Mothers, Warriors, Guardians of the Soul: Female Discourse in National Socialism 1924 - 1934 [Reprint 2012 ed.] 9783110893489, 9783110172324

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Geraldine Theresa Horan Mothers, Warriors, Guardians of the Soul

W G DE

Studia Linguistica Germanica

Herausgegeben von Stefan Sonderegger und Oskar Reichmann

68

Walter de Gruyter · Berlin · New York 2003

Geraldine Theresa Horan

Mothers, Warriors, Guardians of the Soul Female Discourse in National Socialism 1924-1934

Walter de Gruyter · Berlin · New York 2003

© Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

ISBN 3-11-017232-1 Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at < http://dnb.ddb.de > .

© Copyright 2003 by Walter de Gruyter G m b H & Co. KG, D-10785 Berlin. All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. N o part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Cover design: Christopher Schneider, Berlin. Printed in Germany.

Acknowledgements Many people and institutions have provided invaluable assistance during my research and I would like to take the opportunity to convey my thanks to all concerned. I am extremely grateful to the Conference of University Teachers of German in Great Britain and Ireland (CUTG) and to the Modern Humanities Research Association (MHRA) for their generous financial assistance, thereby making the publication of my research possible. During my research, I made several visits to the Bundesarchiv Berlin and I am very grateful for the help I received in locating and accessing primary material. My thanks also go to the Institut fur Zeitgeschichte in Munich, the Staatsarchiv Detmold, the Staatsarchiv Münster and the Landesarchiv Berlin for the use of their facilities. The Wiener Library in London provided an excellent source of primary and secondary material, and I very much appreciated the helpfulness of the staff there. I am also grateful for the use of the libraries at Royal Holloway University of London, University College London, the Institute of Germanic Studies, as well as the British Library. My research visits to Germany were generously funded by the British Academy, the DAAD, Royal Holloway (Constance West Award), the Institute of Germanic Studies (Robson-Scott Travelling Scholarship), the German Department at Royal Holloway, and University College London (Dean's Travel Fund). I would especially like to thank Professor W J Jones for his help and advice throughout my research, and all the staff in the German Department at Royal Holloway, past and present, for their constant encouragement. Thanks also to my colleagues in the German Department, University College London, and to Bill Dodd for his comments and advice. On a personal level, I would like to thank my family and friends, who have accompanied me through the highs and lows of my research. Most of all, I am indebted to my husband Markus for his unwavering support and limitless patience. I cannot thank him enough. Geraldine Horan University College London October 2002

Contents 1 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt? Preliminary observations Outline of methodology: historical and political discourses Outline of semantic theories Female discourse: a theoretical framework Historical background Linguistic background to National Socialist discourse Linguistic background to female discourse in National Socialism

1 1 4 7 18 30 45 66

2 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5

Morpho-semantic analysis Aspects of word-formation in female discourse Frau Mutter Use of the -in suffix Summary of word-formation in female discourse

74 74 79 109 122 139

3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4

Lexico-semantic analysis Thematic Categories Women and the NSDAP Women and the Volksgemeinschaft Women and Motherhood, Women and Work

141 141 141 176 230

4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7

Textual analysis Power, status and influence in female correspondence Historical and theoretical background Women's correspondence in National Socialism: general characteristics Analysis of six letters Letters from women to men Letters from women to women Summary

269 269 270 277 284 289 301 313

5

Conclusion

316

Appendix I: Letterheads

321

Appendix II: Women's Letters

322

List of Abbreviations

331

Bibliography

332

Index

349

1

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt? 1.1

Preliminary observations

Language in National Socialism has long been the subject of analysis, yet despite the focus on the language use of individuals, organisations, groups or text-types, the possibility of female discourse has not merited attention.1 There are numerous reasons why this area of linguistic research has not previously been explored, including women's minority status in the party and statistically low level of participation. In addition to this, the unease at analysing historical women's language from a contemporary perspective also plays a role. The purpose of this analysis is to provide evidence of a female discourse within National Socialism, which expressed the particular ideas, beliefs and activities of those women involved, and also to analyse the characteristics of the discourse in the early years of female participation, 1924-1934.2 The year 1924 as a starting point for the analysis is determined by the corpus of primary material, as the earliest documentation I encountered in my archival searches was produced in this year. Much of the primary material, though, emanates from the years 1931-1934, a period of organisational and textual self-creation and self-definition for women involved in National Socialism. In the years leading up to 1934, these women were concerned with shaping their concept of 'womanhood' and women's roles, and this is communicated through their discourse. The period covered in the analysis also includes the transition of the NSDAP from marginal political status to greater political recognition and support, followed by the establishment of the National Social' Sybil Milton, 'Women and the Holocaust: The Case of German and German-Jewish Women', in Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann and Marion Kaplan (editors), When Biology Became Destiny. Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany (New York: Monthly Review, 1984), comments on the lack of research into language and women in National Socialism: 'There have been no studies of the Nazi manipulation of language as applied to women, and the whole subject of gender-specific usage requires further analysis', (p. 327, footnote 56). 2 Utz Maas, 'Als der Geist der Gemeinschaft eine Sprache fand'. Sprache im Nationalsozialismus. Versuch einer historischen Argumentationsanalyse (Opladen: Westdeutscher, 1984), claims that it is essential to take into account the various phases of the NS regime, rather than regarding it as a monolithic and unchanging occurrence (pp. 9-16). See also Utz Maas, 'Sprache im Nationalsozialismus: Macht des Wortes oder Lähmung der Sprache?', in Wemer Bohleber and Jörg Drews (editors), 'Gift, das du bewußt eintrinkst ... '. Der Nationalsozialismus und die deutsche Sprache, 2nd edn (Bielefeld: Aisthesis, 1994), pp. 36-37, footnote 11.

2

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

ist regime, and these events and their implications for women are reflected in the female discourse produced during this time. The analysis does not include material produced after 1934, and this seemed an appropriate cut-off point, as it marked a change organisation of women in National Socialism, with the appointment of Gertrud Scholtz-Klink as ReichsfrauenfUhrerin of the unified Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft? The body of primary material which forms the basis of the analysis contains between 2 500 - 3 000 pages, including approximately 700 pages of letters, circulars, directives, reports and pamphlets written by female participants in National Socialism. The rest of the material comprises articles from National Socialist women's journals, such as Opferdienst der deutschen Frau, Die deutsche Frauenfront, Die deutsche Kämpferin and NS-Frauenwarte, and monographs. The analysis draws upon a large body of primary archival material which has not previously been the subject of linguistic investigation, and extensive quotations from the primary material are included to illustrate as fully as possible the linguistic features identified. The nature and size of the body of primary material, whilst reflecting a desire to include a range of different text-types produced by women, was also shaped by practical concerns, such as the availability of material in archives, data security restrictions, and the physical condition of the original documents themselves.4 There is still a vast amount of primary material produced by women in National Socialism in regional as well as national archives which remains unexplored, and to which I was unable to gain access. The eclectic nature of the primary sources forming the corpus for analysis could provoke criticism, as the lack of a fixed, unified source of material or text-type could be seen as leading to random results and inaccurate representations of the language. Yet it is necessary to show that female discourse is not a uniform, regulated phenomenon, but rather consists of a variety of influences from contributors. To concentrate on a single text-type, such as correspondence or on journal articles or pamphlets, would be too restrictive: in the case of letters written by women the characteristics of official, administrative communication would be foregrounded, whereas journal articles or pamphlets would show evidence of rhetorical, ideological language 3

Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland. Women, the Family and Nazi Politics (London: Cape, 1987), pp. 53-90. See also Christina Thlirmer-Rohr, 'Die postmoderne These vom "Tod der Geschichte". Feminismus und der Holocaust', in Ortrun Niethammer (editor), Frauen und Nationalsozialismus. Historische und kulturgeschichtliche Positionen (Osnabrück: Rasch, 1996), P· 31. 4 When quoting from female correspondence, I refer to the full name of the author and addressee if these names are generally well-known figures who have merited previous mention in historical studies. Otherwise I refer to the initial of the first name and surname of correspondents. With some of the archival material, no clear indication of the author and/or date is given, and thus female authorship and approximate dating had to be deduced from the context.

Preliminary observations

3

designed to influence and persuade largely unknown readers, neither of which would provide an overview of the complex make-up of female discourse. The fact that there was no unified women's organisation within National Socialism in these early years does entail that the material produced is varied, and at times fragmentary. What I shall endeavour to show is that, varied and conflicting as the organisation of women in National Socialism was, there were key terms and expressions and communicative strategies which reveal a common core of self-identity and which mark the group as specifically female. Diversity and individual characteristics of language use amongst organisations and particular women should also not be ignored, but should be explained and accepted as an inevitable and desirable feature of female discourse. In embarking on an analysis of the language of female National Socialists, it is first necessary to examine the form and method such an analysis would take. One approach would be to outline the characteristics of NS usage as defined in the well-known studies by Eugen Seidel and Ingeborg Seidel-Slotty, Cornelia Schmitz-Berning and Siegfried Bork, for example, and to take these as the 'given' or the 'norm', by which women's language use could be compared.5 However, this method of linguistic analysis brings with it some dangers. The main problem with this method is that the analysis would focus solely on similarities and differences in aspects of language use. It would fail to provide a unified picture of the discourse created and used by women in National Socialism as a whole and, vitally, in its own particular context. By using the method of comparing and contrasting, the implication is that female language in National Socialism is essentially a deviant form. Yet, without some level of comparison and contrast, it could be argued that the characteristics which mark women's language out as specifically female cannot be clearly identified. The solution to such methodological problems is to achieve some degree of balance. It is acceptable to draw upon research that has been carried out into language in National Socialism to date as a point of departure, if only 5

Eugen Seidel and Ingeborg Seidel-Slotty, Sprachwandel im Dritten Reich. Eine kritische Untersuchung faschistischer Einflüsse (Halle/Saale: Niemeyer, 1961). Cornelia Schmitz-Berning, Vokabular des Nationalsozialismus (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1998). See also SchmitzBerning, 'Die Behandlung des Themas "Öffentlicher Sprachgebrauch im Dritten Reich" in Sprachbüchern und Kursmaterialien für den Deutschunterricht', Sprache und Literatur in Wissenschaft und Unterricht, 14 (1983), H.2, 106-112. In my overview of previous research, I will refer to Schmitz-Berning's earlier works, including her series of articles, 'Die Sprache des Nationalsozialismus', Zeitschrift für deutsche Wortforschung, 16 (1960), 71-118, 178-188; 17 (1961), 83-121, 171-182; 18 (1962), 108-118, 160-172; 19 (1963), 92-112, and her monograph, Vom 'Abstammungsnachweis' zum 'Zuchtwart'. Vokabular des Nationalsozialismus (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1964), in order to estimate the contribution of these studies to research into language in National Socialism in the 1960s. In these instances, I shall refer to 'Beming' rather than 'SchmitzBerning'. Siegfried Bork, Mißbrauch der Sprache. Tendenzen nationalsozialistischer Sprachregelung (Bern and Munich: Francke, 1970).

4

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

to highlight the weaknesses and omissions of such research. This analysis also rejects the claim that female discourse in National Socialism can only be understood by comparing it with male National Socialist discourse. While it is certainly the case that interaction between males and females in National Socialism produced some level of overlap between male and female language use, the situation of women and men in the NSDAP was fundamentally different in the way they were organised, the prevailing attitudes to them, and the positions of power and levels of influence exerted by them. The discourse of women involved in National Socialism is analysed here as an independent entity, in its own context, acknowledging the range of influences upon it, and should not be dominated or distorted by constant contrasts and comparisons. This is not to say that a comparative study of female and male discourse in National Socialism would not be possible or desirable, or a comparison between the discourses of NS women and women belonging to other organisations, but there is no place for them in the scope of this analysis. The analysis focuses on representative morpho-semantic, lexico-semantic, and textual traits of female discourse, and examines qualitative rather than quantative characteristics, which considers factors such as chronology, author, readership and text-type. The analysis of linguistic features have arisen from the material itself, rather than my imposing rigid analytical categories and structures upon the material from the outset. The introduction will address the following topics: • • •

1.2

An outline of methodology: the nature of historical, political, female discourse. The historical background: the development of the Frauenbewegung and women in National Socialism. The linguistic background: language in National Socialism; the language of the Frauenbewegung, previous research on women's language in National Socialism.

Outline of methodology: historical and political discourses

An analysis of female discourse in National Socialism should perhaps commence with a definition of what is understood by discourse. For the purposes of this analysis, discourse is defined as the language use (in written form) of a specified group of individuals, in this case defined by their gender, their organisational loyalties and political involvement, analysed in its sociohistorical context, with acknowledgment of the social constraints and power

Outline of methodology: historical and political discourses

5

constellations forming and maintaining it.6 The choice of discourse rather than language also implies a dynamic process involving interaction and negotiation between participants. Critical Discourse Analysis is a particularly effective approach in interpreting discourse as an integral part of social behaviour and interaction, which influences the communicative situation as well as being influenced by it: 'discourse is socially constitutive as well as socially shaped: it constitutes situations, objects of knowledge, and the social identities of and relationships between people and groups of people. It is constitutive both in the sense that it helps to sustain and reproduce the status quo, and in the sense that it contributes to transforming it'. 7 The texts produced by women in National Socialism are not merely products of their gender, social and political situation, they are part of the process of negotiating their status and group membership within the community of women, within the National Socialist movement and within society as a whole. Analysing historical texts also requires particular consideration of the context in which the texts were produced. Most studies focus on contemporary or recent language use by women, as the access to spoken and written material, and the relevance of the analysis is more obvious and immediate. Analysing the discourse of a historical group of women, by contrast, does place certain constraints and demands upon the way in which the material and the results are assessed. Spoken material by women in National Socialism is difficult or impossible to obtain, with the exception of transcribed records of speeches, or in later years, perhaps recordings of public speeches. The focus of the study is therefore restricted to written material, which is to be analysed from a historical perspective, in which the original linguistic and extra-linguistic contexts, and possible motivations are no longer immediately apparent and have to be reconstructed. Ruth Wodak et al's 'diskurs-historische Methode' emphasises the need to analyse historical texts on a variety of levels, embedding the text in its

6

See Gisela Brunner and Gabriele Graefen (editors), Texte und Diskurse. Methoden und Forschungsergebnisse der funktionalen Pragmatik (Opladen: Westdeutscher, 1994), p. 7; Norman Fairclough, Critical Discourse Analysis. The Critical Study of Language (London and New York: Longman, 1995), pp. 73-74; Ruth Wodak, Disorders of Discourse (London and New York: Longman, 1996), p. 24. 7 Norman Fairclough and Ruth Wodak, 'Critical Discourse Analysis', in Teun A van Dijk (editor), Discourse as Social Interaction (London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi: Sage, 1997), p. 258. See also Fairclough/Wodak's eight principles of theory or method in Critical Discourse Analysis: 1. CDA addresses social problems; 2. Power relations are discursive; 3. Discourse constitutes society and culture; 4. Discourse does ideological work; 5. Discourse is historical; 6. The link between text and society is mediated; 7. Discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory; 8. Discourse is a form of social action, (pp. 271-280. Italics in original).

6

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

context as accurately as possible, comparing the content of the text with known historical details.8 As members or supporters of National Socialism, the women participated actively in political discourse, although in their texts, many of them denied that they were in any way politically involved or motivated. Defining the women's position as creators of and participants in political discourse of the time provides an insight into their status as semi- or unintegrated members of the National Socialist organisation, which had an impact on their choice of texts and selection of terms and expressions. Gerhard Strauß et al. discuss the hetereogeneous nature of political communication and categorise it according to subdivisions, including internal communication within/between political institutions, external communication involving institutions and members of the public and public-political communication, involving political parties, politicians and the public, producing text-types such as political discussions and demonstrations, political commentaries, election manifestos etc.9 All three communicative situations and their resultant texts are present in female discourse in National Socialism: internal correspondence within the NSDAP; correspondence between members of other women's organisations, such as the Bund Königin Luise, or the Neulandbewegung and members of the NSDAP, as well as ideological propaganda material produced by women in journal articles, pamphlets and monographs. The women's lack of integration into the NSDAP in the early years, illustrated by the absence of a a unified NS women's organisation prior to 1931, and women's dual membership of the NSDAP and another non-NS organisation places them at the margins of the NSDAP, and therefore prevents the discrete categorisation of their texts as 'internal' or 'external'. In creating a voice in the political arena, women involved in National Socialism employed ideologically-charged Schlagwörter, such as Kampf, Aufgabe, Seele. Strauß et al. claim that in helping to influence and shape public opinion, the Schlagwort 'wird stets hörerorientiert verwendet und ist ein Mittel emotionsgeladenen oder stärker noch emotionsbewirkenden und -kalkulierenden Sprachgebrauchs'.10 Although the anticipated effect on the recipient is undoubtedly a vital motivation for the choice of specific terms and expressions, I would argue that Schlagwörter have to be recognisable to both writer and recipient, even if a polysémie effect is possible or even intended. Schlagwörter 8

Ruth Wodak, Peter Nowak, Johanna Pelikan, Helmut Gruber, Rudolf de Cillia and Richard Mitten, 'Wir sind alle unschuldige Täter!': Diskurshistorische Studien zum Nachkriegsantisemitismus (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1990). 9 Gerhard Strauß, Ulrike Haß and Gisela Harras, Brisante Wörter von Agitation bis Zeitgeist. Ein Lexikon zum öffentlichen Sprachgebrauch (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1989), pp. 29-31. 10 ibid., p. 33.

Outline of semantic theories

7

were central to NS women's attempt to create a sense of corporate identity and to distinguish between in-group and out-group members, more specifically through the use of Feindwörter. These Schlagwörter are not employed randomly, neither do they appear out of nowhere: therefore their background and genesis need to be considered. A lexico-semantic analysis and the concept of what I have termed semantic inheritance (outlined below) allow an examination of the paradigmatic as well as syntagmatic environment and conditions determining the use of particular words and expressions, as well as an exploration of socio-cultural factors and intertextuality.11 In selecting certain terms and expressions the speaker/writer is often making a conscious decision either to reject, conform with or modify the existing meaning(s).

1.3

Outline of semantic theories

The analysis of written texts by women in National Socialism raises the question of how one combines the dual elements of charting language and gender, traditionally associated with spoken language, and language and ideology, often based on written and/or spoken texts within the one framework. Linguistic studies on the subject of gender and language have tended to concentrate on spoken utterances, for example on interaction between female and male speakers, conversational patterns, turn-taking. From this bias, one could conclude that in less spontaneous (written) utterances, obvious social markers such as gender, social class, age are more likely to be disguised. The fact that the analysis of female discourse in National Socialism is based on written texts in my view should not prevent conclusions being reached about the connection between language, status and gender. On the contrary I would argue that the written medium allows for a different but equally powerful expression of gender within language. Just because written texts are not spontaneous utterances and do not have the immediacy of spoken interchange does not mean that they cannot reflect the way in which women chose to express themselves. Chose is an important word here, as in capturing their ideas and wishes in written form, the women had time to select the language they wished to use to communicate their messages most effectively. In fact one could argue that the self-conscious, self-reflective nature of the written text allows a much more accurate picture of the relationship between gender and language with regard to women involved in National Socialism. In my study of texts written by women in National Socialism I concentrate on a lexico-semantic analysis of their

11

Norman Fairclough and Ruth Wodak (1997), p. 276.

8

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

language use, but also take into account smaller and larger units of meaning beyond lexemes: Morpheme Lexeme Sentence Text Discourse The second part of the analysis is devoted to morphological-semantic aspects of the women's language, identifying and discussing patterns of wordformation in the women's texts. The third part of the analysis focuses on key terms and phrases employed by the women, and the fourth part examines texts produced by NS women, in the form of letters, and the analysis is based on pragmatic theories and theories of discourse analysis. No specific part or chapter is devoted to the analysis of sentences, but this is incorporated in the lexico-semantic and textual analyses. All these units of meaning on morphological, lexical, syntactical and textual levels are important to a semantic analysis as they all contribute in some way to our overall understanding of meaning. The focus of the analysis will be on the role of morphemes in word-formation patterns. Even though a derivative or a compound used may be an established lexeme and not a neologism, the morphological elements making up the lexeme contribute to its meaning and effect, and are therefore of interest, particularly when one examines larger patterns and trends in the women's discourse as a whole. So, for example, the women's use of the prefix mit- is indicative of participation in the National Socialist cause, but also to some extent reflects the portrayal of themselves as helpers, supporters rather than as independent, proactive agents. 1.3.1

Lexical analysis

A major criticism of early studies on NS language was that they focused on individual words without providing any indication of context. The argument is that by 'tearing' a word out of its context, one can analyse it in an infinite number of ways, and precisely because of the variety of interpretations of any given word or lexeme, it cannot be fully understood when studied in isolation. As D A Cruse states: 'We do not communicate with isolated words; words are not the bearers of messages; they do not, of themselves, 'make sense'; they cannot, taken singly, be true or false, beautiful, appropriate, paradoxical or original. A linguistic item must in general have at least the complexity of a

Outline of semantic theories

9

simple sentence to show such properties'. 12 1 would argue, however, that it is justifiable to use a lexeme or phrase as a starting point for analysing certain characteristics of the discourse of a particular group or individual. Characterising NS discourse and female discourse in National Socialism should involve an analysis of core vocabulary and its particular contextual usage, yet this need not mean that the vocabulary employed is new or particularly shocking, indeed the opposite is often the case. Peter von Polenz comments that 'Für politisch konservative, traditionell gebildete, tendenziell impolitisch lebende Bevölkerungsgruppen wurde die NSDAP wählbar nicht durch ihren Radikalwortschatz, sondern mehr durch geschickte Verwendung und damit semantische "Besetzung" von vordergründig Vertrauen erweckenden traditionellen Schlüsselwörtern wie Art, Arbeit, Charakter, Ehre.13 Merely citing Kampf as an example of NS female vocabulary will not of course further our understanding of female discourse, since Kampf is a well-established term in NS discourse and in the German language in general. What is needed is both extra-linguistic and linguistic information about the term. We therefore place it in its extralinguistic context by revealing that it is used by women mainly to characterise their participation in the NSDAP; we provide an outline of the linguistic context, showing that Kampf belongs to a wide range of military metaphors, and that it is part of a framework of lexical relations, with evidence of antonymy, near-synonymy, and hyponymy, with certain collocational patterns. A combination of this information makes the study of a single lexeme more understandable and revealing, showing the unique way in which this term is used, and the denotative and connotative meanings attached to it. The study of key terms and phrases also has certain advantages over an analysis of sentences and texts. There is a very large amount of written material produced by women, and thus it would be impracticable to analyse all the sentences and texts and arrive at a general picture of the women's language. The lexical approach allows for a general overview of trends, patterns and tendencies which a more detailed and specific analysis of sentences and texts could not provide. Also I would maintain that, in general, as recipients or readers of texts, it is words, either individual or in clusters, that attract our attention most. As readers we are rarely able to recall a whole sentence or paragraph from a text, but what often remains are key terms and expressions which in some way mark themselves out from the rest of the text. When analysing the language of a particular group or individual, on a popular 'folk linguistic' level, for example the language of the business community or politicians, 12

D A Cruse, Lexical Semantics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986; repr. 1991), p.

9. 13 Peter von Polenz, Deutsche Sprachgeschichte vom Spätmittelalter (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1999, p. 550).

bis zur Gegenwart, vol.3

10

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

one focuses on what are perceived to be key terms or phrases.14 One might argue that a general, non-linguistic tendency to focus on vocabulary items, particularly as promoted in the media, and to some extent in politics, should not be allowed to sway the focus of the analysis. However, it is important to bear this aspect in mind when assessing the communicative impact of the NS women's texts upon the intended readership. It could be maintained that the women were relying upon the fact that certain key words and phrases would attract attention, remain in the passive, if not active, vocabulary of the reader, and therefore make some ideological impression. 1.3.2

Language and meaning

Meaning has always been a troublesome concept in linguistic study, and linguists have attempted to break down the all-embracing term 'meaning' into its constituent parts. F R Palmer, for example, claims that it is unhelpful and misleading to distinguish between denotative, or cognitive meaning and emotive or evaluative meaning. He argues that (in the case of English) there are verbs and adjectives, for example, which convey little or no cognitive meaning, and that there are some words which are used solely for evaluative reasons; the examples he cites are good and bad, yet this does not necessarily mean that they are devoid of cognitive meaning. He also maintains that many types of descriptive and evaluative judgement play an important role in the words we choose to employ, and these are not merely restricted to distinguishing between the polarised and simplified choices of good and bad: 'The meaning of words is not simply a matter of objective facts; a great deal of it is subjective and we cannot clearly distinguish between the two'. 15 Furthermore, Palmer also states that both types of meaning are essential to understanding a particular word, and that we cannot necessarily divide language into units according to whether it is used to carry 'straightforward' unadulterated factual information, or whether it is used to strike an emotive chord or response with the reader. These two factors are essential, particularly in language used by political groups, whose main purpose is to appeal to readers and listeners on informative, emotive and evaluative levels. Palmer states that, 'In politics particular words are often chosen simply for the effect they are likely to have. Fascist no longer refers to a member of the fascist parties, it is simply used to condemn and insult opponents. Words may have different emotive meanings in different societies'.16 This is reflected in the 14

See Stephen Ullmann, The Principles of Semantics, 2nd edn (Oxford: Blackwell; 1957; repr. 1963), in particular the section on 'The Word and its Autonomy' (pp. 43-65). 15 F R Palmer, Semantics, 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981; repr. 1991), pp. 90-91. 16 ibid., p. 90.

Outline of semantic theories

11

language of female National Socialists, in their use of apparently commonplace terms such as Ehefrau, Mutter. As used by women, Mutter does not just refer to a woman who has given birth to and brings up children, it is a term used to praise and glorify the person it refers to. Palmer also questions the validity of the concept of connotation in itself, claiming that the distinctions between associative and emotive meaning and cognitive meaning have yet to be successfully illustrated. He discusses the connections which are sometimes forged between words and the characterising traits associated with the object they refer to. Thus, for example, woman has the connotation 'gentle', and pig 'dirty'. He claims that this is not connected with the actual meaning of words, but is essentially an extra-linguistic factor, which reflects the belief of certain people that women can be characterised as 'gentle'. 17 But I would argue against such a division between linguistic and non-linguistic factors influencing the associations of lexemes, as I fail to see how it is possible to separate these social, cultural and political associations from both the denotative and connotative meanings of a word. I think it is precisely these associations which are reflected in the lexical choice of and senses attached to a particular word by the speaker or writer. What is meaning without the intention and understanding of the speaker/writer and listener/reader? This applies also to women in National Socialism: the semantic framework they establish in reflecting their thoughts and ideas is based on reader/writer associations, assumptions, prejudices, and general beliefs communicated through language. When analysing the semantic framework of women's language, and when considering the issue of lexical choice on the part of the women, it is important to consider how far the view that language is shaped by thought could provide a framework within which to analyse and explain the women's choice of lexemes and phrases and the meanings they attach to them. It would seem to be logical that selection from the lexicon of a particular language is influenced by prevailing thought and behavioural, as well as social, structures in a particular society.18 This also applies to linguistic groups in society: women in National

17 F R Palmer (1991), p. 92. It is interesting to note that Palmer refers to the connotation 'gentle', in contrast to the first edition of Palmer, Semantics. A New Outline (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1976), in which the lexeme woman is described as having the connotation 'weak' (p. 64). The pig, by contrast, remains 'dirty'. 18 See John Lyons's outline of the relationship between thought, language and communication: 'In so far as the more specific semiotic needs of one society differ from those of another, languages will tend to differ one from another in their grammatical and lexical structure. At its most trivial [...] this implies that a language will not provide a lexeme denoting any object or class of objects which the society using the language never has occasion to refer to. More generally, it means [...] that the grammatical and lexical structure of different languages will tend to reflect the specific

12

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

Socialism select from their native language words, phrases, sentences which communicate their ideas, commands, and wishes. Those aspects which are not relevant to them are either absent from their language or play a relatively minor role (for example, compounds with Mann or Vater). But again one must be aware of oversimplifying the relationship between social action and experience and language choice, as Lyons warns: 'One cannot legitimately draw inferences about differences of world-view solely on the basis of differences of linguistic structure' (and vice versa in my view), as 'the cultural and linguistic differences must be independently identifiable before they can be correlated'.19 Sense relations The lexico-semantic analysis of women's language in National Socialism focuses in particular on sense relations. These relations are important in identifying the precise meanings of key terms and expressions employed by the women and illustrating the semantic framework within which they operate. It is helpful therefore, to 'picture the meaning of a word as a pattern of affinities and disaffinities with all the other words in the language with which it is capable of contrasting semantic relations in grammatical contexts.'20 The meanings of words or lexemes can be usefully judged by comparing and contrasting them to other words, in particular in establishing which lexemes exist in relationships of oppositeness (antonymy), synonymy and hyponymy. Antonymy and other types of oppositeness in meaning tend to attract particular attention in the study of language, as Lyons confirms: 'It is, however, a fact, of which the linguist must take cognizance, that binary opposition is one of the most important principles governing the structure of languages; and the most evident manifestation of this principle, as far as the vocabulary is concerned, is antonymy'.21 But the identification of oppositeness is not without its theoretical problems. Ruth Kempson criticises the use of the term antonymy, because it primarily refers to binary opposites, and does not recognise the fact that 'there are many ways in which lexical items can stand in opposition to each other. Along one parameter man stands in opposition to woman, but along another parameter man stands in opposition, not to woman, but to boy\22 This is reflected in female discourse in National Socialism in the typology of women which is established, both positive and negative. But rather than starkly polarised pairs, a scale of prestige is established, which often defies binary contrasts. interests and attitudes of the cultures in which they operate.' John Lyons, Semantics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), vol. 1, pp. 249-250. 19 ibid., p. 250. 20 D A Cruse (1986; repr. 1991), p. 16. 21 John Lyons (1977), vol.1, p. 271. 22 Ruth M Kempson, Semantic Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), p. 84.

Outline of semantic theories

13

Also the discourse shows evidence of lexical imbalances for terms denoting female and male positions of power or activities for example, and here again binary opposites do not occur. Political discourse in particular relies heavily on polarisation and on creating conceptional and associative opposites to communicate its messages. This often involves connotative meaning, as the lexemes or expressions are divided into those with positive and those with negative connotations. Taking examples from previous NS studies, such positive - negative antonyms include: Nationalsozialist - Kommunist brutal - intellektuell In the case of women in National Socialism, they too make use of opposites to communicate their own female Weltanschauung. Opposites are established such as Ehefrau - ledige Frau, Berufsfrau - Mutter, seelisch - geistig, inneräußer-, and refer to individuals, groups, as well as activities and characteristics. Creating opposites is an important rhetorical device in political discourse used to rally support for a particular cause or belief and to achieve group or organisational unity by identifying a common enemy or opposite. A characteristic of female discourse is the flexibility of these opposites to change to near synonymy or to form other antonymical pairs according to the context. As pointed out by Ruth Kempson (see above), the relationship of opposites is dependent both on context and on the particular pair of lexemes in question. For example, the lexeme geistig is often contrasted with seelisch, but when placed together with praktisch, the two lexemes no longer stand in opposition and are often used in the compound form geistig-seelisch. Similarly, when referring to female activities, kämpfen and dienen become near-synonyms, yet when contrasting male and female activities within the NSDAP, the two lexemes become opposites. Also the women do not merely create polarised opposites in the language, and opposition forms not an antithetical antonymical structure of negative versus positive, but rather forms a scale ranging from negative to positive, with various intermediate stages of more or less positive and negative. For example, ledige Frau forms an opposite pair with Ehefrau, but when placed together with the lexeme Mutter, the terms become opposites on a connotative scale, from ledige Frau to Ehefrau to Mutter. Characteristic of the women's discourse is not just the respective patterns of synonymy and antonymy, but also the, at times, close relationship between synonyms and antonyms, seen most clearly in the reconciliation of opposites within the same semantic field. For example, the apparent opposites kämpfen and opfern become near-synonyms within the thematic field of 'Women and the NSDAP'. Adjectives such as kämpferisch and stillschweigend co-exist in

14

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

their discourse, in describing women's roles and activities. Binary opposites can become, in certain contexts, near-synonyms, and it is precisely such tendencies of combining apparent opposites in language, either consciously or subconsciously, which mark out NS women's language. Some of the opposites cannot always be divided into those with positive or negative connotations. Much of the connotative meaning is context-bound, as with the complementary weiblich/fraulich - männlich. When used in certain senses, the complementarles are contrasted as positive - negative. But in most cases, connotative meaning is conveyed in a scale of positiveness or prestige. So in some contexts, weiblich is more positive than männlich, and vice versa. Context-dependent synonymy is a characteristic of group or specialist discourses. Norman Fairclough states that a synonymous relationship can be established in a text, which would not be found in other contexts, and that the synonyms are ideologically motivated.23 Here any analysis has to be reliant on the existence of context-dependent synonyms which will mark out the discourse as somehow separate or different from that of the mainstream language. In most cases, terms under discussion are most likely to be near or partial synonyms: full and absolute synonymy is unlikely and perhaps even undesirable in a political discourse. One has to accept that any patterns established are not reflected throughout the discourse as a whole, or in the national language, and that perhaps the relationship is of brief currency, but vital to the understanding of the use of language of that particular group. Just as it is important to analyse which terms and concepts are conceived as polarised opposites, so it is necessary to examine which ones are regarded as sharing some degree of similarity. It is often difficult to prove exactly if two terms are synonymous, and it is quite common for certain key words to co-occur in similar contexts, revealing collocational tendencies rather than a pattern of synonymy.24 The test of interchangeability is not always reliable; it is often possible to substitute one word for another, in syntagmatic terms, and for the sentence to make sense, and for the overall meaning of the sentence not to be altered greatly. For example, when 'Es ist meine Aufgabe' is substituted for 'Es ist meine Pflicht' in female NS discourse, the activity has not changed, merely the interpretation of it by the agent in question. Synonyms are useful in NS discourse as a whole, for the purposes of stylistic variation, and for political motives, in creating combinations such as jüdisch-bolschewistisch, and occur in female discourse in National Socialism, with combinations such as fraulich-mütterlich, mütterlichweiblich, and geistig-seelisch for example.

23 Norman Fairclough, Language and Power, 2nd edn (London and New York: Longman, 2001), pp. 80-81,96,115-116. 24 F R Palmer (1991), pp. 91-92.

Outline of semantic theories

15

Collocational meaning Although the main focus is on paradigmatic relations between lexemes, syntagmatic relations also play an important role, illustrated by the patterns of adverb + verb combinations as well as adjective + noun combinations, for example. Collocation constitutes a difficult area in semantic theory because collocational patterns can not be placed into a clear and simple structure, nor can a set of rules be established to explain the patterns of co-occurrence which can arise. Norman Fairclough mentions collocation as part of the analysis of political and ideologically motivated texts, and the identification of collocational patterns can provide an understanding of the way in which political ideas are communicated in language, and the way in which language can manipulate thought and behaviour patterns, 'In some cases, what is ideologically significant about a text is its vocabulary items per se [...] In other cases, it is the way words co-occur or collocate\25 Again this comes back to the issue of selection, as the women's choice of terms and expressions and the co-occurrence of particular lexemes provide an indication of their linguistic and social situation. Of particular interest are patterns which deviate from the usual range of collocations in general language use. Collocation could also be seen as playing a role in identifying the lexical structures of the women's language use, as the fact, for example, that a particular adjective collocates with two or more nouns, could be indicative of partial or near-synonymy. Componential analysis Componential analysis is the process of analysing lexemes according to their individual semantic units of meaning and providing indications of distinctions in the meaning of a lexeme in its relationship with other lexemes. Yet not all linguists see componential analysis as a useful tool for interpreting meaning. Palmer criticises the fact that componential analysis relies largely on binary contrasts, for example [MALE] and [FEMALE], and is not equipped to cope with relational opposites.26 He also points to the question of how, from a seemingly infinite number of markers, one decides which semantic components are most relevant to the meaning of a lexeme. 27 1 would agree that componential analysis has its limitations, and is restricted in the semantic information it can provide, yet still it provides a useful theoretical framework for analysing the denotative and connotative meanings of key lexemes and phrases employed by women in National Socialism. The identification of semantic components of a lexeme can highlight important areas of meaning other than those captured 2S

Norman Fairclough (2001), p. 94-95, (italics in original). F R P a l m e r ( 1 9 9 1 ) , p . 111. 27 ibid., p. 113. 26

16

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

through an analysis of sense relations, and can even clarify the type of sense relations found in the women's use of key terms and expressions. As Leech claims, using the semantic labelling features [HUMAN], [ADULT], [MALE], [FEMALE], a synonymous relationship between two terms can be established by identifying the same components of meaning in both.28 Componential analysis can also highlight the polysemy of a lexeme, and can provide a systematic analysis of exactly which components of meaning differ, and which may distinguish one sense of the term from another. An example of this in the women's language is with the term Kampf, which is used in a variety of senses, for example: • •

Kampf [FEMALE] [REACTIVE], [SECONDARY]. Kampf [MALE], [ACTIVE], [PRIMARY],

The various components of meaning which can be established in the lexeme Kampf in female discourse will be outlined in the chapter on 'Women and the NSDAP'. Categories of semantic change The analysis of NS women's language also identifies patterns of semantic change in the women's language.29 These types of semantic change are not only important in their own right, they also serve to clarify sense relations in the women's discourse, as they are linked with the concept of denotative and connotative meanings. For example, if a particular lexeme undergoes an extension of meaning, then a new structure of hyponyms, synonyms, and opposites is automatically created. Also with pej oration, the meaning of a particular lexeme changes its connotative meaning, and this affects other lexemes to which it is semantically and collocationally related. The semantic inheritance of lexemes In analysing what von Polenz refers to as the 'semantische "Besetzung"' 30 of key terms and expressions in female discourse, the question arises how we distinguish the various senses of a particular word, as not all denotative and connotative meanings are clear from the context they appear in. In addition to this we must also consider the role played by established denotative or conceptual and connotative or associative meanings already attached to the term, and examine to what extent the key terms and expressions reflect the adoption of existing ideologies, or the attempt to modify or even create alternative dis28 29 30

Geoffrey Leech, Semantics (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974; repr. 1976), p. 97. R L Trask, Historical Linguistics (London: Arnold, 1996), p. 42. Peter von Polenz (1999), p. 550.

Outline of semantic theories

17

courses. Whether the meanings attached to a particular term reflect past or existing meanings and associations, or modify them, or establish new meanings, the semantic background plays an important role. This prior knowledge of both the senses and references of existing terms influences both the encoding and decoding of a message. Female discourse in National Socialism displays a mixture of both processes at work: a desire to make use of language already associated with women and at women's disposal, combined with NS/nationalistic rhetoric to describe new ideas and experiences for women. In female discourse in National Socialism, women build upon established terms, their senses and references, as well as creating new terms, and in doing so establish their own structure of senses and references which in turn influences other women, and it is this process which I refer to as semantic inheritance. In this process each use of a particular lexeme will influence other women until it becomes an 'in-group code', a 'group lexicon' within the community of practice (explained below), and consequently the women's discourse with its redefined senses and references becomes self-perpetuating.

For example, taking the term Frauenarbeit: 1.

2. 3.

INPUT: Semantic inheritance of Frauenarbeit: 'Paid employment carried out by women', (connotations: restricted, inferior, marginal). Term selected by women in National Socialism. OUTPUT: Redefined sense: 'Work carried out by women for the NSDAP' (connotations: positive).

The process is not static, and rather than having a definitive beginning and end stage, there is a constant cycle of selection/choice, definition and redefinition. And this is not to say that the former meanings of the terms cease to exist in

18

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

female discourse, and that the term was not and does not continue to be polysémie, dependent on both writer and context. As we will observe from the analysis of the term Frauenarbeit, for example, it is used in in a variety of senses in the women's texts. The identification of this process and the model of selection behind lexical and semantic choice as represented here also reinforces the argument in favour of a lexical-based semantic analysis within a sociolinguistic framework.

1.4

Female discourse: a theoretical framework

Whilst a large number of linguistic studies have analysed National Socialist discourse by drawing upon a wide range of written and spoken texts, including newspaper articles, speeches given by party members at national, regional and local level, letters, circulars and decrees, few of these studies have included material produced by women.31 One must take into account the fact that women were restricted to specifically female areas of influence, in NS women's organisations and welfare activities, so making them a relatively minor component of the National Socialist organisation. It seems logical, therefore, that if they played no major part in shaping and carrying out National Socialist policies, then their contribution to discourse in National Socialism would also be minimal, or even non-existent. Yet I would argue that it was precisely because of their marginalised and minor status that a female discourse developed and can be identified in their texts. The number of studies on historical women's discourse are limited compared to studies focusing on women's contemporary language use, yet in particular useful and interesting insights are provided by the collections of essays in the series Bausteine zu einer Geschichte des weiblichen Sprachgebrauchs. For example, in her essay, Karin M Frank-Cyrus analyses the role played by a certain group of women in the 19th century in influencing the language norms.32 Her examples of bourgeois women creating possible linguis31

There are some exceptions to this, for instance, Michael Kinne (editor), Nationalsozialismus und deutsche Sprache. Arbeitsmaterialien zum deutschen Sprachgebrauch während der nationalsozialistischen Herrschaft (Frankfurt/Main, Berlin and Munich: Diesterweg, 1981), includes two extracts from the 1935 and 1936 editions of the Bund deutscher Mädel (BdM) Jahrbuch (pp. 6974). See also Utz Maas, 'Sprache im Nationalsozialismus', Diskussion Deutsch, 14 (1983), 504506. Cornelia Schmitz-Beming (1998) also lists two BdM publications, and one monograph by the NS-Frauenschaft among her primary material. 32 Karin M Frank-Cyrus, 'Zur Rolle der bürgerlichen Hausfrau bei der Durchsetzung sprachlicher Normen im 19. Jahrhundert', in Gisela Brandt (editor), Bausteine zu einer Geschichte des weiblichen Sprachgebrauchs. Forschungsberichte - Projektangebote Forschungskontexte. Internationale Fachtagung, Rostock 6- 8. 9. 1993 (Stuttgart: Heinz, 1994), pp. 187-196. See also Rainer Hünecke, 'Ich, die unterzeichnete Witwe ... Feministisch-linguistische Fragestellungen an

Female discourse: a theoretical framework

19

tic influence through literary salons and through the creation of Frauenzeitungen show how, even without occupying public positions of power, women could still exert influence on the use of language within certain social circles. As previously mentioned, studies on women and language over the past thirty years have tended to focus on speech rather than written texts, examining in female-male conversations and exchanges, identifying what they perceived to be contrasting approaches and styles attributable to gender. Some linguists have expressed the belief that there seems to be scarce evidence of gender differences in writing, hence the lack of research on the linguistic features of women's written texts.33 Mary Hiatt, however, focused specifically on female characteristics of written language, claiming that differences in female and male style are most apparent in non-fiction, and concluding that women's writing appears more conservative and moderate than men's. 34 Although Hiatt's aim is to dispel prejudicial judgements of female writing, she in fact gives them validity by attempting to disprove them, rather than rejecting the judgements as biased and androcentric from the outset.35 1.4.1

Identifying 'Women's Language'

The role of biological determinism proved a powerful force in shaping attitudes towards women's language over the centuries, with the assumption that just as

Texte aus dem 19. Jahrhundert', in Gisela Brandt (editor), Bausteine zu einer Geschichte des weiblichen Sprachgebrauchs III. Forschungsberichte und feministische Fragestellungen. Internationale Fachtagung, Dresden 15.-16.09.I997 (Stuttgart: Heinz, 1998), pp. 45-67. See also the contributions in Gisela Brandt (editor), Bausteine zu einer Geschichte des weiblichen Sprachgebrauchs II. Forschungsberichte, Methodenreflexion, internationale Fachtagung, Lübben/Spreewald, 16.-19.07.1995 (Stuttgart: Heinz, 1996). See also Roswitha Peilicke, 'Review of Bausteine zu einer Geschichte des weiblichen Sprachgebrauchs. Forschungsberichte Projektgebiete - Forschungskontexte. Internationale Fachtagung, Rostock 6.-8.9.1993', Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, 113 (1994), 97-100; Ingo Warnke, 'Zur Belegung von "frau" und "weib" in historischen deutschen Wörterbüchern des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts' in Britta Hufeisen (editor), 'Das Weib soll schweigen ... ' (I. Kor. 14,34). Beiträge zur linguistischen Frauenforschung (Frankfurt/Main: Lang, 1993), pp. 127-151. 33

Robin Lakoff, Language and Woman's Place (New York: Harper & Row, 1975), claims, for example, that most of the distinguishing characteristics of gender differences she identifies in language are more prominent in spoken and/or informal language and will not be so apparent in written texts (p. 58). Deborah Cameron also comments on the subject in her introduction to 'Part Three: Dominance and Difference in Women's Linguistic Behaviour', in Deborah Cameron (editor), The Feminist Critique of Language. A Reader (London and New York: Routledge, 1990; repr. 1992), pp. 199-200. 34 Mary Hiatt, The Way Women Write (New York: Teachers College Press, 1977). 35 Sara Mills, Feminist Stylistics (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), criticises Hiatt's findings as influenced by 'phallocentrism' and ultimately reinforcing phallocentric stereotypes (p. 51).

20

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

women's bodies were structured differently, so was their language.36 Regarding women's language as deviant, subordinate and abnormal is a central problem in linguistic analyses, as by specifically focusing on women as a linguistic group, there is a tendency to highlight differences and noteworthy aspects of their language use. Also, the belief in the existence of women's language assumes the existence of 'men's language', yet until recently, studies did not attempt to explain what constituted male language use, as it was taken as the 'norm' against which women's difference and implied 'peculiarity' was measured.37 The binary classification of language features into female and male also entails that gender is overemphasised and regarded as a fixed, immutable characteristic, rather than a variable in a range of other sociocultural factors, such as social class, education, geographical background, age, and occupation.38

36

Dennis Baron, Grammar and Gender (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1986), p. 55. 37 Jennifer Coates, Introduction to Part One: 'Language and Sex in the Quantitative Paradigm', in Jennifer Coates and Deborah Cameron (editors), Women in their Speech Communities. New Perspectives on Language and Sex (London and New York: Longman, 1988; repr. 1996), outlines the pitfalls in analysing gender differences in language, with the danger being that 'the hidden agenda is female inferiority - or put another way, continued male dominance' (p. 6). Suzanne Romaine, Language in Society: An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), also states, 'Women occupy what might be called a problematic or negative semantic space. They are seen as derivative of men, or inferior versions of men. In practically all fields of research, it is women's differences from men and masculine norms which are seen as standing in need of some explanation' (p. 101). Karsta Frank, Sprachgewalt: Die sprachliche Reproduktion der Geschlechterhierarchie. Elemente einer feministischen Linguistik im Kontext sozialwissenschaftlicher Frauenforschung (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1992), claims that we rarely use the term Männersprache because this is synonymous with standard usage (p. 85). There are, however, studies which explore the relationship between masculinity and language, and the characteristics of all-male communication, such as the collection of essays in Sally Johnson and Ulrike Hanna Meinhof (editors), Language and Masculinity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997), including, for example, Deborah Cameron, 'Performing Gender Identity: Young Men's Talk and the Construction of Heterosexual Masculinity', (pp. 47-64). See also Victor J Seidler, Rediscovering Masculinity. Reason, Language and Sexuality (London and New York: Routledge, 1989). Jane Pilkington, '"Don't try and make out that I'm nice!" The Different Strategies Women and Men Use when Gossiping', in Jennifer Coates (editor), Language and Gender. A Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), pp. 254-269. Koenraad Kuiper, 'Sporting Formulae in New Zealand English: Two Models of Male Solidarity', in Jennifer Coates (editor), (1998), pp. 285-293. 38

Barrie Thome and Nancy Henley, 'Difference and Dominance: An Overview of Language, Gender, and Society', in Barrie Thome and Nancy Henley (editors), Language and Sex: Difference and Dominance (Rowley/Mass: Newbury House, 1975), comment that attributing specific language traits to women or men is fraught with 'hidden stereotypes, ideologies, and assumptions' (p. 27). Ruth Wodak, 'Introduction: some important issues in the research of gender and discourse', in Ruth Wodak (editor), Gender and Discourse (London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi: Sage, 1997), also calls for a more sophisticated approach to the question of gender and discourse: Ί would like to suggest a look at gender in connection with the socio-cultural and ethnic background of the interlocutors, and in connection with their age, their level of education, their socio-

Female discourse: a theoretical

framework

21

Gender differences in language are not solely the product of physiological or biological differences: 'genderlects' result from social and cultural determination of female and male groupings and activity. Historically, attempts to identify 'women's language' have focused on perceived differences and deviances from a fictional 'norm', which were then attributed to gender alone. Otto Jespersen's analysis of typical characteristics of female language use have exerted a profound influence on attitudes to what constitutes 'women's language'.39 Jespersen claims that the greatest differences between women and men's language lay in their choice of words and vocabulary: with women, for example devise euphemisms and paraphrases for delicate matters, such as describing parts of the body; their vocabulary is less extensive and conservative (p. 245-248). Interestingly, although Jespersen bases his analysis on binary contrasts between female and male, he sees the differences in language as emanating from social conditions, such as the division of labour and responsibilities. He posits the idea that these linguistic differences are not static and unchanging, and that changes in social structure and developments might affect language use amongst women and men (p. 254). In characteristing women's language, Robin Lakoff identifies nine specific features, including a specialised vocabulary reflecting female interests, "empty adjectives", and the use of hedges, for example.40 Critics of Lakoff s categories have pointed out that they represent an amalgamation of male-biased, negative portrayals of women's language use, and that they are anecdotal, rather than being based on empirical research and study.41 I would argue that the categories represent an eclectic mixture of characteristics, including phonetic, grammatical, syntactical, lexical, pragmatic and semantic aspects, which seem to take no account of the above mentioned sociological, geographical and individual factors which could influence women's use of language. Lakoff also distinguishes between 'women's language' and 'neutral language', the assumption being that neutral language is in fact male language. Ultimately Lakoff reinforces the view that women are marginalised, and thus their language use is special and limited. She identifies the archetypal woman as being bilingual and therefore capable of code-switching, but with the result that they are unable to economic status, their emotions and the specific power-dynamics of the discourse investigated' (p. 2). 39

Otto Jespersen, Language. Its Nature, Development and Origin (London: Allen and Unwin, 1922), esp. chapter ΧΠΙ: 'The Woman*, pp. 237-254. An extract from Jespersen's work is included in Deborah Cameron (editor), (1990; repr. 1992), pp. 201-220. 40 Robin U k o f f (1975), pp. 53-56. 41 For example, Dale Spender, Man Made Language. 2nd edn (London: Pandora, 1985; repr. 1992). Deborah Cameron, Fiona McAlinden and Kathy O'Leary, 'Lakoff in context: the social and linguistic functions of tag questions', in Jennifer Coates and Deborah Cameron (editors), (1988; repr. 1996), pp. 74-93.

