineteenth through early twenty-first centuries. This research includes visits by early explorers, exploration surveys, excavations, and systematic archaeological surveys. The first section describes sites discovered by Western explorers, usually led by local guides, in the nineteenth century. The second section reviews exploration surveys carried out mainly in the first half of the twentieth century by individuals and teams who provided detailed information about particular sites (usually the major towns in the central Negev) as well as smaller sites discovered along the major roads in the region. These roads and sites include the Darb es-Sultan, the Petra-Gaza road between Moyat 'Awad and Oboda, the road between the Dead Sea and Mampsis, the Ma’ale Tsafir route between Mezad Hazeva and Mampsis, and the fort in the central Arava at Be’er Menuha.

Seetzen identified the site of Mampsis (Kurnub), which he visited on his way to Wadi Musa, as that of ancient Thamara (Seetzen 1855: 10-11, Pl.III). He also noted sites that he heard existed in the region such as Mischwepe (elMushrife/Mizpe Shivta?) Erbebe (Kh. Ruheiba/Rehovotin-the-Negev?), Audche (Auja el-Hafir?), Be’er Menuha, Sbetha (Sobata) and Minnieh (the identification of the last is unclear), (Seetzen 1855: 43-44).

The next section includes an overview of archaeological excavations carried out in the central Negev and central Arava. Because most excavations took place at sites located along major roads in the region (often by teams of archaeologists under the direction of Avraham Negev or Rudolph Cohen) this section is largely organized according to roads.In addition, this section includes major sites in the west central Negev and lone sites such as Be’er Menuha. These include excavations carried out along the Darb es-Sultan, the later Petra – Gaza route that connected Moyat ''Awad with Oboda by way of the Ramon Crater, Mampsis and sites along both the Dead Sea – Mampsis road, as well as along the road between Mampsis and Oboda and the Ma’ale Tsafir road between Mezad Hazeva in the central Arava and Mampsis.

Two separate parties visited the site of Mampsis (Kurnub) in 1837: Gotthilf Henrich von Schubert and Lord Lindsay (von Schubert 1839: 447-451; Lord Lindsay 1839: 46-47). Like Seetzen, both these travelers passed by the site on their way back from Petra. Lord Lindsay noted the ruins of the town and one of the large dams in the ravine of Nahal Mamshit. He believed that the site was that of Elusa marked on the Tabula Peutingeriana as a town on the road between Jerusalem and Aila. In 1838 Edward Robinson, accompanied by Elihu Smith, traveled through the Negev twice, visiting Be’ersheva, Elusa, Rehovot-in-the-Negev, Nessana (Auja el-Hafir), Bir Biren (Be’erotayim) and Ain el-Quderat in northern Sinai (Robinson 1841). The confusion in the names Auja and Abde led Robinson to the same conclusion that the ruins of ancient Nessana (Auja el Hafir) were those of Oboda in spite of the fact that the true location of ‘Abde/Oboda was still known to the local Bedouin and Arab travelers through the region (Robinson 1841: 560-561; Negev 1997: 11-12). Of his visit to Rehovot-in-the-Negev, Robinson writes that the ruins were surprisingly extensive and estimated that the site could have

Finally, an overview of systematic archaeological map surveys of the central Negev, published by the Israel Antiquities Authority or in press, is presented here below. Nineteenth Century Explorers The earliest research in the Negev began with accounts 7

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.6. Towns and forts in the Central Negev and Arava Valley, Early Roman through Byzantine periods accommodated 12,000 to 15,000 people (Robinson 1841: 289-291). Robinson went by the site of Mampsis (Kurnub) on his return trip from Petra and although he did not examine

the site closely, he repeated Seetzen’s claim that it was the ancient site of Thamara described by Eusebius (Robinson 1841: 580-594, 613-616,622, n. 4). 8

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley

a.

b. Figure 1.7a. Oboda according to Palmer (1871; Negev 1997:12); and 1.7b. Musil (1907; Negev 1997:14).

In 1870-1871 E.H. Palmer, accompanied by C.F.T. Drake, were the first western explorers to visit and describe the ruins of Oboda, Sobota, and el Mishrefe (Mizpe Shivta), as well as Mezad Yeruham located on the road between Mampsis and Oboda (Palmer 1871: 29-32, 404-405), (Fig.1.7). At Rehovot, Palmer was impressed with the size of the town. He noted the existence of numerous cisterns and reservoirs, including the large open reservoir on the southwest side of the town, as well as the churches and the remains of ancient cultivation near the site (Palmer 1871: 383-385). Palmer apparently did not visit the site of Mampsis (Kurnub) but referred to it as the ruins of Thamara near Aroer and Arad (Palmer 1871:46, 75).

The Dominican Fathers Jaussen, Savignac, and Vincent visited Oboda in 1904. They too noted the existence of the large army camp outside the town, the impressive ruins of the acropolis and the surrounding town, and extensive caves which they believed to be the necropolis of the town (Jaussen et al. 1904:403-424;1905: 74-89,235-244), (Fig.1.8). They provided detailed plans and sections of the site, as well as the Late Roman tomb, ‘en-Nusra’, which they mistakenly believed to be the tomb of King Obodas (Jaussen et al. 1905:82-89). They also provided detailed reproductions of inscriptions and wall drawings made in red ocher, probably dating to the Byzantine period, that have nearly disappeared over the last century (Jaussen et al. 1905:78).

Twentieth Century Exploration Surveys

In 1913, British archaeologists, L. Woolley and T.E. Lawrence made a detailed survey (including plans, photographs, and drawings of inscriptions) of the ancient towns in the central Negev (Figs.1.8-9). On the return leg of their trip, Woolley surveyed Oboda briefly, missing the army camp (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 9, 28, 93107, Pls.xxiii: 2-xxv). With the exception of the en-Nusra tomb, he did not survey the caves although he did raise the possibility that they were originally tombs reused for domestic purposes (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 23, Pl.xxiv:1; 99-100, Figs.27-30). Woolley also noted the ash heaps and pottery east of the town as well as the presence of Hellenistic period pottery at the site (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 95). He provided a highly accurate plan of the bathhouse that surpassed that of Musil (Negev 1997: 21). He also provided plans of a large wine press located south of the acropolis and described the structure as similar to one at Sobota but did not recognize its function (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 104-105).

Alois Musil was the first to explore the ruins of Oboda (Eboda/Abde/Avdat 12813/02291)1 and the surrounding area in the twentieth century. He was also the first to provide highly accurate and detailed accounts, plans, and photographs of the sites he visited (Fig.1.7). Musil spent five days surveying the ruins of Oboda in 1902 on his way from Sobata. At Oboda, he described the bathhouse, the acropolis, the churches and the surrounding town and many of the extensive man-made caves that he identified as the town’s necropolis (Musil 1907:106-151). Musil was the first to document the army camp located northeast of the town (Musil 1907:122,124, plan, Figs.94, 98). He also discovered an important Greek inscription dated 294 CE on a lintel found in situ on a tower at the southern edge of the town (Musil 1907:246, n.15).   Old Israel Grid (OIG) coordinates appear here, usually in ten digits, next to the name of each site at least once throughout the text. For large sites, these coordinates fall approximately at the center of each site.

1

9

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

a.

b. Figure 1.8a. Oboda according to Jaussen, Savignac and Vincent (1904; Negev 1997: 16) and b. Oboda according to Woolley (Wooley and Lawrence, 1914-15; Negev 1997:19) building remains were extant on the exterior of the caves

T. Wiegand and a group of fellow German scholars surveyed Oboda in 1916. Wiegand accurately dated the Roman army camp as Diocletianic, and he suggested that the Nabataeans founded the town (Wiegand 1920: 87, Fig.82). He refuted Musil’s claim that the extensive complex of caves was a necropolis and remarked that

(Wiegand 1920: 96). Wiegand’s publication provided valuable plans and drawings of architectural features and described parts of the site not fully investigated in earlier surveys (Negev 1997: 2). 10

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley

Figure 1.9. Woolley and Lawrence’s 1914 survey (Wooley and Lawrence 1914-15: Map 1)

11

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.10. Major roads in the Eastern Negev in the Early and Late Roman periods

Figure 1.11. Alt’s identification of Roman army sites, 1935

Nelson Glueck visited Oboda several times but never conducted a true survey of the town (Negev 1997: 23). In 1958-1959, prior to his involvement in excavating the site, Avraham Negev carried out a survey of the surface pottery in order to aid in the identification of the periods of occupation (Negev 1997: IX).

106). In 1986, Yeshayahu Lender examined and recorded the remains of a Nabataean fort, several surrounding structures, and caves, while conducting a map survey of the area (Lender 1988: 66-67; Lender 1990: 32-36). The site is located approximately four kms southeast of Oboda on the banks of Nahal Avdat. It was constructed along the road between Oboda and the Borot Lotz area of northern Sinai (The Way of Atharim). The fort measures 17.5×17.5 m. and consists of seven casemate rooms situated around a central courtyard.

Glueck also surveyed sites along the early Petra-Gaza road, the Darb es-Sultan (the King's Road). According to Glueck, this was a major road in use from the Chalcolithic period between the central Negev and the copper mines in Wadi Feinan (Punon), (Glueck 1960: 8). He noted the presence of large campsites and ceramic sherds from the Intermediate Bronze Age and the Iron Age II period as well as Nabataean sherds at intervals along the track. He described the Darb es-Sultan as running parallel to Wadi Murrah (Nahal Zin) from Sede Boqer and then southeast to 'En Orohot (the Spring of the Caravans). From there it continued along Wadi Merzebah down to 'Ain Kharuf ('En Rahel) and 'Ain Wehbeh ('En Yahav) from whence it met a direct track across the Araba to Feinan, connecting with the King's Highway in the Edomite hills further east (ibid., 8, 12). At 'En Rahel, Glueck mistook Nabataean Early Hellenistic pottery sherds for Iron Age II ceramics by Glueck at 'En Rahel, a mistake later repeated by Rothenberg.

Horvat Ma'agurah (12601/03063), a Hellenistic Nabataean site located six km northwest of Oboda on the Petra – Gaza road, was first discovered and recorded by Emmanuel Anati in 1953 and it was revisited and noted by Rudolph Cohen in 1965 (Cohen 1988-1989b: 64). The Petra – Gaza Road between Moyat 'Awad and Oboda The site of Moyat ''Awad (16528/99465) located in the central Arava Valley south of Mezad Hazeva, was built along the ancient Petra-Gaza road (Figs.1.10). Frank first discovered the site in 1934 but mistakenly identified the Nabataean caravansaerai as a Roman fort (Frank 1934: Plan 30: B). Alt suggested that the site was that of ancient Asuada, preferring to designate the site of Bir Madkur on the eastern side of the Arava as Mo'a recorded in the Beer Sheba Edict and the Madaba mosaic map (Alt 1935: 2-59), (Fig. 1.11). Nelson Glueck later surveyed the site

In 1959, Yohanan Aharoni discovered an Iron Age structure and other building remains (site 142) at Mezad Nahal Avdat (12280/01810), (Aharoni and Evenari 1960: 10512

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley

a.

b. Figure 1.12a. Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal and b. pool (Meshel and Tsafrir 1974: 44, 46)

and noted the presence of Nabataean painted fineware sherds, while Kirk remarked that it dated no earlier than the second century CE (Glueck 1934-1935: 14-15, 35-36, 113-118, 141-142; Kirk 1938: 231-234). Abel and later, Avi-Yonah, suggested that the site should be identified as that of Mo'a of the Madaba Map, This identification was not universally accepted and their proposal was only confirmed following the recent processing of the finds discovered in subsequent excavations by Cohen (Abel 1938: 181-182; Avi-Yonah 1953: 129-156). The site was included in Rothenberg’s survey of the Arava and later Negev visited here (Rothenberg 1967: 130-132; Negev 1966: 89-98). My recent preparation of the final pottery report of excavations at this site has revealed that no Byzantine pottery was present, making its identification as Mo'a of the Madaba Map and the Beer Sheba Edict untenable. The true site of Mo'a is probably Bir Madkur as suggested by Alt.

and Tsafrir 1974: 30-40). The surveyors also reported the existence of at least two milestones north of Oboda on the track between Oboda and Horvat Ma'agurah (Meshel and Tsafrir 1974: n.46). Notably, these milestones were reportedly bore Latin and Greek inscriptions, with the Greek inscriptions applied in red paint. Mampsis and Sites along the Mampsis – Dead Sea Road Musil visited Mampsis (Kurnub 15603/04827) in 1901 on his way from Hebron to Abde (Oboda), (Musil 1907: 1728, Figs. 10-13), (Fig.1.13). He described the ruins of the town, including the city wall and both churches, as well as the dams in the ravine of Nahal Mamshit. Hartmann was among the first to propose that the site was actually that of Mampsis, an identification which was eventually accepted (Hartmann 1913: 110-113).

In 1934 Frank discovered other Nabataean/Roman sites along the road connecting Moyat ''Awad with Oboda, by way of the Ramon Crater. These sites included Kh. Qasra (Qasr el-Abd/Qal’at Umm Quseir 158281/99676), Mezad Neqarot (Qasr Wadi es Siq 15096/99838) and Mezad Sha’ar Ramon (Qasr el Mahale 14393/00163), (Frank 1934: Plan 30: A; 273: pl.29; 273). A first century CE Nabataean fort, Mezad Har Massa (15493/99759), was found northwest of Kh. Qasra by Cohen’s team (Cohen 1983b: 69).

In 1933, Iliffe carried out a survey of sites containing Nabataean painted fineware sherds. These he discovered at Mampsis, Elusa, Nessana, and Tell Be’ersheva (Iliffe 1933: 133-134). Iliffe did not visit Oboda, which was too far from his itinerary (Negev 1997: 23). During his archaeological survey of Eastern Palestine in 1934, Nelson Glueck visited Mampsis. He noted the dams in Nahal Mamshit, the walled town and churches as well as masses of Nabataean, Roman and Byzantine pottery sherds found at the site (Glueck 1935: 113-115).

Kirk first noted the tower of Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal (14296/01098), (Kirk 1938: 231-234). Meshel and Tsafrir carried out a comphrehensive survey of the route between Sha’ar Ramon and Oboda, including Mezad Sha’ar Ramon, Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal, and Mezad Grafon (13894/01496), (Meshel and Tsafrir 1974). They provided detailed descriptions and plans of both forts and the arched cistern next to Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal (Meshel and Tsafrir 1974: 40-53), (Fig. 1.12). They also discovered several milestones at intervals along the road in the Ramon Crater and on the Nafha Heights southeast of Oboda (Meshel

Mampsis was included in the Archaeological Survey of Palestine in 1937-1938 directed by Kirk (Kirk 1938: 213-221). He described the features of the site, including recent damage to the East Church and other structures, reporting the removal of their stones in order to facilitate the construction of the British Police building overlooking the site. He also identified a cemetery a kilometer northeast of the town, probably the Nabataean necropolis later excavated by Negev. Kirk noted architectural differences 13

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.13 Mampsis according to Musil and Woolley (Wooley and Lawrence 1914-15). Mezad Hazeva and the Ma'ale Tsafir Route

between Mampsis and the Byzantine period remains at S’baita (Sobota) and Auja Hafir (Nessana), prompting him to (accurately) suggest a Roman date for many of the buildings at Mampsis, excluding the churches. Kirk’s survey also took in Mezad Tamar (Kirk 1937: 221-225).

Musil was the first to publish a plan of the site of Mezad Hazeva (‘En el Husb 17325/02436) in the central Arava Valley (Musil 1907: 207-209, Figs.114-145). In addition to the large Iron Age fortress, Musil also identified the bathhouse and other structures east of the fortress. In 1932 Frank visited the site of Mezad Hazeva (Frank 1934: 254255). Glueck visited it in 1934 and he suggested that the large structure at the site was a caravanserai erected by the Nabataeans that continued in use under the Romans. He identified the site as that of Eiesiba (Glueck 1935: 1720,115). Aharoni proposed that the site should be identified as the Biblical site of Tamar and the classical period site of Thamara mentioned in ancient sources (Aharoni 1963: 30-42).

In 1932, Frank was the first to survey Mezad Tamar, (Qasr el Juheiniye 17301/04848) a Roman fort located 12 miles east of Mampsis (Frank 1934: 257). Alt identified this site, whose Arabic name is Qasr Juheniya el-Fuaqa, with that of Thamaro/Thamara referred to in ancient sources. Gichon, the excavator of this site, accepted this identification, but most scholars it reject in favor of Mezad Hazeva (Alt 1935: 58; Aharoni 1963; Gichon 1976; Isaac 1992: 193). Kirk surveyed the site in 1937 (Kirk 1938: 221-225). Mezad ‘En Tamar (18308/04449) located at the foot of a hill near ‘En Tamar (Ain Arus) and Nahal Zin, on the southwest bank of the Dead Sea, consists of a small structure identified as a fort. It was first discovered by Frank in 1934 (Frank 1934: 259). It was noted again by Kirk and later by Rothenberg who proposed that the site was that of Thamaro/Thamara referred to in ancient sources (Kirk 1938: 224; Rothenberg 1967a: 162; 1971: 214).

The series of small forts situated along this road by way of Ma’ale Tsafir (also known as the probable biblical site of the Scorpions Ascent), linking the central Arava with the northern Negev from ‘En Hazeva to Mampsis, were first noted by E. Robinson (Robinson 1841: 178-181). Glueck also visited these sites and found and published a fourth century CE lamp discovered at Qasr es Sfar 14

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley

Figure 1.14a. Plan of Elusa (Negev 1988c:115)

Figure 1.14b. Plan of the theater Elusa (Negev 1988c:117) visited Elusa (Khalasa/Halutza 11705/05641) in 1905 and noted the discovery of epitaphs belonging to the Roman and Byzantine periods (Jaussen et al. 1905: 254-257; Abel 1909: 89-166). Woolley and Lawrence visited the site in 1914 and drew an accurate plan, a fact that has recently been studied and discussed (Saidel and Christopherson 2005). They recognized that the town was the ancient Nabataean site of Elusa, located on the main Petra-Gaza route. They also made the important discovery of one of the earliest known Nabataean inscriptions, Aretas, king of the Nabatu, written in Aramaic script and dated to the period before 150 BCE (A. Cowley in Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 109, 145-146, Fig.59), (Fig. 1.14). They, and a number of researchers, reported the fact that the town was being stripped for building stone transported to Gaza. The proximity of the site to the western Negev and Gaza, and from 1900, the newly established town of Beer Sheba, ensured its destruction as a source of building stone (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 108-109; Bereslavsky 1940: 233-234). According to Yosef Bereslavsky, the inhabitants of Gaza, Beer Sheba, Deir el-Balah, Khan Yunis, Raphia and el-Arish, and not the local Beduin, were responsible for stripping ancient towns of their stone and contractors roved the western Negev buying up building stones to be transported to Beer Sheba and towns along the coast.

Figure 1.14c. Early Nabatean inscription from Elusa (Wooley and Lawrence 1914-15: 59) (Mezad Tsafir 16032/03682), (Glueck 1935: 115-116). Harel described the route in some detail (Harel 1957). In his study of stepped roads in Roman Palestine, Kloner has suggested that the steps hewn in the ascent probably date to the second century CE (Kloner 1973: 256-257, 1998: 127). The route was again surveyed by Cohen’s team in 1982 on behalf of the Israel Dept. of Antiquities (Cohen 1983c: 65-67). Mezad Be’er Menuha This Nabataean/Roman site is located in the south central Arava near the well of Be’er Menuha (Bir Muleiha 16274/96873). Rothenberg reported the remains of a “Nabataean” tower at the site during his survey in 1960 and noted that the site was probably a major station on the Darb Ghaza road between Gaza and the Red Sea (Rothenberg 1971: 217).

Woolley and Lawrence discovered the remains of the Iron Age fortress at the site of Qasr Ruheiba (11022/05020) in 1914 (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 40-41, Fig. 3), (Fig. 1:15, upper). Remains of a Nabataean fort were found over the Iron Age remains by Yigal Israel in 1976 during the excavation of the site under the direction of Cohen (1976b: 60).

Sites in the West Central Negev This area is located in the plains west of the central Negev Highlands in a region that appears to have been heavily cultivated around the centers of Elusa, Rehovot-in-theNegev, Sobota and Nessana in the Byzantine period.

At Rehovot-in-the-Negev (Kh. Ruheiba 10847/04895), Musil identified and documented a bathhouse and briefly noted some features of the town including what he believed to be a town wall (Musil 1907: 64-70), (Fig. 1.15). The detailed description and plans of the bathhouse became

The Dominican priests, Jaussen, Savingnac and Vincent, 15

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.15b. Kh. Ruheibeh/Rehovot in-the-Negev according to Musil (1907) detail (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 72-91). They noted the large double cistern in the middle of the town as well as the three churches, and they also described several private dwellings.

Figure 1.15a. Qasr Ruheibeh (Wooley and Lawrence 1914-15: Fig. 3) especially important since this it was later destroyed, possibly around World War I. The ruins of a well house built during the British Mandate now occupy the site (Tsafrir 1988: 7, Ill.9). During their visit to Rehovot-inthe-Negev

Musil briefly visited the site of el-Mishrefa (Mizpe Shivta 11272/03651) in 1901 and noted that it was fortified with a wall, gate, and towers situated along the west side of the site. He also noticed the small, monoapsidal church and cave dwellings along the eastern perimeter (Musil 1908 44-45, Fig. 34). Woolley and Lawrence also surveyed the site and accurately identified it as that of a monastic community (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 91-95). The site was visited in 1916 by Wiegand’s team from the Committee for the Preservation of Ancient Monuments from the Turkish-German Headquarters.

in 1913, Woolley and Lawrence identified several churches, including the central church in the middle of the town and the northern and southern churches. They also noted the large open cistern near the bathhouse and the bathhouse well that they described as 100 ft. in depth (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 113-117).

Huntington surveyed the site of Nessana (Auja el-Hafir/ Nizzana 09591/03174) in 1909 and drew up the only known plans of the lower town prior to its destruction by the Turks in that period. He reported the remains of two parallel colonnaded streets, six hundred meters in length (Huntington 1911: 121). By the time of Woolley and Lawrence’s survey in 1913, the colonnaded streets were no longer visible (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915 117), (Fig.1.16). They noted that the town was not very large, and the similarity between the Byzantine fortress on the acropolis at the site and that of Oboda’s from the same period.

Musil visited and described the village of Kh. Sa'adi (Horvat Sa'adon 11251/04881), (Musil 1907: 78-79). In 1912, T. Kuhtreiber retraced Musil’s journey through this area touring Sa’adi and other sites in the region (Kuthreiber 1914: 15). Woolley and Lawrence continued their survey in that area, also noting the village south of Rehovot (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 112-113). In 1916, Wiegand and his team visited Rehovot where he refuted Musil’s claim that the town was surrounded by a wall, remarking that the houses along the outer edge of the town formed a kind of closed front instead (Wiegand 1920: 57-61). In 1933 Iliffe was the first to discover Nabataean and Hellenistic pottery in Elusa (Iliffe 1934: 132-134).

Woolley and Lawrence also documented Byzantine agricultural and settlement remains south of Nessana on the road to Beraein (Be’erotayim/Bir Birein 09911/02300) and Kossaima in northern Sinai (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 121).

Musil surveyed Sobota (Isbeita/Shivta 11450/03238) in July 1901 and he produced the first general plan of the 40 acre site with several of its main buildings (Musil 1907: 36-45). In 1905 Jaussen’s team visited Sobota. They were the first to discover the Byzantine cemetery located outside of the town and a Nabataean inscription dated to the reign of Aretas IV (9 BCE – 40 CE), (Jaussen et al. 1905: 256-257). Woolley and Lawrence were sufficiently impressed with the remains of the town to describe it in

Glueck surveyed one site, Khirbet Hafir (Be’er Hafir 1095/1035), which he described as an “extremely large Nabataean settlement” located a few kilometers east of Beraein, (Glueck 1955b: 21-22, 1956:23). To date, the identification of this site has yet to be confirmed. 16

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley

Figure 1.16. Woolley and Lawrence’s visit to Auja/ Nessana (Wooley and Lawrence 1914-15: Fig. 52)

Figure 1.17. Oboda according to Negev (1997: Fig. 1).

Archaeological Excavations in the Central Negev and Arava Valley

Aramaic, Nabataean Greek and Byzantine Greek inscriptions, many of which were translated and published by Negev (Negev 1961: 127-138,1963a: 113-124).

The earliest archaeological excavations carried out in the central Negev were conducted in the years prior to World War II by the Colt Expedition, sponsored by New York University and the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem and directed by Dunscombe Colt. Colt’s team carried out limited excavations at Oboda and extensive excavations at Sobota and Nessana.

Negev was appointed to supervise on site work under AviYonah’s supervision in 1958, and in 1959 he took over the project (Negev 1997: X). Negev carried out excavations throughout the site between 1958-1961and in 1989. The results of these excavations were published in many small articles and in two books: The Late Hellenistic and Early Roman Pottery of Nabatean Oboda (Negev 1986) and The Architecture of Oboda (Negev 1997), (Fig. 1.17). Negev’s work at the site concentrated on areas of the acropolis such as the two Byzantine churches, the Byzantine Citadel and a structure inside the temenos area that he identified as a temple. This last structure was the same “Hellenistic Building” studied by the Colt Expedition (Negev 1997: 24-38). Negev also studied the western side of the temple platform and adjoining structures (Negev 1997: 38-61). During the course of these excavations several important Nabataean and Greek inscriptions were discovered. These inscriptions date to two primary periods: the late first century BCE and the second half of the third century CE. The earliest inscription dates to the second regnal year of Aretas IV, 8/7 BCE (Negev 1997: 3). Eight Greek inscriptions that appear to have been engraved on the lintel over the main entrance to the platform portico date to the later phase of the temple in the third century. These include a dedicatory inscription dating to 267/8 CE. Although the inscriptions are written in the Greek language, the names of the worshippers appear to be Nabataean (Negev 1997: 53). Near the southeastern corner of the portico a small

Oboda and the Surrounding Area At Oboda (Eboda/Abde/Avdat) the Colt Expedition excavated an isolated ‘villa’ located south of the town, but they never published their results.The plans and a description of this structure were later published by Negev, who dated it (on the basis of architectural features) to the second and third centuries CE (Negev 1997: 73-79). The Colt Expedition also excavated and published a structure located between the South Church and the Byzantine Citadel, described as a “Hellenistic building” (Colt 1962: 45-47, Pl.LXVIII, Negev 1997: 24-25). P.L.O. Guy reported that the expedition carried out some preliminary work on the bathhouse that was left unfinished (Guy 1938: 13). Between the years 1958 and 1961, Avi-Yonah and Negev, sponsored by the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, directed excavations at Oboda in conjunction with the restoration project instigated by the National Parks Authority. This work produced a large quantity of important Nabataean 17

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal early fine ware discovered in the structure and elsewhere at Oboda, as "Nabataean Sigillata," proved to be a form of Eastern terra sigillata, called ETS II by Gunneweg and Cypriote Sigillata by Hayes (Gunneweg et al 1988, Hayes 1977). The fact that the pottery workshop abuts a second to third century CE caravanserai (see below) on the north and a heavy midden on the south cast serious doubts about the dating of the structure to the early first century CE. A recent study by Fabian and Goren (2008) refutes Negev's identification of the structure as pottery workshop. Between 1975-1977, Negev, sponsored by the Hebrew University at Jerusalem, carried out joint excavations with R. Cohen from the Israel Department of Antiquities. They carried out trial excavations in the large military camp located northeast of the acropolis, a structure identified as a caravanserai south of the military camp, and a fourth century CE farmhouse complex east of the town (Cohen and Negev 1976: 55-57; Negev 1977a: 27-29; 1997: 7). The final report of the excavations has not yet been published (Negev 1997: XI). However, some preliminary findings were published by Cohen (Cohen 1980a: 44-46). Negev subsequently claimed that the military camp was constructed by the Nabataeans and functioned in the first century CE, a conclusion not shared by Cohen (Cohen 1982a: 45).

Figure 1.18. The caravanserai at Oboda, 2nd-3rd c. CE (Cohen 2000: 94). space was discovered, which appears to have served as the temple treasury. An inscription, engraved on a marble plaque found in the southwestern staircase tower, records the names of three of Aretas’ IV children (Negev 1961: 127128, 1997: 51). In addition, a hoard of bronze figurines and other objects were also found in this area (Negev 1997: 51, Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1997: 192-202).

According to Cohen, the caravanserai found abutting the pottery workshop on the eastern side of the site dates to the second and third century CE. This structure measures 22.5 by 31 m. and is made up of a series of rooms located around a central courtyard. This structure was rich in ceramic finds and particularly Nabataean painted ware bowls and other vessels dated to the early third century. Cohen pointed out that these bowls, which appear to be a debased version of the Nabataean fine ware tradition in decoration, form and texture, are identical to a bowl found next door in the pottery workshop, dated by Negev to the early first century CE, and in the Nabataean necropolis at Mampsis. Coins found on the floors of the structure included several dated to the late second through the third quarter of the third century CE. Above the collapse layer of the caravanserai at least 80 coins dated to the second half of the fourth c. CE were found (Cohen 1982a: 4546), (Fig. 1.18). During the 1975 excavations, Negev discovered a large house dated to the first century CE less than 100 meters from the military camp. Sixteen rooms of this structure were cleared. At least one room served as a kitchen with large ovens. Negev, impressed with the fact that several small cubicles were found throughout the structure and the poor quality of the architecture, claimed that the structure was probably a tavern or hostel (Negev 1996: 83-84). Elsewhere at the site, a pouch with coins and semi-precious stones from the region of the Indian Ocean were found in graves dated to the early first centuries of the first millennium CE (Negev 1977a: 29).

Negev also excavated buildings that he described as the ‘Roman Quarter’ located south of the acropolis, including the Roman tower first discovered by Musil in 1902, the enNusra burial cave, the Byzantine bathhouse, a Byzantine dwelling and the Saints’ Cave located below the acropolis. Inscriptions from the Roman tower and the en-Nusra burial cave were of particular importance in reconstructing the history of the site. This inscription, engraved on the lintel of the entrance into the tower, dates to 293/4 CE and describes the builder as a Nabataean mason named Wa’il from Petra (Negev 1981a: 26-27, no. 13). Inscriptions found in the en-Nusra burial cave date to the mid third century and according to Negev they appear to relate exclusively to women buried there. The earliest inscription dates to July 23, 241 CE (Negev 1981a: 24-25, no.10). On the eastern edge of the site, Negev excavated a pottery workshop that he believed to have functioned between 25 BCE to around 50 CE (Negev 1974, 1986: XVII). He reported that only two coins were found in the structure. The first dates to the reign of Trajan and the second I dated generally to the third or fourth centuries CE (Negev 1986: XVIII). Contrary to Negev's initial belief that Nabataean fine painted wares were produced in this workshop, subsequent neutron activation analysis of the posttery has indicated that it was produced in or near the area of Petra (Gunneweg et al 1988: 342). Likewise, Negev's designation of another example of

In the same excavation season, a large structure located east of the “Roman Quarter” (the Byzantine town) was 18

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley also investigated. This structure proved to be a farmhouse complete with a finely constructed wine press and cooking facilities dated to the fourth and fifth centuries CE. Negev reports that the building appears to have been built over an earlier Nabataean structure. Pieces of a large stone libation altar bearing a Nabataean inscription were found in the courtyard of the building. In a room next to the winepress two large jars were found sunk into the floor, which Negev believed to have been used to store wine that may have been tasted before its purchase by buyers. Elsewhere in the building plaques made from camel bones were found bearing lines of Greek script written in ink. One inscription apparently contains receipts concerning the hiring of camels and donkeys for transporting grapes from nearby vineyards (Negev 1977a: 28). Further excavations were carried out at Oboda in the 1990s by archaeologists of the Israel Antiquities Authority. These include excavations by Katz and Tahal in structures in the ‘Roman Quarter” and the excavation by Tahal of the large Byzantine period winepress located next to the southern side of the acropolis and Saints’ Cave (Tahal 1994: 112114). The exterior of the bathhouse and the pools next to the bathhouse well were excavated by Tahal in 1992 (Tahal 1994: 114-115). The excavation of the well area was resumed by Erickson-Gini in 1993. The area around the pool produced evidence that the bathhouse and the well were constructed in the fourth century CE and continued in use, after substantial renovations due to earthquake damage, in the Byzantine period. The earthquake probably occurred in the early fifth century CE, and damage related to it was detected elsewhere in the site.

Figure 1.19. The 1999 excavation of the army camp at Oboda (Erickson-Gini 2002: 123) of the household left intact, possibly as the result of an epidemic that struck the town in the first half of the third century CE. Three rooms of a second structure appear to belong to a large villa dating to the first century CE located on the eastern edge of the excavation area (Erickson-Gini 2001a: 6; 2001b: 374-375). The Nabataean fort, Mezad Nahal Avdat, (12280/1810), measuring 17.5×17.5 m., was excavated in 1986 by Y. Lender (Lender 1988: 66-67), (Fig. 1.21). Nabataean pottery dated to the first and second centuries CE. An ostrakon in Nabataean script and a coin of Trajan were found in the fort. Near the fort a second building measuring 10×13.5 was excavated, producing pottery dated to the first century CE.

In 1993-1994, P. Fabian, of the Israel Antiquities Authority, excavated a domestic dwelling in the ‘Roman Quarter,’ Building “T,” and he conducted several trial excavations along the town wall east of the acropolis. Fabian’s work demonstrated that the structures in the area described by Negev as the “Roman Quarter” dated to the Byzantine period. He also discovered that Building “T” was destroyed by a devastating earthquake in the early seventh century that demolished the entire site of Oboda (Fabian 1996).

The site of Horvat Ma'agurah (the Ruin of the Resevoir) is a Hellenistic Nabataean courtyard structure, probably a caravanserai, located west of Oboda at a point overlooking Nahal Besor and the Petra-Gaza road. It is the largest Nabataean site between Oboda and Elusa (Fig.1.22). Soundings were carried out by Meshel and Cohen in 1970 and it was later excavated more extensively as part of Cohen’s map survey of the area in 1985 and 1987 (Cohen 1985: 76-78; Cohen 1988b: 64-65; Cohen 2000: 95-96). The earliest coins of the site include a Tyrian coin of the second to first centuries BCE and a coin of Aretas II (11096 BCE). A heavy decorated pestle made of alabaster, probably ceremonial in nature that may have been brought from southern Arabia, was discovered in the vicinity of the courtyard. The caravanserai is a rectangular shaped structure, 22×40 m., with rooms situated around a large, open courtyard. Wide stairs lead down to a rock cut cistern located inside the central room of the southern side of the caravanserai. Access to the staircase was later blocked,

In 1999, the military camp east of the town, previously excavated by Negev and Cohen, was excavated extensively by Fabian and Erickson–Gini, revealing over fifty percent of the total area of the camp (Fig.1.19). Results of the excavation indicate that the camp was a Roman military camp and not Nabataean as proposed by Negev (EricksonGini 2002), (Fabian 2001: 18; 2005). Further excavations were carried out by the author in a domestic quarter in Oboda dating to the fourth century CE that was destroyed in an earthquake sometime in the early fifth century CE (Fig.1.20). In addition, remains of two earlier structures were found on the eastern side of the quarter. One structure dates to the second and early third centuries CE and it appears to have been abandoned abruptly with the contents 19

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.20. Oboda Late Roman/Early Byzantine Residential Quarter, 1999-2000 excavations

Figure 1.22. Horvat Ma’agurah (the Hasmonean fort inside the Hellenistic Nabataean caravanserai, Cohen 2000: 96)

Figure 1.21. Mezad Nahal Avdat (Lender 1988: 67) 20

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley

Figure 1.23. The Darb es-Sultan road and Nabataean Hellenistic sites and roads in the Negev and Arava

Figure 1.24. Moyat 'Awad (Cohen 2000: 77)

possibly when the fort was constructed. The small fort with corner towers, measuring 21×21 m., was constructed in the courtyard of the caravanserai. In one of the towers, a plastered bathtub and water storage installation were uncovered (Cohen 1988b: 64). A recent examination of the pottery discovered inside the fort, as well as an analysis of the bath by the author, has revealed that the fort was built by the Hasmoneans around 100 BCE. A relatively large number of Koan or imitation Koan wine jars were discovered inside the fort, similar to those found at Nessana. A coin of Aretas IV (9 BCE – 40 CE) and Herod the Great (37 – 4 BCE) and Nabataean pottery of the late first century BCE and early first century BCE are indications that the site was reoccupied by the Nabataeans in the later part of the first century BCE. It does not appear to have been inhabited at all beyond the reign of Aretas IV. The Roman milestones discovered along between Horvat Ma'agurah and Oboda may be attributed to the Roman military unit stationed in the Diocletianic army camp at Oboda. Coins dated to the late third and mid-fourth centuries CE were discovered by Y. Israel outside the caravanserai.

Moyat 'Awad with the Negev Highlands through a rugged area east and north of the Ramon Crater. The site of Moyat 'Awad was excavated extensively between 1981-1985 by Cohen (Fig.1.24). Excavations were carried out in six areas. The earliest remains at the site are that of a Hellenistic Nabataean fort, probably constructed in the third century BCE, measuring 17×17 meters. It is identical to the fort constructed further north at ‘En Rahel (16623/00470) in the same period. The earliest coins found at the site are those of Alexander the Great and Philip III (336-323 BCE). Several Ptolemaic coins were discovered in the fort, as well as coins dated to the mid-second century BCE minted in the Phoenician city of Aradus. The fort was reoccupied in the late first century BCE and appears to have been in use until the early third century CE. During its latest occupation, the fort appears to have been utilized as a kind of emporium and the structure was filled with vessels stacked in the rooms situated around the courtyard. In this period the fort may have served as a perfume production site. Numerous mortars and pestles were discovered here, as well as an olive press used to press olives grown in irrigated fields north of the site. This evidence suggests that perfume production took place in the structure in the late second through early third century CE (Erickson-Gini, f.c.).

Moyat 'Awad and the Early Petra – Gaza Road In the 1980s, Cohen’s teams excavated Moyat 'Awad (popularly and erroneously called Mo'a) and a series of small forts located at ‘En Erga, ‘En Rahel and ‘En Ziq. They were constructed in the Hellenistic period by the Nabataeans on what appears to be the earliest Petra – Gaza Road, the Darb es-Sultan (Fig. 1.23). This road connected

On the plain below the fort a large caravanserai, 40×40 m. in size, appears to have been constructed in the first century CE and it continued to be occupied in the second century CE. (Cohen 1981: 36-48; Cohen 2000: 76). 21

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

a.

b. Figure 1.25a. Mezad Erga (third century BCE) and b. Mezad ‘En Rahel third century BCE to early second second century CE occupied until the end of the second century BCE when it was apparently abandoned at the time of Alexander Jannaeus’ conquest of Gaza. The fort was reoccupied by the Nabataeans at the end of the first century BCE and remained in use until its destruction by an earthquake at the beginning of the second century CE, possibly prior to the Roman annexation of Nabataea in 106 CE.

The caravanserai contains a small bathhouse with water transported by way of an aqueduct located north of the fort to an open pool. The remains of frescos and painted stucco were discovered in a room next to the bathhouse. Other structures at the site include caves with built facades, a Late Hellenistic pottery kiln and an Early Roman structure with industrial installations on a hilltop southeast of the caravanserai (Cohen 1981: 36-38; Cohen 2000: 75-80). The fort contained evidence of Roman soldiers stationed there following the annexation of Nabataea in 106 CE. The site was suddenly abandoned sometime in the early third century after 222 CE, possibly as a result of an epidemic, and it was never reoccupied. Two Byzantine and a number of Early Islamic coins discovered at the site were apparently left there by travelers or farmers from the nearby Early Islamic village of Nahal Omer.

The fort contained well-preserved organic remains, including papyri fragments with Nabataean script. On the plain below the fort, aqueducts transported water from the spring into fields next to a farmhouse built in the Hellenistic period. Similar to Moyat 'Awad, a caravanserai appears to have been constructed in the first century CE at the foot of the hill (Erickson-Gini, Israel and Nahlieli, forthcoming).

Mezad ‘En Rahel, the Hellenistic Nabataean fort next to the spring of ‘En Rahel, was excavated in 1981 by Y. Israel and D. Nahlieli on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities (Israel and Nahlieli 1982: 35), (Fig. 1.25). This fort, located on a steep hill in view of the ancient track called the Darb es Sultan, measures 16×16 meters. Like the fort at Moyat 'Awad, it has a series of casemate rooms surrounding a small central courtyard. The fort was constructed sometime in the third century BCE. It appears to have replaced an earlier fort constructed a kilometer eastward next to the spring of ‘En Erga (16722/00466) when that structure was destroyed by an earthquake prior to its occupation. Both forts were built to guard the original Petra-Gaza road, the Darb es Sultan (the King’s Way) that ran north of the Ramon Crater by way of the springs at Ein Orahot and Ein Ziq to the vicinity of Oboda. In addition to the forts, Hellenistic black-glazed pottery was discovered north-west of 'En Rahel along this road (Y. Israel, pers. comm.).

Remains of a fort, Mezad ‘En Ziq (13582/02364), built by the Nabataeans in the Early Hellenistic period, was found along the Darb es Sultan near the springs at ‘En Ziq. The remains of the fort, containing five rooms and measuring 10×15 m., are located on a steep hill overlooking the springs. It was excavated in 1984 by Cohen (Cohen 1984a: 25-26). Soundings revealed two phases of Nabataean occupation: the first dated to the first and second centuries BCE and the second phase to the first century CE. In addition, a mass grave dated to the Hellenistic period was discovered below the fort in the ruins of a Middle Bronze Age I site. This grave contained the remains of 21 women and children and only four men. One of the early burials in the grave was that of male, aged 40-50, who appears to have suffered battle injuries. The skull of this particular individual contained evidence of dental treatment (Zias and Numeroff 1986: 66-67). The remains of an aqueduct was noted near the spring (Y. Israel, pers. comm..).

Excavation in the fort at ‘En Rahel revealed that it was

The Later Petra – Gaza Road via the Ramon Crater 22

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley

Figure 1.26. The Petra. Gaza road by way of the Ramon Crater In the late first century BCE the Nabataeans constructed stations along an ancient track between Moyat ''Awad and the Ramon Crater. This track dates to the Early Bronze Age, if not earlier, and it linked the central Arava Valley and the mines at Feinan to the Negev Highlands thorugh the Ramon Crater and the ascent of Ma'ale Zadok next to modern Mizpe Ramon. The track was apparently a secondary road used by the Nabataeans in the Hellenistic period and campsites have been dectected from that period next to Nahal Meishar and next to the spring at El Biyar (see below, Y. Israel, pers. comm..). In the late first century BCE the Nabataeans built a road station and a cistern on the banks Nahal Neqarot, and by the first half of the first century CE, they built caravanserais at Moyat ''Awad and Sha'ar Ramon. A new track was created between Sha'ar Ramon and Oboda by way of a new pass, the Ma’ale Mahmal, leading up from the Ramon Crater. This route enjoyed the advantages of fortifications and good water sources, and facilitated faster, year round caravan transport through an inhospitable area (Fig. 1.26).

Figure 1.27. Mezad Neqarot CE gilded bulla from the port of Alexandria. Water supplying the fort was collected in a rock cut cistern in the valley of Nahal Omer below the fort. A small open shrine containing an an iconic betyl (small standing stone) on a small platform (motab) was found a few meters south of the structure. Nabataean painted ware bowls dated to the late second and early third centuries were found buried in situ next to the platform. Maseboth, or stelae, in groups of three were located within 100 meters of the fort and also on the Nahal Omer ridge between Moa and Kh. Qasra (Israel and Nahlieli 1998: 146-147). These appear to be typical Nabataean open-air shrines found in the Negev and eastern Sinai (Avner 1993: 166-181). Maseboth appear to be a nonfigurative creation indicating a tradition of a prohibition of graven images among the Nabataeans, a subject treated at length by J. Patrich (Patrich 1990: 185-196).

The Nabataean stations and Roman forts constructed along this route at Horvat Qasra, Mezad Har Massa, Mezad Neqarot, Sha’ar Ramon (Khan Saharonim), Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal and Mezad Grafon were investigated from the 1960s through the1980s. Excavations in the majority of these sites were carried out by Cohen on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities. The final report of these excavations, initiated by the late Y. Hirschfeld, is currently in progress.

The small structure of Mezad Har Massa was constructed inside a low hill between Nahal Omer and Nahal Neqarot. It was excavated in 1982-1983 by Cohen’s team (Cohen 1983b: 69). The fort measures 10×20 meters in size and the excavators suggested that it was occupied in only one phase in the first century CE. Subsequent examination of the coins and also the pottery from the site by the writer has revealed later occupation of the site in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine periods.

Kh. Qasra (Qasr el-Abd/Qal’at Umm Quseir) was excavated by Cohen in 1981 (Cohen 1982d: 163-164). The fort consists of a square tower 5×5.5 meters to which three rooms were added in a second phase. A coin of the Emperor Caracalla (217-211) was found in the tower, and second and third century CE pottery was found in parts of the structure. Two lead bullae were found at the site. One example discovered in the fort is a second century

Excavations at Mezad Neqarot (Qasr Wadi es Siq) were carried out in 1981-1982 in four structures (Fig. 1.27). The main structure at the site is a Late Roman fort tower with an adjacent courtyard, measuring 5×8.5 meters, and a structure located a few meters eastwards (Cohen 23

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal Erickson-Gini 2001-2002). Sha’ar Ramon (Qasr el Mahale) is a large caravanserai, 42×42 meters in size, constructed near the spring of ‘En Saharonim on the eastern edge of the Ramon Crater (Fig.1.28). Probes in the caravanserai were first carried out in the 1960s by Meshel and Tsafrir (Meshel and Tsafrir 1974: 48-51). The structure was again excavated by Cohen in 1982-1983 (Cohen 1982b: 87-88; 1988c: 164-165; 2000: 85-86). Three occupational phases were found at the site: the first phase dates to the first century CE; the second phase was dated by coins and pottery to the late second and early third centuries CE, and the structure was partially reoccupied in the late third century CE. The second phase of occupation in the Late Roman period contained evidence of road services in the form of bathtubs and a large intact oven containing camel bones and cooking pots. The reoccupation in phase 3 appears to have been part of the military deployment in the area in the Diocletianic period when the army camp at Oboda and the fort at Horvat Ma'agurah were constructed. The latest ceramic evidence from the site includes African Red Slipped wares dated to that period.

Figure 1.28. Sha’ar Ramon (Cohen 2000:87) 1982c: 86-87). The latter structure appears to have been constructed and occupied in the early phase of the site in the late first century BCE. It was apparently damaged in the early second century CE by the same earthquake that affected other nearby sites and destroyed the fort at 'En Rahel. The early structure has six irregularly shaped rooms around an open courtyard and the entire structure measures 12×17 meters in size. Coins found in the structure belong to Aretas IV (9 BCE - 40 CE) and Malchius II (40-70 CE). In the Late Roman fort tower, pottery dated to the late second and early third centuries CE was found and coins of the Emperor Elagabalus (218-222 CE) were found in the dump immediately outside the tower. A small watchtower, 3×4 meters in size, located on a hill east of the site was also examined. An intact covered water cistern with transverse arches, measuring 7×7 meters, is located approximately 100 meters south of the fort. The roof of the cistern is supported by three arches and the lower part of the cistern was quarried into the bedrock and covered with hydraulic plaster. The exterior of the cistern and twothirds of the interior were cleared by the writer on behalf of the Israel Antiquties Authority in order to facilitate the conservation of the structure in 1996. A small horned limestone altar, approximately 0.20 cm in height, bearing an inscription in Greek script, was found at the bottom of the cistern. The cistern appears to have been damaged in a massive earthquake that destroyed the original aqueduct and settling pool leading into the cistern. A later channel was haphazardly constructed over this destruction layer and the cistern appears to have continued in use for an undetermined period of time. The cistern is nearly an exact copy of the covered cistern discovered at ez-Zantur in Petra dated to the late first century BCE. The Neqarot cistern was probably constructed at the site to supply water for the early Nabataean station. Nabataean cisterns with transverse arches have been discovered elsewhere along the Petra – Gaza road at Mezad Ma'ale Mahmal and also on the Mampsis – Oboda road at Horvat Ha'bor (Israel and

The spring of El Biyar (14188/00362), located approximately 2.5 kms northwest of Sha’ar Ramon along an Early Bronze Age road leading toward Ma'ale Zadok, appears to have been used by the Nabataeans as a campsite in the period before the Early Roman period. A Thamudic inscription was found in the bedrock outcrop next to the site. Two coins minted in the Phoenician city of Aradus were discovered near the spring (Y. Israel, pers. comm..). A building at the site dates to the Early Islamic period (Cohen 2000: 86, 88). The small fort of Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal, 6.5×7 meters in size, was first excavated by Cohen in 1965 and again in 1982 (Cohen 1983e: 69-70). It is located at the upper point of the narrow pass, Ma’ale Mahmal, that winds 200 meters up the north face of the Ramon Crater. Two occupational phases were found at the site: the first century CE and the third century CE (dated by coins of the Emperor Gallienus). A collapsed covered water cistern located 540 meters north of the fort was also excavated. This cistern was rather large, containing ten arches and it measured 4.75×8 meters in size. It had a capacity of 150 cubit meters of water and it was supplied with runoff water collected into channels and directed into the cistern. The remains of a first century CE Nabataean structure were discovered next to the the Late Roman fort by the writer in 2004. Although only a few rooms of the structure were uncovered it may belong to a larger structure with a central courtyard. This early structure was destroyed in the early second century CE by an earthquake in which a wall along the west collapsed into the courtyard. Probes in the foundation of the Late Roman tower produced Nabataean painted ware pottery dated to the late second and early third centuries CE. Two structures were found at the site of Mezad Grafon 24

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley (13885/01485) and include a square fort, 6.10×6.10 in size, and a domestic dwelling (Fig.1.29). A third small structure, 2×2 meters, probably a watchtower, was located at the top of the Grafon Pass. A rock cut cistern on the banks of Nahal Grafon located 180 m. southwest of the site supplied water for the fort. Water was collected into a wellpreserved channel, 250 meters in length directed into the cistern (Meshel and Tsafrir 1974: 41-44; Cohen 2000:90). Visual inspection of the pottery found on the surface of the site suggests that it may have been used in the Diocletianic and Early Byzantine periods. Mezad Be’er Menuha

Figure 1.29. Mezad Grafon (Meshel and Tsafrir 1974: 42)

The fort at Be’er Menuha (Bir Muleiha) was excavated by R. Cohen in 1983 (Cohen 1983d: 68-69). Two building phases were reported. The first belongs to an earlier structure, probably a Nabataean caravanserai measuring 18.50×21 m., consisting of rooms situated around a wide courtyard. This structure contained finds dating to the Hellenistic Nabataean period, such as early Nabataean pottery and coins of Aretas II, and pottery and coins dating to the later first century BCE and first century CE. The excavator proposed that this structure was a Nabataean station on the north – south Arava road. A later structure, a tower, was erected in the courtyard of the earlier structure. It measures 9.5×9.5 m. and has three rooms and a staircase to an upper story. This tower appears to have been built and occupied in the Roman period, in the second and third centuries CE. Coins of Trajan and Hadrian were found in this structure.

145). Negev also excavated a Nabataean necropolis dating to the first through early fourth century CE located east of the town (Negev 1971: 110-121; Negev and Sivan 1977). A Roman military cemetery also located outside the town revealed two Latin epitaphs belonging to a centurion of the Legio III Cyrenaica and a cavalryman of the Cohors I Augusta Thracum (Negev 1969: 9). Other studies of the site included those of the dams in Nahal Mamshit carried out by A. Kloner (Kloner 1973: 248-275; 1975: 167-170). Further excavations were carried out by O. Katz of the Israel Antiquities Authority in 1992 and Erickson-Gini in 19931994. The latest excavations at the site were carried out in three areas: in a midden located north of the town walls dated to first and early second centuries CE, in an area next to Building XII and inside the building (L428), and in the area under and east of the British Police building. This last area revealed a previously unknown structure, Building XXV, constructed in the late first or early second centuries CE, that was occupied in three phases until its destruction in the fourth century by an earthquake (Erickson-Gini 1995:95-96; 1997:133-134; 1999), (Fig. 1.30).

Mampsis and Sites along the Mampsis – Dead Sea Road The first excavations at Mampsis were carried by S. Applebaum in 1956 and 1959. Applebaum investigated an area near the walls of the western side of the town, revealing occupation layers dating no earlier than the third century CE (Applebaum 1956:191-192; 1959:30-52).

Excavations were carried out at Migdal Tsafit (Mezad Zafit, Rujm el Marqab 16806/05022) in 1971 and at Mezad Tamar (Qasr el-Juheniye) between 1973-1975 by M. Gichon on behalf of Tel Aviv University in 1971 (Gichon 1971:28; 1976). The site of Migdal Tsafit consists of a small square tower, 6.15×6.15 m. in size, located on a high hill overlooking the Rotem plain and the Dead Sea – Mampsis road, northwest of Mezad Tamar. On the basis of coins found at the site, Gichon dated the earliest layer there to the Trajanic period. The tower was later reoccupied in the later part of the third century CE and appears to have been deserted in the Byzantine period.

The most extensive excavations of the site were carried by A. Negev, sponsored by the Hebrew University at Jerusalem, between 1965 and 1967, and again in 1990. His investigations were carried out in the site’s two Byzantine churches and in several large residential structures constructed in the second century CE that remained in use into the Byzantine period. Negev also excavated a Nabataean/Early Roman fort (Building XIV) and a Nabataean/Early Roman caravanserai located outside the city walls (Negev 1993: 241-264). Other investigations at the site included the excavation of a public bathhouse (Building V) and a public reservoir (Building VII). The architectural features of the town were published in two volumes in 1988 in The Architecture of Mampsis, Vols. 1 & 2 (Negev 1988a; 1988b). In the largest residential structure excavated at the site, Building XII, Negev discovered a hoard of 10,800 silver coins, the latest of which dated to the reign of Elagabalus (218-222 CE), (Negev 1988a:

At Mezad Tamar, Gichon excavated a large fort, 38×38 m., with four corner towers and a large cistern in the interior courtyard (Fig. 1.31). Gichon, following Alt’s suggestion, proposed that this site could be identified with that of Thamara referred to in Eusibius’ Onomasticon, but this claim has been largely refuted (Eus. On. 8.8, Aharoni 1963, Isaac 1992: 193). The fort is situated in a narrow valley and small watchtowers were located on nearby hills. 25

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.30. Mampsis, 1993-1994 excavation areas (negev 1988a; Erickson-Gini 1999) first century CE and the corner towers to the Late Roman period. Gichon changed his original dating of the fort from the Late Roman period to the first century CE on the basis of the similarity of the masonry and wall construction with that of the army camp at Oboda, which A. Negev claimed was built by the Nabataeans. In the aftermath of extensive excavations at the camp in Oboda the writer has challenged both Negev’s dating of the camp there and Gichon’s dating of the fort of Mezad Tamar (Erickson-Gini 2002). Mezad ‘En Tamar (18308/04449), was excavated by Cohen’s team in 1982. It is located over 150 m. west of the Hellenistic Nabataean fort. This building measures 30×40 m. and has two phases. The first phase is Nabataean, dated by pottery and coins of Aretas IV (9 BCE to 40 CE) to the first century CE and the second phase dates to the second and third centuries CE. Coins of Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius were found in the second phase. The excavated part of this structure was destroyed by road works in 2005. A salvage excavation of the structure by the writer in 2006 uncovered presviously unexcavated rooms in the structure and layers of heavy ash. The ash layers and fresh-water snails found in the excavation suggest that

Figure 1.31. Mezad Tamar (Kennedy 2000: 210) The excavator found evidence of Nabataean occupation in middens located under part of the fort. In spite of the clear archaeological evidence, he preferred to date the fort to the 26

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley some type of aqueducts may have provided fresh water from the spring to bathing facilities in the structure that may have functioned as a caravanserai. The pottery and coins discovered in the 2006 excavation support Cohen's date, i.e., the first century through early third century CE. A Nabataean tomb excavated by Hirschfeld at the site in 2001/2 contained pottery and glass vessels dated to the late second or early third century CE (Hirschfeld 2006a). The Hellenistic Nabataean site of ‘En Tamar (18325/04406) is located on a steep hill facing the Dead Sea, one hundred and fifty meters southwest of the spring of ‘En Tamar. The site consists of a square fort measuring 20×20 m. that was excavated by R. Cohen on behalf of the Israel Dept. of Antiquities in 1982 (Cohen 1983a: 31). This structure appears to be a Hellenistic Nabataean fort dated by the excavator to the second to first century BCE. It contains a series of rooms situated around a central courtyard similar to forts from the same period at ‘En Rahel and Moyat 'Awad. The late Y. Hirschfeld carried out the publication of Cohen's excavation of the Hellenistic Nabataean fort of 'En Tamar in 2006 (Hirschfeld 2006a).

Figure 1.32. Horvat Hazaza, 2003 excavation (shaded areas) in this site were excavated in 1966-1967 by Cohen.The excavations uncovered the remains of a settlement with three phases, the earliest of which is dated to the Nabataean period in first century CE. The next two phases, including the main phase of construction at the site, are dated to the Late Roman and Byzantine.

Sites along the Mampsis – Oboda Road The site of Horvat Ha’Bor, (the Ruin of the Cistern), (Kh. Zuweirita 14847/05066) was partially destroyed by the creation of the modern Dimona - Yeruham highway during the British Mandate period. Soundings were carried out by Cohen in 1984. In 2001, excavations were again carried out at the site by Israel and Erickson-Gini on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority and the Sede Boqer Field School (Israel and Erickson-Gini 2001-2002). Further excavations in the fort were conducted by the writer in 2008.

The site of Horvat Hazaza (13339/03412) is located on a low hill situated along the Mampsis – Oboda road. Since its discovery in the 1950s, local residents referred to the site as ‘Givat Ha-Pislonim’ (the Hill of the Figurines) since fragments of Nabataean cultic figurines were found all over the site. In 1971 Cohen uncovered a Nabataean structure with two separate but adjoining wings, both accessed from entrances on the east. The entire structure measures 22×51 meters in size and it is constructed with finely cut ashlar of a high quality and workmanship. Both wings have central courtyards and surrounding rooms and evidence of large stone basins. Cohen believed the site to have been an important caravan station on the road and that it was occupied between the first and fourth centuries CE (Cohen 1981a: 42-45; 1992b: 1053-1054).

In the new excavations, two phases were found at the site. Nabataean first century CE coins and Early Roman pottery sherds indicate that the site was first occupied by the Nabataeans in the first century CE, probably as a way station along the ancient route between Mampsis and Oboda. It appears that in this period a cistern with transverse arches, 7×7 meters in size, was constructed. This cistern is identical in construction to the arched cisterns built along the Petra - Gaza route,between Moyat 'Awad and Oboda, at Mezad Neqarot and Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal. In the Late Roman period, in the late third or early fourth century, a fort was constructed that appears to have been occupied into the Late Byzantine period (Cohen 1992b: 1054-1056). The 2008 excavations revealed the presence of a small winepress on the western side of the structure as well as the manipulation of bedrock carried out in order to construct the fort similar to that found in Nabataean architecture. The cistern continues to function to the present day.

A series of quarried cisterns were located close by in Nahal Hazaz (13477/03394), (Cohen 1981: 62-63). The plan of one of the large cisterns is nearly identical to cisterns found further south on the Oboda-Mampsis road at Horvat Ma'agurah and in Nahal Havarim as well as two others in Ramat Ziporim. They all have square plans, carved square pillars and ‘betyl’ blocks carved onto the pillars. This series of cisterns date from the Hellenistic period or earlier and are apparently the type described in the late fourth century BCE by Hieronymous of Cardia (Diod. XIX .94, 2-14). Horvat Hazaza was excavated again in August 2001 by the writer (Fig. 1.32). Sections were opened in several parts of the structure and in the middens outside the entrances to the

Nelson Glueck surveyed Mezad Yeruham (Qasr Rekhmeh 14081/04387), located on the road between Mampsis and Oboda, in 1954 (Glueck 1955: 7-8). Four different areas 27

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal similar to Horvat Hazaza, are located in the south wing of the structure. The excavation produced Nabataean and Early Roman pottery from the first and second centuries CE. A carved stone installation, apparently a libation altar similar to those found near Oboda, was discovered 20 m. west of the structure (Cohen 1985: 58-56). The plan of the structure and the installation suggest that the site may have been a Nabataean temple, as suggested concerning Horvat Hazaza. Structures at Horvat Haluqim (13094/03327) were constructed on the location of an Iron Age site along the Mampsis – Oboda road (Cohen 1976a: 47-50).The later remains consist of five structures, including a Late Roman fort tower with a courtyard similar to structures discovered in the southern Negev at Horvat Dafit which are dated by Dolinka to the early third century CE (Dolinka 2006a: 188). Dolinka notes the similarity between it and the fort towers at Qasra and Neqarot along the Petra – Gaza road as well as the Severan fort of Qasr el-Uweinid in the Azraq oasis in northern Jordan (ibid., Fig. 6.2). The Haluqim tower measures 8×8 meters and has three rooms and a stairway leading to upper stories. Late Roman period pottery was found in a layer of ash overlying the floor of the tower (Cohen 2000: 73-74).

Figure 1.33. Mezad ‘En Hazeva (Cohen and Israel 1996: 89) structure. The excavation provided evidence showing that the site was constructed in the middle of the first century CE. The structure appears to have been damaged by an earthquake around the beginning of the second century CE that brought about the abandonment of the south wing of the structure. The adjoining north wing appears to have been renovated and reoccupied into the early third century CE. In the final phase of occupation many of the long storerooms and some of the smaller rooms appear to have been used as sheepfolds and some domestic activity took place in the courtyard and one of the smaller rooms.

Mezad ‘En Hazeva and the Ma’ale Tsafir Road Mezad ‘En Hazeva (‘En el Husb) was first excavated in 1972 and again between 1987 and 1990 by Cohen (Cohen 1988a: 65-66). A major excavation was carried out by Cohen and Israel on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority between 1990 and 1994 (Cohen and Israel 1995: 96-102; 1996: 78-92). The excavations revealed the remains of a large Iron Age fortress with subsequent occupation by the Nabataeans in the first century CE. The site continued to be occupied following the Roman annexation of Nabataea in 106 CE until the early third century. The latest coins of this phase belong the reign of Elagabalus (218-222 CE).

The function of the structure remains unclear but it does not appear to have been an active caravan station as claimed by Cohen. The site is nearly void of coins and evidence of the kind of activity found at caravan stations. Although the soil was carefully sieved, the recent excavations uncovered only two coins, both of which are first century Nabataean coins. Only one coin was found by Cohen, a coin of Hadrian minted in Ashqelon that was found in the water cistern in Room 10. The exceptional quality of the structure, the numerous fragments of Nabataean cultic figurines (dated to the first century CE) found in and around the site, and the presence of large stone basins similar to the libation basins found at Oboda, indicate that the structure may have been a Nabataean roadside temple as suggested by the discoverer of the site, E. Anati (R. Cohen, pers. comm.).

A Late Roman fort, measuring 42×46 m. with four corner towers, was found on top of the mound (Cohen 1988-1989a: 52-53), (Fig. 1.33). Subsequent excavations revealed that the fort and a cavalry camp with an adjoining bathhouse were constructed in the later third century CE, probably during the reign of Diocletian, and that they were heavily damaged and rebuilt in wake of the 363 CE earthquake. The military installations were occupied as late as the fifth or early sixth century CE. After its abandonment, the site appears to have been struck again by earthquake, possibly in the sixth century CE. The bathhouse was reoccupied and used as a domestic dwelling in the Early Islamic period and water channels were built across the ruins of the cavalry camp.

Cohen’s team excavated a second Nabataean structure, Nahal Besor Site 87 (12693/03200), on a low hill overlooking Nahal Besor not far from the Oboda – Mampsis road. This structure measures 22×32 m. and contains two wings. Similar to Horvat Hazaza, the rooms are located around a central courtyard. Several long rooms, also

The Late Roman fort at ‘En Hazeva appears to have been part of a defensive line of forts constructed on the Ma’ale Tsafir road by way of the Scorpions Pass linking the Arava valley with Mampsis and the northern Negev. ‘En Hazeva 28

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley Atadim that were the main structure for defense in the Late Roman period. During the excavation a theater, a large church, a pottery workshop and a Nabataean mausoleum were discovered in the southwest side of the site (Negev 1988c: 114). The theater is the only one known to have existed in the Negev. Also in 1973, a well preserved, threetiered winepress was discovered near Halutza in Nahal Atadim during the construction of the modern highway. The winepress was excavated by G. Mazor in 1973/1974 (Mazor 1981: 51, 54-55).

was strategically placed on the crossroads of the Mampsis – Phaeno road and a north-south track between the Dead Sea and the southern Arava. From ‘En Hazeva the road cut to the southeast past an early Roman fort located at ‘En Yahav and continued onward to the copper mining district around ancient Phaeno (Feinan). Late Roman coins were found in the remains of the fort at ‘En Yahav (17570/01128) near the spring of ‘En Marzev (Y. Israel, pers. comm.). This is a square fort with four corner towers built with casemate rooms around an open courtyard. It was excavated in 1977 by Y. Porat (Porat 1978: 50).

The theater and a cemetery, dated to the Late Roman and Byzantine periods and located on the outskirts of the site, were partially excavated in 1979 under the direction of Negev on behalf of the Hebrew University and Ben Gurion University of the Negev in cooperation with B. Johnson and A. Segal. During that season a large Nabataean campsite and a Nabataean cemetery were discovered one kilometer east of the site (Negev 1981b; 1988c: 114). Soundings carried out in the Nabataean cemetery revealed the secondary burial of bones collected into one grave and at least two stone tables used for funerary meals similar to those found in the Nabataean necropolis at Mampsis. In 1980, excavations were carried out in the East Church and the theater and soundings were carried out in a tower located in the western part the site under the supervision of Negev from the Hebrew University in Jerusalen in cooperation with the University of Mississippi and the Society for the Exploration of Eretz Israel and Its Antiquities (Negev 1988c: 114, 1993: 485).

Several small forts located along the Ma’ale Tsafir road and their surrounding structures were excavated and dated to the late third and early fourth centuries CE by Cohen’s team between 1982-1984 (Cohen 1983c: 6567; Cohen 2000: 100-103). This series of forts includes, Mezad Sayif (16606/02962), (located eight km northwest of ‘En Hazeva), Rogem Tsafir (16226/03456), (located at the base of the Ma’ale Tsafir 6 km northwest of Mezad Sayif), Horvat Tsafir (16106/03570), (located along the pass halfway between Rogem Tsafir and Mezad Tsafir), Mezad Tsafir (Qasr es Sfar 16032/03682), (located at the top of Ma’ale Tsafir) and Mezad Yorqeam (15353/03902), (located between Mezad Tsafir and Mampsis). At least twenty coins of Constantine I were found at Mezad Sayif. At Horvat Rogem pottery dated to the third to fourth century CE was found in the fort. Soundings carried out in building remains outside of the fort revealed Nabataean pottery dated to the first century CE. Pottery dated to the third and fourth centuries CE was found in the square fort of Mezad Tsafir and second and third century pottery was found in the remains of a building outside of the fort (Cohen 1983c: 66-67). An examination of the unpublished pottery from these sites by the writer revealed that sites continued to be occupied well into the fifth and possibly the early sixth century CE similar to the occupation at Mezad Hazeava.

The Byzantine pottery workshop discovered by Negev on the southeast side of the site on the east bank of Nahal Besor was excavated in 1997 under the direction of Goldfus and Fabian on behalf of Ben Gurion University (Fabian and Goren 2002: 150-151, Goldfus and Fabian 2000: 94). In 1997 and 1998 renewed excavations in the East Church and the theater were carried out by H. Goldfus, B. Arubas and P. Fabian on behalf of Ben Gurion University of the Negev (Goldfus and Fabian 2000, Goldfuss et al. 2000: 333).

Sites in the West Central Negev Soundings were first carried out in Elusa (Halutza) by the Colt Expedition in 1938 in the middens located in the north-east side of the site (Baly 1938: 159), (Fig. 1.14). In 1973 further soundings and a survey covering nearly 1000 dunams in and around the site were carried out by Avraham Negev of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. The soundings were carried out in four different areas that included the midden on the north-east side of the site (Area 1), a Late Roman tower on the east side of the site (Area 2), a public pool that may have supplied water to a nearby bathhouse (Area 3) and a large domestic residence (Area 4), part of which appears to have been constructed in the period after 106 CE (Negev’s ‘Late Nabataean’ period), (Negev 1988c: 112-113).