22

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

achieve all-round competence as language users.42 Whilst I would agree that different interests and preoccupations result in the use of different lexemes and word fields, to divide parts of speech such as adjectives into those used only by women, and those which are neutral, is both inaccurate and highly subjective. William O'Barr and Bowman Atkins considered the relationship between language, gender and power.43 Taking Robin Lakoff s categories, they compared the language of female and male witnesses in a courtroom, concluding that what Lakoff had termed 'women's language' should actually be referred to as 'powerless language', as it can be employed by men. O'Barr and Atkins claim that these features are linked to social status and education, and tend to be found to a greater degree in the language of women as they often occupy a lower social status, and work in less powerful professions. I think the expression 'powerless language' needs to be analysed. I do not think that language itself can be intrinsically powerless; it could express powerlessness perhaps, yet how one would define powerlessness is also open to question.44 I would acknowledge, however, that language is in part determined by power relations and shared interests within a particular social group or constellation. Within the National Socialist framework, the women's largely unintegrated status and lower levels of power, combined with their inferior definition by male National Socialists would have entailed different emphasis on ideological subjects and choice of formulation from their male NS counterparts, but this should not automatically characterise the women as powerless communicators. Women's disadvantage and subordination as language users have been explored in depth, with radical feminist linguists such as Dale Spender and Mary Daly claiming that language is essentially a product of a patriarchal system, reflecting male reference and meaning, and resulting in women's alienation from the language.45 The 'muted group' theory posited by Shirley and Edwin 42

Robin Lakoff (1975), pp. 6-7. William M O'Barr and Bowman Κ Atkins, '"Women's Language" or "Powerless Language"?', in Jennifer Coates (editor), (1998), pp. 377-387. 44 Maria Black and Rosalind Coward, 'Linguistic, social and sexual relations: a review of Dale Spender's Man Made Language' in Deborah Cameron, (editor), (1990; repr. 1992), also dispute the relationship between gender, power and language, and the assumption that 'one group literally has power over the other. This is a simplistic analysis of the workings of power. In a society structured along a series of unequal divisions, there are clearly a number of groups who have power in relation to other groups: whites, men, managers. The forms of domination and subordination are by no means always identical' (p. 114). See also William M, O'Barr, 'Asking the Right Questions about Language and Power', in Cheris Kramarae, Muriel Schulz and William O'Barr (editors), Language and Power (Beverly Hills, London and New Delhi: Sage, 1984), pp. 260-280. See also Paul Simpson, Language, Ideology and Point of View (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), pp. 159-178. 45 Dale Spender (1985; repr. 1992). Mary Daly, Gyn/Ecology. The Metaethics of Radical Feminism. rev. edn with a new introduction (London: Women's, 1991). 43

Female discourse: a theoretical framework

23

Ardener provides a framework to explain women's subordinate position as language users in society. As Shirley Ardener explains, muted or subdominant groups struggle to express themselves in a world which is constructed and functions to the advantage of the dominant group. Consequently the subdominant groups 'might be relatively more "inarticulate" when expressing themselves through the idiom of the dominant group, and silent on matters of special concern to them for which no accommodation has been made in it'. 46 Sara Mills perceives women as having to suffer linguistic impoverishment, as the language contains semantic fields 'available to describe women, which are totally lacking from our linguistic resources when it comes to men [...] That does not mean that language is "man-made" in any simple sense, but it does seem to suggest that the same resources used in describing males are not available to describe females'.47 Although it is an oversimplification to state that women in general are robbed of the ability to express themselves correctly, due to the androcentric bias, this poses a central question for the language employed by women in National Socialism. National Socialist discourse was essentially male-centred and male-dominated, and that women, if they wanted to show solidarity with the political group and its members, were required to make use of a discourse which was largely shaped to reflect male concerns and was employed to describe women rather than to be used by them. The women could be regarded as having formed a muted or subdominant group both in practical terms, with their status in the NSDAP, and in linguistic terms, given the male-manufactured ideological discourse available to them. Yet as a group they were relatively autonomous in the early years of the NSDAP, and had at their disposal specifically female linguistic resources provided by the Frauenbewegung, which would not necessarily characterise them as muted or dominated. Other feminist linguists have rejected the idea that language is maledominated from the outset. Deborah Cameron, whilst acknowledging that 'Patriarchal relations are part of the context for every act of (attempted) communication', disputes the concept of male determinism in language: 'Male control over meaning is an impossibility. No individual, no group however powerful, has the ability definitively to "fix" the endless creative play of meaning >. 48

46

Shirley Ardener, 'Introduction. Muted groups and differing orders of perception', in Shirley Ardener (editor), Perceiving Women (London: Malaby, 1975), p. xii. Edwin Ardener, 'Belief and the Problem of Women', in Shirley Ardener (editor), Perceiving Women (London: Malaby, 1975), pp. 1-17. 47 Sara Mills (1995), p. 116. 48 Deborah Cameron, Feminism and Linguistic Theory, 2nd edn (Houndmills, Basingstoke and London: Macmillan, 1992), pp. 186,195.

24

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

The difference/dominance approaches Women's status as language users can be characterised by the dominance and difference approaches. As Jennifer Coates explains, these approaches seek to explain and interpret women's linguistic behaviour from two possible perspectives: •

•

The dominance approach regards women as a minority group, oppressed and marginalised by men. Thus any linguistic differences observed in women's language are linked to their subordinate situation. The difference approach regards women as constituting a distinct social group, clearly different from men, emphasising that 'men and women belong to different subcultures'.49

Both approaches could be employed as an interpretive tool in analysing female discourse in National Socialism. Taking the dominance approach: the women involved in National Socialism were certainly a minority, marginalised by men and kept from mainstream involvement in the party and state. Employing the difference approach, it could be argued that the women regarded themselves as different and separate from men, and thus created their own subculture and discourse out of their separate status. Yet neither approach offers by itself a suitable framework for analysis and interpretation. Coates states that these approaches should not be mutually exclusive, but that a combination of both is needed to understand women's use of language: 'Explanations of sexdifferentiated language need to take a more sophisticated view of social behaviour and of social structure, acknowledging both dominance and subordination in gender relations and the different subcultures to which women and men belong and in which they internalise different interactional norms.' 50 In combining these approaches, female discourse in National Socialism would be regarded as emerging from a group of women who were subject to male control, administratively and ideologically, yet who developed a sense of group identity and linguistically attempted to turn their separation into a positive manifestation.

49

Jennifer Coates, Women, Men and Language, 2nd edn (London and New York: Longman, 1993), pp. 12-13. See Jennifer Coates, Introduction to Part Two: 'Language and Sex in Connected Speech', in Jennifer Coates and Deborah Cameron (editors), (1988; repr. 1996), pp. 66-73. 50 Jennifer Coates, Introduction to Part Two, 'Language and Sex in Connected Speech', in Jennifer Coates and Deborah Cameron (editors), (1988; repr. 1996), p. 73. See also Jennifer Coates, 2nd edn (1993), pp. 12-13.

Female discourse: a theoretical framework

25

Multiple female discourses? Jennifer Coates argues for a deconstruction of the term 'women's language', and that perhaps one should speak instead of 'women's languages'. She claims that one must differentiate between language employed by women in same-sex and mixed-sex interaction.51 While I would agree that there are differences between language produced in all female and female-male contexts, I would argue that these differences can be combined in the term discourse, as it implies language in use, as a dynamic, communicative process. An analysis of female discourse in National Socialism must consider different the variety discoursal situations and influences which determine the language employed in the women's texts. The way in which NS women communicated was not static or uniform, it was continually subject to creation and recreation in differing situations, albeit with Leitfaden of common terms and expressions, meanings and associations apparent. Context and performance are key issues in understanding women's discourse. Gender is not merely an influential factor in language choice and use, it is perpetually communicated and recreated through language. Jennifer Coates analyses the construction of the gendered self through language and considers how gender is 'performed' in communication between women. In performing gender, women have access to existing discourses to relate their ideas and experiences, and in their discourse can accept modify or reject dominant ideologies codifying women's ideas, experiences and behaviour. 52 Women can develop subversive discourses, even though this can involve the apparent acceptance of dominant discourses, as Sara Mills outlines in her discussion of the discourse of 19th century women travel writers. The women appeared to be under pressure to communicate their femininity using traditional discourses, while also including aspects of feminist discourses, often leading to conflict in discourse: 'it is possible for women to write in seemingly compliant ways yet still be making powerful strategic interventions with others in the world'. 53 The key terms and expressions within women's discourse in National Socialism are not new or cannot be perceived as a radical departure from existing discourses; NS women had at their disposal a variety of discourses, including administrative, organisational discourse, political discourse, discourse of motherhood, of work for example. Whether the actual selection and use of discourses was in any way subversive, will be examined in the analysis.

51

Jennifer Coates (1988; repr. 1996), p. 73. Jennifer Coates, Women Talk. Conversation between Women Friends (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), pp. 232-233,240. 53 Sara Mills, Discourse (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), pp. 99-102. 52

26

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

1.4.2

Women in National Socialism as a definable group?

In shaping a sociolinguistic approach to women's language, linguists have pointed to the problem that women are integrated into a variety of social groupings and thus are not as easily identifiable as a group defined solely by gender.54 Yet this does not necessarily entail that women do not perceive themselves as belonging to a recognisable sociolinguistic group, as Ruth Wodak claims: 'Social groups often define themselves by means of their common language which plays an important role in identity creation and, for subcultures, serves as a means of differentiating themselves from the outside world'. 55 Women involved in National Socialism, although sharing a common purpose with men, were segregated in their own groups and organisations whose defining feature was gender. Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger's concept of a 'community of practice' provides an appropriate framework to describe the cohesive nature of women in National Socialism.56 In outlining what constitutes a community of practice, Wenger emphasises that the expression is 'not a synonym for group, team, or network'. 57 The three main factors which characterise a community of practice are: 1. 2. 3.

mutual engagement a joint enterprise a shared repertoire (p. 73)

Mutual engagement in a community of practice does not guarantee homogeneous behaviour and total agreement amongst its members; thus disagreements, conflicts, challenges also constitute an important part of its make-up (pp. 7577). Another important feature of a community of practice is that it is not sealed off from external influences, yet these influences do not diminish the sense of community: Communities of practice are not self-contained entities. They develop in larger contexts - historical, social, cultural, institutional - with specific resources and constraints [...] Yet even when the practice of a community is profoundly sha54

Deborah Tannen, You Just Don't Understand. Women and Men in Conversation (London: Virago, 1992; repr. 1995), p. 13. See also Sally A Johnson, Gender, Group Identity and the Berlin Vernacular. A Sociolinguistic Study (Bern: Lang, 1995), p. 87. ss Ruth Wodak (1997), p. 7. 56 Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger, Situated Learning. Legitimate Peripheral Participation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 91-117. In my adaptation of Lave/Wenger's concept of a community of practice, I shall draw upon Etienne Wenger, Communities of practice. Learning, meaning, and identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 57 Etienne Wenger (1998), p. 74. Hereafter all page references to Wenger will be embedded in the main text.

Female discourse: a theoretical framework

27

ped by conditions outside the control of its members, as it always is in some respects, its day-to-day reality is nevertheless produced by participants within the resources and constraints of their situations. It is their response to their conditions, and therefore their enterprise (p. 79). (italics in original) The shared repertoire of a community of practice involves 'the discourse by which members create meaningful statements about the world, as well as the styles by which they express their forms of membership and their identities as members' (p. 83). 58 The women involved in National Socialism are also defined by their mutual engagement, joint enterprise and a shared repertoire. Their cohesiveness is determined by their shared activities within various organisations and the relationships which arise from joint participation. In addition to this, group identity is established through their allegiance to National Socialism and to the promotion of women within National Socialism; combined with a shared understanding of (historical) political and social events. As such their discourse becomes a shaper as well as a reflection of a community of practice. The women in National Socialism also belong to other larger/smaller communities of practice which interlink, overlap, but at times conflict with each other, as illustrated by the following diagram.59

58 See Penelope Eckert and Sally McConnell-Ginet, 'Communities of practice: Where language, gender and power all live', in Kira Hall, Mary Bucholtz and Birch Moonwomon (editors), Locating Power. Proceedings of the Second Berkeley Women and Language Conference. April 4 and 5. 1992, Berkeley California, vol.1 (Berkeley/CA: Women and Language Group, 1992), pp. 89-99. See also Eckert/McConnell-Ginet, 'Think practically and look locally: language and gender as community-based practice', Annual Review of Anthropology, 21 (1992), 461-490, and Eckert/McConnell-Ginet, 'Constructing Meaning, Constructing Selves: Snapshots of Language, Gender and Class from Belten High', in Kira Hall and Mary Bucholtz (editors), Gender Articulated. Language and the Socially Constructed Self (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), pp. 469-507, in which Eckert/McConnell-Ginet claim: 'Whatever the nature of one's participation in communities of practice, one's experience of gender emerges in participation as a gendered community member with others in a variety of communities of practice' (p. 469). 'How people use language - matters of "style" that include grammar, word choice, and pronunciation - is a very important component of self-constitution. How people express their affiliation with some and their distancing from others - their claim to membership (and to particular forms of membership) in certain communities of practice and not others. And within communities of practice, the continual modification of common ways of speaking provides a touchstone for the process of construction of forms of group identity - of the meaning of belonging to a group (as a certain kind of member)' (pp. 470-471). See also Penelope Eckert, Linguistic Variation as Social Practice. The Linguistic Construction of Identity in Belten High (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), pp. 34-41. 59

See Eckert (2000), p. 36.

28

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

From this diagram it is clear that in addition to analysing texts produced by the DFO, Frauengruppen, FAG, and the Neulandbund, I have also decided to include some material by members of the Bund Königin Luise which pertains to their involvement in National Socialism. Previous studies on the image of women and women's propaganda in National Socialism, such as those by Marianne Lehker and Christine Wittrock,60 have based their analysis on texts by the various NS women's organisations as well as texts by Guida Diehl, leader of the Neulandbund and the Frauenkampfbund, but have not included material from the Bund Königin Luise, regarding it as a rival of National Socialist women's organisations rather than an active participant in National Socialism. However, I believe that material produced by the Bund Königin Luise provides an interesting insight into women's use of language in National Socialism, and there were strong links between the BKL and the National Socialists, as is shown by the primary material I have examined.61 The Bund Königin Luise pledged its support of the National Socialists in the 1920s and referred to Hitler as 'unser Führer'. Many members of the BKL also became members of the NSDAP, while dual membership was still permitted, and some gave up membership of the BKL to fully participate in women's affairs within 60

Marianne Lehker, Frauen im Nationalsozialismus. Wie aus Opfern Handlanger der Täter wurden - eine nötige Trauerarbeit (Frankfurt/Main: Materialis, 1984). Christine Wittrock, Weiblichkeitsmythen. Das Frauenbild im Faschismus und seine Vorläufer in der Frauenbewegung der 20er Jahre (Frankfurt/Main: Sendler, 1983). 61 See for example, BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from the Landesverbandsführerin, BKL, to Frick, 18 August 1933, in which she outlines the close links between the BKL and the Deutsche Frauenfront, and refers to herself as 'Nationalsozialistin und Führerin des "Bundes Königin Luise" Landesverband Pommern-Grenzmark'.

Female discourse: a theoretical framework

29

the party.62 After the BKL was disbanded in 1934, leading members of the organisation were given positions of authority within the Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft, for example the Bundesfiihrerin Charlotte von Hadeln. The inclusion of examples from the BKL forms a vital link between right-wing, conservative and nationalistic women's organisations and National Socialism, shows the linguistic context and climate that existed at the time. It also serves as a reminder to avoid the pitfalls of the so-called discontinuity theory, evident in earlier studies on language and National Socialism, and emphasises that women's use of language in National Socialism did not appear from nowhere; it developed from discourses which were already in existence. I have also included occasional examples and references from texts by NS-Lehrerinnen, the NSSi (NS-Schiilerinnenbund) and the BdM (Bund deutscher Mädel), in many cases to draw attention to heterogeneous features in female discourse. It is also clear from my use of the expression 'women in National Socialism' rather than 'National Socialist women' that I have included material from supporters and sympathisers of National Socialism, who contributed articles to NS women's journals and produced pamphlets and monographs, as well as actual members of the NSDAP and NS women's organisations. It is often difficult or impossible to determine membership in the early years of National Socialism, and as we have seen in the case of the BKL, many women were members of other established women's organisations, whilst also supporting National Socialism. 1.4.3

Summary

Women in National Socialism define themselves in language in terms of their gender, their membership of a particular organisation, and their loyalty to the NSDAP and its ideologies and, as will be illustrated in the analysis of their texts, can be characterised as follows: •

•

62

Women involved in National Socialism can be recognised as a cohesive group, better defined as a community of practice, which acknowledges both homogeneous and heterogeneous features. This is reflected in morpho-semantic, lexico-semantic and discourse characteristics. The women, whilst accepting their marginal position in terms of power and influence in the NSDAP, redefine this

It is interesting to note from the correspondence of National Socialist women that they regarded the Bund Königin Luise as a hostile organisation and a threat to them. See also Jill Stephenson, The Nazi Organisation of Women (London: Croom Helm, 1981). She states that from 1932 members of the NS-Frauenschaft were banned from being members of the Bund Königin Luise (p. 80).

30

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

•

in their discourse as something positive, and emphasise their special characteristics as women. The female discourse is shaped by the at times complementary, at times conflicting, allegiances held by women in National Socialism.

1.5 1.5.1

Historical background The Frauenbewegung in Germany

An analysis of female discourse in National Socialism cannot satisfactorily take place without knowledge of the historical situation of women prior to and during the period of 1924-34. The purpose of the following outline is to place the female discourse in its historical context, and to evaluate the social and organisational status of women both in the state and in NS organisations, which influenced the evolution and development of female discourse in the early years of National Socialism. Female political involvement in Germany dates back to the 1848 revolution and the development of the Frauenbewegung, although women's exclusion from political organisations in the nineteenth century ensured that they remained largely periphal to most political parties. Traditionally two distinct divisions of the Frauenbewegung are regarded as having emerged by the late 19thc: the bürgerliche Frauenbewegung led by Helene Lange, later becoming the Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine, led by Gertrud Bäumer, and the proletarische Frauenbewegung led by Clara Zetkin.63 Despite their divergent ideological perspectives, both groups supported the notion of a special women's nature, and that women and men should fulfil differing roles in society.64 Of particular interest for the development of female discourse in National Socialism is the bürgerliche Frauenbewegung, whose ideas concerning the role and behaviour of women and certain female leaders provided a favourable discoursal and ideological model for later female supporters of National Socialism.65 In particular, the central preoccupation of the bürgerliche Frauenbewegung was motherhood, and this was transferred from the private 63 Sabine Hering, Die Kriegsgewinnlerinnen. Praxis und Ideologie der deutschen Frauenbewegung im Ersten Weltkrieg (Pfaffenweiler: Centauras, 1990), places leading women in the Frauenbewegung into three categories: 'Die Gemäßigten', 'Die Radikalen' and 'Die Konservativen'; the first group subdivided into 'bürgerliche' and 'sozialdemokratische Frauen', and the second group into 'bürgerliche' and 'sozialistische Frauen' (pp. 157-166). 64 Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann and Marion Kaplan, 'Introduction: Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany', in Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann and Marion Kaplan (editors), (1984), p.

2. 65

Christine Wittrock (1983).

Historical background

31

sphere to the promotion of a social, l"organisierte[r] Mütterlichkeit'".66 Ilse Erika Korotin states that the leader of the Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine, Gertud Bäumer's belief in an 'allumfassenden Mütterlichkeit' die Einbindung in die divergierenden Anschauungen des Nationalsozialismus ermöglichte. Hieraus konnte jedenfalls kein Widerstandspotential geschöpft werden'.67 1.5.2

Historical background: women in National Socialism

The reason why many women apparently turned their backs on female emancipation and pledged support for parties advocating the limitation of female voting rights and employment lies in the reality of their situation, and the dichotomy which emerged between this reality and the ideals of emancipation.68 Women's suffrage and paid employment were, during the Weimar Republic, relatively new phenomena, and studies have shown that public thinking (male and female alike) was not necessarily supportive of these new developments in society.69 Since the nineteenth century, industrialisation had led to a greater number of women in the workforce, albeit in low-paid, mundane employment, and during the First World War women acquired access to a greater number of occupations and activities than ever before. During the 1920s the percentage of women in paid employment in Germany increased

66 Dietlinde Peters, Mütterlichkeit im Kaiserreich. Die bürgerliche Frauenbewegung und der soziale Beruf der Frau (Bielefeld: Kleine, 1984), p. 46. See also Richard J Evans, The Feminist Movement in Germany 1894-1933 (London and Beverly Hills: Sage, 1976), pp. 26-30; Ilse Erika Korotin, 'Am Muttergeist soll die Welt genesen '. Philosophische Dispositionen zum Frauenbild im Nationalsozialismus (Cologne, Vienna and Weimar: Bühlau, 1992), pp. 190-191. 67 Ilse Erika Korotin (1992), p. 12. 68 Renate Bridenthal and Claudia Koonz, 'Beyond Kinder, Küche, Kirche: Weimar Women in Politics and Work', in Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann and Marion Kaplan (editors), (1984), p. 56. See also Renate Bridenthal, 'Beyond Kinder, Küche, Kirche'. Weimar Women at Work', Central European History, 6 (1973), in which she explains female support for National Socialism and the desire to vote 'themselves back into the bondage of pure housewifery' (p. 149), by highlighting the changing role of women in agriculture for example. Also, even though employment opportunities for women were expanded, they often involved unskilled jobs with no prospects of advancement or establishing a career. Women remaining in their jobs following the end the First World War were paid less than men and trade unions ceased demanding equal pay (149-157). Renate Wiggershaus, Frauen unterm Nationalsozialismus (Wuppertal: Hammer, 1984) also comments that, upon gaining the vote, women did not vote for parties who had supported women's suffrage, but ironically for those parties precisely opposed to gender equality (pp. 1213). 69 Norbert Westenrieder, 'Deutsche Frauen und Mädchen!' Vom Alltagsleben 1933-45 (Düsseldorf: Droste, 1984), p. 9. See also Ute Benz, 'Deutsche Frau und deutsche Mutter - die langen Wirkungen der Ideologisiening im Nationalsozialismus', in Ortrun Niethammer (editor) (1996), p. 147.

32

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

from 26.4% (pre-First World War) to 35.6%. 70 The First World War itself is regarded as a factor in enhancing divisions between women and men, with men harking back to memories of male camaraderie in the trenches. With the return of soldiers from the war, resentment against women's 'usurpation' of previous male domains grew. These hostile feelings are reflected in right-wing literature of the postwar period, in which women were demonised and made scapegoats, in the same way that 'The Jew in Christian culture was always the "other". The woman was also the "other"'. 71 During the Weimar Republic, the position of women is characterised by contradictory elements. After the First World War women came to be seen by some as the 'fifth column', part of the November Criminals, as they had contributed to the 'stab in the back', by failing to keep morale high on the Home Front. 72 As Dörte Winkler describes, women were expected to vacate their jobs to make way for the returning soldiers, and to reduce mass unemployment occurring after the end of WWI. 73 Apparent new-found freedoms were symbolised by the right to vote and rise of the 'New Woman', a young, unmarried female in clerical work. Although this type of woman was largely a myth and not representative of the lives of the majority of women in the Weimar Republic, she became a target for many conservative and right-wing organisations, who saw in her the embodiment of female immorality and degeneration.74 Following the end of the Second World War, women came to be demonised once more and the myth was created that 'Frauen haben Hitler an die Macht gebracht', although this is easily disputed. It is true to say that in the years leading up to the Machtergreifung, the gap between male and female voters for the NSDAP diminished, and almost half of all votes for the NSDAP came from women, 'Bei der Wahl vom 14. September 1930 kamen z.B. auf 100 männliche 97 weibliche NS-Wähler', but women as a group were not solely responsible 70

Renate Bridenthal, 'Something Old, Something New: Women Between the Two World Wars', in Renate Bridenthal, Claudia Koonz and Susan Stuard (editors), Becoming Visible. Women in European History, 2nd edn (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987), p. 476. 71 Bill Niven, 'The Procreative Male: Male Images of Masculinity and Femininity in Right-Wing German Literature of the 1918-1945 Period', Forum for Modern Language Studies, 34 (1998), No.3, 234. 72 Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann and Marion Kaplan (editors), (1984), pp. 7-8. Annette Kuhn and Valentine Rothe, Frauen im deutschen Faschismus. Eine Quellensammlung mit fachwissenschaftlichen und fachdidaktischen Kommentaren, vol.l (Düsseldorf: Schwann-Bagel, 1982; repr. 1983), pp. 52-53. 73 Dörte Winkler, Frauenarbeit im 'Dritten Reich' (Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1977), p. 18. 74

Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann and Marion Kaplan, in Bridenthal, Grossmann and Kaplan (editors), (1984), pp. 11-13. Cornelie Usbome, The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany (Houndmills, Basingstoke and London: Macmillan, 1992), pp. 85-87. Marianne Lehker (1984), p. 25.

Historical background

33

for bringing Hitler to power.75 The changing role of women in society, the often heated public debates and polarised attitudes to women, as well as the level of women's hostility to emancipation entail that there must have been a range of contemporary competing discourses in society, both glorifying and condemning women. Right-wing, conservative, patriarchal discourse co-existed and even competed with the discourses of the bourgeois and proletarian wings of the women's movement, as well as with christian and secular organisations and groups. It is therefore important to recognise that the stereotypical images of womanhood, both positive and negative, must have found their way into female discourse in National Socialism. 1.5.3

NS

Frauenpolitik

National Socialist Frauenpolitik in the initial period after the Machtergreifung did not prove a radical departure from that of the Weimar Republic. Some historians even see policies concerning, and the official portrayals of women as continuing from the nineteenth century through to National Socialism.76 National Socialist attitudes to the role of women in the Volksgemeinschaft and the policies implemented were at times contradictory and unclear. The simplistic view of NS Frauenpolitik, that it strove to force all women to leave paid employment and return home to be full-time wives and mothers, has been

75

Norbert Westenrieder (1984), p. 12. See also Dorothee Klinksiek, Die Frau im NS-Staat (Stuttgart: DVA, 1982), pp. 113-115, and Marianne Lehker (1984), pp. 67-68. Clifford Kirkpatrick, Woman in Nazi Germany (London: Jarrolds, 1939), states that 'the proportion of National Socialist votes cast by women increased steadily from 1928 to 1932. In the latter year, in areas where the votes were counted separately, about half of the National Socialist votes were cast by women' (p. 54). 76

See Dorothee Klinksiek (1982): 'Die Frauenideologie der NSDAP war keineswegs besonders originell, sie war auch nicht das typische Kennzeichen einer faschistischen Partei. Ähnliche Auffassungen von Wesen und Bestimmung der Frau finden sich bei den meisten konservativen Parteien und Gruppen. Die Übergänge von konservativen zu faschistischen Vorstellungen sind fließend. Das nationalsozialistische Frauenbild war im Grunde kein Frauen-, sondern ein Mutterbild. Der weibliche Mensch wurde fast nie als „Frau" bestimmt, sondern immer gleich als „Mutter" gedacht, denn nach den Vorstellungen der Ideologie war die Frau in der Hauptsache ein naturbestimmtes Wesen' (pp. 22-23). See also Comelie Usbome (1992), p. 204. Godele von der Decken, Emanzipation auf Abwegen. Frauenkultur und Frauenliteratur im Umkreis des Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt/Main: Athenäum, 1988), claims that N S ideology concerning women was part of a wider European reaction to the changing role and position of women in society in the first part of the twentieth century (p. 67). Margret Liick, Die Frau im Männerstaat. Die gesellschaftliche Stellung der Frau im Nationalsozialismus. Eine Analyse aus pädagogischer Sicht (Frankfurt/Main: Lang, 1979), also maintains that in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the biological, racial function of women was emphasised more than anything else, and that 'Die Nationalsozialisten brauchten sich nur in die Tradition dieser geistigen Strömungen zu stellen und sich ihrer zu bedienen. Die Weichen waren, auch was die Sozialisation der Mädchen und Frauen betraf, bereits gestellt' (p. 20).

34

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

challenged by historians such as Gisela Bock. She claims that the NS view of women was more complex than this, and she explores the extent to which NS Frauenpolitik, rather than solely promoting motherhood, also equally embraced aspects of Sterilisationspolitk, indeed the two policies are inextricably intertwined.77 Policies influencing the role of women were also guided strongly by contemporary racial theories, in particular the racial suitability of women to bear 'Aryan' offspring. In this way women were categorised and assigned roles according to their racial and indeed social make-up; this entailed that a certain proportion of women, namely working-class women, were intended to remain in work.78 In addition to coercing certain groups of women to remain at home, the regime also resorted to the active exclusion of women from public life, seen in the quotas placed on university places available to female students, and the dismissal of women doctors, lawyers, high-ranking officials in the school- and university-teaching professions.79 Research has shown that NS policies did not have a great impact in reducing the actual number of women in employment, but instead 'it had two important effects: restriction of women to poorly paid jobs and acceleration of women's segregation into feminine jobs'. 80 Economic and political realities ensured that women did not disappear from paid employment and this became particularly apparent from 1936 onwards, with the preparations for the eventuality of a war. It was clear that the National Socialist regime could not carry out its policies of rearmament without female labour in the factories. The policies of 1935-36 began to promote women coping with the dual responsibilities of motherhood and employment outside the home, an idea that had been scorned in previous years.81 From 1939, women were encouraged to enter all manner of professions from which they had previously been excluded, and this change or relaxation in attitude is

77 Gisela Bock, Zwangssterilisation im Nationalsozialismus: Studien zur Rassenpolitik und Frauenpolitik (Opladen: Westdeutscher, 1986), p. 9. 78 Annemarie Tröger 'Die Frau im wesensgemäßen Einsatz', in Maruta Schmidt and Gabi Dietz (editors), Frauen unterm Hakenkreuz (Berlin: Elefanten, 1983), claims that the NS created two models for female labour and activity: the "Blut-und-Boden-Modell" and the "sozialtechnisches Modell", pp. 183-184. See also Tröger, 'The Creation of a Female Assembly-Line Proletariat', in Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann and Marion Kaplan (editors), (1984), p. 239. 79 Brigitte Kather, 'Mädchenerziehung - Müttererziehung?', in Maruta Schmidt and Gabi Dietz (editors), (1983), pp. 32-34. See also Ute Frevert, Frauen-Geschichte. Zwischen Bürgerlicher Verbesserung und Neuer Weiblichkeit (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1986), p. 212. 80 Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland (1987), p. 198. 81 See Frank Grube and Gerhard Richter, Alltag im Dritten Reich. So lebten die Deutschen 193345 (Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1982), p. 108.

Historical background

35

reflected in press articles of the period, seen for example in headlines such as '"Warum nicht Fräulein Ingenieur?"'.82 Undoubtedly, in their role as bearers of the fixture 'Aryan' race, women were at the centre of NS population and racial policies, and the regime had to enlist the co-operation of the female population. With the purpose of increasing the birth-rate of 'racially suitable' parts of the population, motherhood was glorified and honoured, as illustrated by their creation of the Mutterkreuz or Kreuz zur Ehre der deutschen Mutter, and the attention given to Mother's Day.83 The National Socialists stressed that women were performing a duty to their country as were the men by working or going to war. Irmgard Weyrather claims that, particularly dming the war, women and men had separate but equal status in terms of NS ideology: 'Die Männer sollten fiir Deutschland militärisch und durch Terror im Innern die Weltherrschaft erobern, die Frauen »biologisch« durch Vermehrung der »erbgesunden«, »arischen« Kinder. Beides war in der Ideologie gleichwertig.'84 In addition to their role as keepers of the future race, women were also depicted as the upholders of morality and decency, who were supposed to abstain from degrading and decadent habits such as smoking, consuming alcohol, dyeing or curling their hair, or wearing makeup. These modes of behaviour prescribed to women were communicated in various newspaper articles, with headlines such as '"Die deutsche Frau raucht

82

'"Warum nicht Fräulein Ingenieur?" Eine Erklärung der Reichsfrauenfuhrerin', Völkischer Beobachter, 20 January 1939. We note, however, the use of the term Fräulein rather than Frau, highlighting that despite concessions in female employment, only single women were considered suitable for such positions. In her analysis of the women's section of Völkischer Beobachter from 1933 and 1939, Hannelore Kessler, 'Die deutsche Frau': nationalsozialistische Frauenpropaganda im VÖLKISCHEN BEOBACHTER (Cologne: Pahl-Rugenstein, 1981) comments that in 1939 there is a marked reduction in the number of articles on the subject of motherhood, and that the 'groß aufgezogene mystisch-romantische Mutterschaftsglorifizierung von 1933' hardly features (p. 89). 83 Although the celebration of Mother's Day had begun in the Weimar Republic, as part of an attempt to 'revitalise an ideology of motherhood in response to the social upheaval of war', Comelie Usborne (1992), p. 62. See also Karin Hausen, 'Mother's Day in the Weimar Republic', in Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann and Marion Kaplan (editors), (1984), pp. 131-152. Irmgard Weyrather, Muttertag und Mutterkreuz. Der Kult um die 'deutsche Mutter ' im Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer, 1993), provides a detailed outline of the celebration of motherhood in National Socialism. See also the files in LA Berlin, (Rep. 208; Acc. 536, 515, Nr. 61), 'Akten zum Ehrenkreuz der deutschen Mutter'. The files confirm that not every women was rewarded for her child-bearing abilities, and that the awarding of the cross was dependent to a large extent on a curious mixture of social and pseudo-racial considerations; such as whether a woman had spent time in prison, had been prosecuted for having an abortion or had been involved in prostitution or activities constituting 'Rassenschande'. A distinction was also made between mothers of asocial and those of 'decent', hardworking large families. 84 Irmgard Weyrather (1993), pp. 218-219.

36

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

nicht"' and 'Muckertum und geschminkte Frauen' and also within the internal correspondence of organisations such as the SS.85 1.5.4

Female participation in National Socialism

Women's participation in the NSDAP is often disregarded by general studies outlining the development and activities of the National Socialist movement.86 Whilst understanding women's tolerance of and compliance with the National Socialist regime may be possible, comprehending the desire of women to participate in a brutal and clearly male-dominated organisation seems to present a greater problem.87 Leaders of the NSDAP made no attempt to hide their desire to keep women from attaining high positions of power and authority in the party, and this was made clear in 1921.88 In the 1920s and early 1930s, membership levels amongst women have been estimated at between 5-20%. 89 Women's support for the NSDAP seems to have been patchy and organised on regional and local levels. There was not a unified NS women's 85

Frankfurter Zeitung, 1 May 1933; Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, 15 November 1933. See also IfZ Fa 202, letters written by the SS, concerning women wearing make-up. For example, the letter to the Vorstand des Lebensborn, SS-Obersturmbannführer, 6 September 1940, on the subject of 'Schönheitspflege der Frauen im Lebensborn e.V.': 'Lieber Kamerad [Name], wie Sie wissen, ist der Reichsführer-SS ein strenger Gegner der übertriebenen Schönheitspflege unserer Frauen. Er hält es einer deutschen Frau unwürdig, sich die Lippen zu schminken, die Augenbrauen zu rasieren und die Nägel zu färben.' See also IfZ Fa202, the letter to the Leiter des Heimes Hochland, 30 December 1941, on the subject of 'Anmalen der Damen in SS-Dienststellen', and states: 'Zweifellos tragen an dieser Unsitte die Männer die Hauptschuld dadurch, dass sie die Anschmiererei dulden, wohl auch sehr gerne sehen [...] Es wäre allerdings auch notwendig, dass sich die Partei und besonders die Deutsche Arbeitsfront nicht außerhalb des Rahmens stellt und dass die Damen der Gesellschaft mit entsprechendem Beispiel vorausgingen'. 86 See for example Dietrich Orlow, The History of the Nazi Party, 2 vols (Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1973), in which he refers to the reorganisation of women's groups in 1931 as one 'of the less pressing problems left over from the spring' (vol. 1, p. 229). 87 In a contemporary, critical account of female involvement in National Socialism, Amalie Lauer, Die Frau in der Auffassung des Nationalsozialismus (Cologne: Görreshaus, 1932), claims that the women 'die sich zur nationalsozialistischen Bewegung bekennen [...] verfallen einer Ideologie, die in einer blinden Führergläubigkeit wurzelt' (p. 4). 88 Dorothee KJinksiek (1982), p. 20. Jill Stephenson, 'The Nazi Organisation of Women 1933-39', in Peter D Stachura (editor), The Shaping of the Nazi State (London: Croom Helm, 1978), p. 186. Joachim C Fest, Das Gesicht des Dritten Reiches (Munich and Zürich: Piper, 1993; repr. 1996), p. 356. 89 See Annette Kuhn and Valentine Rothe, vol.1 (1982; repr. 1983), p. 52; Dorothee KJinksiek (1982), pp. 20, 113. Jill Stephenson (1981) comments that membership statistics, (approximately 6% by 1930) is not an accurate indication of women's involvement in National Socialism, as many women participated in activities to aid the National Socialist cause, without actually being members of the NSDAP (p. 25). See also Leonie Wagner, Nationalsozialistische Frauenansichten. Vorstellungen von Weiblichkeit und Politik führender Frauen im Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt/Main: dipa, 1996), p. 180.

Historical background

37

organisation until the early 1930s; female family members of party officials, for example, organised their own groups (Frauengruppen).90 In 1923 the NS women's organisation, the Deutscher Frauenorden (Rotes Hakenkreuz), was founded by Elsbeth Zander. Although an independent organisation, with Zander as its Führerin, it became affiliated to the NSDAP in 1928.91 In Berlin and Munich, the Frauenarbeitsgemeinschaften (FAG) competed with the DFO for power and control of women's affairs in National Socialism.92 Another parallel organisation to the DFO was the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Frauenbewegung (NSDFB).93 Female participation was not merely restricted to the Frauengruppen, DFO and the FAG. Women who belonged to non-NS organisations sympathetic to National Socialist ideology supported National Socialism and even labelled themselves as 'Nationalsozialisten/-innen' without necessarily being members of the party, or indeed carrying dual membership. Members of the Neulandbund or -bewegung, founded in 1915 by Guida Diehl, were enthusiastic supporters of National Socialism. Guida Diehl, who joined the NSDAP in August 1930, became closely involved with women's affairs, and in early 1932 was given the position of Reichskulturreferentin.94 Female supporters and participants were also drawn from other right-wing organisations including the Bund Königin Luise, the Stahlhelmfrauenbund, the Frauenbund der Deutschen Kolonialgesellschaft, and the Völkischer Frauenbund,95 With their varied backgrounds and political allegiances, National Socialist women do not form a homogeneous group, and historians have identified different sub-groups of NS women, using labels such as 'Nazi modernists', 'Nazi traditionalists' and even NS 'feminists'. 96 Jill Stephenson states that the Reichsorganisationsleiter Gregor Strasser 'tolerated' feminist ideas and views expressed by some women up to 1933. He even employed the term Frauen90

Jill Stephenson (1981), p. 26. Dorothee Klinksiek (1982), also states that there were '"Arbeitsgemeinschaften völkisch gesinnter Frauen'" or local Frauengruppen, some of which worked together with NSDAP Ortsgruppen, but emphasises that these are claims made in party archives, and so may not be entirely accurate (p. 116). 51 Jill Stephenson (1981), pp. 28-29. 92 Michael H Kater, 'Frauen in der NS-Bewegung', Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 31 (1983), 214. 93 See BA NS22/430, Satzung, Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Frauenbewegung (NSDFB), Mecklenburg/Lübeck, 15 (month unclear) 1929. 94 Christine Wittrock (1983), pp. 115-116. Wittrock comments that 'Diehl ist eine der schillerndsten Figuren unter den nationalsozialistischen Frauen' (p. 115). See also Jill Stephenson (1981), p. 77. 95 Annette Kuhn and Valentine Rothe, vol.l (1982; repr. 1983), pp. 61-62. Leonie Wagner (1996), p. 179. Clifford Kirkpatrick (1939), states that many organisations sympathetic to the NSDAP later joined the Frauenfront (p. 57). 96 Claudia Koonz, 'Nazi Women before 1933: Rebels against Emancipation', Social Science Quarterly, 56 (March 1976), 558-559. Michael H Kater (1983), 228-241. See also Christine Wittrock (1983), for her categories of fascist women (pp. 98-192).

38

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

bewegung to refer to the newly-created Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft, a term used by some NS women.97 In 1929 the NS leadership decided that in each local branch of the party only one women's group should be represented, and this led to intense rivalry and jostling for power amongst the various women's organisations and their leaders.98 In 1931 Gregor Strasser created the framework for a unified women's organisation, the Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft, to replace the various women's organisations in existance, and this took effect from October 1931. Elsbeth Zander, leader of the DFO was appointed Reichsreferentin fiir Frauenfragen bei der Reichsleitung. Women's affairs were for the first time controlled and scrutinised by the party, and the NSF became adopted into the Hauptabteilung VIII of the NSDAP. 99 Many changes in the NSF and women's activities took place in 1933: Lydia Gottschewksi (previously leader of the BdM) became leader of the NSF, although she was succeeded shortly after by a man, Gottfried Krummacher, whose appointment to a women's organisation aroused hostility among some NS women. Also Robert Ley created the umbrella organisation the Frauenfront with Gottschewski as deputy.100 Paula Siber, previously active in Düsseldorf, was appointed as Reichsreferentin für Frauenfragen im Reichsministerium des Innern by Wilhelm Frick, until she resigned in 1934. Gertrud Scholtz-Klink was finally appointed Reichsfrauenfuhrerin, leader of the NSF and remained as such until the end of the war.101 Despite women having their own organisation, female influence throughout the NS regime was extremely limited, major decisions, even those regarding the restructuring of NS women's organisations, were taken by male leaders.102 The 97

Jill Stephenson (1981), p. 67. ibid., pp. 39-50. This is also evident in the letters written from NS women to each other and to Strasser, Hitler and other figures of authority between 1929 and 193"!. in BA NS22/430, 431 and 452. 99 Jill Stephenson (1981), p. 65. Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland (1987), p. 129. 100 Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland (1987), p. 143, Jill Stephenson (1981), p. 101. 101 Jill Stephenson (1981), pp. 98-117. 102 BA NS22/430, letter from Ortsgruppenführer Ost to Gregor Strasser, 30 April 1931. The Ortsgruppenführer reports that he has informed Elsbeth Zander of the reorganisation plans and mentions her shock at the decision: 'Heute mittag war ich beim Deutschen Frauenorden und habe der Vorsitzenden, Frau Elsbeth Zander und dem Geschäftsführer, Herrn Pastor Lossin, die Absicht der Reichsleitung mitgeteilt, dass sämtliche bestehenden nationalsozialistischen Frauenverbände aufgelöst werden sollen und die nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft gemäss der besprochenen Richtlinien ins Leben gerufen werden soll. Sie können sich denken, dass Fräulein Zander von dieser Nachricht immerhin etwas erschüttert war. Ich habe aber gleich betont, dass darüber kein Zweifel bestehen dürfte, dass die Auflösung der bestehenden Frauenverbände einschliesslich Deutscher Frauenorden feststehende Tatsache sei und dass jeder Einwand dagegen von der Reichsleitung abschlägig beschieden würde.' See also Dorothee Klinksiek (1982), p. 21. Clifford Kirkpatrick (1939), also claims that women involved in National Socialism never achieved complete autonomy and influence, even the Reichsfrauenfiihrerin Scholtz-Klink, 'While some 98

Historical background

39

high level of male influence must also have had an effect on shaping female discourse, due to the constant organisational and administrative contact between female and male National Socialists, and the ideological exchange between them. This is not, however, to imply that linguistic influence was a one-way phenomenon. Therefore, whilst pointing out that women involved in National Socialism existed, worked and communicated in a male discourse environment, the level of interchange and reciprocal influence on male and female discourses, and therefore the contribution of women to NS discourse within National Socialism should not be ignored or denied. It is ironic that while we are familiar with the names Magda Goebbels, Emmy Göring, and Eva Braun as the female partners of male NS leaders, the names of leading NS women remain largely unknown.103 In the early years of National Socialism, leading up to Gertrud Scholtz-Klink's appointment as Reichsfrauenfiihrerin in 1934, a number of NS women, many leaders at local, regional or national level, became well-known figures and attracted a loyal female following, including for example, Elsbeth Zander, Guida Diehl, Lydia Gottschewski and Paula Siber.104 According to Claudia Koonz, Elsbeth Zander, the leader of the DFO, saw herself as the female equivalent of Hitler, and attracted largely uneducated women from rural backgrounds.105 Christine Wittrock characterises Bertha Braun and Lydia Gottschewski as being representatives of the 'new' fascist women's movement, rejecting and criticising the display of women advisers can be made in the various departments of the government, the fact remains that practically no high government position is held by a woman. Even the power of Frau Scholtz-Klink, from a realistic point of view, is open to question' (p. 230). The lack of autonomy of the NS-Frauenschaft, and its leader is also highlighted by Gerda Szepansky, 'Blitzmädel', 'Heldenmutter', 'Kriegerwitwe'. Frauenleben im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer, 1986; repr. 1997), p. 11. 103 Information about the female partners can be found, for example, in Volker Elis Pilgrim, 'Du kannst mich ruhig "Frau Hitler" nennen '. Frauen als Schmuck und Tarnung der NS-Herrschaft (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1994). Anna Maria Sigmund, Die Frauen der Nazis (Vienna: Ueberreuter, 1998). Interestingly, Sigmund includes a chapter on Gertrud Scholtz-Klink (pp. 119129), which again highlights a reluctance amongst some historians, and in popular culture and media to portray women as National Socialists in their own right. Thus in Sigmund's book, Scholtz-Klink, even as Reichsfrauenfiihrerin, is placed in a category with figures such as Emmy Göring, Eva Braun, Geli Raubel and Leni Riefenstahl, as women belonging to or connected to the National Socialists. See also Andrea Böltken, Führerinnen im 'Führerstaat'. Gertrud ScholtzKlink, Trude Mohr, Jutta Rüdiger und Inge Viermetz (Pfaffenweiler: Centauros, 1995). 104 Elsbeth Zander did not impress Joseph Goebbels, as is evident from the entry in his diary, 29 May 1929: 'Fräulein Zander ist für einen Mann unausstehlich. So eine Frau schlägt durch ihre Existenz der Schönheit und Güte der Frau direkt ins Gesicht', in Ralf Georg Reuth (editor), Joseph Goebbels Tagebücher, vol. 1: Ί924-1929' (Munich: Piper, 1992), p. 377. 105 Claudia Koonz (1976), describes Zander as regarding herself 'as the self-appointed dictator of the women Nazis' and comments that she was not reprimanded for this (558). See also Koonz, 'The Competition for a Woman's Lebensraum, 1928-1934', in Renate Bridenthal, Anita Grossmann and Marion Kaplan (editors) (1984), p. 215.

40

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

ideals of the 'old' women's movemement, whilst also condemning chauvinistic tendencies in the NSDAP. Clifford Kirkpatrick depicts Gottschewski as 'a militant young woman in her twenties', who heavily criticised the alte Frauenbewegung, and whose plan was to disband the older women's organisations, or to place them under the umbrella of the Frauenfront. Her level of power and authority was considerable, albeit within the confines of the male-dominated system, as she became Führerin of the Deutsche Frauenfront and was appointed Reichsleiterin of the NS-Frauenschaft.I06 Käte Auerhahn was appointed Reichsinspekteurin of the NSF in 1932, but ceased to work for the NSF in 1933.107 Christine Wittrock describes Sophie Rogge-Börner as being the chief representative of the most interesting group of female fascists, who defended the alte Frauenbewegung, whilst rejecting its at times patriarchal depiction of women.108 Rogge-Börner was editor of the women's publication Die deutsche Kämpferin from 1933 until 1937, which often contained articles voicing criticism of NS policies and attitudes toward women. Rogge-Börner and other contributors to Die deutsche Kämpferin, put forward their own view of racial history, in which they claimed that Germanic women had been equal to men in all areas, and that this was an ideal situation, to which NS society should seek to return.109 Their vision of the relationship between the sexes was based on the 'Polaritätsbegriff, in which neither pole dominates, each coexisting in equality and harmony.110 Irene Seydel and Elisabeth Polster were regional leaders in the Gau Westfalen, with Irene Seydel appealing to sections of the female population such as rural farmers and urban factory workers, whilst her superior, Elisabeth Polster appealed to women higher up in the social strata.111 Despite the variation in ideas, viewpoints and ideologies, these women and their followers seemed united in their belief that women as a unified group or community could make a valid and vital contribution to society, and in their unstinting support for the National Socialist cause.112 Claudia Koonz also describes how as of 1933, many early female leaders had hoped to be given the opportunity to gain influence within the party and the state, albeit in restricted 'female' areas. These desires were, however, never realised: Women leaders from the pre-1933 days, however, had given a great deal of thought to structuring their world. While differing widely on key issues, all

106 107 108 109 1,0 111 112

Clifford Kirkpatrick (1939), p. 55. Christine Wittrock (1983), pp. 103-114. Jill Stephenson (1981), p. 69. Christine Wittrock (1983), pp. 169-192. Claudia Koonz (1984), p. 216. Christine Wittrock (1983), p. 175. Claudia Koonz (1984), p. 217. ibid., p. 218.

Historical background

41

agreed that women Nazis would lead a public assault on private life in the Third Reich. The female vanguard of Hitler's movement awaited orders from on high; but none came."3 From 1932 onwards many of these women who had greatly influenced female activities in National Socialism disappeared from power, although Jill Stephenson comments that the influence of Käte Auerhahn, Paula Siber, Guida Diehl and Elsbeth Zander persisted long after they were no longer active in women's affairs. 114 Claudia Koonz refers to 1934 as an important year marking a change in women's participation, and the removal of many female leaders from their positions of authority, who were replaced by less ambitious women, who were not bent on developing a Frauenwelt or brand of female NS ideology.115 Gertrud Scholtz-Klink has been depicted by historians as a less radical, more subdued female leader, who was willing to carry out the role and tasks assigned to her, with no aspirations to create a powerful female sphere of influence. 116 Clifford Kirkpatrick, on the other hand, describes how Scholtz-Klink's appointment as Reichsfrauenfiihrerin was seen by some women as a positive development, bringing new impetus to women's participation in National Socialism and the state. Yet Kirkpatrick also concedes that her power appeared limited.117 1.5.5

Linguistic Opfer und/oder Täterinnen?

Over the past thirty years, the interpretation of women's involvement in National Socialism and their collective culpability has provoked considerable debate. 118 Gisela Bock regards women as being primarily victims of the Na113

Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland (1987), p. 139. Jill Stephenson (1981), p. 75. 115 Claudia Koonz (1984), pp. 226-227. See also Claudia Koonz, 'The Fascist Solution to the Woman Question in Italy and Germany', in Renate Bridenthal, Claudia Koonz and Susan Stuard (editors), (1987), pp. 523-526. 116 See, for example, Jill Stephenson, 'Middle-Class Women and National Socialist "Service"', History, 67 (1982). She characterises Scholtz-Klink thus: 'with limited intellect and education, she personified the defensive, unsophisticated, anti-proletarian women who gravitated towards National Socialism before 1933' (p. 36). See also the entries for Gertrud Scholtz-Klink in Hermann Weiß (editor), Biographisches Lexikon zum Dritten Reich (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer, 1998), pp. 414-415; and in Louis L Snyder, Encyclopedia of the Third Reich (Ware/Hertfordshire: Wordsworth, 1976; repr. 1998), p. 314; also in Shaaron Cosner and Victoria Cosner, Women under the Third Reich. A Biographical Dictionary (Westport/CT and London: Greenwood, 1998), pp. 140-141. 117 Clifford Kirkpatrick (1939), p. 65. See also Anna Maria Sigmund (1998), pp. 121-122. 118 See Petra Schomburg's chronological categories of scholarly portrayals of female involvement in National Socialism in her 'Frauen im Nationalsozialismus. Ein Überblick über die historische Frauenforschung und die feministische Diskussion um Verantwortung und Beteiligung von Frauen am Nationalsozialismus', in Ortrun Niethammer (editor), (1996), p. 42-56. See also the articles by Gisela Bock and Claudia Koonz, about Koonz's book Mothers in the Fatherland, in 114

42

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

tional Socialist regime, as they were subjected to 'eine Art Zweifrontenkrieg gegen Frauen', which intended to discourage and displace women in certain professions, whilst at the same time preventing women considered 'racially inferior' from producing offspring.119 Yet Christine Thürmer Rohr criticises the attempts which continued into the 1980s to simplify the relationships both between women and National Socialism, and between women and men in a patriarchal society, and to portray them as 'Frau=Opfer, Mann=Täter'. A major flaw in these parallels is that 'Nazi-Mitläuferinnen' came to be portrayed as 'Verführte des NS-Systems' and are placed in the same category as genuine victims of the regime.120 Renate Wiggershaus and Volker Elis Pilgrim, rather than assigning women to either the victim or perpetrator category, instead attempt to establish typologies of women in the National Socialist regime. Wiggershaus distinguishes between the following groups of women: a) aktive Nationalsozialistinnen b) Unpolitische, Mitläuferinnen, Ignorantinnen, Überforderte c) Widerstandskämpferinnen d) die Mißhandelten, Gequälten, Ermordeten. The first group: 'aktive Nationalsozialistinnen', she creates a further subdivision according to social class and between leader and murderer. She distinguishes between educated middle-class supporters such as the leaders Gertrud Scholtz-Klink or Paula Siber, also Leni Riefenstahl or the pilot Hanna Reitsch, and the women from disadvantaged backgrounds, with a lower level of education, who were employed in the SS, for example, and committed acts of cruelty or murder in the concentration camps.121 Volker Elis Pilgrim's typology identifies 'Akteurinnen/Täterinnen', the 'An-der-Stelle-des-Mannes-Frau', the 'An-der-Stelle-des-Mannes-Mittäterin' and the 'An-der-Seite-Frau'.122 It is difficult to assess the precise role women played in the implementation and practise of NS Frauenpolitik, and thus characterising the motivations behind their choice of language also proves complex and contradictory. One could claim that the women themselves were victims of deception, and whilst believing that they could promote their own separate sphere, they were in fact which they debate their differing views on female involvement in National Socialism and the question of whether there is a specifically 'female' guilt: Gisela Bock, 'Die Frauen und der Nationalsozialismus. Bemerkungen zu einem Buch von Claudia Koonz', Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 15 (1989), 563-579, and Bock, 'Ein Historikerinnenstreit?', Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 18 (1992), 400-404. Claudia Koonz, 'Erwiderung auf Gisela Bocks Rezension von Mothers in the Fatherland', Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 18 (1992), 394-399. 119 Gisela Bock (1986), p. 137. 120 Christina Thürmer-Rohr (1996), p. 28. 121 Renate Wiggershaus (1984), pp. 63-64. 122 Volker Elis Pilgrim (1994), p. 13.

Historical background

43

duped into merely putting an acceptable face on the discrimination of their Geschlechtsgenossinnen.123 However, these interpretations are based on the assumption that women were naïve, passive supporters, with little insight into and understanding of politics. It would be more accurate, in my opinion, to regard NS women as politically active and aware participants and communicators. Their use of what appear to be conservative, patriarchal discourses about women could be seen as a symptom of the women's powerlessness, even victim status, or, conversely, it could be interpreted as a sign of subtle subversiveness. Women in National Socialism 'performed' gender according to established traditional, patriarchal conventions, creating a recognisable, apparently nonthreatening corporate female identity to gain some level of power and influence within the NSDAP and NS state. The impact of key terms such as Aufgabe, heilig, or even Natur upon the readership should not be underestimated. Even though many of the terms seem innocuous or commonplace, they could be regarded as contributing to a subversive discourse or element of the discourse 123 Some studies put forward claims which would deny the victim status of women in National Socialism, highlighting the ways in which they favoured or benefited from NS policies concerning women. See, for example, Ulla Roberts, Starke Mütter - ferne Väter. Töchter reflektieren ihre Kindheit im Nationalsozialismus und in der Nachkriegszeit (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer, 1994). She states, 'Frauen waren aber nicht nur und überwiegend passive Empfängerinnen oder Opfer der NS-Frauenpolitik und der (versuchten, aber nicht ganz gelungenen) Durchstrukturierung aller öffentlichen und privaten Lebensbereiche durch die NSDAP und ihre Organisationen. Vielmehr können wir nach dem Stand heutiger kritischer Frauenforschung annehmen, daß viele Frauen die anfänglichen Veränderungen der Lebensumstände in Deutschland seit der Machtübernahme durch Hitler und die NSDAP begrüßten' (p. 36). Erich Kasberger, Heldinnen waren wir keine. Alltag in der NS-Zeit (Hamburg: Kabel, 1995), also puts forward the view that many women benefited from the apparent stability and the order of the NS state, and from factors such as the ideological enhancement of motherhood (p. 8). See also the entry Frau in Friedemann Bedürftig, Lexikon Drittes Reich (Munich: Piper, 1997), in which it is stated, 'Diese offen propagierte Entmündigung traf auf unterschwellige Wünsche vieler Frauen, die ihre neuen Rechte in der Demokratie eher als Belastung denn als Chance begriffen' (pp. 118-119). Claiming that women in the general population were victims of National Socialist pro- and antinatalist policies is also to ignore the support it gained from some women, and not merely those involved in NS women's organisations. See, for example, IFZ, Fa 202, a letter written by a 'kinderreiche Mutter' to an SSObersturmbannfuhrer, 11 February 1944: 'Ihr Schreiben vom 27.12.1943 mit den Glückwünschen des Reichsführer-SS zur Geburt unseres dritten Kriegeskindes hat mich außerordentlich erfreut [...] Eine besondere Freude macht es mir, Ihnen sagen zu können, daß der Wille zum Kind hier in Mecklenburg immer festeren Boden gewinnt'. Although Adolf Sauerwald, 'Die Auffassung des Nationalsozialismus über Wesen und Aufgabe der Frau, dargestellt an der NS-Frauenwarte 19321938' (unpublished Examensarbeit, Philipps-Universität Marburg, 1968), explicates this seeming uncritical adoption of NS ideas, by claiming that women were cleverly manipulated by NS propaganda, thus again placing women in the role of victims: 'Entbehrte die von nsWerbefachmännem gesteuerte Mütterverehrung schon bei hohen Parteifunktionären nicht der inneren Wahrhaftigkeit, dann brauchte man sich nicht zu verwundem, daß die Frauen, die die Hintergründe der ns-Werbung nicht durchschauten, sich naiv-begeistert an dieser Großaktion beteiligten' (p. 42).

44

Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

which in specific contexts emphasises the superiority of women and the justification for women's involvement coming from Christianity or even nature rather than from the authority of the NSDAP. As is evident from official correspondence in 1937, male NS leaders were sensitive to the reception and interpretation of women's choice of terminology, and were suspicious of the underlying ,

124

messages m women s texts. No single interpretation of women's position in and under National Socialism proves helpful here. Women were both perpetrators and victims, often both at the same time, and this applied also to women actively involved in National Socialism, whether in the early days, or during the later years of the NS regime. Georg Tidl, for example, characterises the NSF as a 'williges Instrument in den Händen der nationalsozialistischen Führung', and as such the organisation served 'die Macht dieser Führung zu zementieren'.125 The attitudes of leading National Socialists towards women have been well documented by historical and socio-political studies. For example, much detail has been provided on Hitler's ideas that women should only become Staatsbürgerinnen upon marriage, or Rosenberg's contempt for female emancipation.126 These conflicting attitudes also had an impact on the women's discourse, as they seek in their texts to explain their role and to define themselves as worthy members of National Socialism, as well as aiming to attract other women to participate and share in the NS world view.

124 The dispute over titles for positions of authority involving Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, Robert Ley and Martin Bormann is discussed in the section entitled 'Use of the feminine suffix'. 125 Georg Tidl, Die Frau im Nationalsozialismus (Vienna, Munich and Ziirich: Europaverlag, 1984), p. 162. For a fuller debate on this question of women as perpetrators and victims, see Angelika Ebbinghaus (editor), Opfer und Täterinnen. Frauenbiographien des Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer, 1996). See also the contributions in Lerke Gravenhorst and Carmen Tatschmurat (editors), Töchter-Fragen. NS-Frauengeschichte (Freiburg/Br.: Kore, Hensch, 1990). Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland (1987). Marianne Lehker (1984). Jutta Dornheim and Ulrike Greb, 'Theoretische Ansätze zur Diskussion über die Beteiligung von Krankenpflegepersonal an den Patientenmorden im Nationalsozialismus', in Ortrun Niethammer (editor), (1996), pp. 10-23. Petra Schomburg (1996), pp. 42-56. 126 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (Munich: Eher Nachfolger, 1933), 'Das deutsche Mädchen ist Staatsangehörige und wird mit ihrer Verheiratung erst Bürgerin. Doch kann auch den im Erwerbsleben stehenden weiblichen deutschen Staatsangehörigen das Bürgerrecht verliehen werden' (p. 491). Rosenberg's derogatory view of women is expressed clearly in Der Mythos des 20. Jahrhunderts. Eine Wertung der seelisch-geistigen Gestaltenkämpfe unserer Zeit (Munich: Hoheneichen, 1930), in which he condemns female emancipation, and claims that women lack creative ability and genius, 'Es fehlt der Frau aller Rassen und Zeiten die Gewalt einer sowohl intuitiven als geistigen Zusammenschau: überall da, wo eine mythische Weltgestaltung, ein großes Epos oder Drama, eine dem Kosmos nachforschende wissenschaftliche Hypothese in der Weltgeschichte auftaucht, steht ein Mann als Schöpfer dahinter' (p. 456).

Linguistic background to National Socialist discourse

1.6

45

Linguistic background to National Socialist discourse

The depiction and analysis of National Socialist language incorporate a variety of theories and approaches to language use and change, and address fundamental issues, such as the relationship between language and thought, language and physical action, and language and political ideology. The studies conducted on the influence of National Socialism on the German language are numerous and diverse in their approaches and aims, and can be subdivided into several categories: • • • •

Einzelwortmethode (analyses of morphological, lexical and semantic properties in NS usage). Textual or pragmatic analyses, focusing on spoken or written texts. Analyses of the language of individuals or particular organisations or groups. Language and National Socialism in the wider context of political discourse.

However, these categories are not mutually exclusive, and it is possible for an analysis to make use of more than one approach.127 Many studies, particularly those conducted over the past thirty years, have endeavoured to dispel the perception that there was a unified monolithic Sprache des Nationalsozialismus, and have focused instead on linguistic and textual groupings within National Socialism. Yet despite this concentration on identifying discourses and sub-discourses within National Socialism, the question of gender-specific language use in National Socialism has been ignored. This chapter aims to chart the main developments in linguistic studies on the subject of language and National Socialism, as a means of identifying where the concept of female discourse in National Socialism can find a place amongst these studies. Debate over the past few decades have focused on the terminology used to portray the language use, and in particular whether the expression Sprache des Nationalsozialismus implies that a separate, definable language existed, or whether a more differentiated approach to NS language use should be taken, hence the preference for the label Sprache im Nationalsozialismus.128 Indeed 127 For a comprehensive overview of research on the subject, see Michael Kinne and Johannes Schwitalla, Sprache im Nationalsozialismus (Heidelberg: Groos, 1994). See also Gerhard Voigt, 'Bibliographie: Die deutsche Sprache in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus', Praxis Deutsch, 10 (1983), 4-6, and Arndt Wigger, 'Bibliographie: Sprachwissenschaft und Faschismus', Osnabrücker Beiträge zur Sprachtheorie, 21 (1982), 105-119. 128 The differences in meaning between these two expressions and other related labels have been the discussion of debate in many linguistic studies. See for instance, Wolfgang Werner Sauer,

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Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

the meta-analysis of the precise terminology used to denote the language use of National Socialists has become a subject area in its own right, often overshadowing the actual linguistic analysis. Some examples of expressions employed include: Hitlerdeutsch Nazideutsch Sprache des Nationalsozialismus Sprache im Nationalsozialismus Sprachgebrauch der Nationalsozialisten Sprache im Faschismus Fascist discourse

Although these expressions may seem at first sight to share some level of synonymy, and thus discussing the differences may appear to be bordering on semantic Haarspalterei, the denotative and connotative meanings of these expressions are in fact central to defining how the National Socialists made use of the German language. The use of deutsch, for example, suggests a particular type of German used by the National Socialists; Hitlerdeutsch attributes the characteristics of NS language use to a sole creator or model and is now an outdated expression, although it could be applied in a narrower sense to refer

'Die Okkupation der Sprache durch die Nationalsozialisten oder: Ist die deutsche (Sprach-) Geschichte manchmal noch aktuell?', Osnabrücker Beiträge zur Sprachtheorie, 7 (1978), 38-56; also Sauer, Der Sprachgebrauch von Nationalsozialisten vor 1933 (Hamburg: Buske, 1978), and Sauer, 'Schlag nach bei Berning? Anmerkungen zur Renaissance der Vokabularien zur ns Sprache', Diskussion Deutsch, 15 (1984), 319-324. Erasmus Schöfer, 'Die Sprache im Dienst des modernen Staates', Sprache im technischen Zeitalter, 8 (1963), 621-623. Sigrid Frind, 'Die Sprache als Propagandainstrument des Nationalsozialismus', Muttersprache, 76 (1966), 129-135, classes the Sprache des Dritten Reiches as a Sondersprache (p. 129). Michael Kinne, 'Zum Sprachgebrauch der deutschen Faschisten. Ein bibliographischer Überblick', Diskussion Deutsch, 14 (1983), 518-521; also Michael Kinne and Johannes Schwitalla (1994), p. 6. Utz Maas (1984). Konrad Ehlich, 'Über den Faschismus sprechen - Analyse und Diskurs', in Konrad Ehlich (editor), Sprache im Faschismus (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1989), p. 31. Michael Townson, Mother-tongue and Fatherland. Language and Politics in German (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992). Antonius Wolf, Wandel im Jargon des Nationalsozialismus. Analyse der ideologischen Sprache in einer Fachzeitschrift für Sonderschullehrer (1934-1944) (Freiburg/Br.: Pädagogische Hochschule, 1992). Senya Müller, Sprachwörterbücher im Nationalsozialismus. Die ideologische Beeinflussung von DUDEN, SPRACH-Brockhaus und anderen Nachschlagewerken während des 'Dritten Reiches ' (Stuttgart: M&P, 1994).

Linguistic background to National Socialist discourse

47

to the language of Hitler as an individual.129 The compound Nazideutsch has immediate negative connotations through the first element Nazi.130 The terms Nationalsozialisten and Nationalsozialismus attribute the language used to individuals and to an ideological movement respectively. Sprache im and Sprachgebrauch der suggest that the National Socialists made ideological and political use of the German language, but did not create an autonomous, lasting language.131 The use of faschistisch or Faschismus suggests that the NSDAP was part of a pan-European fascist movement, and Diskurs implies that the language used by the fascists or National Socialists constituted little more than a specialised or group language, a subdivision of a national language.132 With reference to Konrad Ehlich (1998), Peter von Polenz emphasises the need for a context-sensitive and highly differentiated understanding of NS usage, distinguishing between 'Sprache des Nationalsozialismus (eigenständiger Sprachgebrauch der NSDAP seit 1920) und Sprache im Nationalsozialismus (NSDAP-Sprache plus verschiedene Traditionen politischer Sprache, die 1933 bis 1945 im Deutschen Reich wirksam waren)'.133 The main area of debate between Sprache im/des Nationalsozialismus is often linked to the Intentionalist and the Functionalist approaches to a historical assessment of the Nazi regime. The Intentionalists see the events of the NS period, particularly the Holocaust, as a planned series of steps, whereas the Functionalists perceive the developments as emanating not from an original plan, but from the consequences of events occurring throughout the twelve years, as a mixture of coincidence and action. When applied to linguistic approaches, the intentionalist position would see the National Socialist as having taken over the language or even created a separate and distinct 'Nazi language', whereas the functionalist viewpoint would regard the National 129 See, for example, Heinrich Fischer, 'Die deutsche Sprache im Dritten Reich. Rede gehalten in London Ende 1942', Deutsche Rundschau, 82 (1956), 848-850. Fischer refers to 'Hitler- und Keitel-deutsch' (849). 130 For a discussion of the origins and uses of the term Nazi, see Franz W Seidler, 'Nazi und Sozi. Zwei politische Schlagwörter', Wirkendes Wort, 44 (1994), 316-330. 131 Michael Marek, '"Wer deutsch spricht, wird nicht verstanden!". Der wissenschaftliche Diskurs über das Verhältnis von Sprache und Politik im Nationalsozialismus - Ein Forschungsbericht', Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, 30 (1990), supports this view, and claims that the expression Sprache des Nationalsozialismus implies that fascism and fascist use of language was 'einen Einbruch von Fremden'; the expression Sprache im Nationalsozialismus, by contrast, acknowledges the 'auf epochenübergreifende Tendenzen der politischen Sprache' (457). 132 See the section on 'Faschismus' and related terms in Gerhard Strauß, Ulrike Haß and Gisela Harras (1989), pp. 151-170. 133 Konrad Ehlich, "' ... , LTI, LQI, ..." - Von der Unschuld der Sprache und der Schuld der Sprechenden', in Heidrun Kämper and Hartmut Schmidt (editors), Das 20. Jahrhundert. Sprachgeschichte - Zeitgeschichte (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1998), pp. 275-303. Peter von Polenz (1999), p. 547.

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Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

Socialists as having manipulated the language for their own purposes, but not in a unique way, or with any characteristics which would mark them out substantially from the use of language by other political organisations, states or powers. Michael Kinne disagrees with the argument put forward by Gerhard Voigt and Wolfgang Werner Sauer, that expressions such as NS-Sprache, Sprache des Nationalsozialismus, Sprache des Dritten Reiches or faschistische Sprache, for example, entail that a distinct language was created. This viewpoint, Kinne explains, emanates from a misinterpretation of the multiple meanings of Sprache or Deutsch·. Voigt wie Sauer haben übersehen, daß es sich bei diesen Bezeichnungen jedoch lediglich um verkürzte Redensarten handelt, und daß damit nichts anderes als der Sprachgebrauch, die besondere Ausdrucksweise, die Redetechnik und das Vokabular der Nazis gemeint war. Es ist in der Forschung bisher nirgendwo behauptet worden, daß es eine eigenständige Sprache des Nationalsozialismus gegeben hat, die 1933 plötzlich und unvorbereitet da war und 1945 ebenso plötzlich wieder verschwand. 134

I agree with Michael Kinne, and I would also emphasise that the debate over the above mentioned expressions has become exaggerated. There is no reason why the term Sprache cannot be employed to mean Sprachgebrauch and to be applied to an individual, or larger group or speech community, as Rolf Bachem claims.135 Also the expression Sprache des Nationalsozialismus itself need not present a linguistic problem, the difficulty lies rather in providing an adequate and appropriate definition of the expression. I have chosen, however, to refer to female discourse, as it more accurately reflects the language use which arose out of a constellation of social, psychological, practical and organisational circumstances.

134 Michael Kinne (1983), p. 519. Gerhard Voigt, 'Zur Sprache des Faschismus. Ein Literaturbericht', Das Argument, 9 (1967), 154-165; see also Voigt, 'Bericht vom Ende der "Sprache des Nationalsozialismus'", Diskussion Deutsch, 5 (1974), 445-464; Wolfgang Wemer Sauer, 'Die Okkupation der Sprache' (1978), 38-56; also Sauer, Sprachgebrauch von Nationalsozialisten (1978). 135 Rolf Bachem, 'Rechtsradikale Sprechmuster der 80er Jahre. Eine Studie zum Sprachgebrauch der "harten NS-Gruppen" und ihnen nahestehender Rechtsextremisten', Muttersprache, 93 (1983), 'G. Voigts Einwand, es habe nie eine Sondersprache des Nationalsozialismus, sondern nur spezifische nationalsozialistische Sprachverwendungen gegeben, ist nichtig: Schon die Fülle der damals neu eingeführten Organisationsbezeichnugen und Rechtsbegriffe widerspricht dem. Vor allem ist der Begriff Sprache nicht auf Nationalsprachen (wie »das Deutsche«) einschränkbar. Es ist legitim, von der »Sprache der Computertechnik« wie von der »Sprache Schillers« zu sprechen' (75). Senya Müller (1994), also states that expressions such as '"NS-Deutsch"' or '"Vokabular der Nationalsozialisten'" should not necessarily be disregarded or avoided (p. 27).

Linguistic background to National Socialist discourse

1.6.1

49

Theoretical approaches to language in National Socialism

The diversity of trends and approaches in the linguistic analysis of language use in National Socialism has led to some linguists identifying different chronological and theoretical categories. Kirsten Gomard establishes three major theories which evolved chronologically: 1. 2. 3.

Die Diskontinuitätstheorie Die Theorie von der totalitären Sprache Die Kontinuitätstheorie136

Studies belonging to the first category put forward the view that 1933 represented a decisive break in the history of the German language and that a 'Sprache des Dritten Reiches' developed in the sense of langue. Research which can be attributed to the second category focused on the nature of ideological and political discourse in general, and often pointed to similarities with other regimes, in particular the GDR. The third and final approach, Gomard states, has gained the widest acceptance, with linguists such as Peter von Polenz tracing the origins of characteristics of NS use before 193 3.137 Michael Marek, by contrast, identifies four main phases in the analysis of language in National Socialism: 1. 1945-60: Sprachkritik and the concept of a 'correct' use of language versus a 'misuse' perpetrated by the National Socialists. 2. Second phase (1960s): the lexical, grammatical and stylistic approach, often serving as a concealed criticism of the National Socialist regime. 3. End of 1960s: ideological criticism, focusing on fascist theory. 4. 1970s to the present day: diverse studies, with a tendency to concentrate more on everyday usage under the NS regime.138 Although such categories may be helpful in providing a general overview of chronological trends and developments, they tend to imply that there was little or no overlap, or even recurrence of earlier approaches. The establishment of these categories ignores the fact that the developments Marek refers to did not necessarily occur in a strict chronological order, but often synchronically. For example, within the second phase, Peter von Polenz's article criticising the 136 137 138

Kirsten Gomard, 'Zum Sprachgebrauch im Dritten Reich', Augias, 1 (1981), Nr.2, 27. ibid., 27-30. Michael Marek (1990), 464-466.

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Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

Einzelwortmethode was published a year before Cornelia Berning's lexicon of National Socialist language.139 And in the same year that Berning's lexicon appeared, Walther Dieckmann's work discussing the historical characteristics of political language was published.140 Similarly Bork's Mißbrauch der Sprache dates from a phase in which studies were supposed to be focusing more on textual analysis and the nature of everyday language use.141 This shows that approaches to language in National Socialism have almost from the outset been diverse, and that these attempts to place linguistic studies in rigid defining categories has overshadowed the goal of analysing the nature of NS usage, its characteristics, peculiarities and complexities. In categorising phases in research into language in National Socialism, the question arises of where to place studies from the 1930s and 1940s, such as those by Manfred Pechau and Heinz Paechter. 142 There has been a tendency to ignore these studies due to their outspoken support or condemnation of the NS regime, yet in order to understand how the concept of language in National Socialism has been shaped, they cannot be ignored. Manfred Pechau perceives National Socialism as contributing fundamentally to the development of the modem German language, equating its influence with that of other historical periods and events, such as 'die Lutherzeit' and the French Revolution. 143 He concentrates on word-formation, in particular the use of compounds with Volk-, Hitler-, November-, Reich- as the first elements. Pechau's aim, in praising the language employed by the National Socialists, is to emphasise the relationship between German national identity and the German language, following in the puristic traditions of Campe and Jahn.144

139 Peter von Polenz, 'Sprachkritik und Sprachwissenschaft', Neue Rundschau, 74 (1963), 391403. Cornelia Berning (1964). Although of course, Berning's analysis of typical NS vocabulary had appeared in a series of articles from 1960 to 1963. 140 Walther Dieckmann, Information oder Überredung? Zum Wortgebrauch der politischen Werbung in Deutschland seit der Französischen Revolution (Marburg: Elwert, 1964). 141 Siegfried Bork (1970). 142 Manfred Pechau, 'Nationalsozialismus und deutsche Sprache' (unpublished doctoral thesis, Emst-Moritz-Arndt Universität Greifswald, 1935). See also Pechau, 'Nationalsozialismus und deutsche Sprache', Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte, 8 (1937), 1058-1072. Heinz Paechter, Nazi-Deutsch: A Glossary of Contemporary German Usage (New York: Unger, 1944). See also Kurt Pipgras, 'Faschismus und Sprache. Wandlungen im Wortschatz' (unpublished doctoral thesis, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel, 1941). His work does not address language in National Socialism, but instead discusses the influence of fascism on vocabulary, focusing in particular on the Italian language. 143 Manfred Pechau (1937), 1058-1059. Viktor Rehtmeyer, 'Völkische Erneuerung und Sprachgestaltung', Muttersprache 50 (1935), Sp. 297-301, also seeks to place National Socialist language use in a historical continuum, by forging a link between the effect Luther had on the German language and people, and National Socialism. 144 Manfred Pechau (1937), 1072.

Linguistic background to National Socialist discourse

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It is also important to examine the contributions found in Muttersprache and Zeitschrift für Deutschkunde during this period, as they provide vital insights into the links between popular and recurring topics such as racism and language, and language purity.145 Georg Schmidt-Rohr, Konrad Krause and other contributors provide an indication of the contemporary linguistic and cultural climate, although the attitudes expressed in these articles were not necessarily representative of NS attitudes towards language. These articles are, however, beneficial in dismantling the isolationist view of a single NS language, since they fulfil the function of a commentary on the state of the German language as perceived by these writers at the time, without being categorised as specifically National Socialist. Other studies conducted during the NS period include those by Ernst Bloch, H Frank, and M R which were openly critical of NS language and political activities.146 Studies into the relationship between National Socialism and language from an anti-NS perspective, began in the 1930s, when the first attempts were made to attribute a structure and set of characteristics to the way the National Socialists employed language. The majority of the studies and investigations appear to have had several objectives:

145 See for example, Heinrich Banniza ν Bazan, 'Grenzen der Sprachgemeinschaft', Muttersprache, 48 (1933), Sp. 420-424. Richard Deinhardt, 'Die Sprache der deutschen Wiedergeburt', Muttersprache, 48 (1933), Sp. 385-387. Werner Schulze, 'NSDAP', Muttersprache, 48 (1933), Sp. 357-360. Josef Bös, 'Die deutsche Sprache', Muttersprache, 48 (1933), Sp. 353-355. Arthur Hübner, 'Um das Reichsamt der deutschen Sprache. Öffentlicher Vortrag in der Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften', Zeitschrift für deutsche Bildung, 11 (1935), 289-300. Georg Schmidt-Rohr, 'Houston Stewart Chamberlain über die deutsche Sprache', Muttersprache, 50 (1935), Sp. 301-305. Walter Gading, 'Rasse, Sprache, Fremdwort', Muttersprache, 51 (1936), Sp. 47-50. Walther Linden, 'Was heißt "Sprache unsrer Zeit"?', Muttersprache, 51 (1936), Sp. 277281; also Walther Linden, 'Gemeinschaftsaufgaben in der Sprachpflege', Muttersprache, 52 (1937), Sp. 6-10. Alfred Götze, 'Keß und die Abkürzungssprache', Muttersprache 51 (1936), Sp. 7-8. Konrad Krause, 'Deutscher Sprachzuwachs der letzten Jahrzehnte', Zeitschrift für Deutschkunde, 55 (1941), 176-181. Willi Marcus, 'Das Fremdwort in der Gegenwart', Muttersprache, 56 (1941), Sp. 101-102; also Willi Marcus, 'Deutsches Sprachleben in der Tagespresse der Gegenwart', Muttersprache, 57 (1942), Sp. 169-170. Franz Thierfelder, 'Die Sprache als Quell völkischer Kraft', Muttersprache, 57 (1942), Sp. 33-36. 146 Emst Bloch, 'Der Nazi und das Unsägliche. Über die Schwierigkeiten, den Nazismus ästhetisch, literarisch und sprachlich darzustellen', Das Wort, (1938), H.9, 110-114. Η Frank, 'Wer schlecht schreibt', Das Wort, (1938), H.l, 148-149. M R, 'Wie sie rateten und tateten', Das Wort, (1938), H.8,151-153.

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Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

•

• •

to prove that the National Socialists brought about fundamental and lasting changes in the German language, or even constructed a separate 'Nazi language'. to condemn National Socialist manipulation of the language as 'misuse'. to explain how the language was a contributory factor in the 'collective madness' of the German nation during the twelve years of the NS regime.

Heinz Paechter's condemnation of NS language was based on the belief that there is an intrinsically right and true meaning of words, and that the National Socialists distorted and corrupted these true meanings. The equation between linguistic violence and physical violence is established, and the National Socialists stand accused, not only of using language to encourage and denote violence, but also as having committed atrocities upon the language itself, with acts of violence perpetrated against syntax and style. He characterises the grammar employed by the Nazis as corrupt, stating that this is reflected in the political system. He describes NS usage as a 'magic language' which bewitched the German people and rendered them incapable of anything but blind obedience and co-operation.147 Such an approach perpetuates the claim that the majority of the German population were not Nazis, and that this was a foreign language imposed upon them. The overpowering nature of the language employed by the National Socialists is taken up by Gerhard Bauer, who maintains that NS language use resulted in Sprachlosigkeit amongst the population.148 Other studies have also shown that people did not perceive themselves as being users of National Socialist discourse, and that many were able to distance themselves critically from NS policies and language, retreating to subversive or linguistic behaviour in the form of private jokes, or word-play.149 147

Heinz Paechter (1944), p. 5. Heinrich Fischer (1956) describes NS usage as 'Mord an der Sprache [...] der totale Krieg Hitlers gegen die deutsche Sprache' (848). 148 Gerhard Bauer, 'Wortohnmacht und ohnmächtiges Schweigen in einem faschistisch regierten Volk', Osnabrücker Beiträge zur Sprachtheorie, 42 (1990), 155-167; also Gerhard Bauer, Sprache und Sprachlosigkeit im 'Dritten Reich ', 2nd edn (Cologne: Bund, 1990). See also Erika Ising, 'Die Sprache im deutschen antifaschistischen Widerstand', Zeitschrift für Germanistik, 9 (1988). She comments that 'Eine oft wichtige kommunikative Funktion besaßen schließlich das Schweigen in bestimmten Situationen und das Verschweigen von Informationen oder der Namen Gefährdeter' (405). 149 Rolf Bachem, Einführung in die Analyse politischer Texte (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1979), describes how 'Vielen Deutschen schien sie [die Sprache der Nationalsozialisten] nur die Sprache (der Subcode) der anderen zu sein, der Verwaltung und der politischen Funktionäre, der Angst erweckenden, gefilrchteten Herrschaft', although this was the opposite of what actually happened, as 'in Wirklichkeit drang sie in alle Bereiche der Kultur ein, in die Rechtswissenschaft, Geschichtswissenschaft, Literatur- und Sprachwissenschaft, Kunsttheorie und Kunstkritik, Philoso-

Linguistic background to National Socialist discourse

53

H G Adler argues that the language of an individual was strongly intertwined with his or her character and personality: 'Die Sprache des Menschen ist ein Bild seiner selbst, denn sie vermittelt seine Persönlichkeit'. He claims that even as a member of a speech community, where an individual makes use of a pre-existing language, an individual makes actual choices about the language he uses, most evident in the selection of vocabulary: 'Nach äußeren Einflüssen und nach bewußten wie unbewußten Vorlieben wählt er aus. Diese Auswahl gilt vielen sprachlichen Merkmalen, so etwa dem Satzbau, bestimmten Vergleichen und Bildern, Redensarten, doch vor allem dem Wortschatz'. 150 Adler's definition of how the National Socialists misused the language concerns the employment of military expressions in everyday contexts, and the way in which originally innocuous words became terms of violence under National Socialism. Victor Klemperer rendered a highly personalised account of the manipulation of language by the National Socialist regime, supporting the view that the National Socialists took over the German language by force and turned it into a monstrous ideological force in its own right. Klemperer claimed that NS manipulation destroyed all differences between spoken and written German and all subtleties in the language, and that Hitlerdeutsch was a monolithic, all-encompassing language which permeated every aspect of life in Germany: 'alles schwamm in derselben braunen Sauce'. 151 Seidel and SeidelSlotty's Sprachwandel im Dritten Reich provided a comprehensive and systematic analysis of National Socialist language, dividing their findings into categories of style, grammar and lexis. The analysis characterises the transformation of language in the NS regime into a ridiculous monstrosity, a language which had lost its semantic clarity and precision.152 Cornelia Berning's lexicon-style analysis of the language of National Socialism has provided the focus for much of the debate surrounding the question of Sprache des/im Nationalsozialismus. In her articles and monograph Vom 'Abstammungsnachweis' zum 'Zuchtwart'. Vokabular des Nationalsozialismus (1964), Berning relied on a restricted number of primary sources, such as Mein

phie, Geographie etc' (p. 123). See also Gisela Bock, 'Racism and Sexism in Nazi Germany: Motherhood, Compulsory Sterilization, and the State', in Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann and Marion Kaplan (editors), (1984), in which she describes how expressions created privately, by popular wit reflected ironic attitudes to NS policies. For example, the use of the compound Hitlerschnitt was created to refer to sterilisation (p. 277), and women opting for bearing children rather than facing employment during the war, under the command of Fritz Sauckel, were referred to as Sauckelfrauen and the resulting offspring Sauckelkinder (p. 278). See also Gerhard Bauer, 'Hitlers Heil im Mund seines Volkes', Das Argument, 29 (1987), 835-844. 150 H G Adler, 'Wörter der Gewalt', Muttersprache, 75 (1965), 213-214. 151 Victor Klemperer, Die unbewältigte Sprache. Aus dem Notizbuch eines Philologen. 'LTI' (Darmstadt: Melzer, 1966), p. 20. 152 Eugen Seidel and Ingeborg Seidel-Slotty (1961), pp. 154-156.

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Kampf, the Völkischer Beobachter and numerous Presseanweisungen, and attributes the creation of the language to Hitler, Goebbels and to a lesser extent Rosenberg.153 In particular, Berning regarded Goebbels as being to a large extent the 'Former der NS-Sprache'.154 She made it clear that her work had a moral undertone, namely to warn present and future generations of how language could be misused. Criticism of Berning's findings have focused on her highly eclectic selection of lexical items, emanating from all areas and registers of National Socialism. Berning's dictionary is perhaps generalised and oversimplified in its identification of NS terminology, but she does acknowledge that there are differing, more specialised strands in NS usage, which require more detailed study. The main weakness in Berning's analysis of language in National Socialism lies in her claim that the language employed by National Socialists was essentially static after 1933, and that although neologisms were created to denote organisations, and the policy of Sprachlenkung attempted to promote some key terms whilst suppressing others, 'doch bleiben die wesentlichen Tendenzen dieselben wie vor der "Machtergreifung"'. 155 The claim of stasis and immutability in any group discourse or language is largely improbable, as discourse, political, administrational or otherwise is subject to change from inside and outside influences. Indeed the directives arising from the policy of Sprachlenkung provide clear evidence that National Socialists were constantly changing and revising their attitudes towards key terms and phrases.156 The early studies on language and National Socialism have been criticised for promoting the 'isolationist' or 'discontinuity theory' and thus failing to see a connection between the German language before the NS regime. This is, I believe, an inaccurate and oversimplified criticism, since Klemperer for example, saw Romanticism as a precursor of National Socialism, whilst Berning cites a wide range of possible sources and influences in addition to Romanticism, including Paul de Lagarde, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Nietzsche, the language of the Jugendbewegung, fascism, communism; also various societies of the 'europäischen Untergrund', such as the Germanenorden, Armanenorden, 153 Compare Schmitz-Berning (1998), in which she has expanded the range of her primary sources considerably. 154 Cornelia Beming (1963), 92-93. Beming claims that it was Goebbels who put Hitler's theoretical propaganda into practice, and that he created the linguistic means and framework for mass persuasion and indoctrination. In addition Berning claims that Goebbels was responsible for the use of religious terminology, biological terms, and sentimentalising language, for example, and that he was the first one to systematically employ sporting and technical metaphors (p. 93). 155 ibid., p. 92. See also Peter von Polenz (1999), pp. 551-552. 156 See Rolf Glunk, 'Erfolg und Mißerfolg der nationalsozialistischen Sprachlenkung', Zeitschrift für deutsche Sprache, 22 (1966), 57-73, 146-153; 23 (1967), 83-113, 178-188; 24 (1968), 72-91, 184-191; 25 (1969), 116-128,180-183; 26 (1970), 84-97, 176-183; 27 (1971), 113-123,177-187.

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and the Thule-Gesellschaft. 157 Sternberger et al. saw NS usage as continuing beyond 1945, represented by key lexemes, including Auftrag, Betreuung, Intellektuell, Raum15* Nachman Blumental also states that Nazi language emanated from the German of the Weimar Republic. 159 Lutz Mackensen cites Wilhelm II as a 'Vorgänger im Schreiben und Reden' for Hitler, whilst Wolfgang Bergsdorf targets the Kaiserreich, the Weimar Republic and Communist use of language. 160 More recently, Leah Hadomi claims that certain NS motifs found in what she terms 'Nationalsocialist discourse' came partly from the works of Expressionist authors, and that other influences included nineteenth century German irrationalism, and elements of Heimatdichtung, among many others.161 Yet I would maintain that the use of any language or discourse is context-dependent, and that meanings of words and expressions are subject to changes, even idiolectically or within a specified group, often on a temporary level. Therefore, whilst attempting to trace every possible source of influence on NS usage may be useful in emphasising that it is not a unique phenomenon, it is not necessarily helpful to an understanding of it. Consequently whilst acknowledging a range of possible influential factors on women's language use, such as various strands of the women's movement, this analysis concentrates on the discourse as employed between 1924-1934. Siegfried Bork, whose work appeared in 1970, long after the so-called discontinuity theory on NS usage had ceased to be acceptable, continued in the

157

Cornelia Berning (1963), 102-103. Dolf Sternberger, Gerhard Storz and Wilhelm E Süskind, Aus dem Wörterbuch des Unmenschen, 3rd rev. edn (Hamburg and Düsseldorf: Ciaassen, 1968). 159 Nachman Blument[h]al, 'On the Nazi Vocabulary', Yad Vashem Studies on the European Jewish Catastrophe and Resistance, 1 (1957), p. 49. See also Ν Blumental, '"Action"', Yad Vashem Studies on the European Jewish Catastrophe and Resistance, 4 (1960), 57-98; Nachman Blumental, 'From the Nazi Vocabulary', Yad Vashem Studies on the European Jewish Catastrophe and Resistance, 6 (1967), 69-82. Shaul Esh, 'Words and their Meanings: 25 Examples of Nazi-Idiom', Yad Vashem Studies on the European Jewish Catastrophe and Resistance, 5 (1963), 133-167. It is surprising that articles by Blumental and Shaul Esh have been largely ignored in studies on language in National Socialism, including bibliographies on the subject. Cornelia Schmitz-Beming (1998) lists Esh in her bibliography, but not Blumental. (There are several articles in Yad Vashem Studies by Blumental, but the precise spelling of his surname is unclear. In the article from 1957, the spelling is Blumenthal, but thereafter Blumental. Also, the author of the 1960 article is given is Ν Blumental. I am assuming that this is the same author). 160 Lutz Mackensen, Die deutsche Sprache in unserer Zeit. Zur Sprachgeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts, 2nd rev. edn (Heidelberg: Quelle und Meyer; 1971), p. 210. See also Wolfgang Bergsdorf, 'Die Sprache der Diktatur und ihre Wörter. Zur Technik nationalsozialistischer und kommunistischer Sprachlenkung in Deutschland', Deutschland Archiv, 11 (1978), 1305; and Astrid Stedje, Deutsche Sprache gestern und heute. Einführung in Sprachgeschichte und Sprachkunde (Munich: Fink, 1989), p. 165. 161 Leah Hadomi, Dramatic Metaphors of Fascism and Antifascism (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1996), pp. 1-8. 158

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Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

tradition of Klemperer, Seidel and Seidel-Slotty, and Berning, with his condemnatory outline of NS misuse of the language. His work aims to show how the German population was manipulated and overwhelmed by NS usage. A secondary aim is to forge a link between 'NS language' and modern German, to hold up NS usage to ridicule in the attempt to call for a return to 'good', clear German, to communicate 'Eine Forderung [...] nach einem sauberen und verantwortungsvollen Gebrauch der Sprache. Nicht Schlagworte und (Werbe-) Slogans sollten die Sprache verflachen und auslaugen; statt dessen müßten wir wieder zur strengen, klaren und unbeugsamen Sachlichkeit in der Sprache zurückfinden' (p. 6). His position reflects that of the early studies, in believing that there is such a phenomenon as unequivocally correct usage. Bork's description of NS usage is couched in dramatic biological metaphors, themselves reminiscent of NS rhetoric and equates the power of words with the power of actions: 'Die Sprache metzelte ebenso unbarmherzig die Menschen nieder wie das Regime selbst'. 162 From the 1960s onwards, however, numerous studies appeared refuting all notions of 'Nazi language'. Rolf Glunk, for example, set about disproving the view that the National Socialists imposed a uniform language on the German people, by analysing the attempts of the NS regime to direct and control official language. 163 Peter von Polenz criticised many of the early studies, focusing on the general practice of Sprachkritik.164 In identifying the weaknesses in Sternberger et al.'s work, he states that words themselves cannot be immoral or evil, but can become so when used by particular speakers: 'Nicht die Wörter selbst wirken moralisch oder unmoralisch, sondern allein ihr Gebrauch durch bestimmte Sprecher in bestimmten Sprachsituationen'. Thus members of a language community are not helpless victims at the mercy of a language which is intrinsically wicked. He emphasises the fundamental difference between langue and parole: 'Fehler und Fehlentwicklungen gibt es in der Sprache als langue nicht. Neuerungen der parole werden nur dann in den Sprachbesitz der ganzen Sprachgemeinschaft als Regel aufgenommen, wenn sie einem allgemeinen Bedürfnis entsprechen und als Benennungen neuer

162

Siegfried Bork (1970), pp. 5, 99. See also Lutz Winckler, Studie zur gesellschaftlichen Funktion faschistischer Sprache (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1970). 163 Rolf Glunk (1966), 54ff. and in succeeding issues. 164 Peter von Polenz, (1963), 391-403. Herbert Drube, 'Wie anfällig macht die deutsche Sprache fur die Diktatur?', Muttersprache 75 (1965), also states that language is often made a scapegoat for actions and events, and that language itself is not responsible for lying, but rather the language users (51-52). Christoph Sauer, 'Nazi-Deutsch für Niederländer. Das Konzept der NSSprachpolitik in der Deutschen Zeitung in den Niederländen 1940-1945', in Konrad Ehlich (editor), (1989), also claims: 'es ist schließlich nicht die deutsche Sprache, die den Faschismus ermöglicht hat [...] sondern es geht in erster Linie um den Sprecher und die sozialhistorische Situation' (p. 243).

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Gegenstände oder Begriffe ihren sozialen Zweck erfüllen'. 165 He criticises in particular the methodological error in confusing Sprachwandel (Diachronie) and Sprachzustand (Synchronie), and criticises the Einzelwortmethode, even suggesting a link between Nazi racist practices and emphasis on racial background with the Sprachkritiker's interest in individual words: 'So wie es irrig und gefährlich ist, eine Gesellschaftsstruktur nach der Herkunft der Einzelpersonen zu bestimmen, so ist es sprachwissenschaftlich falsch und nutzlos, die Wortschatzstruktur einer lebenden Sprache nach der Herkunft der Einzelwörter zu gliedern'. 166 But von Polenz still maintains that there is such a phenomenon as misuse of the language, unlike Ruth Römer, who rejects the idea that the misuse or abuse of language exists (a belief which unites Sprachkritiker and Sprachwissenschaftler), as this is based on the assumption, mentioned previously, that words have intrinsically rigidly fixed and 'right' meanings, morally and semantically. The question also arises of who in any language community decides upon these meanings and references. The inherent danger in characterising language in National Socialism as a misuse of language is that one may in fact exonerate the actions of the language users. D i e R e d e v o m Mißbrauch der Sprache entlastet auch, o b man d a s nun will oder nicht, die Anhänger verbrecherischer Ideologien. W e n n die Wörter mißbraucht wurden, wurden die Anhänger also b e l o g e n und k ö n n e n nicht für die F o l g e n ihrer H a n d l u n g e n haftbar gemacht werden. D i e R e d e v o m Mißbrauch der Sprache schafft den Tatbestand eines kollektiven Verbotsirrtums. 1 6 7

I would agree with Römer that a misuse or abuse of language does not and indeed cannot exist. I would argue that one can refer to the use or manipulation of language with the intent to mislead, create harm or damage. But as language users and members of a speech community, every individual is at liberty to use language to communicate his or her specific message, however abhorrent the results of this may be. Dissemination of the spoken and written word by extreme groups or sections of the community is an entirely separate issue. To claim that misuse or abuse is possible would imply that some members of a speech community are entitled to use language, whilst others are not, and these judgements are highly subjective. This mode of thinking, as we have seen in

165

Peter von Polenz (1963), 401-402. Peter von Polenz, 'Sprachpurismus und Nationalsozialismus. Die "Fremdwort"-Frage gestern und heute', in Benno von Wiese and Rudolf Henß (editors), Nationalismus in Germanistik und Dichtung. Dokumentation des Germanistentages in München vom 17. bis 22. Oktober 1966 (Berlin: Schmidt, 1967),p. 105. 167 Ruth Römer, 'Gibt es Mißbrauch der Sprache?', Muttersprache, 80 (1970), 83. See also Harald Weinrich, Linguistik der Lüge (Heidelberg: Schneider, 1966), in which he discusses whether words can lie, particularly those employed by the NS regime. 166

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the National Socialist and other murderous regimes, is not one to be emulated, even for the best moral intentions.168 Wolfgang Werner Sauer and Gerhard Voigt criticise the approaches taken by Klemperer, Seidel and Seidel-Slotty, and Berning, and the linguistic witch hunt pursued in such studies.169 In his Sprachgebrauch von Nationalsozialisten vor 1933, Sauer focuses on the weakness inherent in the methodology of earlier studies, emphasising the fact that taking individual words indiscriminately from a wide range of text-types and contexts inevitably results in inaccuracies and misconceptions about how the National Socialists used language. He disputes the idea that National Socialist manipulation was a unique abomination, but rather claims that the National Socialists' rise to power was a product of historical circumstances, and his definition of NS language use as an Okkupation serves to emphasise the transitory and temporary effects it had on the German language as a whole. He suggests that rather than create their own specific set of formulations, the National Socialists used political language which was common to all at that time, irrespective of political leanings. Sie benutzten dieselben Worte wie Sozialdemokraten und Kommunisten, wenn sie über aktuelle politische Probleme der Weimarer Republik redeten. Ihr Wortschatz zumindest ließ sie nicht als auffällig erscheinen. Ihre Sprache war weder eine Schöpfung eines einzelnen Mannes noch ein Sonderfall in der Sprachgeschichte. Sie entstand in der Normalität der Weimarer Republik, sie bediente sich normaler Worte, die in ihrer Bedeutung allgemein verstanden wurden. 170

Gabriele Hoppe, whilst acknowledging Sauer's achievement in producing a narrower and more accurate picture of language in National Socialism, criticises his selection of lexemes taken from Marxist vocabulary and describes his dismissal of Wörterbuchphilologie as too 'pauschal und undifferenziert'. 171 I would agree with Hoppe in her criticism, adding that although Sauer focuses on a particular text-type, namely on the speeches made by NS members of the German parliament, so ensuring consistency in his analysis, his approach ultimately resorts to using the same lexical method as Klemperer, Seidel and Seidel-Slotty, and Berning. As such his own analysis offers a modified and more specific outline of language in National Socialism, rather than providing a radically new view of NS usage.

168 See Michael Townson (1992), in which he also disputes the myth that there can be an abuse or misuse of language (pp. 150-156). 169 Gerhard Voigt (1967) and (1974). Wolfgang Werner Sauer, 'Die Okkupation der Sprache' (1978) and Sauer, Sprachgebrauch von Nationalsozialisten (1978). 170 Wolfgang Werner Sauer, Der Sprachgebrauch von Nationalsozialisten (1978), p. 45. 171 Gabriele Hoppe, 'Ein Ende des Endes der "Sprache des Nationalsozialismus" für eine neue "Wörterbuchphilologie"?·, Diskussion Deutsch, 14 (1983), 691.

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Gerhard Voigt claims that 'Von einer Sprache des Nationalsozialismus wird wissenschaftlich nicht mehr gesprochen', and in doing so reaffirms the rejection of the erroneous 'isolierenden und personalisierenden Faschismustheorie', which led to this concept of a distinctly separate and definable National Socialist language. Voigt concludes: 'Es ist zu vermuten, daß der Einfluß des Nationalsozialismus auf die Sprache als Verschärfung latenter Entwicklungen zu beschreiben wäre'. 172 Walther Dieckmann takes the view that it is impossible to provide a comprehensive overview of language use, as different contexts and speech acts require different methods of analysis. He stresses the importance of separating everyday language and institutional language, and that both varieties cannot be judged according to the same criteria. In criticising the approach of the Sprachkritiker, he likens the Einzelwortmethode to 'Käferbezeichnungen'. 173 In searching for alternatives to the Einzelwortmethode in analysing language in National Socialism, the pragmatic approach would seem to offer valid insights. Rather than the specific lexical characteristics of NS usage, the focus is instead on the utterances which evolve as part of the communicative act taking place between speaker/writer and addressee. In this way NS discourse can be analysed as a series of speech acts. Konrad Ehlich identifies the speech acts employed by the National Socialists in communicating with and manipulating the population, whereby NS language use concentrated on phatic communication.174 The illocutionary act of the promise plays a central role in NS or fascist communication: 'Die zeitüberspannende Komplexität des Versprechens war sicher der wichtigste Mechanismus fur die persuasiven Verfahren nazistischen Sprechens' (p. 23). The major precondition of a successful speech act is the belief that the promise will be fulfilled, and as this became increasingly unlikely towards the end of the war, most Germans 'traten [...] aus dem illokutiven Zusammenhang heraus' (p. 23). Although just how deeply entrenched the illocutionary belief of the hearers was, Ehlich claims, 'zeigte sich noch lange nach 1945 in den apologetischen Bildern vom »guten Führer«, der ja doch von allen Greueln nichts gewußt habe' (p. 24). Thus the National Socialists altered the nature of interactive communication, by establishing a system of mental terror, which resulted in a Gleichschaltung of communicative behaviour amongst the population as a form of self-preservation. The pragmatic, communicative approach to analysing National Socialist usage offers the opportunity to explain the circumstances surrounding written and spoken utterances, including writer/speaker and addressee constellations, status, social position, 172

Gerhard Voigt (1974), 445, 459, 464. Walther Dieckmann, Politische Sprache, Politische Kommunikation. Entwürfe (Heidelberg: Winter, 1981), pp. 212-245, 17. 174 Konrad Ehlich (1989), pp. 7-34. 173

Vortrüge,

Aufsätze,

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Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

and gender of interacting participants, as well as text-type. As Ehlich claims, it is only through what he terms the 'pragmatisation of semantics' can we comprehend the significance and role of individual words in a communicative environment. 175 1 agree with Ehlich, and would stress that the way in which key terms and phrases are employed by different participants within the context of actual social interaction is vital to understanding the make-up and motivations inherent in female discourse. But I would, however, also argue that the pragmatic approach alone cannot provide a comprehensive picture of female discourse, and thus morpho-semantic and lexico-semantic analyses are also incorporated. In Werner Bohleber and Jörg Drews's work, many contributions explore the psychological factors tied up with language and National Socialism, analysing what role the psyche of individuals and the speech community as a whole played in shaping and maintaining NS discourse.176 Klaus Vondung characterises the NS-Zeit as an 'apokalyptisches Syndrom', which came about because of the exclusively German characteristic of 'Angst vor dem Untergang und Sehnsucht nach Erlösung'. Vondung maintains that the language employed by National Socialists was unique, not in terms of the 'sprachlichen Propagierung dieses Weltbildes', as, he points out, 'entsprechende verbale Exzesse gab es auch schon früher und in anderen politischen Lagern', but rather in the correlation between words and action, in the way that the apocalyptic phantasies expressed by Hitler with regard to the Jews 'mit äußerster Konsequenz und buchhalterisch-sturer Logik in die Tat umgesetzt wurden'. 177 Recent criticism has offered a less polarised view of the subject. Michael Townson, in Mother-Tongue and Fatherland, acknowledges that there was (and still is) fascist discourse, identifiable through certain characteristics such as the use of religious, sport and technical metaphors. Interestingly he sees Hitler as the main force behind what he terms fascist discourse, with his public speeches influencing its grammar and syntax. He nevertheless rejects the idea of a separate NS language, stating that many of the linguistic processes associ-

175

Konrad Ehlich (1998), p. 292. Werner Bohleber and Jörg Drews (editors), (1994). 177 Klaus Vondung, 'Angst vor dem Untergang und Sehnsucht nach Erlösung - ein deutsches Syndrom?', in Werner Bohleber and Jörg Drews (editors), (1994), pp. 104-105. See also Dieter Ohlmeier, 'Nazifaschistische Züge in der Sprache heutiger Psychoanalysen', in Wemer Bohleber and Jörg Drews (editors), (1994), pp. 38-47. Ohlmeier analyses National Socialist traits in the language of patients undergoing psychoanalysis, and claims that patients often use NS terminology without realising it. He maintains that 'Was man auf jeden Fall erkennen kann, ist die Intensivierung der Sprache des Nationalsozialismus in psychoanalytischen Behandlungsphasen, die von destruktiv-narzißtischen Übertragungsvorgängen dominiert sind', and claims that parents often unconsciously transmitted aspects of the 'Sprache des Nazi-Faschismus' to their children, even after the end of the National Socialist regime (pp. 42-43,45). 176

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ated with NS usage, such as 'lexical creation, redefinition and reassociation' are typical of changes in political systems, governments and regimes in general, and as such are 'no argument for the "creation" of a "new language'". 178 Townson also perceives NS usage as static and not subject to fluctuation or alteration, and this is I would contest, as stated earlier with regard to Berning's series of articles, a fundamental error, as it fails to recognise the hetereogeneous elements in the discourse. Senya Müller employs the expression 'Sprache des/im Nationalsozialismus' to acknowledge the ongoing debate over terminology, and focuses in her analysis on National Socialist ideological vocabulary as represented in dictionaries of the time. This provides a useful insight into the level of National Socialist control over lexicography during their regime, and into the extent to which ideological and political vocabulary permeates general usage and is recorded in dictionaries.179 Antonius Wolf, rather than embarking on a broad analysis of language in National Socialism in general, focuses on a specific text-type, namely the Zeitschrift für Sonderschullehrer. The purpose of his analysis is to reveal changes in the type of terminology and expressions employed for the purposes of propaganda and indoctrination over the eleven years of its publication. Many of his findings, however, can be translated into general statements on language in National Socialism. Unlike Townson, who supports the idea of a paralysed and static fascist discourse, Wolf claims that the ideological language employed in National Socialism did not remain the same throughout the regime, but did alter in response to political changes and developments both inside Germany and abroad.180 Discourses within language in National Socialism The answer to the problem of overgeneralisation lies, I believe, in deconstructing language in National Socialism, and concentrating instead on the linguistic features of the complex association of leading figures, groups and organisations which constituted the NSDAP and later regime. Studies focusing on these categories span many decades and linguistic 'camps', and have examined, for example, the language use of a particular individual, usually a leading NS figure, such as Hitler or Goebbels, a particular spoken or written text, text-type, or organisation.181 178

Michael Townson (1992), p. 127. Senya Müller (1994). 180 Antonius Wolf (1992), pp. 77-81, 128. 181 See for example Kurt Kiikelhahn, 'Sprache als Werkzeug politischer Verführung. Der Wahlaufruf der NSDAP vom 1. März 1932', Muttersprache, 93 (1983), 31-34. Detlev Grieswelle, Propaganda der Friedlosigkeit. Eine Studie zu Hitlers Rhetorik 1920-1933 (Stuttgart: Enke, 1972). Cornelius Schnauber, Wie Hitler sprach und schrieb. Zur Psychologie und Prosodik der 179

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It is tempting to think of language in National Socialism as being primarily the language of perpetrators, active participants and supporters, and given the activities which the language was used to denote, this is understandable. Research on the language used in concentration camps, by contrast, examines the nature of the language employed by both perpetrators and the victims, and provides an insight into the relationship between language and acts of violence. Nachman Blumental, like many linguists conducting early studies into NS usage, perceives language as a pre-form of actual physical action or violence. He claims that language played a central role in the atrocities committed upon the Jewish population: 'We regard the Nazi-language, primarily, as one of the most important tools used by the Germans in the physical extermination of the Jewish people'. But he also claims that this biased perspective does not necessarily entail that an analysis of the language is not scientific or objective.182 Blumental focuses in particular on denotative and connotative meanings of the compound Sonderbehandlung, a creation which has merited discussion by Shaul Esh, Josef Wulf, Rolf Glunk, C J Wells, and Michael Townson, amongst

faschistischen Rhetorik (Frankfurt/Main: Athenäum, 1972). Gerhard Voigt, 'Faschistische Rede? Zu Stilistik und Rezeption des Aufrufs A. Hitlers vom 19.12.1941', in D Hartmann, H-J Linke and O Ludwig (editors), Sprache in Gegenwart und Geschichte. Festschrift fur H M Heinrichs (Cologne and Vienna: Bühlau, 1978), pp. 281-293. Margareta Wedleff, 'Zum Stil in Hitlers Maireden', Muttersprache, 80 (1970), 107-127. See also Gerhard Lange, 'Sprachform und Sprechform in Hitlers Reden', Muttersprache, 78 (1968), 342-349. Kenneth Burke, 'The Rhetoric of Hitler's Battle', in Michael Shapiro (editor), Language and Politics (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984), describes Mein Kampf as 'the well of Nazi magic; crude magic, but effective' (p. 62). See also Wolfgang Mieder, "'... als ob ich Herr der Lage würde". Zur Sprichwortmanipulation in Adolf Hitlers Mein Kampf, Muttersprache 104 (1994), 193-218. See Werner Betz, 'The NationalSocialist Vocabulary', in The Third Reich. Published under the auspices of the International Council for Philosophy and Humanistic Studies and with the assistance of UNESCO (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1955), in which he analyses the language and style of Goebbels's Die zweite Revolution. Briefe an Zeitgenossen (1926), and claims: 'This book is an excellent introduction to the imagery and technique of metaphor of National-Socialism (p. 785). Helmut Neuhaus, 'Der Germanist Dr. phil. Joseph Goebbels. Bemerkungen zur Sprache des Joseph Goebbels in seiner Dissertation aus dem Jahre 1922', Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, 93 (1974), 398-416. Also Günter Moltmann, 'Goebbels' Rede zum totalen Krieg am 18. Februar 1943', Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 12 (1964), 13-43. See also Jürgen Born, 'Zur Sprache des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht', Wirkendes Wort, 9 (1959), 160-169, and Hermann Zabel, '"Es spricht der Ortsgruppenleiter". Zum Sprachgebrauch eines NS-Funktionärs', Wirkendes Wort, 37 (1987), 407-418. 182 Nachman Blument[h]al (1957), 58-59. Michael Townson (1992), by contrast, does not regard language merely as a first step towards action, but as action in itself, equally as powerful and effective as any deed committed: 'linguistic actions are as "real" as any other political actions' (p. 121).