A recent examination of Woolley and Lawrence's documentation of the site by Saidel and Christopherson revealed that Negev's plan of the site was inferior to that of Woolley and Lawrence in that it included merely the areas excavated by Negev and omited features such as the town wall, city gates, and cemetery that were included in the earlier plan (Saidel and Christopherson 2005: 60). Further west, the Iron Age fort and Hellenistic Nabataean fort of Qasr Ruheiba (11022/05023) is located on a hill overlooking Nahal Shunra approximately three km. north of Rehovot in-the-Negev, were excavated in 1976 by Cohen (Cohen 1976b: 59-60). Rehovot-in-the-Negev is the second largest in size in the central Negev after Halutza, and building remains cover an area of approximately 120 dunams. This site may be the town of Betomolachon referred to in the Nessana papyri

According to Negev, the 10×10 m. Late Roman tower (Area 1) stood to its full height and it resembles other towers found along the banks of Nahal Besor and Nahal 29

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.34. Horvat Sa’adon (Rubin 1990: 146) (PNessana 79, 19, 28, 39), (Tsafrir et al. 1994: 88), (Fig. 1.15). Parts of the town, including domestic quarters dated to the Byzantine period in areas located in the southeast (Area A) and south (Area B) of the site, a caravanserai (Area C), two churches, including the Central Church (Area D) the Northern Church, and a Byzantine period cemetery were excavated under the direction of Yoram Tsafrir, and in later seasons by Tsafrir and K. Holum, between 1975 and 1986 on behalf of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and the University of Maryland (Tsafrir and Holum 1988: 116127). The results of part of the excavations at the site have been published in Excavations at Rehovot-in-the-Negev I, The Northern Church (Tsafrir et al. 1988). Surface surveys of the site revealed the presence of Nabataean remains east of the town and Nabataean pottery and Eastern terra sigillata sherds were found together with Byzantine pottery in the fill under nearly all the structures excavated at the site (Tsafrir et al. 1988: 8). The khan, or caravanserai (Area C), is a square structure measuring 30×30 m. with a large central courtyard. The northwest wing of this structure contained remains of a stable similar to those found at Mampsis and Shivta. In addition, part of a Nabataean capital was found in the courtyard and a stone bearing a Greek-Nabataean

inscription was found elsewhere in the northwest wing in an unexcavated room. Nabataean painted ware sherds and terra sigillata fragments were found under the pavement of the courtyard (Tsafrir et al. 1988: 11-1). In 1986 and 1990 excavations were carried out in the south-east edge of the large Byzantine cemetery located north of the town (Tsafrir and Holum 1987: 54-56, 1992: 96). The site of Horvat Sa'adon and its environs were surveyed in 1981 and 1982 by R. Rubin on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiqities (Rubin 1982: 57, 1983: 74). The site appears to be a Byzantine village with the remains of two apsidal churches. Part of one church, revealed by way of illicit excavations at the site, was recorded and published by Hirschfeld (Hirschfeld 2006b). To date, Nabataean wares have not been found at the site (Rubin and Scherschewsky 1988: 54). Building remains were found covering an area of approximately fifty dunams. Rubin noted the existence of a large number of lime kilns dated to the Byzantine period in the area near the site (Rubin 1983: 74), (Fig. 1.34). The site may be the town of Sudanon referred to in the Nessana papyri (PNessana 79, 47), (Tsafrir et al. 1994: 236). 30

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley The Colt Expedition, sponsored by New York University and the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem and headed by H.D. Colt, excavated the site of Sobota (Shivta/ Isbeita/Sbeita) extensively between 1934 and 1938. The name of the site was later found among other towns listed in the papyri archives discovered by the expedition at Nessana (PNessana 75, 8; 79, 3, 10-11,16,29,40,51-52), (Tsafrir et al. 1994: 234). The site covers an area of about 90 dunams. Colt's excavations were never fully published and due to the lack of water the team was forced to relocate their work to neighboring Auja el-Hafir (Nessana). According to Colt, during the riots of 1938, five Arabs from Jerusalem hired a taxi to bring them to the site where they burned down the excavation house and Colt's bright yellow model T Ford. This resulted in the destruction of glass and pottery collections and part of the excavation records but the inscribed stones were stored elsewhere (Colt 1947: 316). In 1935, a brief description of the excavations was published by the team’s architect, C. Baly (Baly 1935). The excavations revealed that the greater part of the town was constructed in the Byzantine period. However, soundings carried out in a midden located along the northern bank of Nahal Zeitan produced Nabataean and Early Roman pottery (Crowfoot 1936). Excavations in the town centered mainly in the northern part in and around the North Church as well as two winepresses located outside the town. In addition to the North Church, two other churches, one in the center of the town and the South Church, were excavated. At least one of the large open cisterns located next to the South Church was partially cleared as well as nearly 18 domestic dwellings and streets (Segal 1981: 10; Hirschfeld 2003: 2). Greek ostraca discovered near the central open cisterns, tentatively dated to the sixth century CE, bore two Nabataean names: Garmu and Khaldu (Youtie 1936).

Figure 1.35. Sobota (Hirschfeld 2003) and the water supply system of the town was surveyed by T. Tzuk (Hirschfeld 2003; Tzuk 2003), (Fig. 1.35). Tzuk examined 57 cisterns in the town, forty of which were located in courtyards of dwellings (Tzuk 2003: 18). Four columbaria towers (dovecotes), used for raising pigeons, were discovered in close proximity to Shivta (Hirscheld and Tepper 2006). Three of the columbaria were round with internal divisions, while a fourth tower was square in shape. The difference in shape appears to chronological: Roman Nabataean pottery was discovered in and under the square tower, which was probably constructed in the second century CE, while the round towers date to the Late Byzantine period. One round tower contained in situ evidence of pigeon bones, nests and eggs that collapsed in the Late Byzantine period, apparently as a result of the destructive local earthquake that demolished Oboda in the early seventh century CE. The evidence of earthquake destruction in the Late Byzantine period correlates with the erection of revetment walls inside the town, particularly around the perimeter of the North Church. These substantial walls are responsible for the survival of the church to nearly its original height in the Byzantine period. The early columbarium provides important evidence for the existence of an agricultural infrastructure at the site that included the harvesting of runoff as early as the Late Roman period. This infrastructure at Shivta probably preceded that of other settlements in the region.

In the 1950s, studies of the agricultural regime in the Negev were carried out by the Geographical Institute of Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Part of these studies concentrated on the region around Sobota and were conducted and partially published by Y. Kedar (Kedar 1957). Between 1958 and 1959 the clearance and partial restoration of some of the excavated structures at Shivta were carried out by the National Parks Authority under the direction of Prof. M. Avi-Yonah (Negev and Gibson eds. 2001: 474). In the early 1970s, the site was studied by A. Negev and particular attention was paid to the churches (Negev 1974b). Studies were carried out under his direction in the North Church (Rosenthal 1974; Margalit 1987). Further investigations were carried out in the North Church in 1985 by Margalit and Negev. Probes in the structure revealed an earlier phase and coins dated to the second half of the fourth century (Margalit and Negev 1985: 46). A. Segal published extensive architectural plans of the town as well as over 200 architectural features found at the site (Segal 1981; 1983; 1988). More recently, domestic dwellings at the site were surveyed and re-examined by Y. Hirschfeld 31

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal Islamic periods. The excavations carried out by the Colt Expedition (Colt et al. 1962) and texts with translations of the literary and non-literary papyri were published in three volumes (Casson and Hettich 1950, Kraemer 1958).

The most recent excavations at the site were carried out by the writer in March 2009 in Building 121 near the southwest entrance of the town. Evidence was uncovered attesting to the building's occupation during the Late Byzantine and Early Islamic periods. The excavation also revealed indications of a Late Byzantine stone-cutting operation in the courtyard.

The site was again excavated by a team from Ben Gurion University of the Negev under the direction of D. Urman and Y. Shershevsky between 1987 and 1994. These excavations revealed a third church located on the plain south of the ridge, a monastery with a chapel on the north side of the ridge below the North Church, and residential areas located on the southern slope of the site next to the South Church and on the north bank of Nahal Ezuz. A tower dated to the Nabataean period before 106 CE was uncovered along the north bank of Nahal Ezuz (Orion and Eini 1994: 49-51). A first volume of the publication of the excavations describing the excavation areas and inscriptions appeared in 2004 (Urman 2004).

The nearby site of Mizpe Shivta (el Mishrefa) appears to have been a fortified monastic settlement (laura) in the Byzantine period. Excavations at the site were carried out in 1979 by Y. Baumgarten on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities (Baumgarten 1982: 4647; Baumgarten 1992: 993-996). The site is located on a high ridge five kilometers northwest of Sobota (Shivta). Building remains, including a small church measuring 6.6×18.2 m., cover an area of 160×180 meters surrounded with a wall and towers.The site also has several man-made caves that were used for dwellings and storage. Mizpe Shivta was occupied in the Late Byzantine period and it appears to have been heavily damaged by an earthquake, probably the same event that destroyed nearby Oboda and Mezad Yeruham in the early seventh century CE.

Several kilometers further south of Nizzana next to the modern settlement of Mizpe Ezuz (Be’erotyaim/Bir Bireen 0997/0198) Cohen’s team carried out probes in a fort dated to the Persian period that appears to have been reoccupied by the Nabataeans in the early first century CE (Cohen 1986: 10). Recently, a stamped Rhodian jar handle, dated to the mid-second century BCE was found near the modern settlement.

The site is probably that of the fortress and pilgrims' hostel (xenodochium) of St. Georgius referred to by Antoninus Piacenza, a pilgrim traveling to Mount Sinai in the sixth century CE (Baumgarten 2004: 39*). An inscription referring to St. Georgius was discovered on the entrance of one of the caves written by a pilgrim traveling with his wife, daughter and servants (Figueras 1995: 420-423).

Cohen’s team also carried out probes in an Iron Age fortress located in the vicinity at Be’er Hafir (Bir Hafir 1097/0139). This site, in Nahal Nizzana, was located on an important junction of trails leading into the highlands by way of Nahal Horsha, Nahal Sirpad and Nahal Akrav. The team reportedly found that some of the casemate rooms of the fortress were reoccupied in the Roman period and that a square structure measuring 20×20 m. was constructed next to the early fortress in the Roman period (Cohen 1980b: 2-3).

The Colt Expedition excavated parts of Nessana (Auja el-Hafir, Nizzana) between 1935 and 1937 (Fig.1.16). These included a fort and cistern of the Hellenistic period, the North and South Churches, and parts of a Byzantine period fort located on the ridge of the site between the two churches. Remains of the 25×27 meter Hellenistic fort were found under the North Church complex. The fort is similar in plan and size to the Hasmonean fort discovered at Horvat Ma'agurah and it was probably constructed by the Hasmonean king, Alexander Jannaeus in the early first century BCE. Numerous examples of Koan wine amphoras and coins of Alexander Jannaeus, apparently associated with the Hasmonean occupation, were discovered at the site (Bellinger 1962: 70; Grace 1962: 107; Avi-Yonah 1963: 219-230; Urman 2004: 113).

In northern Sinai, Meshel investigated the remains of a small Nabataean village three kilometers north of Quseima (0886/0118). Only one building at this site was excavated. This structure, dated to the first century BCE and first centuries CE, is described by Meshel as a courtyard building measuring 25×25 m. that may have been a private residence or farmhouse (Meshel 2000b: 3-4). Systematic Archaeological Map Surveys

The most important discovery at Nessana was that of 195 papyri fragments written in Greek and Arabic, part of which belong to 13 classical period and ecclesiastical books as well as personal and legal documents stored in the Byzantine and Early Islamic archives of the North and South Church. The documents provided the original name of the site, Nessana, as well as information on neighboring settlements between the fifth and the late seventh centuries CE. The excavations determined that the site had been occupied in the Hellenistic and Early Roman periods by the Nabataeans and in the Late Roman, Byzantine and Early

Over twelve map surveys have been carried out by archaeologists in different parts of the Negev, some of which have been published or are in the process of being published by the Israel Antiquities Authority (Table 1). These surveys cover large areas of up to hundred square kilometers and provide valuable data about smaller sites dated to the Nabataean and Roman periods: lone buildings and, more often, camping grounds with pottery lacking definite architectural features. 32

Previous Research in the Central Negev and Central Arava Valley Although archaeological surveys can provide valuable general information about settlement distribution and other activities in a given region, they fall short in providing more detailed information about the processes involved in these activities (Tsafrir 1995: 12). I. Shatzman points out that a dating system based mainly on archaeological survey and pottery collected on the surface often introduces errors in evaluating the date of the occupation of sites as well as the function of structures, with whole theories having been proven wrong following their excavation (Shatzman 1983: 141). With regard to map surveys carried out in the Negev, there are methodological problems in evaluating survey material due to the lack of a common standard for identifying and differentiating finds from the Nabataean and Roman periods. The situation is further complicated by the fact that some Nabataean pottery types continued to be produced in Petra and brought to the Negev well into the Late Roman period, as has been demonstrated in the present work. Thus, although diagnostic types of Nabataean pottery can be used as a dating tool, the presence of Nabataean sherds at a site cannot always be used to determine if the site dates to the period prior to or after 106 CE. Some surveyors have chosen to combine the findings from the Nabataean and Roman periods.1

Area

Surveyor

159 163

Revivim Northwest Mashabe Sade

166

Shivta Northeast

Baumgarten (forthcoming) Baumgarten (forthcoming) Baumgarten 2004

167

Sede Boqer West

Cohen 1985

18

168

Sede Boqer East

Cohen 1981a

11

196

Har Nafha

Lender 1990a

83

198

Haiman 1986

16

Haiman 1993

40

Haiman 1999

52

201

Har Hamran Southwest Har Hamran Southeast Mizpe Ramon Southwest Mizpe Ramon

Rosen 1985

31

203

Har Ramon

Haiman 1991

6

204

Maktesh Ramon

Rosen 1994

15

206-207 Har Loz and Har Hame'ara

Avni 1985

12

Avni 1992

26

199 200

225

In the Oboda area, forty-two Nabataean sites, including that of Mezad Nahal Avdat described above, were found in the survey of Har Nafha. About one-third of these sites appear to have been established along the Nahal Avdat road that connected Oboda with the Kadesh Barnea area in northern Sinai. Forty Roman sites were recorded in the same survey (Lender 1990: xxiii). Numerous rock drawings and several Thamudic inscriptions were found in this area (Halloun 1990). Similarly, more numerous Nabataean and Roman sites were found further west in the central Negev Highlands in the area between Oboda and the Kadesh Barnea region.

Nabataean - Late Roman Period Sites 27

Map No.

Har Saggi

32 154

Table 1. Map Surveys in the Central Negev campsites near roads. Twenty-one Late Roman sites were found in this area (Baumgarten, forthcoming). In the Sobota (Shivta) region the number of Nabataean and Late Roman sites rises dramatically. Fifty-four Nabataean/ Early Roman sites were recorded, most of which were found near permanent structures. One hundred sites were found in the same area dating to the Late Roman period (Baumgarten 2004). In the southeastern Har Hamran region, Nabataean painted ware pottery was found at thirty-five sites, fourteen of which were large permanent structures occupied in the second and third centuries CE. Seventeen Late Roman sites were recorded in the same area (Haiman 1991: 2122).

The region surveyed north of Oboda in the Sede Boqer area revealed that little if any settlement activity took place in the Nabataean and Late Roman periods between Oboda and Mezad Yeruham. Only seven Nabataean sites were discovered, three of which were also occupied in the Roman period, suggesting that the area was mainly a transit zone of the Oboda-Mampsis road (Cohen 1981a: xi). Further west, in the area around the Petra-Gaza road, only eleven Nabataean sites, mainly watchtowers, were recorded (Cohen 1985: XIII). These numbers are similar to findings in map surveys further north in the Mashabe Sade and Revivim areas. In the Mashabe Sade survey only 14 Nabataean/Early Roman sites were recorded, and these appear to have been campsites associated with the road through Nahal Revivim from near Mezad Yeruham towards Elusa/Halutza and Sa'adon. Eighteen sites dated to the Late Roman period were found in the same area. Likewise, the survey of the area of Revivim, south of Elusa, produced only six Nabataean/Early Roman sites, again, mainly

In the southwestern Har Hamran area, twenty-six Nabataean and thirteen Late Roman sites were found. Of the Nabataean sites only two, located near Nahal Sirpad, were permanent structures. Both buildings were constructed using massive dressed stones and had square or rectangular plans with rooms located around a central courtyard (Haiman 1993: 15). According to the discoverer these structures are similar in size and construction to those found in three Nabataean sites in the eastern Har Hamran region. In the region of the Ramon Crater, the Nabataean remains appear to have been generally that of campsites. Only ten sites were found in one survey area, while in the northeast area of the Crater and the eastern Mishor HaRuhot plateau

  This method has been adopted by the writer in presenting a quantitive table of sites found in the surveys shown here (Table 1).

1

33

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal twenty Nabataean and eleven Roman period sites were recorded (Rosen 1985: 40; 1994: 18). Further west, in the area of Har Ramon, only three Nabataean and seven Roman period sites were recorded (Haiman 1999: 11). Areas to the south and southwest of the Ramon Crater, in the vicinity of the ancient track between Aila and Gaza, the Darb Ghaza, produced only a small number of sites from both periods. In the Har Lotz and Har Hame'ara areas only 12 Nabataean and Roman sites were recorded (Avni 1985: 85-86). In the Har Saggi area only ten Nabataean sites, all of them campsites, were found. Fifteen Roman sites were also found in this region, a third of which produced exclusively Roman period pottery. Some of these sites were associated with structures and animal pens (Avni 1992: 17-18).

understanding economy, organization and language in the central Negev in the crucial period between the fifth and end of the seventh century CE. From the late 1950s Avraham Negev, on behalf of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, excavated major Negev sites such as Mampsis, Oboda, Elusa and Sobota, and his numerous publications are a major contribution to Nabataean, Roman and Byzantine studies in the Negev and elsewhere. Archaeological excavation and survey teams working in the Negev and Arava, directed by Rudolph Cohen on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities and the Israel Antiquities Authority, have also provided major breakthroughs in research of Negev in the Early Hellenistic through Late Byzantine periods. Important excavations were carried out along the major roads leading from southern Jordan into the central Negev such as the Petra – Gaza road between Moyat 'Awad, Oboda and Elusa, the Ma’ale Tsafir (Scorpions Ascent) road and Mezad ‘En Hazeva and the Darb es-Sultan between ‘En Rahel, ‘En Ziq and Horvat Ma'agurah. Other major excavations have been carried out by Tsafrir and Holum at Rehovot in- theNegev on behalf of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and the University of Maryland, and at Nessana under the direction of Urman and Shershevsky on behalf of Ben-Gurion University in the Negev. Recent studies and excavations carried out in Sobota and the surrounding area by Hirschfeld and Tsuk are shedding new light on the agricultural and hydrological regime in the Negev during the Roman and Byzantine periods. Over twelve systematic archaeological surveys of important areas in the central Negev have been carried out and published, or are in press, by the Israel Antiquities Authority. Although the value of archaeological surveys is limited, they do provide a basis for continued research and the protection of archaeological sites.

Summary The exploration and documentation of sites in Negev and Arava in the nineteenth century provided a valuable basis for professional archaeological work in the twentieth century. In those early works, the names of most of the sites in the Negev were identified. That research, together with detailed documentation in the form of reports, drawings and photographs made in the early twentieth century by researchers such as Musil, Woolley and Lawrence and the Dominican fathers, provide most of the information about those sites acquired before the creation of modern roads, railways and renewed settlement and military activity in the region. Major discoveries were made by the Colt Expedition on behalf of New York University and the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem in the 1930s, mainly in Sobota and Nessana, and that expedition also carried out excavations in Elusa and Oboda. Their discovery of the papyri archive at Nessana is a major development in

34

Chapter 3 Archaeological and Historical Background for Early Settlement and Trade in the Negev Highlands

Settlement in the Negev Highlands extends back into the Bronze Age, with the most widespread evidence of settlement appearing in the Intermediate Bronze Age, also termed the Early Bronze Age IV or Middle Bronze Age I periods (2200-2000 BCE). Archaeological surveys reveal that settlements in this period were found in areas with access to natural water sources such as wells and springs (Y. Baumgarten, pers. com.). The region appears to have been void of settlement in the later Middle Bronze Age II. This hiatus would seem to indicate that no long distance trade was taking place through the central Negev in this period, even though trade along the Mediterranean coast in southern Israel was at a peak (Holladay 2001: 174175). Some of the earliest dated camel bones have been uncovered in this area at Tell Jemmeh in the Late Bronze Age II period (Van Beek 1997:214; Wapnish 1997:407408), an indication of the genesis of long distance trade with Arabia. In the Iron Age II period, starting around 1000 BCE, a system of forts and watchtowers was erected along major arteries and passes in the Negev (Cohen 1992:1043). A small number of hydraulic and agricultural installations needed to supply the forts, and some minor settlement activity located next to them, have been discovered at several sites.1

century BCE, with evidence of reuse in the fifth to early fourth century BCE (Pratico 1986:34). This installation may have been constructed to guard trade routes in the Negev, Sinai and the Arabian Peninsula. Around 800 BCE a shrine with evidence of Hebrew and Phoenician elements was constructed on a major route leading from Eilat to North Sinai, the Darb Ghaza, at Horvat Teman (Kuntillet Ajrud), (Meshel 1995:176). The importance attached to the protection and development of caravan traffic, and particularly the trade in luxury goods in the first millennium BCE, are evident from the efforts invested by the leading political and military powers of the period. Material evidence of the aromatics trade in this period is found in the form of alabaster lids and containers originating in southern Arabia discovered in southern Israel in contexts dated to as early as the eighth century BCE. Alabaster lids (stoppers) have been discovered in the fortress at 'En Hazeva (Y. Israel, pers. comm..), at Tel Beer Sheba and in Stratum VIII at Arad (Singer-Avitz 1999: Fig. 15: 2-4). The same type of alabaster lids, as well as containers with flat bases ('bee-hived' shaped containers), have been discovered in the Arabian peninsula at Hajar bin-Humid, Qaryat al-Fau and Shuqa (Harding 1964: Pl. XII: 13; Van Beek 1969: Figs. 118: i; 119: i; al Ansary 1982: 73: 4; 74: 2; Singer-Avitz 1999: 51). Alabaster lids and containers continue to appear in southern Israel in the Persian period at the Nahal Yatir site and in the Hellenistic period in the Nabataean sites of Moyat 'Awad, 'En Rahel, 'En Ziq, and Nessana. Both the lids and the handles of the containers have carved depressions or perforations for tying the lid firmly to the container. There is little doubt that these objects were used for transporting expensive resins: according to Pliny, "onyx marble… sometimes called 'alabastrites,'" quarried in the mountains of Arabia was the material used for unguent jars because it was the best means of keeping unguents fresh (Nat. Hist. XXXVI 59-61). Similarly, small cubic limestone incense burners have been discovered in Negev sites in Late Iron Age, Persian and Hellenistic contexts.

The development of this network of forts and fortresses may be connected with the evolvement of long distance trade from Arabia. Holladay has proposed that in this period sites were well-distributed along the east-west axis of the Negev at a time when camel caravans became larger and road services and security arrangements were required. In addition, the authorities in charge of these facilities would have undoubtedly profited from taxes collected along caravan routes (Holladay 2001:175, n.53). A large fortress, 100×100 m. in size, was built at ‘En Hazeva in the central Arava in the eighth or ninth century BCE (Cohen and Israel 1995:112). Likewise, a large fortress constructed at the head of the Gulf of Eilat at Tell elKheleifeh was occupied between the eighth and early sixth   Open water cisterns dating to the Iron Age II period have been found at several sites in the Central Negev and particularly at Horvat Haluqim, where four open cisterns were located together with terraced fields and dwellings (Bruins 1986:70-72). Finkelstein has suggested that the ‘’forts’ were not built for defensive purposes but may have actually been dwellings (Finkelstein 1985: 366-372).

1

The Levant appears to have served as the major artery of movement between the Neo-Assyrian Empire and southwestern Arabia in the earliest phases of contact 35

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. between the two regions and this may account for Assyria’s ‘profound interest’ in the petty states of the southern Levant (Byrne 2003: 12). The Assyrians resorted to military campaigns in order to control trade through the region and they received tribute from Arab tribes in the form of gold, precious stones, camels and aromatics (Eph'al 1984: 128).

are square in shape with casemate rooms situated around a central courtyard. The excavators noted that no signs of destruction were found in these sites and suggested that they were abandoned before the end of the Persian period, possibly in the wake of the Egyptian revolt during the reign of Xerxes II (404-359 BCE), (ibid., 15*). They appear to be a prototype of the early Nabataean forts of the early Hellenistic period at sites such as Moyat 'Awad and 'En Rahal.

During the period of Assyrian polity in the seventh century BCE known as the Pax Assyriaca, the subject people of Edom reached their peak in southern Transjordan and the eastern Negev (Beit-Arieh 1996: 32). The Edomites apparently took full advantage of the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem in 586 BC in order to expand into the territory of Judaea. Alternatively, they may have lost their major source of income once the Neo-Babylonian king, Nabonidus, took control of Tayma and the Arabian trade routes, prompting their elite class to relocate more fully further west (Crowell 2007: 84). Indeed, Nabonidus’ move to Tayma in the Arabian Peninsula has been interpreted in economic terms in view of his establishment of trade stations between Tayma and Yathrib (Medina), (Maraqten 1996: 217-218). In turn, the Nabataeans apparently took control of the Edomite homeland in southern Transjordan (Bartlett 1989: 174).

Nabataean Origins and Early Settlement The Nebaioth and Qedarite peoples, mentioned on several occasions in inscriptions of the Assyrian king, Assurbanipal, have been identified as descendents of the sons of Ishmael, Nebaioth and Kedar, who are nearly always referred to together in the Hebrew Bible (Gen. 25:13, 28:9, 36:3; Isa. 60:7; I Chron. 1:29). In later periods the Nabataei and the Cedrei were coupled by Pliny the Elder in the same manner (Nat. His. V.12; Eph'al 1984: 222; Bartlett 1989: 172). Most scholars have rejected the identification of the Nebaioth with the Nabataeans due to the difference in the Assyrian and Hebrew spelling of the names (Naba-a-a-ti, Nebaioth or nbyt) with that of later name (nabatu). However, Bartlett points out that considerable historical evidence exists to link the Nabataeans with the important Arab tribe of Nebaioth referred to in the Assyrian sources (Bartlett 1989: 173-174). Concerning the linguistic development of the Nabataean language, Graf demonstrates that the orthographic principles practiced by the Nabataean in spelling their names may be traced back to an earlier tradition dating to the period between the 8th and 4th centuries BCE that developed in Old Aramaic and was common in imperial Aramaic (Graf 1990: 55). He emphasizes that our present information concerning linguistic, historical and geographical factors relating to the Nabataeans suggest that they arose in the Mesopotamian sphere and that their relationship with the Nabayat of the earlier period should remain under consideration (ibid., 68).

There are indications that by the end of the Iron Age the incense trade became a major factor in the use of roads in the central Negev, leading from Arabia to the Mediterranean coast and Judea (Eilat 1990: 75-80; Sembelista 1997: 5-6). Like their predecessors, the Persians were consumers of expensive aromatics: in their capital Persepolis, alabaster vessels (alabastra), traditionally used as containers for spices or perfumed oils, were discovered bearing incised inscriptions indicating measured quantities (Clamer 1989: 348; Persepolis II: 149). According to the Greek historian, Herodotus, the Arabs brought the Persian rulers a gift of one thousand talents of frankincense annually and the Persians recruited local Arabs (possibly including Nabataeans) to defend border regions (Her. III: 151, Graf 1990: 50, n.28). In this period, the Qedarites, an Arab people or possibly a tribal cconferation, appear to have controlled the enormous desert region stretching covering northern Arabia through the Negev and Sinai as far as the eastern Delta of Egypt and the Wadi Tumilat region (Graf 1990: 64).

Wenning raises the possibility that in the fourth century BCE the Persians transferred imperial favor from the Qedarites, formerly at the forefront of the aromatics trade until they became involved in the revolt of Euaggoras of Salamis (385/380 BCE), to the Nabataeans (Wenning 2007: 299). According to the first century BCE Diodorus Siculus, quoting Hieronymus of Cardia (323-272 BCE), the Nabataeans were already engaged in transporting frankincense and myrrh and other spices from Arabia Eudaemon to the Mediterranean Sea at the end of the fourth century BCE (Diod. XIX, 94. 4-5). Diodorus describes their home as a “certain rock” where the Nabataeans met to exchange goods and used as a stronghold in the desert (Diod. XIX, 95, 1-2). This is generally assumed to be Petra, near Wadi Musa, called Reqem by the Nabataeans themselves (Wenning 2007: 300). The place name of Reqem-Gaia appears in Jewish sources and it was probably the full Semitic name of ancient Petra (Davies 1972: 161). Recent

With regard to the Negev Highlands, a number of structures built there in the Persian period appear to have been associated with the same road system used earlier in the Iron Age period. These include the structures found at Horvat Rogem, Horvat Ritma, Horvat Mesura and Horvat Nahal Ha-Ro'a (Cohen 1981: 26-29, 1985: 33-34). Most were built near earlier Iron Age fortresses. However, Cohen noted the lack of settlement remains from the Persian period between Tel Qadesh Barnea in Sinai and Tell el-Kheleifeh near Aqaba and he posited that they served as supply centers for trade caravans (Cohen and Cohen-Amin 2004: 14*). The most common strucuture, found at Horvat Ritma, Hovat Mesura and Horvat Nahal Ha-Ro'a, are described as 'courtyard houses.' (ibid.). They 36

The Regional Environment excavations in Petra lend support to its identification as the site of the earliest Nabataean settlement and evidence that the Nabataeans had already adopted, at least partially, a sedentary lifestyle, including architecture and possibly pottery production, as early as the late fourth century BCE (Graf 2005; Mouton et al. 2008). Diodorus also reports that the Nabataeans engaged in the collection and trade of asphalt from the Dead Sea (Diod. II, 48, 6-9). The wealth of the Nabataeans in this period was great enough to attract the attention of the Greeks, and a Greek expedition under the command of Demetrius Poliorecetes, a son of Antigonos Monophtalmos, raided Petra in 312 BCE and captured a large amount of frankincense, myrrh and silver (Diod. XIX, 95, 3). However, the booty was quickly recovered by the Nabataeans. Diodorus attributes the Nabataeans’ control of the desert routes to their ability to create and camouflage water cisterns in this harsh, desert land (Diod. II, 48, 2 -3; XIX, 94, 6-8). It is obvious that the Nabataeans maintained an organized military force in this early period, something that is substantiated by the discovery the Milan Papyrus of the third century BCE referring to a Nabataean king and his Arabian horsemen (Graf 2006). From the beginning of Ptolemaic rule in Egypt and Palestine in the late fourth century BCE the Nabataeans and other Arabian peoples, such as the Minaeans, became leading suppliers in the incense trade. The port of Gaza became a major commercial center in the third century BCE and long distance caravans converged on this important trading center (Berlin 1997: 6). It has been proposed that the Ptolemies were unable to establish direct control of overland trade such as this and that they were forced to import aromatics through third parties such as the Nabataeans and the Minaeans (Sidebotham 1981: 1415). In the third century BCE the Zenon papyri mention the importance of the port of Gaza in the incense trade as well as the involvement of Arabian peoples: the Minaeans and Gerrhaeans and a certain ‘Moabite’ called Malichus, (a Nabataean name), (PCairo Zen. 59009). Excavations carried out by Israel and Nahlieli in the central Arava at the Nabataean forts of ‘En Erga and ‘En Rahel have provided material proof for trade connections between Southern Arabia and Ptolemaic Egypt in the third and second centuries BCE (Israel and Nahlieli 1981: 35; EricksonGini 2001:39-40), (Fig.1:25).

Figure 1.36. Nabataean expansion in the Hellenistic period according to Negev (1977b: 534) routes (Figs.1.23, 1.36). The first extended from Petra to Gaza through the central Arava and central Negev by way of a line of early Nabataean forts at Moa, along the Darb es Sultan at ‘En Rahel and ‘En Erga and ‘En Ziq, Oboda (Avdat), Horvat Ma'agurah and Elusa (Halutza), (EricksonGini 2001:39-40). Another route extended from Elusa past Qasr Ruheiba, Nessana and Be’erotayim linking up with roads running through the Sinai peninsula such as the Darb Ghaza and the coastal road in northern Sinai. In this period, the Nabataeans chose to build their desert forts on hills that were usually high and steep. Meshel has suggested that the Nabataean defensive posture and their stronghold at Petra were copied by the Hasmonaeans in the Judean Desert in second and first centuries BCE (Meshel 2000a:114). Partial evidence for yet a third route has been found at Yotvata and Be’er Menuha in the central and southern Arava, which may have been linked to the central Negev by way of Mt. Karkom and Nahal Avdat where Hellenistic period sites have been found (Anati 1986:47; Lender 1988:66-68). Hellenistic Nabataean presence dating to this period has also been detected at ‘En Tamar on the southwest Dead Sea coast (Cohen 1983a:31). This site may be connected to reports of the Nabataean exploitation and export of asphalt gathered from the Dead Sea (Diod. XIX.98-99; Hammond 1959:40-48).

Nabataean Trade via the Negev in the First Millennium BCE In the central Negev and Arava Valley no evidence of Nabataean sedentarization in the form of villages or towns has been found dating to this early period. It has been suggested that at this time the Nabataeans engaged in a low level, part-time transport and trade of raw frankincense and myrrh (Johnson 1987:17). Hellenistic Nabataean presence in the Negev, usually in the form of small hilltop forts and camping grounds, has been detected along two major

One of the earliest epigraphic evidences of a Nabataean king was discovered at Elusa by Woolley and Lawrence (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: Fig. 59), (Fig.1.14). 37

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. Period

King

Date Range

Early Nabataean

Aretas I

ca. 168-120/110 BCE

Aretas II

ca. 120/110-96 BCE

Obodas I

ca. 98-85 BCE

Rabbel I

85 BCE

Aretas III

85-62 BCE

Obodas II

62-60 BCE

Malichus I

58-30 BCE

Oboda III

30-9 BCE

Aretas IV

9 BCE – 40 CE

Malichus II

40-70 CE

Late Nabataean

Rabbel II

70-106 CE

Roman Period

Provinicia Arabia

106-295 CE

Byzantine Period

Palaestina Tertia

295-635 CE

Middle Nabataean

The Nabataeans and Rome in the First Century BCE The first century BCE marked the Nabataeans first direct contact with Rome. In this period the Nabataeans continued to spread their influence in Transjordan but a hiatus in Nabataean activity in the Negev is evident throughout the greater part of this century. Much of their expansion in Transjordan in this period was at the expense of the Seleucid kingdom following the victory of the Nabataean king, Obodas (Avdat) over Antiochus XII in the Battle of Cana in 87 BCE (Ball 2000:62). Southward the Nabataeans expanded into northern Arabian Peninsula at least as far as Egra (Negev 1977b: 571). The southward expansion included the establishment of a Nabataean settlement at Humeima (probably ancient Auara) 60 km south of Petra during the reign of King Aretas III in the 80s BCE (Oleson 1995:711). Their expansion north of Petra has been noted as far the Decapolis. Epigraphic and numismatic evidence attests to the presence of Nabataeans in the Decapolis but they apparently did not make up the majority of the population (Graf 1986:785-787; 1997: ix; Bowsher 1987:62-69). Their expansion was checked by Pompey’s creation of the Roman Province of Syria in 64 BCE (Ball 2000:62).

Table 2. Nabataean Chronology and King list, (from Dolinka 1999:185) This inscription, which is written in a script resembling Aramaic, refers to a King Aretas (Hartat), possibly the same ‘king of the Arabians’ mentioned in the Second Book of Maccabees (5:8) around 169 BCE (Negev 2003:15). Early Nabataean presence in the central Negev appears to have been dealt a fatal blow with the conquest of the port of Gaza by the Hasmonaean king, Alexander Jannaeus sometime between 101 and 96 BCE (Negev 1977b: 535), (Table 2). Strabo claimed that the Nabataeans formerly shipped loads of aromatics from Rhinocorura (Strabo XVI. 4, 24). According to Josephus, Jannaeus conquered the entire southern coastal area as far as Raphia (Jos. Ant. XIII. 13.3). The southern coastal port of Gaza, so vital to Nabataean trade, was controlled by the Jews until its annexation to the province of Syria by the Romans by Pompey around 63 BCE (Jos. Ant. XIV. 4. 4). The Hasmonean fort discovered at Horvat Ma'agurah and a probable second Hasmonaean fort at Nessana, provide proof that Alexander Jannaeus built and manned forts in the Negev, effectively blocking Nabataean access through the region for several decades. I. Shatzman points out that, in contrast the Nabateans, the Hamoneans adopted Hellenistic tactics and employed mercenaries, a common practice throughout the Hellenistic world (1991a: 124). Alexander Jannaeus’ formidable army and network of fortresses were an effective deterrent against the Nabateans throughout the latter part of his reign and during the reign of his widow, Alexandra Salome (ibid., 125). Eventually the territory was returned to the Nabataens around 65 BCE under terms of an agreement forged by Antipater in order to buy military support for Hyrcanus II against his brother. According to Josephus (Jos. Ant. XIV.1.4) one of the twelve regions was Alusa, probably the site of Elusa, the most important stop along the Petra – Gaza Road which would eventually become the only true city (polis) in the Nabatean Negev. F.M. Abel was the first to propose this identification and he also suggested that the site Orybda be identified with Oboda/Avdat (1938: 148).

The wealth of the eastern trading centers quickly attracted the attention of Roman generals. An attack on Petra in 62 BCE was averted by Aretas III after he paid off the Roman governor of Syria, M. Aemilius Scaurus. Petra was attacked once again in 55 BCE by A. Gabinius (Bowersock 1983:34-35). The wealth of Palmyra provided sufficient grounds to provoke an attack on that city by Mark Antony in 41 BCE (Elton 1996:90). This period also witnessed a deepening association of the Nabataeans in the political and familial affairs of Judaea under Herod the Great. Herod’s mother was Cypros, a member of the Nabataean royal family (Jos. Wars I. 8. 9). This association was ambivalent: Herod sought refuge with the Nabataeans during the Parthian occupation of Jerusalem in 40 BCE but was at times in conflict with the Nabataeans, once prior to the Battle of Actium 31 BCE and again in 12 BCE. Josephus reports that the earlier conflict was instigated by Cleopatra after she had been refused possession of both Judaea and Nabataea by Mark Antony (Jos. Wars I. 19.1). Herod’s reign in Judaea was exceptional because of the building projects that he initiated. The list of projects is extensive and impressive even by modern standards. It includes the construction of the great platform for the Jewish temple in Jerusalem and the Temple itself, the citadel of Antonia on the Temple Mount, fortified towers and a palace at Jerusalem as well as the two new cities of Sebaste (Samaria) and Caesarea. Herod constructed massive fortresses such as Herodium and Masada and he built palaces there and at Jericho (Jos. Wars I.21). Herod also endowed other eastern Mediterranean cities with monuments (Jos. Ant. XVI. 7.1, Jos. Wars I. 21.11-12). 38

The Regional Environment It is assumed that one of the sources of wealth that enabled Herod to carry out these projects was income derived from the flow of Jewish pilgrims and funds into the Temple at Jerusalem and concessions to collect taxes on domain incomes that Herod obtained from the Romans (Gabba 1990:162-163; Ball 2000:52). Although these were undoubtedly a major source of his wealth, Herod was probably involved in financing lucrative perfume processing and trade ventures with the Nabataeans. Herod was in control of the port of Gaza, which had been granted to him by Caesar (Jos. Ant. XV.7.3). Like the Nabataeans, Herod controlled a valuable exotic commodity: Judaean balsam grown and processed in plantations around Jericho, ‘En Gedi and possibly ‘En Boqeq. At ‘En Boqeq a building has been excavated and identified as an officina or workshop manufacturing medicinal products and aromatics (Fischer et al. 2000). According to the excavators, the construction of an officina, presumably manned by Jewish workers at ‘En Boqeq, is evidence of Herod’s aggressive economic policies although this view has been challenged (Fischer et al. 2000: 139-141; Graf 2003:92). The value of the balsam plantations is borne out by the fact that between 34 and 30 BCE. Herod was ordered by Mark Antony to pay rent on his own balsam plantations to Cleopatra in the amount of 200 talents a year until they were restored to him by Octavian (Jos. Ant. XV.4.1, 4; Wars I.18.5).

Augustus Tiberius Caligula Nero Galba Otho Vitellius Vespasian Titus Domitian Nerva Hadrian Antonius Pius Marcus Aurelius Commodus Pertinax Didius Julianus Septimius Severus Caracalla Geta Caracalla Macrinus Elagabalus Severus Alexander Maximinus Gordian I Gordian II Balbinus Pupienus Gordian III Philip Decius Trebonianus Gallus Aemilianus Valerianus Gallienus Gallienus Postumus (in Gaul) Claudius II Tetricus (in Gaul) Quintillus Aurelian Tacitus Florianus Probus

In the first century BCE Dioscorides wrote that balsam was traded for twice its weight in silver and in the next century Pliny reports that one pint of balsam oil sold for nearly a thousand denarii, making it by far the most expensive perfume in the Roman world (Diosc. Med. Iii.85; Pl. NH xiii.67; xxiv.128). Since balsam was grown only in the Jordan and Dead Sea valleys, Herod enjoyed a virtual monopoly on the cultivation, processing and merchandising of this commodity for most of his reign.1 In mid first century BCE, the Nabataeans also maintained political, military and probably trade ties with the Parthians. The Parthians maintained political control over the important trading center at Spasinou Charax (Mesene) that competed and cooperated with both Palmyra and Nabataea and exerted control over part of the Arabian Gulf (Bin Seray 1996:16-17; Healey 1996:36-37). In 38 BCE the Nabataeans were fined by the Romans for providing supplies to the Parthians during the invasion into Roman territories by Pacorus between 41-38 BCE (Dio XXXXVIII.41.5). Following the Battle of Actium in 31 BCE the Nabataean king, Malichus I, followed Herod’s example and quickly showed support for Octavian by destroying the fleet of ships on the Rea Sea coast that Cleopatra had intended to use for her escape (Dio LI.7.1, Bowersock 1983:45-46).

23 BCE– 14 CE 14–37 37–41 54–68 68–69 69 69 69–79 79–81 81–96 98–117 117–138 138–161 161–180 180–192 193 193 193–211 198–211 209–211 211–217 217–218 218–222 222–235 235–238 238 238 238 238 238–244 244–249 249–251 251–253 253 253–259 253–259 259–268 258–267 268–270 268–273 270 270–276 275–276 276 276–282

Carus Carinus Numerianus Diocletian Maximian Galerius Galerius and Constantius Maximinus Daia Licinius Constantine I Constantine II Constans Constantius Constans Constantius Julian Jovian Valentian I Valens Gratian Valens Gratian Valentinian II Theodosius I Theodosius I Arcadius Honorius

282–283 283–285 283–284 284–305 286–305 293–311 305 308–313 308–324 324–337 337–340 337–340 337–340 340–350 340–361 361–363 363–364 364–375 364–375 367–375 375–383 378–383 375–392 379–392 392–395 383–395 394–395

Emperors of the Eastern Empire after Theodosius I Arcadius 395–408 Theodosius II 408–450 Marcian 450–457 Leo I 457–474 Leo II 474 Zeno 474–491 Anastasius I 491–518 Justin I 518–527 Justinian I 527–565 Justin II 565–578 Tiberius Constantine 574–582 Mauricius 582–602 Phocas I 602–610 Heraclius I 610–641

Table 3. Emperors of Rome until 641 CE Gallus, to subdue the wealthy land of Arabia Felix (South Arabia) ruled by the Sabaeans (Table 3). The expedition included 1,000 Nabataean auxiliary soldiers and 500 Jews and was guided by Syllaeus, a minister of the Nabataean king Oboda. Syllaeus brought the expedition into Arabia by way of the Red Sea port of Leuke Kome (Fig.1.37). However, the invasion was a failure: Aelius Gallus was unable to lay siege to the Sabaean capital of Marib due to a lack of water and his forces returned to Egypt empty handed (Strabo 16.4.22-24; Bowersock 1983:46-49). Augustus launched a devastating sea attack on the Marib again in 1 CE. This attack, described in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (see below) as the “sacking of Eudaemon Arabia” resulted in the decline of Marib, freeing the way for Roman dominance of the sea route to India in the first century CE (El-Abbadi 2001:6; Periplus 26; Pl. NH 6.32, 160, 12.30, 55).

In 26 BCE, Augustus ordered the prefect of Egypt, Aelius   Balsam trees were probably brought to Egypt sometime in the latter part of the first century CE and these were cultivated there for several hundred years, always as a state monopoly even under Islamic rule (Milwright 2001).

1

39

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal.

Figure 1.38. Roman trade routes in the Egyptian Eastern Desert, 30 BCE–217 CE (Sidebotham 1986: Map 1) sea trade through Egypt over the next 150 years (Fig.1.38). During the reign of Augustus over a hundred ships a year sailed from Egypt’s Red Sea ports of Myos Hormos and Berenike to India, six times as many as under the last Ptolemies (Casson 1991:203). This development was most likely the result of Rome’s desire to create an alternative to the more expensive Parthian controlled overland trade routes to the East (Sidebotham 1996:796). The establishment of an alternative trade system through Egypt and the Red Sea stimulated the economy of the Roman East, pouring vast amounts of revenue into the imperial treasury. In this period, the monetary stock appears to have been proportionally higher greater than any period of European pre-industrial history (Jongman 2003: 181-196; 2007: 189).

Figure 1.37. Aelius Gallus’ campaign, 25–24 BCE (Ball 2000: 111) In the early first century CE the Romans took control of the production of balsam in the Dead Sea region and ‘En Gedi became the center of production as part of the emperor’s patrimonium after 6 CE (Cotton 2001: 142146). The officina operating at nearby ‘En Boqeq in the first half of the first century CE has been interpreted as constituting a part of the imperial fiscus (Cotton and Eck 1997).The identity of the workforce in the officina is unclear. The excavators have interpreted the presence of stone vessels produced in Judaea as evidence that the workers were Jewish with close trade relations with the Nabataeans (Fischer et al. 2000: 85). The fact that half of the coins found at the site were Nabataean, and Nabataean fineware and Eastern terra sigillata sherds were also found, suggests that the workforce may have been ethnically mixed (Magness 2002b: 347, Graf 2003: 92).

Incense, perfumed oils and exotic spices were in prevalent use throughout the Roman world for religious purposes and burial, a fact apparent from references to the use of such oils in New Testament accounts, as well as for cosmetic, medicinal and culinary use (Sidebotham 1986:45). The availability of incense and exotic spices, combined with other economic, demographic and political factors, brought about a huge increase in the supply of and demand for these products in the Empire in the first and second centuries CE (Hopkins 1983: XIV-XXI). The discovery of the use of the monsoon winds to facilitate sea transport between India and Egypt took place sometime in the second half of the first century BCE (Fig.1.39). According to two independent sources, the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, written in the

Roman Trade with the East in the early First Millennium CE Following the annexation of Egypt the policy of Rome was to promote trade inside the Empire and outside its boundaries in the area of the Red Sea (Johnson 1987:25). Augustus constructed a series of forts and ports along the eastern shores of the Red Sea that led to a great increase in 40

The Regional Environment

a.

b.

c. Figure 1.39. The incense and spice trade, first–third c. CE (Dayagi-mendels 1993: 119) a. Frankincense (Boswellia sacra); b. Frankincense (Boswellia frereana); c. Myrrh (Commiphora abyssinica)(Amar 2003: Figs 94-5, 97) demand for precious metals, particularly silver, due to the lack of natural sources in that area (Raschke 1979:71). A Tamil poem from this period describes Western merchants “arriving with gold and departing with pepper” (Casson 1989:31). In fact, pepper was a staple commodity grown in northern and southern India that was in great demand by the Romans (Miller 1969:80).

mid-first century CE, and Pliny the Elder (around 70 CE), sea transport between India and Egypt was already taking place in the reign of Tiberius (Warmington 1974:45). The Periplus was a manual by an unknown author, probably an Egyptian Greek, for merchants sailing from the Red Sea to east Africa, south Arabia and India (Casson 1989:9). The discovery of the monsoon winds increased the volume of trade with the East and resulted in a subsequent drop in prices of luxury goods, making them more available in the Roman world. Miller has pointed out that in the New Testament there are two accounts of Miriam, the sister of Lazarus, obtaining an alabaster cruse of oil of spikenard valued at 300 denarii with which she anointed the head and feet of Jesus (Mark 14:3; John 12:3-8). Fifty years later Pliny reports that the same article cost 50 denarii (Pl. NH XII: 44). This particular product contained ingredients brought from northern India and the region of modern Afghanistan, but oil of spikenard (the plant of which was harvested in the Himalyas) and other ointments were produced at Alexandria, Laodicea in Syria and at Palmyra (Miller 1969:91).

In addition to gold and silver coins and bullion, the Romans also traded manufactured goods for luxury items, and the Periplus provides extensive lists of Roman exports including a wide variety of textiles, base metal and metal products, glass ware and unworked glass, drugs and cosmetics and even Laodicaean and Italian wine (Casson 1989:21). The list of exports indicate that Roman trade with India was far more successful than that of the European trading companies of the early modern period (Raschke 1979:71). The funding for these commercial enterprises was probably provided by wealthy private investors who retained agents and representatives, and there is evidence of a Roman trade colony in Southern India at Muziris in the second century CE (Casson 1989:24; 33, n.50). The demand for Oriental goods in the mid-first century CE was also addressed and enhanced by the opening of the Silk Route through central Asia by generals of the Second Han Dynasty (Fiema 1996: 192).

Pliny claimed that during the reign of Nero, Rome turned over “not less” than 55 million sesterces annually as payment for luxury goods from the East (Pl. NH VI.101). Roman coin finds in southern and western India parallel information about trade there supplied by the Periplus. In Southern India in the Early Roman period there was a high 41

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. of Aden. Myrrh was an expensive item: twice as expensive as frankincense (Casson 1989:3, 33). Pliny reports that due to demand for frankincense a second crop had been introduced (NH XII.32.58). This second crop, which was considered inferior and was harvested in the spring, appears to have been grown for customers involved in the overland caravan trade and more specifically, for the Nabataean processing industry at Petra (Johnson 1987:30-31). Evidence provided by dated Nabataean tomb inscriptions at Medain Salih, the center of Nabataean trade activity in northern Arabia, indicate that this site was visited almost exclusively in the early spring when Nabataean caravans made their way southwards in time for the spring harvest (Johnson 1987:31-32).

Figure 1.40. Palmyrene trade routes, first–second c. CE (Ball 2000: 75; after Gawlikowski)

Nabataean Unguent Production and Trade in the First Century CE

In addition to commercial profits, Rome and neighboring countries, such as Nabataea and South Arabia, profited from high import duties on goods passing into their territories. At the Red Sea port of Leuke Kome the Periplus reports the presence of a ‘centurion’ and customs agent during the reign of Malichus II (Periplus 19). Although the centurion at Leuke Kome is often interpreted as being Roman, the port was controlled by the Nabataeans and the centurion was probably a Nabataean official (Bowersock 1983:7071, n. 41). The Nabataeans commonly used Greek and Roman military and administrative terminology, e.g. centurion (hekatontarchos) and customs agent (parleptes), (Graf 1994:289). According to Pliny, the Roman imports of frankincense were controlled at Gaza (Miller 1969: n.1).

The use of the sea route to transport incense and spices to Roman Egypt had distinct economic advantages over the old overland routes used by the Nabataeans. According to Pliny, the overland route consisted of 65 stages that would have taken at least 70 days of travel as compared to only 54 days from Southern Arabia to Alexandria (Pl. NH.6.26, 102-104). Due to the fact that taxes and fees for road services were collected all along the overland route, the sea route proved to be a faster and far less expensive alternative. A comparison of the cost of transport by sea, river and land in Egypt in the Diocletianic period indicates that land transport was approximately six times more expensive than river transport in that period (DuncanJones 1974:66). Before the end of the first century BCE the Nabataeans, faced with both increased competition and demand, responded by shifting from the seasonal trade of raw incense resins to a year round trade and the production of goods for export, namely, the production of perfumed oils and unguents (Johnson 1987:29-33). Thus, by the beginning of the first century CE, the Nabataean center at Petra became a producer, and not merely a supplier as before, and joined the ranks of the great production centers of perfumes and unguents located in Alexandria, the Greek Islands and Italy (Johnson 1987:36-37).

The Periplus also mentions that the Nabataeans conveyed goods from Leuke Kome to Petra and onwards to the Mediterranean. Pliny refers to a 25% tax on goods from India being collected by a centurion. Inscriptions found at Palmyra dated to the late second century CE refer to a ‘collector of a fourth’, apparently a tax similar to the 25% collected at Leuke Kome (Healey 1996:34). According to the Periplus, at Muza, the Red Sea port of the SabaeanHimyarite kingdom, the Arabs merchants were allowed to collect taxes and they also conducted international business in their own ships transporting goods from the African shore and with Barygaza, the major port on the northwestern coast of India (Casson 1995:218-219). Similarly, goods were shipped from India and China through the Persian Gulf on Palmyrene controlled routes (Ball 2000:131). Palmyra experienced an explosion in building activity in the first half of this century, undoubtedly a result of the increase in trade through areas in its control. Dura-Europos also prospered from the increase in Palmyrene trade and increased agricultural activity and the construction of new roads and settlements took place in the middle Euphrates region (Dirven 1999:6-8), (Fig.1.40).

Johnson conducted a detailed study and botanical survey of the Petra region, providing proof that the Nabataeans had readily available plants used to provide an oil base for processed unguents. Imported raw materials, such as myrrh, cassia and cinnamon, processed and combined with the local balanos oil, was used to produce myrrh-oil, or stakte, and megaleion as well as the Mendes unguent described by Pliny (Concerning Odours 6.29-31; Johnson 1987:36-38). According to Pliny, balanos oil, naturally found at Petra, was the most common oil used in producing unguents due to its ability to fix scents readily and for the longest time (Concerning Odours 4.5; Johnson 1987:43-44). Johnson concluded that one particular motif occasionally found on Nabataean painted ware bowls dated to the first century CE is actually that of the balanos plant (Balanites aegyptica), which grows in the Petra region and was probably

Two popular imports were myrrh and frankincense, acquired along the southern coast of Arabia. Myrrh was purchased from the port Muza on the Red Sea and frankincense was purchased at the port of Kane on the Gulf 42

The Regional Environment

Figure 1.41. The Balanos motif (Balanites aegyptica), with pairs of leaves and three petalled flowers (Johnson 1987:45, Rosenthal-Heginbottom 2003b: Fig. 45) harvested by the Nabataeans for industrial use (Fig.1.41). Moreover, Arabia was reportedly the main source of gum laudanum, a product used in ancient medical remedies (Pl. NH 12.37.73; Johnson 1987:40-41). The combination of a dramatic increase in profits and the rapid sedentarization of the Nabataean population resulted in the great wealth and the subsequent monumental building activity at Petra in the form of temples and tombs in the early first century CE. In this period, the Nabataeans expanded once again into the Negev, this time in the form of caravan stations and small settlements.

Figure 1.42. Johnson’s Nabataean Unguentaria Typology (Johnson 1987) 175, Pl.27), in Rome (Vermaseren and Von Essen 1965:87), at Stobi in the Republic of Macedonia (Wesolowsky 1973:120), at Argos (Bruneau 1983:517) and at Dura Europos (Dyson 1968:11, no.23).

The main evidence for the production of perfumed oils by the Nabataeans is provided by ceramic piriform unguentaria used to store and transport perfumed oils (Johnson 1987:53), (Fig.1.42). These vessels are commonly found at Nabataean sites from the early first century CE through the early third century CE, when their production was sharply curtailed (Johnson 1987:67). At Petra, the abundance of this type of vessel in stratigraphic excavations has contributed to their usefulness as a dating tool (Johnson 1987:56-66). Unguentaria have been described as a ubiquitious vessel among pottery assemblages discovered in Nabataean graves of different types and in different regions (Perry 2002: 270).

Perfume production may have also taken place directly on the Petra – Gaza Road at Moyat 'Awad in the Late Roman period. This is suggested by the presence of an olive press and numerous mortars found in the fort (Area B). Olive oil was the most common excipient in perfumes in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. In Palestine it was a traditional base for perfumed oils as early as the fourteen century BCE (Brun 2000: 277, 280). Nabataean Expansion in the First Century CE

In the central Negev and Arava, ceramic unguentaria were used as foundation offerings in Nabataean sites such as the fort at ‘En Rahel (early first century CE) and the second phase of Building XXV at Mampsis (late second century CE), (Erickson-Gini 1999:55, Fig.14.1.6, Pl.4.1, Pl.6.1). Notably, these vessels do not appear in the region before the first century CE or after the mid-third century CE. They have also been found in extensive use in Judaean tombs in the first half of the first century CE (Kahane 1952).1 Unguentaria corresponding to Johnson’s forms III, IV, V and VIII have been found in Europe and Asia Minor at Racatu and Poianna in Dacia (Glodarius 1976:171, Pl.171;

Around the beginning of the first century CE, and in conjunction with the genesis of unguent processing at Petra, the Nabataeans emulated Augustus’ development of trade routes and ports in Egypt with similar arrangements in the Nabataean kingdom (Fig.1.43). The two forms of transport, by sea and by land, were not mutually exclusive and they existed side by side. Young has pointed out that the heavy Nabataean investment in the construction and garrisoning of Medain Salih in the early first century CE would have been pointless if overland trade had been replaced by sea trade as has been proposed by some researchers (Young 2001:104-105).

  Kahane’s variants “c” and “d” (Johnson 1987:54).

In Northern Arabia, the Nabataeans appear to have

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. safety of caravans is reflected in the Amarna letters and in ancient Akkadian texts (Maraqten 1996:220-221, 223). This practice continued in the Early Islamic period and the prophet Muhammad reportedly attacked trade caravans for plunder several times (Crone 1987:117, 165). Throughout history, and as late as the early twentieth century, protection money was often paid to local authorities and nomadic groups themselves to refrain from staging raids and to aid in defending caravans. The rise of the Palmyrene caravan trade appears to have been closely linked with that city’s ability to protect routes from bands of roving brigands. Formerly, merchants had been forced to follow the Euphrates as far north as Seleucia on the Euphrates, called Zeugma, ‘the bridge’ (Dirven 1999:21). Both the Nabataean and Palmyrene armies were made up of cavalry soldiers riding camels and horses (Maraqten 1996:231). The protection of a caravan was placed on a caravan leader, the archemporos (leader of the merchants) or synodiarch (leader of the caravan), (Maraqten 1996:231). In addition to official protection, armed private escorts were sometimes hired (Drexhage 1988:26; Maraqten 1996:231). At Palmyra, caravans were often financed by one or more wealthy merchants or, in the case of a particularly large caravan, by the city itself (Drexhage 1988:42, 95; Maraqten 1996:230). This pattern of finance and organization of caravans was apparent in the period before the Islamic conquest, when wealthy merchants from Mecca invested as much as 50,000 dinars in a single caravan expedition and reaped 100% profits. The famed Badr caravan yielded profits in which ‘each dinar brought back a dinar’. In addition to very wealthy investors, middle class townspeople also invested in caravan corporations (Gibb and Kramers 1995:340-341).

Figure 1.43. Nabataean expansion in the 1st c. CE according to Negev (1997b: 550) operated at least three major routes. The first of these was the inland route connecting Southern Arabia with Petra by way of Medain Salih. A second route ran along the eastern side of the Red Sea coast and the third connected the Wadi Sirhan with the Persian Gulf (Johnson 1987:90). The Red Sea ports of Leuke Kome and Aila were the only Nabataean seaports through which Southern Arabian and eastern imports could be shipped. The development of these ports was not intended to replace caravan traffic but probably took place in order to take advantage of collecting tax revenues as mentioned here above (Eadie1989: 117). Archaeological surveys in the area west of Petra along the Naqb Sleisel route have revealed evidence that the roads leading to the site were part of a planned and organized government project on the part of the Nabataeans. The presence of towers constructed next to this road suggests that movement into Petra was closely monitered (Kloner 1998:131).

Similar to the Romans and the Palmyrenes, the Nabataeans extended their commercial influence beyond their own borders by establishing ‘trade diasporas’ in neighboring regions. Trade colonies had been established by the Palmyrenes already in the early first century in the kingdom of Charax on the Arabian Gulf, and Palmyrene inscriptions refer to Palmyrene merchants in Seleucia and the Parthian city of Volgesias on the Euphrates (Healey 1996:33-35). In the early second century Palmyrene traders were well established at Koptos, the key Nile port handling goods to and from the Red Sea, where they maintained an association called the ‘Palmyrene Red Sea Shipowners’ (Casson 1989:34). With regard to the practice of establishing trade ‘diasporas’ or networks, Curtin has pointed out that trade settlement was the most common institutional form of cross-cultural trade after the development of urbanization. According to Curtin, “trade communities of merchants living among aliens in associated networks are to be found on every continent and back through time to the very beginning of urban life,” (Curtin 1984:2-3).

The organization of the caravan trade closely reflected that of Palmyra.1 Both Petra and Palmyra maintained standing armies primarily needed to protect caravans and caravan stations from marauders. Caravan raiding, razzia, was a very ancient form of income for nomadic groups living on the fringes of settled lands, and anxiety for the   Regarding the goods transported through Palmyra, the Periplus mentions those obtained in ‘Scythia’, probably the Indus Plain. Of these, one product, lycium, is described as being transported to the Phoenician coast by camels, most likely by the Palmyrenes (Millar 1993:331, n.40).

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The Regional Environment The Nabataeans also extended their influence into the Hauran in order to control routes leading from Damascus to the Mediterranean. In the chaotic period following the death of the Emperor Tiberius in 37 CE the Nabataeans may have briefly gained control of Damascus as indicated by the account of the apostle Paul’s escape from the city controlled by an ethnarch of the Nabataean king Aretas (2 Cor.11:32, Millar 1996:56-57). However, for the most part, the Hauran was ruled by Herod and his successors from 23 BCE until the late first century CE (Millar 1996:393). Nabataean settlement activity was heavy in the southern Hauran and somewhat less so in the northern Hauran. Nabataean remains, usually in the form of memorial and dedicatory inscriptions, have been found in at least fifty settlements in the region. Nabataean temples were constructed in this region at the sites of Zur, Sahar, Kanatha, Si'a, Suweida, Bostra and Salhad from the first century BCE until the second century CE (Dar 2003:45*46*; Dentzer 1985:79-80).

of Petra in both material and political terms. This pattern of settlement corresponds to similar patterns in other regions around the world in different historical periods, a subject examined by Curtin. In this case, a Nabataean trade diaspora was founded by a political entity, the Nabataean kingdom, in which each settlement or node was under central control, similar to networks of trade settlements found in the sixteenth century Portuguese empire in Asia (Curtin 1984:7). Nabataean Trade via the Negev in the Early Roman Period In the early first century CE, in the reign of the Nabataean king, Aretas IV (9 BCE-40 CE), the Nabataeans created a new fortified road between Moyat 'Awad in the central Arava and Oboda by way of the Ramon Crater. From Oboda, the original track past Elusa and onwards to Gaza came back into use (Fig.1.26). The utilization of this road in the first century CE was reported by Pliny (Pl. NH VI.32.144) and has been confirmed by archaeological research. The sites of Oboda, Maliatha (Sha’ar Ramon) and Kalguia (Moyat 'Awad?) appear in the list of the Geography of Ptolemy dated to the second century CE (Meshel 1973: 205-206). Nabataean merchants using the road, unlike those of the Hellenistic period, were able to carry on a year round transport of goods, and particularly Nabataean processed unguents, to Mediterranean ports and northwards into Judaea.

Surveys and excavations carried out in northern Sinai have revealed that the Nabataeans probably used two main routes through that region. The first was the Darb Ghaza route from the southern Negev to the Mediterranean coast between Rafah and El-Arish, and the second followed the same route, branching out towards Bir el Maghara, Qasrawet, Pelusium and Egypt. At Qasrawet, a Nabataean settlement was discovered dated to the first through early third century CE, covering an area of nearly 300 dunams (Oren and Netzer 1977). The site appears to have been a particularly important link between the Nabataean settlements in the Negev and Egypt and it contained a group of temples and a Nabataen necropolis. Numerous Nabataean inscriptions dated to the first through early third century CE as well as scatters of Nabataean pottery at smaller sites in the region attest to the importance of the the North Sinai route in that period (Oren and Netzer 1977: 106).

These caravans were probably were made up of groups of no more than 20 or 30 camels in order to navigate the steep climbs required along passes such as Naqb Sleisel west of Petra and Ma’ale Mahmal east of Oboda (Kloner 1998:132, 135). Traffic along these passes was one-way and had to be carefully controlled, well defended, and conducted in a minimum amount of time. Former Nabataean sites along the main Petra-Gaza route, such as Moyat 'Awad, Oboda, Horvat Ma'agurah and Halutza were reoccupied as was Nessana on the secondary route and the forts at ‘En Rahel and ‘En Ziq on the old Darb es Sultan route. In this period, the Iron Age fortress at ‘En Hazeva in the central Arava was reoccupied by the Nabataeans (Cohen and Israel 1995:112). The relatively large number of coins minted in Rome found at Moyat 'Awad is an indication of the robust nature of long distance trade between Petra and the Mediterranean in this period (R. Cohen, pers. comm.). At Oboda, A. Negev uncovered a purse with coins and semi-precious stones from the region of the Indian Ocean in graves dated to the first centuries of the first millennium CE (Negev 1977a:29).

Traces of a Nabataean settlement were found near Quseima in northern Sinai and a large Nabataean settlement was found east of El-Arish (Meshel 2000b:106, Fig.6). In central Sinai Nabataean remains were found at what may have been a military site on the summit of Jebel Ajameh (Avner 1982:28). The Nabataeans may have constructed temples near the Feiran Oasis in southern Sinai on Jebel Maneijeh and Jebel Serbal, although these have not been firmly dated (Levi 1977:173-176; Avner 1982:25-32; Dahari 2000:7). Nabataean inscriptions found in Upper Egypt and the Eastern Delta provides an indication of the intensity of Nabataean commercial interest in Egypt. Moreover, Nabataean temples were built at Tell eshShuqafiya and at the caravan station of Qasrawet in northern Sinai (Zayadine 1990:158).

In the mid first century CE, new routes came into use and settlements were constructed in the central Negev at Mampsis, and possibly at Sobota (Shivta) and Rehovot in the Negev as well as Mezad Yeruham. An examination of the published pottery from the Nabataean dump at Sobota

Settlement in Transjordan and the Negev in this period appears to have been related to the establishment of stations needed to maintain the caravan routes. These early settlements continued to be dominated by the ‘mother city’ 45

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. shows that it dates to the late first or second century CE (see Crowfoot 1936). The excavator of Rehovot-in-theNegev reported finding Nabataean pottery dated to the first century BCE and the first century CE (Tsafrir 1988:3). A visual inspection of that pottery by the writer and B. Dolinka revealed that, as in Sobota, the Nabataean pottery from Rehovot dates to the late first and early second century CE.1

194). From Mampsis, the road led past Aroer and the site of Malhata and onwards towards Be’ersheva and the Hebron hills (Erickson-Gini 1999:95). This particular route may be related to Nabataean settlement activity in the Dead Sea region attested to in the Babata documents dated to between 93/94 to 132 CE. The last Nabataean king, Rabbel II, owned date palm groves in the vicinity of Zoar in 99 CE (Yadin 1963:153-154). The route may also have been used to transport products produced in the balsam plantations around the Dead Sea and particularly at the officina or workshop discovered at ‘En Boqeq that operated in the first half of the first century CE. Nabataean pottery and coins found at the site indicate that the Nabataeans were closely involved at the site, either as traders or as part of the work force there (Fischer el al 2000:85, Graf 2003: 92).

Recent excavations at Mezad Yeruham in 2001 by Y. Baumgarten, on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority, have also produced pottery dated to the second or even early third century CE, but as yet, no pottery dating earlier than this period has been published or examined from that site. At many sites, caravansaries were built (Fig.1.28). These structures are constructed on open, level ground and they are square, averaging 30×30 meters in size, with a large central courtyard that could accommodate several dozen camels or other pack animals. The surrounding casemate rooms provided road services, such as sleeping quarters, baths and bakeries. Structures of this type were located at Moyat 'Awad, Mampsis, ‘En Rahel, ‘En Saharonim, and Horvat Dafit (Erickson-Gini 2001:40). Nabataean caravansaries have been found on the eastern side of the Arava Valley (Smith and Niemi 1994, Smith et al. 1997). Recently, a caravanserai similar to the one found at Horvat Dafit in the southern Arava was discovered at Rujm Taba in the eastern Arava. Preliminary research indicates it functioned from the first century CE (Dolinka 2002:432-435; 2006b).

The Roman Annexation of Nabataea The relationship between Rome and the Nabataean client state continued throughout the first century CE. According to the Jewish historian, Flavius Josephus, the Nabataean king, Malichus II (40-70 CE) provided at least 6000 Nabataean troops as auxiliaries to the Fifth and Tenth Legions at the beginning of the Jewish Revolt (Jos. Wars III. 4.2). Excavations in the Roman siege camps and surrounding structures at Masada have uncovered Nabataean pottery, indicating the presence of Nabataean merchants and auxiliary troops (Yadin 1966: 225). Jewish coins dated to the second year of the Jewish Revolt (68 CE) have been uncovered in excavations of first century CE structures at Oboda (Erickson-Gini 2002: 117).

Alongside the Gulf of Eilat at the site of Dahab, a Nabataean structure was discovered that may be described as a caravanserai or fortress with casemate rooms. This structure has irregular dimensions, but it is roughly the size and shape of the type of caravansaries found in the Negev. It appears to have been constructed during the reign of Aretas IV (9 BCE-40 CE) and continued in use until 106 CE or later. According to the excavator, the structure was built sometime towards the end of the first century BCE, paralleling the official onset of Nabataean activity in this part of the Sinai, and it probably served to control a small anchorage and provide services for seafarers (Meshel 2000b:18-19, 45).

Nabataean independence ended with the death of their last king, Rabbel II, in 106 CE. Cassius Dio reports that, “about this time Palma, the governor of Syria, subdued the part of Arabia around Petra and made it subject to the Romans.” (Dio LXVIII.14.5). The fourth century CE historian, Ammianus Marcellinus, also refers to this event: “It (Arabia) was given the name of a province, assigned a governor, and compelled to obey our laws by the emperor Trajan, who, by frequent victories, crushed the arrogance of its inhabitants when he was waging glorious war with Media and the Parthians.” (Amm. Marc. XIV.8.13). Material evidence for the takeover is evident in the form of coins struck at Rome bearing the legend, ARABIA ADQVISTA, commemorating the annexation (Negev 1977b:642). The nomenclature indicates that Nabataean Arabia was not taken over by way of military conflict. Graf has pointed out that there appears to have been a delay in publicizing the annexation until at least 111 CE. This date corresponds with the completion of Trajan’s Via Nova project, the minting of the first provincial coins of Arabia, and the diplomas of Nabataeans who appear to have been drafted by the Romans into the six units of the cohores Ulpiae Petraeorum. The new units probably recruited Nabataean sagittaria, or archers, who previously served in the royal army, as part of Trajan's prepartions for the Parthian campaign of 114-116 CE (Graf 2007: 176). These units were eventually dispersed throughout the

Similar to other regions under their control in the first century CE, the Nabataeans may have established temples in the Negev at Horvat Hazaza along the Mampsis – Oboda route in the mid-first century CE and probably at a second site in Nahal Besor located along the main ObodaElusa route (Haiman 1991:22, Erickson-Gini and Israel 2003:10*). Mampsis served as a Nabataean station on the road leading up from other Nabataean stations such as ‘En Tamar, located on the southwest shore of the Dead Sea (Cohen 1983:68) and past the station at Mezad Tamar (Gichon 1976:188  We would like to thank Prof. Tsafrir for allowing us to view the pottery.

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The Regional Environment East and also took part in putting down the Bar Kochba revolt in Judaea (Graf 1994: 296, 299, 305).Graf suggests that during the interval between 106 and 111-112 CE the organization and formation of the new province was still in process (Graf 1995:31-32).

have occurred in the region in the early second century CE (Russell 1985:41). Other sites that may have been rebuilt extensively in the second century include Petra and Bostra (Fiema 1991:104, n.45). Recent excavations in the mansion in Ez-Zantur, Petra, also produced evidence of earthquake damage in the early second century CE (Kolb 2002: 260-261).

The legio VI Ferrata and the legio III Cyrenaica were brought into Arabia from Syria and Egypt respectively, and two cohorts, the I Hispanorum and the I Thebaeorum, transferred from Egypt to Judaea in 105 CE, may have accompanied the legio III Cyrenaica on the eve of the annexation (Millar 1993:95). There is some speculation as to the degree of violence associated with this takeover. It has been suggested that the prospect of Nabataean support of Parthia during Trajan’s planned campaign against the Parthians motivated the Roman annexation (Schmid 1997:419).

The Romans created the new Provincia Arabia, eventually making the city of Bostra in northern Transjordan its administrative capital and military headquarters. There are indications that Bostra may have replaced Petra as the administrative capital of Nabataea as early as the reign of Rabbel II, a development that may indicate a preference for traffic through Wadi Sirhan as opposed to the Red Sea (Millar 1993:408). Military control and protection throughout the new province was provided by the legio III Cyrenaica stationed at Bostra (Isaac 1990:123-125). This legion was stationed in the province throughout the second and third centuries, as attested by a Palmyrene inscription and possibly as late as the beginning of the fifth century (Kindler 1983:8). The decision to base the legionary headquarters in Bostra may have been motivated by its proximity to the Parthian frontier (Mann 1974:522). It has also been suggested that Bostra was chosen because of its location on a junction of major trade routes running between Petra (the Via Nova Traiana) and the Hauran and also routes to the lower Euphrates (at Vologesia and Charax Spasinu) and Gerrha on the Persian Gulf (Kindler 1983:8).

Schmid proposes that early second century destruction layers at Petra are not due to earthquake damage as formerly proposed by Russell but to a military invasion and destruction of Petra by Trajan (Schmid 1997:416420; Russell 1985: 39-40, Table 1). However, in the early second century CE an earthquake brought about the total destruction and abandonment of the Nabataean fort at ‘En Rahel (Korjenkov and Erickson-Gini 2003). The absence of any Roman coins at the site may be an indication that the destruction took place prior to the Roman annexation of Nabataea. Structural damage attributed to an earthquake in the early decades of the second century CE has been discovered in the Nabataean mansion and other structures in ez-Zantur at Petra (Kolb 2002: 261; 2007: 156, 167). According to Russell, this earthquake, which may have occurred around 113 or 114 CE, was felt extensively at far removed sites such as Caesarea and Petra (Russell, ibid.). Definite earthquake damage from this period has also been detected at Aqaba (Dolinka 1999:56). Recent excavations at other sites in the Negev Highlands by the writer, including a newly discovered Early Roman Nabataean structure next to the Late Roman fort of Mezad Mahmal and at Horvat Hazaza, have revealed unmistakable evidence of earthquake damage and even total destruction that occurred sometime in the early second century CE. The excavations carried out at sites along the Petra – Gaza road by Cohen also produced evidence of structural damage and repairs dated to this period (in the fort at Moyat 'Awad and the caravanserai at Sha'ar Ramon), and the excavators proposed that one early building next to the Late Roman fort of Mezad Neqarot was destroyed or severely damaged by an earthquake in this period (Cohen, p.c).

The annexation of Nabataea had far-reaching implications for the Negev and northern Transjordan. Apparently in the wake of annexation the official designation “Decapolis” disappeared and the cities of Gadara and Pella were joined to the Province of Syria (Freeman 2001:433) while Philadelphia (Amman), Gerasa and possibly Adraa were joined to the Province of Arabia (Millar 1993:95). In addition, while Bostra was designated the administrative center and headquarters for the legio III Cyrenaica, the city of Gerasa appears to have become the financial hub of the new province and the financial procurator of Arabia was based here (Isaac 1990b: 156; Freeman 2001:434). The rationale behind the decision to annex the Nabataean Kingdom remains elusive. The annexation appears to fit a general trend in Roman policy in this period: a shift away from reliance on client states. Roman forces were now widely distributed in frontier areas and strong client states were no longer tolerated (Luttwak 1979:193). In the first century CE, the client system originally encouraged by Augustus was viewed with increasing suspicion by his successors, particularly following a conference convened in Tiberias in 44 CE. by Agrippa I. (Jacobson 2001:34).

The large-scale building program that took place at Mampsis in the mid-second century may have been prompted by damage to structures at the site in the earlier part of that century. Russell attributed accelerated building activity in sites in the Negev such as Mampsis and sites along the Petra-Gaza road to this event (Russell 1985: 4041). It has been suggested that extensive rebuilding took place in Gerasa after a devastating earthquake that may

Generally, there is scant evidence of any kind of organized resistance against the annexation on the part of the Nabataeans (Graf 2007: 173). It has been proposed that two (poorly dated) Safaitic inscriptions indicate that an 47

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. The Provincia Arabia The Romans immediately set about either consolidating or actually constructing the Via Nova Traiana between the Red Sea port at Aqaba and Syria, primarily in order to supply the Roman army during its war with Parthia and also in order to control the newly established province (Schmid 1997:419), (Fig.1.44). The consolidation or construction of this great highway also facilitated international trade through the province, the overall investment of which would have been of prime concern to the Romans (Fiema 1991:82). A papyrus letter written by a soldier of the Legio III Cyrenaica stationed in the new province to his father in Egypt, dated to March 107 CE, refers to the fact that merchants were arriving in Bostra from Pelusium daily, a distance of over 300 km through the Negev to Petra and a further 260 km from Petra to Bostra (Pap. Kar 466, Youtie and Winter 1951:915; Millar 1993:93-94).1 It appears that manufacturing and trade activities in the new province were greatly enhanced by the construction of the Via Nova Traiana, as can be seen by the opulence of the former Decapolis cities such as Philadelphia, connected by this road with Petra, and even Gerasa, which was not located directly on the road (Fiema 1991:86).

Figure 1.44. The Provincia Arabia according to Negev (1997b: 641)

In 114 CE, Petra received the honorific title of ‘Metropolis of Arabia’. Later, in the wake of a visit by the Emperor Hadrian, it became ‘Hadriana Petra metropolis’ in 131 CE. Under the Romans, Petra was granted an impressive sequence of honors: Augustocolonia, Antoniana, Metrocolonia, Hadriana and Petra Metropolis. In the Petra Papyri, official records dating to as late as the sixth century, these titles were still used in the Byzantine period (Fiema 2002a: 61). This city was connected by a formidable network of roads and trails with surrounding areas (Fiema 1991:89). Surveys conducted in southern Jordan reveal that most former Nabataean sites there continued to be occupied after the Roman annexation, and it appears that Roman rule had a favorable effect on the continuation of long-distance trade passing through the region (Fiema 1991:91-97). Roman rule extended as far south as Medain Salih, including the remote site of Ruwwafa, where a temple dedicated to the Roman emperors Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus was discovered. A bilingual inscription in Greek and Nabataean on the building describes the dedication of the temple by a confederation of the Arab Thamud. This is one of the earliest references to confederations of Arab tribes and their cooperation with Roman authorities in the region (Bowersock 1983:96-97).

armed struggle between the Nabataeans and the Romans may have triggered the annexation (Schmid 1997:418). The first inscription refers to ‘the year of the Nabataean war’ and the second reports ‘the year when the Nabataeans revolted against the people of Rome.’ (Sartre 1982:178,131; 1985:63; Schmid 1997:418, n. 35). The Nahal Hever documents suggest that Nabataeans from the Dead Sea region may have supported their Jewish neighbors in the armed struggle against the Romans in the Second Jewish Revolt in 135 CE (Graf 2007: 179). The annexation was likely motivated by the economic benefit it could bring to the Romans: i.e. the control of lucrative long distance trade routes and the Nabataean production of scented oils based in Petra. Fiema has suggested that direct control over Nabataea became more profitable for the Romans than the previous indirect control of trade outlets (Fiema 1991:103:n. 36). According to Appian, writing in the reign of Antoninus Pius, Roman emperors had a clear intent of adding some peoples to their rule and ‘possessing the best parts of land and sea’ if they were profitable to the Empire (App.7/25-8). The presence of Roman citizens in Petra in the first century CE, presumably merchants and traders, may have foreshadowed annexation of Nabataea (Strabo 16. 4.21). Roman trade colonies were often located in areas beyond the Empire prior to annexation and Isaac has pointed out that the Roman residents in these areas were, together with the military, among the first to profit directly from Roman annexation (Isaac 1992:385).

Clearly, the new Provincia Arabia and the economy of the entire Roman East during the Pax Romana was flourishing. An indication of the increase in wealth can be found in the great building projects of the eastern cities. These projects   Kennedy has pointed out that this letter was actually sent from Petra (Kennedy 1980:292).

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The Regional Environment Nabataean aniconic cultic objects (together with GraecoRoman anthropomorphic images) were issued at Bostra, Charachmoba, Madaba and Adraa (Patrich 1990:186). Compared with the provinces of Syria and Judaea, where several provincial mints were located, Bostra appears to be the only city in Arabia to issue provincial coins (Kindler 1983:8).

appear to have been initiated and carried out by the cities themselves, without imperial support. Isaac has pointed out that in this period no new cities were founded in the East and, based on the evidence of epigraphic material, he asserts that the Roman authorities confined their public works to road building, the delimitation of important boundaries and, occasionally, developing the water supply (Isaac 1990b:159).

Important evidence about the Roman civil administration in the new province has been found in the ‘Babatha archive” discovered in the Cave of the Letters in Nahal Hever between ‘En Gedi and Masada.1 These documents were apparently hidden here during the Bar Kochba revolt sometime after the latest document was written in 132 CE. They refer to the ‘new province’ of Arabia and a land census conducted by Titus Aninius Sextius Florentinus in 127 CE (Yadin 1962:162-164). Millar suggests that a ten-year cycle of censuses may have started in the new province in 107 CE (Millar 1996:97-98). As legal documents, they refer to land ownership by Jews (Babatha and her family) at ‘En Gedi and Maoza (in Nabataean territory on the southern shores of the Dead Sea) and indicate that administrative centers at Rabbathmoab and Petra served this region of the province. Moreover, Greek appears to have become the language of legal documents and thus the official language of Arabia soon after it became a Roman province (Cotton 1999:23).

By the middle of the second century, Palmyra also appears to have experienced an increase in the caravan trade, a possible factor in the development of the importance of Dura Europos as a military outpost (Dirven 1996:39-40). The majority of inscriptions referring to Palmyrene caravan trade are dated to second century, between Hadrian’s visit to the city and the death of his successor, Antoninus Pius (131-161 CE), (Dirven 1996:n. 69). The influence that the wealthy eastern provinces had on imperial matters of state are evident in the rise of Roman emperors from families originating from Syria and Arabia. In 193 CE members of Syrian families were integrated into equestrian service (Millar 1993:120). The Emperor Septimius Severus married into a prominent Syrian family from this class in Emesa, that of Iulia Domna and her sister Iulia Maesa. The daughters of Iulia Maesa produced two Roman emperors, the sons of prominent Syrian equites: Varius Avitus Bassianus known as Elagabalus (219-222) and Gessius Alexianus Bassianus known as Severus Alexander (222-235).

A Greek style legal body, the boule, is indicated as being held at Petra (Millar 1993:417).2 The Babatha archive sheds a great deal of light on the interaction between the local population and their Roman masters, and between different ethnic groups, in this case Nabataeans and Jews, at the beginning of the Provincia Arabia. It may be assumed that similar documents were written and similar legal and administrative arrangements were carried out throughout other parts of the province (Millar 1993:98-99).

According to Freeman, in 199 CE Septimius Severus enlarged the province of Arabia at the expense of Syria by adding the Jabal al-Druze and Le’ja regions (Freeman 2001:434). The province of Arabia and its legion, the III Cyrenaica legion, refused to take part in Syrian-led revolts during the reign of Severus and the legion was granted the honorific epithet Severiana (Bowersock 1983:113,n.16). In addition, Palmyra may have become a colonia during his reign, an act that had implications for the rise of Palmyra in the third century (Millar 1993:143-144). His son, Caracalla (211-218) granted Gerasa this status (now called Aurelia Antoniniana) as well as Antioch and Emesa (his mother’s city), (Freeman 2001:434; Millar 1993:143144). Petra achieved colonia status in the early third century under Elagabalus (Millar 1993:420) and Bostra was later to receive the same status from his successor, Severus Alexander (Kindler 1983:8). A native of the province of Arabia, Philip, known as ‘the Arab’, ruled the empire between 244-249. Philip was born in an area south of Damascus in a place called Shabha where he later built a city named Philippopolis (Freeman 2001:434; Brauer 1975:11-12).

The continued economic boom throughout most of the second century appears to have been part of the overall economic prosperity of the Pax Romana throughout the Empire. It has been noted that the number of Mediterranean shipwrecks dated to between 1 and 200 CE remained at a high level in comparison with the period after the end of the second century, a possible indication of the subsequent decline of international trade in the third century (Hopkins 1980:105-106). The robust economic prosperity in the Empire in this period has been detected in a number of spheres, including diet, metal extraction and building (Jongman 2007).   Documents in the archive, written in Greek, Aramaic and Hebrew, have been translated and presented in several important works which include those by Lewis (1989) and Cotton and Yardeni (1997). 2   At Petra, the monumental structure referred to as the ‘Great’ or ‘Southern’ Temple may have been transformed into a bouleuterion or city council hall in the late first or early second century CE and it may have functioned as a residential and ceremonial complex for Nabataean royalty prior to the annexation (Schluntz 1999: 135; Fiema 2002a: 65). However, this interpretation is disputed and the excavator maintains that evidence exists to support the original designation of the complex as a temple (Joukowsky and Basile 2001). 1

During the second and early third centuries, ‘city coins’ were produced throughout the East and in the province of Arabia. These included coins issued under Elagabalus at Charachmoba (Kerak) and Rabbathmoba (Spijkerman 1978:108-109; 262-263). Coins bearing 49

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. The Negev and the Provincia Arabia

– Dead Sea road (Gichon 1971:28).

Evidence that the Provincia Arabia included the former Nabataean settlements in the central Negev has been found in inscriptions from Oboda. The first inscription refers to ‘year two of the eparchy” i.e. 107 CE, and the second to “year twenty of the eparchy” i.e.126 CE (Negev 1977b: 643). This era was used at Oboda and other towns in the central Negev throughout the Roman – Byzantine period and even after the Muslim conquest in 636 CE (Meimaris 1992: 147). Nabataean towns in the central Negev and Transjordan appear to have flourished under Roman rule, and the production of perfumed oils in Petra and the transport of luxury goods through the Negev continued until the first decades of the third century CE. Prompted by Strabo's statement concerning the divertion of trade through Egyptian ports following the Augustan age (XVI. 2. 20), some scholars have proposed a decline in Nabataean trade as early as the first century CE. Bowersock suggested a decline in Nabataean trade due to the discovery of the monsoon winds and competition with imports through Roman Egypt (Bowersock 1983:21).

An inscription found at Sha’ar Ramon (‘En Saharonim) on the main Petra-Gaza road indicates that this station was manned by a unit of the Cohors VI Hispanorum (Figueras 1992:178).1 These troops were probably stationed in the Negev to patrol major roads and particularly the ‘Incense Route’ between Petra and Gaza. Excavations carried out in a number of forts along the route have revealed that these sites were constructed towards throughout the end of the second century CE, apparently in the Severan period, and abandoned sometime in the early third century CE. These are a type of 'tower' fort with an attached open courtyard, examples of which are located at Qasra, Mezad Neqarot, Mezad Ma'ale Mahmal, and possibly Mezad Grafon, along the Petra – Gaza road, and in other parts of the Negev at Horvat Dafit, Horvat Haluqim and possibly Be'er Menuha and Mezad Yeruham. Similarly, the sites of Mezad Hazeva and Moyat 'Awad continued to be heavily occupied in this period. Numerous objects associated with Roman military personnel were uncovered at Moyat 'Awad alongside an extraordinary amount of Nabataean pottery vessels produced in Petra.

Negev proposed that the first century CE witnessed a decline in trade due to nomadic invasions during the reign of Malichus II (40-70 CE), (Negev 1969:13). At the time, these views encouraged the idea that a 'Nabataean' agriculture regime in the Negev Highlands began before the Roman annexation in 106 CE.

Archaeological evidence found in some Nabataean towns in the central Negev points to a surge in construction in the second century CE. One structure, Building XXV at Mampsis, discovered in 1993 by the writer, was constructed sometime in the early second century CE and renovated towards the end of that century. In the mid second century most of the old Nabataean settlement at Mampsis was destroyed in order to make way for spacious new private villas at the site, including the large and opulent structure of Building XII (Negev 1988a: 145; 110; EricksonGini 1999:97). The architecture and decoration of these dwellings far surpass the domestic architecture of the Byzantine period: Building XII covers an area of ca. 1000 square meters and contains a large stable, private rooms decorated with frescos, porticoes with Nabataean capitals, and even a sophisticated private toilet. This structure was the largest of a number of spacious dwellings built in the same period.

However, archaeological findings have failed to confirm the alleged decline of Petra and other Nabataean/Roman settlements in the first and second centuries CE in Transjordan or the Negev (Johnson 1987:36-53; Graf 1989; Fiema 1991:76-79, Erickson-Gini; this paper). Evidence of the importance of the long distance trade is found on the very first Roman provincial coins minted following the annexation. At Moyat 'Awad, a Roman provincial silver denarius minted at Bostra was found bearing a figure of ‘Arabia’ holding what appears to be a branch of cinnamon and standing next to camel (R. Cohen, pers. comm..). Decades after the Roman annexation, the Nabataeans were still known as merchants. As Graf's translation of a passage in Apuleius' Florida (ca. 160 CE) shows: "Far away lies India, beyond the learned Egyptians, beyond the superstitious Jews and the merchants of Nabataea (Nabathaeos mercatores), beyond the children of Arsaces in their long flowing-robes, the Ituraeans, to whom the earth gives but scanty harvest, and the Arabs, whose perfumes are their wealth," (Florida, 6; Graf 2007: 175).

New building activity in second century has also been uncovered at Oboda with the discovery of a private dwelling in the Late Roman/Early Byzantine residential quarter in 1999/2000 by the writer (Erickson-Gini 2001:6). The theater at Elusa, the only one yet found in the central Negev, appears to have been constructed in the late second or early third century CE (Negev and Gibson, eds. 2001:158), (Fig.1.14). At Rehovot-in-the-Negev a large structure and stables that may have served as a large residential house, caravanserai or army barracks was constructed in the middle of the town (Tsafrir and Holum

The presence of Roman troops in the Negev in the early second century CE has been detected by inscriptions from the Roman military cemetery at Mampsis that refer to a centurion of the legio III Cyrenaica and also an official of the Cohors I Augusta Thracum (Negev 1969:9). The Roman army continued to maintain the Nabataean routes through the Negev, renovating existing sites and establishing new ones such as that at Migdal Tsafit overlooking the Mampsis

1988:120-121).   Evidence of the Cohors VI Hispanorum was also found in first century CE contexts in Syria at el-Asiri and at Qasr el-Hallabat in Jordan on an inscription from 212 CE (Kennedy 2000:45).

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Chapter 4 Crisis and Decline in the Third Century

“Our history now falls away, as affairs did for the Romans of that time, from a realm of gold to one of iron and rust,” (Dio 72.36.4).

high in classical antiquity (Harl 1996:80). However, by the second century CE, Roman expansion by way of military conquest had ended and mining activities appear to have been disrupted during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and declined in the early third century (Howgego 1992:7-8). A sudden collapse of the silver mine settlement at Riotinto in Spain occurred between 160-170 CE, the gold mines in Dacia were abandoned after the Marcomannic invasion in 167 CE and important gold mines in north-west Spain appear to have declined in the early third century (Howgego 1992:7).

The crises that the Empire endured in the third century were complex and interrelated. In the late second and early third centuries, many regions of the Empire experienced epidemics and famines that resulted in depopulation, seriously weakening the economy (Jones 1974:409; Cameron 1993:10). This state of affairs, coupled with civil war and unstable leadership, occurred at a time when a new and serious military threat arose in the East: that of the aggressive Sassanid Persian Empire. The change in the balance of power drained the resources of the Roman Empire, both in terms of manpower and finances. In containing the Sassanid threat, the Empire was forced to depend increasingly on the buffer state of Palmyra, a situation that led to Palmyra’s bid for domination in the East in the hour of Rome’s greatest weakness.

A substantial contraction in trade occurred towards the end of the second century, possibly the result of depopulation due to the epidemic between 165-189 CE (Harris 2000:740). The plague in the Antonine period may have been part of a pandemic that struck China between 161-185 CE resulting in a “precipitous demographic contraction” in the succeeding period (Scheidel 2002:98, n. 4). Cassius Dio reported that during the reign of Commodus in 189 CE, the epidemic was greater than anything previously known and resulted in the death of around 2000 people during one day alone in Rome (Dio 72.14.3-4). The Antonine plague, which is believed to have been smallpox or a mixture of smallpox and measles, was apparently the first major pandemic of the disease to affect the Mediterranean region in several centuries (Scheidel 2002: 97). Population growth in Roman Egypt peaked during the reign of Marcus Aurelius when the epidemic struck, resulting in the depopulation of whole villages. If the epidemic was caused by smallpox, as has been proposed, the mortality rate of infants would have continued to be high, causing the protracted low population growth evident from the third century onwards (van Minnen 2000:211). Besides the effect epidemics of such large proportions would have on agriculture and the immediate supply of food and natural resources, many trades were immediately affected, including the glass industry, brick making and the quarrying of marble to name only a few (Fleming 1999:74-75). Mutilple lines of evidence including shipping, building, metal extraction and diet, indicate that the demographic contraction that took place throughout the Empire in this period resulted in a decline in a standard of living (Jongman 2007: 191).

Economic Crisis and the “Great Debasement” Epigraphic and archaeological evidence point to the second half of the second century CE as a peak in Roman material culture and construction projects. However, the roots of the severe economic crisis of the third century can be found in the second century. In this period, the Roman economy was a market economy whose distant components functioned as parts of a comprehensive Mediterranean market (Temin 2001:169). It was a highly monetized economy, even in rural areas, and barter appears to have played only a small role (Howgego 1992:16, 18). Finance was highly developed and money loans could be obtained through a host of agencies, including bankers, civic treasuries, foundations, temple funds and loan clubs, to name only a few (Howgego 1992:14). Maritime loans were commonplace. These were usually supplied by associations of multiple investors looking to diversify their investments in order to reduce risk much in the way that modern investors do today (Temin 2001:175). Precious metals for coinage and bullion were provided by booty taken in military conquests and from mining activities. The output of mines peaked between the reigns of Augustus and Septimius Severus, reaching an all time 51

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. In addition to epidemic and depopulation, the reign of Marcus Aurelius was assailed by revolt and military crises, all of which increased military expenditure and affected the collection of taxes. His son, Commodus (180-192), inherited a weakened economy and he further contributed to this state of affairs by over-expenditure in the form of lavish handouts and heavy payments to barbarian tribes (Herodian I.6.9; Dio 74.6.1). Commodus resorted to increasing taxes and placing new customs duties on ports, main roads and rivers. He also placed a poll tax on Roman senators and town-councilors (Herodian II.4.7; Dio 72.16.3). However, by the end of his short reign the imperial treasury was nearly bankrupt, forcing his successor, Pertinax, to sell off imperial property (DuncanJones 1994:15).

with the majority of hoards found in frontier areas with a military presence (Duncan-Jones 1994:74, 84-85). The distribution of donatives could double or triple the annual costs of regular military wages (Potter 1990a: 7). The army received a donativa from Severus Alexander both before and after his Persian campaign (Herodian VI.4.1; VI.6.4). The financial situation in the Empire reached crisis proportions during the reign of Severus Alexander. Early in his reign, in the year 222, he was already forced to remit customary payments made by cities in Italy and other parts of the Empire to the crown due to the financial difficulties they were facing (Levick 2000: 228-229). The poor economic situation prompted the State to reduce taxes and there appears to have been some efforts to decrease taxes on trade at the expense of producers, a possible sign of a crisis in international and inter-regional trade. The collection of an additional tax (anabolikon) on raw and manufactured products from Egypt persisted (Ensslin 1965:64-65).

The power struggle that took place following Pertinax’s murder, leading to the rise of Septimius Severus (193-211), appears to have been a source of over-expenditure on the one hand and its temporary remedy on the other: the war served as an excuse for the victor to expropriate the wealth of both factions and to further raise taxes (Duncan-Jones 1994:15). Cassius Dio reports that Severus forced the cities that had supported Niger in the civil war to pay up to four times the funds they had given Niger (Dio 75.8.4).

A further sign of a decline in trade was the apparent cessation of private enterprise in the formation of the guilds (collegia) of ship-owners, merchants and craftsmen. In this period the old formula ‘permitted by decision of the Senate’ (quibus ex S.C. coire licet) disappears, and there are indications that the government was forced to replace private enterprise with State sponsored industries such as the ratio purpuraria, connected with the sale of purple (Ensslin 1965:65, n.1). Moreover, the extent of the depopulation of important areas was becoming more pronounced, prompting suggestions for the establishment of a State mortgage bank (Dio 70. 28).

Severus is well known for increasing pay to the Roman legions in 202 CE (Dio 76.1.1). This pay increase probably reflects the slowly rising inflation in the Roman economy fueled by the debasement of the denarius (see below). Debasements of this type tended to drive up wages and prices but the lag in these rises enabled the imperial government to net surplus revenues in the short-term (Harl 1996:126). In view of the growing rate of inflation, the pay increases were not particularly great and additional payment in kind had to be introduced in order to make army service attractive for new recruits (Duncan-Jones 1994:29). His son, Caracalla (211-217), raised army pay once again by half and embarked on an extravagant building program, the costs of which he covered by raising taxes (Dio 78.36.3), and by extending citizenship (the Constitutio Antoniana) in an attempt to increase the tax base. With regard to financing the army, Dio Cassius criticized Caracalla for constantly demanding gold crowns from the civilian population, claiming that he had defeated some enemies (Dio 77.9.1). By the time of Caracalla’s death, five new legions had been formed and a new province in northern Mesopotamia was added to the Empire, all of which created a tremendous drain of imperial funds. In addition, in order to pacify the barbarian tribes the empire continued to turn over large sums of money during Caracalla’s reign (Dio 78.17.3).

By the late second century, Roman emperors deprived of windfalls of specie through military conquests were forced to find other means of finance besides raising taxes or expropriating wealth from the upper classes, and they increasingly resorted to debasing currency. Roman currency was tri-metallic, based on the gold aureus, the silver denarius and the bronze or copper sesterce. For nearly five hundred years, between its introduction during the First Punic War (264-241 BCE) and 238 CE, the Roman silver denarius was the backbone of the Roman economy (Harl 1996:228). Between the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Septimius Severus, the silver content in the denarius, was reduced to only 50%. Caracalla created a new silver coin, the antoninanius, nominally a double denarius that contained only 1.6 times the quantity of precious metal. Caracalla also lowered the weight of the gold aureus by over 10%. Elagabalus (218-222) abandoned the antoninianus but retained the debased standards for the aureus and denarius (Harl 1996:128). The antoninianus would later be reintroduced as billon currency in the midthird century.

Caracalla’s policy of ensuring the support of the legions included paying them increased bonuses, or donativa, as well as handouts to civilians, or congiaria. The figures for handouts of this type soared during his reign and increased even further in the reign of Elagabalus (Duncan-Jones 1994: Table 3.6). A clear connection appears to exist between coin hoards and donativa (military bonuses),

By the mid-third century the gold aurei were no longer used as currency but were pierced and worn by people as ornaments (de Blois 2000). Although the decline in the weight of gold coinage (and the subsequent elimination of 52

The Regional Environment

Figure 1.45. The Cities and Road System of Roman Asia Minor and Northern Syria in the 3rd c. CE (Potter 1991: Map 1) subsequent inflation that took place resulted in the value of copper and bronze becoming more than the actual official value of the coins themselves, prompting cities and the senate to abandon the issue of bronze coins (Levy 1967:87). City revenues, collected in the form of the silver denarius, were directly affected, for the actual silver content of this coin had fallen from between 80 and 90 percent in the time of Pliny the Younger in the early second c. to a mere 1 to 2 percent in the mid third century (Whittow 1990:8). Waves of epidemic continued to strike the Empire throughout this period, climaxing in a smallpox epidemic between 251 and 266 CE (Krause 1992: 1073).

bronze coinage) has been assigned to the reign of Gordian (Potter 1990a: 34), it appears that this actually began in the reign of Severus Alexander when the range of weights of individual gold aurei was greatly widened, i.e. the overall mean weight remained constant but the coefficient of deviation became twice as high (de Blois 2000). Following the suspension of commerce between the Roman Empire and India in the third century, the Axumite emperors of northwestern Ethiopia gained control of the ports in Yemen and Somalia and began to mint their own coins from gold obtained in East Africa (Harl 1996:308). Debasement was also extended to copper and bronze coins by combining those metals with alloys of baser metals. The basic Roman unit, the bronze aes, was the mainstay of daily transactions and taxation for over two hundred years. However, after 235 CE and within the space of only 15 years, debasement and inflation ruined the value of this vital coin (Harl 1996:134). The policy of debasing coinage quickly drove older and purer coins out of circulation (Cameron 1993:6). Bronze coins, which had formerly been used as small change in daily transactions, now became a store of wealth instead (Harl 1996:135). A large proportion of Roman coin hoards appear to have been deposited in the third century, probably as a result of the hoarding of coins with higher contents of precious metals (Cameron 1993:6). In comparison, excavated sites dating to the 250s have yielded mainly billon antoniniani as the coins most commonly lost in that period (Harl 1996:135).

Imperial mints found it difficult to keep up with the unprecedented scale of recoining in the years between 238 and 274 CE and officinae were relocated from Rome to the provinces in order to convert coins taken in tax into antoniniani for military payrolls (Harl 1996:144). Aurelian undertook the task of restoring monetary stability in 274 CE by reorganizing and increasing the number of imperial mints and also by producing new coinage such as the radiate aurelianianus with a silver content of around 5 percent and new billon factions. Aurelian’s reform was partially successful but was largely overshadowed by the success of Diocletian’s reform of currency between 293 and 305 CE (Harl 1996:146-148). The Crisis in Leadership The instability of the monarchy appears to have been a direct result of the lack of institutional means for choosing a new monarch (Potter 1990a: 13). The increased

Up until 260 CE, most cities in the Roman East minted their own bronze coins (Fig.1.45). However, the devaluation and 53

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. the Roman outpost at Hatra on the Euphrates. It has been suggested that neither the Parthians nor the Sassanians laid claim to areas west of the Euphrates but were actively opposed to Roman expansion in Mesopotamia east of the Euphrates (Isaac 1992:52). Military and political developments in the East were recognized by contemporaries as a grave threat to the Empire. Dio Casssius expressed fears that the Roman troops stationed in the East, whom he considered to be ill-disciplined and weak, would not be able to resist the onslaught of the Sassanids (Dio 80.3. 4).1 Figure 1.46. Rome and Persia, first-fourth c. CE (Kennedy and Riley 1990: 36)

Several factors contributed to the success of the new Persian dynasty in their competition with Rome. The Sassanians replaced the old Arsacid regime with a more centralized and bureaucratic administration and established a state religion: Zoroastrianism (Christensen 1944:97-98). In warfare, the Sassanians improved on Parthian military tactics that emphasized combined light and heavy cavalry with a highly developed form of siege warfare (Luttwak 1979:151). The Sassanians introduced innovations in the organization of the military. Under the Parthians the king would muster troops through provincial rulers in order to meet an invasion. These troops were loyal primarily to their own province and rulers. Under the Sassanians troops were still mustered from the provinces but the backbone of the Persian army was now made up of paid troops who served on a long-term basis as well as armoured cavalry drawn from the lower elite classes, all of which were under the direct control of the Persian high command (Amit 2003: 693).

importance of the common soldier in the third century and the Emperor’s ever-increasing dependence on his popularity within their ranks placed his fate directly in their hands. Any dissatisfaction or complaint against the Emperor was easily translated into his removal and their support for a new candidate. Thus, Severus Alexander’s troops, dissatisfied by his attempts to maintain peace with cash payments to the German foes instead of attacking them, murdered the young emperor and his mother (Ensslin 1965:71). Dissatisfaction with the way in which a military campaign was conducted, such as the one that ended in disaster at Misikhe/Peroz-Sapor in 244 CE, resulted in the disposal of Gordian III (Potter 1990a: 36). Another factor in the rapid succession of leaders may have been the rivalry between western and eastern legions. Armies that suffered defeat in one of the many civil wars appear to have aspired to regain their status, a possible contributing factor in the rise of Decius and the revolt of Regalianus in 260 (Potter 1990a: 14). The bitter result of the lack of an institutionalized method of succession was the rise and fall of no fewer than 9 emperors between 235 and 253. The ultimate humiliation of the Empire occurred in 260 with the defeat and capture of the Roman Emperor Valerian by Shapur I. This event marked the genesis of the independent military role of Palmyra in the East and possibly Odenathus’ actions against the retreating Persian forces (Millar 1996:167-168).

The Sassanians were interested in developing the economic base of their empire and they vastly increased the volume of settlement and agriculture as well as the state controlled irrigation system inherited from the Parthians. R. McC. Adams, a pioneer in archaeological surveys in Iraq, estimated that a 37% growth in the population took place in the central flood plain around Nippur in the Sassanian period. He attributed this growth to a massive state-sponsored irrigation system. Similar development took place in other Sassanian controlled areas (McC.Adams 1981:179-183, 209-211); (Howard-Johnston 1995:198-200). Building projects carried out by the Sassanians in the third century with the labor of captured Roman troops included great barrage bridges built in Khuzistan during the reign of Ardashir’s heir, Shapur I (241-272), (Herrmann 1980:282).

The Sassanid Threat For nearly three hundred years, the Roman Empire had existed side by side with the Parthian Empire in the East. During this period, Rome slowly extended its influence in the East at their expense (Fig.1.46). However, in the later Severan period the Empire suffered the misfortunate of the replacement of the Parthian Arsacid dynasty with that of the Sassanian Persians (Sartre 2001: 959; Kennedy 1996:89). In the 220s this regime was overthrown by a Persian dynasty from Fars lead by Ardashir I (226-241). The new dynasty was incredibly robust and aggressive. It laid claim to the entire territory of the former Achaemenid Persian Empire and their leader immediately attacked

It appears that the Sassanians consciously sought to enlarge their resources and to make Mesopotamia economically self-sufficient, a prime factor in the ability to carry out   The subject of historical claims about the laxity of Syrian legions examined by Wheeler reveals that Dio’s accusations were not necessarily directed toward the actual eastern legions as much as western contingents stationed in the eastern provinces (Wheeler 1996:251-252).

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The Regional Environment military ventures (Howard-Johnston 1995:202). Their efforts appear to have been quite successful, for the Sassanians enjoyed a stable economy when compared to that of the Roman Empire in the third century. The Sassanian drachm was a ‘relatively stable’ coin with a nearly pure silver content. At the time of Diocletian the Sassanian drachm would have been worth approximately 40 denarii (Sperber 1965:238). Sassanid efforts to control the Arabian/Persian Gulf trade network began with Ardashir I before his formal accession, when he subjected the Gulf and founded several cities. His son and successor, Shapur I, formally incorporated Oman into his domains. It appears that the Sassanians took advantage of the political instability in South Arabia to extend their influence and to negotiate with the rulers of Yemen, Tihama and the Hedjaz, bringing those areas under Sassanian protection or actual domination (Fiema 1991:111, n.10). The Sassanian expansion of control into the Arabian/Persian Gulf was paralleled with similar policies involving the trade routes of central Asia (Fiorani Piacentini 1985:59).

Figure 1.47. Syria, 3rd c. CE (Dirven 1999: Fig.1) unable to overcome the Roman force in Armenia. He was forced to abandon the battle there, although with his forces intact, upon receiving word that the Romans had entered Mesopotamia. An inscription found at Palmyra referring to the presence of the Emperor Alexander and his legions there has led to the proposal that the main column took a southerly route to reach the Euphrates in order to disguise the direction of the attack, luring Ardashir’s forces into conflict with the southern column (Dodgeon and Lieu 1991:353, n.16).

The direct control extended over the Gulf early in the Sassanian period, and the defensive lines along the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, provided well- defined borders between Persia and Mesopotamia and protected Persia from nomadic Arab incursions. Active Sassanian intervention resulted in a destabilization of tribal influence and the migration of the Tanukh tribe to the north and west in the early third century (Howard-Johnston 1995:188-189).

According to Herodian, Ardashir attacked and inflicted heavy casualties on the southern column. In his words:

Military Conflict between the Roman and Sassanian Empires in the Third Century

"The Romans suffered a staggering disaster; it is not easy to recall another like it, one in which a great army was destroyed, an army inferior in strength and determination to none of the armies of old,” (Herodian VI, 5, 1-6).

It has been pointed out that the main period of crisis in the third century, between the murder of Severus Alexander in 235 and Aurelian’s reunification of the empire with the defeat of Palmyra in 272, corresponds quite closely with the reigns of Ardashir I and Shapur I (Potter 1990a: 18).

The war did not end in a decisive victory for either side and the Roman army suffered many casualties, compounded with a loss of life due to the climate and general conditions in the field, Only a few troops returned to their bases unharmed when, upon the conclusion of a treaty with Persia, the Emperor declared a halt to the hostilities and ordered a return to Antioch in 233 (Amit 2003:695-696). Although the overall effectiveness of the invasion against the Sassanians is doubtful, it does appear to have restored Roman territory. The Romans constructed a road from Singara, located east of the Chabur River, northwest to Carrhae, located on the border of Osrhoene, in 232 and Roman forces were still stationed at Hatra in 235 and as late as the first two years of Gordian’s reign (238-240), (Millar 1996:149-150). The treaty with Persia appears to have been violated by Ardashir and Shapur I around 238, if reports by Zonaras concerning the fall of Nisibis and Carrhae during the reign of Maximinus (235-238) can be trusted (Zon.12.18; Potter 1990a: 20-22,191-193).

The primary arena of conflict between the Sassanians and Rome in the third century appears to have been Mesopotamia and the Euphrates valley (Fig.1.47). In the third century, northern Mesopotamia became the main route for Persian offensives against the Romans. The Sassanian attack on Roman Mesopotamia around 230 prompted the young Roman Emperor, Severus Alexander (222-235), to lead a counter attack after mustering forces on his way through the Balkans. One late Armenian source (probably from the seventh –ninth century), Moses of Chorene, reports that forces involved in the campaign were raised from Egypt to the Black Sea and ‘from the desert’ (Ensslin 1965:128). The Roman forces were divided into three columns. The first column entered Armenia and Media, a second column set out through the desert to reach the area of the confluence of the Euphrates and the Tigris rivers, and the third, commanded by the Emperor himself, attacked in Mesopotamia. The Persian ruler, Ardashir, was 55

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. Hatra, the furthest southeast point in Mesopotamia occupied by the Romans, eventually fell to Ardashir in the last year of his reign around 240. Dura Europos, located on the Euphrates, was raided by the Sassanians in 239, but documents from the city’s archives show that Rome still controlled the town until the mid 250s (Millar 1996:150).

drive back the Persians. Valerian arrived in the East in 254 having promoted his son, Gallienus (253-268) to the rank of Augustus. It is believed that under Gallienus the legionary cavalry was increased to 726 men per legion, the number later recorded by Vegetius (Veg. 2.6, Dixon and Southern1992: 30). Valerian was subsequently forced to deal with incursions in the west. During this time Dura Europus fell (257 CE) and thereafter, Nisibis (259 CE).

In wake of these events, Gordian III (238-244) and his advisors began a campaign against Persia in 242. The offensive freed Carrhae and, in effect, all of Syria. Following a victory at Resaina, Mesopotamia, including Singara and Nisibis, was also freed. However, the campaign ended in disaster at Misikhe/Peroz-Sapor in the winter of 244. Gordian III was murdered by his dissatisfied troops, and his ambitious general, Philip, was evidently declared Emperor within by July, 244 (Eadie 1996:145). Philip’s first act was to come to terms with Shapur II, agreeing to pay 500,000 dinars and hand over Roman territory held by Persia between Singara and the Euphrates (Potter 1990a: 37). If the dinars Philip paid Shapur were in fact gold aurei, the amount would have been equivalent to the annual pay of 22,000 legionaries at 3,600 sesterces per annum (Eadie 1996:145; Speidel 1992:88).

There is some debate concerning the motives for Shapur I’s invasions into Roman territory. Isaac rejects the possibility that the Persians had adopted an outright expansionist policy after the death of Ardashir (Isaac 1990:32). However, Potter has pointed out that there is good evidence the Persians were actively trying to establish a presence in northern Mesopotamia, a major departure in policy from that of the Parthians (Potter 1990b:19). The Sasanians seemed to have been well aware of the extent of the former Achaemenid Empire, and they apparently grappled for Syria whenever the opportunity was available (A. Knauf, pers. comm.).

The new emperor, M. Julius Philippus (244 -249 CE), called Philip the Arab, was the son of an Arab sheikh from Trachonitis. Philip’s desperate attempt to appease the Persians with cash payments was ridiculed in Roman circles and it appears to have in turn created financial difficulties in paying off the Goths, who now invaded the western half of the Empire (Potter 1990a: 38). Philip and his brother and co-ruler, Priscus, granted numerous cities colonial status in Syria in Arabia in an attempt to gain support (possibly financial support as well) among notables in those regions (Eadie 1996:146; Millar 1990). The expenses incurred by Philip as Emperor, as well as the added expense in sponsoring Rome’s millennial celebrations, prompted him to raise taxes and to encourage his tax-collectors to work aggressively in collecting them (Pekary 1961:280). Unrest broke out in the provinces: riots took place several times in Alexandria, an open rebellion broke out in Syria as well as revolution along the Danube (Potter 1990a: 39). Philip, who appears to have lacked decisiveness in his leadership, was defeated by one of his own generals, Decius (249-251).

Valerian, torn between wrestling the Goths in Asia Minor and yet another Sassanian invasion of northern Mesopotamia, turned to meet Shapur I near Emesa. Valerian was captured together with 70,000 troops. This great victory over Rome was recorded at Naqsh-I-Rustam in grandiose style showing the capture of Valerian in relief. In the turbulent aftermath of this debacle rebellion and civil war broke out. One Roman officer, Callistus, rallied remnants of Roman armies and, together with Odaenathus II of Palmyra, managed to successfully attack Shapur’s forces, driving them out of Syria (Zon. 12.23). In 261 CE, Gallienus prompted Odenathus to destroy Syrian rebels and in the aftermath of his success he was proclaimed corrector totius orientis and placed in charge of the eastern part of the empire. In summary, the period between 235 and 272 CE was characterized by a decrease in imperial participation in the East, and the subsequent growth of the influence of local notables in administrating Syria and Mesopotamia (Eadie 1996:150). This situation culminated in the meteoric rise of the rulers of Palmyra and Zenobia’s bid for independence and control of the East. Apparently, by the second quarter of the third century, Roman domination in the East had weakened to the extent that it was no longer possible to keep the periphery of the Empire fragmented without serious consequences. It is of interest to note the increasing preference of Roman leaders to depend upon the loyalty and defense provided by local rulers in the East during a period of increased external aggression. This is a pattern that would occur again in the sixth century. In this period, the Byzantine Emperor Justinian created a new client system based on appointing the Ghassanid Saracens

In 251, Shapur I seized power in Armenia. In 252, before the new Roman emperor Gallus (251-253) could finish preparations for a counter attack, Shapur launched a massive attack on Syria in which he defeated the eastern army at Barbalissos and captured Antioch. Simultaneously, the Carpi attacked along the central Danubian frontier and other tribes began to ravage coastal cities in Asia Minor, from the Black Sea as far south as Lycia. In the aftermath of a series of conflicts, against the Carpi and between the Roman generals themselves, Valerian (253-269) emerged as the victor. While this civil conflict took place, Persia once again attacked Syria. As a kind of precursor of the independent actions taken by Palmyra a few years later, one of the local rulers at Emesa was able to rally forces and 56

The Regional Environment

Figure 1.48. The Palmyra–Dura Europos region, third c. CE (Dirven 1999: Fig.2) granted the status of colonia as early as the reign of Septimius Severus (Millar 1996:120,143-144). Under Elagabalus (218-222) the title of Roman senator was extended to men from prominent families in the East, including Odenathus I (the Elder). His son or brother, Odenathus II (the Younger), was probably promoted to senator by Philip the Arab and he received the title of consularis or governor of the province in 257 (Gawlikowski 1985:260; Graf 1989:144).

to provide defense and control of Roman Saracens along the eastern frontier (Parker 2000:382). The Rise of Palmyra Palmyra’s bid for power in the East appears natural in light of the commercial influence of the city and the fact that the Palmyrenes had adopted a defensive posture in order to protect its commercial interests in the regions of Syria and Mesopotamia well before the third century (Fig.1.48). This included the careful organization of caravans and of standing military units made up of cavalry troops as well as hired private escorts. Palmyra was unique in deploying these forces and maintaining posts along long desert roads, at great distances from the city (Millar 1996:333). From the second century Palmyrene troops were serving in the Roman army and Palmyrene units were known to have served in Egypt, Africa, Dacia as well as the Cohors XX Palmyrenorum at Dura Europos (Millar 1996:333, n.53).

Odenathus’ success in dealing with the Persians, combined with his Roman titles and his relationship with the Roman Emperor, clearly placed him as the primary leader and defender in the East. Whatever temptations may have existed, Odenathus did not claim the emperorship of Rome. Odenathus and his eldest son, Herodian, were assassinated in 267 following a successful campaign against the Sassanians. Mystery surrounds the murder plot but one possibility is that the Roman Emperor Gallienus may have felt threatened by Odenathus’ influence and decided to dispose of him, possibly in cooperation with Odenathus’ wife, Zenobia, who was interested in promoting her own son by Odenathus to rule Palmyra.

The Hellenisation of Palmyra began in the first century CE with its adoption of Greek institutions such as the assembly (demos) and council (boule), (Millar 1996:324). The evidence of inscriptions in which Greek and Latin nomenclature and loan words are found in local Palmyrene script in the second century are a further indication of Palmyra’s transformation into a Greek city in the first century and into a Roman colonia in the next century (Millar 1996:325-326).

The Tanukh confederation and their ‘king’ Jadhima were in direct opposition to Zenobia, who reportedly instigated his death (Bowersock 1983:133). The presence of Palmyrene trade diasporas in the East, and particularly in Egypt at Alexandria, provided an effective stage to transform commercial influence into direct power. If the list of captives in Aurelian’s triumph is any indication, it appears that Zenobia had supporters and allies among a wide array of barbarian peoples. These include

From 193 CE, members of Syrian families were allowed to enter equestrian service and it appears that Palmyra was 57

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. Blemmyes,1 Axumites, Southern Arabians (Arabia Felix)2, Saracens, Persians, Bactrians and Iberians (Graf 1989:145146).

Wheeler notes that whereas Palmyra had served as an effective buffer against the infilitration of Arab tribes, or Saracens, its destruction left a gapping hole in the defenses of the Empire (Wheeler 2007: 252). In wake of the Roman conquest of Palmyra, the Arab tribes led by Lakmid leader, ‘Amr ibn ‘Adi, the successor of the murdered leader of the Tanukh confederation, now filled the vacuum and increased in influence (Bowersock 1983:137).

Independent action on the part of Zenobia took place soon after the death of Claudius II (268-270) in 270 when she led a Palmyrene army through Arabia, possibly attacking the headquarters of the III Cyrenaica Legion and destroying the Temple of Jupiter Hammon at Bostra (Sartre 1982: no. 9107). It has been suggested that a temple at Petra, the Qasr al-Bint, was damaged during this period, possibly in relation to the Palmyrene advance on the Provincia Arabia (Zayadine 1986:244).

It has been suggested that the disruption of the eastern Euphrates trade with India, possibly caused by the conflict between Rome and the Sassanians, prompted Palmyra to take over Egypt in an attempt to revitalize and control the Red Sea trade (Rey-Coquais 1978:60; Matthews 1984:169). However, Graf has pointed out that there is sufficient evidence for Palmyrene commercial activity along the Euphrates route in the 250s and 260s to discount this possibility (Graf 1989:146). Bowersock has suggested that the power struggle between the newly relocated Arab tribes from al-Qatif, the Tanukh, and the rulers of Palmyra was an important cause for the explosive events of 270 CE (Bowersock 1983:134). The motivation behind Zenobia’s invasion of Egypt remains obscure.

The Palmyrene forces, led by Septimius Zabdas, initially failed to gain control of Alexandria and the Nile Valley. However, according to Zosimus (1.44.1-2) during a second attempt an Egyptian (possibly a Palmyrene) named Imagines managed to take control of Egypt in the name of Palmyra with a large force of Syrian and Palmyrene troops. There are indications that Zenobia engaged in the spread of pro-Palmyrene propaganda in the form of the preservation of local monuments and traditions during her brief rule of Egypt (Graf 1989:147).

The Third Century Crisis in the East

Zenobia was careful to maintain a subordinate posture under the new emperor Aurelian (270-275) and she tried to negotiate with him from the time of his accession (Potter 1990a:61). Initially, Aurelian was bogged down with war in Europe, but he could not ignore Palmyra’s bid for domination or its control of the grain supplies of Egypt. After the brief Palmyrene rule of only a year, Roman forces reoccupied Egypt in 272 and Aurelian defeated Zenobia in two battles near Antioch. Palmyra was taken by Roman forces, aided by ‘Amr ibn ‘Adi, the Lakhmid tribal leader, later in the year and Zenobia was sent to Rome to a comfortable retirement following Aurelian’s Triumph in 274. According to the Arab historian, Tabari, the Tanukh leader, Jadhima, was murdered by Zenobia and his death was avenged by his nephew, ‘Amr ibn ‘Adi, the first king in the line of Lakhmid rulers (Bowersock 1983:134).

The Eastern provinces were affected by the economic, military and political developments discussed above. Long distance trade through the Red Sea ports of Egypt declined dramatically in the third century (Sidebotham 1991:34). Excavations in the Red Sea port of Aila revealed evidence of a decline in this period (Retzleff 2003:62). Also during the 3rd century, Petra appears to have lost its status as a major emporium in international trade, never to recover (Fiema 2002b:225).3 The important trade station at Medain Salih (Hegra), located in the northern Hedjaz on the main road linking Petra with South Arabia, was abandoned in the early third century. Until this time, the station was guarded by a Roman garrison whose legionary base at Bostra was located 900 km away, indicating the importance that the Romans attached to protecting the incense caravans traveling up from Arabia Felix as well as the tax revenues they collected there (Young 2001:127). International trade through Syria appears to have slowed considerably between 211 and 247, possibly the result of insecure conditions in the region in wake of hostilities between Rome and the Sassanians. Sartre has pointed out that the level of commercial risk increased in this period, as indicated by the fact that although merchants continued to frequent Palmyra, they were paying higher rates of interests on loans, between 30 and 32 percent (Sartre 2001:845). Several major cities, including Dura Europos, Hatra and Spasinou Charax, declined or disappeared altogether due to disruptions in trade or the armed conflict

Initially, Aurelian chose not to destroy Palmyra until a second revolt took place in the city in 273. From this time Palmyra was reduced in size when a city wall was constructed around the city. Between 293 and 305 CE, Diocletian constructed a large Roman military complex over part of the city, incorporating the temple of Allat (Sartre 2001:984; Millar 1996:182).   Palmyrene merchants supported by a unit of archers were already in control of Coptos from the beginning of the third century (Speidel 1980). Palmyrene commercial interests in the Red Sea may have led to some amount of cooperation with the Blemmyes and the kingdom of Axum in Upper Egypt (Graf 1989:146). 2   Records found near Shabwa, the ancient capital of Hadramawt and now dated to the period between 210-220 CE, describe official Palmyrene representatives (Tadmarites) as well as representatives from Babylonia, India and Himyar in the court of the king of Hadramawt,‘Il’add Yalut (Jamme 1963:no.931; Graf 1989:147). 1

  Graf cites the appearance of Petraean bdellium in Diocletian's Edict of Prices as proof of an active incense trade in the fourth century (Graf 2007: 176). However, this substance was probably a local product collected around the Petra area. In this period, the large-scale, long-distance international trade of aromatics from the East had largely disappeared and a far more limited demand for aromatics in the Byzantine period was supplied through channels that by-passed Arabia.

3

58

The Regional Environment Palestine throughout the third century. However, in view of the chaotic events of the period, the paucity of historical accounts and the lack of definitive, sealed archaeological deposits from the third century, his interpretation of the existing archaeological evidence is questionable. Most of the excavations and surveys cited by Bar are dated generally to the period between the mid-second to early fourth century CE, a designation that carries with it several methodological complications, not the least of which is that the crisis lasted for a rather short period between the years 235 and 285. It is not the purpose of this paper to address this issue, although hopefully it will be dealt with by researchers in the future. It should be noted, however, that scientific studies conducted on levels in the Dead Sea suggest the occurance of drought and drier climatic conditions in the third and fourth centuries, supporting similar reports found in rabbinical sources from that period (Bruins 1994:307-308), (see Fig. 1.92). Needless to say, even under difficult economic conditions most of the communities in Palestine and other parts of the Empire did not collapse or disappear, and the inhabitants developed alternative ways of dealing with these conditions.

between Persia and Rome. Palmyra, the city that had dominated the commercial life of Syria in the second and third centuries was destroyed in 272 CE (Fiema 1991:107). Other centers, such as Antioch, proved to be resilient in the face of severe attack by the Sassanians (Cameron1993:9). The arena of conflict directly involved Syria, but Palestine and North Africa were not attacked. Little material evidence has been preserved marking Zenobia’s brief conquest of Palestine and Egypt. By the second half of the third century, the continuing economic distress brought on by inflation and high taxation reached crisis proportions. In Egypt, prices rose from fourteen to twenty times their original level after 280 CE (Oertel 1965:266). Contemporary accounts refer to famine and a severe pestilence in the Empire between 250-265 CE (Eus. H.E. 7.21.11, Chron. 110, Cyprian, De Mortalitate 14:16). The mid third century witnessed a drastic decline in the utilization of cultivated lands, with state owned land the first to be abandoned in parts of Roman Egypt (van Minnen1989: 200). A similar decline is apparent in settlement density in Transjordan as well as the amount and quality of civic building activity in that region in the third century (Fiema 1991:116; Freeman 2001:444).

One fact remains certain: before the third quarter of the third century, the international trade moving through Egypt, Syria and Arabia was completely disrupted and virtually ceased. The factors behind this development will be discussed more fully below; however, it is sufficient to say that these factors were external rather than internal in nature and most likely the result of political and military instability and a decline in the demand for luxury products (Fiema 1991:119).

In Palestine, Rabbinic literature dated to the third century CE provides a great deal of information about the region in this period. Jewish sources report a decline in security, a decline in agriculture, and abandonment of cultivated land in both Judaea and the Galilee throughout the third and early fourth centuries CE. The principle causes behind the decline in agriculture appear to have been severe drought, followed by famine and pestilence (Sperber 1978: 5, 7099).

The Central Negev in the Third Century

According to Avi-Yonah, the chaotic period of the third century in Palestine, as described by rabbinic sources, produced demographic changes among the Jewish population that changed the very character of Jewish life from that of agriculturists to that of urban dwellers. The first to suffer were inhabitants of the Jewish villages in the Golan and the Bashan in the period between 200 and 230 CE. In the next phase, between 230 and 260 CE, demographic changes occurred in the coastal plain, the Galilee and the Jezreel Valley. It appears that Jewish agriculture and ties to the land shrank, and Jews migrated to larger communities. References to Jewish settlements in Samaria disappear from the sources around this time. Initially, the Jewish population in Palestine may have actually increased in number, but by the end of the century the Jewish settlement in the Galilee declined by nearly half, and by nearly a quarter in other areas (Avi-Yonah 1970: 115).

Sources of information about the central Negev in this period are severely limited and are derived primarily from archaeological findings. These findings include a handful of evidence that may be fitted into the wider picture of events in the third century related above.

Recently, the veracity of Talmudic sources concerning economic hardship in the third century has been challenged (Bar 2001, 2003). Bar questions the reliability and interpretation of these sources, citing what he considers to be archaeological evidence of prosperity in

The latest coins in the hoard, those of Elagabalus, provide a terminus post quem for the deposit. The excavator posited that the hoard was the treasure of the householders, possibly money generated from the proceeds of raising and racing horses, and suggested that the house was abandoned

Coins. – An extraordinary find in Building XII at Mampsis was that of a large bronze jar containing 10,800 coins found in a well-concealed hiding place (Negev 1988a:130). The largest group of coins in the hoard, representing nearly 75% of the total, is made up of silver tetradrachms minted during the reigns of Septimius Severus (193-211), Geta (211-212), Caracalla (211-217) and Elagabalus (219-222). The second largest group of coins in the hoard, representing 25% of the total, was made up of denarii and tetradrachms of Trajan and Hadrian (98-137). Four silver coins of Rabel II (70-106) and a few worn silver coins from the Flavian period were also present (Negev 1988a: 145).

59

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. in the third decade of the third century as a result of an epidemic (Negev 1988a: 146). However, the nature of the hoard, which is made up entirely of silver coins and particularly silver tetradrachms, points to its function as a military treasury or donative. Frequent donatives were paid by emperors to troops in silver or gold until the practice declined during the later third century (Harl 1996: 222). As mentioned above, (p. 143), Severus Alexander granted a donativa to Roman forces both before and after his Persian campaign (Herodian VI.4.1; VI.6.4).

along the Petra – Gaza road between Moyat 'Awad and Oboda date to the late second and early third centuries CE, there are indications that the road continued to function to some extent and possibly at a lesser volume until the third quarter of the third century. At Oboda, the floors of the second – third century CE caravanserai excavated by Cohen and Negev on the eastern edge of the site yielded coins of Emperor Philip (244-249) and Claudius Gothicus (268-270 CE), (Cohen 1980a:46). Two coins found at Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal date from the later third century CE in the reign of Gallienus (253-268 CE), (Cohen 1983b: 65). The presence of coins from the later third century corresponds with evidence of occasional reuse of the route indicated by a fourth century pottery assemblage found at Sha’ar Ramon. Little is known about this period at other sites in the central Negev. At Nessana there appears to be significant decline in the early third century CE and a gap in the presence of coins between the reign of Septimius Severus (197/198) and the second half of the third century (Colt 1962:16; Bellinger 1962:70). Third century coins, other than those found in the hoard in Building XII, were rare at Mampsis. In recent excavations in 1993 and 1994, only one third century coin, that of Claudius Gothicus (268270 CE), was recovered and it was found in a disturbed context below the modern British Police building at the site (Kool 1999: Cat.No.10).

The coin hoard from Mampsis was deposited sometime after 222 CE, matching the date of the latest coins found at Moa and the latest coins from first half of the third century at the nearby Roman fort of ‘En Hazeva. The fort at ‘En Hazeva, constructed in the inhospitable climate of the central Arava valley, appears to have been abandoned for several decades between 222 CE and the late third century when a new fort was constructed at the site during the reign of Diocletian. At Oboda, a small hoard of city coins minted in Petra from the reign of Septimius Severus (193-211) was found in the foundations of a wall located in the northeast corner of the temenos enclosure. Part of this wall was covered by the northwest tower of the Byzantine citadel fortress, in which an inscription referring to the dedication of the marble facing of the house of Aphrodite was found. Negev suggests that the coin hoard may date the construction or reconstruction of temples in the temenos compound to the early third century CE (Negev 1997:58).

Notably, Petra and other cities in southern and central Transjordan stopped issuing city coins during or immediately after the reign of Elagabalus (Kindler 1983:78; Fiema 1991:114). This development remains unexplained and predates the cessation of mints in other Eastern cities by several decades. The lack of substantial coin finds in the Negev in the period immediately after Elagabalus probably reflects this fact as well as the decline in international trade through the area and changes in the deployment of military forces in the region.

The evidence provided by Nabataean and Roman coin finds at sites along the Petra – Gaza road indicate that this road continued to be active throughout the second and early third centuries CE under Roman rule. At Moyat 'Awad, coins minted at Petra made up more than forty-one percent of the numismatic assemblage. Coins minted in other cities included Gaza, Ashkelon and Alexandria (R. Cohen, pers. comm.).

Inscriptions. – Oboda has provided the greatest quantity of epigraphic material found in the central Negev. It should be noted that the translations of the much of this material by Negev, published in 1981, was improved upon in his subsequent report, and some have since been updated by Di Segni (Negev 1981a, 1997; Di Segni 1997:734-739). At least ten inscriptions in the Greek language found there are dated to the period between 242 and 296 CE by Negev (Negev 1963a:138). Two dated inscriptions from this period were found in the en-Nusra burial cave. The first is the epitaph of a woman, Aurelia Moulche, who died aged 81 in the year 136, i.e. 241 CE (Negev 1981a:2425), (Fig.1:49). A second inscription, also the epitaph of a woman, has been dated by Negev to 265 CE (Negev 1981a:26). Negev has put forward the interesting proposal (as yet unproven but suggested by the tombstones) that this burial cave was used exclusively by women who may have been connected with religious duties at the temple of Aphrodite known to have existed at Oboda in this period. In comparison to the frequent Semitic (Nabataean) names found in other inscriptions from the site in this

Preliminary excavation reports of sites located between Moyat 'Awad and Oboda, including Mezad Har Masa, Kh. Qasra, Mezad Neqarot, Sha’ar Ramon, Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal and Mezad Grafon, indicate that these sites were still quite active in the second century and first half of the third century CE, long past the Roman annexation. Coins from the reigns of Hadrian, Commodus and Julia Domna were found at Moyat 'Awad (Cohen 1981b:37). Coins from the reign of Caracalla (212-217 CE) were found at Kh.Qasra (Cohen 1982d:163-164). Coins from the reign of Elagabalus (218-222 CE) were found at Mezad Neqarot (Cohen 1982c:86-87). Coins from the reigns of Antoninus Pius, Commodus and Caracalla were found at Sha’ar Ramon (Cohen 1982b:87-88). At Oboda, a group of five graves (similar to the type found at Mampsis) were discovered north of the Late Roman caravanserai containing jewelry and coins dated to the early third century CE (Negev 1997:5). Although the majority of the later coins found 60

The Regional Environment

Figure 1.49a. Building stone with an inscription referring to the house of Aphrodite from the acropolis at Oboda (Negev 1981: Photo 9) a.

Figure 1.49b. Drawing of the lintel from the En-Nusra burial cave (Wooley and Lawrence 1914-15: Fig. 28) period, many of the names found at the en-Nusra burial cave appear to indicate their foreign origin: Ophrainia, Anastisa, Philatomen, Sophrone, Laodame and Penelope. These women may have been recruited for service in the temple from other regions (Negev 1997:6; 88). Possible confirmation for this theory may be found in the lintel stone discovered in the cave, which bears carvings of religious symbols, including an altar (Fig. 1:50). A dated inscription from the acropolis refers to the year 162, or 267/8 CE, assuming that the date belongs to the Arabian era (Negev 1981a:12, Phot. 3), (Fig. 1:51, middle). This belongs to a number of dedicatory inscriptions on a lintel bearing a tabula ansata over the gateway leading from the portico to the acropolis. These inscriptions are connected with the dedication of the Zeus Obodas temple (Negev 1981a:11-13; 1997:6). An overwhelming number of the names found in the dedicatory inscriptions on the acropolis are of Nabataean origin.

b.

The latest dated reference to the god Oboda was found engraved inside a tabula ansata on the lintel of a tower located at the edge of the Byzantine quarter. It was written in the year 188 (293/4) by the builder of the tower, one Eirenaios who was assisted by a builder from Petra (Negev 1981a:26-27, 2003:19*-20*), (Fig. 1:52). These inscriptions indicate that the settlement of Oboda was occupied and active in the second half of the third century.

c. Figure 1.50. Plan (a.) and section (b) of the En-Nusra burial cave and inscription (c.)

Another form of inscriptions from this period found throughout the region is that of graffiti scratched onto the 61

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal.