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others.183 Many of the studies on language of concentration camps stress the fact that despite the extremely polarised relationship between inmates and captors, many terms and expressions were adopted by perpetrator and victim alike. 'Nazi language was a prison language. Both jailers and convicts spoke it. Not only the perpetrators, but also the victims spoke the language of Nazi totalitarianism. In the camps the inmates spoke a language not too different from that spoken by the guards'.184 H G Adler portrayed the terminology and expressions employed in Theresienstadt as a separate discourse requiring a detailed glossary, containing examples and explanations of abbreviations, compounds, blends, euphemisms and vulgarisms, for example, RD (Reinigungsdienst); Blockältester, Blockpfleger; Fressicha, Scheißerei, Urliste,185 The explanation of specialised terminology also features in Hans Winterfeldt's article on the subject, with examples of compounds formed with Block-, and ironic formations such as Himmelfahrtskommando}9,6 Wolf Oschlies points out variations in the language of the concentration camp, and distinguishes between official high variety and unofficial low variety. He attempts to explain the reason for inmates using the same language as their tormentors, in claiming that they in part were striving to achieve an ironic distance from the horrors of the situation.187 Blumental, on the other hand, attributes the language use of inmates and victims to the fact that they lacked the appropriate terminology of their own to describe the activities and atrocities committed, and so had to borrow from the perpetrators to fill the lexical gaps: 'they lacked the basic concepts of the horrible tortures invented and perpetrated by the Germans'.188 Research has also focused on the language of particular groups within the National Socialist regime, for example, the army. Jürgen Born states that the language of the OKW did not form a separate discourse but rather a 'Teilge183 Nachman Blument[h]al (1957), 59-60. Shaul Esh (1963), 133-167, cites the term as an example of 'Nazi-Idiom' and places it in the category of 'Camouflage Expressions Used Literally' (165-166). Joseph Wulf, Aus dem Lexikon der Mörder. 'Sonderbehandlung' und verwandte Worte in nationalsozialistischen Dokumenten (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1963). Rolf Glunk (1967), 83 and (1968), 189. C J Wells, German: A Linguistic History to 1945 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1985), mentions the term together with other compounds formed with Sonder-, and with further examples of euphemisms, such as betreuen, überstellen (p. 418). Michael Townson (1992) debates its status as a euphemism in NS usage (pp. 155-156). 184 Henry Friedlander, 'The Manipulation of Language', in Henry Friedlander and Sybil Milton (editors), The Holocaust: Ideology, Bureaucracy, and Genocide. The San José Papers (Millwood/NY: Kraus, 1980), p. 111. 185 H G Adler, Theresienstadt 1941-1945. Das Antlitz einer Zwangsgemeinschaft. Geschichte, Soziologie, Psychologie (Tübingen: Mohr, 1955), pp. xv-xlv. 186 Hans Winterfeldt, 'Die Sprache im Konzentrationslager', Muttersprache, 78 (1968), 134-135. 187 Wolf Oschlies, '"Lagerszpracha". Soziolinguistische Bemerkungen zu KZ-Sprachkonventionen', Muttersprache, 96 (1986), 98-109. 188 Nachman Blument[h]al (1957), 64.

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biet' of the 'Sprache des Dritten Reiches'.189 The language employed by the Hitler-Jugend has also been the focus of linguistic attention as discussed in the work of Utz Maas, Hiltraud Casper-Hehne, and Hasko Zimmer, for example.190 The Hitler-Jugend organisation, incorporating the BdM, is perceived as an identifiable group; its homogeneity was achieved through the unifying factors of age and common ideological goals, and it has even merited a dictionary of associated terms and expressions, in Hilde Kammer and Elisabet Bartsch's Jugendlexikon Nationalsozialismus.191 Therefore, given the combination of homogeneous and hetereogeneous factors defining NS Jugendsprache, women could similarly be regarded as a unified group, with gender, status and support of NS ideology uniting them and shaping their discourse. Linguists have also turned their attention to their own discipline, examining the fate of Germanistik, and in particular Sprachwissenschaft during the NS regime. Studies have highlighted the connections which were forged by linguists of the time between concepts of race, nationhood and a national language. Heidrun Kämper-Jensen describes how linguistics during 1933-45 placed value judgements on language, and that many language studies of the time contained expressions of feelings and ¿rationalism, which perhaps serves as a useful reminder of the dangers of Sprachkritik in demonising language in National Socialism.192 Linguists have also addressed the contradictory attitudes 189 Jürgen Bora (1959), 161. See also H H Stern, 'The Language of the German Service Man of World War II and the Nature of Slang', German Life and Letters, 13 (1959), H.4, 282- 297. Interestingly, Stem claims that there is little indication of humorous slang mocking the NS state, although he cites a few examples, such as Volksverblödungswaffe (V-Waffe) and Haus der Bewegung ('brothel'), (296). 190 Utz Maas (1984); also his 'Sprache im Nationalsozialismus. Analyse einer Rede eines Studentenfunktionärs', in Konrad Ehlich (editor), (1989), pp. 162-197. Hiltraud Casper-Hehne, Zur Sprache der bündischen Jugend. Am Beispiel der Deutschen Freischar (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1989). Hasko Zimmer, 'Faschismus als Gesang. Lieder der HJ als Gegenstand antifaschistischen Lernens', Diskussion Deutsch, 15 (1984), 365-387. 191 Hilde Kammer and Elisabet Bartsch, Jugendlexikon Nationalsozialismus. Begriffe aus der Zeit der Gewaltherrschaft 1933-45 (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1982). 192 Heidrun Kämper-Jensen, 'Spracharbeit im Dienst des NS-Staats 1933 bis 1945', Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik, 21 (1993), 150-183. See also Klaus Ziegler, 'Deutsche Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaft im Dritten Reich', in Andreas Flitner (editor), Deutsches Geistesleben und Nationalsozialismus (Tübingen: Wunderlich, 1965), pp. 144-159; Wendula Dahle, Der Einsatz einer Wissenschaft. Eine sprachinhaltliche Analyse militärischer Terminologie in der Germanistik 1933-1945 (Bonn: Bouvier, 1969); and Raimund Kemper, 'Eine Wissenschaft "im Einsatz". Zu einem Buch über Nazi-Jargon in germanistischen Zeitschriften zwischen 1933 und 1945', Studi Germanici, 19/20 (1981/82), 341-380. Gerd Simon, 'Materialien über den Widerstand in der deutschen Sprachwissenschaft des Dritten Reiches: Der Fall Georg Schmidt-Rohr', in Gerd Simon (editor), Sprachwissenschaft und politisches Engagement. Zur Problem- und Sozialgeschichte einiger sprachtheoretischer, sprachdidaktischer und sprachpflegerischer Ansätze in der Germanistik des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts (Weinheim and Basel: Beltz, 1979), pp. 153-206; Simon, 'Die sprachsoziologische Abteilung der SS', in Wilfried Kürschner and Rüdiger Vogt

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of the National Socialists towards foreign word purism, reflected in the troublesome relationship with the Deutscher Sprachverein,193 Studies have been conducted on different types of language in addition to organisations and groups, including legal language in National Socialism,194 the language of racism and anti-Semitism,195 the language of extermination, in the form of the murder of psychiatric patients196, or the Sprichwörter employed in National Socialism.197 Research has also investigated the development and use of the German language immediately following the end of the Second World War and in the years thereafter.198 Forging a connection with modern political and ideological language use has resulted, for example, in comparisons between language employed by National Socialists and Neo-fascists in modern Germany, and identifying characteristics of recent fascist language, such as the use of vulgar or taboo expressions, metaphors, and word-formation.199 Modern right-wing discourse is a topic which deserves further investigation, and in particular the topic of language of female fascists in organisations such as the DFF (Deutsche Frauen-Front), Jungmädel der Jungen Nationaldemokraten, BHJ (Bund (editors), Sprachtheorie, Pragmatik, Interdisziplinäres. Akten des 19. Linguistischen Kolloquiums Vechta 1984, vol.2, (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1985), 375-396; also Simon, 'Sprachwissenschaft im "ΙΠ. Reich". Ein erster Überblick', in Franz Januschek (editor), Politische Sprachwissenschaft. Zur Analyse von Sprache als kulturelle Praxis (Opladen: Westdeutscher, 1985), pp. 97-141; Simon, 'Sprachpflege im "Dritten Reich'", in Konrad Ehlich (editor), (1989), pp. 58-86. 193 Helmut Bemsmeier, 'Der Deutsche Sprachverein im "Dritten Reich'", Muttersprache, 93 (1983), 35-58. Peter von Polenz (1967), pp. 79-112. 194 Michael Stolleis, 'Gemeinschaft und Volksgemeinschaft. Zur juristischen Terminologie im Nationalsozialismus', Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 20 (1972), 16-38. 195 Alexander Bein, '"Der jüdische Parasit". Bemerkungen zur Semantik der Judenfrage', Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 13 (1965), 121-149. 196 Raimond Reiter, 'Eine Geheimsprache des Tötens? Zum Sprachgebrauch der Nationalsozialisten bei den Euthanasie-Morden', Muttersprache, 105 (1995), 24-30. 197 Wolfgang Mieder, 'Sprichwörter unterm Hakenkreuz', Muttersprache, 93 (1983), 1-30. 198 See for example, Georg Stötzel, 'Nazi-Verbrechen und öffentliche Sprachsensibilität. Ein Kapitel deutscher Sprachgeschichte nach 1945', Sprache und Literatur in Wissenschaft und Unterricht, 20 (1989), H.63, 32-52; and Stötzel, 'Geschichtliche Selbstinterpretation im öffentlichen Sprachgebrauch seit 1945. Der Befreiungsdiskurs zum 8. Mai', in Heidrun Kämper and Hartmut Schmidt (editors) (1998), pp. 250-274. See also Horst Dieter Schlosser, 'Gab es 1945 sprachlich eine Stunde Null?', Muttersprache, 105 (1995), 193-209. 199 A considerable amount of research has been carried out into modern right-wing discourse and includes, for example, Rolf Bachem (1983), 59-81; Siegfried Jäger, Rechtsdruck. Die Presse der Neuen Rechten (Berlin and Bonn: Dietz, 1988); Jäger, 'Rechtsextreme Propaganda heute', in Konrad Ehlich (editor) (1989), pp. 289-322; Jäger, Brandsätze, Rassismus im Alltag (Duisburg: DISS, 1992); Jäger, 'Rechte und rechtsextreme Diskurse', Muttersprache, 104 (1994), 1-17; Jäger, Wie die Rechten reden (Duisburg: DISS, 1996). See also Siegfried Jäger and Margret Jäger, Gefährliche Erbschaften. Die schleichende Restauration rechten Denkens (Berlin: Aufbau Taschenbuch, 1999); Ruth Wodak et al. (1990), Albert Bremerich-Vos, 'Über rechtsextremen Diskurs', Diskussion Deutsch, 25 (1994), 149-161.

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Heimattreuer JugendJ-Bundesmädel, WJ (Wiking-Jugend)-Mädelring, FAP (Freiheitliche Deutsche Arbeiter-Partei)-Frauenschaft, as well as anti-fascist organisations.200 Interestingly, although many of the studies mentioned above employ the socalled Einzelwortmethode, they have not attracted criticism in the same way as broader research on the language of National Socialism. The reason for this lies in the fact that identifying items of vocabulary is an acceptable form of analysis when it is carried out in a defined and restricted context. Thus in examining language employed in concentration camps, in the army or by the HJ, one sets defined parameters of group identity and usage, and can place the language in its social and pragmatic context. Such analyses of discourses and sub-discourses within National Socialism serve to illustrate the sheer complexity of language use in the NSDAP and NS state, and further emphasises the futility of a concept of 'Nazi language'. This outline also seeks to show how scholarly research has failed to identify the existence and nature of a female discourse in National Socialism.

1.7

Linguistic background to female discourse in National Socialism 1.7.1

Discourse of the Frauenbewegung

Although women's political discourse in nineteenth century Germany and any resultant influences for later female female political groups has yet to undergo any major, systematic linguistic analysis, there is evidence to suggest that many of their terms and expressions found their way into female discourse in National Socialism.201 Whilst tendencies are indicated where relevant, this requires a full, systematic exploration, which cannot be undertaken in this analysis. Peter von Polenz states that there was no discernable emancipatory discourse developed by the early Frauenbewegung. He also claims that later leading women in the Frauenbewegung adopted a witty, intelligent style in an attempt to gain acceptance, but that they didn't create a group discourse, and that their key words were already in established use. Feminist writers had to made themselves heard in society dominated by male values and so avoided adopting a style which would identify them as a group defined by gender. Therefore their choice of key terms and expressions were not remarkable or radical: 'ihre frauenrechtsbezogene Zielwörter waren daher vorwiegend längst 200

Information taken from the '"femaidl" gegen JN-"Jungmäder" homepage, now no longer accessible on the Internet. 201 Peter von Polenz (1999), pp. 536-538.

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geläufige wie Emanzipation, Freiheit, Fortschritt, Gleichheit, Humanität, Menschenwürde, Mündigkeit, freie Persönlichkeit, Recht, Selbständigkeit, Wahrheitas well as 'ihre auf die herrschende Verhältnisse der Frauen in Ehe, Familie und Gesellschaft bezogenen negativen Kampfbegriffe: Abhängigkeit, Entwürdigung, Männerrecht, Unmündigkeit, Unnatur''}01 Yet I would argue that there is no reason why the women's use of existing terms and expressions should automatically rule out the existence of a female discourse. Elisabeth Berner's analysis of texts from the bürgerliche and proletarische Frauenbewegungen at the end of the 19th century reveal that in 1850, key terms associated with the women's movements, such as Gleichberechtigung, Mütterlichkeit, Frauenfrage, Frauenbewegung were not yet evident.203 Berner focuses in particular on the key term Emanzipation and finds that the term does not occupy a significant status in the women's discourse. Examining texts from the proletarische Frauenbewegung in 1889, she comments that the lexemes Emanzipation, Frauenarbeit and Frauenfrage are often used as synonyms, and that other notable terms include Kampf Abhängigkeit, Kapitalist, Notwendigkeit, (Schmutz)-Konkurrenz, Rechtlosigkeit, Sklaverei, soziale Lage. This contrasts with the discourse of the bürgerliche Frauenbewegung around 1900, in which Emanzipation itself is not of central significance, and key terms include Familie, Mutterberuf, Weiblichkeit, Bildung {381-399). From my limited analysis of texts from the Frauenbewegung, typical key words include Aufgabe, Begabung, Bewusstsein, Dienst, Eigenart, geistig, Kampf Kultur, Natur, natürlich, Persönlichkeit, Pflicht, Verantwortung, many of which are employed in female discourse in National Socialism.204 The portrayal of women and the creation of the female element in the discourse is marked morphologically through the use of compounds and derivatives with Frau and Mutter, for example: Frauenbestrebungen, Frauenbewegung, Fraueneinfluss, Frauenfrage, Frauenhand, Frauenideal, Frauenkraft, Frauenleben, Frauenlöhne, Frauennot, Frauenrechtelei, Frauenrechtlerinnen, frauenrechtlerisch, Frauenstudium, Frauentum, Frauenwelt, Frauenwert, Mutterberuf, mütterlich, Mutterschaft. Parallel formations with Mann include, Männerfrage, Männerwelt, Männerleistung, Manneswelt, Männerstaat, Männerkraft, Männergeist, Männerinteressen, männlich, many of them often employed in negative contexts to highlight the disadvantaged position of women in society. 202

ibid., pp. 536-537. Elisabeth Berner, 'Zum Einfluß der proletarischen und der bürgerlichen Frauenbewegung auf den politischen Wortschatz (um 1900)', in Gisela Brandt (editor), Sprachgebrauch in Varianten sozio-kommunikativen Bezügen. Soziolinguistische Studien zur Geschichte des Neuhochdeutschen (Stuttgart: Heinz, 1994), pp. 371-406. 204 The analysis is based on texts from Elke Frederiksen (editor), Die Frauenfrage in Deutschland 1865-1915. Texte und Dokumente (Stuttgart: Reclam, 1981; repr. 1988). 203

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Introduction: existence of a linguistic Frauenwelt?

Titles and descriptions using the -in suffix, which label different types of women and identify their place in society, also feature in the women's texts: Abonnentin, Arbeiterin, Buchhalterin, Bürgerin, Erzieherin, Frauenrechterlin, Führerin, Gattin, Helferin, Heranbildnerin, Idealistin, Kongressteilnehmerin, Leserin, Mitarbeiterin, Mitkämpferin, Pflegerin, Proletarierin, Rednerin, Sklavin, Staatsbürgerin, Stimmrechtlerin, Teilnehmerin, Trägerin, Vertreterin. Military metaphors are employed in the women's texts to describe the position of women in society, for example: Kampf fur die Gleichberechtigung, Kampf um gleichen Lohn, jeder Sieg stärkt den Mut, kämpferisch, Krieg, Verteidigungskrieg, Angriffskrieg, Schaffen und Ringen, im Ringen mit den erschwerten Existenzbedingungen, die Frau kampffähig zu machen, Kampf gegen die Sklaverei der Frauen!, Kampfprogramm, vom fröhlich-kraftvollen Kampf der Frauen um ihre Freiheit, Klassenkampf, erkämpfen, bekämpfen. With nouns and verbs denoting battle and struggle, the object of the Kampf differed in usage by the women of the Frauenbewegung and NS women, in particular battles for equality and equal pay. The noun Klassenkampf and phrases such as Hand in Hand mit dem Mann, typical examples of language employed by socialist women, are to be found in women's texts in National Socialism, although Klassenkampf and its derivative klassenkämpferisch, for example, tend to be used with negative connotations by NS women.205 1.7.2

Female discourse in National Socialism: previous research

Although characteristics of women's language use in National Socialism have merited occasional and largely anecdotal mention, mostly in socio-historical studies, the topic remains unrepresented in linguistic research. Christina Burghardt conducted a linguistic analysis of the women's section, "Die deutsche Frau" in the Völkischer Beobachter,206 The first section focuses on the style and language of the women's page, in particular the style and language in "Die Küche von heute", and in descriptions of nature and narratives. Burghardt assumes the role of Sprachkritiker (in), criticising the quality of the language employed in the various articles. Examining the "Küche von heute", she claims that the language is not intended to be informative or objective, but rather 'ganz gezielt Assoziationen schafft und suggerieren will' (p. 18), and in discussing stylistic and language characteristics of descriptions of nature and of the Erzählungen included in the publications, and she identifies 'stilistische Mißgriffe, Stilbrüche, hochdramatische Sprache, Verstöße gegen Stil- und

205

Peter von Polenz (1999), 538. Christina Burghardt, Die deutsche Frau. Küchenmagd - Zuchtsau - Leibeigene im III. Reich. Geschichte oder Gegenwart? Analysiert anhand der Seite für 'Die deutsche Frau' aus dem VÖLKISCHEN BEOBACHTER, Jahrgang 1938 (Münster: vfp, 1978).

206

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Grammatikregeln' (p. 20). She characterises the language as 'eine Sprache, die sich "an den Instinkt und nicht an den Verstand" wendet' (p. 31). Her analysis, however, cannot be regarded as providing a representative overview of female discourse in National Socialism. It is dominated by the desire to highlight links between the position of women in society during the NS period and contemporary society, and to criticise the portrayal of the lives of women under the National Socialist regime, with language serving as a vehicle through which to achieve this. As such the analysis follows in the tradition of early research into language in National Socialism, in which language studies served as veiled or augmented criticisms of the NS regime.207 Consequently, her study communicates the idea that women in National Socialism cannot be recognised as language users in their own right, and instead their language is seen as being appropriated by the NSDAP propaganda machine. The analysis also focuses on one particular text-type from a single source, and is restricted to one year and thus it cannot provide a broader and more varied picture of texts produced by women for women. The choice of source texts also limits the conclusions which can be drawn about NS women and language. The Völkischer Beobachter was the official party newspaper, and thus it follows that any contribution submitted by women would have to adhere to general party policy, and would be subject to stricter controls by male National Socialists. Irene Keiler's analysis focuses on the discourse of female victims of NS terror, and although she outlines the main characteristics of their language use, Keiler also claims that there is no evidence of a special or group language associated with the language of resistance.208 Characteristics of the women's discourse include the changes in meaning of existing terms and expressions, rather than the creation of neologisms, and the use of compounds and epithets. Of particular note are the compounds created with the first element SS-, including the expression SS-Frauen, which was factually inaccurate given that women were not permitted to belong to the SS. The inhumane conditions of the concentration camp found expression in a variety of ways: through the use of vulgarisms, such as verdammte Schweine, Kuh, NS-Zicke\ through the use of expressions meaning 'inhumane' or 'morally dubious', including Leichenfledderer, Prügelkollektiv, Folterknechte-, through the use of ironic, distancing

207

Wolfgang Fritz Haug, Der hilflose Antifaschismus. Zur Kritik der Vorlesungsreihen über Wissenschaft und NS an deutschen Universitäten (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1967) mentions this tendency in his discussion of 'Faschistische Eigennamen und Antifaschistische Gegennamen', in which he states, 'Häufig finden sich aber auch redende Namen, die Theorie und Ablehnung des Faschismus in einem sein sollen' (p. 24). 208 Irene Keiler, 'Täter und Opfer im Diskurs von Frauen - Ergebnisse einer Studie zum Sprachgebrauch von Verfolgten des Naziregimes', in Gisela Brandt (editor) (1996), pp. 29-47.

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expressions, Buchhalter des Todes, Bürokrat der Vernichtung·, and through the use of animal terminology to describe the conditions and treatment of the prisoners, for example, leben wie Tiere, KZ-Hase, ein Stückvieh (pp. 34-41). Women's solidarity with their female victims was communicated through the lexemes Schwester and Mutter to refer to other women in the camp: 'Diese Bezeichnungen, im KZ auf einen größeren Personenkreis übertragen, finden ihren sprachlichen Ausdruck (wohl so nur fur Frauen unter Lagerbedingungen zutreffend) in Wortbildungen wie Lagermutter und Haftschwester, Lagerfreundin und Strohsackfreundinnen' (p. 44). In addition, children occupy a notable position in the women's discourse, reflected in the parallel female/child formations, such as Häftlingstransport/Kindertransport, Lagermutter/Pflegemutter - Lagerkind/Lagertochter/Pflegetochter (pp. 44-45). Hannelore Kessler's analysis of NS propaganda produced by women, about women, for women in the Völkischer Beobachter touches occasionally on linguistic characteristics.209 Kessler puts forward the view that women involved in National Socialism were merely puppets or mouthpieces of their male counterparts and superiors: 'Die Frauen an der Spitze der NSFrauenorganisationen waren sorgfältig ausgewählte Jasage-Puppen und dienten lediglich als Aushängeschilder'.210 Kessler's assertion emanates from the fact that she focuses on material from the women's page of the Völkischer Beobachter from 1933 and 1938, and by 1933 many of the early leaders of the women's organisations supporting National Socialism had been removed from authority, and were replaced by moderates.2" The women chosen to lead the Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft were selected precisely because of their willingness to comply with party beliefs and ideologies. Therefore one could argue that a change in female discourse occurred with the creation of the NSF, and the appointment of Gertrud Scholtz-Klink as Reichsfrauenfuhrerin in 1934, which resulted in a degree of linguistic Gleichschaltung, although this assertion would require more detailed and systematic investigation. Yet many of the characteristics Kessler identifies were already in existence in the 1920s and early 1930s, and did not suddenly appear in 1933. Kessler states that the National Socialists only became interested in women's participation after the so-called Machtergreifung in 1933: 'War die "Kampfzeit" eine fast ausschließlich männliche Angelegenheit gewesen, so spielten die Frauen jetzt eine Rolle für die Durchsetzung faschistischer Politik'.212 This may well have been the impression communicated by male National Socialists, but if one examines the material produced by women from the years 1924-1934, it becomes clear that 209 2,0 211 212

Hannelore Kessler (1981). ibid., p. 49. Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland (1987), pp. 127-174. Hannelore Kessler (1981), p. 34.

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they envisaged women as playing a vital role in National Socialism from the beginnings of the NSDAP. If we move away from the idea of NS women as pale echoes of male National Socialists, we come to the other extreme as expressed by Christine Wittrock. 213 She claims that there is nothing specifically fascist or National Socialist about the image of women communicated even by female fascists. She states that the propaganda about women emanated from the patriarchal tradition of the nineteenth century, and that the ideas which formed this propaganda was already in active use by women's bourgeois and proletarian organisations prior to National Socialism.214 This view is also flawed, as it discards the impact National Socialism had on the way in which women were regarded and depicted. It is important to consider the way in which National Socialism acted as a kind of ideological and political magnet, attracting women from all political orientations. One could therefore argue that National Socialism channelled and refined their views and their discourse. In women's language use, it is not necessarily the component parts and influences which are unique, but rather the sum of these parts, which constitute the female discourse. In exploring the language of National Socialist women, one must consider the question of homogeneity within this group. Assuming that there was a unified Frauensprache is as erroneous and potentially misleading as the concept of Nazisprache or Sprache des Nationalsozialismus. Indeed such an analysis could be seen as producing a doubly erroneous linguistic picture in assuming firstly that there was a language of National Socialism and secondly that there was within it a unified women's language. Yet, as with any seminal study on the language use of any group, seen also with early studies on language in National Socialism, the exploration is initially broad and generalised in its approach, but is also empirically founded. This analysis aims to avoid overgeneralisations, distortions and inaccuracies by examining women's discourse in National Socialism from an intra-group rather than inter-group perspective, by regarding women as a language group worthy of analysis, rather than relying on comparisons with male discourse or the discourse of other women's organisations, whilst also acknowledging the hetereogenity of influences on NS women's discourse and the interchange between males and females within and outside National Socialism. 1.7.3

Summary

This survey of approaches to the subject of language in National Socialism reveal that there are many areas which have yet to be investigated, including 213 214

Christine Wittrock (1983). ibid., pp. 3-9.

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separate strands of discourse based on national-regional, urban-rural, age, gender, party/non-party constellations and differences. It is impossible to ignore and reject the early studies, as they have contributed to a linguistic and popular concept of NS language, however erroneous this may be on closer examination. Indeed the new edition of Cornelia Berning's lexicon (1998) is proof that such analyses still play a limited, yet nevertheless important role in shaping our perception of language in National Socialism. This popular perception amongst the general public that Nazi words and expressions existed and to some extent still exist is highlighted by Georg Stötzel. He also shows how the concept of a Nazi language became a political tool employed both by the FRG and the former GDR to discredit each other, and even in the political sphere within the FRG between various political factions. 215 When dealing with a highly delicate subject such as National Socialism, it is also almost impossible to separate political beliefs, sympathies and antipathies from an analysis of the language. Indeed the claim that linguistic studies in general should be objective and non-judgemental is a difficult aim to fulfil, given that 'As an individual member of a language-community, the linguist will have his own prejudices, either personal to him or deriving from his social, cultural and geographical background; and he may be either conservative or progressive by temperament'. 216 Even if a linguist consciously strives to be objective, then she or he still has to overcome preconceived attitudes shaping his or her understanding, and one must question to what extent this overt attempt in itself distorts the analysis of, for example, language in National Socialism. The passing of time and the benefit of hindsight has aided more recent studies on language in National Socialism, as underlying the analysis is the knowledge and assumption that the organisation and regime were evil and murderous, consequently there is no longer the same urgency to explicitly communicate this through a study of linguistic characteristics. The diversification in recent research into language in National Socialism is proof that it is possible for many approaches and methods to co-exist. Therefore the studies by Seidel and Seidel-Slotty, and Klemperer, for example, should be viewed as products of their time, and as long as their limitations and weaknesses in method and conclusion are taken into account, they provide a useful point of introduction and information on the subject. 217 The fact that

2,5

Georg Stötzel (1989), 32-52. See also von Polenz (1999), p.547-548. As anecdotal evidence, I have witnessed many conversations in Germany in which a heated debate occurred over whether a particular word or expression is in fact 'Nazi', for example, lebenstüchtig. 216 John Lyons, Language and Linguistics. An Introduction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981; repr. 1992), p. 53. 217 Siegfried Jäger, 'Sprache - Wissen - Macht. Victor Klemperers Beitrag zur Analyse von Sprache und Ideologie des Faschismus', Muttersprache 109 (1999), 1-18.

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many linguistic studies criticising these early works, such as those by Sauer and Voigt, formed an explicit reaction against the so-called Einzelwortmethode, and the fact that their analyses are based on refuting previous research rather than creating their own concepts of NS usage, entails that these too have their own weaknesses and inconsistencies. Both the synchronic and the diachronic approaches can be applied to an analysis of language in National Socialism. It is also perfectly acceptable to examine the language of a particular organisation, individual, or group during a particular period. It is largely impossible to achieve a completely accurate, representative, synchronic analysis of language use, given that there are so many cultural, social, political, psychological and linguistic elements which influence language use at any one time. Language use, including aspects of style, semantics, and lexical choice, is subject to an infinite number of determining factors, and so some element of selectivity is inevitable. Language can be analysed according to a wide range of factors and characteristics, focusing on different social groups, ranging from idiolects to group discourses and national languages, and each method and category can be regarded as having its own validity. It is true that attention tends to be focused on political figures, groups and organisations which are in some way conspicuous or curious, and that these groups are often selected with the intention of criticising their language use and practices. This is evident, for example in those studies analysing the language of right-wing political groups in modern Germany, the language of the former GDR, and also the language of politicians such as Margaret Thatcher.218 The results of an analysis which combines various theoretical approaches may not necessarily be conclusive, and may reveal inconsistencies, but even this provides a true reflection of the patterns of language use in any speech community. Sauer comments: 'Vielleicht ist es eines Tages möglich, wieder von einer "Sprache des Nationalsozialismus" zu sprechen. Der Begriff müßte aber in umfassenden Arbeiten neu bestimmt werden'. 219 Perhaps this is now possible, if we regard Sprache des Nationalsozialismus to be a superordinate term, which can then be subdivided into its various discourses. From this standpoint, the way to understanding National Socialist use of language in its complex array of guises is through an analysis of its constituent parts, female discourse included. 218

See, for example, Norman Fairclough (2001), in which he analyses the discourse of Margaret Thatcher, pp. 140-162. 219 Wolfgang Werner Sauer, Der Sprachgebrauch von Nationalsozialisten (1978), p. 162.

2 2.1

Morpho-semantic analysis

Aspects of word-formation in female discourse

Word-formation plays an important role in any analysis of language characteristics, trends and patterns. The ability to create new lexical items is an integral part of the productivity of the language and the creativity of the language-user.1 The creation of compounds or derivatives, for example, does not occur spontaneously, but rather in response to needs of a particular social group or speech community to denote new objects, structures, and to express new concepts. John Lyons comments that it is possible that 'particular languages tend to lexicalize those distinctions of meaning which are important and most frequently drawn in the cultures in which the languages in question operate'. 2 Therefore word-formation reflects a process of selection and emphasis by a speech community, linguistic group, or community of practice, and provides a morphological and morpho-semantic indication of the thought processes behind the creation of new terms. The analysis will focus on the following aspects of word-formation: • • • 2.1.1

compounds and derivatives formed with Frau compounds and derivatives formed with Mutter3 the use of the feminine suffix -in. Analysis of word-formation in language in National Socialism

Linguistic studies, particularly those from the 1960s and 1970s, have identified word-formation as playing a prominent part in National Socialist usage. The most detailed examination of word-formation patterns was carried out by Eugen Seidel and Ingeborg Seidel-Slotty.4 They devoted a sub-section to wordformation, identifying compounding and derivational patterns typical of Na1

J Lyons (1977), vol.2, p. 549. J Lyons (1977), vol.1, p. 243. 3 Many of the ideas discussed in the analysis of compounds and derivatives with Frau and Mutter also appear in Geraldine Horan, '"Frauenkraft and Mutterwille". Female Identity in National Socialist Discourse', in Máire C Davies, John L Flood and David Ν Yeandle (editors), 'Proper Words in Proper Places '. Studies in Lexicology and Lexicography in Honour of William Jervis Jones (Stuttgart: Heinz/Akademischer, 2001), pp. 278-300. 4 Eugen Seidel and Ingeborg Seidel-Slotty (1961). 2

Aspects of word-formation in female discourse

75

tional Socialist usage. In the section entitled 'Ableitung' they list primarily suffixes which were frequently used by National Socialists, such as -tum, -heit, -schaft, used to form nouns, e.g. Volkstum, Rassengebundenheit, Gefolgschaft. Typical suffixes which form adjectives included -lich, -haft, for example, volklich, wesenhaft. Seidel and Seidel-Slotty point out the productivity of these processes, as some of these creations then allow for further patterns, for example nouns with the suffix -tum, such as Finnentum, can form compounds such as Finnentumsbestrebungen, -bewußtsein, -bewegung. They also list prefixes such as durch-, un-, ur- and mention the tendency to use deverbal nouns with the ending -ung in place of the infinitive as being a characteristic of NS derivational processes. The motivation behind the use of these patterns is, they suggest, the desire of the National Socialists to achieve intensity of effect, to appeal to the emotions, rather than to achieve clarification: 'Vor- und Nachsilben dienen häufig auch zur Steigerung des Gefühlswertes der Wörter, wobei die Tendenz, den Bildgehalt aufzufrischen, zu beobachten ist' (p. 29). The tendency to use the -ung suffix is interpreted as part of nominal style, which the National Socialists then chose to employ 'in ungeheuerer Übertreibung' (p. 31). Seidel and Seidel-Slotty also analyse the compounding processes in National Socialist use, in particular the two-part compounds such as Gefolgschaftsmitglied, Nahrungsfreiheit, but also the multi-component compounds, some of which were neologisms, such as Reichsberufswettkampf and some were identified as 'Verwaltungsbezeichnungen', such as Reichsorganisationsleiter (pp. 33-34). Again, they state that the purpose of such creations is to achieve intensification. Certain patterns are identified for noun compounds, for example the frequency of compounds with the initial component Volk-, e.g. Volksgut, Volksboden, Volkswohlfahrt. Those compounds already in existence are given a new ideological meaning (p. 39). Compound adjectives are also mentioned, for example, those with art- as the initial element: artgleich, artgemäß, artfremd (pp. 84-85), those with the second element -gebunden, e.g. raumgebunden, as well as the tendency to form hyphenated compounds, both as adjectives and as nouns: erzieherisch-bildend, innerlich-seelisch (pp. 3839). Throughout their study, they also draw attention to compounds within the individual thematic categories. Seidel and Seidel-Slotty's work is valuable in highlighting the fact that word-formation patterns play an important role in identifying lexical and semantic characteristics in NS usage, yet their method is open to criticism on the grounds that it does not place the use of these compounds and derivations in context, and ignores the fact that many of these terms were already in existence. They fail to recognise or to emphasise sufficiently that the National Socialists did not invent the processes of word-formation, but that their usage

76

Morpho-semantic analysis

was part of nineteenth and twentieth century language trends as a whole. Hildegard Wagner, for example, cites compounding as a characteristic of Verwaltungssprache.5 Siegfried Bork places value judgements on the function and effect of the formations. He states that the use of compounds, which he termed 'neue Begriffs-Kolosse', with political or religious connotations served only to cloud meaning, rather than to clarify it. He identifies typical compounds being formed with the initial element Groß-, Großkampftag, Großkundgebung, as well as with what Bork terms the "Zauberwort" Raum-·. Raumrevolution, Raumordnung, Raumvorstellung, Raumgedanke, Raumfremdheit, raumsehnsüchtig, and describes how the term Raum was transformed 'zum autonomen politischen Faktor, der Forderungen stellte, die das Volk erfüllen mußte'. 6 The analysis of compounding and derivation is not confined to studies on NS usage in general, but also appears in studies focusing on more specific aspects of language in National Socialism, such as Antonius Wolfs analysis. He examines the newly-created formations in the publication Die deutsche Sonderschule which were introduced 'durch den NS oder durch ideologische Strömungen, die den NS schon in oder vor der Weimarer Zeit vorbereitet haben'. Wolf acknowledges the fact that many of the terms were already in existence and that the importance of them lies in the semantic change they underwent. He lists the following examples as typical: Erbwert, Rassenschande, Erzieherfront, Schulorganismus, Sippenamt, Gedankenseuche.1 He also mentions the formations created to denote the new NS institutions, including Hitlerjugend (HJ) and Kinderlandverschickung (KLV). It is clear from W o l f s analysis that he is not only concerned with illustrating the types and range of formations used by National Socialists, but also with criticising the compounds and formations from an aesthetic and political standpoint, as shown by his example of lexical replacement in NS texts: 'Dabei kommt es nicht selten zu eigenwilligen und lächerlichen Formulierungen wie "willensschiissig" für psychopathisch, "Erzeugungsschlacht" für Produktion, "triebgeschädigte Geschlechtsvertreterin" für Prostituierte, "seelische Mobilmachung" für Aktivierung'. 8 R E Keller identifies compounds and derivatives as an integral part of NS language characteristics, citing from the semantic fields of terms of violence, military terminology, idealistic and emotive terminology, and terminology from

5 Hildegard Wagner, Die deutsche Verwaltungssprache der Gegenwart. Eine Untersuchung der sprachlichen Sonderform und Ihrer Leistung (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1970), p. 75. 6 Siegfried Bork (1970), p. 56. 7 Antonius Wolf (1992), pp. 46-47. 8 ibid., pp. 47-48.

Aspects of word-formation in female discourse

77

biology and medicine.9 Many of his examples are similar to those identified by Seidel and Seidel-Slotty, Beming and Bork, including compounds with Kampf: {Kampfblatt, Kampfflugzeug), with Schlacht {Anbauschlacht, Arbeitsschlacht), and with Rasse: Rassenbewußtsein, rassegebunden). He states that the term Volk played a central role in NS ideology and language, hence its use as a first element in compounds such as Volksboden, Volksgemeinschaft, Volkssturm, Volksempfänger (pp. 129-132). If word-formation is a typical feature of administrative language in German, then the question arises why there has been such interest in the examples from NS discourse. I would argue that it is because the process and end results of word-formation serve as a microcosm of language use in general. Social or political groups and speech communities form or make use of compounds and derivatives to express ideas, and to refer to structures and organisations which are significant to them, and the National Socialists proved no exception to this. Yet the interest in NS compounds and derivatives, particularly in studies carried out in the 1960s and 1970s, has been driven by other motives. In many past studies, linguists were not content to merely identify the kind of compounds and derivatives employed, they were also concerned with highlighting what they perceived as offensive or obnoxious formulations, as reflections of National Socialist ideology and policy. Consequently linguistic analysis has become intertwined with Sprachkritik and political commentary. The language is described as possessing human characteristics; for example, Bork characterises certain creations as being 'herrschsüchtig und gefährlich'. 10 Linguistic creation was seen as symptomatic of a violent, unpredictable regime, and physical behaviour became equated with linguistic behaviour and vice versa. Consequently, the use of compounds was seen as part of the National Socialists' desire to mechanise society and language, what could be termed a linguistic Gleichschaltung. Yet the subjective, critical motivation often underlying analyses of wordformation patterns does not entail that identifying patterns in National Socialist usage should be disregarded out of hand. Examining compounds and derivatives can reveal new structures and positions created in political and organisational terms, as well as providing insights into NS ideology. This analysis of compounds and derivatives in female discourse will not seek to judge or criticise the use and effect of them, but rather will show how, in particular, compounds and derivatives with Frau and Mutter, and formations with the feminine suffix -in are central characteristics of a linguistic Frauenwelt and female discourse. 9

R E Keller, 'The Impact of Ideology on the German Vocabulary', Transactions of the Philological Society (1981), 129-133. 10 Siegfried Bork (1970), p. 56.

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Morpho-semantic analysis

2.1.2

Word-formation in female discourse

Whilst previous studies on language in National Socialism have analysed the compounds and derivatives employed to denote power structures, positions of authority, policies and beliefs in National Socialism, they have ignored a whole rich source of word-formation, namely NS women's organisations and early female supporters of the NS movement. It is surprising, but also somewhat revealing, that most of the studies mentioning compounding and derivatives focus on a very small number of compounds. There is a tendency, particularly among early studies of language in National Socialism, to be either overspecific, in analysing the language of Hitler, Goebbels or the Völkischer Beobachter (Bork), or at the other extreme to overgeneralise in looking indiscriminately at a variety of text-types by different authors from a range of years throughout the NS rise to power and regime (Seidel and Seidel-Slotty). These studies cite mainly compounds with Kampf, Rasse, Reich, Schlacht, Volk as a first or second component. Although these formations can be found in the women's texts, they do not form key terms or occur in any frequency which would mark them out as being central to the women's own ideology. Compounds and derivatives on their own will not provide an accurate picture of the nature of the women's language use, but placed in context, paying attention to text-type and theme, they indicate which organisations, activities, concepts and ideas were central to NS women, and offer further evidence of the process of semantic inheritance in female discourse. The women from various NS organisations made use of many compounds and derivatives to outline their view of women's role in the party and their contribution to the Volk as a whole, and this in turn reveals their own view and interpretation of National Socialism and their self-image as female National Socialists. 2.1.3

Compounds and derivatives in female discourse

Compounds appear frequently in women's texts, in particular with Aufgabe, Gemeinschaft, Kampf, Kraft, Kultur, Leben, Volk, Wesen as the first or second element. Examples include Geschlechtsaufgabe, Kleinkampf, Kraftquelle, Kulturbewusstsein, Lebensfreude, Wesensart, Volksmutter, and some of these formulations and other examples will be discussed in the lexico-semantic analysis. Derivatives with the prefixes ent-, un-, and ur-, for example, Entweiblichung, unweiblich, Urnatur, also appear in the women's texts. Central to the patterns of word-formation in texts by women in National Socialism is the usage of a wide variety of compounds and derivatives formed with both Frau and Mutter. These compounds and derivatives would support the idea put forward by historians, such as Claudia Koonz, that women involved in National Socialism in the so-called Kampfjahre attempted in some measure to establish

Frau

79

their own sphere of influence or Frauenwelt within the movement. The development of new terminology and the semantic manipulation of existing compounds and derivatives reflect the women's own goals and gender-related philosophies.

2.2 2.2.1

Frau

Compounds with Frau

Most of the combinations with Frau are nouns, made up of two components, both usually nouns; in some cases, the second element is a deverbal noun. The compounds occurring in texts by women in National Socialism fall into two main categories: those with Frau(en) as the first element, and those with Frau(en) as the second. The analysis will begin with compounds with Frau as the second element. Compounds with Frau as the second element The compounds with Frau forming the second element are used mainly in the singular. The primary element consists of nouns with both human and nonhuman reference. In some cases the first element is itself a derivative, seen in the nominalisations Arbeiter, Handwerker, from arbeiten and Handwerk. The following examples are found in women's texts: Arbeiterfrau, Bauernfrau, Berufsfrau, Blockfrau, Dorffrau, Hausfrau, Landfrau, Siedlerfrau, Stadtfrau, Zellenfrau.

Handwerkersfrau,

These compounds are used to identify women according to the following characteristics: •

• • •

Marriage to a man carrying out a particular profession/activity: Arbeiterfrau, Bauernfrau, Bürgersfrau, Erwerbslosenfrau, Handwerkersfrau, Landarbeiterfrau, Siedlerfrau. Location of residence: Dorffrau, Landfrau, Stadtfrau. Activity/Responsibility/Career: Bauernfrau, Berufsfrau, Dorffrau, Hausfrau. NS activity/responsibility: Blockfrau, Vertrauensfrau, Zellenfrau.

As can be seen above, these categories are not discrete, and one compound can be used in several senses. Bauernfrau, for example, can refer to the wife of a farmer, but can also mean the woman who is in charge of certain duties and

80

Morpho-semantic analysis

activities on the farm. Similarly, Dorffrau can refer to a woman living in a village or to a woman who has a position of responsibility in the village. It is interesting to note that both compounds with -frau and nouns bearing the -in suffix, such as Arbeiterfrau/Arbeiterin, Siedlerfrau/Siedlerin co-exist. The noun with the feminine suffix denotes autonomous activity, ie the woman is the worker in contrast to the compound, which denotes marital relationship, yet they can be used synonymously.11 It is important to not only consider the denotation of the compounds, but also their connotations. Hausfrau and Landfrau, for example, enjoy a higher connotational prestige than Berufsfrau and Stadtfrau. Thus stereotypical models, identifying 'types' of women are established in women's texts, and have a prescriptive effect on the female readership. Compounds with Frau as the first element Most of the noun compounds, however, have Frau(en) as the first element, and are composed of two elements, in noun + noun combinations: Frauenarbeit, Frauenaufgabe, Frauenbewegung, Frauenehre, Frauenideal, Frauenkundgebung, Frauenproblem, Frauenrecht, Frauenstaat, Frauentagung, Frauenverein, Frauenversammlung,

Frauengruppe, Frauenseele, Frauenwelt.

Some compounds consist of three or more components: Frauenarbeitsgemeinschaft, Frauenaufbauarbeit, Frauenberufsarbeit, Frauenberufsfragen, Frauendienstpflicht, Frauendienstpflichtjahr, Frauenerneuerungsbewegung, Frauen-Freiheitsbewegung, Frauenkampftruppen, Frauenkulturarbeit, Frauenschrifttumsblätter.

Organisational and abstract/ideological compounds The compounds with Frau(en)- as the first element can be further subdivided into two major categories: organisational and abstract/ideological compounds. Organisational Compounds Many of the compounds with Frau(en)- are of a concrete, organisational nature, and were employed to refer to women's organisations both NS and nonNS, programmes, events and activities arranged and supervised by women. These compounds were not only used to describe actual organisations, events etc, they also functioned as signals to other women of group membership, status and level of involvement. 11

See Elisabeth Bemer's description of the use of expressions defining women as wives in 'Die Anrede der Frau im öffentlichen Leben in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts', Sprachpflege, 33 (1984), 97.