Figure 1.51. a. Section through the portico of the Nabatean Temple and the southwest tower (Negev 1997: Fig. 18); b. Dedicatory inscriptions from the acropolis in Oboda (Negev 1981: Photos 2 and 3)

Figure 1.52. Plan of the Late Roman tower and its inscription from Oboda

dark patina of bedrock outcroppings and boulders. These inscriptions are found in mainly Thamudic scripts as well as Safaitic, Nabataean and Greek. Nabataean inscriptions in Aramaic script persist in the Negev and Sinai until around 270 CE (Negev 1991:213). The Greek inscriptions in the central Negev include a high percentage of NabataeanAramaic, Safaitic and Thamudic personal names (Negev 1991:212). According to Negev, over a period of about 300 years the Nabataeans produced 1263 personal names

as compared to more than 5000 personal names found in Safaitic and Thamudic inscriptions (Negev 1991:216). Ceramic Vessels. – The general trend in the importation of fine ware vessels to the Negev matches that of other parts of the Eastern Mediterranean and reflects the economic recession that was evident in the third century CE. The disappearance of eastern sigillata wares in the Negev in the third century accords with its decline as reported at 62

The Regional Environment Severus Alexander’s massive invasion of Persia around 230 CE. Significantly, the important trade station at Medain Salih (Hegra), located in the northern Hedjaz on the main road linking Petra with South Arabia and guarded by Roman troops, was also abandoned in the early third century (Young 2001:127). As noted above, Moses of Chorene reported that forces involved in the campaign were raised from Egypt to the Black Sea and ‘from the desert’ (Ensslin 1965:128). The reference to troops brought ‘from the desert’ may indicate that detachments (vexillationes) of the legio III Cyrenaica deployed throughout the Provincia Arabia including the town of Mampsis, also took part in the invasion of Persia. Troops were raised in Italy and the provinces and detachments from legions on the Rhine and the Danube were all sent to the East to take part in the three- pronged invasion (Ensslin 1965: 69). It is reasonable to assume that forces closer to the front in the East would have also taken part. The invasion was not entirely successful and resulted in great losses to the Roman right column operating on the Euphrates where Ardashir concentrated his armies (Ensslin 1965:70, 129). This raises the possibility that Roman army forces effectively evacuated the region until after the conquest of Palmyra in 272 CE.

Hama, Anemurium, the Palaipaphos region, Apamea, Jerusalem and other sites (Lund 1995:146). Similarly, the importation and even the production of the wide repertoire of Nabataean finewares appear to have ceased sometime in this century. One of the latest dated contexts containing Nabataean painted ware vessels was that of the caravanserai at Oboda. Here, painted pottery vessels corresponding to Schmid’s Form 3c were found together with coins dated to the second and third quarters of the third century CE (Cohen 1980a: 45-46). These are the latest fine ware vessels of this type produced in Petra. An important indication of economic change and decline can be found in the cessation of the production of ceramic unguentaria in Petra, probably in wake of the dissolution of the production and export of perfumed oils from there (Johnson 1987:64-66). This type of vessel disappears entirely in pottery assemblages of the Negev and Arava from the mid-third century CE, if not earlier. Another important diagnostic indicator, the early form of the ‘Gaza’ wine jar (Majcherek’s Form 1) also disappears around this time. This type of jar, which was brought into the central Negev from the area of Gaza and Ashkelon more frequently from the second century CE, disappears before the fourth century.

2. Evidence provided by inscriptions from Oboda indicates that the local population maintained some degree of prosperity in the town until around 270 CE. Civic endowments in the form of embellishing and maintaining the local temples at Oboda in the mid-third century parallel similar trends in other parts of the Roman East. In the six decades between Septimius Severus (193211) and Gallienus (253-268) the recorded number of civic endowments in the form of festivals and games on local coins and inscriptions peaked in Eastern cities (Harl 1996:268). In comparison to public building, domestic construction appears to have ground to a halt throughout the third century until the last decade of that century during the reign of Diocletian. In sharp contrast to the preceding period, no domestic structures constructed in this period have yet been found at Oboda or Mampsis.

The unambiguous break in ceramic tradition, both in importation and production, indicates extraordinary economic changes. Few types of pottery appear to have bridged this gap as it occurs between the mid-third and the early fourth centuries CE. The types of ceramic vessels that do survive into the fourth century are generally plain utilitarian wares such as cooking pots, casseroles, bag -shaped juglets and plain ware bowls and basins, i.e. the type of wares that were probably produced locally and continued to be produced by the inhabitants of the central Negev. Evidence found in one structure at Oboda points to an abandonment of the house of at least one family in the period between 225 and 250 CE, possibly as a result of an epidemic. Epidemics spread through the Empire through trade routes, and Oboda and other towns along the Petra-Gaza road would have been rapidly affected. The inhabitants may have taken flight in order to escape the town if others had become infected. This appears to have been a common occurrence in the Delta region of Egypt in the late second century CE, and records refer to a decline in population due to flight (anachoresis), (Bagnall 2000:291-292).

3. The ceramic evidence points to a continuation of the Nabataean fine ware produced in Petra until the mid-third century and possibly as late as 270 CE. From that time, there is a significant break in this tradition including the disappearance of Nabataean ceramic unguentaria. Local pottery production of some plain ware types in the Negev appears to have carried on without interruption into the fourth century.

Summary and Interpretation. – The material finds from the third century found in the central Negev and described above indicate the following:

4. The decline in use of the Petra-Gaza road parallels a similar decline in international trade through Syria in the first half of the third century and the decline in long distance trade through the Red Sea ports of Egypt in the third century (Sartre 2001:845; Sidebotham 1991:34). Evidence from dated inscriptions along other routes in the Negev and Sinai indicate that many roads were active until around 270 CE.

1. A steep decline in activity along the Petra – Gaza route after 222 CE. This, combined with evidence of the abandonment of the Roman army post at ‘En Hazeva in the period following the reign of Elagabalus, may indicate that Roman forces in the region were redeployed during 63

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. The Decline of Long Distance Trade via the Negev

This action indicates that inflationary tendencies were at work at the beginning of the second century CE. The effect of the decline of the export of silver and gold coinage and bullion to India was staggered throughout most of the second century due to the fact that the Romans also traded manufactured goods. The payment of Indian imports with manufactured goods probably exceeded payment with precious metals. Roman exports to India included goods such as linen and glass as well as unguents, cosmetics and drugs, most of which were produced in the Roman East and particularly in Roman Egypt (Raschke 1979:72-73). The bulk of available evidence about the internal economy of this period is derived from documentary papyri from Roman Egypt. An examination of this evidence indicates a peak in population and agricultural yields in Egypt in the mid second century and a major decline from the late second and early third centuries (van Minnen 2000:212213).

Petra, the primary commercial hub of the economy in southern Transjordan and the central Negev, declined in economic importance in this period (Fiema 1991:115). Archaeological findings in both the central Negev and southern Transjordan reveal a near cessation of long distance trade of unguents and other luxury goods through the area, including the discontinuation of the unguent industry at Petra. These developments are paralleled with a decline in trade through Roman Egypt and the end of Sabaean rule in southwestern Arabia at the beginning of the third century CE.1 At the other end of the Mediterranean, in Spain, the production of perfumes and glass perfume bottles was also curtailed, probably due to the same economic factors that had caused a sharp decline in the markets of olive oil and wine affecting that region (Fleming 1999: 81-82). The reason for these significant changes is not recorded but it was probably a direct result of a widespread economic recession caused by a combination of factors. These factors include the scarcity of capital in the form of silver and gold for funding trade expeditions and marketing luxury items, inflationary trends, and higher risks on commercial investments due to a decline in security in the East from the time of the rise of the Sassanid Empire.

Roman trade with India stimulated the local economy, not only of Egypt, but that of other provinces in the Roman East. A recent parallel can be found in the influence of foreign trade on the local economy of late nineteenth century Palestine under Ottoman rule. The increase of trade in that period was accompanied with an increased need for credit and resulted in the growth of small private banks, moneylenders and moneychangers and an increase in cultivated land (Agmon 1986:123-124).

The Roman trade with India was for large-scale operators, ship-owners and traders, and it was open only to those with large amounts of money and goods needed to obtain expensive eastern imports (Casson 1984:192-193). Roman coin finds from the Indian sub-continent tend to parallel the decline in trade towards the end of the second century CE. The majority of coin hoards there date to the period of Augustus through Nero and there is a noticeable drop from the time of Nero’s monetary reforms in which a reduction was made in the silver content of silver denarii. From that time, it appears that payments with silver denarii gave way to gold aurei (Miller 1969:237-238). By the end of the Flavian period imports of gold aurei also declined significantly (Raschke 1979:72). A Palmyrene inscription dated c. 193 (IGR III.1050) actually refers to the necessity of ‘old denarii’ for commercial trips (Fiema 1991:121, n.7). The depreciation of currency appears to have prompted Trajan’s calling in of pre-Neronian gold and silver coinage, an obvious attempt to prevent the hoarding of these older, purer coins (Miller 1969:219).

This systemic economic breakdown, most notably in Roman Egypt, probably resulted in the collapse of long distance trade through the Provincia Arabia and the discontinuation of the production of unguents and unguentaria at Petra sometime during the first half of the third century. The international trade in aromatics persisted on a modified scale in the Byzantine period (Miller 1969: 220). Graf cites the appearance of Petraean bdellium in Diocletian's Edict of Prices as proof of an active incense trade in the fourth century (Graf 2007: 176). However, in this period, the large-scale, long-distance international trade of aromatics from the East had largely disappeared and a far more limited demand for aromatics in the Byzantine period was supplied through channels that by-passed Arabia. Egypt, particularly through the Red Sea port of Clysma, was apparently a primary conduit of trade in the period between fourth and seventh centuries (Sidebotham 1991: 34).

  The Sabaeans, ruling from their capital at Marib (Marsiaba), produced myrrh and frankincense and controlled the overland caravan trade passing through their territory. They also took part in some of the overland caravan traffic between Red Sea ports in Roman Egypt and the Nile (Sidebotham 1996:792).

1

64

Chapter 5 Recovery in the Tetrarchic Period

By the time of Aurelian’s death in 275 CE, the Empire was very different from that of the Severan period. The traditional Roman military practice of assembling ad hoc armies of troops drawn from frontier regions to fight in major campaigns had given way to the comitatus or mobile strike force. The grave monetary crisis had prompted Aurelian to experiment with new ways to increase imperial revenues and the process of dividing the large provinces into smaller, more compatible units appears to have already begun (Potter 1990a: 63, n.194). Aurliean may have also attempted to revive the international Oriental trade that had been so badly disrupted prior to his rule (Fiema 1991:119).

was to create the Tetrarchy. The Empire was now divided into two independent parts to be ruled by co-emperors (Augusti). In 286, Diocletian appointed Maximian the Augustus of the Western Empire and he retained the East, as far as the Danube, for himself. A further development of this system was the introduction of a junior emperor and successor (Caesar). This arrangement included the marriage of each Caesar to the daughter of his Emperor. In 293 CE, Diocletian elevated Galerius to this position and Constantius I Chlorus became Maximian’s junior partner. In this way, Diocletian intended to put an end to the instability and strife surrounding the succession of the emperorship. The military role of the Caesar was to defend the frontiers in his respective half of the Empire. The Tetrarchic system of rulership was doomed to failure but the process of succession proved to be less tumultuous in the fourth century than it had been in the previous one. Diocletian himself was the only Roman emperor to ever have voluntarily retired from his position and among the few who died a natural death.

In addition to the changes forced upon the Empire, one of the greatest factors in the period of recovery from the time of Aurelian was the death of Shapur I and the subsequent power struggles that weakened the Sassanian Empire for the next 20 years. In 298 Caesar Galerius soundly defeated the Persians in Mesopotamia and the Empire regained the region west of the Khabur and areas east of the Tigris. This territorial extension marked the apogee of Roman power in the East (Parker 1986a:135). The Sassanians did not cross the Euphrates again until the sixth century.

Diocletian also made changes in provincial structure and administration. Provinces were reduced in size and nearly doubled in number (Fig.1.53). The provinces were divided between twelve administrative units (diocese) and governors were placed in charge of administering each province but were no longer responsible for their defense. This division of powers was designed to inhibit revolts led by army commanders, common in the third century, mainly by cutting them off from direct control of military supplies.

The Reforms of Diocletian The Emperor Diocletian, considered one of the ablest leaders to have risen through the ranks of the Roman army, took power in 284. Diocletian had taken part in the campaign of Emperor Carus and his son, Numerianus, against Persia in 283 in which both Ctesiphon and Seleucia on the Tigris were captured (Zon. XII.30). He had witnessed the difficulties facing the Empire throughout his entire career and upon taking power he implemented an array of reforms in several spheres. These included the political structure of the empire, reforms in military doctrine and structure, and the economy.

In this period, the term limes evolved into a formal administrative concept referring to a frontier district administered by a dux or military governor. Army generals (duces) were placed in charge of the defense of border regions (limes) over several provinces (Isaac 1998:359, 381-302).

Political Reforms

Military Reforms

In an attempt to solve the chronic problem of succession as well as the problem of administrating and defending the Empire over vast distances, Diocletian’s primary reform

In the last quarter of the third century attempts were made to avoid military confrontation with Persia, first by the Emperor Probus around 280 when a compromise 65

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal.

Figure 1.53. The Roman Empire under Diocletian (Williams 1979: 93) was reached regarding Armenia, and later by Diocletian who concluded a temporary peace in 287 (Zahariade 2003:21; Millar 1996:177). The East became the focus of a concentrated Roman military build-up when conflict erupted after 295. Military campaigns were waged against Persia until 298, resulting in a Roman victory according to terms dictated by Diocletian, ensuring peace for the next fifty years.

three legions. Notably, the term vexillationes rarely appears in its singular form, vexillatio, an indication that bodies of troops were commonly drawn from more than one unit (Southern and Dixon 1996:9). A large part of the remaining cavalry troops, the equites illyriciani, were distributed along the eastern borders (Macdowall and Hook 1995:4). Under Constantine, the comitatus was divided into several regional field armies or comitatenses.

The Roman victory over Persia reflected military reforms that were implemented out of necessity in the years leading up to the confrontation during Diocletian’s reign. By the second half of the third century, it became apparent that the traditional Roman concept of forward defense (legions spread out along borders) was no longer a practical option. During the reign of Aurelian, this concept gave way to a kind of elastic defense in which a large mobile strike force made up of cavalry troops dealt with any invasions or incursions over borders. The obvious weakness of this system was the amount of time that it took these reserve forces to arrive at any particular border area under attack. Diocletian, dissatisfied with the weakness of this type of defense, adopted an improved version of the concept of forward defense: a system of defense in depth (Luttwak 1979: 175).

Fortified positions were constructed in frontier districts (the limes) at intervals, in strategic spots close to the border and along main roads. The borders were drawn along practical lines in order to avoid unnecessary risks or invite sudden incursions. In case of an invasion the garrisons in any given region, manned by limitanei or border troops, were expected to hold off the initial attack until larger forces could be mobilized. This arrangement also provided Roman forces with the option of attacking an invading force from the rear. Garrisons positioned along main roads remedied the problem of invading forces using the Roman road network to its own advantage, as well as to slow down the advance of an enemy. By some estimates, the size of the Roman army increased under Diocletian following the creation of the comitatus. When he took power, the number of legions had grown to nearly seventy, possibly numbering as many as 300,000 men if one accepts the higher number for Tetrarchic legions of around 5,000 men. At the time of Diocletian’s abdication the troop strength of the Roman army is estimated to have

He maintained a small central field army, whose units were reduced in size and were made up of highly trained troops positioned at strategic points. The comitatus of Diocletian included two cavalry detachments or vexillationes and 66

Recovery in the Tetrarchic Period been between 400,000 and 500,000 men (Jones 1966:213; Amit 2003:803, 805). However, Parker maintains that these figures are too high and that Diocletianic legionary fortresses such as Lejjun appear to be suited for only 1,000 to 1,500 men (Parker 1986a: 137). His proposal is paralleled with lower unit strengths recorded in Egyptian papyri that indicate alae of about 120 and cohorts of 160 men (Duncan-Jones 1974: 546-549, 552-556). In the East during the Tetrarchy, these innovations took the form of a massive and well-documented military buildup south of the Euphrates. The buffer zone between Persia and Syria, previously provided by Palmyra, was now guarded by a line of forts located between Sura, on the Euphrates, and Damascus, called the Strata Diocletiana (Millar 1996:183), (Fig.1.54). This road, located on the edge of the desert along the 100 mm rainfall line, extended southwards by way of Deir el-Kahf in northern Jordan to Azraq on the northern Arabian frontier (Parker 1986a: 135). Mobile units of equites were stationed in towns and other strategic points well behind the road, in effect creating a fortified zone up to seventy kilometers wide (Parker 1986a: 135). Economic Reforms Figure 1.54. The Strata Diocletiana (Kennedy and Riley 1990:40)

At the beginning of the fourth century the Empire entered a period of stability resulting from the cessation of the crisis in leadership and the continual invasions that had characterized the previous century. In spite of this newfound stability, inflation continued to spiral, probably due in part to the high costs of creating and maintaining the massive defense structure and administration changes instituted by Diocletian.

imperial government to mint billon coins. However, the public was reluctant to adopt use of the nummus. Nummi were issued in such vast numbers that prices soon rose, forcing the Tetrarchs to revalue the coin only six years later (Harl 1996:155-156). Inflationary trends doomed the silver argentei, which were quickly melted down and disappeared between 305 and 307 (Harl 1996:161).

In 293 CE, Diocletian took the drastic step of recalling and replacing currency in an attempt to stem the spiral of inflation. This replacement of currency is considered to have been one of the most successful replacements in monetary history.

Diocletian, frustrated by the government’s failure in controlling the economy, believed that inflation was due mainly to speculation and hoarding. On this basis, in 301 Diocletian issued the Edict of Maximum Prices in which the maximum price of a list of nearly 1000 goods and services was decreed. The new edict was a failure, in spite of the fact that it was enforced under threat of the death penalty. Under Constantine’s rule the rate of inflation appears to have continued to rise (Cameron 1994:6). The pattern of failure in controlling inflation was to be repeated several times for the next seventy-five years and finally Valentinian (364-375) and Valens (364-378) stopped the practice of minting billon currency altogether (Harl 1996:156). This phenomenon has been described by Harl as follows:

The restoration of gold and silver currency was problematic since stocks of precious metals had become very low due to hoarding in hyper-inflationary periods and because of the dissipation of silver into large quantities of debased denarii (Jones1974: 200). Both Diocletian and Constantine were forced to introduce taxes payable only in gold and silver in an effort to recover these metals for the treasury (Cameron 1993:6). Under Diocletian, Tetrarchic mints struck hundreds of millions of nummi, as well as silver argentei and copper fractions, in an operation that represents the greatest single coinage until modern times (Harl 1996:152). His plan was to replace all other currencies with the nummus, a silverwash billon coin, and the argenteus, a pure silver coin. Diocletian’s interest in issuing billon coinage was probably prompted by the success of the billon tetradrachma in Egypt, as well as the fact that it was profitable for the

It is a historical irony that rampant inflation in the third century brought forth silver-clad coins to the demise of the Augustan token bronze coins, but, in the fourth century, inflation ruined Tetrarchic silver-clad coins in favor of token bronze coins. War drove emperors to debase the silver-clad nummus; 67

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. that refer to local villages have been found in the eastern Galilee and the Golan (Millar 1996:54-542). Initially, the great landowners, descended from the senatorial class, were exempt from paying taxes. This situation became problematic since the weight of property taxes fell on the middle class. Farmers found the tax so burdensome that many turned over their lands to members of the senatorial class and became tenant farmers (coloni), and taxes were now collected by the municipal leaders, the curiales. The curiales were responsible for producing revenue at their own expense if they were unable to collect enough, and in order to prevent their desertion to the countryside they were forbidden to take refuge as coloni.

each rise in prices forced debasement, revaluation, and restoration of the nummus until another crisis set off the dreary cycle once more. The process relentlessly destroyed the Tetrarchic billon coinage and forced the emperors out of the ruinous business of billon coinage,” (Harl 1996:172). Diocletian was more successful in implementing reforms in the existing system of public requisitions and introducing uniformity in the collection of taxes (Amit 2003:807). Throughout the third century, the increase in the amount of currency in circulation (due to its debasement) caused a steady rise in prices. This trend directly affected the real wages and salaries of State employees. The salaries of higher civil servants and army officers were particularly eroded (Jones 1974:208-210). By the end of the third century, a partial return to a barter economy had taken place (Levy 1967:89). The direct exaction of resources from local populations had been a Roman practice for centuries. This included the provision of grain supplies for the army, the annona militaris, and military transport, the angareia. However, due to circumstances, the scale and irregularity of direct exactions had become an overwhelming burden on local populations. The tax reforms of Diocletian were intended to systemize these collections by regularizing them (Cameron 1993:6-7). It appears that originally local populations had paid for requisitioned supplies, a system that became difficult to maintain in the third century. Diocletian’s reforms in this matter resulted in the conversion of requisitions into an out and out tax with no pretense of payment (Isaac 1992:287).

These economic reforms influenced changes in the position and structure of Roman military units. By the fourth century, due to the cost of land-transport, troops were now stationed in smaller units as close as possible to areas that could provide supplies. The command structure was also affected by changes in the annona system, and praetorian prefects (who had risen from the class of equestrian commanders of the imperial guard) took on other command functions that placed them in charge of provincial administration (Cameron 1993:7). The economic reforms initiated by Diocletian were not carried out at the same pace throughout the Empire, causing some distress in a few areas, but they succeeded in creating a more equal distribution of the tax burden and allowed imperial authorities to adjust the rate of taxation according to whatever the conditions required (Amit 2003 807-888).

Diocletian put an end to the Roman system of tax farming and two types of taxes were now enforced: a property tax and a poll tax. These were defined as measurements: the iugum, a given unit of land and a caput, any given person, but usually males between ages 12 and 65, and livestock. In this period, the Romans appear to have assumed that agricultural property was the measure of real wealth and the erosion in the value of currency probably reinforced this assumption. Amit suggests that the imperial census launched under Diocletian may have been the first phase of a reevaluation of resources throughout the Empire. Eventually, in Constantine’s reign merchants and senators were also taxed every five years (collation lustralis), (Amit 2003:806, n.25, 866). A general census of persons and property, the capitation, was carried out every five years and eventually, every 15 years (the indictio). The reform in property taxes made a distinction in the value of different types of land. For example, vineyards were placed at a higher value than pasture land. In order to define the value of individual holdings, a widespread census was conducted in parts of the East around 296/297. Boundary inscriptions connected with the Tetrarchic tax reform have been found in the former provinces of Syria (Coele), Palaestina, Phoenice and Arabia (Millar 1996:195). To date, none have been found or identified in the Negev and they appear to have been very rare throughout Arabia (Graf 2001:227). An impressive group of boundry stones with inscriptions

The Military Buildup in Transjordan and the Negev under Diocletian As part of Diocletian’s administrative reforms, the territory of the Provincia Arabia was divided and the southern region, including the Negev, Transjordan and Sinai, became part of the province of Palestine. Simultaneously a major military buildup took place in the region, a development well documented by both historical and archaeological evidence. A Latin inscription found at Azraq in northern Transjordan reveals that four legions from Moesia on the Danube, or their detachments, were involved in the construction of the road system between Bostra and Dumatha sometime during the last decade of the third century (Millar 1996:185). Eusebius’ Onomasticon, written at the end of the third century, refers to garrisons “posted beside the desert”. This document provides an impressive list of the names of Roman garrisons (phrouria), the majority of which are in the Negev and Transjordan.. Locations of these garrisons include: Bersabee (Beersheva), Chermala, Thamara, on the road between Hebron and Aila, Zoara, south of the Dead Sea, Arielda, Gharandal in the eastern Arava, Arnonas (Wadi Mujib), and Mephaath (Kastron Mefaa at Umm-er Rasas (On. 11, 42, 50, 118, 129; Millar 1996:188). According to 68

Recovery in the Tetrarchic Period the disruption of long distance trade through the region, political instability, and major tribal migrations. Diocletian himself defeated the Saracens in a military operation against them in 290 (Latin Panegyrics 11.5.4; 7.1). According to John Malalas, Diocletian established an arms factory in Damascus in order to deal with Saracen incursions and from the Notitia it appears that this factory continued to produce arms in the fourth century (Jo. Mal. Chron. XII.307-8; Not. dign.11.20).

a later source, John Malalas, Diocletian established forts along the limites ‘from Egypt up to the Persian frontier’ and these forts were manned with limitanei or border troops (Jo. Mal. Chron. XII). Zosimus also refers to Diocletian’s construction of forts and fortresses in the frontiers, which, he says, ‘housed the whole army’ (Zos. II.34). Ammianus Marcellinus, who served in the Roman army on the eastern frontier in the mid fourth century, lends support to these statements, describing Arabia as filled with strong camps and forts (Amm. Marc.XIV.8.13).

This view was challenged by Graf (1989c) and Isaac (1990), who both proposed that the presence of the Roman military in southern Transjordan and the Negev in the Late Roman period was a response to internal resistance to Roman rule. According to Isaac, the situation was similar to the well-documented case of Judea in wake of the First and Second Jewish Revolts. Isaac's arguments, complied in his book, The Limits of Empire, (1990) are mainly directed against Edward N. Luttwak's The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire (1976). In response, Shatzman questioned the legitimacy of applying the lessons drawn from Judea to other regions. He suggests that in view of the potential threat to the Empire on the part of the Parthians and later the Persians, the Roman army in the rest of the East was primarily stationed there to deal with the enemy in a defensive or offensive manner, and only secondarily dealt with internal security (Shatzman 1991b: 133-134). Isaac's arguments have also been challenged by Wheeler (1993) who sees them as an attempt to generalize the internal security model of Judea into a complete denial of Roman strategy (ibid., 41). He provides a detailed critique of Isaac's methodology and his interpretations of the archaeological and historical evidence. Elsewhere, Wheeler posits that Rome was unable to replace the buffer that Palmyra had provided in the face of the growing power of Arab conferderations along its borders: "The key to the puzzle of Roman Arabia from the mid-third century on was not the lack of strategy, but the wrong strategy – the need for another Palmyra, which Roman experiments with various conferderations never successfully filled," (Wheeler 2007: 253).

Detailed literary evidence of military arrangements in the new provinces of Arabia and Palaestina Salutaris, later called Palaestina Tertia, is provided by the Notitia Dignitatum. This document contains the only complete list of Roman army units stationed in Arabia for any period (Seeck 1876, 1962; Parker 1987: 807). The Oriens portion of the document relating to the East is dated to 400, but it appears that the disposition of military units in the region remained essentially the same from the time of Diocletian (Parker 1986a:136). According to Parker, the Notitia shows that military arrangements in the eastern provinces, from Mesopotamia to Palestine, were strikingly similar: each dux commanded two legions, four units of elite cavalry, the equites Illyriciani made up of four elite vexillations (scutarii, promoti, Mauri, and Dalmatae), two units of equites promoti indigenae and two units of equites sagittarii indigenae (Parker 1987:807). A fifth cavalry unit, the equites Thamudeni Illyriciani, probably made up of members of Thamudic tribes, was stationed in Palestine (Not. dign. 34.22). The dux of Palestine was assigned only one legion, the×Fretensis, but at the time the Notitia was compiled this province had eleven cohorts, nearly twice the amount found in other provinces (Parker 1986a: 142). This discrepancy may be related to the fact that another legion, the VI Ferrata, known to be based in northern Palestine in the early third century, is missing in the Notitia. It has been suggested that this legion may have been transferred to Udruh in southern Jordan during the Tetrarchy and later disbanded or destroyed before the end of the fourth century at the time the Notitia was compiled (Speidel 1979:172). The recent discovery of an inscription referring to legio VI Ferrata confirms its presence in Udruh in the Late Roman period (Kennedy and Falahat 2008). Parker has suggested that the loss of this legion may have motivated the creation or transfer of several cohorts for Palestine in order to replace this legionary infantry (Parker 1986a: 142).

In my opinion, there is overwhelming archaeological evidence in both Transjordan and the Negev, as well as historical evidence, to support the view that the Tetrarchic military buildup in the region was initially a response to external threats of both high and low intensities. This fortified frontier region, with well-guarded roads, provided the basis for the largest growth of population and agricultural cultivation that has ever taken place in the peripheral desert region of southern Israel and Transjordan (in the Byzantine period).

The motivation for this buildup in the 290s appears to have been the perceived threat of a Persian invasion and an increase in incursions by nomadic Saracen elements. With regard to the former, Ammianus Marcellinus refers to similar defense arrangements in Syria as a response to the threat of a Persian invasion during the reign of Diocletian (Amm. Marc. XXIII.5.1-2). Saracen brigandage and incursions along the Eastern frontier had long been endemic to the region. They appear to have increased in the third century in response to several factors, including

Low intensity conflict and the absence of a fortified frontier in the region could be readily discerned as recently as the ninetheenth century. A number of western travelers described massive incursions of Beduin tribes such as the Beni Saher into the Jordan Valley and the Jezreel Valley in the 1860s and 1870s. According to C.R. Conder, the threat 69

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. Tabula Peutingeriana (Roll 1986, Avner 1995:120). The Tabula Peutingeriana itself is said to reflect the main lines of communication in the third or fourth century (Mayerson 1982:87).

of famine or war in Transjordan frequently motivated the Beduin tribes to seek refuge in the Jezreel Valley at the expense of the local fellahin. In order to deal with the problem, the Turkish authorities distributed Remington rifles to their soldiers (Conder 1878:112). H.B. Tristam (1876: 482) provides the following account of events:

In light of this discovery, it has been suggested that the milestones found in the Ramon Crater by Meshel and Tsafrir may in fact date to the Tetrarchic period (Meshel and Tsafrir 1974: 30-33; Ben-David 2004). A substantial assemblage of fourth to early fifth century pottery was discovered by Cohen in the caravanserai at Sha'ar Ramon that is currently being published by the writer. The assemblage includes African red-slipped fine ware bowls, oil lamps and amphorae from the Early Byzantine period. In view of this assemblage and Ben-David’s proposal, I propose that between the late third and fifth centuries CE the Roman army secured the spring next to Sha’ar Ramon, the site of which may have been considered a statio agraria, a place where troops secured a vulnerable location. This is a term mentioned frequently by the fourth century historian Ammianus Marcellinus (van Berchem 1952: 30; Kennedy 2000:67).

A few years ago the whole Ghor (Jordan Valley) was in the hands of the fellaheen, and much of it was cultivated for corn. Now the whole of it is in the hands of the Bedouin, who eschew all agriculture, excepting the few spots cultivated here and there by their slaves; and with the Bedouin come lawlessness and the uprooting of all Turkish authority. No government is now acknowledged on the east side; and unless the Porte acts with greater firmness and caution than is its wont, it will lose the last vestige of authority on the right bank also, and a wide strip of the most fertile land in all Palestine will be desolated and given up to the nomads. The same thing is now going on over the plain of Sharon, where, both in the north and south, land is going out of cultivation, and whole villages rapidly disappeared from the face of the earth. Since the year 1838, no less than twenty villages there have been thus erased from the map, and the stationary population extirpated.

Other epigraphic material includes inscriptions dating to the Diocletianic period found at military installations in southern Arava Valley at Yotvata (Meshel and Roll 1987:257-262), in central Jordan at Qasr Bshir (Clark 1987), at Azraq in eastern Transjordan (Kennedy 2000:5556), Deir el-Khaf in northern Transjordan (Parker 1986a: 21-24) and the inscription recently discovered in the Late Roman legionary fortress of Udruh near Petra described above (Kennedy and Falahat 2008).

The perceived threat of military invasions and nomadic incursions resulted in an unprecedented level of military construction in the region under Diocletian. Although Diocletian’s defense arrangements in the East succeeded in containing this type of low-intensity conflict to a great extent, Saracen incursions continued to take place throughout the fourth century. For example, a Latin inscription dating to 334 CE from the site of Umm elMenara in northern Transjordan refers to the necessity of constructing a water reservoir due to attacks carried out by Saracens during the procurement of water (Iliffe 1942: 6264; Millar 1996:185). The Diocletianic defense network constructed in Transjordan and the Negev continued to be manned throughout the fourth century with minor changes.

Clear archeological evidence for this buildup is provided by the numerous military installations, ranging from towers to legionary fortresses, constructed in Transjordan and the Negev. These include a system of legionary fortresses, forts, fortified towns and roads that were constructed or renovated in wake of the transfer of the legio×Fretensis from Jerusalem to Aila and the south, at the southern end of the of the via nova Traiana, in the late third century. The primary axis of defense and communications centered along the via nova Traiana from Aila to Bostra and as far as the Damascus region in the north. In the Negev, a secondary line of fortifications and settlements ran between Raphia, located on the Mediterranean coast south of Gaza, through Menois, Birsama (Be’er Shema), Be’er Sheva, and Moleatha (Malhata?) to Chermoula (Carmel?) in the south-east sector of the Judaean hills (Tsafrir 1986:83-84). At Aila, fragments of an official Latin inscription dating to the first half of the fourth century were uncovered (MacAdam 1989). In the central Arava large scale mining activities were carried out at the site of Phaeno (Faynan). Eusebius makes several references to the fact that Christians were enslaved in these mines in the late third century, an indication of Roman military presence at this site (Eus. HE 8.13.5; Mart. Pal. 7.4; 13.1-3; On.115; Kennedy 2000:201).

The evidence of numerous milestone inscriptions found in Arabia and Palestine indicates that during the Tetrarchy the regional road system was systematically repaired (Parker 2000:373). Three groups of Tetrarchic milestones, dated to 284-324 CE, were discovered by Avner close to three roads running lengthwise down the western side of the southern Arava between Kibbutz Yahel and Yotvata (Map Ref. 16056/93645, 16230/93868 and 16145/93765). Each group consists of 8-10 milestones with painted texts. Each milestone refers to its distance from “Osia” and the one surviving recorded distance is 12 miles, the exact distance from the fort of Yotvata (Avner 1995:120-121). Avner has proposed that the name “Costia” found on the Tetrarchic inscription of the fort at Yotvata may be the true identification of the site, rather than Ad Dianam of the 70

Recovery in the Tetrarchic Period

Figure 1.55. Legionary camps at Lejjun and Udruh Elsewhere in southern Jordan, Lejjun, a large rectangular camp measuring 190×242 meters, was constructed on a virgin site near the head of the Wadi Mujib (Parker 1987:813), This site has been identified as that of the base of the legio IV Martia at Bethoro listed in the Notitia Dignitatum (Not. dign. 37, 22; Brunnow and von Domaszewski 1905: 25-38, Tafel XLII). Two other forts, Khirbet el-Fityan and Rujm Beni Yasser, are located a short distance from Lejjun. The

former was constructed on an earlier Iron Age fort around 300 (Parker and Richard 1987), (Fig.1.55). The fort at Rujm Beni Yasser appears to have been established in the Nabataean period and reoccupied around the end of the third century (Parker 1986a: 79-80). Another legion was probably located at Adrou/Adroa (Udruh), which may be the site identified as ancient Augustopolis, fifteen km. east of Petra. This camp is nearly identical in plan to that at 71

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal.

Figure 1.56. Da’ajaniyeh fort (Kennedy 2000:162)

Figure 1.57. Yotvata fort and inscription, fourth c. CE (Kennedy 2000: 209; Meshel 1990: 27)

Lejjun. The final excavation report of this important site has yet to be published. Although the excavator originally suggested a Trajanic date for its establishment, many researchers believed that the fortress’ similarity to that of Lejjun, firmly dated to the Diocletianic period, was too great to be ignored (Killick 1983; Parker 1986a: 94-98, 1995: 258; Gregory 1996:383-389; Kennedy 2000:170). Parker suggested that the fortress was constructed to house Palestine’s second legion, VI Ferrata, and this has recently been confirmed with the discovery of an inscription there referring to that legion (Parker 1986a: 98, 2000:377; Kennedy and Falahat 2008).

inscription, and the discovery of milestones south of the site with references to A Bosia or Ab Osia (Avner 1995, Kennedy 2000:209). In the third and fourth centuries, the abandoned Petra – Gaza road between Moyat 'Awad and Oboda appears to have enjoyed a minor resurgence and some evidence of the reuse of earlier structures has been found at Sha’ar Ramon and Mezad Ma’ale Mahmal. However, it appears that this route was eclipsed by the importance of other roads leading to the Arava and Transjordan, particularly that of the Scorpions Ascent road. At ‘En Hazeva in the central Arava valley a fort measuring 46×42 m. with four projecting corner towers was constructed in the late third century (Cohen 1988-1989b: 52-53; Cohen and Israel 1996b: Pl.1), (Fig.1.33). In this period a complex was constructed next to the fort that appears to have been a cavalry camp, measuring 38×51 m., and an adjoining bathhouse (Cohen and Israel 1996b: 90), (Fig.1.58). The architecture of this structure, which is quite definitely not domestic, appears to contain forehalls used for exercising horses. Forehalls were long facades, often built in cavalry camps across the whole width of the street in front of the principia, even projecting beyond the central buildings (Dixon and Southern1997:220). Vegetius refers to the existence of covered porticoes or riding halls for exercising horses in winter months (Veg. 2.23). The climate in the central Arava made winter protection unnecessary but the intense heat of summer may have prompted the construction of covered porticoes as is indeed suggested by the architecture of the camp at ‘En Hazeva.

Another site dated to the Diocletianic period in southern Transjordan is that of Da’ajaniya located south of the Wadi el-Hasa. This Roman camp, which measures approximately 100×100 m., is strikingly similar in size and layout to the Roman army camp at Oboda/Avdat. Nearly a century ago Brunnow and von Domaszewski noted the existence of a walkway in the camp at a height of 4.7 m. (Brunnow and von Domaszewski 1905: 8-13, Tafel XLI). An army camp that has similar internal arrangements as those of Da’ajaniya has been discovered at Umm el-Jimal and dated to the Tetrarchic period (Parker 2000:373-374), (Fig.1.56). A similar fort with a gate dated by the excavators to 300 has been found at Khirbet es-Samra, located twenty-five km. southwest of Umm el-Jimal (Humbert and Desreumaux 1998). At Yotvata, a fort measuring 40×40 m. with projecting corner towers was constructed from mud brick on a stone foundation (Meshel 1989), (Fig.1.57). This site is dated by a Tetrarchic inscription, although identification of the site as that of ancient Ad Dianam of the Peutinger Table is now is doubt due to a reference to the name Costia in the

Recent investigations conducted in the camp by the writer in 2003 revealed the construction of an underground vault in the center of the camp, probably under the central shrine, 72

Recovery in the Tetrarchic Period

Figure 1.58. Late Roman cavalry camp, ‘En Hazeva the sacellum, that housed the aedes signorum (Fig.1.59). Rooms located around the standards were used as offices for regimental records and pay and underground vaults of this type served as strongrooms (Watson 1981:131). This is an important feature of military life since soldiers were paid only three or four times a year after deductions for food, fodder and equipment, and their earnings were often deposited in vaults of this type, recorded and guarded by the signiferi (Dixon and Southern 1997:88). Undergrounds vaults are structures that have generally been found in Late Roman forts (Ward 1911: Fig.17).

Figure 1.59. ‘En Hazeva cavalry camp treasury vault sections which also saw the construction of a large fort with square projecting towers at Mezad Tamar, located on the plateau close to the head of the Sodom Pass (Gichon 1976). A section of an ancient stepped road, probably quarried by the Romans, is still visible between Mezad Tamar and the Dead Sea west of the Small Crater turn-off on the ascent of the modern road. Northwest of Mezad Tamar a small Roman tower, Migdal Tsafit, was reoccupied in the late third century (Gichon 1971:28). This tower, which overlooks the Rotem Plain east of Mampsis, appears to have been one of a chain of small forts, the majority of which have not been excavated.

Deposits from the destruction of the fort in 363 yielded large numbers of jars and jar seals that appear to have been used as ration jars (Fig. 1.85; Fig. 4.39). One jar was found with the ceramic and plaster seal (Fig. 5.3). Parts of this type of jar were also found in the Late Roman Quarter at Oboda (Fig. 6.33-34). Little is known concerning the daily amounts of liquid rations passed out to soldiers. Egyptian papyri dated to the sixth century refer to an amount of 1 liter of wine (2 pints) and 0.07 liters of oil (1/8 pint), (POxyrh. 2046; 1920; Southern and Dixon 1996:80). The ration jars found at ‘En Hazeva appear in approximately two sizes, the larger of which would hold a liter of liquid.

The town of Mampsis enjoyed a resurgence of activity in this period, due to its location at the junction of two of the major roads leading up from the Arava Valley (described above), and particularly because of its proximity to the fort at ‘En Hazeva. In the Diocletianic period a town wall with interval towers was built around most of the buildings at the site (Negev 1988b: 4), (Fig. 1.30). Recent excavations have confirmed Negev’s date for the construction of the town wall in the Late Roman period, prior to major earthquake damage of the site in 363 (Erickson-Gini 1999: 99-100). Significantly, a piece of mail armor (Fig. 5.4) was found in the wreckage of a room in Building XXV destroyed in the 363 earthquake, a possible indication of the presence of military personnel (Erickson-Gini 1999: Fig.24.3.2). The town in this period is mentioned by Eusebius as located one day’s journey distant from the “soldier’s post” of Tamara, presumably the fort at ‘En Hazeva (Eus. On. 8).

This military post of ‘En Hazeva was located on a major junction in the central Arava along the north – south route to Aila and along the east – west road leading from Mampsis to ancient Phaeno and southern Transjordan. In the Tetrarchic period a series of small forts were constructed at close intervals along the Ma’ale Tsafir road by way of the Scorpions Pass leading to Mampsis (Cohen 1983c: 65-67). The steep ascent was facilitated with quarried steps similar to those found in other parts of Roman Palestine. This road is part of the Jerusalem – Hatzeva highway via the Dragot Pass in the southern Judaean hills (Harel 1959:175-179; Kloner 1998:123-127). Further north, the road leading from the southern Dead Sea area to Mampsis came back into use in this period,

Similarly, the road between Mampsis and Oboda by way of 73

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. Mezad Yeruham was fortified. The remains of what appears to be a small fort with corner towers has been excavated at the site of Horvat Ha’Bor (the Ruin of the Cistern) situated along the modern Dimona – Yeruham highway north of Mezad Yeruham (Israel and Erickson-Gini 2001-2002). This fort was constructed in the late third century on an earlier site dating to the Nabataean/Early Roman period. At Mezad Yeruham, finds dating to the third and fourth centuries indicate that the site began to flourish in this period and continued well into the succeeding Byzantine period (Cohen 1992b: 1054-1056).

continued logistical support. The construction of the camp in Oboda was probably intended to bridge the connection between the fortress at Be’er Sheba and the Tenth Legion headquarters at Aila. In this regard, it is significant that Eusebius reported the presence of a garrison of soldiers at Be’er Sheba, and the Notitia also lists it as a military post (Eus. On.50; Not.dign.73: 22). Remains of what may have been the Late Roman fortress have been noted the area of modern Be’er Sheba (Fabian 1995). With regard to the recent excavations at Oboda, it should be noted that Negev believed that the fort citadel located in the acropolis may date to the first half of the fourth century (Negev 1997:104). Negev’s dating for the fort citadel appears to have been influenced by his early dating for the military camp, which he believed to have been constructed by the Nabataeans in the first century CE (Negev 1988c:4142, 1997: 1, 5). I propose a fifth century date for the citadel fort as discussed below (see p. 219).

The major site at Oboda was the recipient of Roman military development in the Diocletianic period. Here two towers were constructed, one of which was excavated and contained an inscription dated to the year 293/4 (Negev 1997:5). It appears that the bathhouse located below the town was constructed in this period, probably in order to serve Roman troops stationed at the site. Coins and pottery dating to the fourth century have been found around the pools next to the deep well (seventy meters in depth according measurements carried out in 1993) that supplied the bathhouse with water (Erickson-Gini, forthcoming). The well was excavated through bedrock and it appears that water was drawn by means of a watering lifting system. Further evidence of the construction of the bathhouse in the Diocletianic period may be found in the similarity between the construction of the arches in this building and those found in the tower on the acropolis dated to 293/4. In this period, it appears that a large force of Roman troops, possibly an entire cohort, was stationed at the site. A large army camp, measuring 100×100 m. including barracks and principia, was constructed northeast of the acropolis (Fig. 1.19). Coins dating to the reign of Diocletian and to the early fourth century were found on floors of the barracks and in the streets of the camp, and pottery, including a Beit Natif lamp, cooking pots and a Gaza jar dating to the late third/early fourth centuries, was found in some rooms (Erickson-Gini 2002: 115). Contrary to the evidence presented here, the co-excavator of the site, Fabian, has proposed an early second century date for the camp (Fabian 2001:18). It should be noted that despite the extensive excavation of over fifty percent of the camp’s area, only one coin dating to the early second century was found, and that was in a mixed context of a fill containing Hellenistic and Early Roman material underlying the plaster floor of the principia. (Erickson-Gini 2002: 115-116, Fig.3.2). In my opinion, Fabian’s proposal of an earlier date for the camp is based on circumstantial arguments concerning the function of Roman army units in the region in wake of the annexation of the Nabataean kingdom in 106 and not on material evidence that was found in the excavations.

A domestic quarter of the town of Oboda dated to the fourth century was uncovered in recent excavations (Fig. 1.20). The dwellings in this area appear to have been built in wake of the construction of the tower next to the acropolis in the Diocletianic period and there are some indications, such as the presence of ration jars and ceramic plaques with military scenes (Figs. 5.1, 6.33-34, 7.1-2), that they may have housed military personnel earlier in that century. Isaac (1995:146) has pointed out that in the succeeding period military personnel were probably housed inside the towns at Oboda and Nessana, both of which do not appear to have any barrack arrangements during the later Byzantine period in the fifth through seventh century. The residential quarter was occupied throughout most of the fourth century and was destroyed in its entirety in the late fourth or early fifth century by earthquake. The town wall was constructed over the remains of this quarter after its destruction (Erickson-Gini 2001:374-375). The other major towns in the central Negev have not yet produced conclusive evidence of the kind of activity dated to the late third and early fourth centuries found in the sites described here. Unlike Mampsis and Oboda, Sobota does not appear to have been affected by the Diocletianic buildup in the late third and early fourth centuries, a possible indication of the small size of the town in that period as well as its location away from major roads and borders (Negev 1988c:86). At Nessana, a few coins dated to the second half of the third century through fourth century have been uncovered (Bellinger 1962:7). The excavator suggests a recovery at the site starting at the end of the fourth century (Colt 1962:16). At Rehovot, a large rectangular building called a khan (Area C) was excavated near the center of the town in what is considered to be the nucleus of the town in the Late Roman period (Tsafrir et al. 1988:4, 12).

The camp appears to have been abandoned after a short period of occupation, possibly due to the difficulty of maintaining such a large force in an area lacking means of

74

Chapter 6 Political and Economic Developments in the Fourth Century CE

far reaching effects in the fourth century. Palestine was now ruled by a military governor, the dux Palaestinae, and a civil governor or praeses. From the 370s until the early fifth century the civil governor, the consularis, was replaced by a proconsul (Di Segni 1995:318).

The Tetrarchic system of rule quickly broke down following Diocletian’s retirement from public life. After a period of civil war, Constantine I (306-337) emerged as the new leader of the Empire. Under his direction some of Diocletian’s reforms were completed and he also initiated new reforms of his own. With regard to Palestine, the implications of Constantine’s adoption of the Christian faith were enormous. The construction of important churches at traditional Christian sites in Palaestine soon transformed the region into a focus for Christian pilgrimage and interest from abroad. The succeeding emperors, with the short-lived exception of Julian (361363), were all Christians. In this century, Christianity made its first inroads among the pagan population of the Negev and the establishment of Christianity in the region would have profound impact on the development of society and urbanization of the Negev.

In the later fourth century the enlarged province of Palaestina, (part of which had originally belonged to the Provincia Arabia) was eventually divided into two provinces (Isaac 1986:24). By the beginning of the fifth century, the region was divided among three provinces: Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia. Palestina Tertia included the Negev, part of Sinai and southern Transjordan. This division is recorded in the Theodosian Code around 409 (Gutwein 1980:13). Provinces were largely subdivided on the local level into city territories (territoria), and the cities administered the surrounding rural districts, including villages, farms and pasturage. Areas that were not urbanized were administered by local villages or may have been under the jurisdiction of nomadic tribes. Other lands were administered by the military or were part of imperial estates (Parker 1999:137).

Restored political stability and security had a great effect throughout all the Eastern provinces. The fourth century witnessed the mobilization of members of Arab tribes as foederati, paid soldiers in the East who became an integral part of the Roman defense establishment in the region. The increase in local security permitted the development of increasingly sophisticated agricultural methods and the exploitation of land and scarce water sources (Parker 2000:379-380).

The autonomy enjoyed by cities in earlier centuries was now a thing of the past, and public expenditure was tightly controlled. Imperial permission had to be obtained for any public construction. From this time, the provincial governor was the key figure in each province and his intervention was necessary in order to carry out any public building. Provincial governors were eager to carry out such projects in order to demonstrate the success of their leadership and in the Byzantine period, it is the provincial governor who most frequently appears in dedicatory inscriptions (Di Segni 1995:317). Civic revenues were largely appropriated to imperial coffers, making the upkeep of public buildings difficult to carry out. This, combined with governors’ zeal to carry out expensive projects, resulted in new laws to ensure that funding was budgeted for the upkeep of existing municipal buildings. In 380 new laws were issued in order to force provincial governors to use two thirds of the municipal budget to restore run down public buildings while only one third of the budget was allowed for new

The conditions that prevailed in the Near East from the beginning of the fourth century provided the setting for an unprecedented increase in rural population and agricultural expansion into marginal regions (Ball 2000:243). Between the fourth and sixth centuries Palestine enjoyed an unparalleled growth of population and agricultural expansion (Applebaum 1977:365). Archaeological surveys carried out in the Negev and southern Transjordan indicates a significant increase in the population in those regions in the fourth and fifth centuries (Parker 1999:142143). Syria also enjoyed a generalized prosperity in this period, following the disruptions of the third century (Decker 2001:71). Administration The administrative reforms instituted under Diocletian had 75

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. eastern halves, the import of eastern goods to the West steadily increased, and trade throughout the Empire appears to have been increasingly consumer-oriented (Kingsley and Decker 2001:12-13). The Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium, recorded around 370, describes numerous Eastern cities as production and exporting centers. According to the Expositio, Scythopolis (Beit Shean), Berythus and Tyre manufactured linen and also exported wine, oil and wheat, while Caesarea, Lydda, Neapolis and Sarepta exported similar goods and also manufactured expensive purple cloth. In southern Palestine, Gaza and Ascalon are referred to as important trading centers and are prominent in the export of wine (Exp. XXIX-XXXI, Rouge 1966:162-164; Fiema 1991:144-145). Interestingly, no mention is made of Petra, a further indication that the city had lost its role as an emporium with the collapse of international trade in the third century (Fiema 2002b:225).

construction (ibid). Likewise, governors were now forced to complete unfinished building projects initiated by their predecessors. Military Developments The adoption of Christianity by the foederati revolutionized their relationship with Byzantium, adding a powerful dimension to their loyalty (Shahid 1988:21). One of the important inscriptions regarding the role of the foederati is that of Imru’ al-Qays, the Arab leader, styled “king of the Arabs,” buried at Namara, a station of a legionary detachment of legio III Cyrenaica in the Roman province of Arabia in 328 CE (Dussaud 1902:409-412, 1903:314322). According to Arab sources, al-Qays was the Lakhmid king of Hira who adopted Christianity. The fact that this former Persian ally was buried in a Roman province hints that his defection may be related to Shapur II’s campaign against the Arabs in 326 (Shahid 1988:32-34). According to a contemporary Roman source, Ammianus Marcellinus, Saracen foederati took part in the defense of Constantinople during the Visigothic invasion in 378 (Amm.Marc. XXXI.16.5-6).

The large quantities of coins found in the excavation of villages dating to the fourth through seventh century indicate that the rural sector in the Near East was at least partly monetarised and played an important role in the wider market economy (Kingsley 2001:59). The export of wine, particularly from southern Palestine, became increasingly important. Gaza wine jars, produced along the southern coastal region of Palestine, have been found throughout the Mediterranean basin, and Gaza wine jars dated to the sixth and seventh centuries (corresponding to Majcherek’s Form 4) have been found as far away as Britain, Switzerland, Germany and in South Arabia (Kingsley 2001:53), (Fig. 1.60). A huge volume of Gaza wine was apparently traded through the port of Alexandria (Majcherek 1992).

The influential role of the Tanukhids was broken by Theodosius after their revolt in 382 and they were replaced by the Salihids in the next century. This revolt may have been motivated by dissatisfaction with Theodosius’ treaty with the Goths, following the debacle at Adrianople and his policy of appointing them to high positions in order to induce their loyalty to the state (Shahid 1988:207). The spread of Christianity and the theological controversies of the fourth century were reportedly a factor in an armed revolt of Arab tribes, probably originating in the region of the Syrian Desert, led by the Saracen queen Mavia in the last years of the reign of Valens (between 375 and 378). This revolt, reported solely by ecclesiastical sources, was part of a religious controversy involving Mavia’s support for an orthodox bishop, Moses, and their rejection of Valens’ preference for Arian (Shahid 1988:144-146; 150151). Mayerson has questioned the historical value of these accounts, which appear to have been motivated by the interest of church historians in citing stories emphasizing the influence of Christians and particularly of monks in converting pagans, as well as highlighting the struggle against Arianism (Mayerson 1980: 130-131).

The consumption of wine in the Western Empire appears to have increased steadily from the third century (Parker 1990:329; Paterson 1998:153). Imported wine amphorae begin to appear more frequently in archaeological contexts in areas such as Gaul simultaneously with a decrease in luxury items associated with wine consumption, indicating the widespread availability of this commodity (Morel 1990). Undoubtedly, the growth of Christianity in the Empire promoted the interest of Christian subjects in Palestine and products from Palestine, particularly wine. More specifically, Mayerson has tied the increased production of wine in the Gaza region and the central Negev to the rise of monasticism and religious pilgrimage through region that began in the fourth century (Mayerson 1985:78-79).

The Economy Archaeological research has brought to light the existence of large-scale commerce in late antiquity that included a wide range of commodities developed to meet the demand for non-local semi-luxuries. This contradicts the former view that commercial exchange in the Byzantine period was dominated by the movement of government-controlled commodities from highly specific geographical regions.

With regard to trade with the East, the fourth century witnessed intense competition between Byzantium and Sassanid Persia. Under Shapur II, the Sassanid regime continued an aggressive policy of securing as much of the Far East trade as possible. Shapur’s campaign in 325 CE brought Bahrein and Yamama under Persian control, possibly as far as Yathrib, placing the Arabian Sea and the west coast of the Persian Gulf in their hands (Smith 1954:442). According to Ammianus Marcellinus, by the

Following the division of the Empire into western and 76

Political and Economic Developments in the Fourth Century CE

a.

b.

Figure 1.60. Mosaics with depictions of ‘Gaza’ wine jars: a. “Gaza” wine jar in secondary use as a dovecote in a mosaic from the church at Be’er Shema, Western Negev; b. Transporting “Gaza” wine jars by camel on a mosaic from the church at Kissufim, Western Negev viable administrative unit that enhanced the economic and military cohesion of the region. It is unclear as to whether Elusa or Petra was the actual administrative capital of the new province. Both sites were referred to in texts dating to the fourth century. The local administration at Elusa in the second half of the fourth century appears to have been structured and thriving. The position of ‘chief of police’ there was a coveted post and a source of local disputes (Rubin 1990:28).

second half of the fourth century the Persians were the chief beneficiaries of the large volume of shipping through this area (Amm. Marc. XXIII.6.11). The fierce competition in trade led to increased Byzantine diplomatic and eventually military involvement in southern Arabia. Byzantine trade with the Far East was primarily in the hands of the Ethiopian Auxumites who invaded Himyar in southern Arabia in the mid fourth century. The Axumite takeover resulted in their control over southern Arabia for the next thirty years, ensuring Byzantine access to goods and harbors in southern Arabia and East Africa, including voyages to India by Byzantine merchants (Tibbetts 1956:203; Fiema 1992:165).

According to Jerome’s Vita sancti Hilarionis eremitae, the “proto-monk” Hilarion (300-371) visited Elusa in the mid fourth century during a pagan festival celebrated at the temple of Venus Lucifer, the goddess associated with the Morning Star worshipped by the Saracens. Accordingly, the town in this period, located at the edge of the desert on the road to Cades (probably in northern Sinai), was described as being semi-barbarian (Hier. Vita Hil. 25, col. 2457; Mayerson 1983:247). In contrast to Jerome’s description, the art of rhetoric was known to have been taught at Elusa and the town produced one of the greatest rhetoricians of the fourth century, Zenobius, the sophist of Antioch and his successor, Libanius (314-393), (Lib. Ep. 101, 536, Mayerson 1983: 248).

Inflationary trends continued throughout most of the fourth century. Prices appear to have risen in the wake of periodic debasement of coinage during the first half of that century. Records from Egypt show that prices soared between 351 and 353 and continued to remain high in succeeding years (Bagnall 2002:116). Mining activities resumed in the fourth century after its disruption in the third century and silver poured into the Roman economy. However, until after the mid-fourth century imperial mints still turned out hundreds of millions of billon nummi that required silver coating in vast quantities (Harl 1996:162). The rampant inflation throughout this period prompted imperial mints to downsize the nummi and the public was forced to make transactions using large quantities of tiny coins.

Archaeological excavations at the site have uncovered the only theater found in the Negev at Elusa, as well as evidence of its continued use in the Byzantine period (Negev 1976:92-93). A Greek inscription found in the theater refers to repaving the floor of the structure by one Abramius son of Zenobius in 454/455 (Di Segni 1995: 323).

In 371 CE, the emperors Valentinian and Valens stopped the circulation of billon coins and replaced them with a modest bronze denomination. Downsizing of nummi continued to be practiced with bronze coinage for nearly another one hundred years (Harl 1996:166, 172).

In the Nilus Narrative dated to the beginning of the fifth century, Elusa is referred to as a polis (city) while Soubaita (Sobota) is referred to as a kome, indicating the administrative supremacy of Elusa over towns in the region (Nil. Narrat. VII, PG 79, col. 688, Mayerson 1963:167:n.43).

The Central Negev in the Fourth Century CE Administration The inclusion of the Negev and southern Transjordan in the new province of Palaestina Salutaris created a more 77

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal.

a.

b. Figure 1.61. The citadel forts at Nessana (a.) and Oboda (b.)

Defense

Significantly, no evidence of any revetment walls were found around the fort citadel, indicating that that structure was constructed after the earthquake event in the late fourth or early fifth century.

With regard to defense, there is little archaeological evidence of major developments in the central Negev and Arava in this period. At Oboda, the army camp appears to have been abandoned within a few years of its construction. While this may have been due to logistical problems in maintaining a large force in a town the size of Oboda (Erickson-Gini 2002: 119), it could also have been the result of the restoration of regional security in the wake of the Diocletianic reforms that rendered its existence unnecessary. Large rectangular forts were erected at Oboda and Nessana only after the period under discussion, in the fifth century (Colt 1962:16; Erickson-Gini 2002:119). Two possible dates for the construction of the Nessana citadel were suggested by the excavators (Auja el-Hafir). Naftali Lewis suggested that it was constructed during the reign of Theodosius I (378-395), while H.D. Colt determined that it took place in the first quarter of the fifth century and prior to the earliest inscription in the North Church in 464 (Colt 1962:16, 32). According to Urman, recent excavations in the citadel support Lewis' suggestion that it was built in the late fourth century during the reign of Theodosius I (Urman 2004: 26*). In spite of the obvious architectural similarity between the fort at Nessana and the fort citadel at Oboda, Negev believed that the fort citadel at Oboda may date to the first half of the fourth century (Negev 1997:104), a date that the writer finds unacceptable in view of new evidence obtained in recent excavations at the site (Fig.1.61). The city wall there and the revetment walls constructed around the temenos area at Oboda were built following the occurrence of devastating earthquake damage at the site in the late fourth or early fifth century (Fabian 1996; Erickson-Gini 2001:374-374, 2002).

The fort at Hazeva appears to have been manned throughout the fourth century, although due to its location in the Arava Valley it was badly damaged in the widespread earthquake of 363. It appears that both the fort and the camp had to be substantially rebuilt after this event. ‘En Hazeva was located near the Feinan region, in which intensive copper mining activities took place throughout the fourth century. Eusebius refers to Christians being condemned to work in the mines at Phaeno (Eus. On. 169, HE 8.13.5; Mart. Pal. 7.2). Surveys of the site indicate that it was a well-established town in the Byzantine period (Fiema 1991:149). Mampsis appears to have flourished in the fourth century as a major station on the heavily fortified road leading from Hazeva up Ma’ale Tsafir, the Scorpions Ascent, connecting the Arava with the Be’ersheva basin. The Introduction of Christianity Christianity appears to have penetrated the Roman army slowly until after the death of Julian the Apostate in 363 CE. Few traces of Christianity have been found in fourth century contexts at military sites in the Negev or southern Jordan, or in the western empire in Roman Britain. This may have been due to the recruitment of troops from rural areas in the Empire, areas that retained paganism until relatively late (Watson 1981:133). 78

Political and Economic Developments in the Fourth Century CE As related above, when Hilarion visited in Elusa in the mid fourth century, a pagan festival was in progress in the temple of a Nabataean goddess associated with the Morning Star (probably the goddess 'Uzza) worshipped by the local Arabs, who are called Saracens (Hier. Vita Hil. 25, col. 2457; Mayerson 1983:247). Another Christian source from the fourth century, Epiphanius of Salamis, refers to rites celebrated in both Petra and Elusa in which the people sang hymns in Arabic to the virgin, 'Chaabos' (virgin) and th on born from her 'Dushares', (the 'only begotten of the Lord'), (Panarion 51.22.11; Graf 2007: 184). According to Graf, the Greek name, Chaabos, probably reflects the Arabic word for a virgin or young girl, ka'b (ibid.). The recent discovery of a Nabataean inscription from early fifth century contexts at Oboda (Fig.7.5) confirms that Nabataean gods such as Dushara were worshipped there. New evidence found in excavations carried out by the writer indicates that the churches at Oboda were built following the devastation of the site by earthquake sometime in the early fifth century.

The introduction of Christianity into the central Negev appears to have been gradual throughout the fourth century until the fifth century, when the first Christian inscriptions begin to appear on tombstones and the construction of churches is first seen. The earliest Christian inscription found at Elusa was located on an epitaph dated 530/1. At Oboda, the earliest Christian inscription was found on a tomb located in the South Church and dates to 541 (Negev 1997: 7, 149). Small Christian communities appear to have taken root in the region at the beginning of the fourth century in ‘gateway” centers such as Aila, Petra, Rhinocorura and Maiumas and only later in the century at Elusa. In spite of the presence of bishops in Petra in the mid-fourth c. it appears that the conversion of the inhabitants to Christianity was a gradual process, and pagan temples and traditions co-existed with Christianity throughout that century and possibly longer. As late as 423 CE, the efforts of the monk, Bar Sauma, to destroy the pagen temples and Jewish synagogues of Petra were initially resisted by the inhabitants (Politis 2007: 194). By 446 CE, the Urn Tomb at Petra was converted into a church and in later centuries a number of churches were constructed (ibid). According to Fiema, the heritage of classical culture was still vivid in Petra as late as the fifth and sixth centuries (Fiema 2002b:219).

Natural Disasters The most discernable changes that took place in the archaeological record in the central Negev and Arava in the fourth century were natural disasters caused by earthquakes. The first event took place in 363 CE and resulted in profound and widespread damage throughout Palestine and Transjordan. Records of this disaster include Harvard Syriac Text, No.99, a copy of a letter attributed to Cyril, the Bishop of Jerusalem (350-388). According to this document, the earthquake took place on a “Monday at the third hour, and partly at the ninth hour of the night. There was great loss of life here. (It was) on the 19th of Iyyar of the 674 of the kingdom of Alexander the Greek,” (Ep. Syriaca, Brock 1977:276). According to the translator this was the 19th of May, 363. The destruction demolished part of Petra and reached as far north as Banias, Baishan (Beth Shean), Sepphoris, Tiberias, Samaria and Sebaste in northern Palestine. It also affected settlements in the center of the country such as Beit Govrin, Jerusalem and Samaria, and partially destroyed cities in the coastal plain including Ashkelon, Lydda, Jaffa, Antipatris, Azotus (Ashdod) and Caesarea (Russell 1980:51). Recent excavations in the Red Sea port of Aila (Aqaba) have also revealed evidence of earthquake destruction in the late fourth c. (Parker 2002: 426). In Jerusalem, the earthquake is said to have resulted in the cessation of attempts to reconstruct the Jewish temple during the reign of Julian II (Russell 1980:50-51).

The whole population of Maiumas, the port of Gaza, converted to Christianity during the reign of Constantine I. He rewarded their conversion by renaming the port Constantia and by granting their independence from the city of Gaza (Soz. 5.3). However, paganism in this region was still popular, and churches in the area of Ashkelon and Gaza were established only in the early fifth century (Soz. 5.9). It has been suggested that the initial success of Christianity in Petra may have brought about a pagan reaction later in that century (Fiema 2002b:193). Bishops from Petra attended the first ecumenical councils of the fourth century in Serdica (343), Selucia (359) and Alexandria (362), (Fiema2002b:193). Petrus, the Bishop of Aila participated in the important council held at Nicaea during the reign of Constantine I (324), (Millar 1996:214; Tsafrir 1989:186). The first bishop from Elusa is recorded attending a council only in 431 (Mayerson 1963:168). Missionary activities carried out by Christian monks were a decisive factor in the conversion of local inhabitants in the regions of Gaza and North Sinai and probably in the central Negev as well. The popular monk Hilarion was born in Thauatha, a village southwest of Gaza, and was a renowned figure throughout the region in the latter part of the fourth century as reported by his biographer, Jerome. The Narrationes, a document dated to the fifth century, provides some details about Christians and pagan Saracens in this period, including some intriguing details about Elusa and a reference to Sobota (Nil. Narrat. VII, PG 79, col. 688, Mayerson 1963:167:n.43; 1975:122, n. 50).The impact of Christianity on the towns in the central Negev, including Elusa, appears to have been minor until the early fifth century (Kraemer 1958:14-15; Rubin 1990:17).

Archaeological investigations of some of the sites mentioned in the Harvard Syriac text have yielded some evidence of the earthquake. These include deposits and structural changes detected by excavators and found primarily at Sepphoris, Beth Shean and Jerusalem, the evidence of which has been compiled by Baluka in her study of the event at Sepphoris (Baluka 1999:93-94). Her inclusion of Avdat (Oboda) in that study was based on unpublished preliminary probes carried out at the site by 79

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. and pottery found in recent excavations carried out by the writer in the Late Roman/Early Byzantine Quarter at Oboda have revealed that the damage from the 363 CE earthquake was probably minimal and that the site was struck by a catastrophic earthquake sometime in the early fifth century. In the wake of this earthquake, which may have been a local event similar to the one originating in the Nafha rift that destroyed the town in the early seventh century, massive revetment walls were constructed around the temenos platform on the acropolis, and the Byzantine fortress was constructed adjoining the temenos area. These revetment walls were probably necessary in order to prevent further collapse of walls that sustained heavy damage. In addition, a rather insubstantial town wall was constructed around the “new” town, enclosing the acropolis and the adjoining residential quarter and the man-made caves on the western side of the town. The Late Roman/Early Byzantine Quarter and many other structures, probably including the fourth to early fifth century farmhouse excavated by Negev east of the Late Byzantine town, were abandoned outside the city wall and these were partially stripped for building material used in rebuilding the Byzantine town inside the walls.

Figure 1.62. Fault lines in the Negev Highlands (Edelman 2000: 184) Fabian in 1994, the results of which will be discussed here below.

The two churches built on the temenos platform were constructed using the beautifully dressed stones and architectural elements that adorned the temple platform on the acropolis (Negev 1997:122). The reuse of architectural elements of Nabataean design that were originally used in the pagan temples (spolia) at the site can be seen in both churches. These include Nabataean capitals in the South Church and cornice sections carved from a hard, marblelike stone easily seen in the construction of the south wall of the North Church (Szidat 1997:181).

Archaeological excavations at Petra have borne out the testimony provided by the Syriac text in which that city is described as Rekem. The city was still identified by that Biblical name in ecclesiastical circles in the late third and fourth centuries (Eus.On. 144). Substantial destruction attributed to this earthquake has been discovered throughout Petra and includes the Temple of the Winged Lions, the Great Temple and the paradeisos complex, the Theater, the Colonnaded Street area and domestic structures in the Ez-Zantur area (Parr 1986; Hammond 1982:232; Stucky 1990; Fiema 2002b:196). The earthquake also damaged hydraulic installations and dams in the Siq, which served as the main access road into Petra. These installations were apparently insufficiently repaired in the wake of the destruction, resulting in flood damage in the valley bottom of the city in the area of the Colonnaded Street from the later fourth century (Fiema 2002b:220).

Recent excavations in the Byzantine town of Oboda have revealed that it was probably destroyed around 632/3 by a devastating earthquake (Fabian 1996). This earthquake had an estimated intensity of×(EMS – 98 scale) indicating a very destructive event in which 15% - 55% of ordinary well-built structures could collapse. The intensity of this particular earthquake was probably due to the proximity of the town to the epicenter, apparently located southeastwards in the nearby Nafha Fault, (Fig.1.62). It is estimated that the earthquake destroyed over 75% of the structures at Oboda and the town was abandoned from that period (Mazor and Korjenkov 2001: 130-132).

Archaeological evidence for this earthquake is seen in Mampis where Building XXV was destroyed, leaving evidence of in situ pottery and coins. Studies carried out at Mampsis suggest that the epicenter of the earthquake was located somewhere in the northern vicinity of the site, probably in the Dead Sea Transform with an estimated seismic intensity of about IX (EMS-98 scale), a destructive intensity that could produce very heavy damage in wellbuilt ordinary buildings with serious failure of walls and partial structural failure (Mazor and Korjenkov 2001: 130, 133).

Considering the extensive damage to the site in the early fifth century, and the fact that no prior structural damage was evident in the churches and the Byzantine fort before their destruction and the abandonment of the site in the seventh century, the earthquake in the early fifth century at Oboda serves as the terminus post quem for their construction. These findings refute Negev’s date for the construction of the North Church, which he proposed to have taken place in the second half of the fourth century, but are in agreement with his dating of the construction of the South Church, which he proposes to have taken place sometime after 450 CE (Negev 1997:122, 149).

Until recently, it was assumed that the 363 CE earthquake was responsible for a major destruction and subsequent changes in the urban plan of Oboda (Fabian 1996). Coins 80

Political and Economic Developments in the Fourth Century CE Agricultural and Settlement Expansion In the fourth century, it appears that wine production and inter-regional trade had replaced the long distance trade of the earlier period as the main source of income for inhabitants of the Negev. As a staple commodity in ancient times, wine had always been produced for local consumption and surpluses made their way into the Negev hinterland. However, it appears that in the fourth century the central Negev entered the market as a prime producer. Wine presses were functioning in the central Negev in the fourth c. and altogether five presses dated to the Byzantine period have been found in Oboda alone (Negev 1997:7). To date, three wine presses have also been found at Sobota, one near Elusa (in Nahal Atadim) and one near Horvat Rogem located near the Elusa – Rehovot road (Mayerson 1985:76-77; Rubin 1996:54). Wine presses were probably central installations at all the major towns in the central Negev in the Byzantine period. Large quantities of Gaza wine amphorae dated to the fourth and early fifth centuries were found at Oboda in the Late Roman Quarter. At Oboda and Mampsis these vessels were mainly found in secondary use as braziers, indicating that by the second half of this century Oboda was heavily involved in the production of wine that appears to have been shipped through the and southern coastal region. At Oboda, Negev discovered a farmhouse, dated to the fourth and fifth centuries, with a wellconstructed winepress and facilities indicating that wine may have been produced and sold in the building. Camel bone plaques bearing Greek inscriptions in ink found in the building refer to hiring camels and donkeys to transport grapes from nearby vineyards (Negev 1977a:28). This building did not survive into the Later Byzantine period at Oboda and it can be assumed that it was destroyed in the same earthquake that devastated the Late Roman/Early Byzantine Quarter nearby, which was also subsequently abandoned.

Figure 1.63. Agricultural expansion in the Negev Highlands, 4th-7th c. CE (shaded areas) (Bruins 1986: Fig. 2) Accelerated agricultural expansion into previously uncultivated areas of the central Negev took place in the fourth and fifth centuries as can be seen by the widespread construction of wady-terraces (Rubin 1996:53), (Fig.1.63). This type of agricultural installation, constructed in order to collect run-off water in hyper-arid regions, is a major feature found throughout the central Negev, particularly next to pre-existing settlements but also in areas far removed from towns and villages. Terraces, enclosure walls and water channels were constructed in the Byzantine period (Haiman 1995). Excavations in one room structures, “shomerah” or watchtowers located south of Sobota along Nahal Lavan and near Nessana, have produced evidence of occupation in the fifth and sixth centuries (D. Nahlieli, pers. comm.). Surveys and excavations in the Be’ersheva region, in the northern Negev and as far north as the region east of modern Tel Aviv have revealed the same type of terraced wadis, fences, farmhouses, watchtowers and tuleat al anab (small gravel piles made to facilitate runoff) that are so commonly found in the Negev highlands (M. Haiman, pers. comm..). The recent excavation of a ‘shomerah’ or watchtower near the town of Hura in late 2003 also produced pottery dated to the fifth and sixth centuries (M. Haiman, pers. comm.).

Fourth century historical sources provide a variety of references to the production of wine in Ashkelon, Gaza and the Negev interior, as well as its export. Mayerson has pointed out that of all the agricultural activities recorded in the Vita Hilarionis, it is vintage (vindemia) and vineyards (vineae) to which most references are made (Mayerson 1985: 76). The fourth century Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium refers to wine merchants in Gaza and the fact that both Ashkelon and Gaza exported wine of excellent quality (vinum optimum) to all of Syria and Egypt (Exp. XXIX, Rouge 1966: 162; Mayerson 1985:78, 1993:173). The Greek physician, Oribasius (320- 400), who served as the personal doctor of the Emperor Julian, used Ashkelon wine to prepare medicines (Oribasii VI.1.1, 433.7; Raeder 1928: 152; Mayerson 1993:368, n. 5).

The Late Roman and Byzantine periods appear to have been exceptionally dry (Bruins 1994:307-308). The need to develop catchments systems for run-off was accentuated in this period. Terraced wadis functioned as drainage catchments that could transform the effect of an annual rainfall of around 100 mm to over 400 mm (Evenri et al. 1982:95-119), (Fig.1.5). Papyri documents found at Nessana, dated to the sixth century, refer to the cultivation of grapes and wheat as well as barley, olives and legumes (Mayerson 1962:23). One document associates a plot of land with figs and vines with the presence of a cistern,

Further evidence that the Byzantine towns in the central Negev were involved in producing wine that eventually reached foreign ports may be found in graphic depictions of ships found at Nessana and Oboda. At Nessana, a cross section of a ship is depicted with rows of amphorae stacked in the hold (Avi-Yonah 1981:150, Figs. 16-17). 81

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal. indicating the possibility of hand irrigation at the site (Kraemer 1958: 102-103, no. 32; Oleson 2007: 245).

were probably used by herders (Rubin 1990:188). Larger pastoral encampments used by pastoral nomads have been found in the area south of the cultivated region. It has been pointed out that these nomads would have been heavily dependent on the settlements of the central Negev for their subsistence and material culture (Rosen 2000:51-52).

In addition to urbanization in the towns, small villages or lone farms located in previously unsettled areas began to appear on the landscape, along with camping grounds that

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Part Two Chapter 7 Material Evidence from Recent Excavations at Mampsis, Oboda and Mezad ‘En Hazeva

(Dodgeon and Lieu 1991:344). During the reign of Diocletian several small forts were constructed along the road between the large fort at ‘En Hazeva and Mampsis in proximity to Ma’ale Tsafir (the Scorpions Pass) at Mezad Sayif, Rogem Tsafir, Horvat Tsafir, Mezad Tsafir and Mezad ‘En Yorqeam (Cohen 1983c: 65-67; Cohen 2000:100-103).

Mampsis A Brief Description of the Site The site of Mampsis is situated on a low hill, 479 m. above sea level, overlooking the steep gorge of Nahal Mamshit, a few kilometers southeast of the modern town of Dimona. The location appears to have been a natural key point along ancient tracks leading up from the Dead Sea and the Arava Valley (by way of Ma’ale Tsafir), and it was well situated with defensive advantages provided by the steep gorge on its southern edge and its commanding view of the area north and east of the site.

The town appears to have experienced extensive damage in the earthquake of May 19, 363 CE. The damage predates structural changes in buildings at the site and the construction of two churches.1 During the Byzantine period, it does not appear to have enjoyed the same level of prosperity as that of the large towns in the west central Negev. The site covers an area of forty dunams and in spite of enjoying a higher average rainfall (135 mm as compared to 100 mm in the west central Negev), the surrounding region has the lowest total area of terraced farmlands in the Negev, consisting of only 6,200 hectares (Bruins 1986:15, 24). It has been suggested that in the fifth and sixth centuries the inhabitants of the town were dependent almost entirely on stipends provided by the Byzantine authorities and that site was largely abandoned when these payments ceased and the town was exposed to Saracen incursions (Negev 1990:356-357).

The site was first settled by the Nabataeans as a major caravan station along the route leading from the Dead Sea to the northern Negev in the mid-first century CE (EricksonGini 1999:95). This road connected Nabataean sites at the southern end of the Dead Sea in the region of ‘En Tamar with Mampsis by way of the Tamar station. Mampsis stood at the junction of this major road and the Ma’ale Tsafir (Scorpions Pass) Road leading from the central Arava at ‘En Hazeva. From Mampsis the road passed by other Nabataean stations at Aroer and Malhata, where material evidence of their presence has been found, leading from these points to Be’ersheva and the Hebron hills into Judaea (Hershkovitz 1992; Erickson-Gini 1999:95).

The 1993 and 1994 Excavation Areas Two seasons of excavations were carried out by the author on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority in 1993 and 1994 in order to facilitate the development of the site by the National Parks Authority. Two of the excavated areas revealed remains dating to the third and fourth centuries (Fig. 1.26). These include Building XXV, a previously unknown structure, situated between the south-east tower of the town wall and Building XIV, and Area Building XII South, an area of debris covering a late second century structure that was partially destroyed in order to make way for the construction of Building XII, the largest domestic structure found in Mampsis.2

The town was built up extensively in the later half of the second century CE, following its inclusion in the Roman Provincia Arabia. Evidence of the presence of Roman military officials in the second century associated with the III Cyrenaica legion and Cohors I Augusta Thracum have been found at the site (Negev 1969:9). The town underwent a revival in the late third century under Diocletian when a town wall with towers was constructed around most of the buildings at the site (Negev 1988b: 4). In this period the town was an active station connecting the fort at ‘En Hazeva with the Be’ersheba region and Judaea by way of the Scorpions Ascent road. It was mentioned by Eusebius as being located a days journey from the “soldier’s post” of Tamara (probably ‘En Hazeva), (Eus. On. 8). It may also have been the post of the Cohors Quarta Palaestinorum placed at Thamana and listed in the Notitia Dignitatum

  Unlike Oboda where extensive reconstruction of the site took place, together with the construction of churches, after a devastating earthquake in the early fifth century CE described here above. 2   The numismatic evidence found in the 1993-1994, as well as other 1

83

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal.

Figure 1.64. Mampsis, Building XXV, plan and photo to east

Figure 1.65. Mampsis, Building XXV section Building XXV contained three phases of occupation and construction dating to the late first or early second century CE, the late second through third century and the fourth century until 363 CE (Fig. 1.64-65). At that time, the building was destroyed by an earthquake and the area abandoned. In its earlier phases, the primary structure underwent innovations and additional construction in the late second century C.E. and remained in use throughout the subsequent period. A Nabataean piriform unguentaria dated to the second century CE and a glass vessel were placed below the flagstone floor in Phase 2, apparently as a foundation offering (Fig.1.66). Foundation offerings in

the form of ceramic unguentaria or bowls have been found elsewhere at Nabataean sites including the forts of ‘En Erga and ‘En Rahel in the Arava Valley, under the altar in the open shrine Qasra and more recently in the Great Temple in Petra (Joukowsky 2002:319). In the early fourth century CE a service wing consisting of two rooms and cobbled exterior area were constructed between the primary structure and the town wall. A wall extended between the service wing and the town wall, constructed in the late third century. One room of the service wing was a kitchen, the contents of which were found in situ from the moment of the destruction in 363 CE (Fig.1.66, lower). This building was partially stripped of building stones and abandoned, and the immediate area was cut off from the rest of the town by the construction of a wall extending from the East Church to Building XII.

metal finds, were cleaned by the laboratories of the Israel Antiquities Authority under the direction of E. Altmark. The numismatic finds were identified and a report has been prepared for their publication by R. Kool. The ceramic and small finds, as well as the plans and sections in the excavation were drawn by Y. Kasabi. The ceramic finds were photographed by Y. Lavi.

84

Mampsis

a.

b. Figure 1.66a. In situ unguentarium in Phase 2; b. in situ braziers made of inverted “Gaza” wine jars found in Phase 3, 363 CE from Building XXV, Mampsis

Figure 1.67. Finds from the kitchen in Phase 3 of Building XXV destroyed in the 363 CE earthquake at Mampsis In Area Building XII South, the remains of one of the earliest structures at the site, dated to the mid-first through late second century were uncovered (Figs. 1.68-69). This structure, and others due eastwards excavated by Negev, was destroyed sometime in the second half of the second century when the large villa, Building XII, was constructed. In order to carry out the construction of Building XII, covering an area of approximately 1000 m., the bedrock on the hillside was leveled in terraces. This type of manipulation of the bedrock appears to be a hallmark of Nabataean construction and it has been detected more recently in the excavation of the Great Temple at Petra (Joukowsky 2002: 326). The south wall and foundation trench of Building XII cut through the floor of the earlier structure found on the southern exterior of the building, only a few centimeters from the tabun of one of the rooms. The tabun had been stopped up with fieldstones, presumably in order to create an even surface close to the wall. Several layers of debris were found built up over the remains of the earlier structure between the late second century and the

Figure 1.68. Mampsis, Area Building XII South The sealed contexts of the latest occupation of Building XXV provide valuable material evidence dating to the time of the earthquake in 363 CE (Fig.1.67). 85

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal.

Figure 1.69. Section drawing and debris layers in Area Building XII South, Mampsis Late Byzantine period. Pottery dating to the third century was found in the layers deposited immediately above the abandoned structure.

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Chapter 8 Oboda

A Brief Description of the Site

important caravan station on the Petra – Gaza road until a decline in international trade occurred throughout this area in the early third century CE. The town appears to have been revitalized at the end of the third century CE during the Diocletianic military build-up in the region. In 293/4 CE, a watch tower was constructed at the south end of the town. Further north a second tower, located near the acropolis, (as yet unexcavated) was probably constructed in the same period. In this period a large army camp measuring 100 x 100 m. was constructed northeast of the acropolis on the plateau (Erickson-Gini 2002). The size and nature of this installation indicates that it may have been occupied by a Roman cavalry force the size of a cohort. The camp was abandoned in an orderly fashion after a short period of occupation, possibly as the result of military arrangements under Constantine I. The results of recent excavations indicate that the site sustained some damage in the 363 earthquake and more devastating damage in an earthquake sometime around the beginning of the early fifth century as discuss here above.

The site of Oboda is situated on a plateau overlooking Nahal Zin a few kilometers south of the springs of ‘En Avdat and ‘En Aqev. It is located several kilometers south of the communities of Kibbutz Sede Boqer and Midreshet Ben Gurion on the modern Mizpe Ramon highway leading to Eilat. It appears that Oboda was first occupied by the Nabataeans in the Hellenistic period until around 100 BCE. No structural remains have been found at the site dating to this period. However, pottery and coins dating to the late Hellenistic period have been found in most areas of the plateau. In this early period the site appears to have been primarily used for seasonal occupation as a camping ground in conjunction with the transport and trade of incense resins between Petra and Gaza. In the Hellenistic period the main road linking Oboda with the central Arava valley and Petra was the Darb es-Sultan, the “Way of the King” by way of Moa, Mezad ‘En Rahel, ‘En Orahot and Mezad ‘En Ziq. Along with other early Nabataean sites dating to this period, Oboda appears to have been abandoned for several decades in the first century BCE in wake of the Hasmonaean conquest of Gaza by Alexander Jannaeus at the beginning of that century. Oboda was reoccupied in the last decades of the first century BCE, possibly during the reign of Obodas III or Malichus I (Negev 1997:3). At that time a temple platform and temples were constructed at the site and the town was named after the deified Nabataean king Obodas II. In the late first century BCE a new road with caravansaries, forts and cisterns was constructed between Moyat 'Awad and Oboda by way of the Ramon Crater. The site was occupied continuously from that period until the early seventh century CE. Seismological studies carried out at the site indicate that the final destruction there was caused by a compressional seismic wave originating only 15 km. south, south-west of Oboda, probably in the area of the Nafha Fault zone (Korjenkov and Mazor 1999a: 2728).

Figure 1.70. The 1999 excavation of the army camp at Oboda

In the intermediate period, Oboda appears to have been an 87

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a.

Figure 1.71a. Cross section of the principia in the army camp at Oboda and b. graph of coins found in the 1999 excavation of the Roman army camp The 1999 and 2000 Excavation Areas The Roman Army Camp Between March and December 1999, the army camp situated north-east of the acropolis was excavated by P. Fabian and the writer on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority as part of a project initiated by the Ministry of Labor and Welfare and in order to facilitate further development of the site for tourism (Fig.1.70).1

b. The Byzantine town was constructed over the remains of the former settlement south of the acropolis and a town wall was constructed around the Byzantine period town, including the large complex of caves that were utilized as dwellings. Two churches were built inside the temenos area constructed from stones of the destroyed temples that formerly stood there. In the fifth century a citadel, quite similar to that constructed in the same period at Nessana, was constructed next to the temenos. From the fourth through the sixth century the primary occupation of the town’s inhabitants appears to have been agriculture and particularly the manufacture of wine. Five wine presses have been found in and around the site dating to this period (Negev 1997:7). It also appears that some of the caves and particularly one designated the “Saints Cave,” were used to store and ferment wine (Negev 1997:165-167).

The ceramic material and small finds found in the excavation of the camp was sorted and registered by the writer and a final report of the excavation will be produced by Fabian.2 A preliminary publication of the excavation of the camp, including the stratigraphy, was prepared by the author entitled: ‘Nabataean or Roman? Reconsidering the Date of the Camp at Avdat in Light of Recent Excavations’, (Erickson-Gini 2002). A few rooms in the camp had been previously excavated by Negev and Cohen between 1975 and 1977. Negev proposed that the camp was constructed by the Nabataeans in the mid-first century CE (Negev 1977:622-624). His co-excavator, Cohen deemed the scope of the excavation insufficient in determining whether the camp was occupied only in the first century or after the Roman annexation in 106 CE (Cohen 1980:44, 1982a:245). The new excavations uncovered over fifty percent of the total area of the camp,

Regarding the abandonment of the town, A. Negev points out that the churches were both destroyed by fire, sometime after 617 CE, the latest burial found in the South Church (Negev 1997: 9). More recent investigations have revealed that the town was destroyed by a severe local earthquake in the early seventh century, around 630 CE, and subsequently abandoned (Fabian 1996; Korjenkov and Mazor 1999a).

  The numismatic finds were examined by H. Sokolov of the IAA. These and other finds were cleaned by the laboratories of the IAA under the direction of E. Altmark. The ceramic and small finds were drawn by A. Dudin and plans and sections of the excavation were drawn by V. Essman and S. Persky. C. Amit and T. Segiv photographed the excavation and the finds. The ceramic finds were sorted by the writer. 2   An alternative interpretation of the excavation and the date of the construction and occupation of the camp may be found in Fabian's unpublished doctoral dissertation (2005). 1

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Oboda Rabbel II, the last Nabataean king (70-106 CE). The rest of the inscription awaits translation.

including the main gate located on the east side of the camp, four blocks of barrack rooms, two rows of casemate rooms along the interiors of the eastern and southern walls, and what appears to have been the principia, or camp headquarters, along the interior western wall of the camp.

The principia contained a long room (Room 80) facing the eastern gate, the main gate of the camp, this being the only room in the camp with a plaster floor. Pottery found over this floor included a Late Roman cooking pot, one of the few restorable vessels found in the camp, as well as fragments of Beit Natif lamps dated to the third and fourth century and rims of Gaza Wine jars dated to the fourth century Excavation in this room provided clear evidence that some of the walls were constructed over and offset to earlier walls of a Nabataean building dated by coins and pottery to the last quarter of the first century CE. Coins of the Jewish Revolt from 68 CE were found over the floor surface of this early structure in Room 74 by the author.

The camp measures approximately 100 x 100 meters with corner towers and interval towers as well as towers guarding the main access to the camp on the east and south sides. In the recent excavations the remains of stairs were found leading up to the southeast and southwest towers. It is assumed that the interval and guard towers were accessed by means of wooden stairs or ropes that are no longer extant. The casemate rooms along the southern and eastern walls of the camp do not appear to have been roofed over and these rooms may have been used as stables and storerooms. A single pilaster was found along the center of the back wall in each casemate room, presumably used as a base for a wooden pillar holding up a wooden rampart or parapet along the walls. Evidence for this type of construction was found in casemate rooms along the southeast part of camp. Walls that survived to their full height in this section were offset along the upper row of stones, providing support for a wooden construction such as a rampart. The upper half of a Gaza wine jar, dated to the fourth century CE, was found embedded in the floor of Room 66, a casemate room near the southwest corner of the camp.

The camp appears to have been used for a short amount of time and it was abandoned in an orderly fashion. During its occupation it was well maintained with a minimum amount of buildup of debris throughout the camp. The confusion concerning the date of its construction appears to be the result of copious amounts of Nabataean pottery sherds and coins, dating to both the Hellenistic and Early Roman periods, found throughout the camp. This material was discovered from the surface down to deposits of collapsed stones over the floors, as well as under the dirt floor surfaces. In some cases foundation trenches of the walls were cut directly into Hellenistic and Early Roman middens, particularly in the southeast side of the camp. At least one Hellenistic lamp was found in a layer of ash in one of the barrack rooms on the east side of the camp, only a few centimeters below the floor surface of the room. In the eastern side of the street, oriented east to west along the southern side of the camp, a heavy layer of crushed limestone was used to seal heavy deposits of ash from middens dating to the Hellenistic and Early Roman periods.

The rooms in the barracks measured approximately 20 square meters of floor space. It is estimated that the room could have accomadated between 4 and 8 men per room depending on the type of sleeping arrangements. The rooms do not appear to have been roofed with stone slabs as is commonly found in most buildings from this period in the region. No arch springers were found in any of the rooms and it is assumed that the roofing was made of wooden beams covered with organic material and mud plaster. The spaces between the stones on the exterior walls were covered with a hard hydraulic plaster to prevent seepage during rain. The same type of construction was found in the sixth century CE fort of Mezad Ma’ale Zin excavated by the writer in 1999 (Israel and Erickson-Gini 1999). No specific activities were found in the barrack rooms other than evidence in one room of lead fragments probably used to repair tools or weapons.

Two hundred and seventy coins were found in the camp, one hundred and forty-three of which were identified after cleaning. The overwhelming amount of coins and pottery found in the camp date to the Hellenistic and Early Roman periods. However, coins dated to the late third and early fourth century CE were found in key locations over floor surfaces and streets and also below the floor surface of one of the interval towers. The coins from this period made up the second largest group of coins found in the camp. Only a small amount of pottery from that period was found in the camp, as described here above.

A series of rooms along the western side of the camp appear to have served as the principia or headquarters (Fig.1.71). While some rooms, constructed out of regular large building stones, survived in the southern side of this section, the rooms further north appear to have been constructed from fine ashlar blocks, presumably stones in secondary use collected from earlier buildings at the site.

The co-excavator of the site, P. Fabian has proposed that the camp was constructed by the Roman army in wake of the Roman annexation of Nabataea in 106 CE. He proposes that the camp was occupied until the Bar Kochba Revolt (132-135 CE) and evacuated when Roman forces were deployed in Judaea (Fabian 2001; 2005). However, only one Roman coin from the early second century was found in the camp.

Many of these stones were stripped out to the foundation. One block, in secondary use, was found among the stones of a collapsed wall and it bears part of a Nabataean inscription with the name Rabbel, presumably that of 89

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.73. Oboda Late Roman / Early Byzantine Quarter, occupational phases and rooms

Figure 1.72. Oboda Late Roman / Early Byzantine Quarter, 1999-2000 excavations, plan and photo Figure 1.74. Oboda Late Roman / Early Byzantine Quarter, Phase 2 dwelling, second-early third c. CE

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Oboda

Figure 1.75. Section drawing of Room 13, Oboda, to East

Figure 1.76a. Oboda Late Roman / Early Byzantine Quarter, Phase 2 building facing West, early third c. CE

Figure 1.76b. Oboda Late Roman / Early Byzantine Quarter, Room 6, Pantry located under stairwell facing East, early third c. CE

Figure 1.76c. Oboda Late Roman / Early Byzantine Quarter, Room 6, Pantry with in situ pottery

Due to the fact that only one occupational phase was indicated by the architecture of the camp, I propose that the camp was constructed in the late third or early fourth century and abandoned sometime in the first half of the fourth century CE. In my opinion, the Hellenistic and Early Roman Nabataean pottery and coins found in the camp are derived, from soil used in the construction of the camp, the source of which may be found in the middens covering the area around and under the camp itself. In order to prove this hypothesis, micromorphological analysis of soil obtained in sections in the barrack rooms and inside of unexcavated walls, as well as in the middens outside the camp, were examined in the laboratories of Cambridge University, UK. These samples, which have not yet been officially published, have revealed traces of microscopic pieces of ceramics, ash, charcoal, bones and other organic matter found in middens (B. Pittman, pers. comm.).

as yet unpublished. My excavation joined up with one of these probes, located east of the town wall next to the north tower. My new excavation covered an area of approximately 4 dunams (one acre) revealing a series of dwellings with over thirty rooms (Fig. 1.72).1 Three major phases of construction were found in this area: the earliest phase dates to the first century CE, the second phase dates to the second century CE and the third phase dates to the late third or early fourth century CE. The earliest phase of construction includes three rooms of an early structure excavated on the eastern edge of the investigated area (Fig. 1.73). This building was constructed around a large central courtyard utilizing a few massive dressed stones similar to Nabataean buildings found in isolated areas west of Oboda (Haiman 1993:15). This structure appears to have been in use in the first and second century CE and in the fourth century. Debris was

The Late Roman / Early Byzantine Residential Quarter In addition to the army camp, an area near the north tower situated east of the acropolis and the town wall was excavated by the writer on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority as a continuation of the work project sponsored by the Ministry of Labor and Welfare. A few years earlier, in 1994, a series of probes were carried out along the town wall north of the tower by P. Fabian on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority, the results of which are

  The numismatic finds were examined by H. Sokolov of the IAA. The coins and other metal finds were cleaned by the laboratories of the IAA under the direction of E. Altmark. Plans of the site were drawn by V. Essman and S. Persky. The glass finds from the excavation were examined and are being published by Y. Gorin-Rosen. The ceramic and small finds were drawn by A. Dudin and pottery reconstruction was carried out by S. Lavi. The faunal material from Room 6 is being examined by R. Kahatti. Photographs of the excavation and the finds were produced by C. Amit and T. Segiv. N.S. Paran and L. Shilov assisted in directing the excavation and sorting the finds.

1

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Figure 1.77. Oboda Late Roman / Early Byzantine Quarter, 1999-2000 excavations

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Oboda

a.

b. Figure 1.78a. Fallen arch under the floor of Room 4, Phase 3, sublevel, 363 CE; and b. Vessels crushed under the collapse of Room 7, phase 3, early fifth c. CE

dumped in some of the rooms on its south end. The structure constructed in the second phase was found in the eastern part of the excavated area and coins found under the floor level of this dwelling indicate that it was constructed in the second century CE (Fig. 1.74). The latest coins from this structure date to the late second and early third century CE. The date of the pottery found in this building indicates that it was occupied through the second century and into the first half of the third century when it was abandoned.

a.

Four extant rooms and an adjoining courtyard were found in this building. The building was accessed through a doorway facing east. A second doorway along the western wall of the building was blocked, possibly when the room was filled after the building was abandoned. Two rooms, including the room on the east side of the building, Room 13, appear to have been purposely filled to nearly their full height. The walls in these rooms were the highest extant structures found in the excavation area. The fill was clean for the most part but a rather large amount of second and early third century pottery was found in the upper layers of the room (Fig. 1.75). The ‘entrance’ room leading into the structure from the east had a floor made of small sized field stones over which earth was placed. In the earthen floor of the next room, Room 12, a ceramic krater was found sunk into the soil partially below the surface.

b. Figure 1.79. Room 23 in situ plaster on wall 55, and b. section drawing of the room of the pantry with its contents intact may indicate a rapid desertion of the building, possibly as the result of an epidemic. The two main rooms of the structure were filled to nearly their full height sometime after the abandonment of the house. In the fourth century thin plaster floors were constructed above the fill (Fig.1.75). Only one room of the structure (Room 7) appears to have been utilized in the fourth century and it apparently collapsed in the 363 earthquake. Above the collapse layer, which filled the room to its full height, the surface was used in the late fourth century. Restorable pottery vessels of the type found in the pantry were found in the fill of the abandoned rooms of the house, Rooms 12 and 13. Among these vessels a small bronze statuette (Figs. 3.1-2) and part of a ceramic female figurine were found. The bronze statuette is similar to fragments of a bronze statuette found in the ruins of

The courtyard was situated on the northern side of the structure and enclosed along its eastern side with a wall containing an entrance. Remains of a stone water channel were found in the courtyard leading away from the structure to the west. On the western side of the building, a small chamber, measuring 1.5 x 2 m. under a stairwell of the structure, appears to have served as a pantry and nearly 80 whole and complete pottery and glass vessels were found stacked inside the room along with large animal bones that were apparently the remains of pieces of salted meat hanging under the stairs and above the shelves (Fig.1.76). The shelves, probably made of wood, had long since disintegrated. The findings suggest that the abandonment 93

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

a.

b. Figure 1.80a. Fallen lintel on the floor of Room 22; b. In situ brazier made from a “Gaza” wine jar on same floor

a.

b. Figure 1.81a. Room 16 section drawing and b. in situ braziers made of “Gaza” wine jars on the floor the complex and between Rooms 5 and 15. Traces of an earlier sublevel dating to the fourth century were found in Rooms 5 and 17.

the temple treasury on the acropolis at Oboda (RosenthalHeginbottom 1997: Pl.1:5-6). The ceramic figurine of a pregnant female appears to have been of Nabataen origin: an identical fragment was found by the writer at nearby H. Hazaza and complete examples have been found at Jerash (Iliffe 1945:Pl.IV: 55). In Phase 3, in the late third or early fourth century, the area between the structures described above and the tower was built up and occupied, probably in wake of the construction of the tower in the late third century (Fig. 1.77). Some evidence was found suggesting that the buildings in Phase 3 sustained structural damage, possibly as a result of the earthquake of 363. In Room 4 a row of fallen arch stones were found buried beneath the latest floor of the room (Fig. 1.78, upper). Doorways leading from this room into Rooms 3 and 7 were blocked and Room 7 was found filled with collapsed building stones, loose soil, rubble and air pockets. Two intact vessels were found in a protected corner of the floor of Room 7 (Figs. 4.7, 4.26) and coins and other items over the floor show that the room, built in Phase 2 of the building, was later floor surface, remains of reoccupied and utilized until around 363 CE.

The latest occupation of the Phase 3 complex displays a narrow walkway that ran from east to west towards the tower and at least five simple dwellings that were constructed on either side of the walkway. These dwellings had irregular plans with the main feature being a raised central courtyard surrounded by rooms constructed at a lower level. Rooms at lower levels were accessed by way of stairs. This feature was noted by the writer in fourth century CE structures in the Roman camp in Humayma in southern Jordan during a tour there with the excavator, J.P. Oleson, in 2001. Courtyards in the buildings and outside of the complex appear to have been used for cooking and industrial purposes. The stone foundation of a large oven was found in the corner of Room 38, which appears to have been a courtyard. A stone bench was found along the western wall of the courtyard opposite the oven. A courtyard area to the north of Room 11 contained two large clay tabuns. The central courtyards in each dwelling appear to have been used for cooking and the inverted upper halves of Gaza wine jars were found throughout the dwellings in use as braziers in courtyards and also in Room 16.

Above the collapse layer of Room 7, braziers and in situ pottery were found, approximately at the same level as the plaster floor surface found in the latest phase of occupation overlying Room 13 (Fig. 1.78). Blocked doorways were also found between Rooms 10 and 17 on the north side of 94

Oboda

Figure 1.82. In situ braziers in Room 14 and basalt grinding implements found in Phase 3 The dwellings in Phase 3 were quite simple and only a few rooms contained evidence of a higher quality of construction. Most of the rooms had dirt floors or traces of thin plastered floors. The exception was Room 11, which had a stone paved floor and a lintel stone containing a tabula ansata lacking any writing but with traces of what appears to be a man working an olive press. The lintel stone was found thrown onto the floor of the room. The only room with plastered walls was that of Room 23 in which a Nabataean inscription was found on pieces of the plaster written in ink by the plasterer himself (Fig.1.79). This room also contained arch springers along the walls. Arch springers were found along the walls of many but not all of the rooms in the complex and a few in situ stone

slabs and a lintel were found in the collapse of Room 22 (Fig.1.80). It is assumed that many building stones and particularly ceiling slabs were stripped from the structure after its destruction. Numismatic and ceramic evidence found in the fourth century dwellings indicate that they were destroyed in a violent earthquake sometime in the late fourth or early fifth century CE and not as previously assumed in the earthquake of 363. Intact pottery vessels, braziers and oil lamps, such as a collection of oil lamps found in Room 16, were found in situ throughout the structures (Figs.1.81-1.82). Similar to Building XXV at Mampsis, the dwellings in this area were robbed out for building stone and left abandoned. The town wall and stone fences for livestock were later constructed above the ruins of the buildings on the western edge of the excavated area.

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Chapter 9 Mezad Hazeva

a hiatus of several decades the site was reoccupied in the Diocletianic period and a fort (46 x 46 m) with four corner towers was constructed on the tell, and what appears to be a Roman cavalry camp and adjoining bathhouse were built below the fort (Figs.1.83; 1.58). In recent investigations of the site by the writer in 2003 it was observed that the camp was nearly demolished by the earthquake in 363 that caused the collapse of the underground treasury vault (Fig. 1.59). A smaller vault was constructed in one corner of the vault and was still standing when the site was evacuated by the Roman military sometime in the fifth or sixth century CE. Following the earthquake the entire plan of the camp was modified. Structural damage and repairs in the bathhouse were observed by the excavators (Y. Kalman, pers. comm.).

A Brief Description of the Site Mezad Hazeva is situated next to the spring of ‘En Hazeva and the modern settlement of Ir Ovot in the central Arava valley, approximately 20 km. south of the Dead Sea. In ancient times, the fort stood at the crossroads of the Ma’ale Tsafir (Scorpions Pass) road leading from the northern Negev and Mampsis to the Arava valley, the north-south road running between the Arava valley and the Dead Sea, and the road leading south-east to the copper mining district around ancient Phaeno (Feinan) in Transjordan. The site is most likely that of ancient Thamaro mentioned by Ptolemy (Geo.5: 15) that also appears on the Peutinger Table as a station on the Elusa – Aila road. On the Madaba Map the site appears as Thamara, generally located between Prasidin (Prasesidium) south of the Dead Sea and Moa. In Eusebius’ Onomasticon a reference is made to the village of Thamara, situated "one day from Mampsis on the road from Hebron to Aela, where there is now a garrison," (Eus. On.8). The Cohors Quarta Palaestinorum located at Thamana and listed in the Notitia Dignitatum may have been posted at ‘En Hazeva (Dodgeon and Lieu 1991:344). The identification of ‘Ain el Husb (‘En Hazeva) with that of ancient Tamar was preferred by Aharoni (Aharoni 1963). An examination of Ma’ale Tsafir (the Scorpions Ascent) shows that a great deal of engineering and quarrying was invested in order to make the pass fit for heavy use in the Late Roman period (Harel 1970:311).

There is some evidence to suggest that the second phase camp was destroyed by an earthquake after it was abandoned, possibly in the sixth century CE. In the Early Islamic period the bathhouse was reoccupied and used for domestic quarters, and water channels and aqueducts were constructed over the collapsed remains of the cavalry camp. The 1990 - 1994 Excavation Areas Remains of the Late Roman fort were found in Areas C and D where all the casemate rooms along the west and north sides of the fort were cleared (Fig. 1.84). Two occupational layers were found in the fort dating to the periods preceding and postdating the 363 earthquake (Strata 2 and 3). Whole and partially intact storage vessels dated to 363 were also found in rooms southwest of the fort in Area A (Fig.1.85). Analysis of the ceramic material found in the later occupation of the site confirms that a kiln operated at the site in the Late Roman period. Numerous examples of large, handmade storage basins with pronounced plastic decoration were found throughout phases dating to the fourth and fifth centuries CE. Nabataean remains were found in a room under the southern casemate rooms of the Late Roman fort (Stratum 3), under the northwest tower and over the Iron Age fortress next to the tower (Cohen and Israel 1996:81, Pl.1).A large building with an adjoining bathhouse was found in Area E a few meters east

The site was first excavated in 1972, and again between 1987-1990 by Cohen on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities (Cohen 1988a: 65-66). It was later excavated more extensively by Cohen and Israel of the Israel Antiquities Authority between 1990-1994 (Cohen and Israel 1996a: 110-116), (Fig. 1.83). The site of ‘En Hazeva was first occupied in the Iron Age period and the remains of three successive fortresses dating from the first half of the first millennium BCE were found at the site. The site was occupied by the Nabataeans in the Hellenistic period. From the beginning of the first century CE the site remained occupied through the Roman annexation in 106 and until the early third century. After 97

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.83. ‘En Hazeva, 1990-1994 excavations* * Note revised plan of the cavalry camp in Fig. 1.58

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Mezad Hazeva

Figure 1.84. ‘En Hazeva Late Roman fort of the fort (Cohen and Israel 1995:110-112), (Fig. 1.58). The excavators proposed that the structure was originally a cavalry camp based on the presence of architectural features such as long rooms and what appear to have been mangers. The structure has two principal phases from before and after the 363 earthquake. In my opinion the structure was originally a cavalry camp but the plan of the structure was heavily revised after 363 CE. The structure may have been used as a mansio until its abandonment and subsequent destruction in the sixth century. Currently, micromorphological samples from some of the rooms are being examined in order to determine whether these rooms were used for stabling horses in its second phase of occupation.

Figure 1.85. Restored finds from the 363 CE destruction layer in the casemate rooms in the Late Roman fort at ‘En Hazeva quantities throughout the camp.1 An examination of the drawn material from the excavation of the site reveals that the majority of loci contain finds from more than

The mound at ‘En Hazeva has the longest occupational history of any of the three sites discussed here. Multiple phases of construction and reconstruction took place on the mound and around the well during all those periods. In the early 20th century, the site came back into intensive use with the paving of the road by the British and the construction of structures on the mound and around the well. The modern construction damaged the upper level of the mound, destroying several standing walls of the Roman fort that Musil had noted in his survey decades earlier (Musil 1907:207-209, Figs.114-145). The intensive use of the site in several different periods was responsible for the mixture of pottery and other objects found during the excavation. The situation is complicated by the fact that earlier material found in the middens and soil around the mound made its way into the construction of later buildings. In the case of the cavalry camp, a large amount of soil containing earlier material was used in its reconstruction after the 363 earthquake. Thus, Iron Age and Nabataean sherds, coins and glass are found in large

one occupational period. Some of the only exceptions were finds of in situ pottery from the destruction layer of 363 CE in the fort. The destruction layer was sealed and covered by the next occupational phase, post- dating the earthquake.

  The problem of secondary deposition of material was discussed in length in a paper by the writer (Erickson-Gini 2002). It appears that Roman soldiers used soil directly from surrounding areas in filling the interior of walls and making mud plaster. Since the source of this material was ‘contaminated’ with earlier occupational debris at some sites, this earlier debris was found in large quantities in the Late Roman army camp at Oboda and the cavalry camp at ‘En Hazeva, while very little amount of debris was found in primary deposition from the actual occupation of the camp. As was mentioned here above, micromorphological samples taken from the army camp at Oboda and studied in laboratories in Cambridge, UK, revealed the presence of ash, charcoal, pottery, glass and bones in the fill of walls and in the sections of barrack rooms (B. Pittman, pers. comm.).

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal An Examination of the Finds

descriptions using the Munsell Soil Color Charts.

The ceramic and small finds presented here were discovered by the author in the 1993 and 1994 excavations at Mampsis, the 1999-2000 excavation of the Late Roman/ Early Byzantine Quarter at Oboda. The ceramic finds from Mezad 'En Hazeva were discovered by R. Cohen and Y. Israel in the 1990-1994 excavations.

With the exception of a very small number of vessels discovered in Mezad 'En Hazeva, none of the vessels presented here have undergone petrographic analysis. The present study suggests that most of the vessels from all three periods were brought to the sites of Oboda, Mampsis and Mezad 'En Hazeva from elsewhere. Evidence of pottery production on a small scale was indicated at Mezad 'En Hazeva. However, the existence of an Early Roman Nabataean pottery kiln in Oboda has been challenged by a number of scholars (see Goren and Fabian, 2008). In the earlier periods, a large part of the assemblages appears to be derived from Petra and a small number of fine wares and other wares were brought from other regions. A shift away from Petra as a source of ceramic vessels is evident in the latest period in the later part of the Early Byzantine period. Apparently, some plain wares were produced locally in the Negev Highlands but their precise source has yet to be determined. In order to find parallels, the forms and decorative motifs of whole and partial vessels (usually rim profiles) and the small finds, were compared to published examples derived primarily from excavations in the region of southern Israel and Jordan, but also from the greater Mediterranean region. Important comparative assemblages are currently being published by the author from sites excavated by R. Cohen along the Petra – Gaza road and include the sites of Moyat 'Awad, Mezad Qasra, Har Massa, Mezad Neqarot, Sha'ar Ramon and Mezad Ma'ale Mahmal. Other important comparative assemblages include those discovered in the Mampsis necropolis (Negev and Sivan 1977), Oboda (Negev 1986), Petra ez-Zantur (Schmid 2000), the az-Zurraba kilns near Petra (Zayadine 1981; 'Amr and Momani 1999), Aila (Dolinka 2003), Horvat Dafit (Dolinka 2006), and Shiqmona (Elgavish 1977).

Methodology The methodology employed in processing the finds presented below is as follows. The ceramic vessels and sherds, small finds and coins from all three excavations were sorted and recorded according to their statigraphical location (basket and locus number) in excavated squares that generally measured 5 x 5 meters. In the case of the finds from Mampsis and Oboda, loci discovered below layers of collapsed building stones and heavy fills were carefully drysieved in order to retrieve a maximum amount of datable material and in order to restore crushed vessels. Numerous vessels from the Oboda excavation were restored although due to budgetary restraints, a number of vessels from the pantry (Room 6) were not fully restored. The ceramic material discovered at Mezad 'En Hazeva was studied by the author in storerooms in the Israel Museum following a careful examination of the field notes, plans, photographs and numismatic report and discussions with the exavators present at the site. Sherds and whole vessels selected for illustration were drawn in ink, on a scale of 1:25 (small finds and vessels on a scale of 1:1) by artists employed by the Israel Antiquities Authority. All of the metal finds, including the coins, were cleaned in the laboratories of the IAA in Jerusalem and studied by numismatic experts of the IAA. The ceramic vessels from all three sites were visually examined by the author and assigned standardized color

100

Chapter 10 Vessels and Special Finds of the early third century CE

Pottery Discussion

most of the types found deposited at the Negev sites in this period were already being produced in the Petra region in the first half of the second century. Nabataean wares and particularly fine ware vessels and unguentaria, continued to reach the Negev sites along major trade routes and this reflects the continuation of Nabataean trade in unguents, some of which were produced in Petra, until the disruption of international trade in the third century. The material evidence indicates that the close cultural and economic ties between the Petra region and the Negev settlements were firmly maintained after the Roman annexation of Nabataea with little if any disruption.

Figures 2.1-74 Ceramic assemblages from sites in Israel and Jordan dated to this particular period are quite rare. Pottery from this period has generally been found in graves and tombs such as the Mampsis necropolis (Negev and Sivan 1977), Gerasa (Fisher 1938), the North Ridge Tombs at Petra (Bikai and Perry 2001) or from pits and wells, such as Shiqmona, Pit 319 (Elgavish 1977) and Beit Natif (Baramki 1936). For archaeologists these installations are inherently problematic to use as a source of dating parallels due to the deposition of material in them over a period of time. In a few instances stratified material from this period has been found at Phase 1 at Dor (Guz-Zilberstein 1995:324-325) and the Promontory Palace at Caesarea (Bar-Nathan and Adato 1986:161). At az-Zurraba near Petra, kilns producing pottery between ca. 100-300 CE have been found (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999). However, valuable assemblages of in situ pottery found in “Pompeii-type deposits” is a rare phenomenon. This type of deposit can produce pottery in the relative amounts that were in use on the date of the destruction or abandonment (Blakely 1996:330-331). It can also provide “real-time” information on the types of pottery that were used simultaneously as well as secondary, alternative uses of vessels and even glimpses of heirlooms, or pottery produced in an earlier generation that was either handed down or preserved in a particular household. For these reasons, the pottery assemblage found at Oboda in Room 6 (the “pantry”) as well as other parts of the house, are of particular value. In our basic type table, vessels from Oboda, Mampsis and ‘En Hazeva dated to this period will be presented and discussed here. It should be noted that the material presented here from Mampsis and Mezad‘En Hazeva came from stratified layers.

The key assemblage of this period in our study is the abandoned kitchen pantry found at Oboda (Room 6), (Fig. 1.54). This room and the house itself appear to have been abandoned sometime in the first half of the third century CE, probably after 220 CE. The fact that the entire contents of the pantry, including the meat hanging from the ceiling of the room, were left undisturbed as well as the curious burial of other rooms (Rooms 12 and 13, Figs. 1.53-54) point to a sudden abandonment of the house and a reluctance to reoccupy it, possibly as the result of epidemic. The abandonment of the house correlates with the coins found here and throughout the excavation area, i.e. with the exception of one city coin, dated to the second century CE, all the coins are city coins dated to the late second – early third century CE and one coin appears to date to the reign of Caracalla. On the basis of the numismatic evidence, a gap is apparent in the occupation of this part of the town until the Diocletianic period. In addition, the only whole unguentarium found in the pantry is that of Johnson’s Form XII, dated at Petra to the period between 225 and 250 CE. Thus, the abandoned kitchen pantry in Room 6 provides us with an extremely rare window with which to view the type of pottery vessels in use in the early third century CE.

The most striking aspect of the pottery assemblage found throughout the second century and first half of the third century CE at the three sites examined, Mampsis, Oboda and Mezad‘En Hazeva, is the continuity of Nabataean wares produced in Petra after the creation of the Provincia Arabia. An examination of the most recent studies on Nabataean pottery from Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000) reveal that

Nabataean painted fine ware bowls (Figs. 2.1-3) Three complete Nabataean painted fine ware bowls found in the Oboda pantry assemblage (Figs. 2.1-3), included one painted ware bowl (Fig. 2.2) dated by Schmid to the third quarter of the first century C.E. (Schmid’s Phase 101

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.86. Schmid’s Nabataean Painted Fine Ware chronology 3b) together with a“debased” painted ware bowl (Fig. 2.1) and a fine ware painted bowl with late motifs (Fig. 2.3) commonly found from the second century onward (Schmid’s Phase 3c), (Fig. 1.86). This raises a question with regard to the possibility that some forms of these wares, which are of the highest quality ware, continued to be produced in the second century or later alongside newer, lower quality bowls made of semi-coarse fabrics. The first bowl (Fig. 2.1) is made of a red fabric and has a semi-coarse texture. The profile of the bowl is wide with a rather flat base and a simple, rounded rim. The reddish-brown painted decoration includes large palmettes extending from the rim of the bowl to the center, separated from one another with links of large triangular shapes, which also extend from the rim towards the center of the bowl, and triangular clusters of dots (grape clusters?). Unlike the other two bowls, the spaces between the motifs are left blank and devoid of any background decoration. Bowls with this kind of decoration have been found on debased painted ware bowls and wasters in Kiln I (dated to the second – third century C.E. by Zaydine) and Kiln VII (dated between 100 and 300 C.E. by ‘Amr and al-Momani) at Zurraba near Petra (Zayadine 1981: 390, Pl. CXXXIX: 47; ‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig. 13:1).

Roman period. This bowl has designs quite similar to a bowl discovered at Petra by Murray that was reconstructed and published again by the Horsfields in 1941 (Murray and Ellis 1940: Pl. XXXV; Horsfield 1941: Fig. 27). Both the bowl from the pantry in Oboda and Murray’s bowl feature a plant, which is most likely the balanos plant (Balanites aegyptica) with paired leaves and flowers that, according to Johnson, was native to the Petra region. Pliny the Elder described the balanos oil as a fixative base for perfumed oils in the ancient world and it would have been an important component of the perfumed oils produced at Petra (Concerning Odours 6.29-31; Johnson 1987: 4344). Both bowls have triangular and elongated clusters of dots, elongated wavy lines and backgrounds of fine lines covering the entire surface of the interior. The Petra bowl has a wreath design (encircling the vessel from below the rim) and a bird, motifs that are found on many late examples of debased painted wares (Zayadine 1981: Pl. CXXXVIII: 29; ‘Amr 1987: Pl. 4: PPW36; ‘Amr and al-Momani 1999: Fig. 13:3; Schmid 2000: Abb. 377-385; ‘Amr 2004: Figs. 2, 9:KN97.I.10.23.24, KN97.VI.10.12.29). It is obvious from the evidence provided by these two bowls that the motifs outlasted the production of the fine ware bowl tradtion and continued to be found on coarser wares, well into the fourth century or later.

The hard ‘eggshell ware’ quality and forms of the two other bowls (Fig. 2.2-3) are of the classical NPFW tradition. However, the motifs on both bowls, and particularly that of Fig. 2.3, reveal that they were produced in the Late

Eastern Terra Sigillata bowls (Figs. 2.4-7) An interesting aspect of the pottery assemblage found in 102

Mezad Hazeva bases were found at Oboda (Figs. 2.14-16). Variations of this type were produced throughout the first century C.E. (Schmid’s Phases 2 and 3) and they apparently continued to be produced in the second century C.E. (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.13:8). Two types of plain ware bowls found in the pantry at Oboda appear to be have been produced around the early third century (Figs. 2.17-18). The first is carinated with thick walls and an upright rounded rim. It may have been locally produced: a bowl of this type was found nearby at the Nahal Zalzal site (Cohen 1985:Fig.7:5). The second bowl is made of a semi-fine ware fabric. This vessel has a ring base, heavily ribbed body and horizontal rim. No parallels were found for this type.

the abandoned kitchen pantry at Oboda is the presence of imported Eastern Terra Sigillata bowls (Fig. 2.4), (Hayes’ ETS Form 50) dated by Hayes to the last quarter of the first century C.E. (Hayes 1985: Tav.VI:18). These vessels, which show signs of wear, appear to be ‘heirlooms’ that were carefully kept throughout the second century by the owners of the house. Other ETS bowls found in the pantry and other parts of the house are dated by Hayes to the first half of the second century C.E. (Figs. 2.5-7). These bowls include Hayes’ ETS Forms 54, 57 and 58 (Hayes 1985: Tav.VII:5, Tav.VII:10, Tav.VII:11). The presence of ETS wares in contexts dated to the late second – early third century CE at Oboda mark the latest appearance of these wares in the Negev sites. The latest forms may have already gone out of production. As J. Blakely points out, the typological dates of pottery are the periods of their production and not of their breakage, or in this case, their abandonment (Blakely 1996:331). However, the evidence from Oboda and Shiqmona (see Elgavish 1977: 10; n.4) suggests that Waage's designation of the types from Antioch that correspond to Figs. 2.5-7 as 'Middle Roman,' which he dated to the later second and early third century CE, may in fact be accurate (Waage 1948: 41, Pls. VI-VII, shaps 615, 640, 677).

Large bowls and basins (Figs. 2.19-22) Larger bowls with a distinctive carination below the ledge rims were found at Mampsis and ‘En Hazeva (Figs. 2.19-20). This type of bowl appears to have been produced exclusively in late second or third century contexts and they have mainly been found in Jordan. At Oboda a ledged rim basin with a flat base (Fig. 2:21) was found in the pantry. Several examples of this type of basin were found by the writer in second and early third century contexts at nearby Horvat Hazaza and they may have been produced locally or at Oboda itself. Elsewhere in the building at Oboda examples of a type of mortarium (Fig. 2.22) were found corresponding to Blakely’s Class 1 produced between the second and fourth centuries (Blakely 1992:Fig. 2:18, 27). In the Roman period these basins were used for grinding ingredients used in food preparation. Parallels to mortaria from Oboda were found at Caesarea and Shiqmona from the same period (Bar-Nathan and Adato 1986:Fig.3:23), (Elgavish 1977:Fig. XI: 87).

Miniature Nabataean fine ware bowl (Fig. 2.8) A small Nabataean fineware vessel made from a fine red fabric (Fig. 2.8) probably served as a cosmetic bowl. An identical bowl was discovered in Nabataean contexts dated to the late first century CE in Aila / Aqaba (Dolinka 1999: 250, no. 30). Nabataean bowls with rouletted decoration (Figs. 2.910)

Nabataean cups and beakers

Two Nabataean bowls bear rouletted designs (Figs. 2.910). The first is a complete bowl found in the pantry with a rouletted base. The second, made of a semi-fine fabric, has a similar profile with rouletted decoration on the sides commonly found in late first and second century CE contexts. These two bowls appear at Petra – Ez Zantur in Schmid’s Phase 3 (Schmid 2000:Abb.97).

Evidence provided by the pantry assemblage points to the development of Nabataean egg–shell thin fine ware cups (some referred to as honey-pots), dominant in the mid to late first century CE, to more utilitarian forms and wares by the latter part of the second century. Excavations in kilns found at az-Zurraba near Petra have demonstrated that this new form of cup was produced there in the Late Roman period between in the second and third centuries CE (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999). Although many of these cups were undecorated (Fig. 2.25), some cups and beakers, now made of coarser fabrics, were also decorated with dark gray to black painted motifs (Fig. 2.23-24). Notably, a complete debased painted ware cup was found elsewhere at Oboda in the caravanserai excavated by Cohen and Negev together with coins of Philip the Arab (244-249) and Claudius Gothicus (268-270), (Cohen 1980a:46).

Nabataean plain ware bowls (Figs. 2.11-18) Several types of plain ware bowls, some of Nabataean design, were found at both Oboda and Mampsis. These include a heavy bowl with a wide string cut base (Fig. 2.11) belonging to a type found extensively in second – third century contexts in the necropolis at Mampsis (Negev and Sivan 1977). At Mampsis two shallow carinated bowls with everted rims were found in debris layers next to Building XII (Figs. 2.12-13). The forms of these bowls are similar to Schmid’s Gruppe 10 at Petra – Ez Zantur dated to the first century C.E. (Schmid 2000:Abb.66-72) but they are made of wares that may have been produced locally.

Another innovation is that of cups and beakers made of the type of thick fabric covered with a pale yellow slip found in bag shaped juglets. These vessels are heavily ridged and appear in two forms. The first has squat form and a kind of pointed base that usually appears to be broken off (Fig.

Three Nabataean plain fine ware bowls with slight ring 103

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal continued in its original form as well as a more refined version that will be produced through the mid-fourth century. Alongside these, other types of juglets appear, such as one with a flat, narrow base, wide shoulders and a tiny decorative handle at the base of the neck found at ‘En Hazeva (Fig. 2:34) and at the necropolis in Mampsis where it was dated to the third century CE (Negev and Sivan 1977:Fig.11:77). An imported green glazed Parthian juglet, (Fig. 2.35) was found in the second – early third century CE assemblage at ‘En Hazeva. This small jug is made of a thick, porous light brown fabric. The vessel was apparently thoroughly burnt in a fire and only traces of the glaze are still visible. Parthian ware vessels have been found at some sites in Israel and Jordan but they are quite rare. One sherd of a Parthian vessel, with its distinctive green glaze, was found in second century contexts at Mampsis by the writer. Parthian ware was in use and probably produced at Dura Europos as early as the first century CE and the destruction of that site in 256 CE. provides the terminus ante quem for this ware (Toll 1943:5). Small, one-handled jugs, similar to our example, were the most common form of green glazed vessels found throughout Mesopotamia (ibid: 48, Pl.XVII, Fig.24). Figure 1.87. Nabataean unguentaria, Johnson’s Group 4 dated 325–350 CE

Unguentaria (Figs. 2.36-38) Nabataean unguentaria (Figs. 2.36-38) found in sealed contexts at Mampsis and Oboda are forms that correspond to the latest forms produced at Petra in the second and third centuries CE (Johnson’s Forms IX-XII). One of these (Fig. 2.37), dated to the second century CE, was found upright and intact, buried as a foundation offering under the Phase II floor in Building XXV in Mampsis (Fig.1.66).1 The complete unguentarium found in the pantry in Oboda (Fig. 2.38) is the latest and most abundant form found at Petra, dated to between 225-250 CE (Johnson 1987:66-67), (Fig.1.87).

2.26). The second has a flat string cut base similar to bag shaped juglets (Fig. 2.27). Like the bag shaped juglets, these vessels were probably produced locally. Kraters (Figs. 2.28-29) Two types of kraters were found at Oboda. The first was found in the pantry (Fig. 2.28). It is made of a red fine ware fabric, probably from Petra, and is delicately ridged with prominent rounded shoulders and a v-shaped body. Small loop handles extend from the low neck to the shoulders. The upturned ledge rim of a large globular Nabataean krater was found in Room 13 (Fig. 2.29). Complete examples of this vessel were found in a tomb and as a foundation offering in the Conway High Place in Petra (Cleveland 1960:59;Fig.7:7), (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.8:4).

The evidence found at Mampsis, Oboda and ‘En Hazeva confirms both Johnson’s dating of these types of unguentaria as well as his assertion that by the middle of the third century CE they are no longer being produced. The disappearance of these vessels from the archaeological record corresponds to the termination of international trade through the Negev and probably with the cessation of unguent production at Petra as suggested by Johnson (ibid: 64).

Juglets (Figs. 2.30-35) A variety of juglets from the period under discussion includes the base of a debased painted ware juglet found in Room 13 at Oboda (Fig. 2.30). The fabric of this juglet is thick and semi-coarse. A small globular juglet with a string cut base and made of fine ware fabric was found at Mampsis (Fig. 2.31). Other juglets appear to have been made of thicker fabrics such as one type found in the pantry at Oboda (Fig. 2.32). This example has a thick handle and high neck.

Flask (Figs. 2.39) One of the first items found in the Oboda pantry was that of a football shaped flask (Fig. 2.39) made of a thick reddish-yellow ware. This type of flask has been found in Late Roman contexts along the Petra – Gaza road at   Significantly a coin of Antoninus Pius, dated 146-147 CE, was found in the same locus in the base of the flagstone floor from Phase 2 in Building XXV at Mampsis.

1

The bag shaped juglet with a string cut base (Fig. 2.33) 104

Mezad Hazeva Moyat 'Awad (Erickson-Gini, fc. Fig. 3.29: 13) and in Horvat Dafit (B. Dolinka, pers. comm..). It has also been found elsewhere in Israel on the coast in Pit 319 at Shiqmona in contexts dated to the second and early third century (Elgavish 1977:Pl.II:13). A vessel of this type was recovered in nets by a fisherman along the coast of Israel between Ashdod and Herzliya and it was examined by the author in Eilat where the collection is currently kept. Nabataean strainer jar (Fig. 2.40) Only a few sherds of the classic Nabataean strainer jar, found so frequently in contexts dated to the second half of the first and early second century CE in Nabataean sites, were found in the pantry and these appear to be residual. At Mampsis a modified form (Fig. 2.40) was found, which has a wide, heavily ribbed neck and signs of high loop handles extending from below the neck.

Figure 1.88. Majcherek’s Gaza wine jar chronology, Form 1 with grey box, first-third c. CE (Majcherek 1995: Pl3) Storage Jars (Figs. 2.48-60) Along side the bag shaped jugs small to medium sized globular and bag shaped jars appear (Figs. 2.48-50), some of which display protruding loop handles attached to the shoulder and upper body. This type of jar is generally made of a thick fabric and is heavily ribbed. Small delicately ribbed jars (Fig. 2.48) made of plain ware fabrics appear to be a transition from earlier Nabataean fine ware jars and honey-pots. Bag shaped and globular jars were found extensively in the pantry and other parts of the house and they were probably produced locally.

Eastern Terra Sigillata decanters (Figs. 2.41-42) At least two separate Eastern Terra Sigillata fine ware decanters were found in the pantry (Figs. 2.41-42). Parts of this kind of jug are frequently found in the Early Roman contexts at Nabataean sites. Similar to the ETS ware bowls found in the pantry and other parts of the house, these jugs may have been heirlooms. Nabataean decanter with a triangular rim (Fig. 2.43)

Other types of jars appear to have been in production at the beginning of the second century at Petra. These include jars with high ribbed necks (Fig. 2.51-53). A complete example (Fig. 2.53) was found at ‘En Hazeva. This complete jar has a body profile that widens at the shoulders and narrows towards the base. The jar is heavily ribbed and has a slightly pointed base. Some types display wavy incised decoration below the neck (Fig. 2.52). One type of collared neck jar (Fig. 2.51) with a wide mouth and a slightly everted, rounded rim appears to be quite common at Nabataean – Roman sites in the Negev and southern Jordan in the second century CE. A large Nabataean storage jar (Fig. 2.54) with handles protruding from a vertical rim was found made of a semi-coarse ware. It displays wavy incised decoration under the neck.

A particular type of Nabataean semi-fine ware decanter with a triangular rim was found in the pantry assemblage although it was not fully restored (Fig. 2.43). This type of decanter appears exclusively in second – early third century contexts at the sites under discussion. The pantry decanter has a high tubular neck and a wide, combed handle attached to the upper body and lower neck. Sherds of vessels of this type were found in other rooms at Oboda and in Late Roman contexts at Mampsis but due to the fragility of this large vessel, few whole examples have been found. Two complete decanters of this type have been found at Edh-Darih in a second century context and in a tomb on the North Ridge in Petra. Those examples show that the lower body was quite wide and bulging (Villeneuve 1990:Pl.VII:3), (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.8:14).

Other storage jars found in the pantry assemblage are of great significance with regard to dating. This is especially true with regard to the presence of the earliest form of the Gaza wine jar (Figs. 2.55-57) that corresponds to Majcherek’s Form 1, dated to the first through third century C.E. (Majcherek 1995), (see Fig. 1.88). Kilns producing this particular form have been discovered near Ashkelon (Yisrael and Erickson-Gini, forthcoming). The Form 1 jar has an upright neck, sometimes slightly everted, set in a deep groove at the base of the neck. The shoulders and base are wide and loop handles are attached to the upper body and shoulder. This type of jar appears with increasing frequency in the second century at sites such as Horvat

Plain ware jugs (Figs. 2.44-47) The pantry at Oboda produced several examples of bag shaped jugs (Figs. 2.44-46) covered with pale slips. These jugs have wide mouths, plain rounded rims and ompholos bases. This type of jug was probably produced locally and this tradition apparently continued well into the fourth century. One version appears to have been mishaped prior to firing (Fig. 2.44). A type of two-handled jug (Fig. 2.47) was also found in the Oboda pantry. Although no exact parallels were found, the slightly twisted handles recall those found on Judaean flasks in the first century CE. 105

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal Oboda pantry (Fig. 2.67) has a bulging body profile and flattened ledge rim that turns slightly down. Another vessel (Fig. 2.68) has a carinated profile and small loop handles extending from the rim to the shoulder. This type is found in second century contexts in the Negev at Mampsis and Aroer (Negev and Sivan 1977:Fig. 6:50), (Erickson-Gini 1999:Fig.13.1.5), (Hershkovitz 1992:Fig.13:12). It was the most common type of cooking pot in Phase 1 at Dor (Guz-Zilberstein 1995:322, Fig.6.49.14).

Hazaza. By the beginning of the fourth century it was replaced by a smaller version, Majcherek’s Form 2 dated 300-450 CE. The Form 1 jar was found at Mampsis, ‘En Hazeva, Oboda and Horvat Hazaza exclusively in contexts pre-dating the fourth century. An imported storage jar found in the pantry appears to correspond with Riley’s Mid Roman Amphora 9 (Fig. 2.58) found at Benghazi / Berenice primarily in early third century contexts (Riley 1979: 194-195). It has a narrow neck that is pronouncedly carinated below a thickened triangular rim. The handles extend from the carination.

One unusual find was a complete, shallow cooking pan (Fig. 2.69) lacking handles found in Room 13. This vessel is small and has a concaved base and slightly flared walls. Its rim angles inward to receive a lid. The bottom of the pan was heavily charred. It was found, together with a Nabataean plain ware bowl, in the debris of one of the filled rooms, Room 13. Shallow, flat-bottomed pans lacking handles were popular Italian utensils in the Early Roman period but they are rather rare in Judea and other parts of Palestine (Berlin 1993:36-37,43-44), (Magness 2002a: 200). Our pan differs from the orlo bifido pan, the form of which has gently incurved walls. A parallel to our pan was found in Kiln VI dated to between 100-300 CE at Zurraba near Petra (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.11: 22).

A storage jar corresponding to Riley’s MRA 4, but made of a dark gray ware was found at ‘En Hazeva (Fig. 2.59). Similar to an example published by Zemer (Zemer’s No. 41), this jar was probably not produced at Anemurium (Zemer 1978: Pl.XV:41), (Williams 1989:92). At Anemurium this type of jar was apparently produced between the late first and early fourth centuries CE. They appear most frequently at Marina el-Alamein in contexts dated to the first to third century, and at Benghazi / Berenice in contexts dated to the second and third century (Daszewski et al. 1990: 49), (Riley 1979: 186-187). On the coast of Palestine at Tel Dor this jar was the most common type to appear in the latest occupation phase, closely dated to the second half of the second and the beginning of the third century CE (Guz-Zilberstein 1995:324-325). A second type found in the Oboda pantry is that of Riley’s Mid Roman Amphora 4 (Fig. 2.60). This type of amphora has distinctive handles with deep grooves that are pinched at the bend. The jar has a cylindrical form with wide shoulders and a short neck ending in a thickened, slightly everted rim. Jars of this type made of the same kind of ware were produced at Anemurium (Williams’ Amphora Type A), (Williams 1989:91-95).

A complete casserole with horizontal handles (Fig. 2.70) was also found in the pantry. The example from the pantry is smaller and has more delicate handles than later versions. A casserole of this type was found at Dor in Phase 1 (Guz-Zilberstein 1995:322, Fig.6.49.9) as well as at Caesarea (Bar-Nathan and Adato 1986: 172, Fig.2:15) and Shiqmona (Elgavish 1977:Fig.IV:20-21). Although only two examples were found at Oboda, casseroles with horizontal handles were found frequently in second century contexts in the necropolis at Mampsis (Negev and Sivan 1977:Fig.5:37-38; Fig.8:57). A casserole with horizontal handles was found in Early Roman contexts in the northern Negev at Aroer (Hershkovitz 1992: Fig.4: 13).

Serving and cooking wares (Figs. 2.61-72) Serving pots (Fig. 2.61) found in the pantry have the same form as classic Nabataean cooking pots but are not made of brittle cooking ware fabrics and show no signs of charring. Another small pot made of a light, delicate fabric and covered with a pale slip was heavily charred after being placed on a fire (Fig. 2.62). This type of pot has been found in contexts assigned to the second century CE at other sites. Cooking pots were a major component of the assemblage in the pantry at Oboda. Here the range of cooking pots, which include Nabataean forms and types dated to the late first and second centuries CE (Fig. 2.63) also include the classic Late Roman cooking pot (Figs. 2.64-66), found extensively later in the fourth century. This dominant form of Late Roman cooking pots may be identified by the handles: these extend down from the rim to the upper part of the shoulders of the vessel where they are pinched inward. This feature was frequently found on cooking pots in Phase 1 at Dor dated to the second half of the second and beginning third century CE (Guz-Zilberstein 1995:324, Fig.6.49.15). One unusual complete cooking pot from the

In the Negev sites, these casseroles begin to appear primarily from the second century onward. This may be due to the presence of Roman army units in the region from this period. It has been pointed out that cooking in closed, globular pots, well suited for the slow cooking of soups and other dishes, was prevalent in the eastern Mediterranean in the Hellenistic and Early Roman period while casseroles were popular in Greece and the Aegaean or eastern towns open to Greek influence (Berlin 1993:41-42). A two-handled cooking ware jug (Fig. 2.71) was found in the pantry as well as other parts of the house at Oboda. These are globular jugs with flattened handles extending from the rim to the shoulder. The rim is grooved, indicating that the small opening was covered. Two handled cooking ware jugs have also been found at ‘En Hazeva. A second form has a single handle and a trefoil rim (Fig. 2.72).

106

Mezad Hazeva

Figures 2.1-10 Vessel forms - Early third c. CE

2

1

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5 7

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figures 2.11-22 Vessel forms - Early third c. CE

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22 108

Mezad Hazeva

Figures 2.23-35 Vessel forms - Early third c. CE

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figures 2.36-38 Vessel forms - Early third c. CE

36 37

1:1

38

110

Mezad Hazeva

Figure 2.39 Vessel forms - Early third c. CE

39

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figures 2.40-47 Vessel forms - Early third c. CE

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Mezad Hazeva

Figures 2.48-54 Vessel forms - Early third c. CE

48 49

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figures 2.55-62 Vessel forms - Early third c. CE

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Mezad Hazeva

Figures 2.63 -68 Vessel forms - Early third c. CE

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Figures 2.69-74 Vessel forms - Early third c. CE

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Mezad Hazeva

Figures 2.1-74 Early third century CE Vessel Forms NO.