Frau

81

Organisations/bodies of authority Frauenamt, Frauenarbeitsdienst, Frauenarbeitsgemeinschaft, Frauenberatungsstelle, Frauengruppe, Frauenkammer, Frauen-Kampfbund, Frauenklub, Frauenkreis, Frauenorden, Frauenorganisation, Frauenverein, Frauenwerk. A particularly productive type of compound is formed with the derivative Frauenschaft as the initial component, although sometimes as the second component. These compounds were used by the women from 1931 onwards, when the women's organisation the Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft was formed to replace all existing women's organisations. Examples of compounds formed with Frauenschaft include: Frauenschaftsbund, Frauenschaftskasse, Frauenschaftsleiterin, Frauenschaftsmitglied, Gesamt-Frauenschaft. Programmes/Events/Policies etc Frauenarbeitsdienstpflicht, Frauenarbeitsschutz, Frauendienstjahr, Frauendienstpflichtjahr, Frauenfunk, Frauenfunkdarbietungen, Frauenhilfsdienstmädel-Freizeit, Frauenhilfsdienstzeit, Frauenkammer, Frauen-Kultur-Programm, Frauenkundgebung, Frauenlehrgang, Frauenprogramm. Frauenschaftsabzeichen, Frauenschaftsarbeit, Frauensendungen, Frauentagung, Frauenwoche, Frauenzeitschrift. Abstract/Ideological Compounds Many of the Frau(en)- compounds used by women in National Socialism are abstract, often pseudo-mystical and philosophical in connotation. They are used to outline the specifically female spheres of interest for women in National Socialism, and refer to a wide variety of subjects, ranging from issues that concern women, such as work and politics, to the characteristics peculiar to women as a whole, and including women's appearance. Some occur much more frequently than others, and through their repetition become key terms in their own right. Examples of the compounds include:

82

Morpho-semantic analysis

Frauenabseitsstehen Frauenalter Frauenarbeit Frauenarbeitsmöglichkeiten Frauenart Frauenaufbauarbeit Frauenauffassung Frauenaufgabe Frauenaufgabengebiet Frauenbahn Frauenbelange Frauenberuf Frauenbestrebung Frauenbetätigung Frauenbewegung Frauenbild Frauenbuch Frauendasein Frauenehre Frauenempfinden Frauenentehrung Frauenentrechtung Frauenentwicklung Frauenerkennen Frauenerneuerungsbewegung Frauenerniedrigung Frauenerwachen Frauenerziehung Frauenfrage

Frauengefiihl Frauengemeinschaft Frauengemüt Frauengeneration Frauengestalt Frauengewissen Frauengut Frauenhand Frauenheer Frauenherz Frauenhoheit Frauenideal Fraueninstinkt FrauenKameradschaftstreue Frauenkampf Frauenkörper Frauenkraft Frauenkreis Frauenkultur Frauenleben Frauenleistung Frauennachwuchs Frauenname Frauennatur Frauennot Frauenparadies Frauenpersönlichkeit Frauenpolitik Frauenrecht Frauenreinheit

Frauensache Frauenschaffen Frauenschar Frauenschönheit Frauenseele Frauensehnsucht Frauensein Frauenstaat Frauenstimme Frauenstudium Frauensuchen Frauentiefstand Frauentreue Frauentypus Frauenüberschuß Frauenunruhe Frauenverehrung Frauenweg Frauenwelt Frauenwende Frauenwert Frauenwesen Frauenwille Frauenwirken Frauenwirksamkeit Frauenwollen Frauenwort Frauenwunsch Frauenwürde Frauenziel

The use of such compounds outlines and identifies a wide variety of characteristics, concerns and activities specifically pertaining to women. To female and male readers, these compounds provide a morphological signal of a female community of practice within National Socialism, whilst also emphasising the range and possible limitations of female interests and influence. Compounds reflecting the female Weltanschauung Within this group of compounds, there are a number which recur in women's texts frequently throughout the early years and which form the core of key terms central to the discourse of women involved in National Socialism. These terms reflect the female Weltanschauung within National Socialism in that they

Frau

83

create an ideology of womanhood, and self-identification, and serve to establish a hierarchy of issues important to women involved in the National Socialist movement. These include the terms Frauenarbeit, Frauenaufgabe, Frauenehre, Frauenherz, Frauenkraft, Frauenleben, Frauensache, Frauenseele, Frauenwelt, Frauenwürde. These compounds fall into the following thematic groupings: • • •

Women's activities/duties/tasks: Frauenarbeit, Frauenaufgabe. Women's nature/characteristics: Frauenehre, Frauenherz, Frauenkraft, Frauenseele, Frauenwille, Frauenwürde. Women's lives/environment: Frauenkultur, Frauenleben, Frauensache, Frauenwelt. 1. a) Frauenarbeit

The formation was already in use, and can be found in texts from members of the women's movement dating from the middle of the previous century onwards. The women in National Socialism also used this formation as a key part of their female NS ideology and adapted the meanings associated with it to express their ideas on the duties and roles to be carried out by women in society and in the party. Frauenarbeit had a variety of meanings, both concrete and abstract-philosophical, within the ideological framework, and underwent semantic shifts, involving both semantic narrowing and broadening, depending on the context in which it was used. •

practical, organisational work women carry out in the NSDAP.

Ich erlaube mir aber bei dieser Gelegenheit rein sachlich darauf hinzuweisen, dass alle die verantwortliche Frauenarbeit in den Gauen oft nicht so entsetzlich schwer und bitter wäre, stände Leistung und Autorität der Hauptabteilung VIII hinter uns.1

•

political, intellectual, 'spiritual', propaganda work carried out by women in the NSDAP.

Es ist ja höchste Zeit, die Frauenarbeit von innen her mit unseren grossen geistigen Zielen zu durchdringen und sie so neben der bisherigen charitativen [sie] Arbeit aufzubauen. 2

1

BA NS22/452, letter from Paula Siber, Gauleitung NSF Düsseldorf, to Rienhardt, 26 November 1932. 2 BA NS22/431, letter from M Hantelmann to Strasser, 6 July 1931.

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Morpho-semantic analysis

•

tasks women can carry out in the Volksgemeinschaft as as a whole.

"Dienst am Volk" leisten heißt aber nun nicht etwa nur, an berufener Stelle zu wirken als Führerinnen, Leiterinnen, Beraterinnen, Rednerinnen in Versammlungen und Rundfunk, oder sich der Wohlfahrt zu widmen und was es sonst noch alles an nationaler Frauenarbeit gibt, sondern es bedeutet für den einzelnen in allererster Linie, da restlos seine Pflicht zu tun, wo ihn Natur und Schicksal hingestellt haben3

•

female paid employment.

Die Struktur der Arbeit in der Metallindustrie ist im großen und ganzen nicht dazu geeignet, Frauen zu beschäftigen. Nur in einzelnen Zweigen der Metallindustrie, z.B. der Feinmechanik und Optik, ferner die Elektroindustrie, hat sich die Frauenarbeit in höherem Maße eingebürgert.4

Collocating adjectives with Frauenarbeit include ganz, gesamt, national, nationalsozialistisch, allowing more precise definition of Frauenarbeit. Collocating verbs tend to indicate processes of administration and organisation: e.g. eingliedern, neuorganisieren. 1. b) Frauenaufgabe Frauenaufgabe is used with a wide range of references and is used to communicate the idea of tasks and duties especially suited to women. Although the compound is used with both abstract and concrete references, it has philosophical, mystical, even religious connotations, and is linked with the quasireligious concept of self-sacrifice.5 A close semantic relationship exists with Frauenarbeit, although it would be inaccurate to claim that the formations are synonymous. In certain contexts Frauenarbeit and Frauenaufgabe are partial synonyms, whilst in others Frauenarbeit is a hyponym of Frauenaufgabe. The compound is less concrete in its reference than Frauenarbeit, and tends to collocate with different adjectives, although nationalsozialistisch collocates with both compounds, and with a range of other compounds with Frauen-, Typical collocating adjectives with Frauenaufgabe include besondere, groß, nationalsozialistisch, wahr:

3

Marie Luise Schmalz, 'Dienst am Volk - Dienst am Staat', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, November 1933, p. 10. 4 Hildegard Molitor, 'Die Frau in der Fabrikarbeit', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, December 1933, p. 12. 5 For a more detailed discussion of this, see the section on the women's use of Aufgabe.

Frau

85

besondere Die Frau von heute muß auf mühseligem Wege zurückfinden zu den verschütteten Quellen der ruhigen Selbstsicherheit und des gesunden Instinkts im Erfassen der besonderen Frauenaufgaben. 6

groß In Beantwortung Ihres oben genannten Schreibens teile ich Ihnen mit, dass im Rahmen der grossen Frauenaufgaben zu gegebener Zeit auch die Stellung der Haustochter und Hausangestellten einer eingehenden Ueberprüfung und Bearbeitung unterzogen wird. 7

nationalsozialistisch Nationalsozialistische Frauenaufgaben. 8

wahr Überall, wo sie [Frau Diehl] durch Vorträge in der nationalsozialistischen Partei arbeitet, gelingt es ihr, die Frauen im Innersten zu packen und sie mit neuem Wollen für die Erfüllung ihrer wahren Frauenaufgaben zu stählen. 9

The compound Frauenaufgabe is part of the general concept of womanhood and specifically female activities outlined by women in texts, as it combines two central elements in the women's discourse: the exclusively female aspect, communicated through Frauen and the notion of carrying out a service, task or duty, communicated in Aufgabe. There is a logical relationship linking the terms belonging to the first and second groups of compounds, as in order to carry out the tasks or activities denoted by Frauenarbeit or Frauenaufgabe, women needed to make use of the female qualities expressed through the formations Frauenherz, Frauenkraft, Frauenwille. 2. a) Frauenkraft Frauenkraft is also a vague, ideological term employed by women involved in National Socialism. The term was used in the singular and plural forms, in a variety of contexts with differing references and connotations, some powerful and dynamic, others philosophical, mystical, as outlined below: 6

No author given, 'Die Frau im Aufbau des neuen Staates', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 5. 7 BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from Paula Siber to G Schoettler, 26 September 1933. 8 BA NS44/55, title of Vortrag: Elsbeth Zander, Nationalsozialistische Frauenaufgaben. Vortrag anläßlich der Frauentagung in Weimar am 3. u. 4. Juli 1926 zum Parteitag der N.S.D.A.P., Deutscher Frauenorden, Werbeblatt Nr.3 (no place, no date [1926]). 9 BA NS22/431, letter from M Hantelmann to Hitler, 11 November 1931.

86

Morpho-semantic analysis

qualities of women Das besagt nun aber keineswegs, daß im Rahmen einer neuen nationalsozialistischen Frauenerziehung die Geistesbildung eine untergeordnete Rolle spielen wird. Im Gegenteil verlangt die Eingliederung der Frauenkraft in die Volksgemeinschaft, wie schon mehrfach betont, strengste geistige, seelische und körperliche Erziehung und Schulung zum Zwecke der gesundesten und bewußtesten Persönlichkeitsentwicklung.10 Wir wollen eine Frauen-Erneuerungsbewegung. die iene tiefsten Frauenkräfte wieder erweckt und die Frau zu den besonderen Aufgaben der Freiheitsbewegung und des kommenden Deutschland stark macht." (underlining in original) groups of women Ziel und Aufgabe der deutschen Frauenfront - wie sie derzeit genannt wird - ist: Zusammenfassung aller Frauenkräfte zum inneren Ausbau des Dritten Reiches.12 Um dieses wirksam durchzufuhren, mußte zunächst eine Sammlung und Schulung der Frauenkräfte vorausgehen, die berufen sind, über diese Aufgaben im Rundfunk zu sprechen.13 2. b) Frauenherz Ach, wenn doch diese Frauen wüssten, wie glücklich, wie zufrieden es macht, auch aus dem Nichts zu schaffen, zu geben, wenn sie nur wüssten, wieviel Kraft und wieviel Wollen in manchem Frauenherzen noch unentfaltet schlummert!14 Die Hilfsmittel der Frauen unserer Tage dabei sind die erzogene Geistigkeit unseres Jahrhunderts und die große Sehnsucht des Frauenherzens nach dem natürlichen Mittelpunkt des Frauenlebens, nach der Familie.15 Ich kann nur immer wieder sagen, dass diese Kameradschaftstreue, die vor 11 Jahren als winziges zartes Pflänzchen in wenige deutsche Frauenherzen gelegt

10 Paula Siber, Die Frauenfrage und ihre Lösung durch den Nationalsozialismus (Wolfenbüttel and Berlin: Kallmeyer, 1933), p. 29. " NS44/55, no author given, 'Grundsätze derN.S. Frauenschaft', 1 October 1932. See also Guida Diehl, Die deutsche Frau und der Nationalsozialismus, 2nd rev. edn (Eisenach: Neuland, 1933), p. 122. 12 Emmy Wagner, 'Die deutsche Frauenfront', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 2. 13 Gerda ν Bremen, 'Frauenschulung für den Rundfunk', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 19. 14 BA NS44/54, Frau Fischer, 'Fleissige Hände', Informationsdienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 15 No author given, 'Die Frau im Aufbau des neuen Staates' Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 5.

87

Frau

ist und in grosser Kampf- und Notzeit sich zu so herrlicher Blüte entfaltet hat, etwas ganz Seltenes und Kostbares war und immer bleiben wird.16 2. c) Frauenseele Frauenseelen - und nicht gerade die schlechtesten - ertragen auf die Dauer keinen militärischen oder maschinellen Betrieb.17 2. d) Frauenwille Wir richten dagegen einen deutschen Frauenwillen auf, der verwurzelt ist in GOTT, Natur, Familie, Volk und Vaterland und ein eigenes Frauen-KulturPro gramm. das seine Ausgestaltung im 3. Reich finden soll.18 (underlining in original) So hat am 31. Januar 1933 der Nationalsozialismus die Tatsache einer Frauenfrage befunden. So hat am 31. Januar 1933 ein nationalsozialistischer Frauenwille das Erbe einer Auseinandersetzung und eines ganz neuen Aufbaues übernommen.19 Die „Muttersprache im Alltagsleben" obliegt der Pflege der deutschen Frauen, vor allem der deutschen Mütter. Im Rahmen der Volkserneuerung ist hier eine Sonderaufgabe, die es wohl wert ist, daß sich Frauenwille dafür einsetzt, und die nur gelöst werden kann, wenn Frauen tief durchdrungen sind von der hohen Heiligkeit der Sprache ihres Volkes, die keine willkürliche Verstümmelung und Verzerrung erträgt.20 2. e) Frauenehre,

Frauenwürde

In women's texts, these two terms often co-occur. They tend to be used in texts discussing the need to rescue women's dignity and honour, which has been

16

BA R.15.01/26333/1721, copy of a speech/letter, from K. Connely(?), BKL, 28 March 1934. BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from Bundesfiihrerin, BKL, to Reichsführer, 1 September 1933. 18 BA NS44/55, no author given, 'Grundsätze der N.S. Frauenschaft', 1 October 1932. 19 Paula Siber (1933), p. 9. 20 Henny Pleimes-Culemeyer, 'Die Muttersprache im Alltag', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 18. This is one of a series of articles on the subject of the German language, describing how women were especially suited to caring for and ensuring correct use of the language. The author forges a link between women as Mütter and the Muttersprache. Anna Ziihlke, Frauenaufgabe - Frauenarbeit im Dritten Reich (Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer, 1934), also establishes a conceptual connection between motherhood and mother-tongue: 'Die Trägerin und die Vermittlerin des höchsten Gedankengutes und der innigsten Gefühle ist die Muttersprache [...] Es ist selbstverständlich, daß wir Deutschen unsere Sprache „Muttersprache" nennen. Wir sagen Vaterhaus und Vaterland, warum nicht auch Vatersprache? Haus und Land bestimmen den äußeren Lebensrahmen, die Sprache aber ist das Mittel, das geistige und seelische Leben zu äußem, dessen erste Pfleger und Hüter die Mütter sind. Wo immer Mütter es sich nicht nehmen lassen, die ersten Menschen zu sein, die die Kinder mit erwachenden Sinnen erleben, da ist die Sprache unmittelbares Erbgut der Mütter' (pp. 41-42). 17

88

Morpho-semantic analysis

besmirched and destroyed by the decline of society and in particular by the 'old' women's movement. Through their involvement in National Socialism, the women express the desire to reverse this trend, and, consequently, the two compounds become dual pivotal terms in communicating the priorities of female National Socialists. Weg von der auf die rein sinnliche Ebene verschobene Beziehung der Geschlechter, hin zur Beseelung und Vergeistigung derselben, auf daß der Mann es bleiben läßt, in Wort und Bild das Weib zum Weibchen zu erniedrigen, auf daß er wieder Großes schafft um deretwillen, die er liebt, auf daß deutsche Frauenehre und Frauenwttrde wieder Wert und Geltung haben werden! 21 (bold print in original) Dieser bedeutet nicht nur caritative Hilfe und Pflege, sondern vor allem auch die Hochhaltung der Frauenwürde und Frauenehre, die Begeisterungskraft gegenüber der Jugend, insonderheit der weiblichen, und die Darstellung eines neuen Hochziels für deutsches Frauentum.22 (underlining in original) Schaffung eines Corpsgeistes der Zucht, des fraulichen Anstandes, der Wahrung der Frauenehre und -würde deutschen Frauentums.23 (underlining in original)

The third group of compounds highlight the women's concern in the years 1924-1934 with establishing a separate sphere of influence and work for women. 3. a) Frauensache Es ist nun ein grosser Jammer, dass sie nun nicht gleich auf diesem frisch gepflügten Boden weiterarbeiten kann und die ganze Frauensache tief einsenken und ihr, so weit es in ihren Kräften steht, zum Wachstum verhelfen.24

3. b) Frauenwelt This compound proves a useful and powerful collective term in women's texts. It occurs in a variety of contexts, and can be modified by a range of adjectives to make the sense , more specific, for example siedlungswillig. The use of the term allows the writer to refer to (fellow) women as an abstract yet unified

21

BA NSD47/22, Elisabeth Bosch, Die Katholikin und das Hakenkreuz (Munich: N.S. Frauenschaft-Reichsleitung, 1932), p. 12. 22 BA NS22/430, no author given, Ordnung der Frauenschaft', no date. The same text appears in C8 Münster, Nr.462, under the title 'Anleitung zur Leitung der Frauenschaft', and the author is cited as Guida Diehl, 1932. 23 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Richtlinien für die kulturelle und erziehliche Arbeit innerhalb der Frauenschaft der NSDAP', April/May 1932. 24 BA NS22/431, letter from Frau Gruber to Herr Oberleutnant, 5 November 1931.

Frau

89

group, communicating the fact that women could think and act as a recognisable social and political entity, with specific interests and demands. The term is malleable and at times vague in its precise reference, allowing it to be manipulated, defined and interpreted as required: Die Frauenwelt hat keine Organisation mehr in eigner Sache, obwohl die größere Hälfte des Volkes aus Frauen besteht.25 Ganz besonders die siedlungswillige Frauenwelt, auf deren Verständnis und Befähigung beim Siedlungswerk so besonders viel ankommt, muss sich über ihren Aufgabenkreis, seinen Umfang, seine Bedeutung klar sein, aber auch über ihre Verzichte.26 Wenn Frauen bei der Aufbauarbeit im neuen Staat mithelfen und zum Dienst am Volk sich restlos einsetzen sollen, so müsste man es begrüssen, wenn Einzelorganisationen wie die NS. Frauenschaft und der Bund Königin Luise etc. sich anschicken, je verantwortungsbewusst die die [sie] gewaltigen Aufgaben zu übernehmen, die man von der heutigen Frauenwelt fordert.27 (underlining in original) Daraus erkennt man deutlich, wie weit unsere Frauenwelt bis in ihre denkenden Kreise hinein schon in die Irre gegangen ist, wie stark die Entmütterlichung, Entweiblichung und Entleerung unseres Geschlechtes schon fortgeschritten ist.28 Der nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft (NS-Frauenschaft) ist das Ziel gestellt, im Sinne der Grundsätze der NS-Frauenschaft eine Aktivierung der deutschen Frauenwelt herbeizuführen, die Werbekraft der Frau für die politischen und kulturellen Ziele der Bewegung einzusetzen und ihre Anlagen und Fähigkeiten einer fursorgerischen Betätigung innerhalb der Bewegung dienstbar zu machen.29 3. c) Frauenleben Möge allen Frauen, die im Kampf ums Leben zu zerbrechen drohen, die in diesem Kampfe müde wurden, der wahre Sinn eines Frauenlebens die beglückende Erkenntnis wahrer, wichtigster Frauenarbeit klar werden!30

25

BA R.l 5.01/26332/1721, letter from Frau Lohmann to Reichsminister, 10 December 1933. BA NSD47/6, Eva M Blume, 'Die Siedlungspionierin - eine nüchterne Betrachtung', Nationalsozialistische Frauenkorrespondenz (NSFK), 15 March 1934. 27 BA, R.l5.01/1721/26332, letter from Bundesführerin, BKL, to Reichsführer, 1 September 1933. 28 BA NS22/430, letter from Guida Diehl to Strasser, 20 November 1931. 29 BA NS22/430, no author given, 'Grundsätze der N.S. Frauenschaft', no date. See also NS44/55. 30 BA NS44/54, Frau Fischer, 'Fleissige Hände', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 26

90

Morpho-semantic analysis

These key terms are not new creations, but derive from a range of existing sources, including literature and women involved in the Frauenbewegung. Negative and positive connotations of compounds with Frau(en)Most of the compounds formed with Frau(en)- have neutral or positive connotations and were used to promote the work and contributions made by women, with the purpose of persuading women to join the National Socialist women's organisations, and to communicate to male National Socialists that women were needed in the movement. Some compounds, however, were employed by women to establish and define the 'out-group', recognisable female enemies and rivals, and to criticise their organisations, activities and ideas. Frauenbewegung One such compound was Frauenbewegung, which partly underwent a semantic shift from positive or neutral to negative in women's texts. The unmarked form seems to be used mostly with negative connotations: Jede Frau, die andere Wege fur deutsches Frauenleben anstrebte, mußte sich an irgendeinem Zeitpunkte ihres Lebens freimachen von dem Einfluß der Frauenbewegung auf die eigene Geistigkeit. 31

The following adjectives co-occur with Frauenbewegung·, alt, demokratisch, intellektualistisch, international, Uberalistisch, marxistisch, modern, with some of the adjectives co-occurring in compound form. These adjectives serve both to define the particular branch or characteristic of the women's movement and to further strengthen the negative connotations. alt In der alten Frauenbewegung überwogen rein geistige und akademische Strömungen. 32 Denn das allerdings unterscheidet uns grundsätzlich von den Frauen der alten Frauenbewegung, daß wir nicht nach persönlichen Freiheiten, sondern nach der einen großen völkischen Freiheit streben; daß wir nicht um kleinliche Rechte streiten, sondern dankbar für unsere großen Pflichten leben. 33

51

No author given, 'Die Frau im Aufbau des neuen Staates', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 4. 32 Edith ν Lölhöffel, 'Die körperliche Erziehung der Frau im Dritten Reich', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 10. 33 Gisela Brettschneider, 'Die deutsche Frau an der Hochschule', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933,p. 8.

Frau

91

demokratisch-liberalistisch Dies Buch [Deutscher Frauenwille] ist in der demokratisch-liberalistischen Frauenbewegung bis weit z[u] ihren gemässigteren, ja christlichen Anhängerinnen scharf angegriffen, ja förmlich boykottiert worden.34 liberalistisch Bisher ging die öffentliche, geistig-wissenschaftliche Bildung und Beeinflussung der Frau bei uns ausschließlich von der alten liberalistischen Frauenbewegung mit ihrem starken jüdischen Einschlag aus.35 liberalistisch-marxistisch Das Muttersein - der Mutterwille als Lebensbekenntnis der Frau ist aber auf dem Irrweg einer liberalistisch-marxistischen Weltanschauung, zu deren Thesen sich eine liberalistisch-marxistische Frauenbewegung bekannt hat, in Gefahr geraten.36 modern Das Wesen der modernen Frauenbewegung wird nun merkwürdigerweise immer so beleuchtet, als ob der Mann sich glücklich schätzen müsse, eine „vollwertige Kameradin" neben sich wachsen zu sehen; als ob unser Vaterland es zu seiner Gesundung beglückwünschen müsse, möglichst viel erwerbende Frauen und Mädchen in allen Berufen zu haben.37 By contrast, the compound Frauenbewegung acquires positive connotations when used with the adjectives nationalsozialistisch and neu. nationalsozialistisch Das ist einer nationalsozialistischen Frauenbewegung Beweis und Sicherheit der Richtigkeit ihres Willens, daß sie mit Aufgabe und Ziel hineingreift in alles Frauentum, in das Wurzelstarke im Volke und am Volke Tragende zuerst und zu allermeist, aber auch in ständiger Zunahme in das Entwurzelte, das sich durch den Nationalsozialismus und durch die nationalsozialistische Frauenbewegung und ihr Bekenntnis wieder zu sich selbst zurückfinden muß.38

34

BA NS22/430, letter from Guida Diehl to Strasser, 20 November 1931. Marie Diers, Else Vorwerck, Eleonore Battling, 'Zur Einführung!', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 1. 36 Paula Siber (1933), p. 18. 37 No author given (von einer Hausfrau), 'Wirtschaftsnot und Frauenarbeit', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, November 1933, p. 8. 38 Paula Siber, (1933) p. 17. 35

92

Morpho-semantic analysis

neu Es kann gar nicht scharf genug hervorgehoben werden: der Ursprung der neuen Frauenbewegung ist nicht die alte Frauenbewegung sondern der Nationalsozialismus.39 Other compounds with negative connotations occurring in women's texts include Frauenemanzipation, Frauenpolitik, Frauenrecht, and Frauenstaat. Frauenemanzipation Wir sind davon ausgegangen, die Frauenemanzipation als eine für den Verfall einer Weltanschauung charakteristische Auflösungsbewegung zu betrachten.40 Frauenpolitik Der nationale Mütterdienst treibt vor allem keine einseitige Frauenpolitik, sondern es liegt ihm eine Gesamtplanung zugrunde, die den Aufbau einer neuen Kultur im Auge hat.41 Deutschland ist nicht allein verfälscht durch die Irrlehr[en] des Materialismus und Marxismus und durch die Zersetzung im [Rassen]chaos und im Wurzelloswerden der Massen, sondern auch durch ganz falsche Frauenentwicklung und Frauenpolitik im Anschluss an den durch die Maschine bewirkten grossen Verwandlungsprozesses des Frauenlebens.42 (underlining in original) Frauenrecht Wir haben wirklich keine Zeit, auf internationale Konferenzen zu gehen, um uns um „Frauenrechte" herumzuschlagen, - sondern haben vielmehr die heilige Pflicht, unsere Jugend, die das Volk von morgen sein wird, zu Deutschen und artbewußten Menschen zu erziehen.43 In this particular text, the author distinguishes between the negative and positive Frauenrecht, the latter indicated by the preceding adjective deutsch. Man macht mir oft den Vorwurf - ich kämpfe zu wenig um Frauenrechte. Das deutsche Frauenrecht habe ich immer erkämpft und meine deutschen Pflichten zu erfüllen gesucht.44

39

Lydia Gottschewski, Männerbund und Frauenfrage· Die Frau im neuen Staat (Munich: Lehmann, 1934), p. 69. 40 Florentine Hamm, 'Die Frau in Deutschlands Niedergang und Aufstieg', Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte, January 1932, p. 7. 41 Emmy Wagner, 'Nationaler Mütterdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 13. 42 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Richtlinien für die kulturelle und erziehliche Arbeit innerhalb der Frauenschaft der NSDAP', April/May 1932. 43 BA NS44/55, Elsbeth Zander ([1926]), p. 8. 44 ibid., p. 14.

Frau

93

Frauenstaat Wir wollen keinen Frauenstaat, sondern einen freien deutschen Staat auf nationalsozialistischer Grundlage.45

Frauenpolitik and Frauenstaat are compounds which often occur in similar contexts and which are semantically linked. Although male National Socialists seemed largely to ignore the work of their female counterparts, when they did decide to take an interest, they expressed their suspicions at the women's true motives and often accused them of carrying out subversive activities, attempting to undermine (male) party structures and authority. The formations Frauenpolitik and Frauenstaat were employed with negative connotations by women to communicate solidarity with their male colleagues in the party, in denying that they had a 'hidden agenda'. The fact that compounds with Frauen can be used with positive and negative connotations is an indication of the women's status within society and within the party, particularly during the Kampfjahre. The women fought in a variety of different ways for a separate sphere of influence, whilst trying to establish women's involvement as an integral part of the NS movement. The compounds employed by the women and the connotative meanings attached to them is a linguistic indication of their attempts to achieve dual goals: separation and integration. Whilst emphasising that they were working for the good of the National Socialist cause as a whole, many female supporters of National Socialism were actively engaged in mobilising women as a unified group, and linguistically creating a community of practice. 2.2.2

Derivatives with Frau(en)-

Derivatives occur with the suffixes -tum, -schaft, -lich, -lichkeit. As previously mentioned, the derivative Frauenschaft is an organisational term, used to denote the unified NS women's organisation established in 1931. Other derivatives have abstract reference and include the noxxns Frauentum, Fraulichkeit. Abstract/ideological derivatives Frauentum In the German language generally, the suffix -turn is often formed with the names of groups of people, for example Germanen-, Juden-, as the first element, and the meaning tends to indicate a 'philosophische, religiöse oder andere ideologische Richtung'.46 Some of these derivatives have positive 45

ibid., p. 14. Wolfgang Fleischer and Irmhild Barz, Wortbildung der deutschen Gegenwartssprache gen: Niemeyer, 1992), p. 171. 46

(Tübin-

94

Morpho-semantic analysis

connotations, such as Germanentum, whilst others have negative connotations, such as Judentum. The derivative Frauentum is central to NS women's philosophy in the early years. The term Frauentum is never explicitly explained, but has spiritual, pseudo-mystical connotations. It becomes a key term through its repetition and collocating patterns, and illustrates the desire of some NS women to communicate abstract, positive models of collective female characteristics and behaviour. Frauentum is defined more closely, or the positive connotation of the term is enhanced by the use of modifying adjectives, such as deutsch, echt, edel, neu, wahr. deutsch Damit ist auch dem neuen deutschen Frauentum der Weg des Schreitens gezeigt.47 echt Ein nationalsozialistischer Staat der Zukunft wird Raum schaffen, in dem echtes Frauentum an den rechten Platz kommt und auch im öffentlichen Leben, ergänzend zu den vom Manne betreuten Gebieten, ein unendlich segensreiches Wirken für die völkische Gesamtheit zu entfalten vermag.48 Seitdem die Deutsche Frauenfront die einzige maßgebliche Stelle fur den Weiblichen deutschen Arbeitsdienst geworden ist, gilt wohl als vornehmster Leitsatz: Erziehung der Mädchen zu bewußten deutschen Staatsbürgerinnen im Sinne der Nationalen Revolution und zu Trägerinnen des vorher geschilderten echten deutschen Frauentums.49 edel Dadurch würde viel edles Frauentum für die Partei gewonnen werden, und daß es daran fehlt, wissen wir alle, die schon in Frauenversammlungen der N.S.D.A.P. waren.50 Dies Ziel hat sich mein Buch gesetzt; es will damit einen Weg zur Formung edlen, deutschen Frauentums geben.51

47

Eleonore Bartling, 'Deutsches Frauentum', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, October 1933, p. 5. Florentine Hamm, 'Die Frau in Deutschlands Niedergang und Aufstieg', Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte, Januar 1932, p. 17. 49 Annemarie Hanne, 'Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 17. 50 BA NS22/431, letter from G Rische to Hitler, 30 March 1931. 51 Lore Reinhardt, Die deutsche Frau als Quelle völkischer Kraft und sittlicher Gesundung. Ein Beitrag zur Prägung eines neuen deutschen Frauentyps (Leipzig: Klein, 1934), p. 7. 48

Frau

95

neu Diese Ablösung der alten Frauenbewegung durch ein neues, so gerichtetes Frauentum muß und wird von der Frauenschaft ausgehen.52 wahr Viel zu sehr war der Sinn der Frauen durch die Not der Zeit und den verderblichen Einfluß einer artfremden Kulturpresse abgelenkt von den Urquellen wahren Frauentums, der Familie und Mutterschaft.53 Frauentum can also be used in negative contexts, with negatively charged adjectives, as illustrated by the following examples: Da dies vor allem von der Frauenschaft in die Ortsgruppe hineingeflösst werden soll, muss insonderheit aller Klatsch, alle Kleinlichkeit, alles zänkische und wichtigtuende Wesen und alles niedrige, läppische, gefallsüchtige und irrlichterierende Frauentum durch den ganzen Corpsgeist der Frauenschaft möglich [sie] werden.54 So wurde die Frauenbewegung ganz volksfremd gestaltet und auch geleitet, und es konnte auf diesem Irrweg nichts anderes herauskommen als ein verbogenes Frauentum.55 Wir wollen gewiß nicht verkennen, daß man sich auch in breiten nationalen, ja freiheitskämpferischen Kreisen an ein oberflächliches Frauentum gewöhnt hat und es vielleicht sogar bequem und zu genießerischen Zwecken sehr brauchbar empfindet.56 Fraulichkeit Fraulichkeit does not occur frequently in the women's texts, but is used to describe the abstract characteristics and nature of women in general. Grundsätzlich kann hier der Satz geprägt werden: Alles ist im Nationalsozialismus Frauenberuf und Frauenberufung, was mit Fraulichkeit und Muttersein zusammenhängt.57 Frauenrechtlerin This is a derivative employed by women in the years leading up to the Machtergreifung in their negative campaigning against the women's move52 Ludwine ν Broecker, 'Die NS. Frauenschaft als Grundlage der neuen Frauenbewegung', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 6. 53 Eleonore Bartling, 'Rückblick und Ausblick', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 2. 54 BA NS22/430, no author given, 'Ordnung der Frauenschaft', no date. 55 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 56. 56 ibid., p. 115. 57 Paula Siber (1933), p. 31.

96

Morpho-semantic analysis

ment, and the use of the derivative in the plural communicates the idea that these women are a collective threat rather than being isolated individuals. The women made use of the term to create a collective female Feindbild against which they contrasted their ideal image of women and womanhood. The derivative has negative connotations in its unmarked form, as well as when occurring with adjectives such as alt: Der ungeistige Intellektualismus dieser Frauenrechtlerinnen hatte nicht Echo für ihre unverbildete, blutsmäßig gebundene Herzenskraft.58 Es war das unangenehme Kennzeichen der alten Frauenrechtlerinnen, daß sie den Hymnus der allumfassenden Mütterlichkeit auf sich selbst sangen, während die gleichzeitige Männergeneration und die heranwachsende Jugend vergeblich auch nur die Spuren der Weiblichkeit an ihnen suchten, - am allerwenigsten aber gewiß von den stillen Werten begnadeter, durchsonnender Mütterlichkeit sich beglückt fanden.59 In additions to collocations with modifying adjectives with biological, political and racial connotations, there are also some more unusual examples of references to Frauenrechtlerinnen, as illustrated by the following mythological metaphor: Meist spielen also hierbei rein egoistische Gründe die entscheidende Rolle, unterstützt natürlich auch von den Sirenengesängen der Frauenrechtlerinnen aller Schattierungen, die alles Heil einer Frau nur in einem ungebundenen freien Leben als selbständiger Mensch auf irgendeinem Posten sehen, die Hausfrau aber als besseres Dienstmädchen, zum mindesten aber als Frau zweiter Güte betrachten.60 The adjective formationfrauenrechtlerisch also occurs: Die jetzigen Führerinnen des Reichsverbandes deutscher Hausfrauenvereine sind ausgesprochen frauenrechtlerisch eingestellte, und in der demokratischen Weltanschauung verankerte Persönlichkeiten die somit schärfste Gegnerinnen unserer nationalsozialistischen Weltanschauung sind.61 The derivatives Frauenrechtlerei women's texts.

58

and Frauenrechtlertum

also appear in the

ibid., p. 16. Gisela Brettschneider, 'Die deutsche Frau an der Hochschule', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 9. 60 BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, Maria Wesner, 'Über die Stellung der Frau im Dritten Reich!', Korrespondenz für Volksaufklärung und Rassenpflege, no date. 61 BA NS22/452, letter from Κ Auerhahn, Inspektion, Hauptabteilung III, Frauenarbeit, to Rienhardt, 10 September 1932. 59

Frau

97

Mit Frauenrechtlerei können die Ansprüche auf den größeren Pflichtenkreis nicht abgetan werden.62 Die Schrift ["Deutsche Frauen an Adolf Hitler"] selbst verdient trotz mancherlei Uebertreibungen Beachtung. Sie ist m.E. nicht aus einem Geist des Frauenrechtlertums geschrieben, sondern aus dem ehrlichen Wollen, der Frau im Kampfe um Deutschlands Neuwerdung den ihr gebührenden Platz zu sichern.63

fraulich Fraulich is both descriptive and evaluative, often conferring prestige on the noun it modifies: frauliche Aufgabe Eben die hohe Bedeutung, die der Nationalsozialismus der Familie und der Nachkommenschaft des Volkes beimißt, erschließt der berufstätigen Frau als Betreuerin einzigartige und ausgesprochen frauliche Aufgaben. 64

frauliches

Aufgabengebiet

Hierunter fällt vor allem das speziell frauliche Aufgabengebiet der Volkshilfe.65

fraulicher Beruf Das zweite, auf das Gewicht gelegt wird, ist das Heranziehen von Mitarbeiterinnen aus allen fraulichen Berufen in den Arbeitskreis. Mutter, Lehrerin, Hausfrau, Fürsorgerin, Arbeiterin und die Angestellte, Stadt- und Landfrau finden sich zusammen, bringen ihre Wünsche und Anregungen vor.66

frauliches Herz Sie [Guida Diehl] haben noch nicht an unbeuogenen [unbezogenen] Betten gestanden, wenn wir zu ihnen kommen, müssen wir ihnen Brot und Wäsche bringen und aus unserem fraulichen Herzen das geben, was sie brauchen, es ist eine Kriegserklärung an uns wenn Sie sagen, wenn Sie nicht bei uns angehört werden, müssen Sie zu anderen gehen.67

62

Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Denkschrift an den Kanzler des Deutschen Reiches Herrn Adolf Hitler und an den Vizekanzler Herrn Franz von Papen', Die deutsche Kämpferin, May 1933, p. 19. 63 BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, Frau Ρ Siber, Vermerk, 17 November 1933. 64 Alice Rilke, 'Die erwerbstätige Frau im Dritten Reich', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda (editors), NS-Frauenbuch (Munich: Lehmann, 1934), p. 68. 65 BA NSD47/6, M Unger, 'Die Frau im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland', NSFK, 1 April 1934. 66 Gerda ν Bremen, 'Frauenschulung für den Rundfunk', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 19. 67 BA NS22/452, Frau Braun (?), untitled document containing contributions by Diehl, Schnabel, Rienhardt, Braun, Siber, Zander, no date.

98

Morpho-semantic analysis

frauliche Würde Insbesondere ist von diesen 4 Frauen auch zu verlangen, dass sie im Auftreten, in der Kleidung und im Benehmen frauliche Würde und feinen Anstand bewahren.68 The derivative hausfraulich also occurs in the primary material: Darum müssen wir von der Ueberschätzung der Leistungsfähigkeit frei werden. Es liegt doch heute klar zutage: Tausende von Frauen leisten beruflich mehr als hausfraulich.69 fraulich and mütterlich Fraulich often collocates with mütterlich, showing semantic proximity, though not necessarily synonymy between the two derivatives. In many cases mütterlich acts as an intensifier of fraulich and vice versa. Fraulich and mütterlich are used to form hyphenated compounds, so creating a more unified link between the two terms and their denotative and connotative meanings. The compounds further emphasise the conceptual link between womanhood and motherhood, which, predictably perhaps, is a central aspect of the female National Socialist Weltanschauung,70 Either fraulich or mütterlich is used to form the first element. Unter der selbstverständlichen Voraussetzung, daß die betreffende Ärztin den Beruf zutiefst bejaht und ihm verhaftet ist, daß sie andererseits mit aller Freudigkeit und Hingabe ihrefraulich-mütterlichenPflichten erfaßt und ihnen nachgeht, und schließlich, daß ihr die Natur eine handfeste Gesundheit mitgegeben hat, möchte ich behaupten, daß diese Erfüllung eines Frauenlebens zu den Gipfelleistungen gehört, und daß sie innerhalb der Volksgemeinschaft einen Wert darstellt, der nicht hoch genug einzuschätzen ist, und an dessen Erhaltung und Förderung im Grunde genommen der Staat selbst das erste Interesse hat.71 Hiess es bisher von einer kleinen Zahl von Frauen: mütterlich-weiblich trotz des Berufes, so muss künftig für alle Berufsfrauen gelten: mütterlich-fraulich im Beruf und durch den Beruf.72

68

BA NS22/430, no author given, Ordnung der Frauenschaft', no date. No author given (von einer Hausfrau), 'Wirtschaftsnot und Frauenarbeit', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, November 1933, p. 9. 70 For a more detailed discussion of the semantic relationship between Frau and Mutter, see the chapter entitled 'Women and Motherhood, Women and Work'. 71 Helene Börner, 'Zur Frage der ärztlichen Berufstätigkeit der Frau', Die deutsche Kämpferin, February 1934, p. 224. 72 NSD47/6, Else Schilfarth, 'Die berufstätige Frau', NSFK, 15 February 1934. 69

Frau

99

The hyphenated compounds mütterlich-hausfraulich and hausfraulichmütterlich also occur, again highlighting the conceptual link between the two elements, as illustrated in the following examples: Worauf es aber ankommt, das ist die erziehungsmäßige Herbeiführung jener geistigen Umstellung bei Frauen und auch Männern, die das mütterlichhausfrauliche Element als das vor allem wertvolle Element im Leben der Nation entsprechend bewertet.73 Es ist eine unverzeihliche Versäumnis, daß gerade geistig hochstehende Frauen sich mehr und mehr auf den Gebieten männlicher Berufstätigkeit hervortun wollen, ohne daran zu denken, wie sehr ihre ureigenste Angelegenheit, die hausfraulich-mütterliche, sorgende, erziehende Tätigkeit im Argen liegt.74 fraulich and weiblich The derivatives fraulich and weiblich occur frequently in the texts by female National Socialists to mark out certain characteristics and activities as female. From the examples found in primary texts the question arises to what extent the women use fraulich and weiblich as synonyms, and whether they are interchangeable in all contexts. Both derivatives collocate with a range of nouns such as Arbeit, Beruf, Führung, Kraft. Beruf Es war praktisch unmöglich, sämtliche Mädchen in den historisch anerkannten, sogenannten „fraulichen" Berufen - wie Kranken- und Kinderpflege, Erziehung und Hauswirtschaft - unterzubringen.75 Und es gibt eine solche Anzahl typisch weiblicher Berufe, die Arbeit und Lohn den Frauen geben, die da arbeiten müssen.76 Führung Daß frauliche Führung in der Frauengemeinschaft versagt hatte, sich zwar in den Teilgebieten, nicht aber auf der ganzen Linie durchzusetzen vermochte, ist zwar bedauerlich und in seinen Folgen von großer Tragweite, darf uns aber nicht erlahmen oder irre werden lassen.77

73 Else Vorwerck, 'Hausfrau und Nation', in Elsbeth Unverricht (editor), Unsere Zeit und Wir. Das Buch der deutschen Frau (Gauting bei München: Berg, 1934), pp. 459-460. 74 ibid., p. 460. 75 Mathilde Kelchner, 'Das wahre Gesicht der Frauenbewegung', in Irmgard Reichenau (editor), Deutsche Frauen an Adolf Hitler, 2nd rev. edn (Leipzig: Klein, 1934), p. 63. 76 No author given (von einer Hausfrau), 'Wirtschaftsnot und Frauenarbeit', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, November 1933, p. 8. 77 Eleonore Bartling, 'Rückblick und Ausblick', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 2.

100

Morpho-semantic analysis

Es darf zwischen männlicher und weiblicher Führung keine Rivalität entstehen, kein Auseinanderfallen in zwei verschiedene Richtungen.78 Kraft Es gibt in der Medizin ein reiches Feld zur Betätigung und Gebiete genug, die wieder andere Voraussetzungen haben und dringend fraulicher Kräfte bedürfen.79 Es geht jetzt alles darum, der todbringenden Entartung des Volkes dadurch ein Halt zu gebieten, daß die Selbstkräfte, die weiblichen Kräfte wieder miteingestellt werden in die verantwortliche Führung der Volksgemeinschaft.80 The women's texts also show use of both unweiblich and unfraulich, to refer to activities considered unsuitable and damaging to women, and therefore unacceptable in female NS ideology. unfraulich/unweiblich Das ist ein Trost fur diejenigen berufstätigen Frauen, die in der Fehlentwicklung der letzten Jahrzehnte in einen unfraulichen, trockenen Beruf gekommen sind und gar keine Frauenkraft darin verwenden können.81 Wettkämpferische Uebungen und Rekordbestrebungen sollen jedoch vermieden werden, da sie nach faschistischer Auffassung den Mädchen physisch und moralisch schädlich, also unweiblich sind.82 The derivatives could be regarded as synonymous in certain contexts, yet some differences are detectable. For example, both fraulich and weiblich also occur in comparisons with the derivative männlich, although the parallel weiblich männlich seems to be much more common in the texts analysed. Wäre es nicht segensreich für unser Volk, wenn von männlicher und von fraulicher Seite alle diese Probleme in Angriff genommen würden, die tief im Argen liegen?83 Wer männliche und weibliche Psyche in ihrer Verschiedenartigkeit erkannt hat, wird wissen, dass Frauen und Mädchen nicht in der gleichen Form angefasst werden können, wie Männer und Knaben.84 78

Lydia Gottschewski, 'Weibliches Führertum', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 2. Helene Börner, 'Zur Frage der ärztlichen Berufstätigkeit der Frau', Die deutsche Kämpferin, February 1934, p. 220. 80 BA NSD47/12, Ρ Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Neue Erkenntnisse', NS-Frauenwarte (NSFW), 15 January 1933, p. 315. 81 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 85. 82 Adelheid Dehio, 'Faschistische Mädel marschieren!', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, December 1933, p. 26. 83 Helene Börner, 'Zur Frage der ärztlichen Berufstätigkeit der Frau', Die deutsche Kämpferin, February 1934, p. 219. 79

Frau

101

In women's texts weiblich offers a wider range of collocational possibilities than fraulich. It is used in bound collocations/idiomatic expressions to describe women, seen in the expressions weibliche Jugend, weibliche Mitglieder, weibliche Studenten. There are some examples of nouns which collocate with weiblich but not with fraulich, in the material examined, for example: weibliche Abgeordnete - ""frauliche Abgeordnete weibliche Veranlagung - ""frauliche Veranlagung The reverse situation does not hold, however. In the collocations of fraulich with certain nouns, weiblich can be substituted: frauliche Belange - weibliche Belange spezifisch frauliche Nöte - spezifisch weibliche Nöte There is a core area of vocabulary where fraulich and weiblich are synonymous and thus where connotative meanings become the important distinguishing factor. Weiblich has biological and racial connotations, highlighted by the way in which weiblich collocates with nouns such as Art and Wesen, whereas fraulich has spiritual (in the sense of 'geistig') connotations, used to describe characteristics and qualities which are stereotypically assigned to women. In the body of primary material, I encountered an example where both derivatives occur in the same sentence, so indicating that the particular author did not regard fraulich and weiblich as synonymous.85 Nur solche Frauen werden nicht mehr danach streben, überall da, w o der Mann steht, sich neben oder vor ihn zu drängen; sondern sie werden als Theologin, als Juristin, als Medizinerin und Philosophin an der deutschen Hochschule ihre besonderen weiblichen und fraulichen Aufgaben suchen. 86

2.2.3

Compounds and derivatives with Mann

In creating a linguistic Frauenwelt in which the female element is emphasised, communicated through the use of compounds and derivatives with Frau and Mutter, women create occasional contrasts with the Männerwelt, through compounds and derivatives with Mann. Of the formations I have encountered 84

BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from Bundesflihrerin, BKL, to Reichsminister, 3 August 1933. See Luise F Pusch, Das Deutsche als Männersprache. Aufsätze und Glossen zur feministischen Linguistik (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1984; repr. 1996). Pusch comments that whilst the derivatives of Mann are männlich and Männlichkeit, the derivative pattern of Frau proves more complicated: 'Für Frau dagegen heißt sie, kompliziert und unlogisch: weiblich, Weiblichkeit. Fraulich und Fraulichkeit können wir nicht verwenden, weil ihre Bedeutung zu eng ist und von vielen noch dazu als negativ empfunden wird' (p. 165). 86 Gisela Brettschneider, 'Die deutsche Frau an der Hochschule', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 9. 85

102

Morpho-semantic analysis

in the archival material, the formations used have Mann(es) or Männer as the first element. The lack of examples with Mann as the second element show that there was not the same need or desire to identify objectified models of men. The following tables provide examples of compounds and derivatives with Mann as well as indications of whether they were used with positive or negative connotations: Compounds Noun Männerregierung Männerstaat Männerwelt Männerwerk Männerwirtschaft Manneskampf Mannestätigkeit Manneswille Mannweib

Positive/Negative

Adjective mannbestimmt männerpolitisch

Positive/Negative

-

+/-

+/-

+ + + -

-

Derivatives Noun Mannbarkeit Männertum Mannestum Mannheit Männlichkeit Vermännerung

Positive/Negative

Adjective männerrechtlich männlich vermännlicht

Positive/Negative

+ -

+ + +/-

-

+/-

Frau

103

E x a m p l e s include:

Männerregierung Wir haben ein geeinigtes Volk, dessen größere Hälfte vom Staat einfach ausgeschaltet wird, wir haben nur eine Männerregierung, keine Frauen Vertretung.87

Männerstaat Positive Die beste Organisation des heroischsten Männerstaates kann nie Selbstzweck sein, sondern muß als ein Mittel zu einem entsprechend hohen Zweck erkannt werden. 88 Negative Der heutige Männerstaat ist ein gewisses steriles Gebilde geworden durch seine einseitige Geschlechtsbejahung. 89

Männerwelt Positive Erreicht ist die Aktivierung der Männerwelt, aber nicht der Frauenwelt in den ihr besonders gegebenen Kräften. 90 Negative 90% der Männerwelt werden mehr denn je die Frauen ehr- und rechtlos behandeln. 91

Männerwerk Es gab in jüngerer Zeit sogar Versammlungsredner, die sich nicht scheuten, den Frauen die „Zermürbung des Frontgeistes" zuzuschieben, weil sie „Jammerbriefe in die Schützengräben" schickten; und doch ist längst einwandfrei erwiesen, daß der Zusammenbruch vom Herbst 1918, wie die gesamte von Männern gemachte „Geschichte" des letzten Jahrtausends reines Männerwerk war. 92

87

BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, Paula Siber, 'Die Frau und der Staat', 10 December 1933. Lore Reinhardt (1934), p. 11. 89 BA NSD47/12, Charlotte Koeberle-Schönfeldt, 'Matriarchat', NSFW, 15 September 1932, p. 122. 90 NS22/430, untitled document, following 'Grundsätze der N.S. Frauenschaft' in the file, no author given, no date. See also NS44/55. 91 BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from Frau Lohmann to Reichsminister, 10 December 1933. 92 Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Rassenehre', Die deutsche Kämpferin, January 1934, p. 194. 88

104

Morpho-semantic analysis

Männerwirtschaft Begründet man heute die an der Spitze der Kultur marschierenden Völker, insonderheit die Völker, deren Frauen erwachen - die nordischen - auf einseitiger Männerwirtschaft, so wendet man der aussichtsreichen Zukunft den Rücken; selbst wenn sich das nicht so schnell zeigt.93

Manneskampf Seitdem [1. Oktober 1931] ist es Losung geworden, daß der seelisch-geistige Frauenkampf neben dem vorstoßenden Manneskampf sein Recht und seine Aufgabe hat, daß nicht nur die caritative Arbeit und die Vorbereitung auf sanitäre Pflichten von der Frauenschaft geleistet werden soll.94

Mannestätigkeit Das Vorbild dazu gibt uns die gesamte bisherige Mannestätigkeit im Nationalsozialismus.95

Manneswille Deutscher Manneswille ersteht, dazu muss kommen ein Deutscher Frauenwille, wie im Neuland und Deutschen Frauen-Kampfbund. 96

Mannweib Je weiter die Menschheit sich entwickelt, um so mehr wird ein Ausgleich der seelisch-arteigenen Befähigungen stattfinden. Das heißt nicht, daß die Frau zum Mannweib wird, der Mann feminin - es heißt, daß jedes Geschlecht bei Erhaltung seiner arteigenen Vorzüge die des anderen hinzunimmt, sodaß am Manne die feinfühlig warmempfindende, bei der Frau die sinnlich-intellektuelle Begabung ihre naturbevorzugte Seite mehr und mehr ergänzt.97

mannbestimmt Unserem einseitig mannbestimmten Staate fehlt die andere Seele des germanischen Menschen, die Weibseele.98

93

Irmgard Reichenau, 'Die arteigene Berufung des Mannes und der Frau', Die deutsche Kämpferin, September 1933, p. 105. 94 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 47. 95 ibid., p. 96. 96 NS22/430, untitled document, following 'Grundsätze der N.S. Frauenschaft', no author given, no date. See also NS44/55. 97 Irmgard Reichenau, 'Die arteigene Berufung des Mannes und der Frau', Die deutsche Kämpferin, September 1933, p. 104. 98 BA NSD47/12, Ρ Sophie Rogge-Börner, 'Neue Erkenntnisse', NSFW, 15 January 1933, p. 315.

Frau

105

männerpolitisch Versailles und alle ihm folgenden Verschärfungen und neuen Zwangsdiktate sind ein rein männerpolitisches Werk."