OBJECT NDPW bowl

DESCRIPTION Oboda Room 6 – Pantry Basket 116 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); dark gray core; numerous tiny to medium gray and occasional large white inclusions; semicoarse texture Deco: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4)

COMPARISONS Petra – Zurraba (Zayadine 1982:Pl.CXXXIX,No.436) Schmid’s Dekorgruppe 3c Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.92-93) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.7:9-10) Moyat 'Awad (Cohen 1987:30) Khirbet et-Tannur (Horsfield 1942:Fig.25).

2

NPFW bowl

Oboda Room 6 – Pantry Basket 116 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); gray core; numerous tin to medium white and tiny dark gray inclusions Deco: red (2.5YR4/6)

Schmid’s Dekorgruppe 3b Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.91) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.7: 7) Petra (1942:Pl.XXXIV).

3

NPFW bowl

Oboda Room 6 – Pantry Basket 116 Ware: red (2.5RY5/8); numerous tiny white and dark gray inclusions Deco reddish brown (2.5YR4/4); traces of light slip on exterior rim

Edh Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:Pl.III:1) Petra (Horsfield 1942:Fig.27, from Murray and Ellis 1940: XXXV).

4

ESA bowl

Oboda Room 6 – Pantry Basket 116 Ware: very pale brown (10YR8/4) Burnish: red (2.5YR4/8); worn on interior

Hayes’ Form 50 (Hayes 1985: Tav.VI:18).

Oboda Room 13 Basket 163 Ware: pink (5YR7/4) Burnish: worn – red (2.5YR4/8) Oboda Room 13 Basket 160 Ware: very pale brown (10YR8/4) Burnish: red (2.5YR4/8); dull on interior, shiny on exterior Oboda Room 6 – Pantry Basket 116 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR7/4) Burnish: red (2.5YR5/6)

Hayes’ Form 57 (Hayes 1985:Tav.VII:10).

Oboda Room 13 Basket 307 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6)

Aqaba (Dolinka 1999:No.30, p.250).

1

5

ESA bowl

6

ESA bowl

7

ESA bowl

8

Miniature bowl

.

Hayes’ Form 54 (Hayes 1985:Tav.VII:5).

Hayes’ Form 58 (Hayes 1985:Tav.VII:11).

117

ILLUSTRATON

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

118

Mezad Hazeva

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

120

Mezad Hazeva

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

122

Mezad Hazeva

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

124

Mezad Hazeva

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

126

Mezad Hazeva Lamp and lantern (Figs. 2.73-74)

ware bowl (No.344) was found published from the same locus, Locus SWG (Southwest Gate), (Negev 1986:XXI, 47-48). This form and decoration was common in the late second and early third century CE similar to a bowl found in the pantry (Fig. 2.1). However, Negev reports that the ceramic material in this locus was mixed, so it is unclear whether the acropolis bowl was found with the hoard. This evidence, in light of the recent finds from the Late Roman Quarter, raises the question as to the possibility that the acropolis hoard was abandoned later that Negev believed, possibly in the early third century. Figure 3.1 and the other bronze objects discovered at Oboda, were probably produced at Petra. In recent years, evidence for the production of bronze figurines has been revealed in ezZantur (Grawehr 2007).

The only type of lamp found in the Oboda house was that of the Roman round lamp with a decorated discus dated generally to the period between the mid-first and third century CE (Rosenthal and Sivan 1978:85). In the Negev sites, this type of lamp is found in second – early third century contexts. A fragment of this type of lamp was found in the pantry and other fragments, including one with a molded figure of Tyche in Room 13 (Fig. 2.73), were found in other parts of the house and a building situated further east. Elsewhere in the house, a ceramic lantern (Fig. 2.74) with a low base and perforated walls was discovered. Special Finds Discussion

The ceramic figurine found in Room 13 is that of a woman with an extended stomach, indicating pregnancy (Fig. 3.2). The right hand of the figure rests on the stomach below the breast and next to the navel. Unlike many figurines of female subjects found elsewhere at Oboda and Petra, this example is not made of the fine Petra red ware but from a dull brown ware. Following the Oboda excavation in early 2000, an excavation directed by the writer at nearby Horvat Hazaza produced part of a figurine of this type, also made of an inferior ware, dated to the late first or early second century CE. These figurine parts may belong to a figurine on display in the Citadel Museum in Amman, Jordan. That complete example shows a naked pregnant woman standing upright with her hands placed on her stomach, giving birth. The provenance of this figurine in the Amman Museum is not stated, but it is dated to the Roman period. A similar female figurine was found in the hoard of the Potter’s Store at Jerash dated to the early second century CE (Iliffe 1944: Pl.IV: 55). It may be assumed that this particular type of figurine was produced as offerings by women expecting to give birth or with medical problems. Female figurines that display one hand placed on a breast and one placed on the belly appear to be a common motif found in the East from early periods (Patrich 1984:45).

Figures 3.1-3 Figurines (Figs. 3.1-2) Room 13 yielded two figurines; one cast in bronze and the second a molded ceramic figure. The small bronze figurine (Fig. 3.1) measures 5.5 mm. in length and has well-defined details. The figure is a young, beardless male with a toga draped over his bare chest. The lower garment is wrapped around the figure’s waist and is knee length. One knee is bent slightly forward and both arms are held upright. Detached bracelets encircle the figure’s wrists. Parts of a similar bronze figurine were found in the acropolis hoard discovered at Oboda (Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1997: Pl.1: 5-6). Here the lower half of a male statuette and an outstretched arm were found similar to our example as well as a bronze statuette found at Sidon dated to the Hadrianic period (Ridder 1913:63, 72; No.411). Rosenthal-Heginbottom provides a detailed discussion on the possibility that the acropolis figurine is that of Adonis, the consort of Aphrodite, the counterpart of the Nabataean goddess al-Uzza, known to have been worshipped at Oboda (Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1997:194-201). Here she suggests that a triad of Zeus Oboda, Aphrodite and Adonis was worshipped at the site (ibid: 199-200). The mass production of bronze statuettes appears to have taken place throughout the Roman world in the Imperial period and in addition to being kept in household shrines, or lararia, they were also dedicated to public shrines (Painter 2002:592).

Plaster Stopper (Fig. 3.3) The neck of a jar stopped up with plaster was found on the floor in the pantry, Room 6 (Fig. 3.3). This object belonged to a jar made of a light red fabric that disintegrated during the excavation, leaving only the stopper and part of the surrounding neck and rim intact. The disintegration of this vessel was probably caused by liquids that eroded it from the inside.

The acropolis hoard has been dated by Negev to the midfirst century on the basis of two inscriptions of Aretas IV and Nabataean pottery. Part of a Nabataean debased painted

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128

Chapter 11 Vessels and Special Finds, 363 CE

Pottery Discussion (Figures 4.1-63)

whole floors with crushed in situ pottery appear to have been abandoned and covered by new floor surfaces in the subsequent phase of occupation.

On May 19th, 363 CE, a massive earthquake struck the East, causing great damage to cities and towns along the Syrian-African rift and as far away as the Mediterranean coast. Compared to other earthquakes in ancient times, this particular event was well documented in historical sources and in the archaeological record. In situ evidence from this event has been found in several sites in our region, at Petra and in the Negev sites at Mampsis, ‘En Hazeva and Oboda. This earthquake, whose epicenter was probably located in the northern Arava valley, did not destroy whole sites but caused considerable damage and subsequent reconstruction that can be identified in the archaeological record (Mazor and Korjenkov 2001: 130, 133).

Oboda was situated much further from the rift valley and although it was affected by the earthquake in 363, recent excavations have shown that this damage was limited in scope. In the Late Roman Quarter, some structural damage and renovations were noted, but this event did not create massive devastation at the site as was earlier thought to have occurred. The 363 earthquake has left valuable evidence of pottery and other finds from the mid-fourth century CE that will be discussed here. An examination of this evidence makes it immediately apparent that few pottery types survived the transition from the third century CE. However, much of the pottery, and particularly the lamps found at the three Negev sites, were still produced in the region of Petra and southern Jordan as in earlier centuries. This in itself implies a continuation of material and cultural ties between the Negev and southern Jordan, a relationship that was undoubtedly rejuvenated by the activity of the Late Roman army in the region in wake of the transfer of the Tenth Legion from Jerusalem to Aila.

The clearest in situ evidence for this event was found in Building XXV at Mampsis. This entire building, situated as it was on a hilltop, sustained such heavy damage that it was abandoned and never rebuilt. One room in this house was used as a kitchen that was apparently in use when the earthquake struck. As a result, nearly the entire contents of the kitchen was found in situ, at floor level, including evidence of objects that fell to the floor from shelves along two walls. The walls of the kitchen (Room 2) and an adjoining room (Room 1) were rather insubstantial additions to the original structure and unlike the earlier Nabataean walls constructed on bedrock, these walls were constructed in a shallow layer of soil. This inferior construction technique appears to have been a major contribution to the collapse of the kitchen.

Other forms of vessels, such as fine ware bowls and amphorae, were brought from abroad, usually from the Eastern Mediterranean region. The one overwhelming type of vessel in fourth century assemblages throughout the Negev was the Gaza wine jar, corresponding to Majcherek’s Form 2, dated 300-450 CE (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5, 167-168). This type of jar was produced in the Gaza and Ashkelon region as has recently been proved on the basis of recent petrographic studies (Fabian and Goren 2002:148-149). Gaza jars were circulating in the Central Negev to such a great extent that by 363 CE it was common to find it in secondary use as braziers.

‘En Hazeva was situated in the Arava valley itself, in close proximity to the epicenter. The effects on this site were truly devastating, and the Late Roman fort and army camp underwent massive renovations. This was particularly true in the case of the cavalry camp situated below the fort. The walls in this camp were constructed on shallow foundations in soil and as a result, the original structure appears to have been completely shattered. The bathhouse adjoining the camp was built more solidly, although it too contains substantial cracks and subsequent renovations. The fort, which was founded on the walls of earlier buildings on the tell, withstood the earthquake to some extent, but

Evidence of Roman military presence can be detected in the distribution of a small, wide-mouthed storage jar that appears to have been designed to ration out wine or some other liquid. This type of jar was found extensively at the fort in ‘En Hazeva, but also at Oboda. 129

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal Nabataean painted bowl (Fig. 4.1)

Plain ware bowls (Figs. 4.8-16)

Examples of late Nabataean debased painted ware bowls (Fig. 4.1) were found mainly at ‘En Hazeva. No examples were found in Building XXV at Mampsis and a number of sherds found in the early fifth century debris layer at Oboda were clearly residual. The impression is that these bowls were being produced in southern Jordan and brought to the Negev sites until 363 CE. A variety of bowl forms and sizes were found at ‘En Hazeva and Oboda and they generally share the same underlying characteristics: thick, semi-coarse fabric with red or dark painted designs in wide strokes. The bowls’ forms appear to mimic other plain ware bowl forms found in fourth century contexts and particularly shallow, wide bowls with a concaved base. Neutron activation analysis of samples of this type of pottery from ‘En Hazeva carried out by Gunneweg and Balla indicated that its source was in southern Jordan and probably Tawilan (Gunneweg and Balla, unpublished paper). Notably, bowls and bowl sherds of this type were found in the 363 CE destruction layer at ez-Zantur in Petra (Stucky et al. 1990: Figs. 8: N-R). Examples have been found in contexts dated to the Late Byzantine period in the az-Zurraba kiln ('Amr 2004: Fig. 2) and Khirbet anNawafla ('Amr 2004: fig. 9).

Plain ware bowls found in the 363 CE debris appear in a variety of forms and sizes. These included carinated bowls with slightly everted rims (Figs. 4.8-9) and heavy shallow bowls with concave bases (Figs. 4.10-12) similar to the Nabataean debased painted ware bowl described above (Fig.4:1). A bowl found at Oboda appears to continue the tradition of Nabataean plain ware bowls with incurved rims similar to a type found in the latest phases of the necropolis at Mampsis (Negev and Sivan 1977:Figs. 8:52, 55; 10:66-67, 11:75). The first bowl (Fig. 4.7) was found in situ together with a plain ware beaker (Fig. 4.28). It has a string cut base while the second has a slight ring base. Other types of plain ware bowls include deeper, rounded bowls with a carination below the rim (Fig. 4.13-15). A wide, shallow bowl with a thickened rim (Fig. 4.16) was found in the destruction debris in Building XXV at Mampsis. Bowls with stands (Figs. 4.17-19) One particularly distinctive type is that of a bowl attached to a stand with plastic decoration (Figs. 4.17-19). An intact version of this type of bowl was found at Mampsis in Building XXV (Fig. 4.19). The ware is distinctive: thick walls made of a light red fabric covered with pale yellow slip. The rims of these vessels are always combed. This type of bowl was particularly common at ‘En Hazeva and probably originated in the Petra region. A bowl on a stand of a slightly different type was found in the 363 CE destruction layer at ez Zantur in Petra (Stucky et al. 1990:Fig.8: M). Our type does not appear to have been produced and brought to the Negev after 363.

African red slipped bowls (Figs. 4.2-5) The most common form of African red slipped bowls found in the 363 CE debris layers was that corresponding to Hayes’ Form 50 dated to the period between 350 and 400 CE (Fig. 4.3). This type was often found with random perforations that may indicate its value, i.e. instead of being discarded these bowls were repaired and reused. Other ARS bowls found in the same context include Hayes’ Forms 53, 59B and 61A, all of which are dated the period between mid- fourth century to the early fifth century CE (Figs. 4.2,4-5).

Basins and lids with plastic decoration (Figs. 4.20-22) Thick walled basins and lids with plastic decoration (Figs. 4.20-22) appear to have been produced and used exclusively at ‘En Hazeva. This was proved by the neutron activation analysis of this ware (Haz 11) belonging to Gunneweg’s Group I. The geochemical signature for this group is the trace element uranium found in the immediate area where phosphates abound. These vessels are heavy and appear to have been handmade and they generally have a heavy groove along the rim indicating that they were covered with a lid. Two heavy lids with extensive plastic decoration were found that were probably used for this purpose. Some vessels contained large pieces of organic temper and showed signs that they were poorly fired. Their bulky nature probably prevented their being marketed beyond the immediate area of ‘En Hazeva.

Jerusalem rouletted bowl (Fig. 4.6) A Jerusalem rouletted bowl was found in the debris layer at ‘En Hazeva (Fig. 4.6). This bowl corresponds to Magness’ Form 1, originally dated by her to the period between the late third / early fourth through fifth century CE, probably produced in the region around Jerusalem (Magness 1993:185-186). Magness has since revised the dating of the appearance of this type to no later than 200 CE or slightly earlier on the basis of her study of pottery from the kilns of the Tenth Legion discovered in Jerusalem. According to her, the form and surface treatment were inspired by early variants of African red-slipped wares (ARS Form 8A), (Magness 2005; 105). The bowl from ‘En Hazeva has a rather high ring base and a carinated body covered with rouletted patterns. A slight ridge is present below the flattened, rolled rim. This type of bowl was only found at ‘En Hazeva and even there it was extremely rare. Only three other bowl rims of this type were collected from the site.

Mortarium (Fig. 4.23) A mortarium with a stamped rim (Fig. 4.23), corresponding to Blakely’s Class 2 type, was found at ‘En Hazeva in 363 CE contexts (Blakely et al. 1992:197). Parts of other mortaria were also discovered there but are not 130

Vessels and Special Finds, 363 CE Jugs (Figs. 4.31-38)

presented here. These vessels have a distinctive fabric of a dark reddish-brown color. Mortaria rims bearing stamps in Greek have been found in other parts of Israel in third and fourth century contexts and they were probably produced in northern Syria in that period (Hayes 1967). It has been noted that this kind of vessel was an important utensil for the Romans, who preferred highly spiced foods and used mortaria for grinding ingredients. Mortaria of this type have been found in Roman army camps in Europe and in the excavation of the Tenth Legion kiln site in Jerusalem of Binyanei Ha’uma (Magness 2002a:199-200; 2005: 9798). Hayes' observation that the makers' stamps on these vessels are quite similar to those found on Roman bricks and tiles (Hayes 1997: 80) has recently been confirmed by the evidence found in Tenth Legion kilns in Jerusalem where the fabric of the mortaria resembles that of the rooftiles (Magness 2005: 97).

A variety of jugs were found at Mampsis and ‘En Hazeva from this period. One type of jug with a long body profile and concave base found in situ in the 363 C.E. destruction layer at ‘En Hazeva was also found in the destruction layer at ez Zantur (Stucky et al. 1990: Fig.7:A-B), (Fig. 4.31). The ‘En Hazeva jug has a wide mouth, ribbed neck, narrow body profile and a distinctive concave base. The handle extends from the rim to the shoulder. Another type of jug has a ribbed body profile that widens in the middle of the vessel (Figs. 4.32-33). These jugs have wide mouths and slightly everted rims. They may have either a flat or slightly raised ring base. These are found side by side with jugs with globular profiles and ridged necks (Figs. 4.3438). Jugs with a ridged neck appear in a variety of shapes and fabrics and this type appears to have been a popular vessel in this period. Several have trefoil rims. Examples of jugs of this type were found in the destruction layer at ez Zantur (Stucky et al. 1990:Fig.7: C, E).

Cups, beaker and flask (Figs. 4.24-27) Cups appear with less frequency in the fourth century at these sites than in the succeeding period. By the middle of the fourth century a new type, found at ‘En Hazeva, had developed with a low everted rim and a carinated body profile (Figs. 4.24-25). The production of this form may have been influenced by cups produced in the Jerusalem area. The analysis of a cream ware cup of this type (Haz 68) indicated that it belonged to Gunneweg’s Group I produced locally in the Hazeva region (Gunneweg and Balla, unpublished paper). An intact plain ware beaker with a flat base was found in situ at Oboda (Fig. 4.26). This type of beaker appears to have developed out of the tradition of plain ware beakers found in second and third centuries. Flasks found in fourth century contexts commonly have a drum-like profile and are heavily ribbed (Fig. 4.27). The presence of complete flasks in in situ contexts at ‘En Hazeva and Petra point to their importance in daily life in an arid climate.

Ration jar (Fig. 4.39) The fact that ‘En Hazeva was a major military post in the region probably accounts for the large number of jars of this type found there (Fig. 4.39). Many examples of complete jars stored together or separately were found in situ in contexts dated to the destruction of the fort in 363 CE (Fig. 1.85). One jar was found with a seal made of a rounded pottery sherd covered with plaster (Fig. 5.3). Pieces of ceramic sherds embedded in plaster, apparently used to seal these jars were commonly found in the fort at ‘En Hazeva. Parts of ration jars were found at Oboda and in the Yotvata fort (J. Magness, person. comm..) and probably at Khirbet el-Fityan and Aqaba (Parker 1987: 98:72), (Meloy 1991:3: X). Parts of this type of jar were found in early fifth century contexts in the Late Roman Quarter at Oboda (Figs. 6.33-34). These jars appear in approximately the same sizes (one slightly larger than the other) but appear in more than one kind of fabric, indicating that they were probably produced at more than one site. These jars have a distinctive shape with a long, closely ribbed profile and small handles attached along the middle to upper body. The handles are often asymmetrical. The neck is short and concaved below the rim, and the rim is everted. These jars always have light pale slips or they are unslipped and made of a pale fabric.

Juglets (Figs. 4.28-30) The most common type of juglet found at Mampsis and Oboda in this period is the bag shaped juglet (Fig. 4.28). This appears to be the continuation of a tradition of bag shaped juglets with flat, string cut bases found in the Negev towns as early as the late first century CE. In the fourth century they appear to be uniform in shape and refined in quality. One type of globular juglet was found at ‘En Hazeva in 363 CE contexts that may be a precursor of Byzantine fine ware juglets found later in the sixth century (Fig. 4.29). This juglet was made of a semi-coarse fabric. It has a disk base and pronounced ridge present below the rim. The handle extends directly from the carination to the shoulder.

Storage jars (Figs. 4.40-47) The continuation of the bag shaped jar tradition is evident in forms found at Mampsis and ‘En Hazeva (Figs. 4.4041). These jars appear to be influenced by types produced in the Jerusalem area. At ‘En Hazeva forms were found with prominent loop handles attached to the shoulder. These vessels are closely ribbed and are usually produced from light fabrics and covered with pale slips. The necks are often combed. One version found at Mampsis has a high, straight neck and a ridge at the base of the neck (Fig.

Two small flared rims with plastic decoration were found at Mampsis (Fig. 4.30). These may belong to a type of bottle or juglet similar to a form found from 363 CE contexts at Petra (Stucky 1992:3: K). 131

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figure 1.89. Majcherek’s Gaza wine jar chronology, Form 2 boxed in gray, 300–450 CE, (1995: Pl. 3) 4.41). This jar corresponds to Magness’ Form 4A from Jerusalem, dated to the third-fourth century CE (Magness 1993:224).

long, narrow jar has been described as a ‘Tunisian olive oil jar’ at the Palatine East Project, where it was dated to the period to between 370-450 CE (Palatine East Project 2002). It corresponds to Riley’s LR 8a at Benghazi / Berenice and Peacock and Williams’ Class 51 (Riley 1979: 226-227), (Peacock and Williams 1986: Fig.120). This jar has been found elsewhere at Oboda in early fifth century CE contexts, and in another part of that site where it was found in secondary use as a water pipe.

Imported storage jars are rather uncommon in this period. One type that appears at all three sites is a small, one handled amphora corresponding to Peacock and Williams’ Class 45 and Zemer’s Form 78 (Fig. 4.42), (Peacock and Williams 1986: Fig.107:B), (Zemer 1977:Pl.26:78). At the Palatine East Project this amphorae is the Late Roman 3 form, dated to the period between 300 and 450 CE (Palatine East Project 2002). The fabric of this amphora is distinctive: it is yellowish red in color and highly micaceous with a soapy texture. An amphora corresponding to Peacock and Williams’ Class 52B, the ‘Nile wine jar’, was found in Room 2 in Building XXV at Mampsis (Fig. 4.43), (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.122: B). This jar has a distinctive ‘v-shaped’ base with a ridge between the solid knob of the base and the vessel. The fabric is reddish-brown and porous near the base. Bases of this vessel were mistaken for ceramic stoppers in the ‘En Hazeva excavations. Another amphora found at Mampsis is a type discovered in the late fourth century destruction layer at Qasrawet in North Sinai, identified there as San Lorenzo Form 7 (Fig. 4.44), (Arthur and Oren 1998:203). This amphora has thick handles extending from a triangular and everted rim. The rim of another amphora was found in the destruction layer at Mampsis and appears to correspond to Riley’s Mid Roman Amphora 17a, dated to the fourth century (Fig. 4.45), (Riley 1979: 204). Only a rim sherd of this amphora was found. It has a bulbous, everted rim and a distinctive over-hanging lip.

The ‘Gaza wine jar’ corresponding to Majcherek’s Form 2, dated 300-450 CE, is by far the most common amphora found in the Negev sites in fourth century contexts, including ‘En Hazeva (Fig. 4.47; Fig.1.89). The jars appear to have been used extensively for storage and were in common use as braziers, such as the one found in situ in Room 2 of Building XXV at Mampsis. In the latter usage, the upper quarter of the jar was purposely broken off close to the shoulder. The jar was then inverted, set onto the floor and coals were placed inside. This makeshift brazier was in popular use in the second half of the fourth through early fifth century at Mampsis and Oboda. At Mampsis, several small serving pots were found sitting next to the brazier and large snail shells nearby. The braziers may have also been used to heat rooms: braziers made of inverted Gaza jars were found in rooms in early fifth century contexts at Oboda that were not used as kitchens (Rooms 16, 22), (Fig. 1.80). The extensive use of the jars in secondary use points to their increased circulation in the Negev by the mid-fourth century This can only be attributed to the increase in wine production in the Negev Highlands in that period.

Another type of storage jar found in 363 CE contexts at ‘En Hazeva is the ‘spatheion’ (Fig. 4.46). This type of

Serving and cooking wares (Figs. 4.48-58) 132

Vessels and Special Finds, 363 CE Cooking and serving pots were found in in situ contexts, particularly in Room 2 at Mampsis. Two serving pots were found next to the brazier, apparently placed there as receptacles for food being cooked in regular cooking ware pots (Figs. 4.48-50; Figs. 1.66-67). Regarding meal preparation, it is of interest to note that large snail shells were found in the ashes next to the hearth. These shells were probably discarded after the meat was dislodged. It may be recalled that one dish from a book of Roman recipes, Apicius’ de re Coquiaria, refers to snails fattened with milk and then fried in olive oil.

4.57) was found on the floor of Room 2 with the remains of an iron knife and a whetstone placed inside (Figs. 5.5, 14). This type has an angular profile, horizontal handles and a convex base. Other kitchen utensils such as funnels were found intact at ‘En Hazeva (Fig. 4.58). Miscellaneous vessels (Figs. 4.59-60) The function of two objects found in the 363 CE destruction layer at Mampsis is unclear. The first object appears to be a censer with ‘kerbshnitt’ decoration (Fig. 4.59). This object, which is shaped like an inverted bell with triangular windows and plastic applications, was probably hung with strings or some other material. No traces of charring were found in the vessel. The vessel is made of a light red fabric covered with pale yellow slip quite similar to the bowls on stands described here above. Pieces of an identical vessel were found in Late Roman contexts at ‘En Hazeva (not drawn). The second object has been termed an ‘aquamanile’ (Fig. 4.60). This is a zoomorphic vessel shaped like an ibex. It is hollow with an opening along the back and the nose of the animal functions as a spout. Its function is unclear but it may have been used as baby feeder or to store oil. It was apparently brought from southern Jordan and the Petra area where it appears most frequently. Ceramic ‘antlers’ identical to the Mampsis vessel were found at ‘En Hazeva and a handmade antler was discovered in early third century contexts at Moyat 'Awad .

The serving pots have forms that are nearly identical to that of small cooking pots but they are made of thick fabrics covered with light slips and showed no signs of charring. In comparison, the true cooking pots were made of brittle fabrics, usually reddish-brown in color. The cooking pots appear in small sizes such as the in situ version found at Mampsis (Fig. 4.51). The handles of the larger cook pots generally have a distinctive oval profile and are pinched against the shoulder of the vessel (Figs. 4.52, 54-55). A different type of cooking pot, found intact at ‘En Hazeva has a body profile that may be traced back to the classic Nabataean cooking pot (Fig. 4.53). Other types of cooking ware vessels include a large jug made of cooking ware fabric found in situ at ‘En Hazeva (Fig. 4.56). This type of jug appears to be a development of smaller cooking ware jugs found in second-early third century contexts. At Mampsis an intact casserole (Fig.

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Figures 4.1-6 Vessel forms - 363 CE

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Figures 4.20-23 Vessel forms - 363 CE

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Figures 4.24-30 Vessel forms - 363 CE

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Figures 4.36-39 Vessel forms - 363 CE

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Figures 4.40-45 Vessel forms - 363 CE

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Figures 4.46-47 Vessel forms - 363 CE

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Figures 4.48-55 Vessel forms - 363 CE

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Figures 4.59-60 Vessel forms - 363 CE

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Figures 4.61-63 Vessel forms - 363 CE

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal Lamps (Figs. 4.61-63)

in the room points to its collapse in 363 CE and unlike other rooms in the complex; it was sealed up and not repaired. Two other pieces of ceramic plaques were found in separate parts of the complex and they appear to be residual in the early fifth century phase. Each of these has impressed designs of a solider in combat bearing a shield. No exact parallels have been found for these three plaques but in Europe terra-cotta plaques and small figurines were popular in the fourth century CE, usually found at pagan shrines (Wightman 1970:203-204). According to Grandjouan, terracotta plaques played an important role as contorniates for speading Imperial iconography ( 1961: 30-31).

The majority of lamps found in 363 CE contexts at Mampsis, and particularly at ‘En Hazeva, appear to have been produced and brought from the Petra area (Figs. 4.6163). Some of these lamps, analyzed by Gunneweg and Balla using neutron activation techniques, were found to belong to Gunneweg’s Group 2, produced in southern Jordan in the area around Tawilan and Petra (Gunneweg and Balla, unpublished paper). Lamps of this type have been found in Jordan at Khirbet an-Nawafla ('Amr et al 2000: Fig. 14:2) and Petra (Khairy 1990: Pl. 10.41) and they have also been discovered in the fort at Yotvata (Magness person. comm.). The large quantities of these lamps at ‘En Hazeva suggest that by ca. 363 they had superceded the Beit Natif Style lamps brought from the Jerusalem area. Fragments of Beit Natif lamps were found at all three sites and whole Beit Natif lamps were at ‘En Hazeva, pointing to their presence there in the mid-fourth century CE. Two Beit Natif style lamps from ‘En Hazeva analyzed by Gunneweg and Balla (one shown in Appendix 2 in A-2148) did not belong to any of the four geochemical groups in their study. This lends support to Magness’ observation that these lamps were produced in the Jerusalem area (Magness 1993:164).

Miscellaneous items (Figs. 5.2-13) At Mampsis domestic implements were found including a ceramic loom-weight (Fig. 5.2) and a decorated whorl and a bone spindle (Figs. 5.10-11). In one concentration, there a bronze plate with iron rivets was found (Fig. 5.4) belonging to mail armor and possibly a mail gauntlet. Bronze plates of this type have been found in pre-Islamic contexts at a tomb on the Arabian Peninsula at Jabal al-Emalah (Potts 1998:Fig.15). A ration jar seal made of a broken sherd and covered with plaster was found on one of the ration jars at ‘En Hazeva (Fig. 5.3). Numerous examples of this type of seal were found in the excavation. Iron knives (Figs. 5.5-6) including one found together with a whetstone (Fig. 5.14) in an intact casserole were found placed on the floor (Fig. 4.65). An iron hoe was found next to where the opening to the room would have been (Fig. 5.8). Ornaments were found in the form of a perforated cowrie shell (Cypraea pantherina) and two coral beads, one black and one pink, in a concentration of hoard of fallen coins along the northern wall of the room (Figs. 5.12-13). These objects probably originated in the Red Sea. A small faience bead with silver studs (not shown) was found in a second concentration along with the spinning implements, the aquamanile (Fig. 4.68) and other vessels than may have been placed on a shelf. Two unidentified objects found in the room include a bronze object with fluted edges (Fig. 5.7) and a round object carved from bone (Fig. 5.9).

Special Finds Discussion Figures 5.1-14 The special finds presented here were particularly abundant in the kitchen, Room 2, at Mampsis in Building XXV. Two concentrations of small objects, pottery and coins were found in the room apparently thrown to the floor from shelves lining the northern and western walls of the room. Other finds include those discovered at Oboda and 'En Hazeva. Ceramic plaque (Fig. 5.1) At Oboda, part of a ceramic plaque bearing the impressed figure of a kneeling figure with a sheathed sword (Fig. 5.1) was found in the debris of Room 7. Other evidence

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Chapter 12 Vessels and Special Finds of the early Fifth Century CE

Pottery Discussion (Figures 6.1-64)

area of the town was built up in the fourth century probably in wake of the construction of the tower in the late third century CE. At least six separate houses were discovered in the excavated area. They were occupied throughout the fourth century and apparently sustained a minor amount of structural damage in the earthquake of 363 CE. The quarter was occupied until sometime in the early fifth century CE when a second earthquake hit the site. This event was responsible for the destruction of many buildings at the site as well as substantial structural damage to the acropolis. Huge revetment walls were built around the perimeter of the acropolis to prop up the temenos platform in the period after this event. The Late Roman Quarter and other structures situated in the eastern side of the town were subsequently abandoned and the area was stripped of building stones for reconstruction of the Byzantine town, the acropolis fort and the construction of a town wall. Architectural elements (spolia) from the ruins of the temples located on the temenos platform were used to construct the two churches at the site. As discussed here earlier, these findings contradict Negev’s date for the construction of the North Church, which he proposed to have taken place in the second half of the fourth century (Negev 1997:122, 149).

Assemblages of pottery and other finds from sealed deposits dated to the early fifth century CE are extremely rare. In other parts of Israel, there appears to have been no major changes in the pottery assemblage of the fourth through fifth centuries as pointed out by J. Magness (Magness 1993:165). The interpretation of the numismatic evidence is particularly important considering that it is a primary means of dating architectural evidence and particularly the date of the construction of churches in the Negev (Margalit 1989; Negev 1997:122). However, the situation is somewhat complicated by the issue of the numismatic record in fifth century deposits, a subject referred to by Ariel and Magness and treated in detail by Bijovsky (Ariel 1979:95; Magness 1993:165; Bijovsky 2000-2001). Numismatic trends in the fifth century have been interpreted as signs of economic crisis and decline in that period (Safrai 1998). However, upon close examination of the evidence, it appears that massive amounts of coins issued in the fourth century continued in circulation throughout the fifth century and even in the first half of the sixth century CE. This situation appears to be due to a decrease in the dimensions of imperial minting in the first half of the fifth century in the Western Empire in wake of the Gothic invasion and the capture of imperial mints in that region. Although mints in the Eastern Empire continued to function, a demand for small bronze change increased by the second half of the fifth century and older coins that would normally have gone out of circulation remained in use for as long as 100 to 150 years (Bijovsky 2000-2001: 202-203, 208). Thus, far from indicating a decline in prosperity, the circulation of fourth century coins throughout the fifth and even the sixth centuries appears to be a further indication of the relative economic prosperity in the East during that period. With regard to the Negev and southern Jordan the picture emerging is one of relatively uninterrupted prosperity throughout the fifth century. In this light, the evidence of pottery types from sealed contexts dated from the fifth century holds even greater significance.

The specific date of this earthquake is unknown. The fact that the town was eventually totally destroyed by a local earthquake whose epicenter was located only a few kilometers from the site in the early seventh century makes it likely that the fifth century earthquake was also a local event. Prior to the 2000 excavation of the quarter it was assumed that the earthquake of 363 was responsible for the abandonment of the area. However, among the concentrations of coins found in the excavation several were found dating specifically to the period after 363 and the early fifth century. Once again, a specific, sudden impact event created a window through which it is possible to access and evaluate material evidence. Over thirty rooms destroyed in this event were excavated. These included the whole range of domestic uses: courtyards, living and sleeping quarters and even a narrow street. One of the interesting architectural features of the quarter was the construction of the rooms at a lower

The key deposits of the early fifth century were found in the Late Roman Quarter in Oboda. This particular 163

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal as one type with an everted rim (Fig. 6.15) and a small bowl with upright sides splashed with red paint (Fig. 6.11) that recalls earlier Nabataean forms.

level than the main courtyards where cooking activities took place. Some of these rooms were excavated into the bedrock in order to achieve such an effect. This feature had an added value in terms of the excavation, assuring that no earlier archaeological units were left under the quarter. The only exception to this was a small area containing Hellenistic pottery in the street outside one of the houses, plus coins and a small amount of second-early third century pottery found under Rooms 3 and 4 near the early structure. An important find was made in Room 23. This was the only plastered room found in the complex. Although no decorations were found on the plaster, several lines of Nabataean script in black ink were found near the floor on plaster and next to an arch springer. The script appears to have been painted over at least once and it may be assumed that the inscription was written sometime in the years before the early fifth century destruction. Further details about the inscription, including its translation are provided here below.

Basins and mortaria (Figs. 6.21-27) Basins appear in several forms (Figs. 6.21-25). Some of these seem to have been brought from the center of the country or were influenced by types in use there. Others appear to have been produced closer to the site, possibly in the southern coastal region. The first category includes examples of Magness’ arched-rim and rilled-rim basins dated from between the late third / early fourth century and the sixth century CE (Figs. 6.19-21), (Magness 1993:203-204). An example of an arched-rim bowl with combed decoration on the rim and exterior walls (Fig. 6.19) corresponds to Magness’ Form 2A, generally found in later contexts (Magness 1993:206-207). In the second category the basins display extensive combed decoration on the exterior walls (Figs. 6.23-25). These basins generally have a flared body profile and flat base. One unusual type has a carinated box-like profile with wavy decoration below the rim (Fig. 6.22).These basins are made of light red or yellowish red fabrics with a slightly micaceous quality, suggesting that they may have been produced in the southern coastal region.

With regard to the pottery, compared to the 363 CE assemblages, the variety of pottery forms in this period seems to have diminished. This is probably due to a shift away from southern Jordan as a source of pottery vessels in the period after 363, but it also seems to reflect the increased standardization of forms that one finds in the Negev and other parts of the country in the later Byzantine period.

Imported African red slipped ware bowls are the only fine wares found in the early fifth century assemblage at Oboda (Figs. 6.1-7). Sherds of this kind of ware were found in nearly every room in Phase 3 (Table 4). These include Hayes’ Form 50 (Fig. 6.4) found in the earlier assemblage as well as types that are dated to the first half of the fifth century such as Hayes’ Form 67 (Fig. 6.3). This particular form was found in large quantities at ‘En Hazeva in the occupational debris of the post-363 CE phase. An ARS bowl corresponding to Hayes’ Form 78 (Fig.6: 2) was found in Room 16 together with a collection of six oil lamps and other vessels.

Two mortaria (Figs. 6.26-27) appear to have been the type produced in North Syria. Pieces of the common type, corresponding to Blakely’s Class 2 type, with a heavy, wide and drooping rim, were found in the area around the courtyard room with a large oven and workbench (Fig. 6.26), (Blakely et al. 1992:197). A second mortarium made of the same fabric with a thick fluted rim was found in another room (Fig. 6.27). These vessels are generally dated to the third and fourth century CE (Hayes 1967). The provenance of the first mortarium suggests that it was used in the workroom and was not residual from before the fifth century. As noted in the earlier discussion, these vessels were primarily used to grind ingredients used in food preparation.

Plain ware bowls (Figs. 6.8-18)

Bag shaped juglet (Figs. 6.28)

The plain ware bowls found at Oboda tend to appear in deep forms. The small deep bowls appear to have a variety of profiles: round, carinated and angular (Figs.6.810). One larger bowl (Fig. 6.16) has a rim with a molded profile similar to rouletted forms, probably corresponding to Magness’ Rouletted Form 1 (Magness 1993: 187) dated to the fourth century. Shallow bowl types with a slight carination under the rim appear to have been a popular form at both Oboda and ‘En Hazeva (Fig. 6.17). A similar type of bowl has a pronounced carination under the rim and the rim is extended in both directions (Fig. 6.18). These have been described by Riley as Mid Roman Plain Ware 3, or ‘hammer-headed’ bowls at Benghazi / Berenice (Riley 1979: 345-346). Other carinated forms appear such

The continued appearance of bag shaped juglets in early fifth century contexts is probably due to the local production of this type of plain ware (Fig. 6.28). These juglets, made of light red or buff fabrics covered with buff slips, appear in the Negev settlements from the first century CE and were produced with minor changes well into the Byzantine period. In the Jerusalem area these juglets first appear in Early Byzantine contexts and continue to appear as late as the eighth century CE (Magness 1993:246). Juglets were commonlyfound in the rooms in Phase 3, some of them intact or partially intact in upper levels of the collapse debris. This is a possible indication that they were stored on shelves along the walls, similar to the example found in the kitchen destroyed in the 363 earthquake at Mampsis (Fig. 4.30).

African red slipped ware bowls (Figs. 6.1-7)

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in a rolled, everted rim. Another type of jar (Fig. 6.40), identified in excavations at Marina el-Alamein, has a wide mouth and vertical rim (Daszewski et al. 1990: Fig.12:10). Parallels were not found for other jars such as one with a high straight neck and everted rim (Fig. 6.38) and a small ribbed jar bearing an ostrakon (Fig. 6.41). Bases of several unidentified amphorae were also found (Figs. 6.43-45).

Most of the jugs found in this phase appear to be locally produced. These include the type with a wide mouth and slightly everted rim (Fig. 6.30) similar to examples from the earlier phase (Figs. 4.36-37) as well as a complete globular jug, found in situ, with a high, narrow neck and thick, rolled rim (Fig. 6.32). Likewise, bag shaped jugs with ring bases and wide mouths (Fig. 6.31) continue to appear in the early fifth century. They also seem to have been produced locally and made of light fabrics and slips. A small two handled jug or flask found in this phase has a narrow neck and slightly thickened rim (Fig. 6.29). The thick handles extend from just below the rim to the shoulder of the vessel.

Only a few rim sherds belonging to the “Elusa Jar” were found in the excavation (Fig. 6.46). Petrographic analysis of this jar showed that it was produced locally, probably at Elusa and it is dated from the mid-fourth – sixth century CE. This jar is a local imitation of the common form of Gaza wine jar found in fourth and fifth century contexts, Majcherek’s Form 2, dated 300-450 CE (Fabian and Goren 2002 146, 149). It is made of a light fabric, probably derived from clays found in the area around Elusa. The fabric is very well levigated compared to jars produced in the southern coastal region around Gaza and Ashkelon. No whole or partial examples used for storage or as braziers were found in the excavation. This may indicate that the Elusa jars were more commonly produced and circulated in the later fifth century.

Ration jars (Figs. 6.33-34) Parts of ration jars were found in different areas of the complex (Figs. 6.33-34). This is a type of jar that was found extensively at the fort in ‘En Hazeva in 363 CE contexts (Fig. 4.45). Both of these examples are made of pale brown fabrics with gold flecked inclusions of biotite, covered with pale yellow slips, indicating that they were produced in Aila / Aqaba. Their appearance in the assemblage in the Late Roman Quarter is not extensive but indicates the presence of the Roman military at the site.

The most common vessel found anywhere in the excavation was the common Gaza wine jar, corresponding to Majcherek’s Form 2 (Fig. 6.47). This type was found in nearly every room of the dwellings usually in secondary use as braziers but also as storage jars. The widespread use of this particular jar in both primary use (as a storage jar) and secondary (as braziers) usage, is a strong indication of its extensive circulation. This fact correlates with information provided by ancient sources about the popularity of “Gaza” wine in the fifth and sixth centuries and the evidence of wine presses dating to the same period found at several sites in the Central Negev (Mayerson 1985). Probably the most persuasive evidence regarding the Gaza wine jars is the widespread construction of agricultural terraces throughout the Negev Highlands from the fourth through the sixth century. Although these installations are by their very nature difficult to date, new research, in the form of micromorphological studies, indicates that they were constructed in the Byzantine period and used extensively as vineyards (Pittman and Erickson-Gini 2005). Excavations of a watchtower on a terraced farm near Nessana have produced pottery dated to the fifth and sixth century CE.

Storage jars (Figs. 6.35-45) The traditional bag shaped jars found in early fifth century contexts have a flattened everted rim that contracts inward (Fig. 6.35). This particular example does not exhibit the distinctive loop handles frequently noted in many bag shaped jars. These were probably produced locally. Although no petrographic studies have yet been carried out on these vessels, studies carried out on a local imitation of the Gaza wine jar, the “Elusa Jar” described below, indicate that that type, made of light fabrics, was produced in the Negev in at least one kiln site at Elusa (Fabian and Goren 2002:149-150). In addition to larger storage jars, local kilns probably produced other vessels such as the bag shaped juglets, jugs and storage jars commonly found in the Negev sites that are rarely found in Petra and southern Jordan. A variety of imported storage jars were found in this phase. Some types, such as the spatheion (Fig. 6.37) and parts of the one small amphora with a single handle (Fig. 6.42) were found in contexts dating to 363 CE discussed above. Parts of the spatheion amphora were found in several structures. Two jars correspond to types found in northern Sinai in late fourth century contexts (Arthur and Oren 1998:Fig. 7:2, Fig. 5:5). The first (Fig. 6.36) has a wide mouth, bowed, ridged neck and inverted rim. The handles extended from below the rim. The second vessel (Fig. 6.39) has heavy handles that extend horizontally from the rim and then turn down connecting with the upper part of the shoulders. The neck is high and heavily ridged ending

Serving pots, cooking wares and other kitchen items (Figs. 6.48-57) In this phase. cooking and serving wares appear to have undergone a few changes. Compared to types found in 363 CE, the serving pots in this phase are smaller in size (Fig. 6.48). They are generally made of light colored fabrics and covered with pale slips. The most striking feature of the cooking pots in this phase is that they are virtually unchanged from types found earlier in the fourth and even early third century CE (Fig. 6.49). In one variation the handles are impressed where they join the rim and the 165

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal body profile is globular (Fig. 6.50).

motif of birds and a boat on one side of the lamp similar to the ‘Judean’ lamps found in the Jerusalem area dated to the third –fourth century CE (Israeli and Avida 1988: No.320, p.106). Another type is a kind of round lamp with an irregular shaped filler hole that appears to have been the result of breakage when the lamp was removed from the mold (Fig. 6.61). A double row of raised circles surrounds the plain, undecorated center. This lamp appears to be a late imitation of a type found more frequently in the third and early fourth century contexts such as the Jebel Jofeh tomb in Amman (Harding 1950:28, 31). Lamps and lamp molds of this type were found in early fifth century contexts in excavations in kilns in the Hippodrome at Jerash. At that site clear evidence was found of the reproduction of third century type lamps during the fourth – early fifth century in gypsum molds (Kehrberg 2001: Fig.3: c). Our lamp appears to belong to this class of mass-produced vessel in which the original features have diminished in clarity as the molds themselves lose their quality with each successive duplication. The implications for these findings are far reaching in terms of using lamps as a diagnostic dating tool. In the words of Ina Kehrberg:

Casseroles with horizontal handles (Magness’ Casserole Form 1) (Magness 1993: 212) appear with more frequency than in the preceding period, nearly overtaking closed cooking pots as the main cooking utensil (Figs. 6.5153). This finding correlates with data from Petra where casserole forms became more prevalent after 363 CE (Fellmann-Brogli 1996:Abb.727, 772). In this phase casseroles appear in a variety of forms that will be seen in later Byzantine contexts. They appear in diverse shapes: flared, rounded and with slightly incurved, upright walls found more commonly in the late Byzantine period. Also, for the first time casseroles with a single wishbone handle, corresponding to Magness’ Casserole Form 2 (Magness 1993: 213-214) appears (Fig. 6.54). However, this type was rather rare in the excavation with only three handles of different shapes found throughout the quarter. Many of the cooking ware lids found in this phase have distinctive combing in close wide bands (Figs. 6.55-56). This type of lid was also found at ‘En Hazeva. Two small, perforated ceramic objects may be a kind of stopper (Fig. 6.57). Similar objects were found in the fort at ‘En Hazeva.

“So far, lamps have been treated like quasi-absolute evidence for dating a context or deposit, and usually as confirmation of a chronological sequence. This can seem true in general but specification seems necessary now, as at Jerash where there is increasing evidence that types of lamps, as well as pottery forms, have a longer life, which can stretch either way and cannot be measured in absolute typological-cum-historical terms. Instead, a series of production may not only depend on the workshop but on the location, and thus market, and the type of object in demand/” (Kehrberg 2001:232).

Lamps (Figs. 6.58-64) A lamp found in the residential quarter of Oboda in Room 26 (Fig. 6.58) appears to be a type produced in northern Israel or Transjordan, corresponding to Hadad’s Bet Shean Type 7, dated to the second half of the fourth and the fifth century CE. (Hadad 1998:No.7). Although most examples of this lamp have molded decoration, our lamp is undecorated and has a worn, flaky fabric. Lamps and lamp molds producing this type were also found in early fifth century contexts in the kilns in the Jerash Hippodrome (Kehrberg 2001:Fig.4: b).

The duplication of earlier lamp types is also apparent in another lamp with two nozzles also found in Room 16 (Fig. 6.62). Here too, the quality is poor, indicating that this is a kind of ‘rustic’ imitation of earlier Roman lamps. Similar to the example above, the filler hole appears to have been damaged when the vessel was removed from the mold and the lamp is made of a semi-coarse, unslipped fabric. Similarly, lamps imitating Late Roman types with ‘updated’ features were also found in the kilns in the Jerash hippodrome. Another unusual type of lamp lacks any decoration (Fig. 6.63). The nozzle extends from the lamp and the filler hole is medium sized. A poorly shaped handle is set off center at the back of the lamp. Although no parallels for this type were found in published reports, it has been found at sites in the coastal region (P. Fabian, pers. comm.).

One of the most intriguing finds in the debris of the early fifth century residential quarter was that of a collection of six ceramic oil lamps found in situ in Room 16. Four lamps were found in an upright position and two were found turned upside down (Figs. 6.59-64), probably the result of sliding off a shelf during the earthquake that destroyed the structure. Compared to the types of oil lamps found in 363 CE contexts, these lamps appear to have been brought to the site from the Jerusalem area, northern Palestine, Transjordan and possibly the coastal plain. Only one lamp (Fig. 6.64) appears to be a continuation of lamps produced in southern Jordan.

The only lamp found with the collection that appears to have been produced in southern Jordan has a fabric and molded decoration similar to the types found so extensively in the 363 CE earthquake contexts, particularly at ‘En Hazeva (Fig. 6.64). This seems to indicate that the lamps continued to be produced after that date in southern Jordan. Our lamp has the same kind of decoration as that found on

Two of the lamps appear to have been made in the Jerusalem area. The first (Fig. 6.59) corresponds to Magness’ ‘ovoid lamp with a large filling hole’ dated to the third- fifth century CE, with a raised net design (Magness 1993: 2499-250). The second (Fig. 6.60) has a mixed 166

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Figures 6.36-45 Vessel forms - Early fifth c. CE

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Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Figures 6.46-50 Vessel forms - Early fifth c. CE

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Figures 6.51-57 Vessel forms - Early fifth c. CE

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Vessels and Special Finds of the Early Fifth Century CE floor level. A number of basalt grinding implements were found in several rooms of the complex (Fig. 1.82).

one type of lamp from a fifth-sixth century context under the church floor at Deir ‘Ain ‘Abata in Ghor es-Safi (Politis 1992:Fig.1).

Nabataean inscription (Fig. 7.5)

Special Finds Discussion

Metal objects (Figs. 7.3-4)

One of the most important finds in the excavation was that of a Nabataean inscription in ink on the plaster wall of Room 23 (Fig. 7.5). This room was the only one in the complex that had wall plaster. The inscription was written in the early fifth century prior to the destruction of the complex by earthquake. The inscription has recently been translated by Prof. A. Negev (Negev 2003: 20*). The first line reads, “In good memory and peace from Dushara.” Notably, part of this salutation was found chiseled on a metal lamp in the acropolis hoard (Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1997:194, Pl.1: 1). Rosenthal-Heginbottom notes that this salutary inscriptions beginning with “peace to…’ was frequently found on rock inscriptions in Sinai although the formula ‘good memory to…’ is much rarer (ibid), (Negev 1977: 70, No.254). On the lower line on the right hand side of the inscription there is the reference “To our Lord Senogovia.” According to Negev, the epithet “our lord” is normally reserved for kings. He suggests that this may have been that of a Roman commander conscripted to the army in Spain. Although Negev proposes that the name belonged to an official of the Provincia Arabia it should be noted that building in which the inscription was written and found was constructed in the early fourth century and destroyed by an earthquake in the early fifth century long after the Negev became part of the reorganized province of Palaestina. The inscription was signed by the workman who plastered the room who refers to himself as such, “Gadio his son. Plasterer. Nani.” The last name in the inscription, “Nani” usually refers to the name of a deity. However according to Graf, this female name was common in Egypt in the Byzantine period (D. Graf, pers. comm.).

Metal finds in the complex included several bronze spatulae (Fig. 7.3) and other metal artifacts such as nails (not shown). One unique metal find is that of an ornate bronze omega handle that was probably attached to a type of bronze bowl produced in southern Italy in the late first and second century CE (Fig. 7.4). Nearly identical handles were found on complete vessels in the Cave of the Letters in the Judean Desert, Pompeii and Herculaneum (Yadin 1963b: 46-47, Fig.10:57.20-21, Pl.13). This object was probably residual and it was found near the remains of an iron scythe (not shown) in Room 34. A small quantity of charred wheat was found nearby. Other small finds, which are not shown here included pieces of glass bracelets and sea shells, found in many of the rooms. A tortoise carapace, possibly used to make jewelry, was also found at

This is the latest Nabataean inscription found at Oboda and possibly the entire region. However, it should be noted that Nabataean inscriptions were found on rocks and ostraca at Nessana, tentatively dated to as late as 350 CE (Rosenthal 1962). Until this discovery no Nabataean inscriptions were known from the fifth century CE, although Nabataean inscriptions in a transitional style from sixth century CE contexts have been identified (Taylor 2003). The survival of the Nabataean language and script into the Byzantine period is inferred by the Christian historian, Epiphanius when he describes the pagan festival held in mid-winter at Petra, Alexandria and also in the Negev at Elusa. The festival celebrated the birth of Dousares (Dushara) to virgin goddess called khaamou in the Arabic dialect (Epi 51.22).

Figures 7.1-5 Ceramic plaques (Figs. 7.1-2) Parts of two separate ceramic plaques were found in different areas of the Late Roman Quarter (Figs. 7.1-2). Since none of the plaques were found intact it may be assumed that these parts are residual elements and that they were deposited sometime in the middle to late fourth century Part of a third plaque was found in the debris of Room 7 described above (Fig. 5.1). The two plaques presented here have identical scenes of a foot soldier in combat holding a shield. Like the first example, these rectangular plaques have a convex shape that may have served to stand the plaques in an upright position in order to be viewed. The first plaque (Fig. 7.1) reveals the middle portion of the body and part of the bare leg and upper thigh can be seen below a short, pleated skirt. A good portion of the center of the shield with its decoration is visible. Traces of burnish can be seen on the back of the object but any burnish or coloration has completely worn off the front of the impressed scene. Part of a plaque with a similar scene was found in earlier excavations at the site; however, not enough of that scene was visible to make out the subject (Negev 1986:No.1091). On the second plaque (Fig. 7.2) the lower part of the same type of shield is visible as well as the sandaled feet of the warrior and unidentified objects between the lower legs and to the right. What appears to be the point of a dagger is present on the upper right leg near the knee. Like the first piece, this plaque has traces of burnish on the back of the object but it has worn off on the front.

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Figure 7.2 Special finds - Early fifth c. CE

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Figures 7.3-4 Special finds - Early fifth c. CE

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Figure 7.5 Special finds - Early fifth c. CE

Nabataean inscription in ink on plaster from Room 23 at Oboda

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Discussion and Conclusions

In the examination of the historical sources concerning the third and fourth centuries it is obvious that although general information concerning developments in the East exists, very little of this information pertains to the history of the central Negev. In the face of this dearth of historical data, archaeological findings provide details with which to trace the development of the region in a crucial phase of its history. The following are the results of an examination of the archaeological evidence and the implications of this evidence as it pertains to the accelerated growth in settlement and agriculture that took place in the fourth century CE.

Terra Sigillata wares produced abroad and glass vessels from as far away as Nubia and Dura Europos were circulating through the region until the early to middle third century CE. 2. Material evidence in the form of inscriptions found at Oboda and the continuous archaeological record found at Mampsis both indicate that the settlements in the central Negev were not abandoned during the third century. A tradition of local pottery production continued throughout this period and some local plain ware types survived well into the fourth century CE. The region appears to have been cut off from international trade and fine wares produced abroad were no longer reaching the area until after the Diocletianic period (Figs.1.64-65).

The Results of an Examination of the Material Evidence Material evidence has been presented here from three sites: Mampsis, Oboda and Mezad ‘En Hazeva dating to the period between the early third and the early fifth century CE. This evidence, mainly in the form of ceramic assemblages, is important in different ways. First of all, the contexts in which the main assemblages were found were primary, “Pompeii-type” deposits, i.e. the material was deposited together, abandoned and sealed as opposed to deposits of archaeological material added to over a number of years in a tomb, or thrown as refuse into a well or midden. Sealed, primary deposits provide rare data on the actual quantity and types of wares used simultaneously. Secondly, when the material from these three assemblages are studied together, patterns emerge that can shed light on economic and cultural trends. These patterns and other clues derived from the archaeological record mount in importance when historical evidence, particularly at a local level, is lacking for a particular region, as in this case the central Negev during the period under discussion. The results of studying these assemblages may be summed up as follows (Figs.1.90-91):

3. The ceramic assemblage in the fourth century reflects new economic activity that replaced the long distance trade of the earlier period. The new economy was based on inter-regional trade of agricultural produce and particularly the production of wine. Wine jars produced in the region of Gaza and Ashkelon circulated with increased frequency through the region by the mid-fourth century and these jars are among the through the region by the mid-fourth century and these jars are among the most common vessels found at sites throughout the region in this period. Other vessels produced outside the Negev, such as African RedSlipped wares and Beit Natif style lamps, begin to appear in the Negev towards the middle of the century. 4. The economic and cultural ties between the Negev and Petra continued in the fourth century and were revitalized by the regional build-up of the Roman army from the time of Diocletian. Pottery of a lower quality produced in Petra continued to flow into the Negev towns until the earthquake of 363 CE.

1. The pottery assemblage dated to the first half of the third century CE is radically different in type and quality from the assemblage of the mid-fourth century. Vessels from the earlier assemblage reflect the international long distance trade of luxury goods passing through the central Negev, and particularly unguents produced and packaged in Petra. Nabataean fine wares produced in Petra, Eastern

5. By the early fifth century CE, the ties with Petra and southern Jordan began to wane and local pottery production increased. There are some indications that more pottery 191

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Imported Eastern Terra Sigillata

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Figure 1.90

Continuous local production of plain ware pottery forms

fourth c. CE

fine wares

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Crisis and Renewal – Settlement in the Central Negev in the Third and Fourth Centuries C.E.

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Gaza wine jar – Type 1 first – third c. CE

fourth c. CE

Gaza wine jar –Type 2 300-450 CE

Nabataean painted ware tradition until 363 CE

Nabataean unguentaria production until 250 CE

Early third c. CE

Figure 1.91 Figure 1.90

Early fifth c. CE

Discussion and Conclusions

Crisis and Renewal – Settlement in the Central Negev in the Third and Fourth Centuries C.E. have chosen to live in organized farming communities in this area and only 14,120 dunams are presently under cultivation. It is estimated that the Israeli government has invested nearly 50 million dollars in agriculture in the Ramat Negev area alone since 1948.2 What was responsible for the dramatic transformation of this region in the fourth century CE? In the past two theories have been put forward to answer this question. 1.

Climatic Change

Ellsworth Huntington, a major proponent of environmental determinism in the early 20th century, was among the first to propose that a wetter climate was responsible for the florescence of the Negev in the Byzantine period (Huntington 1911). Only a few years later Woolley and Lawrence questioned the validity of Huntington’s theory in wake of their survey of ancient towns of the Roman and Byzantine periods in the Negev. They noted that in that period the inhabitants had gone to great lengths to procure runoff moisture with elaborate catchment systems (Woolley and Lawrence 1914-1915: 33). W. F. Albright, one of the leading opponents of Huntington’s theory, also emphasized the archaeological evidence of the procurement of water in the Negev as proof of the scarcity of water in that period (Albright 1958: 108-111). Albright questioned the very basis of Huntington’s theories, which in his opinion, were based on false premises and on the induction of wrongly observed facts. He also pointed out that Huntington had ignored contradictory archaeological evidence found in other parts of the Near East (Albright 1958:109-111).

Figure 1.92. Changes in Dead Sea levels during historical periods, ca 3800 BCE. 1950 CE (Bruins 1994: Fig. 2) began to arrive from of what is central and northern Israel and Transjordan. The circulation of Gaza wine jars in the towns of the central Negev increased to such a great extent that they are often found in secondary use as braziers. Rare evidence of the survival of Nabataean language and religion is found at Oboda. The Transformation of the Central Negev A pattern of prosperity based on long distance trade, followed by economic crisis, followed by a revitalization of the local economy in the fourth century is evident throughout the East in other regions. However, to find this pattern in the Negev Highlands, situated as it is in a relatively inhospitable hyper-arid zone with a paucity of natural water sources begs further inquiry. The central Negev experienced an all-time peak in population and land use for agriculture in the Late Roman / Byzantine period from the fourth-seventh centuries CE. One conservative estimate suggests that approximately 30,000 people inhabited the Negev towns and countryside in the Late Byzantine period,1 utilizing around 2000 square kilometers of land of which 4000 hectares were terraced fields (Broshi 1980; Kedar 1967). It is estimated that less than a quarter of the population could have been fed by locally produced food and it would have been necessary to acquire food supplies from outside the region through trade (Bruins 1986:200-201).

The climatic theory was reiterated in recent years by other researchers. Issar has suggested that the wetter climatic conditions of the Early Roman period may have continued into the Late Roman period (Issar and Govrin 1991:82; Issar and Makover-Levin 1995:18). Hirschfeld has suggested that a significant increase in precipitation caused by climatic change may be responsible for increased settlement and agricultural activity in the Negev in the fourth century CE (Hirschfeld 2003:4). Basically, the theory of climatic change has not been proven in scientific studies and higher sea levels in the Dead Sea in the first century BCE and first century CE have been interpreted as indications of a more humid climate in the Early Roman period followed by an increasingly arid, warmer climate through the remainder of the first millennium C.E. (Bruins 1994: 307-308, Rosen 2000:55), (Fig. 1.92). However, studies of the archaeobotanical evidence from Masada and other excavations in southern Israel, including 'En Rahel, Moyat 'Awad (Mo'a), Arad, 'En Boqeq, Mezad Tamar, and Mezad Tsafit have shown that the local woody vegetation of this arid region is the same as that today (Liphschitz and Lev-Yadun 1989:29, Table 1).

By contrast, fifty-five years after the inclusion of this area in the modern state of Israel and fifty years after Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, retired from public life to live in Kibbutz Sede Boqer in order to encourage settlement in the Negev, less than 2000 adult citizens

  Figures supplied by Y. Moskovitz, director of the Ramat Negev Research and Development Organization in May 2002.

  Rubin has rejected Broshi’s estimate as too conservative preferring AviYonah’s estimate of approximately 80,000 inhabitants (Rubin 1990:62).

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Discussion and Conclusions Rubin has argued forcefully against the idea that climatic change was responsible for the accelerated agricultural regime of the Byzantine period and points out that in addition to scientific studies the historical records dated to the fourth through sixth century CE refer to the central Negev as a desert region (Rubin 1995:27).

Oboda presented here point to a longer lifespan for the Nabataean religion, language and direct ties with Petra than was previously known. These findings parallel evidence of the continuation of a common Nabataean culture through the third century and into the Byzantine period at Petra (Fiema 2002a:62). Thus, far from becoming totally assimilated by the third century CE, the local inhabitants appear to have maintained their cultural and religious identity and their relationship with Petra and southern Transjordan well into the Byzantine period.

Recent archaeological surveys and excavations in regions north of the Central Negev have revealed that the components of catchment systems such as terraced wadis enclosed by walls and tuleat al-anab, all of which are found extensively throughout the Central Negev. These regions include the Be’ersheva Basin and the area east of Rosh HaAyin in the central coastal plain (Katz 1997, Negev 1997, Haiman 1998, Haiman and Fabian f.c.). The discovery of these installations in areas with a higher rate of precipitation than that of the Central Negev points to the possibility that drought conditions may have existed periodically in the Byzantine and Early Islamic periods in Palestine.

Anthropological research of the make-up of the inhabitants buried at Rehovot-in-the-Negev in the Byzantine period points clearly to the fact that the population of that period was indigenous. The growth in population there was gradual and steady, the result of natural internal causes and not the result of the penetration of foreigners from other regions (Nagar 1999:118-119). The anthropological evidence is confirmed by the retention of Nabataean names in the Negev towns in the Byzantine period. In the period between 200 and 350 CE the names recorded on inscriptions found at Oboda and Elusa reveal that they are almost exclusively Nabataean names. Towards the end of the seventh century the corpus of names gleaned from sources such as the Nessana papyri reveal that the Nabataean ethnic element was still prominent (Negev 1991:3).

Notably, wetter climatic conditions developed around the twelth century CE. However, this more favorable climate was not accompanied by any increase in population in the Negev and the region was virtually uninhabited in that period. 2.

Upon close examination, the idea of acculturation appears to be based on anachronistic arguments about conditions present in the Negev in the Late Byzantine period after institutions such as the church, the civil administration and the thriving agricultural regime had become well established in the region. This includes the pivotal role of one element supposedly responsible for the development of agriculture in the region, the limitanei.1 The first historical reference to limitanei working the land is from 443 CE (Isaac 1998: 379). The primary source of historical information about the limitanei in the central Negev belongs to the ‘soldiers archive’ found at Nessana dated to the sixth century CE (Kraemer 1958:4). Although it may be assumed that the limitanei were farming land in the Negev as early as the fourth century, as of yet there is no direct evidence of this activity and their contribution to the agricultural regime in the Negev was probably not well established until the fifth century or later.

Acculturation

Rubin has put forward a detailed theory based on acculturation of the indigenous inhabitants in the Negev. According to him, by the third century CE the Nabataean inhabitants of the Negev had become thoroughly assimilated into the culture and religion of the Roman East and no longer used the Nabataean language. In the fourth century the remainder of this population was penetrated by people from the Mediterranean region that included Roman border troops (limitanei), administrative officials, ecclesiastics and also Bedouins from surrounding regions. These new elements, the centers of power of which were located outside of the Negev, were responsible for urbanization and the accelerated growth of the agricultural regime in the region in the period following the economic and administrative reforms implemented by Diocletian and Constantine I (Rubin 1990: 69, 72, 189). Similarly, Mayerson has proposed that urbanization in the central Negev was the result of the advent of Christianity in the region and the spread of monasticism (Mayerson 1987; 1994:237).

More recently, other researchers have put forward another aspect of acculturation: the idea that government initiatives such as the privatization of imperial property or state sponsored agricultural development in peripheral regions were responsible for the increase in settlement and agriculture in the Negev in the Byzantine period (Hirschfeld 2003:4-5, Haiman and Fabian f.c.). However, there is no evidence that this kind of official initiative was

Archaeological and physical anthropological evidence does not support Rubin’s assertion that the indigenous inhabitants had lost their Nabataean identity before the Byzantine period. The recent archaeological findings from

  This idea is rooted in Mommsen’s description of these troops as a peasant militia who cultivated tracts of land granted them by the Roman administration, an assertion that has been criticized by later scholars (Isaac 1998:367).

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Crisis and Renewal – Settlement in the Central Negev in the Third and Fourth Centuries C.E. steady state

chaos

bifurcation

phase transition

steady state

(Portugali 2000: 318) ever implemented in the Negev. Regarding the neighboring region of southern Transjordan, Fiema has pointed out that the distribution and small average size of settlements and their less accentuated hierarchies show that their administrative and economic structures were minimal, indicating a low degree of centralized control in the region (Fiema 2002b:232). The same argument can be made concerning the towns in the Central Negev. The economic initiatives undertaken in this region in the period under discussion were internal responses on the part of the local inhabitants and not initiatives imposed from a central authority.

Figure 1.93. Bifurcation tree of possible solutions to the dynamic equations

The Self-Organized Economy of the Fourth Century CE Having examined the weaknesses of the existing theories I propose that the transformation of the central Negev in the fourth century was the result of the emergent behavior of a complex adaptive system, the model of which has been identified and investigated in other disciplines. This type of system is decentralized, i.e. there is no centralized authority directing or planning its growth and development. In other words it is a ‘bottom-up’ system that developed in the framework of the local, indigenous population as opposed to a ‘top-down’ decision making this process in the context of imperial and ecclesiastical imposed control (Johnson 2001:18; Barker 2002:504).

The development of the system is therefore this mixture of chance and necessity. On a branch the trajectory is fairly stable and its trajectory and response to external change may be deterministic. But when the system is near to a ‘branching’ or ‘bifurcation’ point it is relatively unstable, and hence small, chance disturbances, which are always present in the system can be decisive in nudging it onto one branch rather than another. In this way we find that history is made up of successive phases of relatively predictable development ‘along’ a particular branch, separated by moments of instability and real change during which the future of the system is laid down by some rather indeterminate chance events which push it onto one or another branch.” (Allen 1997:17-18).

A Description of the Theory of Self-Organization The theory of self-organization originated in the exact sciences and it is increasingly being applied to the field of economics and social and regional sciences. The evolution of a complex adaptive system can be summed up in the following sequence:

In social theory, the process of change that starts when an old system or regime collapses and a period of strong fluctuations and chaos begins, is termed a revolution or, in the language of self-organization, a phase transition (Portugali 2000:318). Following this revolutionary stage, or phase transition, and depending on what factors are present at this critical juncture, the system will be attracted back into a steady state of one kind or another.1

This process has been described by Peter Allen with regard to historical developments: Open systems, subject to exchanges of energy and matter with their environments, and with nonlinear interactions between the micro-elements can give rise to macroscopic states of organization and behavior that undergo bifurcation that is, for identical external conditions, various possible structures can exist, each of which is perfectly compatible with the microscopic interactions. The characteristic diagram describing such systems is the bifurcation ‘tree,’ (Fig. 1.93).

Urbanization and the Theory of Self-Organization This process of emergent behavior has been noted in studies on urbanization in historical times. Throughout history urbanization appears to have been a discontinuous phenomenon consisting of bursts of rapid growth followed by long periods of stagnation (Kostof 1991:30). Historical precedents can be found in the accelerated urban development that took place in Europe between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries CE, development   Phase transitions in physics take place when solids or liquids are heated. A certain amount of heat or pressure can, at a certain point, cause the substance to enter a chaotic state leading to its transformation into a different form, for example, turning water into a vapor. Critical phenomena can be found in seemingly unrelated transitions such as the magnetizing of metals and the boiling of liquids (Gleick 1998:161).

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Discussion and Conclusions that would be unmatched until the 19th century (De Landa 1997:29). A major feature of this phase transition is that the system was not planned or directed by a central, hierarchical authority.

Small settlements built around caravan stops Economy based on passing longdistance trade (steady state)

In its formative period Venice was a supplier of salt and timber to the major urban center of the time, Constantinople. At that point an explosive growth of networks occurred made up of small producers substituting locally manufactured goods for imports arriving from Constantinople, a dynamic termed “import-substitution” by Jane Jacobs (Jacobs 1984:43). Venice, Florence, Genoa and other large medieval cities were soon minting their own coinage, increasing the volume of European trade (De Landa 1997:36). The accelerated growth of the population was primarily in the hinterland in small towns that had developed a network of local market centers. The key component in this development and the acceleration of urbanization in general is the flow of energy in the form of money: energy flowed from the agricultural villages to the towns they fed and money flowed from the town to the countryside (Odum and Odum 1981:41).

The Roman military buildup in the Negev and Transjordan generates a demand for services and agricultural products (trigger)

The decline and virtual cessation of long-distance trade necessitates a shift in the economic base for survival (chaos)

Local agriculture grows to meet the demand for supplies (bifurcation)

Phase Transition

Settlement and Agriculture in the Tripolitanian ‘PreDesert’ in the Imperial Roman Period

Accelerated population growth and increased utilization of resources. Full integration with the interregional trade network. (steady state)

An increased in the circulation of money occurs. A regional trade network takes shape. Agricultural surpluses are exported.

Studies carried out in northwest Libya in part of the region of ancient Tripolitania have revealed striking parallels with the Negev (Barker 2002). Until the late first century CE the desert fringe of this region was inhabited by highly mobile, transhumant pastoralists who subsisted mainly on herding and a small amount of cultivated cereals. In the late first century CE the area was suddenly transformed into an agricultural zone with hundreds of courtyard farms. These farms utilized drainage catchment techniques that amplified the amount of rainfall (approximately 100 mm annually) producing a wide range of crops that included cereals, pulses, Mediterranean and African fruits, herbs and oil plants such as olives. Oil and wine presses and collection vats were found extensively in these farms, an indication that they were producing surpluses. The farms in the southernmost region were operated until their abandonment in the fifth century but those situated further north were occupied as late as the seventh century CE. It appears that the original farmhouses were replaced with fortified structures (gsur) sometime in the third century CE.

Figure 1.94

Figure 1.94. Process of transformation Recent geomorphological and palaeoecological studies established that the climate in the Tripolitanian region had basically remained unchanged for the last 3000 years (Gilbertson 1996). Furthermore, archaeological research has revealed that the transformation had taken place earlier than previously thought, sometime in the late first century CE. Inscriptions found in several open farms and burial sites have proven that the inhabitants were indigenous Libyans and not colonists or limitanei (Mattingly 1983, 1987). It is now believed that the accelerated growth in settlement and agriculture in the region took place within a century as the indigenous elites responded to new opportunities such as the supply needs of the Roman army by intensive land use involving cash crop farming (Barker 2002:503).

Prior to recent studies, two main theories were proposed to explain the rapid transformation of this desert region into a prosperous, settled and cultivated area. The first was climatic change. The second theory held that settlement activity had been part of the imperially established system of defense in which the limitanei, or border soldiers, were brought in from other regions, settled in fortified farms and given tracts of land to work. 1

The Florescence of the Central Negev in the Fourth Century CE The explosive development of agriculture and urbanization in the central Negev conforms with the sequence described by Portugali and has many of the characteristics found in the urbanization of Europe in the medieval period as well as the florescence of the Tripolitanian pre-desert in the Roman period. On the basis of the examination of the material evidence from the central Negev discussed here above I propose the following model (Fig. 1.94) to

  This theory was proposed by earlier researchers in the wake of surveys of the area that had led them to believe that the transformation had taken place between the third and fifth centuries CE (Barker 2002:491-492).

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criSiS aNd reNewal – SettlemeNt iN the ceNtral Negev iN the third aNd fOurth ceNturieS c.e. describe the process of self-organization responsible for the florescence of the region in the fourth century CE:

economic base. In studies of the Zuni region of the American Southwest, individuals and communities facing organizational collapse in the early second millennium attempted to mitigate disruption and instability by experimenting with new organizational principles (Stone 1999: 117).

1) The original Nabataean settlements were built up around caravan stops that were established in the Hellenistic and Early Roman periods. These settlements were small in comparison to the later Byzantine towns but evidence from Oboda and Mampsis indicates that the population enjoyed a relatively high standard of living due to their involvement in international trade. Agricultural production at these sites was a supplementary resource but not the economic base of the inhabitants. The long distance trade produced a high margin of profit since it was based on the price differences between two markets located very far apart and the trade in luxury goods involved big firms rather than small producers (De Landa 1997:45, 49). This initial economy was not the type that was conducive to accelerated growth in the region but it can be recognized as a steady state.

4) In the late third and early fourth century CE a critical factor was introduced: that of the extensive Roman military buildup under Diocletian that took place throughout the East. The buildup was intensive in the area of southern Transjordan and the Negev and at least three legions were moved into the region, roads were improved and forts and military camps were constructed. The influx of Roman military personnel into the Negev and Southern Jordan created an immediate demand for resources. In addition to bringing supplies from the coastal region and the north, local producers stepped up production to meet the demand. Instead of serving primarily as a geographical barrier to be crossed the region suddenly became a resource in its own right. The augmented flow of currency into and through the Negev acted as a stimulant for production and trade.1 This development was the equivalent to introducing a flow of energy into the local economy, triggering a bifurcation in the chaotic state. The flow of energy is critical in producing a phase transition or revolutionary pattern leading to change. In the words of Manuel De Landa:

2) In the next stage chaotic fluctuations occurred when the international trade network in the Negev and Transjordan broke down in the middle of the third century CE. The towns remained inhabited although there are indications that the Roman army pulled their forces out of the region after 222 CE.

“Nonlinear models show that without an energy flow of a certain intensity, no system, whether natural or cultural, can gain access to the self-organization resources constituted by endogenously generated stable states (attractors) and transitions between those states (bifurcations). Second, nonlinear models illustrate how the structures generated by matter-energy flows, once in place, react back on those flows either to inhibit them or further intensify them.” (De Landa 1997:55)

3) The relationship, if any existed, between this redeployment and the decline and virtual cessation of trade through the region is unclear. Archaeological evidence from Oboda points to continued use of the Petra-Gaza road until around 270 CE. Archaeological evidence also raises the possibility that Oboda was struck by an epidemic sometime between 225 and 250 CE and it is reasonable to assume that other towns in the region would also be affected.

5) The economic stimulus introduced by the concentrated military buildup and its continued presence throughout the fourth century resulted in a phase transition leading to accelerated population growth and land utilization unlike anything that took place in the region before or since. Towns in the central Negev formed a network of small producers and eventually production surpluses were exported through Elusa, the major “gateway” city in the region, to the coastal area and elsewhere.

Generally, the effects of widespread economic instability were severe throughout the Roman world in this period and it is not surprising that the fortunes of Petra and towns along the international trade routes were so deeply affected. As Rosen has pointed out, periods of cultural florescence in the Negev appear to be related to accelerated economic integration with the Mediterranean core area and: “the collapse of the economic core will inevitably result in the collapse of its dependants, unless alternative economic paths are available.” (Rosen 2000:47). In the face of a large-scale economic recession, or in this case, a total collapse of the economic base, the response of the inhabitants in a fringe zone is crucial and their choices range between the abandonment of the region, isolation and regional factionalism or the adoption of an alternative

Significantly, rapid urbanization and the intensive use of land was taking place throughout other parts of Palestine in regions adjoining the central Negev in the southern coastal plain and the Be’er Sheba basin, creating favorable conditions for the The dramatic increase in the quantity of coinage here and in adjoining regions in the fourth century with the rise of the Constantinian dynasty has been termed the ‘outstanding monetary phenomenon’ of the Byzantine period (Bijovsky 2000-2001:209).

1

198

Discussion and Conclusions integration of the Negev into the inter-regional economic and social framework of Late Antique Palestine.1

at its peak in the Late Byzantine period in the fifth through seventh centuries.

In the fifth and sixth centuries, the majority of the inhabitants in the Negev towns adopted Christianity and the local economy was further stimulated by the increasing numbers of pilgrims traveling through the area to Sinai. This period witnessed a peak in population and the utilization of land in the region as well as extensive construction in the major towns such as Sobota, Elusa and Rehovot in the Negev. Summary

The rapid urbanization that started in the central Negev in the fourth century is not unparalleled in other regions and time periods. Other examples may be found in the florescence of the Tripolitanian pre-desert in the Imperial Roman period and the urban explosion in Europe in the Middle Ages, each of which share the characteristics of the emergent behavior of complex adaptive systems. These systems are self-organized according to processes that have been modeled in the exact sciences.

The findings presented here are a combination of an analysis of the material culture found in three major sites in the central Negev at Mampsis, Oboda and ‘En Hazeva and existing historical information about the region in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine periods. These findings show that the Nabataean cultural and ethnic identity of the inhabitants survived the upheavals of the third century and continued well into the fifth century CE. This indigenous population formed the basis for the urbanized culture and widespread agricultural regime found in the central Negev

In wake of the collapse of their economic base in the third century the inhabitants of the central Negev responded to new conditions in the fourth century, brought about by the substantial deployment of Roman army forces in the region, by accelerating the production of cash crops and particularly wine. This new economic activity, and the resulting expansion of cultivated land and population growth, was not directed by any centralized authority or encouraged by more favorable climatic conditions but was rather the result of local, internal processes.

1   In late 19thcentury Palestine, land use intensified and wider areas were cultivated in order to produce cash crops in response to international market demands. A fundamental condition for this development was increased security in region (Agmon 1986:115).

199

200

Appendices

Pottery and Small Finds Corpus

Coins and Loci lists

From Mampsis, Oboda and Mezad 'En Hazeva

201

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal Mampsis Loci List

Building XII South Location Debris in Latest Layer, Over L10803/A Debris over L10804/A Debris in Foundation Trench of Wall 5 Debris Layer over Rooms 1 and 2 Debris Layer over Room 1 Debris in foundation trench of W5 and over Building XII foundation trench Late Occupation Layer, Room 1 Occupation Layer, Room 2 Early Occupation Layer, Room 1 Building XII Foundation Trench

Locus 97102

baskets

Room

Phase

9613

1

3

9620

BASKET 9731 9732 9736 9737 9738 9740

Locus L10802 L10803/A L10803/B L10804/A L10805/A L10804B

9741 9743 9745 9746

L10805/B L10806 L10808 L10807

Coins

location

Cat. Nos. 13, 14, 16 - dated North of Room 2 335-346

Notes Minimum finds over a hard packed dirt floor

9632 9636 9641 9642 9648 9653 97103

9657 9699

97202

9612

2

2

3

9614

Cat. No. 1 – Aretas IV (39-40 CE)

Section below dirt floor of 97102 along the western wall Kitchen room south of Room 1

9621

Nabataean debased painted ware pottery sherds Kitchen with in situ pottery vessels and special finds on a plaster floor surface

Cat. No. 9 – end of 3rd – early 4th c. CE

9626 9629 9633

16 coins date from between 330 – 361 CE

9638 97203

9643

2

97302

9622

2

3

Section in floor below 97202 in the n-w corner Eastern side of Room 2

3

3

West and next to Room 1

9630 9634 9637 9644 9646 9649 97402

9615 9692

202

Traces of a thin plaster floor over earlier layers

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

Locus

baskets

97404

location

Notes

Inter-

Below 97402

Layer immediately below plaster floor surface

Below 97404

Room

Phase

3

97405

9698

3

mediate Phase 2-3 2

97406

9693

3

1

2

3

2

3

9694 9702 97502

9671 9674 9678 9682

97503

9683

97504

9688

2

9689 9696 9701

97602

9617

2

3

9624

Coins

Remains of a stone floor from the 2nd phase Below 97405 Traces of plaster over bedrock with 2nd c. Nabataean painted ware pottery sherds See L97202 South and next to 97202 Western side of the kitchen. Numerous finds including a brazier made from a n inverted Gaza wine jar and complete serving pots in situ. Aquamanile and large ARS bowl, bone and metal implements West of 97502 Rubble immediately outside the south western corner of Room 2, base of the Phase 2 flagstone floor in this area Cat. No. 2 – Roman Provincial Below the stone pavement Rubble and soil under the coin of Antoninus Pius (146- of L1000 flagstone floor of Phase 2 147) (L1000). In situ Nabataean unguentarium and a crushed glass vessel found standing upright in the corner opposite Rooms 1,2 and 3. Cat. No. 8 – 297-307 CE

South and next to 97502

Cat. Nos. 22, 27 – first half of 4th c. CE

9628 9631 9635 9640 9645 9647 9652 97802

3

East and next to Room 1 and between Room 1 to the town wall

9654 9658 9661 9666 9667

97803 97902

9691 9703 9650

1 3

9655

Below 97802 2 Late Roman coins from the East and next to Room 2 1st half of the 4th c. CE

9659 9662 9651 98002

3

East of 97302

9656 9660

203

Southern side of Room 2 and part of the outside cobblestone courtyard to the south

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Locus 98102

baskets

Room

Phase

9670

2

3

9679 9704

Coins Cat. No. 3 – Septimus Severus (193-211) minted at Petra

location

Notes

Balk east of 97102

Cat. No. 5 - Elagabalus (218222) Cat. Nos. 7-8 – Diocletian (294-305)

98202

9672

2

3

98302 98402

9673 9676 9677

3

3 3

98502

9700 9680

2

3

98602 1000

9686 9681

2

1031

3

1032

1

Cat. No. 32 – 4th c.

Balk east of 97202

Balk east of 97302 Cat. No. 4 – Julia Domna or Balk east of 97402 Caracalla (193-217) Balk east of 97502 Cat. No. 10 3rd c. CE

Balk east of 97602 Stone pavement

Silo outside and south of Room 2 Hearth west of W1009

1035

2

3

1036

2

3

Brazier in Room 2 in 97502 Lintel stone

3

Plastered silo

1037

204

Phase 2 construction in Building XXV in the 2nd half of the 2nd c. CE

Found on the southern side of the kitchen, Room 2

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

205

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

206

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

207

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

208

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

209

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

210

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

211

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

212

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

213

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

214

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

215

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

216

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

217

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

218

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

219

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

220

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

221

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

222

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

223

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

224

Appendix I: Pottery and Special Frinds from Mampsis by Loci

225

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Oboda Loci List

Locus 600 Room 4 601 Room 4 6011031 (Balk) Room 13 602

Date 3.11.99 4.11.997.11.99 24.11.99

Room 4

604 Room 4 701 Room 3

Basket

#18* #19* #26 #163*

Elevations Start: 657.04 End: 656.43

Coins

Note Surface and upper layer of collapse debris

Start: 656.43 End: 656.23

Collapse layer below surface

Start: 657.04656.26

Balk

End: 656.24 8.11.99-

Room 4

603

#13*

19.12.9921.12.99

20.12.9921.12.99 3.11.998.11.99

7 0 1 - 7 0 3 17.11.99 (Balk) 702 9.11.9911.11.99 Room 3

#34 #45 #52* #64 #75* #135 #247* #292 #337 #339 #347* #377 #389* #401 #405 #343 #357 #406 (GJ) #420 #431* #434* #446* #360 #361*

Start: 656.26 End: 655.45

Coin # 8

Collapse layer of building stones and loose soil down to dirt floor surface with ash patches

Start: 655.45 End:655.33

Coins #103;#104; #106 #103-104 – 4th c. #106 – city coin 2nd – early 3rd c.

Earlier floor surface (4th century) with collapsed arch stones and springer along southern wall of Room 4 (W-48); loosely packed brown soil with pottery; evidence of blockage of three doorways – two along W-18 leading into Room 3 and one along W-41, leading into Room 7

Start: 655.33 End:655.16

Coin #100 – city coin 2nd – Layer of loose brown soil over bedrock early 3rd c.

#14* #20* #27* #35*

Start: 657.04 End: 656.15

Coins #2;#3;#5;#6; Collapse layer of medium sized building stones #7 (4th century: see coin list found under surface and containing in situ pottery for details) (jug and Gaza jars – photos). Below this - layer of inner wall fill (pink) over ash layer

#105*

Start: 656.66 End: 655.92 Start: 656.15 End: 655.93

#42 #53* #63*

Balk 4th Debased painted sherds; Ash layers under collapse layer (L701) and over imported amphorae hard packed loess

#327 (19.12.99) 702-802 (Balk)

28.11.99

#180

Start: 656.66-655.97 End: 655.54

Room 2 702-822 (Section)

Includes surface to bedrock layers; collapse throughout all layers and over bedrock. No discernable floor surface indicated

1.12.992.12.99

#210 #216

Start: 655.54 End: 654.73

Room 2 703

Includes surface to bedrock layers; collapse throughout all layers and over bedrock. No discernable floor surface indicated

14.11.99

#74*

Start: 655.93 End: 655.79

Brown soil (loose texture) underlying ash layers (living surface of Room 3); mixed ash with soil and abundant pottery and bones ARS sherds

Room 3

226

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus Locus 704 Room 3 801

Date 14.11.9916.11.99 7.11.998.11.99

#84* #87 #95

Basket

#28 #443 (28.12.99)

Elevations Start: 655.79 End: 655.12 Start: 656.13 End: 656.09

Coins

Coin #107

Notes Cleaner brown soil with limestone chips; contains pottery and bones; layer ends over quarried bedrock at elv. 655.12; bedrock slopes down from east to west; ARS body sherds in #84 not drawn Collapse layer of medium building stones

#455 (29.12.99) 802

2.12.99

#36 #44 #89 #101 #106 #182 #195 #200 #467 #217

Room 1 820

28.11.99

#181

Room 2 821

Start: 655.54 End: 655.41

Rather sterile reddish brown soil, hard-packed over bedrock; contains a few finds, notably an intact bronze bell; Bedrock appears to be natural and not worked in this part of the room Surface and upper layer of loose light (grayish) brown soil and medium building stone collapse

29.11.99

#194 #421 (27.12.99) #433 (28.12.99) #456 (29.12.99) #199

Start: 655.41 End: 654.99

Loose light brown soil and stone building collapse; minimal pottery or other finds

Room 1

803

8.11.9930.11.99

Room 2

822 Room 2 900 Room 13

901

30.11.99

12.12.9922.12.99

12.12.99

Room 13

902

22.12.9925.12.99

Room 13 903 26.12.99

#273* #378 #388* #469* (2.1.00) #279 #297* #300 #307* #312* #334* #346* #376 #387 #390 #400* #407*

Room 13 1001

3 1 . 1 0 . 9 9 - #2* 2.11.99 #6*

1021

11.11.99 – 15.11.99

Room 12

#68* #81* #85*

Start:656.09 End: 654.91

Collapse stones found in a layer and also directly on floor surface (dirt) with Gaza wine jars found crushed in situ (also a complete jar found located next to the stairs along W-17); Room entered from courtyard and located at a lower level than the courtyard. Indications of earthquake damage in stair collapse. No discernable floor indicated other than surface on which in situ pottery was found

Start: 654.91 End: 654.50

Start: 654.99 End: 654.64

Coin #44

Collapse stones and loose dirt found over worked bedrock; bedrock slopes downwards towards southern wall of the room; minimal pottery or other finds; no discernable floor surface Thin surface overlying sections of a plaster floor

Coin #97

Ashy brown soil underlying plaster floor surface with pottery

Start: 656.27-655.32 End: 656.17

Start: 656.17 End: 655.16

Start: 655.16 End: 654.99 Start: 654.99 End: 654.91

Start: 657.05 End: 656.95 east 656.90 west Start: 656.69 End: 656.10

Loose brown soil and rubble and a loosely packed layer immediately above L903 Coin #102 (coin found between rocks in cobble stone surface) – early 3rd c. probably of Caracalla

Hard packed layer of nearly sterile brown soil located directly over a cobble stone surface; hard packed surface may be actual living floor and cobble stone surface may be floor foundation Collapse layer below surface

Collapse layer with moist brown soil and a lot of pottery; basalt grinding implements (intact); Roman Round Discus lamp

227

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal Locus 1022 Room 12 1023 Room 12

Date 16.11.9922.11.99

21.11.9922.11.00

Basket #96* #109* #122 #136* #144 #129* #146*

1031

Elevations Start: 656.10 End: 655.26

Coins #22; #23 possible 3rd c.

Start: 655.26 End: 655.12

Notes Layer of moist brown soil under collapse layer; no apparent floor surface

Hard packed, uneven surface made from packed limestone and loess; a jar base was found stuck down into this level (whole vessel reconstructed); this layer lines up with the foundations of the western, southern and northern walls of the room and extends below them. An entrance along the western wall of this room (in the north-west corner) was intentionally blocked in order to provide for the later construction of the eastern wall of Room 11. The room appears to have been intentionally filled with soil and pottery from the floor to the surface. The room was not used in the 4th century (latest phase) of the building Loose brown soil under what was originally L1000 from surface; Bronze statuette

2 3 . 1 1 . 9 9 - #153* 30.11.99 #160* Room 13 #170 #179* #193* #207 1032 1.12.99#215 2.12.99 #223

Start: 655.32 End: 655.13

Room 13 1033 2.12.995.12.99

Slightly reddish brown soil, slightly packed; no signs of building stone collapse; Debased Nab. PFW and plain FW; no discernable floor surface except for entrance step

#224 #235

Start:655.13 End: 654.91

Room 13 1034 6.12.99

Reddish brown soil, mostly sterile with minimal pottery or other finds over a foundation of small, rough stones (cobble stone surface)

#236

Nearly sterile reddish brown soil over bedrock

Room 13 1042 9.12.99

S t a r t : 6 5 4 . 9 1 Coin #86 End:654.61

#269

Start: 656.24 End:655.01

Upper layer contained collapsed building stones; lower layer over the floor contained nearly sterile, loose brown soil; may have served as a niche for hiding goods; appears to have been created when Room 4 was added next to the earlier walls of Room 13 and W-29 Dark brown gray soil and collapse

Room 7

1101 Room 7 1102 Room 7

1121 Room 6

Start: 656.90 End: 655.32

3 1 . 1 0 . 9 9 - #3 3.11.99 #7

Start: 656.16 End: 656.87 east 656.73 west

7.11.998.12.99

Start: 656.99 End: 656.21

Coin # 4 - City coin Deep collapse layer of building stones and loess 2nd century CE with pottery and bones; fallen ceiling stones with 4th c. coins over bedrock soot marks found in collapse near the floor surface including late 3rd-early 4th (see coin list for details)

Start: 656.87 End: 656.49

Coin #14 – 4th or 5th c. coin Collapse of medium size building stones and light brown soil

11.11.9917.11.99

#29 #41 #46 #59 #60 #67 #76 #86 #104 #115 #123* #125 #127 #145 #152 #256 #21 #88* #100 #108 #108

228

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus Locus 1122 Room 6

Date 18.11.99 21.11.99

Basket – #116*

Elevations Start: 656:49 End: 655.42

Coins

1132

22.11.99

#126* #137*

Start: 656.23 End: 655.60

Coins #26; #27; #28

1142

22.11.9924.11.99

#138 #149* #161* #171*

Start: 656.35 End: 655.70

Coin #35

Room 14 1143 25.11.99

Start: 655.70 End: 655.47

Room 14 1201 Room 5 1202 Room 5 1203 Room 5 1204

Notes Room 6 (Stair case tower and pantry; approx. 60 complete and intact ceramic and glass vessels found in situ in a small space which may have contained wooden shelves; photos of in situ pottery finds; pottery ranges from late 1st and 2nd century CE (heirlooms?) and mainly 3rd century wares (ETS; NFPW; NFW; numerous cooking pots; cups; jugs; jars (including imported jars and jugs with plaster and cloth stopper intact); unguentaria; wood fragments; bronze; iron Layers of ash and soft brown soil built up over the floor at the bottom of the stairs in Room 6; contains Gaza Jars (4th century) Layers of ash and soft brown soil built up over the original surface of Room 14. Cluster of Gaza Jar braziers along the northern side of the room Layered ash and dirt with large amounts of pottery and esp. Gaza wine jar braziers in layers between destruction level and original floor surface; photos; uppermost and lowest braziers kept with soil and ash for analysis Layer of inner wall fill (pink) over ash and loess layer

3 1 . 1 0 . 9 9 - #4 2.11.99 #8 #10

Start: 656.90 End: 656.36

3.11.9910.11.99

Start: 656.36 End: 655.91

Ash and loess over floor with in situ pottery

Start: 655.91 End: 655.57

Probe section reveals the foundation of W- 06 built on a thin layer of soil over quarried bedrock (L1204). Soil mixed with a lot of ash containing pottery (Gaza Jar sherds and ARS sherds); ARS body sherds not drawn in #291 & #299 Hard packed loess and occasional limestone (bedrock?) chips, with pockets of ash and soil and pottery (Gaza Jar rim, 4th c.) Loose brown soil and patches of ash

11.11.991.2.00

11.11.99

#12 #30 #40 #43* #55 #65* #291* #299* #682* #690 #73*

Room 5 1401

Start: 655.57 End: 655.23

1 0 . 1 1 . 9 9 - #61* 29.11.99 #80 #128* #159 #169* #178* #186 #192* #198 #208* 1402 30.11.99 #209 #214* Room 19 #222* #324 #355* #370*

Start: 656.58 End: 655.50

1403

Start: 655.22 End: 655.17

Layer along the foundation of the northern wall of Room 12; contains a built water channel

Start: 657.09 End: 656.57

Collapse layer below surface

5.12.99

#234*

Room 19 1501 3 1 . 1 0 . 9 9 - #5 7.11.99 #9 Room 11 #11, #22 #31

Start: 655.50 End: 655.14

Coin #54

229

Loose brown soil

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal Locus 1502 Room 11

1602 Room 10

1921

Date 8.11.9917.11.99

Basket #39* #58 #70 #83 #94 #99* #110*

Elevations Start: 656.57 End: 655.55

14.11.9923.11.99

# 82 (cancelled) #93 #97 #97 #111 #124 #131 #141 #148* #458 (29.12.99) #212 #220 #232 #231 #239* #249* #260*

Start: 656:10 End: 655.09

1.12.995.12.99

Room 17 1922 5.12.99 7.12.99 Room 17 1923 8.12.99 Room 17 3201 31.1.00

#666 #681* Room 42 #694 #702 3301 1 7 . 1 1 . 9 9 - #114 21.11.99 #119 #134 #419 (27.12.99) 3302 22.11.99#139 5.12.99 #151 Room 16 #155 #164 #173 #187 #201 #218* #227* #432 (28.12.99)

3303

Room 35

Notes Collapse layer containing tabula (no inscription), (elv.656.12); pink inner wall fill found layered under collapse layer and over moist brown soil at elv.655.94-655.90; large square stone in center of the room (opposite entrance) appears to have been the lintel stone; found over crushed pottery (mainly Gaza jars 16.11.99); plaster jar stoppers found in room (16.11.99); Floor paved with cut stones; eastern wall built up against the original (older) western wall of Room 12; Beit Natif Lamps (in fragments; geometrical design); Brown moist soil under collapse layer and above floor surface; no apparent floor (dirt floor); stairs leading down into room from courtyard (Room 5) on the south side of the room and leads up into Room 11 (with a higher paved surface)

Start: 655.89 End: 655.54

Coins #49; #50 Early to mid 4th c.

Brown soil with whole pottery (Gaza wine jars in primary use standing along eastern wall)

Start: 655.54 End: 655.23

Coins: #88; #90; #91; #92 Brown soil mixed with ash with Gaza wine jar 4th-early 5th c. coins (see braziers and installation coin list for details) Brown soil mixed with ash with at least two Gaza wine jar braziers in situ

Start: 655.23 End: 656.09 Start: 655.94 End: 656.02

Built installation in this area (W-94) with ash layer in and around this; charred grain and in situ juglet; appears to be built outside of building in street

Start: 656.26 End:655.80

Loose gray brown soil and rubble

Start: 655.80 End: 655.09

Coins #37; #38; #40; #41; #42; #45; #51; #52; #53; #55; #105 4th c. coins (see coin list for details)

6.12.99

#241*

Start: 655.09 End: 654.95

Coins: #57; #58; #59; #60; #61; #62; #63; #64; #65; #66; #67; #68; #69; #70; #71; #72; #73; #74; #75; #76; #77; #78; #79; #80; #81; #82; #83; #84; #85; #87 mainly 4th c. (see coin list for details)

25.1.00

#629

Start: 656.50 End: 656.37

Coin #175

Room 16

3521

Coins Coins #13;# 16; #17;#18;#19; #20; #21; #46 4th c. (see coin list for details)

230

Loose gray brown soil and rubble with collapse of medium building stones found over dirt floor surface; No discernable floor surface other than that indicated by in situ finds scattered throughout the room; Indications of water and silt along the floor causing sinkage of some finds; towards the center of the room; Concentration of 4 intact oil lamps, six coins and an intact jug found along eastern wall next to south section/balk; 2 more oil lamps found overturned in dirt (below level and next to the first concentration); intact juglet found further north of first concentration; intact Gaza jar brazier found further north and next to collapse stair leading down into room from Room 15; coins found scattered throughout room Layer below floor level of Room 16; contained two overturned oil lamps next to previous concentration of lamps and coins; coins found sunk below floor level

Large amount of brown soil and wall collapse. Stair leads up to Room 29 through a threshold founded on bedrock outcrop; appears to be an entranceway into Building 1 from the south

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus Locus 3522

Date 31.1.00

Basket #667*

Elevations Start: 656.37 End: 656.03

1.2.00

#677*

Start: 656.37 End: 656.12

10.11.9916.11.99

#54 #66 #77* #91 #98 (cancelled) #113 #118

Start: 656.63 End: 656.10

Room 35 3542 Room 34 3700 Room 15 3701

17.11.9918.11.99

Room 15 3702 21.11.9928.11.99 Room 15 3703

28.11.9930.11.99

Room 15 3801 Room 23 38013901 (balk)

20.12.9929.12.00 17.1.0020.1.00

3802

30.12.9925.1.00 / Room 23 15.2.00

3803

5.1.006.1.00

3821

21.12.9911.1.00

#350 #428 #441 #449 #581 #584 #596 #604 #462 #480* #488* #616 #627* #630* #777 #501* #509*

Start: 656.10 End: 655.97

Light soil with limestone chips and medium sized building stones

Start: 655.97 End: 655.64

Loose brown soil and some medium building stones found over a dirt floor; ash concentrations and remains of Gaza jar braziers in the south-west corner and over an installation (F-5) close to W-21 (western wall) Reddish brown soil and some ash pockets (on western side of section); building stones found over bedrock and below dirt floor surface of destruction level of Room 15; bedrock appears to be worked and level Loose gray brown soil and rubble and wall collapse, large chunks of white plaster on a cement layer fallen from walls

Start: 655.64 End: 655:26

Coins #36; #43 4th c. CE

Start: 657.34-657.12 End: 656.13 Start: 657.34-657.12 End:656.14 Start: 656.13 End: 655.83

Balk

Coin #165 Coin # 240 4th c.

Start: 656.63-656.53 End: 655.89

#364 #502 #511 #521 #524* #537 #576

Start: 656.63-656.53 Coins #144-148; #150 End: 655.89 4th c.

2.1.00

#471 #492

Start: 656.28 End: 656.13

26.1.00

#638*

Start: 656/98 End: 656.75

Room 26 3822

#133* #142 #162 #165 #174* #185 #188 #202

Coins Notes Coin hoard Very uneven bedrock but smoothed outcrop. This #183-#225 appears to have been filled with soil to make the 4th –early 5th (see coin list floor even with the threshold. Very small room or for details) closet containing coin hoard and some large pieces of iron Coin #229; 4th c. Brown soil and some remaining building stones and rubble; built stairway along north side leads to the courtyard (Room 29); Iron scythe; decorative bronze handle Wall collapse with pottery; whole juglet

17.1.00

Start: 655.89 End: 655.85

Room 26

3902 Room 23

4042 Room 29

Coins #177; #178 4th c.

231

Loose packed brown soil over a hard packed dirt surface; large chunks of white plaster on a cement layer fallen from walls

Rather hard packed reddish brown soil with a slight ash layer along the southern side of the section; located over bedrock Loose gray brown soil and rubble and wall collapse

Packed brown soil over shallow bedrock; pit (F10) located in the northern half of the room and covered with a room slab and stones and filled with sterile brown soil, may be the abandoned excavation of a cistern in the bedrock; evidence of cooking fires found nearby along W68; stairs made from large cut blocks found in n-w corner of courtyard, leading into street Brown soil and rubble located above floor level; evidence of an arch springer on western wall in the center of the room; large chunks of white plaster on a cement layer fallen from walls, inscription (Nabataean) found on two adjoining pieces over floor level next to the springer on the western wall Loosely packed brown soil and rubble over a layer of ash over bedrock; in situ pottery (jug) next and north of southern springer along eastern side of the room; glass for recon

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal Locus 4101 Room 8

4102 Room 8

4221

Date Basket 7 . 1 1 . 9 9 - #33 (cancelled) 16.11.99 #37 #47 #56 #78* #92* #102 1 7 . 1 1 . 9 9 - #112* 23.11.99 #117* #132* #140 #154*

Elevations Start: 656.62 End: 655.88

Coins Coin #12 (broken)

Notes Collapse layer below surface; medium sized building stones with crushed pottery and glass; wall collapse with nearly whole glass vessel (basket #78). Light soil with limestone chips and medium sized building stones

Start: 655:88 End: 655.40

Coins #25; #31

Brown soil under collapse layer

16.12.992.1.00

Start: 656.62 End: 655.82

Room 22

4222 Room 22

4223

2.1.00 3.1.00/ 16.1.00

4.1.00

Room 22 4801 11.1.0019.1.00 Room 30 4802 Room 30 5901

20.1.002.2.00

7.2.00

Room 41 5902 9.2.00 Room 41 6361 1.2.00 Street 6362 Street 6401

6402

#319 #328 #425* #440 #450 #465 #472 #479* #482* #779

#490*

Start: 655.75 End: 655.42

Coins #108-114; Coins #116-120 Coins #122-125; Coin # 242 4th-early 5th c., coin of Julian, Hellenistic coin (see coin list for details) Coins # 126-143 (see above)

#531* #541 #553 #563 #598 #606 #611 #624 #635 #687 #724* #736

Start: 657.30 End: 656.91

Coin #153 4th c.

Start: 656.91 End: 656.43

Coins #172 4th c.

#749*

#161-164;

Start: 657.38 End: 656.50 Start: 657.50 End: 656.40 Start: 657.82 End: 657.34

Coins #237-238

Start: 657.34 End: 656.87

Coin #232

Start: 657.74 End: 657.60

Moist brown soil; slightly ashy; intact Gaza jar braziers on southern side of room; arch springers found in situ along eastern wall; stair leads down into room; possible “closet” made from two flat stones found collapsed between springers

Loose brown gray soil and rubble and collapse wall stones

Slightly ashy brown soil found over bedrock

#167; Light brown soil with some collapsed stones sunk into floor surface. An arch springer is located along the eastern wall (W-72); nicely built threshold leads down into Room 31; includes entrance into the area further south Brown soil with a lot of rubble and some building stones overlying a high floor made partially from bedrock outcrops; ash next to this on assumed floor surface Hard packed brown soil and rubble

24.1.00

#684 #693 #695 #689* #706* #711* #621*

25.1.00

#631*

Start: 657.60 End: 657.39

16.1.00

#561*

Start: 657.24 End: 657.01

Coins #168; Room previously excavated on western and refilled; #170; the remainder of the room is bounded by W-81 on #171 the east; ashy brown soil with abundant pottery 4th –early 5th (see coin list for details) Coin #176 Room previously excavated on western and refilled; the remainder of the room is bounded by W-81 on the east; ashy brown soil with abundant pottery; a large stone basin was found broken under wall collapse in the s-e corner of the room Loose brown gray soil and rubble and wall collapse

#573* #594 #608* #610* #623*

Start: 656.01 End: 656.51

Coins #166; #169; #173 #166 dated 364-375 CE

2.2.006.2.00

Rm 33 6501

Start: 655.82 End: 655.75

Moist brown soil and rubble over arch and roof collapse

Room 31 6502 17.1.0024.1.00 Room 31

Ashy brown soil and minimal rubble

232

Ashy brown soil and minimal rubble; Votive plaque

Brown soil with lots of pottery; springers located along the west and east walls of the room; a line of stones cuts the room in two and another line forms a half circle in the southwest corner of the room. A well made threshold leads into Room 30 to the east

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus Locus 6561

Date 26.1.0027.1.00

Basket #641*

Elevations Start: 657.65 End:657.38 Start: 657.38 End: 656.64

Coins #182; #230 #231

Collapsed building stones into and over floor surface in brown soil; arch springers on northern and southern walls

8.2.00

#658 #665 #670* #675* #678 #689 #701 #720 #731 #734

Start: 656.64 End: 656.38

Coin #235

9.1.00

#519

Start: 655.63 End: 655.50

Section contains building stones in a row next to wall 73 but missing one right under blocked entrance of room (leading into Room 31); stones lie over bedrock Loose brown gray soil and heavy wall collapse; a lot of pottery (4th c.)

#522 #536 #538 #543

Start: 655.50 End: 655.17

Coin #174

Brown soil over a hard stony surface; possible evidence of earthquake damage and reuse; pottery may have been dumped in, no in situ finds; blocked doorway in n-e corner

#520 #535 #544 #557 #564

Start: 657.17-655.81 End: 655.74

Surface

Start: 655.74 End: 655.64 Start: 655.74 End: 655.37

Loose brown gray soil; minimal rubble or collapse

Room 37 6562 30.1.008.2.00 Room 37

6563 Room 37 7101

Room 24 7102 10.1.0012.1.00 Room 24 7200 Room 27

9.1.0013.1.00

7201

16.1.00

7221

16.1.0030.1.00

#570 #577 #590 #645 #648 #661* #685 #691

30.1.001.2.00

#664* #674 #683* #513

Room 27

7222

Room 27 7301 6.1.00

Room 28 7321 12.1.0017.1.00 Room 28 7322

#545 #556*

Start: 655.68 End: 655.61

Loosely packed brown soil, Early Roman and Nab. pottery

Start: 655.61 End:655.26

23.1.00

7441

9.2.00

#755

Room 44

Very loose ashy brown soil with pottery, 4th century CE pottery

Start: 655.68 End: 655.61

7323

Room 44 7442 10.2.00

Notes Loose brown soil, rubble and building stones

Loose brown gray soil; minimal rubble; building stones in center of room to floor, 3rd century CE and Early Roman and Nab. pottery Loosely packed brown soil, Early Roman and Nab. pottery

#578* #589 #607* #609* #617*

Room 28

17.1.0023.1.00

Coins

#760

Start: 655.37 End: 655.48

Coin #160

Lighter brown soil; a lot of pottery Early Roman and Nab. pottery

Start: 655.26 End: 655.19 Start: 655.48 End: 655.41

Light brown soil; rather sterile Early Roman and Nab. pottery Brown soil with rubble and wall collapse 3rd-4th centuries CE

Start: 655.41 End: 655.15

Brown soil with rubble 1st –3rd CE

233

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Early Third Century Vessels and Small Finds Oboda Late Roman Quarter Room 6 - Pantry L1122 – Basket 116 #. 1

OBJECT NDPW bowl

DESCRIPTION Ware: red 2.5YR5/6; dark gray core; numerous tiny to medium gray and occasional large white inclusions; semicourse texture Deco: reddish brown 2.5YR4/4

COMPARISONS Petra – Zurrabeh (Zayadine 1982:Pl.CXXXIX,No.436) Schmid’s Dekorgruppe 3c Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.92-93) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.7:9-10) Moa (Cohen 1987:30) Khirbet et-Tannur (Horsfield 1941:Fig.25) Dated 2nd – 3rd c. CE

2

NPFW bowl

Ware: red 2.5YR5/8; gray core; numerous tin to medium white and tiny dark gray inclusions Deco: red 2.5YR4/6

Schmid’s Dekorgruppe 3b Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.91) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.7: 7) Petra (Horsfield 1941:Pl.XXXIV)

3

NPFW bowl

Ware: red 2.5RY5/8; numerous tiny white and dark gray inclusions Deco reddish brown 2.5YR4/4; traces of light slip on exterior rim

Edh Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:Pl.III:1) Petra (Horsfield 1941:Fig.27, Pl.XXXIII:No.296;Pl.XXXV)

Ware: very pale brown (10YR8/4) Burnish: red (2.5YR4/8); worn on interior

Hayes’ Form 50 (Hayes 1985: Tav. VI:18)

Ware: reddish yellow (5YR7/4) Burnish: red (2.5YR5/6)

Hayes’ Form 58 (Hayes 1985:Tav.VII:11)

Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny dark gray and white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) on upper exterior rim

Az-Zurraba / Wadi Musa (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.13:8) Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.54)

4

5

6

ETS bowl

ETS bowl

NFW bowl

Dated 2nd c. CE

Dated 60/70-100 CE

Dated first half 2nd c. CE

Dated mid-2nd CE

234

ILLUSTRATIONS

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 7

NFW bowl

Ware: light red (2.5YR6/8); occasional tiny to small dark gray and white inclusions; Slip: light red (2.5YR6/6); pale yellow paint (2.5Y8/3) applied to exterior rim

Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.52)

Edh Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:Pl.IV:1) Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 1995:Fig.3:14), (Schmid 2000: Abb.59) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.8:7)

8

NFW bowl

Ware: Pink 7.5YR7/4; numerous tiny to medium and occasional large white inclusions Slip: Reddish brown 2.5YR4/4

9

Bowl

Ware: red (2.5YR5/6) to pale yellow (2.5Y7/3) on upper body – appears to be due to firing; Numerous tiny white inclusions

10

Bowl

11

Basin

Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); numerous tiny white inclusions; numerous tiny mica inclusions; soft flaky texture Slip: red (2.5YR5/6) Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); Numerous medium to large white inclusions; numerous tiny mica inclusions Slip: pink (7.5YR7/3) to pale yellow (2.5Y7/4)

Dated mid-1st through 2nd c. CE

Dated 2nd c. CE Nahal Zalzal (Cohen 1985:Fig. 7:5)

Magness’ Shelf-Rim Basin (Magness 1993:202) Horvat Hazaza (Cohen 1981:Fig.7:1),(Erickson-Gini; forthcoming) Dated late 1st /2nd – 3rd c. CE

12

FW H-pot

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8) Burnish: red (2.5YR5/8)

Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.268)

13

FW honey pot

Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000: Abb.365)

14

FW honey pot base

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); occasional tiny white inclusions Burnish: red (2.5YR5/8); impressed deco Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); tiny white inclusions; traces of mica Burnish: red (2.5YR5/8); rouletted deco Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); numerous tiny white and occasion tiny gray inclusions; gray core Self slip; partially charred Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); occasional tiny gray and white inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR4/6)

15

Cup

16

FW Cup

17

Beaker

Ware: light reddish brown (2.5YR7/4); occasional small gray and large white inclusions; string cut base with clay accretions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

S’baita –Shivta (Crowfoot 1936: Pl.III:4) Dated late 1st & 2 c. CE Az-Zurraba / Wadi Musa (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.13:6) Dated 100-300 CE Az-Zurraba / Wadi Musa (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.13:6) Dated 100-300 CE Mampsis (Negev and Sivan 1977:Fig.5:32) Dated 2nd c. CE

235

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 18

Krater

19

Unguentarium

20

Unguentarium

21

Unguentarium

Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); occasional tiny to white inclusions Slip: light gray (10YR7/2); only applied on exterior over ribbing, handles and rim Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); minute white and dark gray inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/4) in patches Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny white and gray inclusions and occasional large white inclusions Slip: light reddish brown (5YR6/4) Ware: red 2.5YRYR/5/8; numerous tiny to medium white and occasional large white and brown inclusions Slip: red 2.5YR5/8 to very pale brown 10YR7/4; String cut base

22

Juglet

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); tiny to medium white inclusions; slightly gray core Slip: red (2.5YR5/8) Ware: pink (5YR7/4); occasional medium white inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR5/6)

23

Juglet

24

Juglet base

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); tiny white inclusions; dark gray core Burnish: red (2.5YR5/8)

25

Bag shaped juglet

Ware: light brown (7.5YR6/4); occasional large white inclusions Slip: light yellowish brown (10YR6/4)

26

Bag shaped juglet

Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); occasional medium white inclusions; Selfslip

27

Flask

Ware: reddish yellow 7.5YR7/6; numerous tiny to medium white and tiny to large reddish brown inclusions; micaceous Slip: light brown 7.5YR6/4

Johnson’s Form IX Petra (Johnson 1987:Fig.6:IX) Edh-Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:Pl.IV3) Dated 100-200 CE Johnson’s Form VIII Petra (Johnson 1987:Fig.6: VIII) Dated 100-200 CE

Johnson’s Form XII Petra (Johnson 1987:Fig.7) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.9: 11) Dated 225-250 CE

Oboda (Negev 1986:No.888)

Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb. 288)

Shiqmona (Elgavish 1977: Pl.XXV, No.13) Dated 2nd c. CE

236

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 28

ETS jug

Ware: very pale brown 10YR7/4 Burnish: red 2.5YR4/8; very worn

29

ETS jug

Ware: reddish yellow 5YR7/6; numerous tiny white and gray and occasional large white inclusions Burnish red 2.5YR4/8

30

Nabataean jug

Ware: red (10R5/6); numerous tiny to large gray inclusions; frequent tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/3); peeling

31

Rouletted FW jug sherd

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); dark gray core Burnish: red (2.5YR5/8)

32

Rouletted FW jug sherd

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous tiny white inclusions; slightly gray core Burnish: red (2.5YR5/8); rouletted deco

33

FW Jug base

Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny white inclusions Slip: Red (2.5YR5/6)

34

FW Jug

Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); occasional tiny gray and white inclusions; gray core Self slip

35

Jug

Ware: light yellowish brown (2.5Y6/3); tiny gray inclusions; micaceous, gold flecked Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3)

36

Jug

Ware: pale yellow (5Y7/3) Self slip

Mampsis (Negev and Sivan 1977:Fig.2:6) Dated 1st c. CE

Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.8:14) Edh-Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:Pl.VII:3) Petra – Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:C) Az-Zurraba / Wadi Musa (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.13:4) Dated 100-300 CE

237

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 37

Jug

Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); tiny white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3)

38

Jug

Ware: very pale brown (10YR13); tiny to medium light brown inclusions, slightly micaceous Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3); black discolorations

39

Jug

Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/3); occasional tiny gray inclusions Self slip

40

Jug

Ware: light red (2.5YR6/8); tiny dark gray and occasional medium white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/4)

41

Jug

Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/3); slightly micaceous Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

42

Jug

Ware: light red (2.5YR6/8); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3)

43

Jug

Ware: very pale brown (10YR5/4); occasional tiny white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3); light accretions on interior

Edh-Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:Pl.V:4) Dated 2nd c. CE

238

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 44

Jug

Ware: pale yellow (2.5Y7/4); grayish core; occasional small gray inclusions

45

Jug base

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous small white and light gray inclusions Slip: light brownish gray (10YR6/2)

46

Strainer Jar

Ware: light gray (10YR7/2); minute gray inclusions; Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

47

Strainer Jar spout

48

Strainer Jar Sherd

Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR5/4); micaceous, gold flecked Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Ware: light gray (10YR7/2); minute gray inclusions; occasional large white and gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

49

Jar sherd w/ plastic deco

Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR5/4); micaceous, gold flecked Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3)

50

Small jar

Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); frequent tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

51

Bag shaped Jar

Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR5/4); occasional tiny white inclusions; Self slip

52

Bag shaped jar

Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/4); slightly micaceous, gold flecked Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3)

53

Bag shaped Jar

54

Bag shaped Jar

55

Jar

Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR5/4); occasional large white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Ware: light yellowish brown (10YR6/4); occasional large white inclusions Slip: light gray (10YR7/2) Ware: red (25YR5/8); numerous tiny white and light gray inclusions Self slip; light discolorations on neck and rim (firing?)

239

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 56

Ridged neck jar

57

Ridged neck jar

Ware: light reddish brown (2.5YR6/4); occasional medium to large white inclusions; traces of mica inclusions; Self slip Oboda Room 6 – Pantry Basket 116 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous small to medium gray inclusions; traces of mica inclusions Slip: reddish yellow (7.5YR7/6)

Nahal Zalzal (Cohen 1985:Fig.7:8) Petra Ez-Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:D) Petra – Az Zurraba (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.12:25) Umm at-Tiran (‘Amr et al 1998:Fig.30:7) Dated 2nd CE

58

Ridged neck jar

Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny gray and white and medium white inclusions; gray core Slip: peeling light gray (10YR7/2)

59

Large storage jar

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous tiny to medium light gray and white inclusions; semi course fabric Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2); peeling

60

Gaza jar

Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); numerous tiny to medium dark gray inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3)

61

Gaza jar

Oboda Room 6 – Pantry Basket 116 Ware: light reddish brown (5YR6/4); occasional large white inclusions; traces of mica inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/4)

62

Gaza jar

Ware: light reddish brown (5YR6/4); occasional large white inclusions; traces of mica inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/4)

Aqaba (Dolinka 1999:No.21,p.240) Dated 2nd c. CE

Majcherek’s Form 1 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.4:1-2) Ashkelon (Israel and EricksonGini; forthcoming) Ashdod (Dothan 1971:Fig.21:2) Horvat Hazaza (Erickson-Gini; forthcoming) Dated 1st – 3rd c. CE Majcherek’s Form 1 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.4:1-2) Ashkelon (Israel and EricksonGini; forthcoming) Ashdod (Dothan 1971:Fig.21:2) Horvat Hazaza (Cohen 1981:Fig.7:5),(Erickson-Gini; forthcoming) Dated 1st – 3rd c. CE Majcherek’s Form 1 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.4:1-2) Ashkelon (Israel and EricksonGini; forthcoming) Ashdod (Dothan 1971:Fig.21:2) Horvat Hazaza (Cohen 1981:Fig.7:5),(Erickson-Gini; forthcoming) Dated 1st – 3rd c. CE

240

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 63

Gaza jar

Ware: brown (7.5YR5/4); frequent tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: light reddish brown (2.5YR6/4); burn marks in interior

64

Gaza Jar1 Base

Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/8); numerous small to medium white inclusions; sandy fabric texture; Slip: yellow (10YR7/6), patchy and worn

65

Amphora

Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny white inclusions; occasional small gray inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/4)

Majcherek’s Form 1 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.4:1-2) Ashkelon (Israel and EricksonGini; forthcoming) Ashdod (Dothan 1971:Fig.21:2) Horvat Hazaza (Cohen 1981:Fig.7:5),(Erickson-Gini; forthcoming) Dated 1st – 3rd c. CE Majcherek Form 1 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.4:1-2) Ashkelon (Israel and EricksonGini; forthcoming) Ashdod (Dothan 1971:Fig.21:2) Horvat Hazaza (Erickson-Gini; forthcoming) Dated 1st – 3rd c. CE Riley’s MRA 9 Benghazi / Berenice (Riley 1982:Fig.84:246) Dated early 3rd c CE

66

Imported storage jar

Ware: Reddish brown (2.5YR5/4); occasional tiny white inclusions; Selfslip

Nahal Besor (Cohen 1985:Fig.4:11)

67

Imported amphora

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); well levigated; micaceous Slip: reddish yellow (7.5YR6/6)

Riley’s MRA 4 Dor (Stern 1995:6.50.7) Benghazi / Berenice (Riley 1982:Fig.83:236) Marina el-Alamein (Daszewski et al 1990:Fig. 12:4) North Sinai (Arthur and Oren 1998:Fig. 4:5; Fig. 5:2) Dated late 2nd-early 3rd CE

68

Small cookpot

Ware: reddish yellow 5YR6/6; occasional medium white inclusions; micaceous Slip: pale yellow 2.5Y8/2; charred lower exterior, lower handles and neck

69

Serving pot

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous small white and light gray inclusions Slip: light brownish gray (10YR6/2)

70

Nabataean cookpot

Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny light gray and white inclusions and occasional medium to large white inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR4/6); charred exterior base and lower handles

Aroer (Hershkovitz 1992: Fig.4:11) Amman (Harding 1946: No.29) Petra (Horsfield 1941:Pl.XIV:90) Pella (McNicoll 1982:Pl. 132:3) Dated late 2nd c CE Petra Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:B) Aqaba (Dolinka 1999:No.3,p.228) Dated 2nd c. CE Edh-Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:PlVI:4) Petra – Conway High Place (Cleveland 1960:Fig.5:2,5,Pl.16:B)

Dated 2nd- mid-3rd c. CE

241

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 71

Serving pot

Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); large white and light gray inclusions Slip: light brownish gray (10YR6/2)

Petra Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:F) Aqaba (Dolinka 1999:No.2,p.228) Az-Zurraba / Wadi Musa (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.14:15-16) Dated 100-300 CE

72

73

Ware: red (2.5YR4.6); occasional tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: reddish brown (5YR4/4); charred lower exterior LR cookpot

Ware: red 2.5YR4/6; occasional tiny to large white inclusions Slip; reddish brown 2.5YR5/3; charred lower exterior

Edh-Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:PlVI:5) Horvat Hazaza (Cohen 1981:Fig.7:3)

Ware: red (2.5YR4/8); tiny to medium white inclusions Slip; dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/4); charring on lower exterior and lower handles

S’baita – Shivta (Crowfoot 1936:Pl.IV:8)

74

LR cookpot

75

LR cookpot

76

Cookpot

Ware: dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/4); numerous tiny and medium white inclusions Charred exterior

77

Cookpot

Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); numerous small white and occasional small dark gray inclusions; occasional medium to large white inclusions Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4) Ware: dark brown (7.5YR3/2); numerous tiny cream and occasional medium to very large cream inclusions Slip: dark brown (7.5YR3/4); heavily charred exterior

78

Casserole

Dated 2nd c. CE

Aroer (Hershkovitz 1992:Fig.13:12)

Dated 2nd c. CE Dor (Guz-Zilberstein 1995:Fig.6.49.9) Dated 2nd c. CE

242

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 79

Cookware jug

80

Lid

81

Roman decorated discus lamp

Ware: red (2.5YR4/8); numerous tiny white and occasional very large white inclusions Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR5/4); charred exterior on lower exterior Ware: dark reddish gray 5YR4/2; occasional small to large white inclusions; dark gray core Slip: reddish brown 2.5YR4/4; charred exterior sides, upper exterior not charred Ware: reddish yellow 7.5YR8/6; tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: red 2.5YR5/8; very worn

243

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Oboda

Room 13 L901-902, L1031-1032 # 1

OBJECT NPFW bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 172 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6) Deco: dark reddish brown (5YR3/2)

COMPARISONS Petra – Zurraba (Zayadine 1982:Pl.CXXXIX,No.436) Schmid’s Dekorgruppe 3c Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.92-93) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.7:9-10) Moyat 'Awad (Cohen 1987:30) Khirbet et-Tannur (Horsfield 1942:Fig.25).

2

NPFW bowl

Basket 407 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6) Deco: dark red (2.5YR3/6)

Schmid’s Dekorgruppe 3b Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.91) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.7: 7) Petra (1942:Pl.XXXIV).

3

Miniature bowl

Basket 307 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6)

Aqaba (Dolinka 1999:No.30, p.250) Dated late 1st c. CE

4

Rouletted bowl

Basket 312 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); occasional tiny white inclusions Unslipped

Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.64) Horvat Hazaza (Cohen 1985:Fig.6:4) S’baita (Crowfoot 1936:Pl.III:1) Dated late 1st & 2nd c. CE

Nabataean rouletted bowl base

Basket 400 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); occasional large white inclusions; Rouletted base

S’baita (Crowfoot 1936:Pl.III:2)

6

ETS bowl

Hayes’ Form 57 (Hayes 1985:Tav.VII:10)

7

ETS bowl

Basket 163 Ware: pink (5YR7/4) Burnish: worn – red (2.5YR4/8) Basket 160 Ware: very pale brown (10YR8/4) Burnish: red (2.5YR4/8); dull on interior, shiny on exterior Basket 179 Ware: pink (7.5YR7/4) Burnish: red (2.5YR4/8)

5

8

ETS bowl

9

ETS bowl

Basket 312 Ware: pink (7.5YR7/4); traces of mica Burnish: red (2.5YR4/8)

Dated late 1st & 2 c. CE

Dated first half of the 2nd c. CE Hayes’ Form 54 (Hayes 1985:Tav.VII:5) Dated ca. 75/80-130/150 CE Hayes’ Form 58 (Hayes 1985:Tav.VII:11) Dated first half 2nd c. CE Hayes’ Form 48 (Hayes 1985:Tav.VI:16) Dated 40-70 CE

244

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 10

ETS bowl

Bowl

Bowl

11

Basin

12

Basin

13

Krater

14

Small pot

15

Honey pot

16

Honey pot

17

NDPW juglet

Basket 334 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); occasional very large white inclusions; traces of mica Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Basket 193 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny to small white and dark gray inclusions; micaceous; semi-course fabric Selfslipped, traces of pale yellow paint on exterior rim Basket 6 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny dark gray and white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) on exterior rim Basket 179 Ware: reddish yellow (7.5YR6/6); numerous tiny to large red inclusions; traces of mica inclusions; Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/4) Basket 346 Ware: pink (7.5YR7/4); numerous tiny to medium white and reddish brown inclusions; occasional large white inclusions; Self slip Basket 179 &312 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous dark gray inclusions; occasional tiny to medium white and reddish brown inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/3) Basket 312 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny light gray and white inclusions Slip: light brown (7.5YR6/4) Basket 179 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); occasional tiny white inclusions; dark gray core Self slip Basket 179 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); occasional tiny white inclusions; dark gray core Fine ware, unslipped Basket 307 Ware: red (2.5YR4/8); numerous tiny to medium white and tiny gray inclusions; gray core; semi coarse fabric Deco: dark reddish gray (5YR4/2)

Hayes’ form 60 (Hayes 1985:Tav. VII:13-14) Dated 100-150 CE

Mampsis (Negev and Sivan 1977:Fig.8:52) Dated ca. 2nd c. CE

Mampsis (Negev and Sivan 1977:Fig.8:53) Dated 2nd c. CE

Blakely’s Class 1 (Blakely et al 1992:Fig.2:18,27) Caesarea (Bar Natan and Adato 1986:Fig.3:23) Shiqmona (Elgavish 1977:No.87) Dated 2nd - 4th c. CE Petra – Conway High Place (Cleveland 1960:Fig.7:7,Pl.16:C) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig. 8:4)

Petra (Horsfield 1941:Pl.XIX:136)

Petra (Horsfield 1941:Pl.XIX:132)

245

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 18

Unguentarium

19

Unguentarium

20

Jug

21

FW jug handle

22

Jug

23

Jar

24

Basket 316 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous tiny dark gray and white inclusions; light gray core Selfslipped; traces of very pale brown slip on rim and upper exterior (10YR8/2)

25

Jar

26

Nabataean serving pot

27

Basket 163 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/8); occasional tiny light gray and white inclusions Fine ware, self slipped Basket 312 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); frequent tiny white and dark gray inclusions Slip: light red (2.5YR6/6) and patchy very pale brown (10YR8/4) Basket 334 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); occasional tiny white and gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Basket 307 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); occasional tiny and medium white inclusions; fine ware, unslipped Basket 312 Ware: light reddish brown (2.5YR6/4); frequent tiny light gray and white inclusions; light gray core Self slipped Basket 163 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); tiny white and gray inclusions Slip: light gray (10YR6/2)

Nabataean serving pot

Basket 312 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/8); numerous tiny white inclusions Slip: pale brown (10YR6/3) patchy application Basket 193 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny white and dark gray inclusions, slightly micaceous Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/3) Basket 312 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny gray and occasional very large gray inclusions Slip: pale brown (10YR6/4)

Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.319) Dated 2nd c. CE

Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.351)

Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000: Abb.344)

Aqaba (Dolinka 1999:Nos.20-21, p.240) Dated 2nd c. CE

Petra – Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:C) Dated 2nd c. CE

Petra – Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:4) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001: Fig.9:18) Dated late 1st & 2nd c. CE Petra – Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:A) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.9:18) Sobota (Crowfoot 1936:Pl.IV:F) Horvat Hazaza (Cohen 1981:Site No.83:Fig.7:4) Nahal Besor (Cohen 1985:Site No.104, Fig.1:17) Hirbet Dor (Weippert 1979:Fig. Abb.3:2) Abu Khusheiba (Lindner 1988:Fig.9:19) Dated late 1st & 2nd c. CE

246

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 28

Cookpot

Basket 312

Khirbet el-Fityan (Parker 1987:No.45)

29

Cookpot

Basket 407 (L903)

Petra – Ez Zantur (Gerber 1997:Fig.7) Aqaba (Dolinka 1999:No.3, p.228) Dated second half of 1st & 2nd c. CE

30

Cookpot

Basket 179 Ware red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny white and gray inclusions Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR4/3); charred lower exterior

Casserole

Oboda Room 13 Basket 6 Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR4/3); numerous tiny gray and occasional tiny white inclusions Slip: dark red (2.5YR3/6); soot and burn marks on bottom of the vessel

Petra – Az Zurraba (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.11:22)

Basket 215 Ware: pale brown (10YR6/3); occasional tiny dark gray and white inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR4/8) faded

Rosenthal and Sivan’s ‘Round Lamp with a Decorated Discus’ (Rosenthal and Sivan 1978:8590)

Roman round lamp

Dated 100-300 CE

Dated late 1st – 3rd c. CE

247

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Oboda Miscellaneous Phase 2 Loci

#. 1

OBJECT NDPW bowl

DESCRIPTION Room 19 - Courtyard Basket 178 L1401 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous small to medium white inclusions Deco: reddish brown (2.5YR4/3)

COMPARISONS Petra – Zurraba (Zayadine 1982:Pl.CXXXIX,No.436) Schmid’s Dekorgruppe 3c Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.92-93) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.7:9-10) Moyat 'Awad (Cohen 1987:30) Khirbet et-Tannur (Horsfield 1942:Fig.25).

2

NDPW bowl

Room 19 - Courtyard Basket 355 L1402 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny gray inclusions Deco: dark reddish brown (5YR3/2)

Same as above.

3

Bowl

4

Basin?

Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); traces of mica inclusions (gold colored) Slip: (exterior) very pale brown (10YR7/4); (interior) very worn wash – reddish brown (2.5YR5/4) Room 12 Basket 68 L1021 Ware: light brown (7.5YR6/8); numerous tiny dark gray and occasional medium to large light gray inclusions Selfslipped

5

Mortarium

6

FW jar

Room 28 Basket 556 L7321 Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/3); tiny to medium reddish brown and gray inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: very pale brown (10YR8/2)

Blakely’s Class 1 (Blakely et al 1992:Fig.2:26)

Dated 2nd - 4th c. CE

Room 19 - Courtyard Basket 128 L1401 Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR5/4); micaceous; occasional small white inclusions Self slip

248

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 7

FW jar

Room 19 - Courtyard Basket 192 L1401 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); tiny gray inclusions Unslipped

8

Honey pot

9

Juglet

10

Bag shaped juglet

11

FW Juglet

Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny white and dark gray inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR5/8) Room3 Basket 105 Balk L701-703 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny white inclusions Slip: light brown (2.5YR6/4) Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: light reddish brown (5YR6/4); tiny gray inclusions; brown core; traces of gold colored mica Selfslipped Room 28 Basket 556 L7321 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); grayish core; numerous tiny white and medium light gray inclusions Burnish: red (2.5YR5/8) Room 28 Basket 556 L7321 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny white and light gray inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR8/2) Room 12 Basket 85 L1021 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR5/6); tiny white and dark gray inclusions; Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Room 19 - Courtyard Basket 192 L1401 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/8); tiny gray and occasional large white inclusions; light gray core Slip: very pale brown (2.5YR7/3)

12

Unguentarium

13

Jug

14

Jug

15

Jug

Room 19 - Courtyard Basket 192 L1401 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); minute white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

Petra – Az Zurraba (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.13:12) Dated 100-300 CE

Johnson’s Form XI Petra (Johnson 1987:Fig.6:XI) Dated 2nd –early 3rd c. CE

Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.8:14) Edh-Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:Pl.VII:3) Petra – Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:C) Az-Zurraba / Wadi Musa (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.13:4) Dated ca. 100-300 CE Petra – Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:C) Dated 2nd c. CE

249

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 16

Jug

Room 12 Basket 81 L1021 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); tiny white and gray inclusions; slightly micaceous Selfslipped

17

Jar

18

Bag shaped jar

19

Bag shaped jar

Room 12 Basket 146 L1022 Ware: light brown (7.5YR6/4); brownish core; occasional tiny white inclusions; traces of mica inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: light gray (2.5Y7/2); occasional medium white inclusions Self slip Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3)

20

Bag shaped jar

21

Bag shaped jar

22

Jar

23

Jar

Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.8:14) Edh-Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:Pl.VII:3) Petra – Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:C) Petra -Az Zurraba (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.13:4) Dated 100-300 CE

Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: brown (7.5YR5/3); medium gold mica inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3) Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: pale brown (10YR6/3); micaceous, gold flecked Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); occasional medium to large white inclusions; dark gray core Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Room 19 - Courtyard Basket 208 L1401 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); numerous tiny to medium white and tiny gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/3)

250

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 24

Gaza jar

25

Gaza jar

26

Nabataean four-handled storage jar

27

Cookpot

Room 12 Basket 81 L1021 Ware: reddish brown (5YR5/4); occasional medium to large white inclusion; numerous tiny mica inclusions Slip: light brown (7.5YR6/4); tiny mica inclusions in slip

Majcherek’s Form 1 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.41a) Ashkelon (Israel and EricksonGini; forthcoming) Ashdod (Dothan 1971:Fig.21:2) Horvat Hazaza (Erickson-Gini; forthcoming)

Room 12 Basket 109 L1022 Ware: yellowish brown (10YR5/4); tiny dark gray and occasional large white inclusions; slightly micaceous Self slip Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); small dark gray and white and large white inclusions; gray brown core Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) on body; light reddish brown (5YR6/4) on handle

See above

Room 12 Basket 81 L1021 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny to large white and gray inclusions; dark gray core; charred exterior

Dor (Guz-Zilberstein 1995:Fig.6.49.14) Shiqmona (Elgavish 1977:Pl.XV:124)

28

Cooking ware jug

Room 3 Basket 105 Balk L701-703 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/8); occasional tiny to medium dark gray inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR4/6)

29

Cooking jug

Room 19 - Courtyard Basket 128 L1401 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny white inclusions; dark gray core; brittle cooking ware fabric Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4)

30

Cooking jug

Room 19 - Courtyard Basket 128 L1401 Ware: yellowish red (5YR4/6); medium gray and white inclusions; brittle fabric

Dated 1st – 3rd c. CE

Dated 2nd c. CE

251

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 31

Cooking ware jug

Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); tiny white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: dark red (2.5YR3/6); burn marks on middle of handle and upper neck

32

Lantern

Room 12 Basket 96 L1022 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6) Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

33

Tubulus (Box tile)

34

Stone ware basin

Room3 Basket 105 Balk L701-703 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); occasional small white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: light yellowish brown (10YR6/4) Room 28 Basket 556 L7321 Color: Olive gray (5Y5/2)

Petra – Ez Zantur (Kolb and Keller 2000:Fig.8, p.362)

252

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

363 CE Vessels and Special Finds Oboda Room 7

Locus 1102 #. 1

2

OBJECT Bowl

Beaker

DESCRIPTION Basket 256 Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR5/4); occasional tiny to medium white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3)

COMPARISONS

Dated 363 CE

Basket 256 Ware: pink (5YR7/4); numerous tiny to medium large white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3); brownish discolorations on exterior Dated 363 CE

3

Ceramic plaque

Basket 123 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); numerous tiny dark gray and white inclusions Burnish: yellowish red (5YR5/8); worn on face, intact on back Dated 363 CE

4

Beit Natif Lamp

Basket 59 Ware: light brown (7.5 YR6/4) Slip: red (2.5YR4/8) Burn marks

Israeli and Avida 1988: No. 335, p.119.