Mannbarkeit Es ist ein schwerer Fehler, wenn eine Mutter, die sich ein Mädchen gewünscht hat und einem Knaben das Leben gab, diesen als Mädchen aufzieht und anzieht und ihm dadurch weibliche Eigenschaften anerzieht, die ihm später bei der Entwicklung zur Geschlechtsreife und dem Bewußtwerden seiner Mannbarkeit mehr oder weniger seelische Schwierigkeiten bereiten.100

Männertum Das Amazonengeschlecht lebt vielleicht nur in der Sage, aber in vollem Tageslicht steht ihr Gegenstück, das verweiblichte Männertum in jener Rasse, deren Erfolge durch Börse und Presse sich auf ausgeprägt weibliche Eigenschaften stützen.101

Mannestum Viel geheime Unruhe in den Tiefengeschichten unseres Volkslebens ist daraus zu erklären, daß das Ziel nordischer Seelenartung, dem alles echte Mannestum sich heute verpflichtet fühlt, noch nicht in gleicher Weise anerkannt ist für die Frau.102

Mannheit Wo immer diese bedroht wird: durch verrohende, verflachende Einflüsse auf das geistig-seelische Gepräge der Gemeinschaft; durch Nachmachen und Aufzwingung wesensfremder Formen oder durch gedankenlose Schematisierung, in denen ihr Eigenleben verkümmert; durch einsichtslose Unterdrückung der Sonderkräfte, deren wesensgemäße Entfaltung ihr eine Bereicherung wären; durch Gewalt gegen Arg- und Wehrlose - überall da sind Aufgaben für Frauentum und Mütterlichkeit, ebenso wie für Mannheit und Soldatentum.103

99

Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Liberalismus', Die deutsche Kämpferin, September 1933, p. 100. Lotte Bahrmann, 'Neuzeitliche Erziehung der Geschlechter', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, November 1933, p. 12. 101 Marie Diers, 'Frau bleibt Frau', Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte, January 1932, p. 26. 102 Lydia Gottschewski (1934), p. 85. 103 Hanna Brandt, 'Wehrgeist und Frauentum', Die deutsche Kämpferin, August 1933, p. 85. 100

106

Morpho-semantic analysis

Männlichkeit Positive Im Zweigeschlechterwesen wird jedes Volkstum die nur ihm arteigene, neue „Männlichkeit" und „Weiblichkeit" prägen.104 Negative Was also ist die „Männlichkeit", die heute Götzenanbetung mit sich selber treibt?105 Vermännerung Lebt wohl, ihr Frauenrechtlerinnen, jeden Alters, jeden Grades. Ob ihr, wie die ersten Kämpferinnen aus den achtziger, neunziger Jahren eine auch äußerliche Vermännerung zur Schau trägt, oder ob ihr heute euch weiblich zeigt in äußerlicher Form, in gewählter Kleidung, auch in Heiratswünschen, ihr habt unserm Volk Theorien aufgedrängt, die von drei Sünden wider die Natur getragen wa-

männerrechtlich Eine Volksgemeinschaft germanischen Blutes kann auf die Dauer nicht einseitig männerrechtlich gefuhrt und gelenkt werden.107 männlich The derivative männlich often occurs in women's texts in an explicit comparison with weiblich or fraulich, and is used with both positive and pejorative connotations: Positive Wir sehen dem männlichen Aufmarsch und dem Durchbruch des Mannestums in der Bewegung mit Freude und Dankbarkeit zu, aber wir bedürfen dringend eigener Ideale für unser Frauentum, in Sonderheit aber auch der Beseelung unserer Frauensache.108 Negative Der Mangel an weiblichem Einfluß, der sich heute in rein männlicher Gesetzgebung, sowohl in der Straf- als auch in der Ziviljustiz - man denke nur an die Ehegesetze, Güterrechtsparagraphen, Unterhaltspflichtgesetze usw.-, der sich 104

Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Die dritte der Stufen', Die deutsche Kämpferin, June 1933, p. 35. ibid., p. 34. 106 Marie Diers, 'Frau bleibt Frau', Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte, January 1932, pp. 26-27. 107 Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Denkschrift an den Kanzler des Deutschen Reiches Herrn Adolf Hitler und an den Vizekanzler Herrn Franz von Papen', Die deutsche Kämpferin, May 1933, p. 17. 108 BA NS22/431, letter from Frau Kelber to Strasser, 16 November 1931. 105

Frau

107

ferner in rein männlichen Erziehungsprinzipien, in männlich-geistiger Fürsorgeorganisation offenbart, ist ein Zeichen der weiblichen Degeneration in den letzten Jahrzehnten des 19. Jahrhunderts, da die Frau nicht Kraft und Willen genug besaß, ihre weiblichen Eigenschaften und Fähigkeiten als Mitarbeiterin neben dem Manne einzusetzen. 109 Erfolgt an allzu vielen Stellen die Einschaltung von männlichen Führungen, so entsteht die sehr zu ernst nehmende Gefahr, daß männliche Vorstellungen und männliche Wertungen in die Frauenbewegung hineingetragen werden. In diesem Falle kommt es sehr leicht zu einer völlig verkehrten und sinnwidrigen Anpassung an männliche Formen (z.B. das „Marschieren" von Frauen und Mädeln). 110

vermännlicht Rosenberg wendet sich scharf gegen die verstandesmäßige Einstellung der vermännlichten Frau, wendet sich gegen jegliche Rassenschande, die von Frauen in den letzten Jahrzehnten begangen wurde. 111

With these compounds and derivatives, the negative connotations are communicated through modifying adjectives, such as verweiblicht, einseitig or rein, rather than through the terms themselves. The compounds and derivatives refer exclusively to men with the exception of Mannweib and vermännlicht. The term vermännlicht consequently becomes the antonym of weiblich or fraulich. The compounds and derivatives with Mann occur in particular in texts written by the group of National Socialist women often referred to by historians as 'NS feminists' or 'oppositionelle Faschistinnen'. Many of the formations can be found in the publication Die deutsche Kämpferin, in which figures such as Sophie Rogge-Börner, the editor of the journal, and Irmgard Reichenau, Mathilde Kelchner, Yella Erdmann and Sophie Philipps aired their criticism of the NS party and state, and complained about the lack of power and status for women, particularly after 1933. As a means of expressing their dissatisfaction they employed parallel formations with Frau and Mann to highlight the inequality between the two groups. Yet their use of these formations does not necessarily fall into two polarised categories of female (positive) and male (negative), as some of their criticism is also aimed at their fellow women.112 The use of parallel compounds, such as Frauenwille and Manneswille, for 109

BA NSD47/12, Charlotte Koeberle-Schönfeldt, 'Matriarchat', NSFW, 15 September 1932, p. 122. 110 Lydia Gottschewski, 'Weibliches Führertum', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 2. 111 Else Frobenius, Die Frau im Dritten Reich. Eine Schrift fur das deutsche Volk (Berlin: Huch, no date [1933]), p. 54. 112 See Christine Wittrock (1983), p. 192.

108

Morpho-semantic analysis

example, fulfilled a promotional function, in communicating to male and female addressees that women were capable of contributing to an NS state: Der neue deutsche Frauenwille muß sich mit dem kämpfenden Manneswillen einen, erst dann wird eine gesunde, kraftvolle deutsche Zukunft und ein neues „heiliges" deutsches Reich.113 Männerregierung and mannbestimmt were used in 1933, after the National Socialists had come to power, to highlight some NS women's dissatisfaction that they had not achieved the level of representation in the National Socialist state they had previously expected, and had been denied the chance to create their own Frauenwelt. When comparing the kinds of compounds and derivatives formed with Frau(en)- and Mann(es)-, or Männer-, the connotations attached to the formations, and the frequency with which they occur, it becomes apparent there is a certain asymmetry, and lexical gaps occur. 2.2.4

Summary of compounding and derivation with Frau

As we have seen, compounds and derivatives with Frau(en) form an integral part of female discourse, and are employed for a complex range of purposes, from establishing a typology of women, such as Blockfrau, Stadtfrau, to denoting organisations and activities, such as Frauengruppe, Frauenkulturarbeit, and to outlining specifically female qualities, characteristics and activities in compounds such as Frauenaufgabe, Frauenkraft, Frauenwille and in derivatives such as Frauentum and Fraulichkeit. The positive connotations of many compounds and derivatives are enhanced by the collocating adjectives deutsch, echt, nationalsozialistisch and neu. The adjective nationalsozialistisch, in particular, signals solidarity with the NSDAP as a whole, and neu is a key term in female discourse as a whole, and will be discussed in greater detail in the chapter on 'Women and the Volksgemeinschaff. Not all of the compounds and derivatives have positive connotations, and some formations can be employed both positively and negatively, so highlighting the need for polarised portrayals of womanhood, and the desire to establish linguistic Feindbilder within the community of women. Having identified characteristics of word-formation patterns with Frau(en), we should also consider why the women made use of them rather than possible alternatives. Of particular interest are the compounds with Frau as the first element: ie why did they use Frauenideale instead of Ideale der Frauen? There are examples where the genitive syntagma is also used, e.g. Frauenarbeit and Arbeit der Frau. One reason may be stylistic: to make their writing more succinct, and more formal. In addition to this, the compound becomes a univer-

113

Guida Diehl (1933), p. 6.

Mutter

109

sal, fixed concept, a key expression. With the example of Frauenideale, these are no longer ideals which women happen to have in a random, incidental way; they are ideals which are intrinsically female, determined by their gender, and which stand for womanhood as a unified group. The use of the compound and the derivative also serves to 'institutionalise' the concept whilst at the same time linking it to National Socialist ideology. The derivative has the additional effect of transforming the term into an abstract concept, which acquires ideological status. The women were drawing on their existing social and political connotations, by building upon, rejecting or redefining existing compounds and derivatives as part of the dynamic process emanating from semantic inheritance.

2.3 2.3.1

Mutter

Compounds with Mutter

The Mutterwelt also plays a part in providing characteristic linguistic features of women's discourse. The emphasis on the role of women as mothers was certainly not a new phenomenon, yet the compounds and derivatives with Mutter serve as a further morpho-semantic indication of specifically female activities and concerns, and the positive promotion of women's role in society, in which motherhood played a vital role. As with the component Frau(en), Mutter not only defines, but also enhances semantically the accompanying element in the compound. In the analysis, I shall first address the formations with Mutter as the second element before focusing on formations with Mutter as the first element. Compounds with Mutter as the second element This group of compounds defines women not just as mothers in the biological sense, but also metaphorically, as women who use their 'motherly qualities' to influence others, or to occupy a position of responsibility, for example. Compounds occurring in the women's texts fall into the following categories: •

Position of authority in the NSDAP: women responsible for a local unit, e.g. Blockmutter, Zellenmutter.114

114 There seems to have been some uncertainty over whether women should be referred to as Blockfrau or Blockmutter, similarly Zellenfrau or Zellenmutter. For example, in a document produced by the NSF (DFO), Hauptabteilung VIII, Munich, dated 26 September 1932, (BA NS22/452), the second component (-frau) of the compound Zellenfrau is crossed out in pencil and replaced by -mutter. Yet in a revised version of the same document, dated 1 October 1932, the formation Zellenfrau is listed again without correction.

Morpho-semantic analysis

110 • • •

Individual mother of a single family (contrasted with Volksmutter or Mutter des Volkes): Familienmutter. Specific 'type' of mother, defined by external circumstances, e.g. war: Kriegsmutter. Position of influence and responsibility for the whole: Landesmutter, Stammesmutter, Volksmutter.

Examples include: Blockmutter Die ganze Ortsgruppe haben wir in Blöcke eingeteilt, und dafür je eine ..Blockmutter" ernannt.115 (underlining in original) Familienmutter Die nächste Naturverbundenheit der Frau ist ihr Volk. Durch ihren Körper hindurch ist der Zusammenhang der Geschlechter von uralter Zeit her gegangen. Sie ist als Mutter des Lebendigen nicht nur Familienmutter, sondern auch Mutter des Volkes.116 Kriegsmutter Die gegenwärtige und die kommenden Generationen deutscher Mütter werden in der Kriegsmutter ein durch das höchste Opfer geheiligtes Symbol der Pflichterfüllung erblicken.117 Landesmutter Als gebürtige Mecklenburgerin, aufgewachsen in dem französischen Einflüssen leicht zugänglichen Rheinhessen, früh durch die Heirat mit dem schwerblütigen, ehrenhaften nüchternen Kronprinzen von Preussen an verantwortliche Stelle gestellt, klug, von herzgewinnender Natürlichkeit und Güte, wuchs sie [Königin Luise von Preussen] von Jahr zu Jahr immer mehr in die Aufgaben der Landesmutter hinein, in dem starken Verantwortlichkeitsgefühl der mütterlichen Frau gegenüber ihren Landeskindern.118 Stammesmutter Volk in Not! Ich will das Erbe meiner Stammesmütter annehmen, die das Leben ihres Volkes in starken Händen hielten, die wissend um den Urquell nordischer

" s BA NS44/54, Sofie Rahner, 'Blockmütter', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschafl, 8 February 1933. " ' G u i d a Diehl (1933), p. 98. 117 Florentine Hamm, 'Die Frau in Deutschlands Niedergang und Aufstieg', Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte, January 1932, p. 19. 118 BA NSD47/6, Hildegard Passow, 'Eine deutsche Königin', NSFK, 6 May 1933.

Mutter

111

Kraft, oft das taumelnde Volk hochrissen, die in ihren reinen Herzen das süße heilige Wunder hüteten - die deutsche Seele."9 Volksmutter Daher steht im Mittelpunkt einer nationalsozialistischen Frauenfrage die Mutter, und zwar die ewig tragende und opfernde Volksmutter, die auf ihrem Herzen und durch ihre Herzenskraft alle Generationen eines Volkes getragen hat und tragen wird.120 Zellenmutter Um die Frauenschaft zur Lebensgemeinschaft auszubauen, muss die Leiterin bei grösserer Zahl der Mitglieder dieselbe in Zellen einteilen und jeder Zelle eine Vertrauensfrau (Zellenmutter) bestellen, die durch Besuche die Einzelnen kennen lernt und wach hält und sich im Notfall bei schwierigen Verhältnissen der Familie annimmt, sodass [sie] eine wirkliche Familienpflege einsetzt.121 (underlining in original) The definition of all women as mothers, and the identification of categories of mothers and motherhood will be analysed in the chapter entitled 'Women and Motherhood, Women and Work'. Compounds with Mutter as the first element The majority of compounds used by the women fall into this category, and formations occur with both singular and plural forms occur, for example, Mutterwille, Mütterdienst, Müttererholung, Mütterschulung, Mütterverschickung. Although the compounds are mainly composed of two elements, there are some examples of formations composed of three nouns: Mütterdienstwerk, Müttererholungsßrsorge, Müttererholungsheim, Müttergesundheitsfürsorge. These types of compounds increased following the creation of the NS-Frauenschaft, after which the activities of women were channelled to a larger extent into looking after mothers and children. These nouns generally have underlying prepositional syntagmas: Mütterheim = 'Heim fur Mütter' Mütterschulung = 'Schulung fur Mütter' whereas the compounds formed with the singular Mutter, have underlying genitive syntagmas: 119 Hoover Collection, NSDAP Hauptarchiv, 13/254, Kreisfrauenschaftsleiterin, Kreis Pirna, 'Aus den Niederschriften einer Kreisfrauenschaftsleiterin aus dem Kampflahr 1932*. 120 Paula Siber (1933), p. 14. 121 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Anleitung zur Leitung der Frauenschaft', 1932.

112

Morpho-semantic analysis

Muttergefühl = 'Gefühl einer Mutter' Mutterwille = 'Wille einer Mutter' Organisational and abstract/ideological compounds Compounds with Mutter/Mütter were used by women involved in National Socialism to refer to organisations, activities, policies created to look after women with children, for example, Mütterdienst and Mütterschulung. Abstract/ideological formations were used to describe and prescribe female nature, feelings, actions and characteristics associated with mothers and motherhood. These compounds were not used merely to refer to women who were mothers in the biological sense, but could also refer to women in general. Compounds reflecting the Mutterwelt Mütterabend Mutteramt Mütterarbeit Mutteraufgabe Mutterauftrag Mutterauge Mutterberuf Mutterbewußtsein Mutterbildung Mutterboden Mutter-ZMütterdienst Muttererde Mutterfamilie Müttergeflihl Muttergeist Müttergeschlecht Mütterglück Muttergrund

Mutterhand Mutterhaus Mutterherrschaft Mutterherz Mutterhoffnung Mutterinstinkt Mutterkampf Mutterkörper Mutterkraft Mutterleben Mutterliebe Mutternahrung Mutterpflicht Mutterrecht Mutterschaffen Mutterschicksal Mutterschoß Mutterschutz

Mutterseele Muttersein Muttersendung Muttersippe Mutterstimme Mutterstrahlung Mutterverantwortung MutterVerantwortungsbewußtsein Mutterverbundenheit Mutterverehrung Mutterweisheit Mütterwelt Mutterwert Mutterwille Mutterwürde

There are some parallels with Frau(en)-/Mutter compounds, in particular Frauen-ZMütterarbeit, Frauen-ZMutteraufgabe, Frauen-Mutterberuf, Frauen/Müttergeflihl, Frauen-ZMutterhand, Frauen-ZMutterherz, Frauen-ZMutterkampf, Frauen-ZMütterleben, Frauen-ZMutterrecht, Frauen-ZMutterseele, Frau-ZMuttersein, Frauen-ZMutterstimme, Frauen-ZMutterwert, FrauenZMutterwille, Frauen-ZMutterwürde. The following compounds with Mutter- do appear with relative frequency in the women's texts and achieve a level of common semantic currency amongst the women:

Mutter

113

Mutteraufgabe Die Frau soll wieder zu ihrer Mutteraufgabe zurückgeführt, sie soll wieder zur Mütterlichkeit erzogen werden. Davon ist unter Deutschen noch nie so viel geschrieben und gesprochen worden wie gegenwärtig. Wir sind auf dem Wege, eine völlig irrige und völlig unwahrhaftige Begriffsbildung über Mütterlichkeit und Mutteraufgaben entstehen zu lassen.1 Diese naturgesetzliche Mutteraufgabe ist aber das Bestimmende fur das gesamte Frauenleben. Von dort aus müßte die Ausbildung und die Betätigung der Frau im Volksganzen gesehen und bestimmt werden.2

Müttergeschlecht Klar erkennbar aber wird schon heute, daß in der Tat das Müttergeschlecht berufen sein wird, Pionier einer neuen Zeit zu sein, die auch eine „Atmosphäre des Vertrauens" zwischen den Völkern schaffen muß, das heißt, auf den Grundlagen harter nationaler Gebundenheit jedes einzelnen Volkes internationale Beziehungen verwirklichen wird, die das Sumpfgebiet ruchloser Ausrottungspläne und schmutziger Ausbeutungspolitik des männlichen Weltalters hinter sich lassen.3

Mutterliebe Eine Fülle geschmackvollen, lustigen und neuartigen Spielzeugs, verbunden mit einer Unzahl nützlicher Dinge legte auf der Weihnachtsausstellung der Gaufrauenschaft in Bochum beredtes Zeugnis davon ab, welcher Leistungen die Mutterliebe fähig ist, wenn es gilt, inmitten Not und Hoffnungslosigkeit ihren Kindern den Segen der Freude zukommen zu lassen.4

Muttersein Die Frau ist mütterlich, oder sie ist es nicht. Keine Maßnahmen können sie dazu erziehen. In ihrer Mehrzahl ist sie es auch heute noch, d.h. ihre Mütterlichkeit und ihr Wille zum Muttersein würde ohne jede Beeinflussung von außen, frei aus sich selber zu schönstem Aufblühen kommen, wenn sie das Männergeschlecht fände, das sich seiner Vateraufgabe bewußt und überhaupt in der Ehe noch imstande ist, gesunde Kinder zu zeugen.5

1

Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Mütterlichkeit', Die deutsche Kämpferin, August, 1933, p. 81. Guida Diehl (1933), p. 97. 3 Sophie Rogge-Börner, 'Liberalismus', Die deutsche Kämpferin, September 1933, p. 100. 4 BA NS44/55, Hildegard Baltes, 'Weihnachts-Wettbewerb der Gau-Frauenschaftsleitung Westfalen-Süd', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 15 February 1933. 5 Sophie Rogge-Börner, 'Mütterlichkeit', Die deutsche Kämpferin, August 1933, p. 81. 2

114

Morpho-semantic analysis Denn höchste Berufung der nationalsozialistischen Frau ist nicht die, Kinder nur zu gebären, sondern die, bewußt und aus der ganzen Hingabe ihres Mutterseins und ihrer Mutterpflicht heraus, ihrem Volke Kinder zu erziehen. 6

Connotations of Mutter- compounds Most of the compounds have positive connotations to communicate the glorification of motherhood propagated by NS women and indeed the party as a whole. Through these compounds, every activity, object and concept associated with motherhood also acquires positive associations. There are, however, a number of compounds which are used with negative associations, and are employed by the NS feminists, writing in Die deutsche Kämpferin. These women seem to take a more critical look at the topic of motherhood, and the portrayal of it in society. Their main criticism is directed at what they perceive to be over-sentimentalised attitudes to motherhood. This is communicated through compounds such as Mutterverehrung. Es werden neuerlich leidenschaftliche Versuche unternommen, einen sentimentalen Weiblichkeitsbegriff und eine romantische Mutterverehrung, die beide nicht nordischen, sondern orientalischen Ursprungs sind, wieder zu einem Idol der Deutschen zu erheben. Dagegen wehren wir uns. 7

Here the negative context is communicated through the negatively-charged adjectives sentimental and romantisch, as well as the polarised adjectives nordisch (positive) and orientalisch (negative). This is then contrasted with the derivative Mütterlichkeit collocating with the prestige adjectives neu, deutsch to form a contrast with the two opposing views of motherhood: Neue deutsche Mütterlichkeit hat den Willen zu mehreren Kindern; aber sie weiß auch, daß sie der Nation nur hochwertige Kinder schenken darf. 8

It becomes clear that the author of this example, Sophie Rogge-Bömer, sees the importance of motherhood in its biological, racial sense. She traces the role of mothers in society back to the beginnings of civilisation and uses the compound Mutterherrschaft in a neutral or even positive way to outline the anthropological changes which have taken place over centuries, with matriarchal society being replaced by patriarchy. The patriarchal society has failed, in her opinion, and this has led to the rise of the women's movement. In general, the women do not criticise mothers or motherhood, and hence there is an imbalance when comparing the compounds formed with Frau which have pejorative connotations and those formed with Mutter. The obvious 6

Paula Siber (1933), p. 25. Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Denkschrift an den Kanzler des Deutschen Reiches Herrn Adolf Hitler und an den Vizekanzler Herrn Franz von Papen', Die deutsche Kämpferin, May 1933, p. 18. 8 ibid., p. 18.

7

Mutter

115

explanation for this is that motherhood occupied a central position in the women's ideology and in NS ideology as a whole. Perhaps less apparent is the fact that, particularly in the organisational correspondence produced in the early years of the Machtergreifung, women were concerned with establishing their position within the NSDAP, and outlining their active contribution to the party and the state, and therefore in official letters and circulars, motherhood tends to be a peripheral consideration, and this is reflected in lexical and morphological terms. 2.3.2

Derivatives with Mutter

The terms employed by women in National Socialism are formed with the suffixes -lieh, -keit, -tum·. Mütterlichkeit, mütterlich, Mutterschaft, Muttertum. Key derivatives Mütterlichkeit This term often occurs in texts with Muttertum, and forms part of women's glorification of motherhood. It collocates with other mystical, pseudobiological vocabulary, in particular with Wesen, and often occurs without a premodifying adjective. Wenn als Grundzug weiblichen Wesens die Mütterlichkeit genannt wird und Mütterlichkeit die Neigung und Befähigung zu Aufzucht, Pflege und Bewahrung lebendigen Daseins bedeutet, dann ist der Beruf des Arztes ein so eminent weiblicher wie kein anderer.9 Nebenbei möge man beachten: die Mütterlichkeit der Frau hat ihr Äquivalent in der Kindlichkeit des Mannes; will man die eine, muß man dafür sorgen, daß die andere nicht verloren geht.10 Mütterlichkeit ist ihr innerstes Wesen und gerade das, was der Mann neben der Geliebten am sehnsüchtigsten sucht." Zertrümmert man die Familie, vernichtet man das Beste der Frau, ihre Mütterlichkeit. so zerstört man das Volk überhaupt. So muss neben das tiefe Wissen um die geheimvolle Verbundenheit des Blutes mit den Reihen der Ahnen, neben die schweigende Gottverbundenheit und Hingebung der gläubigen Seele, neben die tatfrohe Mütterlichkeit und Hilfsbereitschaft jedem Volksgenossen gegenüber die stählerne und unbeugsame Härte und Verantwortungsfreudigkeit treten, die, zu jedem Opfer bereit, den Gigantenkampf um die Seele, um den Bestand unseres Volkes zu kämpfen gewillt ist, 9

Margarete Adam, 'Der weibliche Arzt', Die deutsche Kämpferin, February 1934, p. 225. Irmgard Reichenau, 'Die begabte Frau', in Irmgard Reichenau (editor), (1934), p. 19. 11 BA NSD47/6, Ursula Thym, 'Deutsche Frau im Dritten Reich', NSFK, 6 May 1933. 10

116

Morpho-semantic analysis

die in Zucht und Ernst den Weisungen des Führers folgt, der uns zum Siege fuhren wird.12 (underlining in original) In order to define different types of Mütterlichkeit, or to upgrade the derivative to a higher level of prestige, the lexeme is modified by a variety of adjectives, such as deutsch or tatfroh for example, or as will be outlined in the chapter on 'Women and Motherhood/Women and Work', distinctions are made between different types of Mütterlichkeit through the collocations with geistig, seelisch, leiblich or praktisch. Given the integral relationship between women and motherhood as promoted by women in National Socialism, in common with their male colleagues and sympathisers, and with society in general, it is hardly surprising that compounds and derivatives formed with Frau(en) and Mutter/Mütter often collocate in women's texts. The compounds and derivatives, despite being related in meaning, show some semantic divergence however, and are not used merely as tautologies. Auf 2 Gedanken baute ich die gesamte Arbeit innerhalb des Frauenordens auf: den Gedanken der Wiedererweckung wahren deutschen Frauen- und Muttertums (Erziehung) und den Gedanken schwesterlichen Dienens (Fürsorge).13 Es ist deshalb im Interesse des Volkes und der Staatsfiihrung dringend geboten, daß sie der heutigen weiblichen Jugend als der nächsten Frauen- und Müttergeneration dieselbe Aufmerksamkeit schenkt wie der männlichen, daß sie ihr im Rahmen der heutigen Staatsmittel auch die Möglichkeit schafft, Einrichtungen zu gründen, zu erhalten und auszubauen, die zur Vor- bzw. Ausbildung auf den speziell weiblichen Gebieten der Haufrau und Mutter nötig sind.14 mütterlich In the women's texts, mütterlich is not merely used in the sense of 'to behave like a mother in the physical sense', but rather it acquires prestige value and is used by women for evaluative purposes, to praise the qualities of actual women, and in some instances is even used with a prescriptive function, to communicate what qualities an ideal woman should possess. The derivative adjective collocates with nouns with human reference, with Frau and Hausfrau, for example: Hier ist das Arbeitsfeld für die stille, die mütterliche Frau.15 Von der mütterlichen Hausfrau verlangt jeder Tag praktisches Schöpfertum.16

12

BA NSD47/6, Hildegard Passow, 'Eine deutsche Königin', NSFK, 6 May 1933. BA NS22/430, letter from Gauleiterin, DFO Mecklenburg/Lübeck, to Strasser, 24 June 1931. 14 Annemarie Hanne, 'Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 17. 15 BA NSD47/6, Lotte Briese, 'Frau und Wohlfahrt', NSFK, 29 August 1933. 13

117

Mutter

Mütterlich even appears in a combination of apparent opposites, seen with the collocation mütterliche Arbeiterin. This shows that it was possible to extend the reference of mütterlich to enable it to collocate with a wide range of nouns in accordance with the author's intentions. Mütterlich also collocates with nouns with non-human reference, outlining the fact that every aspect of a woman's life, activity and behaviour can be 'motherly', irrespective of whether she is 'motherly' in a physical, biological sense, as illustrated by the following examples: mütterliche Art Als solche hatte ich Gelegenheit, unsere Bundesfiihrerin, Frau von Hadeln, als eine Vertreterin edelsten, bestendeutschen [sie] Frauentums kennen zu lernen, die in ihrer gütigen mütterlichen Art, in ihrem tiefen gottverbundenen Verantwortungsgefühl, in ihrem reinen Idealismus, ihrer heissen Liebe zum deutschen Volke, ausgestattet mit hohen geistigen Gaben, wie kaum eine andere zur Führerin deutscher Frauen geschaffen ist.17 mütterliche

Betätigung

Eine einfache Frau kann je nach solchen Eigenschaften eine bessere Mutter sein als eine begabte, es kann aber ebensogut umgekehrt sein. Hat die Frau, die nur Mutter ist, fur sich, daß sie ihre ganze Kraft und Zeit der mütterlichen Betätigung widmen kann, so vermag die begabte Frau, die ihre Wesenheit in großen weitreichenden Aufgaben entwickelt, die mütterlichen Pflichten in noch höherem Sinn zu erfüllen - wie sie trotz aller Schwierigkeiten von vielen Frauen erfüllt worden sind.18 mütterliches

Denken

Das ist das Neue und das eigenartige Grundsätzliche im Zeitalter der Mutter: Wir müssen uns angewöhnen, die Beziehung Frau und Staat, Mutter und Volk, mütterliches Denken und politische Staatsführung viel elementarer zu begreifen und viel elementarer in Beziehung zu setzen.19 mütterliche Frau Wenn in der Erziehung der Jugend Grundsätze aufgerichtet werden, die sie zu neuer Körper- und Geistesstählung fuhren sollen, so rechnet der Staat auch dabei auf die Mitwirkung der mütterlichen Frau.20 16

Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 98. BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from E Matho to Hitler, 20 August 1933. 18 Irmgard Reichenau, 'Die begabte Frau', in Irmgard Reichenau (editor), (1934), p. 20. 19 NSD47/6, Klara Schlossmann-Lönnies, 'Volk und wir Mütter', NSFK, 6 May 1933. 20 Else Frobenius, 'Die deutsche Frau zur Volksabstimmung', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, December 1933, p. 9. 17

118

Morpho-semantic analysis

mütterliche Kraft Sie richtig zu erfassen und zu lösen im Sinne der inneren Erneuerung ist ihre erste Pflicht, gilt es doch, den neuen Menschen zu formen mit aller mütterlichen Kraft, mit Hingabe und Verantwortungsgefühl.21 mütterliche Pflicht Aus der betonten Hinwendung zu ihren mütterlichen Pflichten erwächst der Frau auch in verstärktem Maße die noch viel weniger gewürdigte Aufgabe der Lebensgestaltung.22 The adjective mütterlich also occurs as an element in hyphenated compounds, mostly as the first element, but also occasionally as the second element, for example schwesterlich-mütterlich and mütterlich-verstehend: Ernste Erziehung zu sittlicher und körperlicher Ertüchtigung der deutschen Frau und damit zu wahrem deutsche[m] Frauentum als Kraftquelle der Volksgemeinschaft sowie Pflege schwesterlich-mütterlichen Dienstes (insbesondere für unsere SA) sind daher die Grundpfeiler der Frauenarbeit.23 Oder glaubt man, daß die verhängnisvollen inneren Kämpfe und Krämpfe unserer sozialen und nationalen Entwicklung als Volk ohne jeden Zusammenhang sind mit der radikalen, völlig widernatürlichen Ausschaltung der Frau und ihrer mütterlich-verstehenden, altruistisch sich einfühlenden Gaben wie ihrer sozialen Fähigkeiten bei der öffentlichen Gestaltung des Volkslebens?24 By hyphenating the two adjectives, they become more closely linked in meaning than if they occurred independently, and a semantic link is suggested by the writer. For example a mütterlich-kluge Frau is different from a mütterlich kluge Frau or a mütterliche, kluge Frau. Other hyphenated combinations include: mütterlich-erzieherisch, mütterlich-fraulich, mütterlich-naturnah, mütterlich-weiblich. In these examples, mütterlich not only defines the second element more closely, it also acts as an intensifier. The compound volksmütterlich is also found in the women's texts: Die Aufgabe volksmütterlich zu bleiben versank vor dem Glauben an der Seite der Männer parteiisch mitstreiten zu müssen.25

21

Eleonore Bartling, 'Deutsches Frauentum', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, October 1933, p. 6. Else Frobenius, 'Dienst am Leben', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 8. 23 BA NS22/430, Satzung, Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Frauenbewegung (NSDFB), Mecklenburg/Lübeck, 15 (month unclear) 1929. 24 Lenore Kühn, 'Natürlicher Aristokratismus', in Irmgard Reichenau (editor), (1934), p. 35. 25 BA R.15.01/26332/1721, letter from Bundesführerin, Β KL, to Reichsminister, 3 August 1933. 22

Mutter

119

Mutterschaft Mutterschaft is used to describe the state of being a mother in the physical, biological sense: Deshalb ist nicht nur gesundheitliche, sondern vor allem auch seelische Stärkung zur Freude auf die Mutterschaft ebenso nötig, ja nötiger als die Schaffung der höheren Kinderrente durch Ledigensteuer usw.26 Die schlanken großen Mädchen der jungen Generation, die seltsamer Weise meist höher gewachsen sind als ihre Mütter, - vielleicht auch hier das Spiel einer geheimnisvollen biologischen Wandlung, - scheinen ihrer rassischen Bestimmung schon entgegenzuharren. Sie sind gestählt durch Sport, muskelstark und wetterhart und werden die Schmerzen der Mutterschaft heldisch ertragen.27

Muttertum Like Frauentum, the derivative Muttertum establishes itself as key term in female ideological discourse in National Socialism, although its usage is not as widespread, and is predictably restricted mainly to the thematic contexts of motherhood and child-bearing and -rearing. Within this context, the term Muttertum is used not just to refer to motherhood in the practical sense, but is also endowed with philosophical, pseudo-mystical connotations. Deshalb müssen wir bei ihrer Behandlung immer zuerst fragen: wo steht die Frau, die wir erfassen wollen, woher kommt sie und wohin geht sie, und dann werden wir sehr bald merken, wo wir mit unsrer Aufklärungsarbeit anzusetzen haben. Nehmen wir sie nun noch bei ihrer tiefsten Kraft - bei ihrem Muttertum - , an dem wir ihr am deutlichsten klarmachen können, wie stark sie als Glied in der Kette ihres Volkes steht, dann merkt sie eines Tages von selbst: ich bin ja selber Geschichte!28

2.3.3

Compounds and derivatives with Vater

In female discourse in National Socialism, there is a distinct lexical imbalance in the compounds and derivatives with Mutter and the equivalent formations with Vater, not merely in the greater frequency and variety of Mutter compounds and derivatives, but also in the prestige connotations attached to these compounds. Compounds and derivatives with Vater do not enjoy the same positive, metaphorical uses as those with Mutter. However, there are some examples where Mutter and Vater compounds and derivatives occur as com-

26

Guida Diehl (1933), p. 100. Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 57. 28 Gertrud Scholtz-Klink in Adolf Hitler and Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, Reden an die deutsche Frau. Reichsparteitag, Nürnberg, 8. September 1934 (Berlin: Schadenverhütung, 1934), p. 10. 27

120

Morpho-semantic analysis

plementary pairs, seen for example with Mutterrecht and Vaterrecht, Mütterschule and Vaterschule, Mutterschaft and Vaterschaft. II. Vaterrecht und Mutterrecht.29 Als Ergänzung der Mütterschulen könnten vielleicht auch Vaterschulen eingerichtet werden, wie sie in England bereits seit einem Jahr bestehen und sich großen Zuspruchs von Seiten der jungen Arbeiter erfreuen.30 Die beste Erziehung zur Mütterlichkeit wird von den großen Familien geleistet; Schwesterlichkeit und Brüderlichkeit sind die natürlichste Schule für spätere Mutter- und Vaterschaft.31 The compound Familienmutter occurs as a parallel to Familienvater, although it is rarely used. Familienmutter has positive connotations and can appear as an antonym of berufstätige Mutter (which has negative connotations), thus meaning 'the type of mother who stays at home', or as an antonym of Mutter des Volkes, therefore referring to 'a mother in the physical/biological sense'. Die Erwerbsbeschränkung der Familienmutter durch Kindererziehung und Haushaltführung ist ebenso anerkannt wie die Pflicht, Mutter und Kinder wirtschaftlich zu schützen.32 Compounds and derivatives with Vater can also be found in particular in texts produced by the NS feminists. This is reflected in the more frequent and wideranging use of compounds and derivatives with Vater/Väter in many of these women's texts, which was intended to draw attention to the preoccupation with motherhood in NS ideology. The authors highlight, as they saw it, the lack of an equivalent ideological framework for fatherhood, and attempt to make fatherly activies and duties more visible through formations such as Vateraufgabe, Vaterschaftsgefühl, Väterlichkeit, väterlich, and through negativelycharged adjectives such as mangelnd and fehlend. Vateraufgabe Eine solche Einbuße an völkischem Lebens- und Zukunftswillen geht hervor aus der mangelnden Erziehung der männlichen Jugend zur Ehe, zur Vateraufgabe und zur Verantwortlichkeit für den eigenen Körper und das Rassenerbe, das er weiterzureichen hat.33

29

Dorothea Klaje-Wenzel, Die Frau in der Volksgemeinschaft (Leipzig: Klein, 1934), p. 7. Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 50. 31 Lydia Gottschewski (1934), p. 57. 32 Elisabeth Ludy, 'Dokumente zur mütterlichen Erwerbsarbeit und ihren Auswirkungen auf die Familie', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 4. 33 Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Mütterlichkeit', Die deutsche Kämpferin, August 1933, p. 81.

30

Mutter

121

Vaterschaftsgefìihl Da aber bei einem jungen Mann die Vaterschaftsgefìihle noch gar nicht oder wenig entwickelt sind, beim jungen Weibe aber die mütterlichen Instinkte schon voll zur Entfaltung kommen sollten, trägt die Frau die größere Schuld an dieser Sünde gegen die Natur.34

Vatertum Ruhe und Ordnung brauchen wir heute so nötig wie 1808 in Preußen. Wir haben das Umgekehrte: Unruhe und Unordnung. In der Ehe, in der Familie, Vatertum und Muttertum.35

Väterlichkeit Fehlende Väterlichkeit ist immer ein Zeichen von Verweichlichung.36

väterlich Der väterliche Mensch ist der Mann mit dem starken Willen und der lebendigen Seele.37

2.3.4

Summary of compounding and derivation with Mutter

These compounds and derivatives form a part of what could be termed the female Mütterlichkeitsdiskurs·, a glorification and promotion of motherhood through a particular set of choices in vocabulary, metaphors, and collocations and the semantic relationship between certain lexical items (as outlined in the section entitled 'Women and Motherhood, Women and Work'). But the compounds and derivatives with Mutter do not occur as frequently as those with Frau, and tend to be used in articles in the journal NS-Frauenwarte or in Nationalsozialistische Frauenkorrespondenz, for example, where the subject of motherhood was felt to be of most interest and to have the greatest ideological impact. When discussing National Socialist attitudes to women, many studies have focused on the populationist policies of the National Socialists, reflected in their attempts to encourage or even force women to recognise their 'natural', 'biological' callings, and stay at home to bear 'aryan' children. From my analysis of a mixture of texts by women in National Socialism over the years 1924-34, it emerges, however, that what could be termed the Mütterlichkeitsdiskurs plays an important, yet not wholly dominant role.

34

Anna Zühlke (1934), p. 23. No author given (eine Mutter), 'Und die Mütter ... ?', in Elsbeth Unverricht (editor), (1934), p. 253. 36 Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 65. 37 ibid., p. 65. 35

122

Morpho-semantic analysis

2.4

Use of the -in suffix

Women in National Socialism were primarily concerned with organising and appealing to other women. Their vocabulary contains references to different types of women from all social classes, occupations, and positions of power within various women's organisations, hence they make use of many nouns bearing the feminine suffix. The -in suffix was employed to communicate inclusivity and membership of the National Socialist Frauenwelt. The types of nouns with the -in suffix can be divided into the following thematic categories: • • •

2.4.1

Women in employment, general terms. Female participation in NS women's organisations. Abstract philosophical, pseudo-racial characteristics of women. Formations denoting women in employment/general terms

The formations used include: Akademikerin, Anwältin, Arbeiterin, Ärztin, Erzieherin, Kindergärtnerin, Lehrerin, Sekretärin, Studentin as well as those denoting other types of women in general, such as Leserin, Städterin, Verbraucherin, Volksgenossin. The connotative meanings attached to these formations are varied. The nouns Arbeiterin, Ärztin, Bäuerin, Erzieherin, Kindergärtnerin, Lehrerin, Sekretärin, Studentin are used with neutral or positive connotations, whereas Akademikerin is employed with neutral, positive or with pejorative connotations, depending on the context and the writer's intention. Formations with negative connotations Those nouns with exclusively negative connotations are mostly of racial and political origin, such as Jüdin, Kommunistin, Marxistin, Sozialdemokratin, as well as the more generalised Gegnerin. Sometimes the formations are used on their own, and in other examples, together with the masculine equivalent: Die im "Reichsverband deutscher Hausfrauenvereine e.V. Berufsorganisation der deutschen Hausfrauen" zusammengefassten Vereine stehen zum grössten Teil unter Führung marxistischer oder liberalistischer Frauen und in den leitenden Stellungen sind eine Anzahl Jüdinnen zu verzeichnen. 38 U m die Frauenschaft zur Kampfesgemeinschaft auszubauen, bezw. auszugestalten, muss die Leiterin oder die kulturelle Mitarbeiterin dieselbe bei allen Sprechabenden auf dem Laufenden über die besonderen neuen politischen Forderungen und Ereignisse erhalten, muss ihnen überhaupt politische Schulungs-

38

BA NS22/452, letter from Κ Auerhahn, Inspektion, Hauptabteilung III, Frauenarbeit, to Rienhardt, 10 September 1932.

Use of the -in suffix

123

kurse ermöglichen, damit sie gegenüber Marxistinnen, Kommunistinnen und anderen Gegnern die rechten Antworten geben können, muss zum geistigen Kampf im Kleinen die notwendige Waffenrüstung geben und zur Werbetätigkeit begeistern. 39 (underlining in original) Wer einmal das Gekreisch der Kommunistinnen und Sozialdemokratinnen auf der Straße, im Parlament, im Saal gehört hat, der weiß, daß sich dazu eine wahrhaft deutsche Frau nicht hergibt. 40 Ich kann Ihnen versichern, sehr geehrter HetT Strasser, langjährige, wertvolle Parteigenossinnen lassen ihre Hände von der gesamten Frauenarbeit, leiden geradezu Qualen unter diesen Zuständen, unsere Gegner und Gegnerinnen aber reiben sich die Hände und wissen, wo sie einzusetzen haben, um uns von innen heraus zu zernagen. 41

The use of derogatory terms to attack female political rivals signifies a common bond between many of the NS women leaders, who otherwise had greatly differing ideas and goals:42 2.4.2

Formations denoting female participants in NS organisations

Texts produced by women in National Socialism often contain nouns formed with the feminine suffix, denoting all areas of support and active participation within the party, for example: Anhängerin, Einsenderin, Gründerin, Helferin, Kämpferin*1 Mitarbeiterin, Nationalsozialistin, Parteigängerin, Parteigenossin, Rednerin, Vertreterin. Anhängerin Hierbei ist mir unklar, ob die Reichsleitung hier ebenfalls nur die in Arbeitsgemeinschaften zusammengefassten weibl. Parteimitglieder meint, oder ob darunter auch solche Frauen fallen, die in den Arbeitsgemeinschaften mitarbeiten und gesinnungsmässig zuverlässige Anhängerinnen unserer Bewegung sind, die aber aus Geldmangel nicht in der Lage sind, regelrechtes Mitglied zu werden? 44

39

C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Anleitung zur Leitung der Frauenschaft', 1932. It is interesting that in this example, the named 'enemies' of NS women are specifically mentioned as being female, through the -in suffix, whereas the more generalised term Gegner is used in its unmarked form. 40 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 46. 41 BA NS22/430, letter from Gauleiterin, DFO Mecklenburg/Lübeck, to Strasser, 3 July 1931. 42 Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland (1987): 'Diehl saw Protestantism and Hitlerism as mutually reinforcing, whereas Zander, Rogge-Bömer, and Gottschewski inclined more toward paganism. All saw themselves as nationalists, hated Communists, and made derogatory remarks about Jews' (p. 116). 43 The denotative and connotative meanings of Kämpferin will be discussed in the section 'Women and the NSDAP'. 44 BA NS22/430, letter from FAG Dortmund to Schwatz, 10 October 1931.

124

Morpho-semantic analysis

Einsenderin Ausserdem danke ich allen Einsenderinnen für ihre Beiträge aus der Praxis, die ein so vielseitiges und wertvolles Bild aus der Tätigkeit der N.S.Frauenschaft ergeben 45

Gründerin Als bisherige Gauleiterin v. Sachsen des D.F.O. und eifrige Gründerin von O.G. immer im Sinne des großen Ganzen, erwachsen mir doch nun für die Zwischenzeit bis zum 1. Oktober einige Schwierigkeiten, und da ich immer gern erst klar sehe bevor ich handle, bitte ich Sie herzlichst um Ihren Rat.46

Helferin Dem Beamten gehört also zur Seite die ehrenamtliche Helferin.47

Mitarbeiterin Sie beklagten ja auch, wie wenig Mitarbeiterinnen Sie hätten, liebe Frau Schnabel, in solcher Führerschulung liegt eine Möglichkeit, dem abzuhelfen.48

Parteigängerin Und sind doch die Frauen seit Anbeginn treue Parteigängerinnen der Nationalsozialistischen Deutschen Arbeiterpartei gewesen.49

Parteigenossin Jeden Monat einmal die Frauen versammeln, denn ich muss ganz klein anfangen, viele Frauen wissen noch nicht einmal das Notwendigste von unserer Bewegung. Sie sind einfach Parteigenossinnen, weil ihre Männer Nazis sind.50

Rednerin Da die Frauenschaftskasse bekanntlich immer sehr in Anspruch genommen ist, müsste die Rednerin mit Freiquartier und Rückerstattung der Bahnkosten zufrieden sein.51

45

BA NS44/54, title page, Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 24 February 1933. BA NS22/430, letter from H Schnabel to Strasser, 27 July 1931. 47 BA NSD47/6, Lotte Briese, 'Frau und Wohlfahrt', NSFK, 29 August 1933. 48 BA NS22/431, letter from L ν Himbergen to Frau Schnabel, 11 July 1931. 49 Else Frobenius, 'Die deutsche Frau zur Volksabstimmung', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, December 1933, p. 9. 50 BA NS22/431, letter from M Wirsing to Guida Diehl, 31 October 1931. 51 BA NS44/54, Frieda Sturm, 'Welche Erfahrungen liegen vor in bezug auf die Bearbeitung der Landfrauen ', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 15 January 1933. 46

Use of the - i n suffix

125

Vertreterin Als Vertreterin der Reichsleitung des Ordens in unserem Gau gelte künftig ich als Gauleiterin.52

Formations with -in are sometimes used in compounds, such as Mitkämpferin, Gaurednerin. The relationship between the masculine 'generic' form of the noun and the female derivative is an interesting one. There are examples where the women use both the masculine generic and the female form apparently interchangeably, seen with the noun Leser. An unsere Leser!53 Allen Mitarbeiterinnen und Leserinnen frohe Weihnachten und ein glückliches neues Jahr!54

This could be regarded as evidence that the women employed the marked and unmarked forms arbitrarily, and that there was not the same level of awareness about the semantic and political implications of both forms as there is today.55 Yet with the rise of the women's movement, and the politicisation of the role of women in society, women must have been conscious to some extent of the connotations attached to the use of the feminine form, and the possible effects on the readership of employing the suffix, or using the unmarked form. Nationalsozialistin A particular example of the women's attitude to and subsequent use of the feminine suffix is that of the noun Nationalsozialisten). The forms of Nationalsozialist and the components of meaning attached to the lexeme are illustrated by the following diagram:

52

BA NS22/430, letter from DFO Mecklenburg/Lübeck, to Hildebrandt, 4 December 1930. Notice on front page of Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 1. 54 Message from Eleonore Bartling, editor, in Das deutsche Frauenwerk, December 1933, p. 26. ss See Elisabeth Berner (1984), for example. She outlines different terms used to refer to women in political contexts, such as Arbeiterin or Parteigenossin. She comments on the fact that the feminine form Kollegin was not used independently of Kollege, and states that 'Die in jüngster Zeit viel diskutierten Leiterbezeichnungen auf -in bzw. Berufsbezeichnungen für weibliche Personen spielen im 19. Jahrhundert noch gar keine Rolle' (97). 53

126

Morpho-semantic analysis

The women occasionally use the masculine generic form to refer to themselves, and this is apparent in instances in which they wish to express their solidarity with the party as a whole, male and female alike. Wir haben es für unsere Pflicht gehalten, die Angelegenheit nunmehr ins Rollen zu bringen. Wir stehen als aufrichtige Deutsche Frauen und Nationalsozialisten für unser Vorgehen mit unserer Person ein.56 Yet even in this example, the women are stating their 'femaleness' and even give this equal status, by placing Deutsche Frauen before Nationalsozialist and linking them with the conjunction und. Overwhelmingly though, the women use the feminine form Nationalsozialistin, in both the singular and plural forms, emphasising the fact that they are female National Socialists. Ich habe mir deshalb während meiner nahezu 6jährigen Mitgliedschaft in der N.S.D.A.P. niemals erlaubt, die Reichsleitung der Partei irgendwie zu behelligen, da ich als Nationalsozialistin Disziplin zu halten und gehalten habe.57 Die Nationalsozialistinnen dürfen auch an dieser Wahl nicht vorübergehen, sondern sollen bedenken, welch' schweren Schicksalskampf die Kirche gegen den gottesfeindlichen Marxismus und das machthungrige Zentrum zu bestehen hat. Es wird daraufhingewiesen, dass keine Nationalsozialistin ihre Eintragung in die Kirchenliste versäumen soll, der 19. September 1932 ist der letzte Termin zur Eintragung [...] Allen evangelischen Nationalsozialistinnen wird daher anempfohlen, sich für die Liste "Deutsche Christen" einzusetzen.58 Dennoch aber haben wir Frauen - weil wir als Nationalsozialistinnen immer das Radikale, d.h. das Ursprüngliche und Urgesetzliche, das Wurzelechte aufsuchen

56 57 58

BA NS22/430, letter from FAG Berlin to Oberleutnant Schulz, 20 April 1930. BA NS22/430, letter from Gauleiterin, DFO Mecklenburg/Lübeck, to Strasser, 13 July 1931. BA NS22/452, Rundschreiben Nr.l, from E Zander to Gaufrauenschaftsleiterinnen, 1932.

Use of the - i n suffix

127

müssen - grundsätzlich und ehrlich mit dieser Frage uns auseinanderzusetzen und sie mutig zu entscheiden.59 A similar pattern emerges with Parteigenossin. Here women also distinguish between the masculine and feminine forms: Ich weiss, dass ich im Namen vieler Parteigenossen und Parteigenossinnen spreche, wenn ich immer wieder daraufhinweise, dass die N.S.D.A.P. in Guida Diehl die Frau besitzt, die für die gesamte Frauensache die recht[e] Führerin ware.60 The use of the feminine suffix emphasises the women's dual concerns and responsibilities, towards women in general and towards National Socialism. Within the women's organisations, these feminine forms become the majority, and in effect the marked form -in becomes the unmarked form, the 'norm'. In doing so, the women create their own linguistic sphere, and a level of autonomy in which the feminine forms of nouns acquire their own prestige and status. Titles for positions of authority The creation and use of titles for positions of power and authority in general has attracted little attention amongst linguists studying the nature of language use in National Socialism and barely merits a mention in many of the major studies. It is perhaps regarded as irrelevant and semantically uninteresting, when compared with lexemes which underwent certain semantic changes, or were used to form compounds, as with Blut, Rasse, Reich, or Schlacht, for example. Yet because of the particular status of women in the National Socialist organisation, with the controversial question regarding gender roles, the titles employed by women become of central importance when determining the nature of their discourse. This is an intriguing, yet also problematic area of word-formation, particularly as the fragmentary nature of archival material makes it difficult to reconstruct the exact hierarchy and use of titles in the early women's organisations, such as the DFO, the Frauengruppen and the FAG. Is it also difficult to establish the level of linguistic autonomy in the creation and use of the titles. From the primary material analysed, it seems likely that in the years leading up to the establishment of the NS-Frauenschaft, women created and used their own titles within the various organisations, many based on male equivalents in the NSDAP power structure, and that with the creation of the NS-Frauenschaft, titles for female positions of power came to be largely 59

Gisela Brettschneider, 'Die deutsche Frau an der Hochschule', Die deutsche September 1933, p. 8. 60 BA NS22/431, letter from M Hantelmann to Strasser, 6 July 1931.