Dated 3rd – 4th c. CE

253

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Early Fifth Century CE Vessels and Special Finds Oboda

Room 3

L701 – 704 #. 1

OBJECT NDPW closed vessel

DESCRIPTION Basket 53 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous tiny to medium white and occasional tiny gray inclusions Deco: dark brown (7.5YR3/2)

COMPARISONS Khirbet an-Nawafla ('Amr 2004: Fig. 8)

2

NDPW closed vessel

Same as above.

3

ARS Bowl

Basket 53 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions; tiny gray inclusions Deco: dark reddish brown (5YR4/2) Basket 74 Ware: light red (10R6/8); occasional tiny and medium white inclusions Burnish: red (10R5/6) Basket 27 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); perforated Slip: red (2.5YR5/8) Basket 14 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny and occasional large white inclusions; traces of mica inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Basket 20 Ware: brownish yellow (10YR6/6); numerous small to medium white inclusions; rough fabric texture Slip: light gray (10YR7/2) Basket 14 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); micaceous; occasional medium white inclusions Slip: light red (2.5YR6/6); wavy combed deco

4

ARS Bowl

5

Bowl

6

Bowl

7

Bowl

8

Bag shaped juglet

9

Bag shaped juglet

10

Jug or flask

Basket 84 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); occasional medium white inclusions Self slip Basket 35 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6) Slip: pale yellow (2.5YR8/2)

Hayes ARS Form 59B (Hayes 1972:Fig.15: 9,16-17,19-20) Dated 320-420 Hayes ARS Form 50A; (Hayes 1972:Fig. 12.7-8) Dated 300-360

Oboda (Negev 1986:No.991)

Basket 63 Ware: red (2.5YR6/6); numerous small white inclusions; Slip: very pale brown (2.5YR8/2)

254

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 11

Jar

12

Ration jar

13

Imported storage jar

Basket 63 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); occasional large white inclusions; traces of mica inclusions Slip: pale, burnt Basket 20 Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/3); slightly micaceous, gold flecked Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3); slightly rough, pocked exterior

Basket 53 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); micaceous; soapy texture Self slip

‘En Hazeva (Cohen and Israel 1996:90)

Late Roman 3 - Palatine East Project 2002 (www.ascu.buffalo.edu/~jmccaw/ pottery_assemblage.htm) Peacock and Williams’ Class 45 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.107:B) (Zemer 1978: Form 78, Pl. 26.78) Benghazi (Riley 1982:Fig. 83. 228) ‘En Hatzeva (Cohen and Israel 1996:89) Dated 300-450

14

Cookpot

15

Cookpot

Basket 84 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny white inclusions; micaceous; brittle cooking ware fabric Slip: dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/3); charred exterior Basket 27 Totally charred

Lejjun (Parker 1987:Fig.103:104) Dated late 4th & 5th c. CE

16

Lid

17

Casserole

18

Casserole

Basket 84 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); tiny gray and occasional medium white inclusions Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4); ribbed Basket 35 Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4); micaceous Slip: dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/3)

Qasr Bshir (Parker 1987:Fig.95: 40)

Basket 84 Ware: dusky red (10R3/2); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions; dark gray core Slip: red (10R4/6); burn marks

Fellmann Brogli’s Type C6b Petra – Ez Zantur (Bignasca et al 1996: Abb:775) Lejjun (Parker 1987:Fig.108:143)

Dated to the early 4th c. CE

Dated 4th- early 5th c. CE

255

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 19

Ceramic plaque

20

Lamp

Basket 42 Ware: reddish yellow 5YR6/6; numerous tiny white and dark gray and occasional medium white and dark gray inclusions Burnish: yellowish red 5YR5/8; worn off on face, intact on back, slightly micaceous Basket 87 Ware: pink 7.5YR8/3 Slip: reddish brown 2.5YR4/4

Oboda (Negev 1986:No.1091)

Beit Natif style lamp (Israeli and Avida 1988:No.280, p.101)

256

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

Oboda Room 4

L601-L602 #. 1

OBJECT ARS Bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 247 Ware: red (10R4/6) Burnish: red (10R5/8)

COMPARISONS Hayes ARS Form 50B (Hayes 1972: Fig.12:55) Dated 350-400+

2

ARS Bowl

Basket 389 Ware: red (10YR5/6) Burnish: red (10YR5/8)

Hayes ARS Form 50A/B (Hayes 1972:Fig.12:60) Dated 350-400+

3

4

ARS Bowl

Bowl

5

Bowl

6

Imported storage jar

7

Imported storage jar

Basket 19 Ware: red (10R5/8); sandy texture to fabric; minute white inclusions Burnish: red (10R5/6); on interior and upper exterior; matte finish Basket 75 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); minute white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: pink (7.5YR7/4) Basket 52 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); minute gray and white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: light reddish brown (5YR6/4); light discolorations on upper neck; incised wave deco on neck Basket 13 Ware: very pale brown (10YR8/2); minute gray inclusions Self slip

Baskets 337 & 434 Ware: light reddish brown (5YR6/3); numerous tiny gray and frequent medium white inclusions Slip: reddish yellow (5YR6/6)

Hayes ARS Form 50B (Hayes 1972:Fig. 12:55) Dated 350-400+

Fellmann Brogli’s Bowl Type C1a Petra – Ez Zantur (Bignasca et al 1996: Abb.388390) Dated 4th- early 5th c. CE

North Sinai (Arthur and Oren 1998:Fig.6:1)

North Sinai (Arthur and Oren 1998:Fig.6:1)

257

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

8

Serving pot

Basket 13 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); minute gray inclusions; slightly micaceous; Slip: pink 7.5YR8/4)

9

Cookpot

Basket 347 Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4); frequent tiny white inclusions Self slip Basket 389 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); minute white and gray inclusions; brittle cooking ware fabric Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4)

10

Cookpot

Horbat Zefiyya (Varga and Lender 2000; pottery report forthcoming) Dated 3rd-4th c. CE Mampsis (Erickson-Gini 1999:Fig.21.2.4) Dated 4th c. CE

258

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

Oboda Room 8

L4101 – 4102 #. 1

OBJECT NDPW closed vessel

2

NDPW closed vessel

3

NDPW closed vessel

4

NDPW closed vessel

5

ARS bowl

6

Bowl

7

Bowl

8

Imported storage jar

DESCRIPTION Basket 112 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions; minute gray inclusions Deco: reddish brown (5YR4/3) Basket 112 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions; minute gray inclusions Deco: reddish brown (5YR4/3) Basket 112 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions; minute gray inclusions Deco: reddish brown (5YR4/3) Basket 132 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6) Deco: brown (7.5YR4/2)

PARALLELS Khibet an-Nawafla ('Amr 2004: fig. 8)

Basket 154 Ware: red (10R5/8); frequent very tiny light gray and white inclusions; impressed deco Burnish: red (10R5/8)

Hayes ARS Stamp Type Style B (Hayes 1972: Fig.39:67)

Basket 154 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); numerous small white inclusions; sandy texture to fabric Self slip Basket 112 Ware: light Brown (7.5YR6/4); medium white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3); traces of mica inclusions in slip Basket 132 Ware: red (10R5/6); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: light brownish gray (10YR6/2) on exterior; reddish brown (5YR4/3) on interior

Same as above.

Same as above.

Same as above.

Dated 350-450 CE

Horbat Zefiyya (Varga and Lender 2000; pottery report forthcoming)

259

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 9

Amphora

Basket 92 Ware: reddish brown (5YR4/4); micaceous; soapy feel to Ware: Slip: reddish brown (5YR5/4)

Late Roman 3 Amphora Palatine East Project 2002 (www.ascu.buffalo.edu/~jmccaw/ pottery_assemblage.htm) Peacock and Williams’ Class 45 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.107:B) (Zemer 1978: Form 78, Pl. 26.78) Mampsis (Erickson-Gini 1999:Fig.18.4.1) Benghazi (Riley 1982:Fig. 83. 228) ‘En Hatzeva (Cohen and Israel 1996:89) Dated 300-450

10

Cookpot

Basket 78 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); tiny white inclusions Slip: dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/3); charred exterior

11

Lid

Basket 117 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6) tiny to medium gray and white inclusions Slip: dusky red (2.5YR3/2)

Mampsis (Erickson-Gini 1999:Fig.21.2.3)

260

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

Oboda

Room 11 L1502 #. 1

2

OBJECT NDPW Bowl

Bowl

3

Bowl

4

Basin

5

Jug

6

Casserole

DESCRIPTION Basket 99 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); medium white inclusions; numerous tiny gray inclusions; rough texture Deco: reddish brown (2.5YR4/3) Basket 99 Ware: light brown (7.5YR6/4); tiny and occasional medium white inclusions; semi-fine ware Slip: red (2.5YR4/8) on upper exterior; upper part of vessel charred Basket 110 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); micaceous Self slip Basket 99 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); occasional tiny white and gray inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: light reddish brown (5YR6/4) with light patches (from firing?) Incised combed straight and wavy deco Basket 39 Ware: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3); occasional tiny and medium white inclusions; traces of mica inclusions; Self slip Basket 99 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); numerous medium to large white inclusions; gray core Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4)

COMPARISONS

Horbat Zefiyya (Varga and Lender 2000; pottery report forthcoming)

261

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Oboda

Room 14 L1141-1143 #. 1

OBJECT NDFW closed vessel

2

NDFW closed vessel

3

ARS Bowl

4

ARS Bowl

5

ARS Bowl

6

Bowl

7

Bowl

8

Bowl

9

Bag shaped juglet

10

Jar

DESCRIPTION Basket 161 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous tiny to small white inclusions; minute gray inclusions Deco: dark reddish gray (5YR4/2) Basket 161 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny white inclusions Deco: reddish black (2.5YR2.5/1)

COMPARISONS Az-Zurraba ('Amar 2004: Fig. 8)

Basket 161 Ware: red (10R5/8); occasional small white inclusions; minute gray inclusions; slightly micaceous Burnish: red (10R5/8); on interior; matte finish Basket 171 Ware: red (10R5/6) Burnish: red (10R5/6); sandy texture to burnish Basket 171 Ware: red (10R5/8); occasional small white inclusions; impressed deco Burnish: red (10R5/6); only on interior

Hayes Form 67 (Hayes 1972:19:6)

Same as above

Dated 400-450

Hayes’ Form 62 (Hayes 1972:Fig.17) Dated 350-425 CE Hayes’ Stamp 24a (Hayes 1972:Fig.40: a) Dated 350-380 CE

Basket 149 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6) tiny white inclusions; slightly micaceous Self slip Basket 161 Ware: brown (7.5YR5/3); minute tiny gray inclusions Slip: light brown (7.5YR6/4) Basket 149 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny white inclusions; micaceous; sandy texture to fabric Slip: light red (2.5YR6/6); incised wave deco Basket 149 Ware: light yellowish brown (2.5Y6/3); tiny gray inclusions Self slip Basket 171 Ware: pale yellow (2.5Y7/4); tiny white and gray inclusions; occasional medium white inclusions Self slip

262

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus 11

Jug

12

Gaza Jar As brazier

13

Serving pot

14

Cookpot

15

Casserole

Basket 171 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); tiny white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Basket 161 Ware: brown (7.5YR5/4); tiny white and gray inclusions; Self slip

Mampsis (Erickson-Gini 1999:Fig.20.3.2)

Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5;167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115); Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE

Basket 171 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); occasional tiny white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR8/2) Basket 171 Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4); brittle cookpot fabric; frequent tiny white inclusions Self slip Basket 171 Ware: red (2.5YR4/8); thick cooking pot fabric; frequent tiny white inclusions Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR4/3)

263

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Oboda

Room 15 L3700 – 3703 #. 1

OBJECT ARS Bowl

2

Bowl

3

Bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 133 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); incised deco on exterior body Slip: semi lustrous red (2.5YR5/8) Basket 174 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6) Self slip

COMPARISONS Hayes’ Form 59A (Hayes 1972:Fig.15: 1)

Basket 174 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6) Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

Magness’ Arched-Rim Basin Form 1 (Magness 1993:204-205)

Dated 320-380/400 CE Horbat Zefiyya (Varga and Lender 2000; pottery report forthcoming)

Dated late 3rd / early 4th – 6th c. CE

4

Bag shaped juglet

Basket 77 Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Self slip

5

Imported storage jar

Caesarea (Adan-Bayewitz 1986:Fig. 3:11)

6

Imported storage jar

Basket 188 Ware: light reddish brown (5YR6/4); numerous tiny white and gray inclusions; gray core Slip: pink (7.5YR6/4) Basket 228 Ware: light brown (7.5YR6/4); numerous tiny white and gray inclusions; gray core; Self slip

7

Imported storage jar

Basket 225 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); numerous tiny to medium white and light gray inclusions; occasional large white and light gray inclusions; grayish brown core; Self slip

North Sinai (Arthur and Oren 1998:Fig.5: 4-5) Benghazi (Riley 1982:Fig.88: 298-299)

Caesarea (Adan-Bayewitz 1986:Fig. 3:11)

Dated Late 4th c. CE

264

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

Oboda

Room 16 L3301-3303 #. 1

OBJECT ARS Bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 218 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8) Slip: semi lustrous red (2.5YR5/8); tiny mica inclusions in slip Basket 227 Ware: light yellowish brown (10YR6/4) Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Basket 187 Ware: pale yellow 2.5Y7/3; occasional tiny to large white inclusions Self slip

COMPARISONS Hayes Form 78 (Hayes 1972:Fig. 22) Dated 5th c.

2

Bowl

3

Bag-shaped juglet

4

Jug

Basket 187 Ware: light reddish brown (5YR6/4); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR8/2); not uniform over body

5

Lid

Basket 227 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); Slip: weak red (2.YR4/2); bands of ribbing on exterior

6

Casserole

Basket 241 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); medium and large white inclusions Charred exterior

7

Oil lamp

Basket 218 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); occasional tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: pink (7.5YR7/4); charring around nozzle Net pattern

Magness’ Form 1 – ‘ Ovoid Oil Lamp with a Large Filling Hole’ (Magness 1993: 2499-250) (Israeli and Avida 1988:No.280, p. 101)

Basket 187 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); occasional tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: pink (7.5YR7/3); Charring around nozzle Molded bird motif

Judaean lamp (Israeli and Avida 1988:No.320, p.106)

8

Oil lamp

Dated 3rd- 5thth c. CE

Dated 3rd-4th c. CE

265

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 9

Oil lamp

Basket 187 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); slightly micaceous; numerous tiny and occasional medium dark gray and white inclusions Self slip; charring around nozzle

10

Oil lamp

Basket 187 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); numerous tiny to large white inclusions; rough texture on bottom Self slip; charring around nozzles

11

Oil lamp

Basket 187 Ware: pink (7.5YR7/4); occasional large white inclusions Self slip; charring around nozzle; dark brown discolorations on exterior

12

Oil lamp

Basket 218 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); tiny dark gray and occasional tiny to small white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR8/2); charring around nozzle

Jerash – Hippodrome (Kherberg 2001:Fig.3c) (Rosenthal and Sivan 1978:No.389) Dated 4th-early 5th c. CE

Deir ‘Ain ‘Abata, Ghor ex-Safi (Politis 1992:Fig. 1)

Dated 5th – 6th c. CE

266

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

Oboda

Room 17 L1921-1923 #. 1

OBJECT Pilgrim’s flask

DESCRIPTION Basket 260 Completely charred

2

Gaza jar

Basket 249 Ware: reddish brown (5YR5/4); occasional small to large white inclusions Slip: yellowish red (5YR5/6)

3

Gaza jar used as a brazier

Basket 249 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); frequent tiny to medium white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: light reddish brown (5YR6/4); burn marks in interior

4

Imported storage jar

5

Jar w/ ostrakon

6

Imported storage jar base

7

Imported storage jar base

8

Imported storage jar base

Basket 212 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); frequent tiny dark gray and white inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR5/8) Basket 249 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); occasional tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: light reddish brown (5YR6/4); reddish brown painted ostrakon Basket 239 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); numerous medium to large reddish brown and light gray inclusions; occasional large white inclusions Slip: reddish yellow (7.5YR6/6) Basket 239 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); minute gray and occasional small white inclusions; micaceous Slip: light red (2.5YR6/6) Basket 249 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); minute gray and occasional small white inclusions Self slip

COMPARISONS

Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5;167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5;167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE Marina el-Alamein (Daszewski et al 1990: Fig.12:10)

267

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Oboda

Room 22 L4221-4223 #. 1

OBJECT Bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 490 Ware: pink (2.5YR7/3); light gray core Self slip Basket 482 Ware: light brown (7.5YR6/4); tiny gray and white inclusions Self slip Basket 425 Ware: pink 5YR7/4); occasional tiny white and gray inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR8/3) Basket 490 Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/4); pink core; slightly micaceous Self slip Basket 482 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); occasional medium white inclusions; micaceous; Slip: light brown (7.5YR6/4); charred interior

2

Bowl

3

Bowl

4

Jug

5

Gaza jar used as a brazier

6

Cookpot

Basket 479 Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4); slightly micaceous Slip: red (2.5YR4/8)

7

Cookpot

Basket 450 Totally charred

8

Lamp

Basket 479 Ware: very pale brown 10YR7/3; occasional small white inclusions Slip: red 2.5YR4/6

COMPARISONS

Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5;167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE

Beit Natif style (Israeli and Avida 1988:No.280, p.101)

268

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

Oboda

Room 23 L3802-3803 .# 1

OBJECT ARS bowl base

2

Jar

3

Ration Jar

DESCRIPTION Basket 501 Ware: red (10R5/6) Burnish: red (10R5/8) Basket 509 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); minute white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Basket 480 Ware: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2); minute gray inclusions Self slip

COMPARISONS

‘En Hazeva (Cohen and Israel 1996:90) Khirbet el-Fityan (Parker 1987:Fig.98:72) Dated 284-363 CE

4

Jar

Basket 488 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); tiny gray and white and medium white inclusions Slip: light red (2.5YR4/8); traces on upper rim; otherwise self slipped Basket 488 Ware: reddish brown (5YR5/4); minute white inclusions Self slip

5

Gaza jar

6

Gaza jar

Basket 627 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); occasional medium white inclusions Self slip

7

Casserole

Basket 627 Ware: red (2.5YR4/8); Self slip; burn marks on handle

Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5;167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5;167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE Brogli’s Casserole Type C6b Petra – Ez Zantur (FellmannBrogli 1996: Abb. 776-777) Dated 363 – 419 CE

8

Casserole

Basket 630 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); numerous tiny gray inclusions Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4)

Brogli’s Casserole Type C6b Petra – Ez Zantur (Fellmann Brogli 1996: Abb. 776-777) Dated 363 – 419 CE

269

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Oboda

Room 25 L3402 #. 1

OBJECT Serving pot

DESCRIPTION Basket 569 Ware: pink (5YR7/3) Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

2

Imported storage jar

Basket 569 Ware: pink (7.5YR7/4); numerous small to large white inclusions; medium light gray inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR8/3)

3

Casserole handle

COMPARISONS

North Sinai (Arthur and Oren 1998:Fig.7:2) Dated late 4th c. CE

Basket 569 Ware: red (2.5YR4/8); cooking pot fabric Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR4/4)

270

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

Oboda

Room 31 L6501-6502 & L5202 #. 1

OBJECT NDPW bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 623 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) slip on outer rim Deco: reddish brown (2.5YR4/3)

2

Basin

Basket 744 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); numerous tiny to large white inclusions; slightly micaceous; Self slip; incised wave deco

3

Basin

Basket 623 Ware: light red 2.5YR6/6); occasional large white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2); incised wave deco

4

Gaza jar

Basket 573 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions; Self slip

5

Jug or serving pot

6

Serving Pot

7

Lid

8

Ceramic screw

Basket 561 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); tiny white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Basket 561 Ware: light reddish brown (2.5YR7/4); occasional small white inclusions; Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/4) Basket 610 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6) Slip: weak red (2.5YR4/2) Basket 561 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); occasional tiny to medium white inclusions; traces of mica inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR8/2)

COMPARISONS Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2001:Abb.379-381)

Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5;167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE

271

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Oboda

Room 33 L6400-6402 .# 1

OBJECT Mortarium

DESCRIPTION Basket 631 Ware: reddish brown (5YR5/4); numerous tiny to large white and small dark gray inclusions; course fabric texture Unslipped; partially charred on rim

2

Bag shaped juglet

Basket 618 Ware: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3); tiny gray inclusions Self slip

3

Jug

Basket 618 Ware: pale brown (10YR6/3) Self slip

4

Jar

5

FW lid

6

Serving pot

7

Cookpot

Basket 631 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); tiny and occasional large white inclusions; micaceous, gold flecked Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Basket 631 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny gray inclusions Slip: light gray (10YR7/2) Basket 631 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); occasional tiny to small white inclusions Slip: light reddish brown (5YR6/4) Basket 621 Ware: reddish brown (2.5YR5/4); tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: dark brown (7.5YR3/2)

COMPARISONS Hayes’ North Syrian Mortarium (Hayes 1967:Fig.2: 124) Dated 3rd – 4th c. CE

272

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

Oboda

Room 37 L6561-6563 #. 1

OBJECT ARS Bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 734 Ware: red (10R5/6) Burnish: red (10R5/8)

COMPARISONS Hayes ARS Form 50B (Hayes 1972:Fig.12:56) Dated 350-400+

2

3

Bowl

Bowl

4

Bowl

5

Jug or flask

6

Elusa Jar

7

Cookpot

8

Cookpot

9

Small ceramic funnels

Basket 641 Ware: light reddish brown (5YR6/4); slightly micaceous Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/4) Basket 689 Ware: yellowish brown (5YR5/6); tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3) Basket 675 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6) occasional large white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Basket 670 Ware: light reddish brown (2.5YR6/4); numerous tiny white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR8/2); white accretions (plaster?) on exterior Basket 675 Ware: very light brown (7.5YR6/4); occasional tiny dark gray and medium white inclusions; well levigated fabric Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/4) Basket 734 Ware: red (25.YR4/8); frequent tiny gray and white inclusions Slip: reddish black (2.5YR2.5/1) Basket 734 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); frequent tiny gray and white inclusions Slip: dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/3) Basket 734 Ware: brown (7.5YR4/4) numerous tiny to medium white inclusions; unslipped; light accretions

Lejjun (Parker 1987:Fig.104:114) Dated 4th c. CE Lejjun (Parker 1987:Fig.104:114) Dated 4th c. CE Riley’s Mid Roman Plain Ware 3 – “Hammer-headed” Bowls (Riley 1979: Fig.126: 914)

Elusa (Fabian and Goren 2002)

Ware: brown (7.5YR4/4) occasional light brown inclusions; unslipped; light accretions

273

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Oboda

Oven Room 38 L4342 & L4601-4701) #. 1

OBJECT Bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 503 Ware: light reddish brown (5YR6/4); slightly micaceous; tiny to medium dark gray inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/2)

Mortarium

Basket 593 Ware: reddish brown (5YR5/4); numerous tiny to large white inclusions Unslipped

Hayes’ North Syrian Mortarium (Hayes 1967:Fig.2: 124)

Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5; 167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53)

3

Gaza Jar

Basket: 503 Ware: Red (2.5YR5/6); occasional medium and large white inclusions; tiny mica inclusions Slip: light yellowish brown (10YR6/4)

4

Gaza Jar

Basket 503

COMPARISONS

Dated ca. 3rd – 4th c. CE

Dated 300-450 CE Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5; 167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE

274

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

Oboda

Room 39 L3642 #. 1

OBJECT ARS Bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 663 Ware: light red (10R6/6); minute gray and white inclusions Burnish: light red (10R6/8) to red (10R5/8) Basket 663 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); minute gray inclusions; highly micaceous, gold flecked; course texture to fabric Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2); on interior and upper exterior Basket 680 Ware: light yellowish brown (2.5Y6/3); occasional minute dark gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3); light accretions on interior

COMPARISONS Hayes ARS Form 59B (Hayes 1972: Fig.15: 17)

2

Bowl

3

Jug

4

Ration jar

Basket 680 Ware: pale brown (10YR6/3); minute dark gray inclusions; micaceous, gold flecked Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3)

‘En Hazeva (Cohen and Israel 1996: 90)

5

Imported storage jar

Basket 680 Ware: reddish yellow (7.5YR7/6); numerous minute gray and occasional white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: pink (7.5YR7/4)

North Sinai (Arthur and Oren 1998:Fig.6:1)

275

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Oboda Street

L6341-L6362 #. 1

OBJECT Imported storage jar

DESCRIPTION Basket 706 Ware: reddish brown (5YR5/4); tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: light gray (2.5Y7/2)

2

Gaza jar

Basket 711 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); traces of mica inclusions; Self slip

3

Cookpot

Basket 711 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6) Slip: dark reddish brown (5YR3/2)

4

Cookpot

Basket 706 Completely charred

5

Ceramic plaque

Basket 706 Ware: red 5YR6/6; numerous tiny white and dark gray and occasional medium large white inclusions Burnish: yellowish red 5YR5/8; worn on face, intact on back with some lighter areas close to edges due to firing

COMPARISONS Peacock and Williams’ Class 43 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.101) Riley’s LR Amphora 2 (Riley 1982:No.348,pp.217-218) North Sinai (Arthur and Oren 1998:Fig.5:6) Dated 4th – 7th c. CE Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5;167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE

276

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

Oboda Coin List

1

No.

7

Basket

Locus 1101

Height Up: 656.99-656.90

Dating 313-317 CE

Proveance Description Square 11 over Rooms 6 and 7

4th century CE

N-W corner of Room 3 N-W corner of Room 3

City coin 2nd century CE

Western half of Room 7

4th century CE 337-346 CE 341-346 CE

East half of Room 3 East half of Room 3 Room 3 – area east of W-01 Room 4 – N-W corner

1st half of 4th century CE 1st half of 4th century CE 337-361 CE

Room 7 over bedrock

2 3

20 20

701 701

Down; 656.87 (east) 656.73 (west) 656.44- 656.41 656.44- 656.41

4

29

1102

Up: 656.99-656.90

5 6 7 8

27 27 35 52

701 701 701 602

Down: 656.73 656.44-656.41 656.44-656.41 656.41-656.15 656.14-655.85

9

67

1102

656.22-656.09

10

67

1102

656.22-656.09

11

79

657.07- 656,10

12

78

15021602 (balk) 4101

13

94

1502

656.10-655.93

14 15

88 97

1121 1602

656.61-656.49 655.97-655.84

16

99

1502

655.93- 655.64

Room 11 (0.09 m over floor)

17

99

1502

655.93- 655.64

Room 11 (0.09 m over floor)

18

110

1502

655.93- 655.55

Room 11 on floor

19 20 21

110 110 110

1502 1502 1502

655.93- 655.55 655.93- 655.55 655.93- 655.55

22 23

122 122

1022 1022

655.48-655.26 655.48-655.26

24

127

1102

655.42-655.21

25

132

4102

655.69-655.55

26

137

1132

656.23-655.60

Room 6 (4th century entranceway)

27

137

1132

656.23-655.60

Room 6 (4th century entranceway)

28 29

137 141

1132 1602

656.23-655.60 655.54-655.42

30

141

1602

655.54-655.42

31

140

4102

655.69-655.47

Room 8 (0.07 m over floor)

32

142

3702

655.97-655.79

Room 15 (0.15 m over floor)

33

148

1602

655.42-655.09

Room 10 – south half of room

34

148

1602

655.42-655.09

Room 10 – south half of room

656.35- 656.08

Room 7 over bedrock Room 10 – north corner of balk Room 8 (0.70 m over floor)

2nd half of 4th century CE 4th or 5th CE

4th or 5th CE 4th century CE 1st half of 4th century CE ? 3rd century CE ?

Room 11 (0.38 m over floor) Room 6 (over pantry and stair area) Room 10 – entire room

Room 11 on floor Room 11 on floor Room 11 on floor Room 12 over floor Room 12 over floor

End of 3rd – beginning 4th Room 7 over bedrock centuries CE Room 8 (0.15 m over floor)

Hellenistic ? 1st half of 4th century CE ?

277

Room 6 (4th century entranceway) Room 10 – north half Room 10 – north half

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

35

No.

Basket 149

Locus 1142

Height 656.06-655.90

Dating

36

188

3703

655.58- 655.42

346-361 CE

37

187

3302

655.37-655.22

330-337 CE

38

187

3302

655.37-655.22

330-335 CE

39

187

3302

655.37-655.22

337-341 CE

40

187

3302

655.37-655.22

335-341 CE

41

187

3302

655.37-655.22

4th century CE

42

187

3302

655.37-655.22

330-335 CE

43

188

3703

655.58- 655.42

44 45

199 201

822 3302

654.99-654.64 655.37-655.22

335-341 CE

46

110

1502

655.93- 655.55

346-361 CE

47

209

1402

655.50-655.30

Room 11; found while recleaning stone pavement (floor) and added to former basket North of Room 12

48

215

1032

655.32 – 655.13

Room 13; floor level

49 50 51

212 212 218

1921 1921 3302

655.89- 655.56 655.89- 655.56 655.22-655.12

52 53

218 218

3302 3302

655.22-655.12 655.22-655.12

54

222

1402

655.33-655.22

55 56 57

218 218 227

3302 3302 3302

655.22-655.12 655.22-655.12 655.12-655.09

346-361 CE 364-375 CE

Room 16; floor level Room 16; floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level

58 59 60

227 227 227

3302 3302 3302

655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09

330-335 CE End 4th century

Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level

61 62 63

227 227 227

3302 3302 3302

655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09

Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level

64 65

227 227

3302 3302

655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09

4th century CE 346-361 CE Beginning 4th century CE 341-346 CE

66

227

3302

655.12-655.09

67 68

227 227

3302 3302

655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09

4th century CE

Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level

69 70 71

227 227 227

3302 3302 3302

655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09

337-361 CE 346-361 CE

Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level

72 73 74

227 227 227

3302 3302 3302

655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09

75

227

3302

655.12-655.09

4th century CE Room 16; sunk below floor level 341-361 CE Room 16; sunk below floor level 1st half of the 4th century Room 16; sunk below floor level CE 4th century ?? Room 16; sunk below floor level

335-341 CE 315-316 CE 1st half of 4th century CE 346-350 CE Beginning 4th CE

Proveance Description Room 14 – entire area Under floor of Room 15; over bedrock On floor of Room 16; next to a concentration of six oil lamps and a jug; found with 5 other coins On floor of Room 16; next to a concentration of six oil lamps and a jug; found with 5 other coins On floor of Room 16; next to a concentration of six oil lamps and a jug; found with 5 other coins On floor of Room 16; next to a concentration of six oil lamps and a jug; found with 5 other coins On floor of Room 16; next to a concentration of six oil lamps and a jug; found with 5 other coins On floor of Room 16; next to a concentration of six oil lamps and a jug; found with 5 other coins Under floor of Room 15; over bedrock Room 2 over bedrock Room 16; floor level

Room 17 Room 17 Room 16; floor level Room 16; floor level Room 16; floor level North of Room 12

Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level

278

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

76

No.

Basket 227

Locus 3302

Height 655.12-655.09

Dating Beginning 4th to 361 CE

Proveance Description Room 16; sunk below floor level

77

227

3302

655.12-655.09

78 79

227 227

3302 3302

655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09

Nabataean ?

Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level

80

227

3302

655.12-655.09

Room 16; sunk below floor level

227

3302

655.12-655.09

1st half of 4th century CE

81 82 83

227 227

3302 3302

655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09

5th century ? (due to size) Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level

84 85

227 227

3302 3302

655.12-655.09 655.12-655.09

337-341 CE

86

236

1034

654.91-654.61

87 88 89

241 239 246

3303 1922 F-06

655.09-654.94 655.54-655.35 656.09-655.90

341-346 CE 4th century CE

90 91

249 249

1922 1922

655.35-655.23 655.35-655.23

92

249

1922

655.35-655.23

93

260

1923

655.23-655.09

94

276

2001

656.17-656.03

324-327 CE Room 17; floor level – south side End 4th – beginning 5th Room 17; floor level – south side CE 383 CE Room 17; floor level – south side (Aradius?) Room 17; below floor level in n-w area of floor section Southern side

95

287

2002

656.03-655.82

96

286

4502

656.19-655.90

97

312

901

655.77-655.65

98 99

306 345

1302 1303

655.55-655.32 655.18-655.02

100

361

604

655.33-655.16

101

367

4900

656.39-656.00/655.94

102

407

903

654.99-654.91

103

420

603

655.48-655.16

104

420

603

655.48-655.16

105 106

432 434

3302 603

655.39-655.11 655.48-655.16

107 108

455 479

801 4222

655.96-655.02 655.82-655.75

4th century CE City coin 2nd – early 3rd CE 324-330 CE 4th century CE

109

479

4222

655.82-655.75

4th or 5th CE

110

479

4222

655.82-655.75

111

479

4222

655.82-655.75

Room 16; sunk below floor level

Room 16; sunk below floor level

Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 16; sunk below floor level Room 13; over bedrock in section

City coin 2nd – early 3rd CE

S-E corner of Room 18

City coin 2nd – early 3rd CE 341-346 CE

Eastern side of Room 13

City coin 2nd – early 3rd CE Early 3rd CE Caracalla ? 324-330 CE

279

Room 16; over bedrock in section Room 17; floor level - north side

S-W corner of Room 18

N-E corner of area S-W corner of area – under floor surface and over bedrock N corner next to W-41 in Room 4

Eastern side of area Eastern side of Room 13 – on 2nd-3rd century CE cobblestone surface S-E corner of Room 4 – under floor surface S-E corner of Room 4 – under floor surface Southern side of Room 16 S-E corner of Room 4 – under floor surface Southern side of Room 1 Northern half of Room destruction surface Northern half of Room destruction surface Northern half of Room destruction surface Northern half of Room destruction surface

22 – 22 – 22 – 22 –

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

112

No.

Basket 479

Locus 4222

Height 655.82-655.75

Dating 4th century CE

Proveance Description Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface N-E area

113

479

4222

655.82-655.75

114

482

4222

655.82-655.75

116

482

4222

655.82-655.75

Julian 361-363 CE

656.40- 656.00

Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface Northern half of Room 22 – destruction surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface West half of Room 22 – below floor surface Eastern half of Room 26

117

482

4222

655.82-655.75

118

482

4222

655.82-655.75

119

482

4222

655.82-655.75

120

482

4222

655.82-655.75

351-361 CE

121

482

4222

655.82-655.75

Late Hellenistic

122

482

4222

655.82-655.75

351-361 CE

123

482

4222

655.82-655.75

124

482

4222

655.82-655.75

125

482

4222

655.82-655.75

126

490

4223

655.75-655.42

127

490

4223

655.75-655.42

128

490

4223

655.75-655.42

129

490

4223

655.75-655.42

130

490

4223

655.75-655.42

131

490

4223

655.75-655.42

132

490

4223

655.75-655.42

133

490

4223

655.75-655.42

134

490

4223

655.75-655.42

351-361 CE

135

490

4223

655.75-655.42

330-337 CE

136

490

4223

655.75-655.42

137

490

4223

655.75-655.42

138

490

4223

655.75-655.42

139

490

4223

655.75-655.42

140

490

4223

655.75-655.42

141

490

4223

655.75-655.42

142

490

4223

655.75-655.42

330-335 CE

143

490

4223

655.75-655.42

4th century CE

144

502

3821

145

502

3821

656.40- 656.00

Eastern half of Room 26

146 147

502 502

3821 3821

656.40- 656.00 656.40- 656.00

115

339-335 CE

330-337 CE

330-337 CE

4th century CE

280

Eastern half of Room 26 Eastern half of Room 26

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

148

No.

Basket 521

Locus 3821

Height 656.00-655.94

Dating 337-341 CE (Quadriga)

Proveance Description Next to W-58 (north side of room)

149

528

4000

657.82-657.40/657.45

150

537

3821

656.00-655.89

151

546

4000

657.82-657.40/657.45

335-341 CE

152 153 154 155

554 553 551 559

3401 4801 4001 4021

656.07-655.69 657.17-657.08 657.45-656.98 657.45-656.95

Medallion (not a coin) 4th century CE Late Roman 335-341 CE

156

559

4021

657.45-656.95

157

559

4021

657.45-656.95

158

559

4021

657.45-656.95

159

595

3601

657.12-656.81

346-361 CE

160 161

607 606

7322 4802

655.34-655.30 656.91-656.64

Aretas IV

162 163 164 165 166 167

606 606 606 616 610 624

4802 4802 4802 3802 6502 4802

656.91-656.64 656.91-656.64 656.91-656.64 656.14-656.08 656.59-656.51 656.64-656.50

330-335 CE 351-361 CE 346-354 CE 351-361 CE 364-375 CE

168

621

6401

657.74-657.60

Middle of Room 33

169

623

6502

656.59-656.51

S-E corner of Room 31

170

621

6401

657.74-657.60

Middle of Room 33

171

621

6401

657.74-657.60

172

624

4802

656.64-656.50

173

623

6502

656.59-656.51

174

543

7102

655.25-655.17

175

629

3521

656.50-656.37

176

631

6402

657.60-657.39

177 178 179

638 638 641

4042 4042 6561

656.98-656.75 656.98-656.75 657.65-657.49

180

662

3422

656.08-655.99

181

659

4402

657.15-656.72

S-W corner of Room 38

182

665

6562

657.28-657.18

Room 37

183 184

667 667

3522 3522

656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03

4th CE century

Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35

185 186

667 667

3522 3522

656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03

4th century CE

Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35

187

667

3522

656.37-656.03

Hoard in Room 35

188

667

3522

656.37-656.03

Hoard in Room 35

189

667

3522

656.37-656.03

190

667

3522

656.37-656.03

North side of square over Room 29 and Room 40 Next to W-21 in Room 26 Next to W-49 on south side of square over Room 29 and Room 40 Middle of Room 25 South side of square Room 29 East side of Room 40 – next to W-69 and W-67 Room 40 - West corner next to W-69 Room 40 - West corner next to W-69 Room - West corner next to W-69 N-E corner of square – Room 29 Room 28 (Nabataean/ER) Room 30 Room 30 Room 30 Room 30 West half of Room 23 North half of Room 31 South half of Room 30

End of 4th – beginning Middle of Room 33 5th CE Beginning South half of Room 30 4th CE Next to W-74 in Room 31 Beginning 4th CE

Middle of Room 24 Room 34 Middle of Room 33

335-341 CE 4th century CE 5th century ? (small size)

End of 4th – beginning 5th CE

281

South half of Room 29 South half of Room 29 Room 37 Room 36

Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

191

No.

Basket 667

Locus 3522

Height 656.37-656.03

Dating

Proveance Description Hoard in Room 35

192

667

3522

656.37-656.03

193 194 195

667 667 667

3522 3522 3522

656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03

346-361 CE 4th century CE

Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35

196

667

3522

656.37-656.03

Hoard in Room 35

197 198

667 667

3522 3522

656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03

199 200 201 202 203 204

667 667 667 667 667 667

3522 3522 3522 3522 3522 3522

656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03

205 206 207

667 667 667

3522 3522 3522

656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03

(2 coins – 1 unidentified) Beginning 4th CE 1st half 4th CE End 4th CE (small size) End 4th CE 4th CE 346-361 CE 346-361 CE 4th century CE Beginning 4th CE 4th CE 350-351 CE

208 209

667 667

3522 3522

656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03

Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35

210

667

3522

656.37-656.03

4th or 5th CE 1st half of 4th CE

211

667

3522

656.37-656.03

212 213

667 667

3522 3522

656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03

214

667

3522

656.37-656.03

215 216

667 667

3522 3522

656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03

217

667

3522

656.37-656.03

218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226

667 667 667 667 667 667 667 667 676

3522 3522 3522 3522 3522 3522 3522 3522 3642

656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.37-656.03 656.72-656.39

227

667

3522

656.37-656.03

228

680

3642

656.39-656.13

229 230

677 701

3542 6562

656.37-656.12 656.87-656.78

231

701

6562

656.87-656.78

Room 37; southern side

232

711

6362

657.38- 656.87

Street next to stair next to Room 33

233

722

6101

657.66- 657.24

Floor of Room 40

234

723

6121

658.00- 657.23

Street west of Room 40

235

734

6563

656.64- 656.38

Room 37

236

743

6543

656.78- 656.62

Hoard in Room 35

Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35

Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35

383-395 CE ??

Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35

4th century CE 2nd half of 4th century CE

Beginning 4th CE 1st half of the 4th CE 346-361 CE 346-361 CE 346-361 CE 4th century CE

Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Hoard in Room 35 Room 36; next to wall 23 Hoard in Room 35

Diocletian 297 CE 4th century CE

Beginning 4th CE

282

Room 39; southern side Room 34; southern side Room 37; southern side

Floor of Room 43; Courtyard entrance of staircase tower (Building P)

Appendix II: Pottery and Special Frinds from Oboda by Locus

237

No.

Basket 749

Locus 5902

Height 656.50- 656.40

Dating

Proveance Description Floor of Room 41

238

749

5902

656.50- 656.40

239

750

2323

655.15- 655.07

Nabataean ?

4th century layer in Building 5

240 241

777 778

3822 6102

655.85 656.88

4th century CE 346-361

Floor of Room 23 Floor of Room 40

242

779

4222

655.75

Floor of Room 41

Floor of Room 22

283

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

Mid-Second – Early Third Century Vessels and Small Finds ‘En Hazeva Locus A-22 # 1

OBJECT Bowl

2

Bowl

3

Bowl

4

NDPW goblet

DESCRIPTION Basket 1077 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny white and dark gray inclusions Pale slip applied to exterior rim Basket 1077 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); tiny white inclusions Pale slip applied to exterior rim Basket 1079 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); tiny white and dark gray inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR4/6) on exterior Basket 1468 Ware: reddish brown (5YR4/3); tiny white and occasional large white inclusions; dark gray core Slip: brown (10YR5/3) on lower exterior; reddish brown (5YR4/4) on upper exterior Deco: very dark gray (10YR3/2) Basket 1119 Ware: yellowish red 5YR5/6; numerous tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: pale yellow 2.5Y8/2

5

Strainer jar

7

Jug

Basket 1079 Ware: red 2.5YR5/6; occasional tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: very pale brown 10YR7/4

8

Cookpot

Basket 1077 Ware: dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/4); tiny white inclusions Slip: reddish brown (5YR4/4)

COMPARISONS

Az-Zurraba / Wadi Musa (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.13:5) Dated 100-300 CE

284

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix IV: Pottery and Special Finds from Mezad Hazeva by Locus

‘En Hazeva Locus A-2128 # 1

OBJECT NPFW bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 5195 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); occasional tiny white inclusions, fine ware Deco: dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/4)

2

Bowl

3

Juglet

Basket 5146 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous tiny white and dark gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Basket 5198 Ware: red 2.5YR5/8; occasional tiny dark gray and large white inclusions; fine ware Self slip

4

Jar

Basket 5195 Ware: red 2.5YR5/8; numerous tiny white inclusions Self slip

5

Jar

Basket 5196 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny white and dark gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

COMPARISONS Petra – Zurraba (Zayadine 1982:Pl.CXXXIX,No.436) Schmid’s Dekorgruppe 3c Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.92-93) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.7:9-10) Moyat 'Awad (Cohen 1987:30) Khirbet et-Tannur (Horsfield 1942:Fig.25).

Petra – Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:C) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.8:14) Dated 2nd c. CE Edh-Dharih (Villeneuve 1990:Pl.VII:5) Dated 2nd c. CE

285

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

‘En Hazeva Locus A-2276

# 1

OBJECT Juglet

2

Juglet

3

4

Unguentarium

Lamp

DESCRIPTION Basket 5570 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); medium to large white and dark gray inclusions Slip: red 2.5YR5/6; slightly charred exterior Basket 5569 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous tiny white and dark gray inclusions; Slip: light brown (7.5YR6/4)

COMPARISONS

Mampsis (Negev and Sivan 1977:Fig.11: 77) Dated 3rd c. CE

Basket 5580 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6) Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3); unevenly applied

Johnson’s Form XI Petra (Johnson 1987:Fig.6:XI)

Not available

Petra – ez Zantur (Kolb et al 1999:Figs 18a,18b)

Dated ca. 100-200 CE

Dated to the later 2nd c. CE

286

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix IV: Pottery and Special Finds from Mezad Hazeva by Locus

‘En Hazeva Locus B-117 #. 1

OBJECT NPFW bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 1315 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); occasional tiny white inclusions Deco: dark red (2.5YR3/6)

COMPARISONS Schmid’s Dekorgruppe 3b Petra – Ez Zantur (Schmid 2000:Abb.91) Petra North Ridge (Bikai and Perry 2001:Fig.7: 7) Petra (1942:Pl.XXXIV).

2

Cup

Basket 1310 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6) Slip: red (2.5YR5/6)

Petra – Az Zurraba (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.13:6).

3

Parthian juglet

Basket 1310 Ware: pale brown (10YR6/3); occasional large white inclusions; porous surface Traces of turquoise glaze on exterior

Hayes 1997:66.

4

Jar

Basket 1310 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6) Slip: red (2.5YR4/6)

5

Bag shaped jar

Basket 1310 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny white and dark gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

6

Jar

Basket 1310 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6) Slip pale yellow (2.5YR8/3)

Nahal Zalzal (Cohen 1985:Fig.7:8) Petra Ez-Zantur (Stucky et al 1994:Fig.16:D) Az-Zurraba / Wadi Musa (‘Amr and al-Momani 1999:Fig.12:25) Umm at-Tiran (‘Amr et al 1998:Fig.30:7) Dated 2nd c. CE

7

Imported storage jar

Basket 1310 Ware: brown (7.5YR5/4); dark gray core; tiny to medium white inclusions; micaceous Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3); peeling exterior; soot along rim

Zemer’s Type 41 (Zemer 1977:Pl.15:41) North Sinai (Arthur and Oren 1998:Fig.4:5; Fig.5:2) Dor (Stern 1995:6.50.7) Anenurium (Williams 1989:Fig.55:549) Marina el-Alamein (Daszewski et al 1990:Fig.12:4) Benghazi Mid Roman Amphora 4 (Riley 1982:Fig.83:236)

287

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 8

Cookpot

Basket 1310 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6) Slip: dark red (2.5YR3/6)

9

Cookpot

Basket 1310 Ware: weak red (10R4/4); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions Self slip

10

Cookpot

‘En Hazeva B-117 Basket 1315 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: dark reddish brown (5YR4/3)

11

Cookpot

Basket 1315 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny to small white and gray inclusions; slightly micaceous Self slip; charred near base

12

Lamp

Basket 1619 Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/4); Slip: very faded red; Burn marks

Dor (Guz-Zilberstein 1995:Fig.6.49.14) Shiqmona (Elgavish 1977:Pl.XV:124)

Dated 2nd c. CE Horvat Hazaza (Cohen 1981:Fig.7:3)

288

Appendix IV: Pottery and Special Finds from Mezad Hazeva by Locus

363 CE Vessels and Small Finds ‘En Hazeva Locus B-115 (Constantine I and Julian coins) # 1

OBJECT ARS bowl

2

Bowl

3

Bowl

4

Bowl

5

Bowl

6

Bowl

7

Bowl

8

Bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 1309 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); Numerous tiny gray and occasional small white & gray inclusions Burnish: red (2.5YR5/8)

COMPARISONS Hayes ARS Form 50B (Hayes 1972:Fig.12:55) Dated 350-400+

Basket 1325 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions Unslipped Basket 1116 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); tiny white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Basket 1325 Ware: pink (5YR7/4); numerous tiny gray and medium to large white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Basket 1325 Ware: light brown (7.5YR6/4) to pink (5YR7/4); tiny light gray and numerous reddish brown inclusion Slip: pale yellow (2.5YR8/2); applied to upper exterior Basket 1325 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); tiny gray and white and occasional medium gray and white inclusions; slightly micaceous Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Basket 1325 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6): numerous tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

Amman Great Temple (Koutsoukou et al 1997:No.165) Dated 284-363 CE

Basket 1325/ 1317 Ware: pink 97.5YR7/3); numerous tiny dark gray and white and medium white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

289

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 9

Basin

Basket 1325 Ware: pale brown (10YR6/3); tiny gray and white and occasional large white inclusions; light grayish brown core Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) applied to exterior

10

Basin

Basket 1316 Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/4); tiny white and occasional large white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

11

Mortarium

Basket 1316 Ware: dark reddish brown (5YR3/4); numerous medium dark gray and tiny white and gray inclusions Self slip, burnished on rim

Blakely’s Class 2 (Blakely et al 1992:197) North Syrian Mortarium (Hayes 1967 Fig.2: 124)

Basket 1325 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny light gray and white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

Horbat Zefiyya (Varga and Lender, forthcoming)

12

Cup

13

Jug

Basket 1325 Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/3); numerous tiny dark gray and tiny to large white inclusions Slip; pale yellow (2.5Y7/3)

14

Jug

Basket 1367 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); tiny white inclusions Slip: dark red (10R/3/6)

15

Jug

Basket 1325 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); occasional small dark gray and numerous tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR4/3)

Dated 3rd – 4th c. CE

Dated early 4th c. CE

Horbat Zefiyya (Varga and Lender, forthcoming)

290

Appendix IV: Pottery and Special Finds from Mezad Hazeva by Locus

16

Jug

Basket 1325 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous tiny white inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR4/6)

17

Pilgram’s flask or jug

Basket 1309 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/8); numerous tiny to medium white and tiny dark gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

18

Ration jar

1325 Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/4); numerous tiny gray and reddish brown inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

19

Jar

20

Gaza jar

21

Imported storage jar

Basket 1309 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8): numerous tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: pink (7.5YR7/4) Basket 1325 Ware: light yellowish brown (10YR6/4); numerous light gray and white and large white inclusions Slip; brown (7.5YR5/4)

Basket 1317 Ware: red (10R4/6); occasional medium to large white inclucions Slip: very pale brown (!0YR7/4)

Khirbet el-Fityan (Parker 1987:Fig.98:72) ‘Aqaba (Meloy 1991:Fig.3:X) Dated 284-363

Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995:Pl.5;167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE Spatheion, Tunisian olive oil amphora – Palatine East Project 2002 (www.ascu.buffalo.edu/~jmccaw/ pottery_assemblage.htm) Riley’s LR Amphora 8a (Riley 1982:No.364,pp.226-227) Peacock and Williams’ Class 51 (Peacock and Williams 1986:fig.120)

22

Imported storage jar

Basket 1317 Ware: red (10R5/6); occasional large white and tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: pale brown (10YR6/3)

Dated 370-450 c. CE Spatheion, Tunisian olive oil amphora – Palatine East Project 2002 (www.ascu.buffalo.edu/~jmccaw/ pottery_assemblage.htm) Riley’s LR Amphora 8a (Riley 1982:No.364,pp.226-227) Peacock and Williams’ Class 51 (Peacock and Williams 1986:fig.120) Dated 370-450 c. CE

291

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 23

Jar w/ ostrakon

Basket 1322 Ware red (2.5YR5/6); minute white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/3)

292

Appendix IV: Pottery and Special Finds from Mezad Hazeva by Locus

‘En Hazeva Locus D-802

(Constantine I & II coin hoard) # 1

OBJECT NDPW bowl

DESCRIPTION Baskets 7017 & 7009 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); numerous tiny dark gray and white and occasional medium white inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR5/6) Deco: dark brown (7.5YR3/2)

COMPARISONS Az – Zurraba ('Amr 2004: Fig. 2); Khirbet an-Nawafla ('Amr 2004: Fig. 9).

2

ARS bowl

Basket 7009 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); slightly micaceous; occasional small dark gray and white inclusions Burnish: red (10R5/8); drippy on base Baskets 7009 & 7019 7154- (D-805) Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); occasional small white inclusions Burnish: red (2.5YR5/8)

Hayes Form 59B (Hayes 1972:Fig. 15:17)

Baskets 7017 & 7037 Ware: Reddish brown (5YR6/8) to reddish brown (5YR5/3); numerous tiny to large white inclusions; Self slip; darker towards exterior upper body due to firing Basket 7017 Ware: pale yellow (2.5Y8/3); tiny white inclusions Self slip

Magness’ Rouletted Bowl Form 1 (Magness 1993: 185-186) Ashkelon (Kogan-Zahavi 1999: Fig.1:1)

3

4

ARS bowl

Rouletted bowl

5

Bowl

6

Bowl

7

Bowl

8

Bowl

Dated 320-420 CE

Hayes Form 59B (Hayes 1972:Fig. 15:17) Dated 320-420 CE

Dated late 3rd / early 4th c. through 5th c. CE

‘En Hazeva D-802 Basket 7037 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); tiny white and gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Basket 7017 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); tiny white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Basket 7037 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); tiny white and gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

293

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal 9

Bowl

10

Bowl

11

Basin

12

Juglet

13

Juglet

14

Jug

Basket 7009 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny white and occasional tiny gray inclusions Pale yellow (2.5Y8/3) Basket 7015 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); tiny white and dark gray inclusions Slip: red (2.5YR5/8) Basket 7037 Ware: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2); numerous tiny and occasional medium to large white inclusions Unslipped Basket 7037 Ware: pale yellow (2.5YR8/3) Self slip

Basket 7082 Ware: pale brown (10YR6/3); occasional tiny to medium dark gray inclusions; numerous tiny to medium and occasional large white inclusions Slip: yellowish red (5YR5/6) Basket 7009 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny white inclusions Slip: pale brown (10YR6/3)

15

Jar

Basket 7034 Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/4) Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/3)

16

Ration jar

Basket 7082 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/4); micaceous, large gold flecks Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y7/3)

17

Gaza jar

Basket 7015 Ware: strong brown (7.5YR4/6): occasional tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: brown (7.5YR5/4)

Horbat Zefiyya (Varga and Lender, forthcoming)

Mampsis (Erickson-Gini 1999:Fig.20.2.1-2) Dated 363 CE

Majcherek’s Form 2 (Majcherek 1995: Pl.5;167-168) Peacock and Williams’ Class 48 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.115) Zemer’ s Class 53 (Zemer 1978:No.53) Dated 300-450 CE

294

Appendix IV: Pottery and Special Finds from Mezad Hazeva by Locus

18

Cookpot

Basket 7041 Ware: dark red (2.5YR3/6); tiny white and gray inclusions Slip: weak red (2.5YR4/2)

19

Cookpot

20

Casserole

Basket 7041 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); numerous tiny white inclusions Slip: dark reddish brown (5YR3/3) Basket 7015 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6) Slip: red (2.5YR4/6)

21

Ceramic Stopper

Petra – Ez Zantur (Stucky 1990:Fig.8:F) Dated 363 CE

Basket 7009 Ware: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

295

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

‘En Hazeva Locus D-805

(Constantine II coins) # 1

OBJECT Cookpot

DESCRIPTION Basket 7154 Ware: red (2.5YR3/6); tiny white inclusions Slip: dark reddish brown (2.5YR3/4)

COMPARISONS

2

Lamp

Basket 7164 Ware: light reddish brown (5YR6/3); Slip: pinkish gray (5YR6/2)

Khirbat an-Nawafla (‘Amr et al 2000:Fig. 14:2)

3

Stone stopper?

296

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix IV: Pottery and Special Finds from Mezad Hazeva by Locus

‘En Hazeva D-807

(Constantine II coin hoard) # 1

OBJECT Bowl

DESCRIPTION Basket 7103 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny white and dark gray inclusions Self slip Basket 7103 Ware: red (2.5YR4/6); tiny white inclusions Slip: dark red (2.5YR3/6)

2

Cookpot

3

Ceramic lid

Basket 7103 Ware: pale yellow (2.5YR8/2) to light red; light gray core; slightly micaceous; numerous tiny dark gray inclusions

4

Lamp

Basket 76004 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6) Slip: red (2.5YR4/8) applied only on the discus; Charring

5

Lamp

Basket 7166 Ware: reddish yellow 5YR6/6; no slip; burn marks

COMPARISONS

Petra – ez Zantur (Zanoni 1993:No.101, p.51) Dated 363 CE

297

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

‘En Hazeva Locus D-931 # 1

OBJECT Jug

DESCRIPTION Basket 1984 Ware: light brown (7.5YR6/4); numerous tiny to medium reddish brown and occasional large white inclusions Slip; brown (7.5YR5/2)

COMPARISONS Petra – ez Zantur (Stucky 1990:Fig.7: C, E)

2

Ration jar

Basket 1982 Ware: Pale brown (10YR7/3); tiny gray inclusions; slightly micaceous, gold flecked Slip: Pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

Khirbet el-Fityan (Parker 1987:Fig.98:72) ‘Aqaba (Meloy 1991:Fig.3:X)

Basket 1983 Ware: Light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny gray and occasional large white inclusions; slight micaceous Slip: Pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

Khirbet el-Fityan (Parker 1987:Fig.98:72) Aqaba (Meloy 1991:Fig.3:X)

Basket 1981 Ware: Yellowish red (5YR4/6); numerous large white and occasional large dark gray inclusions; highly micaceous Slip: Yellowish red (5YR5/6)

Late Roman 3 - Palatine East Project 2002 (www.ascu.buffalo.edu/~jmccaw/ pottery_assemblage.htm) Peacock and Williams’ Class 45 (Peacock and Williams 1986:Fig.107:B) (Zemer 1978: Form 78, Pl. 26.78) Mampsis (Erickson-Gini 1999:Fig.18.4.1) Benghazi (Riley 1982:Fig. 83. 228) ‘En Hatzeva (Cohen and Israel 1996:89)

3

4

Ration jar

Amphora

Dated 284-363

Dated 284-363

Dated 300-450 5

Flask

Basket 1980 Ware: Light yellowish brown (10YR6/4); numerous tiny white and gray inclusions Self slip

Petra – ez Zantur (Kolb et al 1998:Fig.17.G) Dated 363 CE

298

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix IV: Pottery and Special Finds from Mezad Hazeva by Locus 6

Ceramic and plaster ration jar seal

Basket 1983 Ware: very pale brown (10YR7/4); micaceous – large gold flecked inclusions; occasional medium white inclusions Slip: light brownish gray (2.5Y6/2)

7

Ceramic object

Basket 1985 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); occasional medium to large white inclusions; micaceous Unslipped

‘En Hazeva Locus D-940 # 1

OBJECT Juglet

DESCRIPTION Basket 1957 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny white and gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

COMPARISONS

2

Jug

Basket 1992 Ware: red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny gray and white and occasional large white inclusions Slip: light brownish gray (10YR6/2)

Petra – Ez Zantur (Stucky et al 1990:Fig.7:A-B); (FellmannBrogli 1996:Abb.826)

3

Jug

Basket 1993 Ware: brown (7.5YR4/2); gray core; occasional large white inclusions Charred exterior

4

Cookpot

Basket 1994 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny to medium white inclusions Slip: dark gray (10YR4/1); heavily charred on lower exterior

Dated 363 CE

299

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

‘En Hazeva Locus D-945 # 1

OBJECT Ration jar

DESCRIPTION Basket 987 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny reddish brown and tiny and large white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

2

Ration jar

Basket 1987 Ware: light reddish brown (2.5YR6/3); occasional tiny and large white inclusions Slip: very pale brown (10YR7/3)

3

Jug

Basket 1986 Ware: pink (7.5YR7/3); numerous tiny gray and occasional tiny white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

Found in situ; photos

COMPARISONS

Mampsis (Erickson-Gini 1999:Fig.20.3.2)

590 300

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix IV: Pottery and Special Finds from Mezad Hazeva by Locus

‘En Hazeva Locus D-947 # 1

OBJECT Cooking ware jug

DESCRIPTION Basket 3822 Ware: reddish yellow (5YR6/6); occasional medium to large white inclusions Slip: reddish brown (2.5YR6/4); charred lower exterior

2

Cookpot

Basket 7827 Ware: red (2.5YR4/8); occasional medium to large white inclusions Slip: brown (7.5YR4/3)

3

Lamp

Basket 7821 Ware: light red (10R6/8); occasional tiny gray inclusions; Unslipped; charred

COMPARISONS

Petra – ez Zantur (Zanoni 1993:No.101, p.51)

591 301

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

‘En Hazeva Locus D-948 # 1

OBJECT Jar

DESCRIPTION Basket 1975 Ware: pale yellow (2.5YR7/4); numerous tiny dark gray and white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5YR8/2)

2

Jar

Basket 1975 Ware: light gray (2.5Y7/2); slightly micaceous; numerous tiny dark gray and reddish brown inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2)

3

Lamp

Basket 1975 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8); occasional medium white inclusions Slip: light reddish brown (2.5YR6/4); Charred on exterior

COMPARISONS Mampsis (Erickson-Gini 1999:Fig.18.2.1)

Petra – ez Zantur (Zanoni 1993:No.101, p. 51)

302

ILLUSTRATION

Appendix IV: Pottery and Special Finds from Mezad Hazeva by Locus

‘En Hazeva Locus D-982 # 1

OBJECT Jug

DESCRIPTION Basket 7479 Ware: reddish brown (5YR5/4); numerous tiny dark gray inclusions and occasional tiny white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/3)

2

Ration jar

Basket 7479 Ware: pale brown (10YR6/3); occasional large white and numerous tiny dark gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2); traces of sealing plaster on exterior

COMPARISONS

Khirbet el-Fityan (Parker 1987:Fig.98:72) Aqaba (Meloy 1991:Fig.3:X)

303

ILLUSTRATION

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal

‘En Hazeva Locus D-995 # 1

OBJECT Cup

DESCRIPTION Basket 7578 Ware: red (2.5YR5/8) Slip: red (2.5YR5/6)

COMPARISONS Horbat Zefiyya (Varga and Lender, forthcoming)

2

Cup

Basket 578 Ware: light red (2.5YR6/6); numerous tiny to large white and gray inclusions; Slip: red (2.5YR4/6) applied to upper vessel

Beit Shearim (Avigad 1956: Fig.3:13)

3

Bowl

4

Bowl

5

Funnel

6

Ration jar

Basket 7540 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); numerous tiny gray and occasional large white inclusions Slip: pale brown (10YR6/3) Basket 7578 Ware: red (2.5YR5/6); numerous tiny white and gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2) Basket 7578 Ware: yellowish red (5YR5/6); numerous tiny white and dark gray inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5Y8/2); brown discolorations Basket 7578 Ware: pale brown (10YR6/3); tiny white inclusions Slip: pale yellow (2.5YR8/2)

Khirbet el-Fityan (Parker 1987:Fig.98:72) ‘Aqaba (Meloy 1991:Fig.3:X) Dated 284-363 CE

304

ILLUSTRATION

References Abbreviations Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, University of Sydney, Australia

_____. Diodorus of Sicily, 12 volumes. transl. R.M. Geer. Cambridge, Mass., 1954

AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, Cambridge, Mass.

Diosc. Pedanius Dioscorides Anazarbeus, De material medica libri V, ed. M. Wellmann, Berlin, 1906– 1914.

AAE

ADAJ Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, Amman AJA

American Journal of Archaeology, Archaeological Institute of America, Boston University, Boston

American Journal of Philology, John Hopkins University Press

Amm. Marc. Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gestarum libri, ed. J. Rolfe, London, 1950–1952. _____. The Later Roman Empire A.D. (354–378, transl. W. Hamilton. London, 1986. App.

Appianus, Appian’s Roman History, ed. H. White, London, 1958–194

Atiqot Atiqot. Department of Antiquities, Jerusalem BA

Biblical Archaeologist, Washington, D.C.

BAR

Biblical Archaeological Review, Washington, D.C.

BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, Cambridge Mass. BASP Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists BCH

Bulletin Correspondence Hellenistique

BIES

Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society, 16–25, Jerusalem, 1951–1961 (in Hebrew)

BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. University of London, London CAH

Discoveries in the Judaean Desert 27. Oxford.

DOP

Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Washington, D.C.

EAEHL Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Vols. I-IV, Jerusalem, 1975–1978

AJAH The American Journal of Ancient History, New Brunswick, N.J. AJP

DJD

Cambridge Ancient History

EI

Eretz Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies, Israel Exploration Society, Jerusalem (Hebrew and English)

Epi.

Epiphanius, Panarion haesresium II, III, De Fide, ed. K. Holt 2 Ausg. J. Dummer, Berlin, 1980, 1985.

ESI

Excavations and Surveys in Israel, Jerusalem

Eus.

Eusebius Caesariensis episcopus

___

Chron. Chronicon, ed. R. Helm, Die Chronik des Hieronymus, GCS 47, Berlin, 1956

___

HE Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. E. Schwartz, Die Kirchengeschichte, GCS 9 i-ii, Leipzig, 1903–1908

___

Mart. Pal. De martyribus Palaestinae, ed. E. Schwartz, Uber die Martyrer in Palastina, GCS 9 ii, Leipzig, 1908, pp. 907–950.

__

On. The Onomasticon: By Eusebius of Caesarea, transl. G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, Jerusalem, 2003

Exp.

Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium, ed. J. Rouge, Sources Chretiennes, No. 124. Serie Annexe de Textes non Chretiens. 1964, Paris

GRBS Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina

Cathedra Cathedra for the History of Eretz Israel and Its Yishuv, Yizhak Ben-Zvi Institute, Jerusalem. (Hebrew)

HA

Hadashot Arkheologiyot Newsletter)

(Archaeological

Classical Review, the Bryn Mawr Classical Review, Bryn Mawr College, Penn.

Herodion Books V-VII. transl. C.R. Whittaker, 1970, Cambridge, Mass.

Cyr. Hier., Ep. Syriaca Cyrillus episcopus hierosolymitanus, S.P. Brock, ‘A Letter Attributed to Cyril of Jerusalem on the Rebuilding of the Temple’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 40 (1977), pp. 267–286

Herodotus Her. , The History of Herodotus, transl. G. Rawlinson, 1928, New York

CR

Dio.

Hier. Vita Hil. Hieronymus Stridonensis presbyterus, Vita sancti Hilarionis eremitae, PL 23, cols. 29– 54

Cassius Dio, Historia Romana, ed. E. Cary, Dio’s Roman History, London, 1914–1927.

HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Harvard University Press, Boston

Diod. Diodorus of Sicily (1st c. B.C.E.), Bibliotheca historica, ed. C.H. Oldfather, London, 1960– 1967).

IEJ

305

Israel Exploration Journal, Israel Exploration Society; Department of Archaeology, Hebrew University; Department of Antiquities, Ministry

Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal of Education and Culture, Jerusalem IJES

Israel Journal of Earth Sciences

IJNA

The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Nautical Archaeology Society, Portsmouth, U.K.

INJ

Israel Numismatics Journal, Israel Numismatic Society, Tel Aviv

JMA

Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology

Classical Library. London, 1948 PNessana H. Dunscombe Colt, Excavations at Nessana, III: C.J. Cramer, Non-Literary Papyri, Princeton, N.J., 1958 POxyrh. G.P. Grenfell, A.S. Hunt et al, The Oxyrhyncus Papyri, London, 1898 Procopius of Caesarea The Persian War. In Procopius, with an English Translation. Vol. I, History of the Wars, Books I and I, transl. M.B. Dewing. Cambridge, Mass. 1971

Jo. Mal. Joannes Malalas, Chronolgraphia, ed. L. Dindorf, CSHB 13, Bonn, 1831 Jos. Ant. Josephus Flavius –Complete Works: The Antiquities of the Jews, transl. W. Whiston, New York, 1976

Ptolemy Geography of Claudius Ptolemy, ed. and transl. E.L. Stevenson. New York. 1932 Qadmoniot Qadmoniot, Quarterly for Antiquities of Eretz Israel and Bible Lands, Jerusalem, Israel Exploration Society (Hebrew)

___, Wars Complete Works: The Wars of the Jews, transl. W. Whiston, New York, 1976 JRA

Journal of Roman Archaeology, Ann Arbor, Michigan

JRS

Journal of Roman Studies, Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies, London

LA

Liber Annus, Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Jerusalem

Lib.

Libanius sophista Antiochenus

___

Ep. Epistolae, ed. R. Foerster, Libanii Opera X-XI, Leipzig, 1921–1922

LS

Libyan Studies, the Society for Libyan Studies, London

NEA

Near East Archaeology

QDAP Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine, 1–14, Jerusalem, 1932–1950 Qedem Qedem, Mongraphs of the Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem RA

Revue Archeologique, Paris

RB

Revue Biblique, Paris.

Ruf.

Tyrannius Rufinus Aquileiensis, Historia ecclesiastica, ed. Th. Mommsen, Kirchengeschichte Rufinus, Buch X-XI, GCS 9 ii, Leipzig, 1908, pp. 957–1040

SHA (1954) Scriptores Historiae Augustae. translator, D. Magie. Vol. III. Cambridge. Mass.

NEAEHL New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Vols. 1–4, Jerusalem, 1992

SHAJ Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, Amman Strabo The Geography of Strabo, ed. H.L. Jones, London, 1949–1969 Strabo (1930)

Nil. Narrat. Nilus abbas, Narrationes, De malignis cogitationibus, PG 79, cols. 589–693

Soz.

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