Frauenfront,

128

Morpho-semantic analysis

determined by men, but with examples of limited female autonomy in the usage of these titles.61 The titles used by the women in the various organisations such as the DFO, Frauengruppen and the FAG were formed mainly by adding the -in suffix to the male form: Führer - Führerin Gauleiter - Gauleiterin Kreisleiter - Kreisleiterin Amtswalter - Amtswalterin

When the umbrella organisation NS-Frauenschaft was formed in 1931, a new set of titles were created for the organisation. The following document, issued by the Hauptabteilung VIII, Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft (Deutscher Frauenorden), lists the titles to be held by women in the organisation: Hauptabteilungsleiterin VIII Frauenschaftsleiterin bei der Reichsorganisationsleitung Leiterin der Organisation der Hauptabteilung VIII Frauenschaftsleiterin bei den Landesinspektionen Abteilungsleiterinnen der Hauptabteilung VIII bei der ROLtg Stabswalterin Blockmutter Zellenfrau Frauenschaftsleiterin bei der Ortsgruppe Frauenschaftsleiterin beim Kreis Frauenschaftsleiterin beim Gau62 With many of the titles the suffix -in is added to the unmarked form to create the female equivalent of the title, for example Abteilungsleiterin, Stabswalterin, Stützpunktleiterin. In other examples, the derivative Leiterin was used to form a compound, with Frauenschaft- as the first element, such as Frauenschafisleiterin. The titles Frauenschaftsleiterin beim Kreis or beim Gau were also rendered in the form of compounds: Kreisfrauenschaftsleiterin and Gaufrauenschaftsleiterin. When comparing the formations used by women before and after the establishment of the NSF, it seems that before 1931/1932 the 61

1 wish to thank Dr Jill Stephenson for her advice on this question. Adapted from NS22/452, Hauptabteilung VIII, Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft (Deutscher Frauenorden), München, 26 September 1932, no name given. 62

Use of the - i n suffix

129

the women used a feminised version of the male titles, purely by adding the suffix -in, for example, Gaufiihrerin. By contrast, with the new organisation, which was much more subject to male control and scrutiny, the titles did not necessarily have a direct male - female equivalent, and instead the female titles in many examples are formed into compounds with the derivative frauenschaft, and thus a process of semantic restriction occurred. Whereas formations such as Kreisleiterin imply semantic equivalence with Kreisleiter, the insertion of the component frauenschaft immediately restricts the reference to that of the specific women's organisation. In the early days of the women's involvement in National Socialism, it would appear that the women were relatively free to adopt the titles they desired for themselves, with the effect they perceived that they had some level of separate but equal status in the party, albeit superficially. With the Gleichschaltung of the women's organisations, this relative freedom was lost, and the women found that their male colleagues and superiors took a keen interest in the titles given to the women, as I will discuss later with regard to the formations Führerin and Leiterin. Although the official titles for women in the NS-Frauenschaft included the -frauenschaft- component, (Gaufrauenschaftsleiterin, Kreisfrauenschaftsleiterin, etc), the primary material reveals inconsistencies in the usage, and women often omitted the -frauenschaft- component, referring to themselves as Gauleiterinnen, Kreisleiterinnen, etc. Dank der verständnisvollen Förderung, die unsere Zeitschrift in ihrer Verbreitung, abgesehen von wenigen Ausnahmen, durch die Gau- und Kreisleiterinnen erfahren hat, würde sie sich längst selbst tragen können, wenn nicht Unruhe und Zweifel in die Frauenschaften gebracht worden wäre.63 Aus den Ausführungen der Pgn. Reinicke ging hervor, welche Unsumme von treuer Kleinarbeit gerade unsere Kreisleiterinnen in den organisatorisch schwer erfassbaren Landkreisen leisten. 64

One can only speculate about the motivation behind this: reasons could include convenience and expediency, habit, or possibly because they considered themselves to be the female equivalent of their male counterparts. If the latter were the case, their continuing use of these titles without the frauenschaft component would constitute resistance and rebellion by linguistic means. Some confusion existed at times amongst female, and to some extent, male National Socialists, as to what the official titles for women should be. Assign-

63

Eleonore Bertling, 'Rückblick und Ausblick', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 3. See also earlier examples of the use of the title Gauleiterin, such as NS22/430, the letters from the Gauleiterin, DFO Mecklenburg/Lübeck, to Strasser, 3 July, 12 July, 13 July 1931. 64 BA NS44/54, 'Ausschnitte aus der Wahlarbeit. Bericht über die Tagung der Frauenschaflsleiterinnen aus dem Gau Magdeburg-Anhalt', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 24 February 1933.

130

Morpho-semantic analysis

ing the appropriate title of authority was very much dependent on the exact role and level of power and responsibility held by the woman in question. The lack of clarity in this matter is illustrated by a letter written by Gregor Strasser to Lotte Rühlemann in which he replies to her query: Ihre Anfrage im Briefe vom 27. August beantworte ich dahingehend, dass Frl. Zander zu der Frauenveranstaltung nach Leipzig auf keinen Fall kommen wird, denn, wie ich noch einmal betone, ist der Aufgabenkreis von Frl. Zander der einer Bearbeiterin in Frauenfragen von mir bei der Reichsleitung, nicht etwa einer Reichsfiihrerin aller Frauen, die in den Frauenschaften zusammengefasst sind. Es handelt sich also ausgesprochen um eine beratende Referentinnentätigkeit und nicht um eine exekutive Führerstellung.65 As historian Jill Stephenson has pointed out, even after the Gleichschaltung had finally been achieved, at a local level, there was evidence of women's linguistic autonomy, as women created their own titles for structures that did not exist. Even as late as 1942, the office of the Reichsfrauenfiihrerin Gertrud Scholtz-Klink had to send out circulars to the regional and local branches of the women's organisation, pointing out which were the officially accepted grades and titles of sectional leaders and which were not.66 Within the NSF, the titles Reichsleiterin and Reichsfrauenfiihrerin existed, together with several titles with Reich as a prefix, for example Reichsarbeiterin and Reichsreferentin. In the case of Zellen- or Blockwart and Zellen- and Blockwalter, rather than a lexical gap, there exists a lexical imbalance. The female equivalents are not Zellen- and Blockwartin and Zellen- and Blockwalterin, but rather Zellen- and Blockleiterin, and Zellenfrau and Blockmutter. Rather than making use of the feminine suffix, the second element of the compounds are substituted by alternative lexemes. On the basis of this lexical imbalance, one could conclude that the designations -wart and -waiter were considered inappropriate even with the feminine suffix, or even because of it. Yet both -wartin and -walterin are used by the women in other compounds, for example, Kassenwartin and Amtswalterin. Part of the problem of creating pairs of male and female titles or designations of authority lies in the fragmented nature of women's involvement in the NSDAP, particularly in the years before 1931/32. Each of the women's organisations used their own titles, loosely modelled on those of the NSDAP, although the organisation Die deutsche Frauenfront, created in 1931, the title Kommissarin was used to refer to

65

BA NS22/430, 2 September 1931. Although there is evidence that women continued to use the term Reichsfrauenfiihrerin, seen, for example, in NS22/452, the letter from Frau Meyer, NSF Gau Hamburg, to Strasser, 15 September 1932, in which she requests 'Grundsätzliche Klärung der Reichsfìihrerinnenfrage nach dem Leistungsprinzip'. 66 Jill Stephenson (1982), p. 43.

Use of the -in suffix

131

leaders in the organisation, in addition to the titles Führerin, Geschäftsfiihrerin, Propagandaleiterin,

Reichsleiterin and Stellvertreterin. Führerin versus Führer

The confusion arising from the choice of formations used for titles of authority was most acute for those formations denoting leaders, seen in the use of the terms Führerin and Leiterin. In the years up to 1932 there was some diversity in the titles that women created for their particular organisation. For example, the leader of the Deutscher Frauenorden, Elsbeth Zander, held the title Hochmeisterin, and Guida Diehl of the Neulandbund was addressed by her followers as Oberin. The leading women of all the organisations which were affiliated to or supported the National Socialists were given the title Führerin, for example, the leaders of the Frauengruppen were referred to as Frauengruppenfiihrerinnen, and Elsbeth Zander was referred to as the Reichsföhrerin. The title Führerin was not restricted to those women in leading positions of NS organisations. The leader of the Bund Königin Luise was referred to as the Bundesfiihrerin. The leaders of non-NS, rival organisations were similarly referred to by NS women as Führerinnen. In the Deutscher Frauenorden and

in the regional Frauengruppen, the derivative Führerin often occurred as the second element in compounds with Gau-, Gebiet-, and Schrift- as first elements: Gaufiihrerin, Gebietsföhrerin,

Schriftführerin.

The term Führerin was also employed by women to refer to the role of women outside of women's organisations and the NSDAP, particularly to refer to their responsibilities within the private sphere of the home, in terms of a woman's relationship with her husband and children, and with her duties as a housewife: Wir müssen zuerst die Frau dazu erziehen, eine gute Führerin ihrer Familie zu sein. 67 Als Mutter, aber auch als Gattin und innere Führerin des Mannes, als Schwester, als Kämpferin für Reinheit und Sitte schafft sie [die deutsche Frau] den Boden, auf dem das Volk wächst. 68 Dem heranwachsenden Kind wird die Mutter Führerin werden. 69 Als Führerin ihres Haushalts vollbringt die Frau ebenso eine volkswirtschaftliche Leistung wie jeder andere berufstätige Mensch. 70

67

Dorothea Klaje-Wenzel (1934), p. 65. Sieglinde Meisel, 'Die deutsche Frau und Hitler', Die deutsche Kämpferin, October 1933, p. 132. 69 BA NSD47/6,Ursula Thym, 'Deutsche Frau im Dritten Reich', NSFK, 6 May 1933. 70 Else Vorwerck, 'Wirtschaftliche Alltagspflichten der deutschen Frau beim Einkauf und Verbrauch', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda (editors), (1934), pp. 90-91. 68

132

Morpho-semantic analysis

In addition, Führerin is used by the women with neutral, positive and negative connotations, to refer to women in National Socialist and non-National Socialist organisations. Wie ich Ihnen unterm 24. Juni 1931 bereits mitteilte, hat die Lübecker Frauengruppe lediglich in den letzten Monaten, durch eine schlechte Führerin missleitet, ihre Schuldigkeit nicht voll und ganz getan. 71

Prior to Gleichschaltung, when many of the women's organisations such as the DFO and the Neulandbewegung/Frauenkampfiund were independent, one could claim that the female leaders saw themselves as female equivalents of the Führer and named themselves as such. Also the status and independent nature of the derivative Führerin can be traced back to the women's movement, where it was used without a constant comparison with the unmarked masculine or 'generic' form. Yet, although NS women may have considered themselves entitled to use the title Führerin, their male counterparts were less enthusiastic about the threat it posed to the restricted semantic reference of the term Führer, and the connotations of prestige associated with it, particularly in later years. Yet even in the years before the National Socialists came to power, concern was expressed about the women's use of the term Führerin as shown by a circular from the NSDAP in Chemnitz on the subject of the NS-Frauenschaft. Seit 1. Oktober besteht also nunmehr die Neuregelung der "Nat.-soz. Frauenschaft". Soweit dies in einzelnen Ortsgruppen noch nicht durchgeführt ist, hat es sofort zu geschehen. Die nat.-soz. Frauenschaft besteht automatisch aus sämtlichen der Bewegung angehörenden Frauen der Ortsgruppe. Sie ist keine eigene Organisation, sondern untersteht dem Ortsgruppenleiter. Dieser ernennt sich eine Sachberaterin. Die betreffende Parteigenossin ist nicht etwa Führerin der Frauenschaft, sondern ein beratendes Organ des Ortsgruppenleiters, dem die Frauenschaft direkt untersteht. 72 (italics mine)

It is clear from this that particularly when modified with the suffix -in, the term Führerin was still regarded as a linguistic 'threat' to Führer. Male National Socialists obviously regarded Führer as having solely male semantic properties, ie [+MALE], [- FEMALE], The leader of the NS-Frauenschaft was given the title Reichsfrauenfiihrerin, and she retained this title until the end of the 71

BA NS22/430, letter from Gauleiterin, DFO Mecklenburg/Lübeck, to Strasser, 3 July 1931. BA NS22/430, Rundschreiben Nr. 10/31, no title, no author given, typed on the back of notepaper bearing the heading 'Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, Bezirksleitung Chemnitz'. There are similarities between the wording of this extract and the quotation from the letter from Gregor Strasser to Lotte Rühlemann, 2 September 1931 (BA NS22). Both dispute the validity of the title Reichsführerin/Fiihrerin, and point out that the role of the woman in question is beratend. We note here also that the woman is described as an Organ, perhaps an indication of tendencies in male discourse in National Socialism to dehumanise women by linguistic means. 72

Use of the -in suffix

133

war, without any further objections. It would seem that when placed in a compound, the prestigious connotations of the term were no longer apparent and so could be used without restriction. The same applied to the use of the unmarked form, as dictated by the policy of Sprachlenkung, seen in the following example of a directive issued to the press in 1941.73 However, in a speech by Hitler to German women years before, at the Reichsparteitag in Nuremberg 1934, he uses the term Führerin, without the component Reich-, the restricted reference of the term being determined by the particular context: Nach Jahren nehme ich zum erstenmal wieder an einer Tagung nationalsozialistischer Frauen und damit nationalsozialistischer Frauenarbeit teil. Ich weiß, daß die Voraussetzungen hierzu geschaffen worden sind durch die Arbeit unzähliger einzelner Frauen und insbesondere durch die Arbeit Ihrer Führerin. 74

Leiterin versus Leiter Given the controversy surrounding the denotative and connotative meanings attached to the term Führer, and its exclusive reference to Adolf Hitler, in later years, by contrast one would imagine that the use of the derivative Leiterin would not be considered as a threat to the prestige of its equivalent Leiter. Yet in later years, after the NS-Frauenschaft was well-established, the formation was the subject of heated debate in 1937 as illustrated by the correspondence between Martin Bormann, the Stellvertreter des Führers; Robert Ley, the Reichsorganisationsleiter, and Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, the Reichsfrauenführerin. It becomes clear in a letter from Bormann to Scholtz-Klink, dated 19 August 1937, that Scholtz-Klink sent him a list of suggestions of titles for women involved in the NS-Frauenschaft. He informs her that the following terms have been chosen: Der Stellvertreter des Führers hat entschieden, dass für die Mitarbeiterinnen der NS-Frauenschaft in den Zellen und Blocks die Bezeichnung Blockfrauenleiterin und Zellenfrauenleiterin verwandt werden soll. 75

It appears that Reichsorganisationsleiter Ley objected to the use of these formations, and saw them as a sign of the women's desire for independence 3

'"Es ist erwünscht, künftig ausschließlich diese Bezeichnung [Betriebsfuhrer] zu verwenden, nicht aber vom 'Führer des Betriebes' zu sprechen. Die Bezeichnung 'Führer' soll nur Adolf Hitler vorbehalten bleiben, um so mehr, als sie mittlerweile staatspolitische und weltpolitische Bedeutung erhalten hat...". Diese Anweisungen sind der vorigen in der Bedeutungsbeschränkung des Wortes ähnlich; hier wird die Umwandlung eines nomen appellativum in ein nomen proprium angestrebt: nur einer kann "Der Führer" sein.' Rolf Glunk (1966), 146. 74 Adolf Hitler, 'Der Führer an die deutschen Frauen!', in Adolf Hitler and Gertrud Scholtz-Klink (1934), p. 3. 75 BA NS22/923, letter from Bormann to Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, 19 August 1937.

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and autonomy. In a letter dated 3 November 1937, Scholtz-Klink replies to Ley's criticism of the decision to create the titles Block- and Zellenfrauenleiterin. She writes: Ich möchte zu dieser Anordnung folgendes feststellen: Diese Bezeichnung Block- und Zellenfrauenleiterin wurde erst aktuell durch die neue Block- und Zellenordnung, die von Herrn Mehnert im Verlauf dieser letzten Monate in der Partei durchgeführt worden ist, und da bis zur Ortsgruppe herunter unsere fuhrenden Frauen als Angehörige einer Gliederung der NSDAP die Bezeichnung Leiterin hatten, war es für uns alle die selbstverständlichste Sache, daß auch die nächstfolgende Einheit diese Bezeichnung zu tragen hätte. Plötzlich erklärte aber Herr Mehnert, daß die Bezeichnung Zellenfrauenleiterin eine Gefährdung der Autorität des Hoheitsträgers bedeuten würde und daß er verlangen würde, daß hier die Bezeichnung Walterin eingesetzt würde. Das war für uns unmöglich, da die Bezeichnung Walterin genau wie Walter immer nur angewandt wird in einem von der Partei betreuten oder ihr angeschlossenen Verband, nicht aber einer Parteigliederung.76 (underlining in original) This extract highlights the unsuccessful result of the communication between writer and addressee (Mehnert and Scholtz-Klink). Scholtz-Klink assumes that the titles Walter and Walterin are equivalent in meaning, and therefore Walterin could not be used to describe a woman holding a position of responsibility in an organisation within the NSDAP, whereas Mehnert seems not regard female titles as having equality in meaning and prestige with their male equivalents and perhaps considers that the title Walterin communicates women's marginal status. If we analyse the semantic implications of this, using componential analysis, then Leiter has the semantic features [+MALE], [+NATIONAL SOCIALIST], whereas Walter(in) is [+MALE, +FEMALE], [+BETREUTER/ANGESCHLOSSENER VERBAND], Therefore it would appear that there is semantic asymmetry in the titles, and that these male National Socialists are implying that Nationalsozialist is [+MALE], [-FEMALE], and that women cannot be true National Socialists, but can only have the status of associated members or supporters. It becomes clear from the letter that the disagreement is not actually concerned with the titles themselves and their semantic properties, but rather with the fundamental issue of the women's status, responsibilities and activities within the party: Nachdem ich Sie in unserer Unterredung über diese Vorgänge aufgeklärt und Sie, wie mir schien, überzeugt hatte von der Richtigkeit dieser Forderung, denn Sie sagten mir selbst, es sei Ihnen nun, nachdem ich Ihnen die Gründe erklärt hatte, völlig gleich, was für eine Bezeichnung diese Frau trüge, kamen wir auf 76

BA NS22/923, letter from Gertrud Scholtz-Klink to Ley, 3 November 1937.

Use of the - i n suffix

135

das Verhältnis zwischen der Frauenschaftsleiterin und dem politischen Leiter zu sprechen. Als ich dabei in einem Nebensatz die Redewendung gebrauchte, die Frauenschaftsleiterin stünde neben dem politischen Leiter, kamen Sie sofort mit dem Vorwurf, ich triebe Emanzipationsbestrebungen in der NSDAP und gefährde die Einheit der NSDAP, denn schon daß ich gesagt habe, sie stünde ne; ben dem Hoheitsträger, würde ja bedeuten, daß ich eine Frauenorganisation neben der Organisation der NSDAP aufgezogen hätte [...] Ihren folgenden Satz, daß, wenn man eine Solidarität der Frau proklamiere, man dieser eine Solidarität der Männer entgegenstellen müßte, d.h. eine Kluft in unser Volk hineintragen würde, nämlich die Kluft der Geschlechter, kann ich nicht verstehen, denn immer haben Männer ihre eigene Art ebenso gehabt wie Frauen die ihre, und ich glaube, wenn man der Frau ihre eigene Art und ihre eigene Schau zu den Dingen des Lebens abspricht, dann dürfte wohl überhaupt die ganze Zubilligung einer Frauenführung im Rahmen der NSDAP als illusorisch zu betrachten sein. Und ich muß aus Ihrem nächsten Satz schließen, daß Sie einen eigenen Führungsanspruch der Frau in Frauendingen ihr nicht zugestehen, denn Sie schreiben wörtlich, "daß die Leiterin der Frauenschaft unbedingt Amtsleiterin des jeweiligen Hoheitsträgers der Partei mit beratender Funktion sein muß und niemals neben dem Ortsgruppenleiter der Partei als selbständige Frauenfuhrerin stehen kann" [...] Dazu muß ich Ihnen sagen, daß hier mein Standpunkt ein anderer ist und daß ich vier Jahre eine Arbeit auf einer anderen Grundlage aufgebaut habe, die niemand für falsch befand bis zum heutigen Tage, nämlich der, daß wenn die NSDAP, aus der wir alle hervorgegangen sind, sich eine Frauenführung einsetzt, man dieser Frauenfuhrung zum mindesten auf den ihr eigenen Arbeitsgebieten auch die Verantwortung und die Führung zugesteht, wie das ja auch in der Praxis bis zum heutigen Tag der Fall ist.77 (underlining in original) This letter and the views expressed by both Scholtz-Klink and Ley reveal how seriously linguistic processes such as creating titles were regarded, as well as the significance and interpretation of prepositions such as neben. There seems to have been a serious divergence between the outlook and opinions of the leader of the women's organisation, Gertrud Scholtz-Klink and her male counterparts. The disagreement over terminology also shows how suspicious certain leading male party members were of the aims and influence of women within the party, and how they perceived any autonomy on the part of the women as a threat to their authority. The disagreement serves to illustrate how aware both female and male National Socialists were of the possible connota-

77

BA NS22/923, Scholtz-Klink to Ley, 3 November 1937.

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Morpho-semantic analysis

tive as well as denotative meanings attached to these lexemes, and the actual effects of these linguistic designations. 78 2.4.3

Abstract philosophical, pseudo-racial characteristics of women

On a more abstract level, the feminine suffix was used with abstract nouns with philosophical, pseudo-mystical connotations used to assign particular roles to women in general beyond the level of concrete organisational tasks and duties. Such formations include, for example, Begeisterin, Bewahrerin, Deuterin Hüterin, Schöpferin, Trägerin (Artträgerin, Kreuzträgerin), although these terms are also found in male usage. 79 Artträgerin Eine Gemeinschaft aber, die die ursprünglichste Regung des Menschen, den Eigennutzen, zurückstellte vor der Rücksicht gegen die Gemeinschaft selbst, konnte nur auf bluts- und rassenmäßiger Zusammengehörigkeit beruhen, in sie waren die Frauen mit eingeschlossen als Artträgerinnen dieses Blutes.80 Begeisterin Die besonderen Aufgaben des Frauentums als Tochter, Schwester, innere Führerin und Begeisterin des Mannes, Gattin und Mutter und endlich ihre Aufgaben als Mensch und Persönlichkeit und als Volksgenossin müssen ihr klar sein und ihr voll und ganz zum Bewußtsein kommen.81 Bewahrerin Die Mutter ist auch die Vermittlerin zu Volk und Volkstum, dem sie und ihr Kind angehört. Denn sie ist die Bewahrerin seiner Kultur, die sie in Märchen, Sagen, Spielen und Gebräuchen ihrem Kinde bestimmend fur sein ganzes späteres Verhältnis zu seinem Volke mit auf den Weg gibt.82

78

There are several examples of male National Socialists prescribing the 'correct' use of titles for women, for example in BA NS22/431, in the letter from the Reichsleitung to Hedwig Förster, 15 December 1931. At the close of the letter, the author (Strassen no signature, only Vo/Ko) reprimands Förster for using the title Sachberaterin, and requests that she refrain from using it in future, 'da es nur eine Sachberaterin für Frauenfragen bei der Reichsführung gibt und das ist Fräulein Elsbeth Zander'. 79 Hannelore Kessler (1981), also mentions these expressions, and describes them as new titles given to women (p. 59). 80 Elli Heese, 'Die deutsche Bäuerin in der Wertung des Dritten Reiches. Zum 1. Reichsbauemtag in Weimar', Das deutsche Frauenblatt, February 1934, p. 1. 81 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 90. 82 Paula Siber (1933), p. 25.

Use of the - i n suffix

137

Deuterin Hier hätte die Frau als Mutter zur Deuterin dieses Geschehens, zur Führerin und zur Begeisterin werden müssen.83

Hüterin Darum muß die Frage der Landfrau als Hüterin des Lebens nicht nur für den Landstand, sondern für unser gesamtes deutsches Volk ganz stark in den Vordergrund gerückt werden, und so soll auf diese Zusammenhänge in einer der nächsten Nummern der „deutschen Frauenfront" noch besonders eingegangen werden.84 Vertiefung in deutsche Religion und Rassenkunde. Letzteres ist eine der wichtigsten Aufgaben, denn die Frau ist die berufene Hüterin des Blutes.85 (underlining in original)

Kreuzträgerin Jeder Deutsche kennt die Geschichte der Nationalsozialistischen Deutschen Arbeiterpartei, die ein langer, zäher Kampf einer neuen Weltanschauung, eines sieghaft aufsteigenden Glaubens ist [...] Viele Mütter stehen als Kreuzträgerinnen am Wege.86

Schöpferin Der weibliche Arzt besitzt ein imponderabiles, vom Gesichtspunkt der modernen Medizin besonders wertvolles Heilvermögen, das einen, dem männlichen Arzte unerreichbaren, absolut berufseigenschaftlichen Vorzug darstellt: ein Einfühlungsvermögen, das nicht selten zu einer hellseherisch anmutenden, vorwegnehmenden Instinktfähigkeit ausreift, - eine Kraft, die die Natur den Schöpferinnen und Bewahrerinnen des Lebens als essentielle Energie einpflanzen mußte, die also in der weiblichen Wesensart der Ärztin begründet und bedingt ist.87

Trägerin Darüber möchte manche Stadtfrau lächeln! Ja, die Landfrau als Trägerin deutscher Kultur!88

83

Guida Diehl (1933), p. 57. Aenne Sprengel, 'Die Frau in der Landwirtschaft', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, P- 1785 BANS22/431, no author given (eine Nationalsozialistm), 'Der deutsche Frauenorden', no date. 86 Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 12. 87 Margarete Adam, 'Der weibliche Arzt', Die deutsche Kämpferin, February 1934, p. 226. 88 BA NS44/54, Hildegard Passow, 'Die Landfrau als Kulturträgerin', Infodienst der NSFrauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 84

138

Morpho-semantic analysis

Wir nationalsozialistischen Frauen propagierten, daß die Frauen Mütter sein sollten, Trägerinnen der kommenden Generation, deren Erzieherinnen, die Hüterinnen der Jugend und der sittlichen und seelischen Volkskräfte in allen Berufen, die diesem Zwecke dienen könnten.85

What do these terms reveal about the women's self-image and view of their role in National Socialism? All the nouns are deverbal, formed from the verbs begeistern,

bewahren,

deuten, hüten, schöpfen,

tragen. The verbs denote a

mixture of action and reaction, autonomous activity and support, seen in some of the underlying verbs. These roles, which were assigned to women and which women assigned to themselves, become 'institutionalised' morphosemantically. No doubt the women regarded these formations as prestigious and as ones which ultimately conferred status upon women, in spite of the underlying ambiguous message conveyed through the semantic relationship between morphemes. Yet the ambiguity serves to illustrate the particular situation of women in National Socialism, caught between expressing their role as secondary to that of the men in the party, whilst emphasising their specific, unique characteristics, with which men are unable to compete. 2.4.4

Summary of the -in suffix in female discourse

The use of the -in suffix would seem to reveal inconsistencies and contradictions in female discourse, such as the dual usage of marked and unmarked forms, and the question over the lack of autonomy in the creation of titles with the suffix, particularly in the latter years leading up to 1934. Yet these apparent contradictions are themselves symptomatic of female discourse as a whole, which is in itself the linguistic expression of the women's dual signals of solidarity and separateness. The use of the suffix could also be regarded as a sign of enforced linguistic isolation and separation, but it is important to note that the titles bearing the feminine suffix are used positively and deliberately to mark out the feminine aspect. Their use of nouns with and without -in could also be interpreted as a sign that the women were sophisticated communicators who were aware of the possible impact of employing or omitting the suffix, and chose the appropriate form according to the context, readership, and message they wished to convey. Thus the women have in many cases the choice of using female forms to stress their role as women, and the unmarked forms to emphasise their solidarity. The definition of a community of practice in linguistic terms, is that the community makes its discourse its own, regardless of outside influence. The choice of titles with the suffix, particularly from 1932 onwards,

89 Hildegard Hütterroth, '"Womens [sic] Right to Earn". Ein Briefwechsel mit dem Manchester Guardian Weekly', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 19.

Summary of word-formation in female discourse

139

may have been influenced or controlled by men, yet it is the women who make use of the titles and claim them as their own.

2.5

Summary of word-formation in female discourse

Although there are other word-formation patterns evident in female discourse, such as compounds with Aufgabe, Bewußtsein, Kultur, Leben and Verantwortung, and derivatives with the prefixes ent-, un-, ur- and ver, for example, I would argue that the use of word-formation patterns with Frau and Mutter, and the feminine -in suffix, are a key part of the women's attempt to establish a linguistic Frauenwelt, using established and new morphological and morphosemantic patterns. Definition and self-definition is of central importance in the use of the compounds and derivatives, as female in-groups and out-groups are defined through identified models of behaviour and activity. The formations employed in the women's texts fulfil several informative and ideological functions. They form part of the linguistic means by which the women negotiated their status and activities in the NSDAP and in society. Promoting types, qualities and activities of women as being specific and unique to them alone emphasised to males and females alike that there were areas of female autonomy and power where women could not be challenged or usurped by men, with physical or 'spiritual' motherhood, for example. Yet identifying certain characteristics and activities as female also communicates self-restriction and limitation, which would have proved useful in quelling the fear of female interference and even subversiveness expressed by male National Socialists. In signalling the borders of female influence, women showed that they were not threatening male power structures and encroaching on established male areas of activity and influence. In addition, the compounds and derivatives communicated to a female readership that the female world was a definable, selfcontained entity, linguistically as well as practically. 90 The use of the compounds and derivatives in the texts seem to reflect the attempt to reach a new definition of 'womanhood' in the context of National Socialism, through the denotative and connotative meanings of the formations employed. The women outlined the dimensions of their spheres of influence, emphasising the special nature and importance of their own work. They perceive themselves as being responsible for the advancement and representation 90

The seemingly irrelevant status of men is also pointed out by Ute Benz (1996). In referring to 'Ratgeberbücher' on the subject of motherhood, she comments: 'Auffallen muß insbesondere, daß in den folgenden Ausführungen so wenig von Männern und Vätern die Rede ist. Die Ratgeberbücher spiegeln sehr klar die simple nationalsozialistische Aufteilung der Welt in eine Welt des Mannes und eine Welt der Frau' (p. 145).

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Morpho-semantic analysis

of women, not only in the party. This is communicated through the mixture of abstract and concrete compounds. They are mapping out what could be termed their 'own agenda': where they place their priorities within the framework of National Socialism. The mixture of compounds reveals their interest not only in practical, organisational involvement for women, but also for something much less tangible. Many of the compounds and their collocating adjectives are dynamic, denoting movement, renewal, growth, and change, and communicate a powerful view of women's contribution to National Socialism. Through the language they can be seen to create their own pyramid structure of power and influence:

The use of the compounds and derivatives, including the -in suffix, could also be regarded as the 'féminisation' of NS discourse, with women seizing their own corner of National Socialist ideology, yet the process is more complex in its evolution and development. The compounds and derivatives, including the use of the -in suffix in the primary material, are part of a female discourse in National Socialism, characteristics of which emanate from previous women's organisations, as well as from the existing discourses within the NSDAP as a whole, and general social, political, cultural and religious discourses. Through the process of semantic inheritance, and through semantic shifts, previously external linguistic influences are adopted and adapted by the female NS community of practice and manifest themselves as characteristics of a cohesive linguistic Frauenwelt.

3

Lexico-semantic analysis 3.1

Thematic Categories

As mentioned in the introduction, lexical analyses of texts, National Socialist and otherwise, have attracted substantial criticism for examining individual lexemes in isolation and removing them from their immediate lexical, semantic, syntagmatic and textual context, thus revealing very limited information about the nature of a particular group language or discourse. I also claimed, however, that focusing on key terms and expressions provided a useful entry point into lexical and semantic fields and the relationships between networks of significant terms and expressions, provided the analysis considered the terms and expressions in context. For this reason I have decided to present the following analysis within the framework of thematic categories: • • • •

Women Women Women Women

in the NSDAP and the Volksgemeinschaft and Motherhood and Work

These categories are not discrete: as will be seen in the analysis, there are areas of overlap. For example, I have chosen to place the last two categories, 'Women and Motherhood' and 'Women and Work' together, as they share many similarities in the language used to describe them. These four thematic areas are representative of the main issues and topics which preoccupied women in National Socialism in the period 1924-1934. Within these categories I will be focusing primarily on characteristic lexical and semantic aspects of the language, examining lexical and semantic fields and sense relations.

3.2

Women and the NSDAP

The language used by the women in referring to party matters and organisational concerns consists of a mixture of discourses. The women employ official, administrative language, for example verbs such as eingliedern, erfassen, organisieren, veranstalten, or their deverbal noun equivalents in a substantival style consistent with the language of administration. In this respect they do not

142

Lexico-semantic analysis

differ greatly from their male counterparts. Orders had to be carried out, decisions had to be made, events were organised, and as such the language of administration remains constant throughout, irrespective of gender. The women's discourse within their organisations and the NSDAP is however also characterised by language signalling the desire for participation and cooperation amongst women and between women and men, communicated through terms such as Harmonie, Liebe, Zusammenarbeit. Es kann nur vollkommene Arbeit geleistet werden, wenn Harmonie und Einvernehmen herrscht zwischen der OG. Leiterin der NSFrauenschaft [sie] und dem OG. Leiter der politischen Ortsgruppe.1 Die Liebe zu unserem Führer und zu unserem in tiefster Not befindlichen Volke erfüllte uns mit starker Hingabe und Opferwillen.2 Ich werde im Übrigen das Allermöglichste tun, die Zusammenarbeit mit Fräulein Zander harmonisch und erfolgreich zu gestalten.3 Oberster Masstab bei der [Beurteilung der] zu wählenden Form der Organisation für die Frauenschaft muss sein, ob durch sie eine organische Zusammenarbeit mit der P.O. wirklich garantiert ist.4 3.2.1

Military metaphors in NS discourse

Previous studies such as those by Seidel and Seidel-Slotty, Bertling, Bork, and Klemperer have focused on the existence of military metaphors as further proof of the brutal nature of National Socialism and its emphasis on activity and violence. There has been little attempt to define the particular uses of the term Kampf in context and its particular denotative and connotative meanings. It has been assumed that the term was used in all areas of experience and was employed so frequently that it became semantically redundant. It was used by the National Socialists primarily to assert 'the primacy of action over thought'. 5 Looking in particular at the term Kampf, Seidel and Seidel-Slotty draw attenti1 C8 Münster, Nr.326, Schriftführerin Gau Westf.-Nord, 'Wie gestaltet sich die Propaganda in der N.S.Frauenschaft?', 12 Neblung (November) 1932. 2 C8 Münster, Nr.462, E Polster, Gaufrauenschaftsleiterin, NSF Gau Westf.-Nord, 'An alle Mitglieder der N.S.Frauenschaft im Gau Westf-Nord', 21 Julmond (December) 1932. 3 BA NS22/430, letter from Guida Diehl to Strasser, 20 November 1931. 4 BA NS22/452, letter from Frau Meyer, NSF Gau Hamburg, to Strasser, 15 September 1932. The words [Beurteilung der] were added later. 5 C J Wells (1985), p. 415. Michael Townson, 'Language and Politics - A Case Study of German Fascism 1933-45', in Charles Russ and Claudia Volkmar (editors), Sprache und Gesellschaft in deutschsprachigen Ländern (Munich: Goethe-Institut, 1987), also outlines National Socialist use of vocabulary denoting battle and struggle (pp. 282-284). He states that 'Given that the ultimate aim of German fascism was war and conquest, it is not surprising that military terms and metaphors play a significant role in Nazi language use' (p. 281).

Women and the NSDAP

143

on to 'Die Entwertung des Wortes' and claim that 'Das Wort ist dann rasch zu völlig unkriegerischem Sinn verblaßt'.6 Siegfried Bork, for example, included Kampf under the general heading of 'Sturm-, Kriegs- und Kampfsprache' in his analysis, and Wendula Dahle highlights the use of the term Kampf in her analysis of military terminology in the field of Germanistik.7 Within the lexical field of Kampf Cornelia Schmitz-Berning lists Alte Kämpfer, kämpferisch, Kampfzeit and Leistungskampf but not the lexeme Kampf itself; Karl-Heinz Brackmann and Renate Birkenhauer also list Alte Kämpfer, and kämpferisch as well as Kampf Kampfgeist, Kampf um Berlin, Kampfzeit der Bewegung, Kampfzeitung, Kampfabzeichen, Kampf dem Verderb, and Kampfflugzeug} In these examples, women are not referred to, described or included in any way, in fact the associations of Kampf and related terms and expressions with male behaviour and masculinity are particularly emphasised. I wish to show that, employed by women in National Socialism, the lexeme Kampf was anything but semantically empty, but rather was used with a rich variety of conceptual meanings. Also, in previous studies on military language in National Socialism, the use of Kampf and related terms and expressions was seen as evidence of the general degradation of language in National Socialist use. This was based on an implicit and subjective assumption that it is morally and linguistically wrong to use military terminology metaphorically, to refer to 'employment' {Arbeitsschlacht) or 'giving birth' (Geburtenschlacht), for example.91 think that such a judgmental view serves no purpose in explaining and analysing the way in which military language was used and the purpose for it, particularly as military metaphors can be found in an wide variety of fields, in all languages and periods of history. In the case of women's use of military language, it is far more enlightening to concentrate on how the women shaped certain terms, such as Kampf to reflect their own interests and areas of influence. In the course of this analysis I would like to focus on the women's use of military language, in particular the term Kampf and its related forms, kämpfen, KämpferZ-in, and kämpferisch. The analysis will focus on both the denotative and connotative meanings of the terms, as they are of equal importance. It will also attempt to identify semantic features of the terms employed by the women by drawing on aspects of componential analysis. Although this method has its limitations, for example its general reliance on binary contrasts, it provides a valuable insight into the way in which terms such as Kampf are 6

Eugen Seidel and Ingeborg Seidel-Slotty (1961), p. 50. Siegfried Bork (1970), pp. 19-23. Wendula Dahle (1969), pp. 30-37. 8 Cornelia Schmitz-Berning (1998), pp. 26, 345-348. Karl-Heinz Brackmann and Renate Birkenhauer, NS-Deutsch. 'Selbstverständliche ' Begriffe und Schlagwörter aus der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus (Straelen/Niederrhein: Straelener Manuskripte, 1988), pp. 15, 109. 9 Mentioned in R E Keller (1981), p. 130. 7

144

Lexico-semantic analysis

polysemous, and into the way in which the women create semantic structures of contrast and oppositeness, based on gender divisions. It is important to remember that women in National Socialism often regarded activities and duties within the party as divided into male and female categories, and this is reflected in their discourse. The terms as used by the women undergo several semantic processes, including in some cases transference and extension and in other cases restriction of meaning. Military terms employed in female discourse In placing the women's use of Kampf in context, we can see that the women employ military terms and expressions to describe a wide range of activities supporting the NSDAP. Examples include: Einsatz, einsatzbereit, Einsatzfahigkeit, erringen. Front, mobilisieren, Mobilmachung, Ringen/ringen, Schlag, Sieg, Waffe, wehrhaft. Einsatz Eine Personalunion beider Organisationen ist m.E. ebenso unmöglich, wie es unmöglich ist, dem Luisenbund und der Frauenschaft anzugehören, dem Stahlhelm und der N.S.D.A.P., denn die Arbeit fur die nationalsozialistische Idee und Bewegung erfordert den Einsatz der ganzen Person, äusserlich und noch viel mehr innerlich. 10

Einsatzfäh igkeit Sie [die Frauen des Nationalsozialismus] haben sich begeistert und bedingungslos dem Führer untergeordnet, sie haben in tausend Kämpfen und Mühen Mut und Einsatzfáhigkeit bewiesen, sie haben die großen heiligen Werte und Ziele mit starker geistiger Beweglichkeit in die notwendige Kleinarbeit des Tages umgesetzt."

Front The contradictory nature of the women's discourse in the early years, ie whether it should promote female identity and equality or integration and subordination within the National Socialist organisation, is reflected in the use of the preposition with Front. Some women refer to their activities in der Front, the preposition here implying equality, whilst others refer to female activities hinter der Front, so again establishing their view of male activities as being primary and higher in prestige.

10

BA NS22/452, letter from Reichsinpekteurin to Strasser, 1 June 1932. " Ludwine ν Broecker, 'Die NS. Frauenschaft als Grundlage der neuen Frauenbewegung', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 5.

Women and the NSDAP

145

Einsatzbereit stehen diese jungen Frauen [jene jungen Vorkämpferinnen] in der Front und lassen den Kampfruf der Erneuerung ertönen.12 Hier hätte das Frauentum des Volkes seinen Kampfplatz hinter der Front begreifen müssen.13 Mobilmachung 1. Die Notwendigkeit einer Mobilmachung der Frauenwelt zur Mitarbeit im Kampf um innere Befreiung.14 (underlining in original) Ringen/ringen Unsere Zeit bringt das Ringen und Streben des deutschen Frauentums zum Ausdruck und wird ihr das Ziel und damit den Maßstab für die künftige Arbeit geben.15 Wir dürfen endlich deutsches Frauentum gestalten! Herr, hilf uns ringen, daß der Sieg uns sei!16 Schlag Die Gau-Frauenschaftsleiterinnen sind der Ansicht, dass die aus dem "Entwurfder [sie] Dienst-Vorschrift vom 15.7.32" sprechende Unterwertung der Frau und der damit verbundene Schlag gegen die Frauenorganisation und Arbeit zum grossen Teil auf das Schuldkonto der Reichsleitung der N.S.Frauenschaft und ihres ganzen Stabes zu fuhren ist, die es nicht verstanden hat, der Frauenorganisation und Arbeit die Achtung und Wertung in der Partei zu erkämpfen, die ihr zukommt.17 Sieg Dann, deutsche Frau, wirst Du den letzten, entscheidenden Sieg errungen haben, und das freie, blühende Deutschland Deiner Kinder wird Dein Lohn sein!18 Sie [die Frauen] haben in langen Jahren der Bedrückung und Verfolgung Hoffnung und Glauben an den Sieg der gerechten Sache hochgehalten und durch Werbung von Mund zu Mund verbreitet, sie haben in unermüdlicher Arbeit und

12

Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 108. Guida Diehl (1933), p. 57. 14 BA NS22/430, letter from Guida Diehl to E Zander, 8 December 1931. 15 Eleonore Bartling, 'Deutsches Frauentum', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, October 1933, p. 5. 16 Eleonore Bartling, 'Wir Frauen!', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 1. 17 BA NS22/452, letter from Paula Siber, Gauleitung NSF Düsseldorf, to Strasser, 20 September 1932. 18 BA NS44/54, Hildegard Passow, 'Jüdische Greuelpropaganda', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 8 April 1933. 13

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Hilfsbereitschaft ohne Geld, ohne Unterstützung seitens der charitativen [sie] Vereinigungen für ihre hungernden, arbeitslosen Volksgenossen gesorgt.19 Waffe Ich muss meiner grossen Freude und Dankbarkeit darüber Ausdruck geben, dass Sie uns damit eine Waffe für unsern Kampf in die Hand gegeben haben, wie wir sie seit langem fühlbar entbehrten.20 wehrhaft Wir müssen wehrhaft sein. Einsatzbereit, wenn es zum Äußersten kommen sollte. Wehrhaft auch in unserer seelischen Haltung.21 Und wehrhaft will das Frauengeschlecht wieder werden.22 It could be argued that the girls' organisation, the BdM, made greater and more frequent use of military language as the organisation was given the military nature of its structure and activities: its members took part in marches, drills, and participated in sports, competitions, on a level with the Hitler-Jugend.23 The language of the female element of the youth movement in National Socialism is worthy of study in its own right, and this could include the language of the NSSi (NS-Schülerinnenbund), which also seemed to make use of aggressive, militaristic language to stir up support, as illustrated in a directive written by one of its leaders: Für uns, NSSi Sachsen, bedeutet dieser Grossangriff, als erste Stufe bis 15. Oktober, die Verdoppelung unserer Stärke [...] Es gibt für uns kein Ausspannen, als bis auch das letzte deutsche Mädel in unsere Reihen tritt!!!24 (underlining in original) Yet as we have seen, militaristic vocabulary is used by adult female National Socialists, although the differences in the meanings attached to militaristic terms and expressions by young and adult women would be worth investigating. The continuing use of terms such as Einsatz, Kampf, Mobilmachung, ringen by women indicates the extent of metaphorical range of military vo-

" BA NSD 47/6, Hildegard Passow, 'Die große Linie', NSFK, 20 May 1933. BA NS22/452, letter from E Gallmer to Parteigenossin (Guida Diehl), 27 September 1932. 21 Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 102. 22 Sophie Rogge-Börner, 'Denkschrift an den Kanzler des Deutschen Reiches Herrn Adolf Hitler und an den Vizekanzler Herrn Franz von Papen', Die deutsche Kämpferin, May 1933, p. 19. 23 See Dagmar Reese, Straff, aber nicht stramm - herb, aber nicht derb. Zur Vergesellschaftung von Mädchen durch den Bund Deutscher Mädel im sozialkulturellen Vergleich zweier Milieus (Weinheim and Basel: Beltz, 1989). 24 BA NS28/83, letter from A Mann, NSSi Sachsen, to Bezirksfìlhrerinnen/Ortsgruppenftlhrerinnen, 22 September 1931. 20

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cabulary, and how it can be employed in diverse contexts, to refer to a variety of specifically female activities, political and practical. The connection between women and the military in National Socialism is also not a new discovery. Research carried out on the ideal role of women in the National Socialist state has described how women were organised in a military way, and how every aspect of their personal life was governed by regulations. Marianne Lehker describes how mothers were referred to using terms associated with military discourse, such as treu, pflichtbewußt, todesmutig, tapfer, and how 'das Gebähren wird dann zur "Wehrpflicht [...] im Schöße der deutschen Familie'" Women were even given military-style medals in the form of the Ehrenkreuz der deutschen Mutter,25 and National Socialists described women giving birth as the Geburtenschlacht. The question, however, of how women themselves made use of this area of language and for what purposes has not been investigated. The women's use of military terminology did not merely emanate from influence by National Socialist discourse or rhetoric as a whole, but had a tradition which can be found in preceding and contemporary women's organisations. Such language was used abundantly in the various women's movements, particularly in the proletarian women's movement, which emphasised women's emancipation within the context of revolution and the class struggle. Denn die bürgerlichen Frauenrechtlerinnen erstreben nur durch einen Kampf von Geschlecht zu Geschlecht, im Gegensatz zu den Männern ihrer eigenen Klasse, Reformen zugunsten des weiblichen Geschlechts innerhalb des Rahmens der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft, sie tasten den Bestand dieser Gesellschaft selbst nicht an. Die proletarischen Frauen dagegen erstreben durch einen Kampf von Klasse zu Klasse, in enger Ideen- und Waffengemeinschaft mit den Männern ihrer Klasse - die ihre Gleichberechtigung voll und ganz anerkennen - zugunsten des gesamten Proletariats die Beseitigung der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft.26

It was used with both positive and negative connotations by the bourgeois women's movement. For example, Helene Lange talks of Kämpfe between various factions of the women's movement and criticises women who only want to fight and do battle: Gleichzeitig wurde die Bindung an Geschichte und Entwicklung weniger lebhaft empfunden - diesen Frauen galt es nur etwas zu erkämpfen, nicht für etwas zu wachsen.27

25

Marianne Lehker (1984), p. 37. Clara Zetkin, 'Reinliche Scheidung', in Elke Frederiksen (editor), (1981; repr. 1988), p. 109. 27 Helene Lange, 'Es gab keine sozialdemokratischen Frauenvereine', in Elke Frederiksen (editor), (1981; repr. 1988), p. 116. 26

148

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In the 1920s women's organisations were founded, such as the Frauenkampfbund, led by Guida Diehl of the Neulandbewegung, which was a part of what was termed Vaterländische Frauenverbände or the 'radikal-konservative Frauenbewegung'.28 The Frauenkampfbund regularly produced a pamphlet entitled the Frauen-Kampfllatt. Prior to the Gleichschaltung in 1934 there was a National Socialist women's umbrella organisation established in 1933 by Robert Ley, with the name of Die Deutsche Frauenfront. Another organisation from the women's movement, also named Die Deutsche Frauenfront was set up in 1932, to oppose the policies put forward by the National Socialists and various conservative parties and organisations.29 The Deutscher Frauenorden 's publication, Opferdienst der deutschen Frau, was known as the Kampßlatt des Deutschen Frauenordens. From 1934-1937 Sophie Rogge-Börner was chief editor of a National Socialist women's publication Die deutsche Kämpferin, until it was banned by the Gestapo for being too critical of the NS-state, in particular the Frauenpolitik,30 Thus the connection between women and military discourse in National Socialism was established, accepted, and promoted by women themselves from the outset. Kampf in female discourse How one interprets the female use of military vocabulary to describe their environment, concerns and spheres of influence is to a large extent dependent on our own individual expectations as readers, from both a historical and social point of view. It is important not to impose anachronistic expectations and interpretations on the analysis. Do we expect the women to have used militaristic language and metaphors because they were National Socialists or supported the movement, and so were keen to adopt by its ideological language? Or conversely, do we expect the women to have avoided it and instead to have used more religious, pseudo-mystical language, metaphors of nurture and nature because they were women and therefore must surely have shunned any association with physical violence? Yet why should the fact that they were women necessarily exclude them from employing military metaphors? Women at the time may well have been familiar with and internalised the imagery and underlying concepts surrounding gender and war, what Sharon MacDonald describes as 'a delicate balance' between the 'collocation of "femininity", "peace" and "passivity"' and '"masculinity", "war" and "activity"', but they

28

Erich Kasberger (1995), p. 12. BA NSD47/12, Charlotte Koeberle-Schönfeld, '"Frauenfront 1932"', NSFW. 1 August 1932, p. 50. 30 Christine Wittrock (1983), p. 170.

29

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still regarded themselves as justified appropriators of military language, and were keen to emphasise this.31 The relationship between women and physical conflict, battle and war is complex and governed by socio-cultural assumptions and prejudices about the 'nature' of women. These assumptions influenced not only women involved in National Socialism at the time, they also continue to have a bearing on our attitudes to and interpretation of their roles, both physically and linguistically. Historical and sociological research into violence committed by women in National Socialism tends to focus on isolated cases of brutal female behaviour. Infamous examples of women's involvement in the atrocities of the regime include those women who worked as concentration camp guards, and doctors and nurses who participated in the so-called 'euthanasia' programme.32 In his book Hitler's Willing Executioners, Daniel Goldhagen makes us painfully aware that women were no less brutal or sadistic in their actions.33 Women did not commit such atrocities in the same numbers as their male counterparts, but the brutality appears to have been on a similar level. Yet actual violence does not necessarily correspond to violence in language, ie military terms used in a metaphorical sense, although this has been the assumption of many Sprachkritiker in the past, namely that the metaphors of war and battle were linguistic representations of physical violence and brutality perpetrated by the National Socialists. The women involved in National Socialism did use military language to outline and define in particular their specific role in the policies and actions of the National Socialist movement, but this did not entail that they employed military terms and expressions in the same way as their male counterparts.34 The range of denotative and connotative meanings attached to the military terms and the way in which they are semantically linked to religious and philosophical terms is what marks out the women's discourse in the thematic 31

Sharon MacDonald, 'Drawing the Lines - Gender, Peace and War: An Introduction', in Sharon MacDonald, Pat Holden and Shirley Ardener (editors), Images of Women in Peace and War. Cross-Cultural and Historical Perspectives (Houndmills and Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1987), pp. 20-21. 32 Shaaron Cosner and Victoria Cosner (1998). Angelika Ebbinghaus (editor), (1987; repr. 1996), pp. 9-14. Gisela Bock (1986), p. 139. 33 Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners. Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (London: Little, Brown, 1996), pp. 328-361. 34 Godele von der Decken (1988), points out: 'In der Frauenschaft besteht eine strenge Hierarchie [...] Die Organisation ist straff, die Sprache militärisch' (p. 71). See also Dagmar Grenz, 'Kämpfen und arbeiten wie ein Mann - sich aufopfern wie eine Frau. Zu einigen zentralen Aspekten des Frauenbildes in der nationalsozialistischen Mädchenliteratur', Wirkendes Wort, 36 (1986), 190210. She claims that in NS 'Mädchenliteratur' Kampf became a general, all-embracing concept and expression, which included diverse activities such as the struggle against the enemy, participation in the NSDAP, and even the struggle against one's own inner weakness (203).

150

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area of 'Women and the NSDAP'. Their use of military language is especially interesting in the early years before the National Socialists came to power, as it forms part of the debate as to the exact role women wanted and were expected to fulfil. This debate often took the form of meta-linguistic comments on the nature of term Kampf and how it should be employed by women involved in party matters. In his Lexical Semantics, D A Cruse refers to the 'high degree of creativity in the lexicon', as well as 'the apparent multiplicity of semantic uses of a single word form'.35 This is certainly particularly apt in characterising the women's use of Kampf. If one examines the use of the term by women in National Socialism, one sees that the term has a complex system of meanings, connotations and references. The purpose of the following analysis is to identify and discuss the meanings of this term by showing its place in semantic structures, both hierarchical and non-hierarchical, and by highlighting collocations and patterns of co-occurrences with other lexical items. Grammatical/syntactical/morphological patterns of Kampf In the women's texts, the key noun Kampf is employed, as well as many compounds and derivative forms. The women also use the adjective and adverb kämpferisch and the verb kämpfen. Nouns Compounds with Kampf as the first element: Kampfabschnitt, Kampfarbeit, Kampfblatt, Kampferlebnis, Kampffähigkeit, Kampffreudigkeit, Kampfgebiet, Kampfgemeinschaft, Kampfgenosse, Kampfinstinkt, Kampflied, Kampflinie, Kampfplatz, Kampfruf, Kampftruppe, Kampfzeit, Kampfziel. Kampfesaufgabe, Kampfesgedanke, Kampfesmut, Kampfessinn, Kampfesstellung, Kampfesweise. Compounds with Kampf as the second element: Abwehrkampf Angriffskampf, Existenzkampf, Frauenkampf, Freiheitskampf, Gegenkampf, Geschlechterkampf, Konkurrenzkampf, Lebenskampf, Kleinkampf Machtkampf, Manneskampf , Mitkampf, Mutterkampf, Parteikampf Titanenkampf, Waffenkampf. Derivatives: Kämpfer, Kämpferin, Mitkämpfer, Mitkämpferin, Vorkämpfer, Vorkämpferin, Bekämpfung, Kämpferfamilien, Kämpfergeist, Kämpferreihen, Kämpfertum. Conversion: Kämpfen.

35

D A Cruse (1986; repr. 1991), pp. 50-51.

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Adjectives/adverbs kämpf- und opferbereit, kämpfend, kämpferisch, kampffroh, kampfmüde. Verbs kämpfen. Derivatives: ankämpfen, auskämpfen, bekämpfen, erkämpfen, mitkämpfen. The conceptual meanings attached to both the Kampf and kämpfen are more clearly identified when we examine the patterns of noun or verb + preposition, for example, with urn, fur, gegen, as well as with the genitive. The conceptual and connotative meanings attached to the terms can be best analysed by identifying the object of the Kampf. This is an area where semantics and syntax coincide, as the denotative and connotative meanings of Kampf can be more clearly identified not merely by examining the term in isolation but also by looking at corresponding elements in the phrase or sentence. Examples include: Kampf um Kampf ums Volk Und euch Frauen und Mütter rufe ich zu: Sollte der Tag einst kommen, daß ihr vielleicht noch einmal das Liebste euch vom Herzen reißen und es in den Kampf um die Befreiung unseres Volkes und Vaterlandes stellen sollt, dann laßt die Stunde euch stark finden!36 Kampf um die Bewegung Das wollte ich tun um den Kampf um die Bewegung nicht einschlafen zu lassen.37 Kampf um die deutsche Seele Bei dieser großen politischen Wende bleibt aber der Kampf um die deutsche Seele die Hauptsache.38 Kampf um die deutsche Frauenseele So muß die Heilung des Volkslebens durch das Erwachen neuer tiefer Frauenkraft mitgeschaffen werden. Daher tut das Erwachen der deutschen Frau zum Kampf um die deutsche Frauenseele dringend not.39

56

BA NS44/55, Elsbeth Zander ([1926]), pp. 6-7. Hoover Collection, NSDAP Hauptarchiv, 13/254, Frau L-H, 'Mein Kampf als Nationalsozialistin', handwritten date, 12 December 1934. 38 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 4. 39 ibid., p. 4. 37

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Kampf u m innere Erneuerung Die erstere Bewegung ist bekanntlich bei Kri[eg]sbeginn entstanden, und zwar unter der jungen deutschen Frauenwelt die hin[ter] der Front mobil machte, während ihre Brüder draussen fielen, wollten diese jungen deutschen Frauen den Kampf um innere Erneuerung aufnehmen [...] In diesem Kampf um innere Erneuerung Einzelner und das Einzelne nur neu werden aus der Kraft Gottes.40 Kampf ums Dasein Und wie steht es nun mit der Frauenehre und Frauenwürde? Geht uns die im alltäglichen harten Kampf ums Dasein verloren? Nein, behaupte ich, wenn der Beruf, den sich die Frau erwählt hat, ihrer Eigenart angepasst ist.41 Wenn auch der wirtschaftliche Zustand und der verschärfte Kampf ums Dasein einerseits und die gehemmte Eigenentwicklung des einzelnen andererseits in der geschichtlichen Entwicklung bedingt waren, so sind doch heute neue geschichtliche Kräfte am Werke, die durchaus geeignet sind, die hemmenden und zersetzenden Einflüsse zu beseitigen.42

Kampffür Kampf fur die Bewegung Zu all diesen Arbeiten kam die selbstverständliche Betreuung der Familien, die als Arbeitslose im Kampf für die Bewegung standen, mit Lebensmitteln.43 Der Kampf und die Betätigung für die Bewegung nach aussen hin macht um so fester und kräftiger, je schwieriger sie sind, aber zermürbend wirkt es, wenn einem aus der Bewegung selbst heraus Knüppel geworfen werden und man im Arbeiten nicht unterstützt, sondern nur gehemmt wird.44 Kampf für Deutschland Ich kämpfe seit Jahren im In- und Ausland für Deutschland.45

40

BA NS22/452, Abschrift of document about Guida Diehl and the Neulandbewegung, no author given, no date. 41 BA NSD47/6, Grete Pundt, 'Die Stellung der Frau in der Gegenwart', NSFK, 11 February 1933. 42 Else Vorwerck, 'Erziehung durch Gemeinschaft zur Gemeinschaft', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, October 1933, p. 13. 43 BA 62 Rei Reichsfrauenführung, 'Chronik der N.S. Frauenschaft Gau WürttembergHohenzollern', 26 May 1934. 44 BA NS22/431, letter from Frau Müssig, DFO, to Strasser, 17 July 1931. 45 BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from Leiterin, NSF "Probstheida" Leipzig-Osten, to Dr Krummacher, 22 January 1934.

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Kampf gegen Kampf gegen Entehrung usw. des Frauentums Dazu gehört: b) Kampf gegen die Entehrung, Entwürdigung, Entweiblichung und Entmütterlichung des Frauengeschlechts.46 (underlining in original) Wie ist es möglich, dass nicht alle Gesundfuhlenden sofort diese schauerliche Entehrung und Verderbung erkennen und aufs schärfste den Kampf gegen diese Verprolitarisierung des Volksgefühls und des Frauenwesens aufnehmen!47 In zahlreichen Kundgebungen und Kampfblättern hat der Kampfbund seinen scharfen Angriffskampf gegen die Verderbung gefuhrt, insonderheit auch gegen die Entmiitterlichung und Entweiblichung der Frau.48 Kampf der Kampf der Nation Vorbemerkung: Die gesamte Arbeit muss im Rahmen des grossen pollitischen [sie] Freiheitskampfes der Nation und im Hinblick auf die Aufrichtung eines aus dem Volkstum geborenen beseelten Staates des Dritten Reiches, erfasst und geleistet werden.49 Kampf der Partei Denn das ist ja das Wesen des Nationalsozialismus, daß bei ihm nur die parteiamtlichen Aeußerungen maßgebend sind, und daß alle übrigen Meinungen in der gesamten Richtung und dem gesamten Kampf der Partei keine Rolle spielen.50 These combinations can be divided into three broad categories: the fight/battle for a particular object or goal, the fight/battle against something or someone, and the 'possessive* type: the fight/battle carried out by a particular group. Semantic characteristics of Kampf and kämpfen The above combinations show the associations of Kampf and kämpfen. The semantic structure oí Kampf and kämpfen as used by women in letters, articles, 46

C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Richtlinien fur die kulturelle und erziehliche Arbeit innerhalb der Frauenschaft der NSDAP', April/May 1932. 47 C8 Münster, Nr,462, Guida Diehl, 'Anweisung für kulturelle Arbeit in den N.S.Frauenschaften für die Zeit vom 1. Mai bis 31. Juli 32: „Unser Kampf gegen die Aufhebung des §218"'. 48 BA NS22/452, Abschrift of document about Guida Diehl and the Neulandbewegung, no author given, no date. 49 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Richtlinien für die kulturelle und erziehliche Arbeit innerhalb der Frauenschaft der NSDAP', April/May 1932. 50 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 72.

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monographs and pamphlets contains many layers of meaning and reference. The various senses of Kampf can be summarised as follows: 1.

general metaphysical struggle for survival and existence, e.g. Lebenskampf/Kampf ums Dasein.

2.

3.

4.

5.

essentially in the male domain, the struggle of National Socialism to gain power and recognition, often involving physical conflict. philosophical battle for the physical and spiritual well-being of the Volk, the nation as a whole, found in both male and female sphere and frequently referred to in female discourse. campaigning for the party, social, charity work, linked to the first usage of Kampf, but restricted to the female sphere of influence only. philosophical battle to improve women's lives and roles, again specifically female.

The term Kampf as it is used by the women in a range of contexts, can be represented in a hierarchical structure:

These various denotative meanings are not entirely oppositional or exclusive, in some cases, overlap is involved at all levels. And the further the hierarchical structure develops, as for example with the male and female Kampf the other senses are implicitly included in the keywords. Therefore Kampf in the female sense includes the meaning of those above in the hierarchical structure. In this semantic hierarchy the most important Kampf is ultimately the battle for life, a Darwinian struggle for the survival of the fittest, which formed a

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major strand of National Socialist ideology. The Lebenskampf fonos part of an ideological structure in which even the processes of nature are described using the metaphor of battle. Wenn man mit der Jugend durch den Wald streift und sich mit ihr des ästhetischen Eindrucks der Landschaft freut, so kann man ihr doch den Blick schärfen für den unerbittlichen zähen Kampf, den Baum mit Baum um Licht und Luft führt, das schweigende, aber grausame Ringen der Wurzeln miteinander um den Boden. Leben ist Kampf, Stillstand im Wachstum bedeutet Unterliegen! [...] Das Aufeinander-Angewiesensein im Lebenskampfe kann Pflanze und Tiere zur Symbiose, zur festen Lebensgemeinschaft führen, bei der ein wechselseitiges Geben und Nehmen Schutz und Vorteil bringt.51 In order to carry out this Lebenskampf, the women emphasised the importance of the battle for the people and for Germany. A relationship of interdependence is established by the women, from their own definition of Kampf up through the hierarchical structure to the Lebenskampf. When compared with these other definitions of Kampf the women see their own interpretation of battle as equal to that of the men's battle. They create strict delineations for the battle or struggle that both genders are supposed to undertake. Therefore at the bottom of the hierarchical senses of Kampf the term is divided in its use according to gender. Thus the women distinguish between Kampf [+MALE], and Kampf [+FEMALE], The male Kampf denotes physical action and violence, as well as political agitation and campaigning, whereas the female Kampf refers to diverse activities ranging from practical tasks such as caring for the sick, sewing, cooking, to promoting National Socialist ideology, in particular ideas on the cultural and spiritual role of women in society. The main focus of the women, however, is on creating and refining their own definition and interpretation of the term. There is much debate in the women's texts, not only on defining the precise references of Kampf but also on its connotative meanings in the male and female senses, particularly as to whether the female Kampf is superior, equal, or inferior to that of the men in the party. When the two uses of Kampf are contrasted, then the female Kampf takes on the connotative meaning of being subordinate to the male Kampf as it is characterised with the following components:

51

BA NSD47/6, Hildegard Passow, 'Lehrmeisterin Natur', NSFK, 15 April 1933.

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Lexico-semantic analysis

Kampf [FEMALE] [REACTWE/SUPPORI

This definition and interpretation is shown in the following examples: Konnten deutsche Frauen wirklich so lange der Knechtung zusehen, ohne ihren Kampf aufzunehmen, wenn es auch nur ein geistig-seelischer Kampf sein konnte?52 Dieser große politische Kampf ist aber auch die erste Aufgabe der deutschen Frau im Nationalsozialismus. Sie kann nicht mit dem Arm und mit äußeren Mitteln bei solchem Kampf mitwirken. Aber sie erfüllt diese Kampfesaufgabe im Geist, in ihrer ganzen Haltung im Alltag und in ihrer Werbetätigkeit für die politischen Ziele [...] Der zweite Mitkampf, den wir Frauen zu leisten haben, ist der große Kampf um die deutsche Seele, der Adolf Hitler und seinen wahren Mitkämpfern im Mittelpunkt des Ganzen steht. Als Drittes aber wendet sich unser Frauenkampf den besonderen Belangen unseres eigenen Geschlechtes zu, und zwar nach zwei Seiten hin.53 Wir, die N.S.Frauenschaft, haben dafür zu sorgen, dass die Kampffähigkeit und Kampffreudigkeit unserer S.S. und S.A. erhalten und gestärkt wird. Schwierigkeiten zu überwinden und in diesem Dienst nicht zu erlahmen, das ist unser Kampfund unser Sieg! Heil!'54 (underlining in original) The first example shows the writer employing a hedging device in her portrayal of the female Kampf, through the wenn-clause and the use of 'auch nur' to downgrade the importance and status of the type of battle. The use of mit- in mitwirken in the second quotation raises the question of the semantic equality of Kampf [FEMALE] with its male equivalent, and whether mit- implies complete equality or some level of subordation. The importance of this prefix 52

Guida Diehl (1933), p. 46. ibid., pp. 81-82. 54 BA NS44/55, NSF Gau Gross-Berlin. Rundschreiben 6a: An die Referentinnen der NSF bei den Sektionen der Bezirke Westen und Süden !, 9 November 1931. 53

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will be discussed later in this chapter. In the third example, we note the collocation of Kampf and Sieg in the female sense with the verbs sorgen, erhalten and stärken. The use of such verbs helps to define the nature of the female Kampf. Yet the connotative meanings the women attach to the female Kampf reveal a certain degree of 'double-think'. The women see the male Kampf as taking priority within the party, with the female Kampf subordinated to it. On the other hand, however, the female Kampf ultimately is superior, because the women are both supporting the men in their Kampf and also carrying out their own brand of Kampf. Mancher SA Mann gestand es auch offen ein, dass er seine Frau nie wankend oder mutlos sah, sondern immer wieder ihm neuen Mut zuflösste, ihn stärkte im Kampf durchzuhalten, wenn es auch noch so schwer sein mochte, und unsere tapferen Frauen und Mütter, unsere tapferen Frauen der Parteigenossen überhaupt, wie könnte man sie je vergessen, die, die den Kampf der Machtergreifung vielleicht doppelt durchgekämpft hatten1.55 (italics mine)

Again in this example we have the verb stärken, but this is combined with the phrase den Kampf... doppelt durchgekämpft. Thus the Kampf [FEMALE] is twice that of the male equivalent and as a result should gain a greater level of prestige. Kampf [FEMALE] and Kampf [MALE] The women distinguish between Kampf in a male and female sense through various syntactic and morphological means, for example, through the use of the compounds Männerkampf Manneskampf and Frauenkampf. Daß sich die Bewegung auf diese Weise vorwiegend männlich gestaltete, war nicht mehr als recht, denn der Kampf mit dem Arm ist nun einmal Männerkampf. 56 Denn es ist ja klar, dass unser Führer Adolf Hitler, aber auch alle anderen Vorkämpfer und Führer der Freiheitsbewegung ganz und gar mit Beschlag belegt sind von dem Kampf um die Macht, von dem herrlichen deutschen Manneskampf, dem wir zujubeln. 57 O ja, längst hatte sich ja schon bei Kriegsbeginn die Neulandbewegung zum Kampf um innere Erneuerung, zum Frauenkampf hinter der Front zusammengeschlossen, und sie hatte beim furchtbaren Zusammenbruch sofort ihre Reihen dichter geschlossen.58

55

BA 62 Rei Reichsfrauenftlhrung, 'Chronik der N.S. Frauenschaft Gau WilrttembergHohenzollern', 26 May 1934. 56 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 70. 57 BA NS22/431, letter from Frau Kelber to Strasser, 27 October 1931. 58 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 46.

158

Lexico-semantic analysis

The women also distinguish between the two different uses of Kampf by using the possessive pronoun unser, which is can be interpreted as female-inclusive, or by using the possessive pronouns mein or ihr:59 Wir kennen und achten hoch die grosse Arbeit, die von unseren Frauengruppen geleistet wird; aber unsere Kräfte liegen nicht allein auf dem Gebiete caritativer Arbeit, sondern wir verlangen nach einer grundlegenden Frauenerneuerungsbewegung, die den gegenwärtigen Entartung des Frauentums energisch zu Leibe geht und die uns eine geistige Durcharbeitung aller Frauenfrage, eine Losung für unseren besonderen Kampf gibt, ohne die ein notwendiger Faktor zum Wiederaufbau unseres Vaterlandes fehlt.60 Deutsche Frauen, laßt uns nicht stillstehen! Unser Kampf ist nicht leicht, denn wir kämpfen ihn auf allen Seiten.61 'Mein Kampf als Nationalsozialistin'62 Nun sollte nicht nur die fürsorgende helfende Frauenaufgabe weitergeführt werden, sondern die Frau sollte sich wieder als Mutter des Volkes fühlen und ihren Mutterkampf um ihres Volkes Seele aufnehmen.63 Der Kampf ist anders als der Kampf der Männer. Ganz anders. Das gehört auch zu der Art unseres Kampfes, daß wir die Andersartigkeit erkennen und ganz genau wissen, daß niemand uns in unserem eigenen Kampf ablösen kann.64 Yet Kampf in the male and female senses rarely occur within the same sentence. In some examples, when Kampf is used in the male sense, lexical substitution takes place for the female equivalent and it is replaced by another term. Eine Zeit, die als Lebensgesetz des Mannes das Heldische auf den Schild erhebt, muß auch die Frau auf dies Gesetz verpflichten - heldischer Kampf beim Manne, heldisches und opferbereites Dienen bei der Frau!65 Unsere Notzeit zwingt den Mann zum Kampf um die wirtschaftliche Existenz. Sie zwingt uns Frauen, das Heiligste des Volkes zu hüten.66

59

Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland (1987) comments that 'Women frequently called their "struggle" "our struggle," implicitly complementing Hitler's "My Struggle.'", p. 444, footnote 81. 60 BA NS22/431, letter from M Hantelmann to Hitler, 11 November 1931. 61 BA NS44/55, Elsbeth Zander ([1926]), p. 13. 62 Hoover Collection, NSDAP Hauptarchiv, 13/254, Frau L-H, title of description of a woman's involvement in National Socialism beginning in the 1920s. Handwritten date, 12 December 1934. 63 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 71. 64 No author given (eine Mutter), 'Und die Mütter ... ?', in Elsbeth Unverricht (editor), (1934), p. 251. 65 Lydia Gottschewski (1934), pp. 85-86. 66 BA NSD47/15, Elsbeth Zander, 'Dienst am Volk. Reichsordenstag 1931. Der Kampf im Zeichen "Roten Hakenkreuzes'", Opferdienst der deutschen Frau, September 1931.

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In the first quotation, Dienen could be regarded as a near-synonym of the female Kampf. This is strengthened by the fact that the adjective heldisch collocates with both Kampf and Dienen. Also of interest in this particular example is the distribution of qualifying adjectives. When referring to the woman, the noun Dienen, the adjective heldisch is paired with opferbereit, a pattern which is not reflected when referring to the man. In this example heldisch is considered to be the appropriate collocating adjective for Kampf whereas heldisch on its own appears not to be acceptable when used to refer to women.67 There are several interpretations possible of the motivation behind such patterns; namely that the women were wary of equating themselves in such an obvious linguistic way with men, or that they considered Dienen to incorporate the senses of both Kampf and opfern, and possibly in addition, that Dienen acquires more status and prestige precisely because it incorporates these senses.68 The second example associates Kampf with male activity and hüten with female activity, so reinforcing active and reactive comparisons also seen in the differences between the female and male Kampf identified by women in their discourse. Kampf [FEMALE] The meaning of Kampf in the female sense can also be divided into two distinct categories:

67

There are other examples, though, where heldisch is used to refer to both women and men, without the need for accompanying adjectives such as opferbereit. See, for example, Else Frobenius ([1933]): 'Neben den heldischen Mann, den der völkische Staat zu kühnem Handeln und Wagen erziehen will, gehört als rassische Ergänzung die heldische Frau' (p. 45). Note, however, the reference to the woman as the 'Ergänzung', rather than as an equal participant. 68 The lexical imbalance is also reflected in male usage, as seen in a speech by Hitler in which Heldenmut is attributed to men and Hingabe to women: 'Was der Mann einsetzt an Heldenmut auf dem Schlachtfeld, setzt die Frau ein in ewig geduldiger Hingabe, in ewig geduldigem Leiden und Ertragen'. Yet elsewhere in his speech Opfern and Ringen are used to refer to both women and men. Adolf Hitler, 'Rede des Führers', in Gertrud Scholtz-Klink and Adolf Hitler (1934), p. 4.

160

Lexico-semantic analysis

These definitions of Kampf as used by the women are marked sometimes by combining Kampf with the collocating adjectives aktiv and geistig·. Wir müssen unbedingt die Frauen in den aktiven Kampf mit hineinstellen. 69 Denn je mehr nun wirklich die Straße durch die tapfere SA frei geworden war, die schwersten Saalschlachten vorüber waren, der Manneswille sich durchsetzte und eine Bahn für den geistigen Frauenkampf geschaffen war, desto mehr konnte derFrauenkampf [sie] zu seinem Recht kommen. 70

But generally the differing denotative meanings are communicated through both context and collocations. The conflicting definitions of Kampf are often openly debated, compared and contrasted, so providing a meta-linguistic comment on the processes of defining not only the role of women within National Socialism, but also the nature and substance of their discourse. There were different uses of the term Kampf by individual female leaders: for example, Elsbeth Zander, used Kampf in the active sense, to refer to the women's carrying out of social and charity work, cooking, cleaning and sewing for the men of the SA and their families, as well as providing moral support and encouragement for the men. By contrast, Guida Diehl defined the female battle as spiritual and cultural, in the sense of a moral crusade. Lydia Gottschewski regards the Kampf [AKTIV] and Kampf [GEISTIG] as two sides of the Frauenkampf, yet seems to attach greater prestige and priority to the latter, as illustrated by following quotation: Darüber hinaus muß die Bereitschaft vorhanden sein, dem Volk und seinem Lebenskampf die seelischen Kraftquellen zu erschließen, aus denen der Wille zur Verteidigung sich immer wieder erneuert. Diese Seite unseres Frauenkampfes ist noch wesentlicher als jene äußere, praktische Hilfe, die fur die Notdurft des Leibes sorgt und die geleistet werden muß, aber nicht ausschlaggebend und primär ist.71

Kampf [AKTIV] versus Kampf [GEISTIG] Both definitions of Kampf often co-occur with a set of terms, both concrete and abstract, military in nature and religious. These terms are Arbeit, Einsatz, Aufgabe, Pflicht, Hingabe, Opfer, and occur in the form of nouns, including deverbal nouns, adjectives, adverbs and verbs. Within the semantic field of the female Kampf these terms become hyponyms of the superordinate Kampf:

69

BA NS22/452, Elsbeth Zander, untitled document containing contributions by Diehl, Schnabel, Rienhardt, Braun, Siber, Zander, no date. 70 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 47. 71 Lydia Gottschewski (1934), p. 78.

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The question arises of whether these terms should be regarded as forming a hierarchical semantic relationship or a relationship of taxonomy, as suggested by the combination of compound adjectives kämpf- und opferbereit. The nouns Arbeit, Aufgabe, Dienen, Einsatz, Hingabe, Opfer, Pflicht (listed here in alphabetical order) could also be regarded as near-synonyms, or as being close in meaning, with some measure of overlap. If we examine the semantic relationships between Kampf and the other terms through implication we find that Kampf is the hyponym: Arbeit implies Kampf but Kampf does not necessarily imply Arbeit. Opfer occupies a special position in women's language and is used in a wide variety of contexts and thematic areas. At times Kampf and Opfer seem to be near-synonyms, and are almost used interchangeably, whilst on another level they are incompatibles, particularly when one compares the collocating adjectives and adverbs: Kampf/kämpfen: unerbittlich, unermüdlich Opfer/opfern: still, stillschweigend, bescheiden, unsichtbar Yet the two lexemes can co-occur in the same sentence, thus suggesting a lack of synonymy: Beginnen wir das neue Jahr in Treue zu unserem Führer, mit der gleichen Kampfes- und Opferfreude, ftir unser Volk und Vaterland. 72

Opfer/opfern occur particularly with reference to the Kampf [AKTIV] and are used in both active and passive senses: to refer firstly to sacrifice in the sense of giving up one's time and energy to devote to social and charity work for the 72

C8 Münster, Nr.462, E Polster, Gaufrauenschaftsleiterin, NSF Gau Westf.-Nord, 'An alle Mitglieder der N.S.Frauenschaft im Gau Westf-Nord', 21 Julmond (December) 1932.

162

Lexico-semantic analysis

party, and secondly in the sense of sacrificing one's husbands and sons to fight for the National Socialist cause. Opfer in turn collocates with other aforementioned terms, such as Arbeit, seen for example in the form of compounds: Ich bitte und ermahne die N.S. Frauenschaft, diesen Geist des Opfermutes und der Arbeitsfreudigkeit mit hinüberzunehmen in das Jahr 1932.73 Kampf [AKTIV] Kampf in the sense of Kampf [AKTIV] is used to denote a wide range of actions and activities summarised below:

Within the semantic field of the female Kampf [AKTIV], there is a division between terms denoting practical, manual, essentially proactive activities such 73

BA NS44/55, Rundschreiben Nr.7, from the Leiterin der NSF Gau Gross-Berlin, to the Referentinnen der NSF bei den Bezirken und Sektionen des Gaues Gross-Berlin der NSDAP, 28 December 1931.

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as 'cooking', 'sewing' from abstract terms indicating behaviour such as 'to maintain', 'to support', 'to care for'. The reactive nature of the abstract set of verbs is determined by the frequent choice of verbs with the prefix zu-, as in zujubeln, zusehen. The association between the militaristic terms Kampf, Arbeit, Einsatz, and the active terms kochen, nähen, etc, is established by the women through the similar adjectives or adverbs which collocate with them, hence the women refer to die unermüdliche Treue, den unermüdlichen Kampf, die unermüdliche Arbeit, and unermüdlich kochen. This shows the extensive and metaphorical usage of Kampf beyond its concrete, military denotative meanings associated with the male Kampf. This semantic extension in women's discourse continued to be used throughout the NS regime, seen for example in Gertrud Scholtz-Klink's attempts to involve women actively in the Volksgemeinschaft with her slogan, 'Unsere Waffe ist der Kochlöffel'. Within the thematic field of 'Women and the NSDAP', with its various patterns and collocations occurring with the use of military terms, the women manage to combine dialectics. Apparent incompatibles, for example the nouns Einsatz and Opfern, the adjectives or adverbs unerbittlich and bescheiden, or stillschweigend and restlos, and the verbs erringen and unterstützen, kämpfen and leiden co-exist under the umbrella-like concept of the female Kampf The placing together of active, dynamic language with, static, passive, reactive language provides an expression of the conflicts that women in National Socialism experienced in the years leading up to the Machtergreifung. They were participants in discourses both in the NSDAP and on a wider scale in society, in which women had been associated historically with the concepts of sacrifice and passivity. Thus their discourse in the field of political activity in the NSDAP expresses the demarcation of gender boundaries, whilst also communicating some degree of equality with their male counterparts. Kampf [GEISTIG] This branch of the female Kampf is not as clearly defined as the Kampf [AKTIV], It incorporates pseudo-philosophical and quasi-mystical language not present in the area of the Kampf [AKTIV], In this context the term is used to refer to the battle against or for some particular goal, idea, organisation or people, whereas the Kampf [AKTIV] was considered by the women to be very much a Selbstzweck. Kampf was used in the sense of a moral and spiritual battle, and in this context has strong religious connotations. Kampf [GEISTIG] also denotes the following activities:

164

Lexico-semantic analysis

Although the hyponyms of the Kampf [GEISTIG] resemble those of the Kampf [AKTIV], the range of activities and behaviour they denote, as well as emphasis placed on them, differs. Some of the verbs listed are frequently used as nouns in nominal constructions, which emphasises the more theoretical or intellectual and less practical interpretation of Kampf The adjective geistig, which defines the nature of the women's battle, also collocates with the hyponym Arbeit. The collocation geistige Arbeit is contrasted against caritative Arbeit which is a near-synonym or hyponym of the Kampf [AKTIV] : Überall machte ich dieselben Erfahrungen, es sind nämlich die: man ist stets sehr lebhaft in aller caritativer Arbeit, man bringt grosse Opfer und leistet viel Hilfe. Aber ebenso konnte man überall beobachten, dass man den lebhaften Wunsch hatte, in eine geistige Arbeit hereingezogen zu werden.74

Another adjective which is used by the women within the semantic field of the Kampf [GEISTIG] is kulturell, which collocates with both Arbeit and Aufgabe. The concept of Erziehung also forms a part of the women's interpretation of the Kampf [GEISTIG]. It is a prestige term which is seen as the sole domain of women. The women fight their battle by educating their sons mainly, but also their daughters:

74

BA NS22/431, letter from M Hantelmann to Strasser, 30 October 1931.

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Die hauptsächlichste politische Aufgabe der Frau, in einer Zeit wie der unsrigen, ist also neben ihren eigenen Bereichen die Stärkung des heldischen Sinnes unserer Männer, die Erziehung der Söhne zum Heroismus, die Erziehung der Töchter zum Verständnis dafür. 75

The hyponyms of both Kampf [AKTIV] and Kampf [GEISTIG] are important as they are also to be found in the thematic area of 'Women and the Volksgemeinschaft'. For example, terms such as Arbeit, Aufgabe are central to the women's discourse as a whole, as they co-occur with a range of other terms, mainly pseudo-mystical and philosophical, outlining and describing women's role in the Volksgemeinschaft. The relationship between the thematic and semantic fields interconnect as Arbeit and Aufgabe also collocate with terms such as Geist, inner-, Kraft, Kultur, Leben, Seele, Verantwortung. Partially synonymous with the Kampf [GEISTIG] is the Kampf [POLITISCH], as there is some overlap in meaning. Kampf [GEISTIG] includes the sense 'to carry out political propaganda', which also reflects the main sense of Kampf [POLITISCH]. The Kampf in the political sense was especially used by women such as Guida Diehl, and Paula Siber, the Gaufrauenschaftsleiterin of Düsseldorf and Reichsreferentin bei der Reichsleitung. Dieser große politische Kampf ist aber auch die erste Aufgabe der deutschen Frau im Nationalsozialismus. 76

In her use of the expression politischer Kampf, Diehl distinguishes betweeen the male and female senses oí Kampf by implying that the male battle involves physical conflict, whilst the female battle should consist of political persuasion and agitation. Kampf, positive and negative connotations In this chapter I have, so far, outlined the major senses of Kampf within the broad theme of women's involvement in the NSDAP. But Kampf was also used in many individual examples to describe other activities of women, such as the battle for the German language and for national identity, for example. Trägheit des Herzens, Unkenntnis der Lage und die allzu drängende Not des Tages sind schuld daran, daß der bittere Kampf, in dem draußen die Muttersprache steht, im Reich nicht stärker als deutsches Schicksal empfunden wird [...] Der Kampf um die deutsche Sprache ist ein Kampf um die Außendeiche unseres Volkstums. 77

75

No author given, 'Die Frau im Aufbau des neuen Staates', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 5. 76 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 81. 77 Henny Pleimas-Culemeyer, 'Heilige Muttersprache', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, October 1933, p. 11. (The author appears elsewhere as Henny Pleimes-Culemeyer).

166

Lexico-semantic analysis

In the texts I have examined Kampf is used with positive connotations, and is employed to promote the work carried out by women on behalf of the party and with wider implications concerning society as a whole. However, it acquires negative connotations when used in the sense of women battling with men to gain certain rights, or competing with them in the world of work or higher education, or in the sense of the conflict between generations. The compounds Geschlechterkampf and Konkurrenzkampf also have negative connotations: Sie [die Frauenbewegung] hat das Frauengeschlecht dem Männergeschlecht im Geschlechterkampf gegenübergestellt, der bis zum heutigen Tag noch nicht verschwunden ist und nur durch eine einheitliche große Volks- und Freiheitsbewegung aufgehoben werden kann.78 So war es mit dem Kampf um die Berufstätigkeit der Frauen, mit der Vereinigung von Ehe und Beruf, Fragen, die die breite Schicht der Arbeiterfrauen, der Kleinbäuerinnen, der Handwerkerfrauen nicht berührten, weil das Leben darüber hinwegging.79 Gerade in dem Gebiete der sozialen und der wirtschaftlichen Frauenaufgaben eröffnet sich eine ungeheure Fülle rein fraulicher Berufe, die niemals in Konkurrenzkampf zum Manne treten können.80 Denn ausgelöscht soll sein der Kampf der Generationen, jener unselige Streit der Nachkriegszeit, wo Alte und Junge einander nicht verstanden.81 Kampf is also used in other senses to denote activities or situations which do not fall within the realm of propaganda or promotion. In particular the women use Kampf [FEMALE] to denote rivalry and power struggles between opposing women and factions within the various NS organisations in the years 19291934. This is illustrated by letters from the Bund deutscher Mädel, for example, which describe the conflict concerning who should be responsible for the organisation and training of young girls. In the 1920s young girls did not belong to an independent organisation, but were organised into Jungmädelgruppen of the women's organisations or to the girls' section of the HitlerJugend. The BdM had been created in 1930 out of the previous Schwesternschaft der Hitler-Jugend. After several years of wrangling for control of the BdM, Hitler decided that it should be led by the Reichsjugendftihrung, so removing power and influence from the women.82 This led to conflict and

78

Guida Diehl (1933), p. 57. No author given, 'Die Frau im Aufbau des neuen Staates', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 4. 80 Paula Siber (1933), p. 30. 81 Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 109. 82 Jill Stephenson (1981), p. 84. 79

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tension between the BdM and the NSF and is reflected in the use of Kampf with negative connotations in the following examples: Nach eingehender Prüfung kam ich zu der festen Überzeugung, dass durch die unheimlichen Schwierigkeiten und Kämpfe mit der N.S.Frauenschaft die BdM Gauführung seelische [sie] zerbrach und körperlich versagte. Ihre Mädel, die für solche Enttäuschungen nicht reif waren, blieben dem Bund fern und werden auch nie der NS.-Frauenschaft angehören.83 Wir müssen jetzt zeigen, dass wir jungen nationalsozialistischen Mädel und Frauen Disziplin halten können, wir müssen zeigen, dass wir den Kampf in den eigenen Reihen, der uns aufgezwungen worden war, nicht weiter fuhren wollen.84 (underlining in original) The lexeme Kampf was employed with negative connotations to refer to similar power struggles between members of the BKL and National Socialist women, as well as on a more individual level, to refer to the power struggle between Guida Diehl and Elsbeth Zander and their supporters in the years 1931-32. Gleichgesinnten Frauen wurde es von ihren oberen Dienststellen aus unmöglich gemacht, einen Weg zueinander zu finden, sie mussten vielmehr gezwungenermassen zum Kampf gegeneinander getrieben werden.85 Es besteht in der Führung der N.S.Frauenschaft ein unwürdiger Kampf zwischen Fräulein Elsbeth Zander-München und Oberin Guida Diehl, der bereits in die unteren Frauenorganisationen übergegriffen hat und in den durch Frau Auerhahn über das ganze Reich Frauen mit hineingezogen worden sind. (Der zu schweren Bedenken Anlass gebende Kampf der Frau Auerhahn gegen Frau Polster-Gau Westfalen-Nord, beruht auf diesem inneren Grunde.)86 The compound klassenkämpferisch

is employed to refer to internal struggles:

Nicht aber darf man die Inhaberinnen dieser Vergünstigung die sich nur auf Angehörige Erwerbsloser oder nachweislich Minderbemittelter [sie] beschränken darf, von den Pginnen trennen und in gesonderten Gruppen arbeiten lassen, wie das mancherorts in dem unglückseligen Nebeneinander vom „Deutschen Frauenorden" einerseits und Arbeitsgemeinschaften andrerseits sich entwickelt und zu einer unüberbrückbaren Kluft klassenkämpferischen Misstrauens geführt hat.87

83

BA NS22/418, letter from M Voß, BdM Gau Westfalen-Süd, to Lydia Gottschewski, BdM Bundesführung, 22 February 1933. 84 BA NS22/418, letter from Lydia Gottschewski, Bundesführung BdM, to Gauführerinnen, 14 April 1933. 85 BA R.15.01/26332/1721, letter from Landesverbandsführerin, BKL, to Frick, 18 August 1933. 86 BA NS22/452, letter from Paula Siber, Gauleitung NSF Düsseldorf, to Strasser, 20 September 1932. 87 BA NS22/430, letter from FAG Dortmund to Schwarz, 10 October 1931.

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Lexico-semantic analysis

In addition, Kampf was also used in negative contexts by the NS feminists, including Sophie Rogge-Börner. The women, who often published articles in Die deutsche Kämpferin, used the term to criticise the actions of men towards women in the world of work and in society in general: Das sind alles Dinge, die offen zutage liegen und jederzeit mit geringen Mitteln der Aufmerksamkeit neu festgestellt werden können; und eben darum wirkt der vielfach niederdrückend unwürdige Kampf gegen Berufsgenossinnen so befremdend, so überaus peinlich.88 The term is also employed by women involved in internal organisational conflicts to promote and justify their actions, or portray them as personal crusades, and is found in correspondence between women as well as from women to their male superiors such as Gregor Strasser. Na, mal sehen was daran Wahres ist, u. ob Fri Zander wieder Führerin wird; ich kann es mir nicht denken. Sie haben wohl Ihren Kampf aufgegeben, liebe Frau Schütz?89 Dieser Brief geht in Abschrift eingeschrieben an Adolf Hitler, Dr. Goebbels, Major Buch u. Gregor Strasser, damit die Herren sehen, dass ich ehrlichen Kampf führe.90 Kämpferin as prestige term The title Kämpferin was employed by some women to refer to themselves and to their female colleagues, and is used both with the -in suffix and in the unmarked form (although the feminine form predominates), so reinforcing general tendencies in women's selective use of the feminine suffix for communicating male/female inclusivity or exclusivity. As we have seen in the analysis of word-formation patterns, and in particular the use of the feminine -in, women belonging to the various organisations such as the DFO, the Frauenarbeitsgemeinschaft, the Neulandbund and the Bund Königin Luise employed a variety of titles and terms of address. The women in the DFO, for example, referred to each other as Ordensschwester. Women members of the NSDAP were referred to as Parteigenossinnen. Many women, however, also referred to themselves and other women using the title Kämpferin. In doing so, the women are stressing two obvious, but important factors: firstly they are fighters and as such, claim equality with male National Socialists; secondly they are stressing that they are specifically female fighters, which sets them apart from the men.

88 89 90

Margarete Adam, 'Der weibliche Arzt', Die deutsche Kämpferin, February 1934, p. 226. BA NS22/431, letter from Lotte Rühlemann to Frau Schütz, 23 November 1930. BA NS22/430, letter from Κ Schütz to E Zander, 30 August 1929.

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In the women's texts the use of Kämpferin is linked to certain motivating factors. The term is used by women to praise their female peers or superiors for the work they have contributed: Ehrfürchtig sahen wir jungen Mitarbeiterinnen zu der treuen, bewährten Kämpferin Adolf Hitlers auf, als sie von den ersten schweren Kampfjahren erzählte, da man sie und ihre ersten Helferinnen verspottete [...] Atemlos folgte die andächtige Menge den Ausführungen der langjährigen Kämpferin für echtes deutsches Frauentum und alle Herzen flogen dieser grossen gütigen Frau entgegen, die so hinreissend sprach vom Kampf in den vergangenen schweren Jahren unserer damals noch so terrorisierten Bewegung und von der grossen aufopfernden Aufgabe, die der Frauenschaft noch bevorsteht[,] die von allen deutschfühlenden Frauen die positive Mitarbeit fordert.91 The term is also used by women in a particular organisation to claim superiority and seniority over their rivals in other organisations. Und mag manches fallen, wir sind und bleiben Kämpferinnen für die braunen Scharen aus Hitlers Bataillonen.92 In this example, the women regard themselves as fighting for the male fighters/warriors, rather than fighting directly for the NSDAP: thus their activity is indirect. Elsbeth Zander is claiming that the women from the DFO are the true, authentic female fighters or warriors, rather than their rivals from the FAG. In some instances the term is used to claim status and win the support of male National Socialists, as seen in letters addressed to prominent figures such as to Gregor Strasser and Wilhelm Frick. The writer of the letter uses the term Kämpferin to signal membership of and loyalty to the party, and to ask for recognition of status and the contribution made by individual women. Als Mitglied der NSDAP seit 1925 und alte Kämpferin für den nationalsozialistischen Gedanken erlaubt sich eine deutsche Frau und Mutter ihrem Führer eine Bitte zu unterbreiten!93 In the above example we note the ordering of elements: the writer identifies herself first as a member of the NSDAP and secondly as a female warrior for the NSDAP. Kämpfer/-in is used by members of the BKL to ask the addressee to help retain the autonomy of their organisation and prevent their members being placed under the control of the NSF. Im festen Vertrauen auf das Wort des Herrn Reichskanzlers, dass die Mitglieder des Bundes Königin Luise als seine Kämpferinnen im Reich zu gelten haben, " BA NS44/54, 'Ausschnitte aus der Wahlarbeit. Bericht über die Tagung der Frauenschaftsleiterinnen aus dem Gau Magdeburg-Anhalt', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 24 February 1933. 92 BA NSD47/15, Elsbeth Zander, 'Unsere SA. Reichsordenstag 1931. Der Kampf im Zeichen "Roten Hakenkreuzes'", Opferdienst der deutschen Frau, September 1931. 93 BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from E Matho to Hitler, 20 August 1933.

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rufen wir Sie, verehrter Herr Reichsminister, um Schutz für unsere Bundesfiihrerin und unseren Bund an.94 Frau von Hadeln ist bewährt als Kämpferin für Glauben, Wahrheit und Freiheit, denn seit 1918 ist sie in Wort und Schrift mutig und selbstlos eingetreten für die innere und äußere Befreiung Deutschlands.95 Alte

Kämpfer(in)

Some of the women used the prestige title Alte Kämpfer, either with or without with the feminine suffix -in to refer to themselves. Die alten Kämpferinnen werden auch gern an die Tagung 1925 in Magdeburg denken, wo wir als Frauen zum ersten Mal den Führer der Bewegung unter uns hatten.96 (underlining in original) Vielleicht darf sich manche Luise zu den "Alten Kämpfern" rechnen, die schon vor 10 bis 11 Jahren den Kampf gegen Marxismus und Judenherrschaft aufnahm. Als unser Führer auch die deutschen Frauen aufrief und für seine Idee gewinnen wollte, da fand er in uns gut vorbereitete Herzen, gestählt im langen harten Kampf um Deutschlands Ehre, gefestigt im Kampf um Frauenwürde und Frauen-Kameradschaftstreue.97 Freiheitskämpferin Deshalb finden sich Freiheitskämpfer, und insonderheit Freiheitskämpferinnen, beider Konfessionen tief geeint in dem Bewußtsein: wir brauchen eine Glaubenserneuerung, eine Erneuerung des Christseins.98 Mitkämpferin The women also appeal to the both National Socialists and specifically women by using the term Mitkämpferin·. Parteigenossinnen, Mitkämpferinnen !99 Die Landarbeiterfrau dem Nationalsozialismus zu erschliessen und sie als bewusste Mitkämpferin für das grosse Werk des Neubaues Deutschlands zu gewinnen, ist eine unserer höchsten Aufgaben.100

94

BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from LandesverbandsfOhrerin, BKL, to Frick, 18 August 1933. BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from BKL to Reichspräsident/Generalfeldmarschall, 19 August 1933. 96 NS44/54, Elsbeth Zander, 'Rückblick und Ausblick', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschafl, 15 February 1933. 97 BA R.15.01/26333/1721, copy of a speech/letter, from Κ Connely(?), BKL, 28 March 1934. 98 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 120. 99 BA NS44/54, Hildegard Passow, 'Parteigenossinnen, Mitkämpferinnen!', Infodienst der NSFrauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 95

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The prestige effect of being regarded and addressed as a Mitkämpferin is highlighted by the following example in which the author complains that women were more concerned with being seen as 'co-warriors' rather than being actively involved in party work. In allen Ortsgruppen sind Parteigenossinnen, die bisher nicht zu bewegen waren, dem Deutschen Frauenorden beizutreten; meist weil sie sich davor scheuten, zur praktischen Arbeit herangezogen zu werden, und lediglich Wert darauf legten, das Parteiabzeichen zu tragen, und sich so als Mitkämpferin der "deutschen Freiheitsbewegung" zu dokumentieren.101 In some examples in which Kämpfer is used to refer exclusively to men, the female equivalent Kämpferin is avoided and another title is selected instead, such as Kamerad(in), or Schwester. In several instances, the women avoid explicit comparisons and links between Kämpferin and Kämpfer, and thus between the female and male Kampf as is illustrated by the following quotation: Wir Frauen vom Deutschen Frauenorden standen den ersten Kämpfern zur Seite, unsere Schwestern zogen mit durch die gefahrlichen Straßen des Berliner Nordens und Ostens ohne Aufsehen - im Publikum vermischt. - Nur vorspringend, wenn sich Not zeigte.102 The collocating adjectives with Kämpferin include bewährt, erprobt, heldisch, mutvoll, tapfer, treu, zäh, and seem to be parallel to those which collocate with Kämpfer. As previously stated, heldisch has a more problematic status, and the extent to which lexical balance occurs between adjectives collocating with Kämpferin and Kämpfer, is largely dependent on the author's attitude to the role of women as fighters and warriors. In the same way as women depict their activities in terms of a combination of opposites, they portray themselves as combining mute passivity and militaristic traits, seen in the collocating adjectives stillschweigend and tapfer, as well as their activities as outlined in the semantic analysis of the lexeme Kampf Within the semantic field of Kampf the adjective tapfer also collocates with other nouns within the same context, as with tapfere Kameradinnen, or die tapferen Seelen, thus further promoting the conceptual link between female character traits, behaviour or activity and battle or force.

100 BA NS44/54, Gertrud Seemann, 'Die Landarbeiterfrau', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschafl, 1 February 1933. 101 BA NS22/430, Gaufilhrerin des DFO in der Ostmark, 'Vorschläge zur Umwandlung des Deutschen Frauenordens in Frauenschaften der Partei', 14 August 1931. 102 BA NSD47/15, Elsbeth Zander, 'Unsere SA. Reichsordenstag 1931. Der Kampf im Zeichen "Roten Hakenkreuzes"', Opferdienst der deutschen Frau, September 1931.

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The term Kämpferin tends to be used to refer to women associated with National Socialism and has positive connotations. However, there are some exceptions, with examples of Kämpferin and Vorkämpferin used to refer to rival women in other organisations, or to women in the Frauenbewegung: Unsere gefährlichsten Gegnerinnen einer Frauenbewegung sind die erprobten erfahrenen Kämpferinnen von der antifaschistischen Frauengruppe und vom Luisenbund.103 Wohl danken wir den alten Kämpferinnen fiir das, was sie, als Kinder ihrer Zeit, fiir uns Frauen erkämpft haben, aber wir folgen ihnen nicht.104 Und schließlich hat doch auch die Praxis der Vorkämpferinnen Volk, Familie und Haus zurückgedrängt gegenüber einer geträumten Menschheit und dem einzelnen im Beruf und Junggesellinnenheim losgelösten Frauenleben.105 So liegt eine weibliche zähe, tüchtige Arbeit der Frauenbewegung hinter uns, von der wir alle zehren und der wir alle Dank wissen müssen. Daß dies alles nicht in einfacher Weiterentwicklung, sondern jedesmal nur nach zähem Kampf erreicht wurde, erzeugte eine Kampfesstellung, die manchmal zu Ungunsten der ganzen weiblichen Persönlichkeit ausschlug. So sind hier bisweilen tapfere Vorkämpferinnen zu erstarrten Frauenrechtlerinnen geworden.106 Mitkämpfen, mithelfen An important part of women's discourse in National Socialism, connected with the theme of women and the NSDAP, and related to the semantic field of the female Kampf is seen not only in the mixture of active and reactive verbs, but also morphologically and semantically in the prefix mit-. The women, in outlining the nature of the female Kampf emphasise the fact that their role is in many ways supportive, yet also an integral part of the male Kampf This is communicated through the prefix mit-, in verbs such as mithelfen, mitkämpfen, mitschaffen, mitwirken, and through the nouns Mitkampf and Mitkämpferin. Hier mitzuschaffen, mitzukämpfen, muß in gesinnungstreuem Zusammenschluß unter rücksichtsloser Besiegung jeglichen Klassengeistes und Standesdünkels und in Überbrückung der konfessionellen Spaltung im Bewußtsein unserer Blutsgemeinschaft, unserer deutschen Not- und Leidgemeinschaft, uns allen tiefstes Bedürfnis sein.107 103

BA NS22/452, Paula Siber, untitled document containing contributions by Diehl, Schnabel, Rienhardt, Braun, Siber, Zander, no date. 104 BA NSD47/6, M Unger, 'Die Frau im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland', NSFK, 1 April 1934. 105 Ludwine ν Broecker, 'Die NS. Frauenschaft als Grundlage der neuen Frauenbewegung', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 5. 106 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 53. 107 BA NSD47/22, Elisabeth Bosch (1932), p. 5.

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So wurde nach und nach in der deutschen Frau immer stärker der Wunsch rege, dort auch wahrhaft mitkämpfen zu dürfen, voll und ganz zum geistigen Kampf gerufen zu werden [...] Nun sein Manneskampf die Straße frei gekämpft und sich in schwersten Saal- und Straßenschlachten unter furchtbaren Blutopfern sein Daseinsrecht erzwungen hatte, rief er auch uns deutsche Frauen zum Mitkampfherbei.108 This could also be interpreted as the attempt of women to claim involvement in the party, and to signal the importance of their own role within it. As with the use of adjectives such as freudig, begeistert, and fröhlich, there is much emphasis placed on the qualities of women involved in the female Kampf, of how as well as what. The use of these prefixes also indicates the emphasis the women place on co-operation and working together, both with other women and with their male counterparts. The question of the semantic equality of the female Kampf and related terms in the semantic field is highlighted by the phrases Seite an Seite or an der Seite der/des which appear in women's texts, for example: Mehr denn je haben wir nationalsozialistischen Frauen die Pflicht, nachdem es Adolf Hitler auf Grund seines unerschütterlichen Glaubens an sein Volk gelungen ist, uns den Weg zur praktischen Verwirklichung unserer Ideen frei zu machen, Seite an Seite mit unseren Männern zu kämpfen fur ein neues, sauberes deutsches Vaterland.109 Adolf Hitler stand auf, und sein Ruf „Deutschland erwache" erging auch an die deutsche Frau, senkte sich in ihre Seele und nahm Besitz von all ihren Wünschen und Streben und sie stellt die Sorge um das eigene Wohl zurück und kämpft mit dem Mann Seite an Seite für Deutschlands Zukunft.110 Die Schwesternschaft vom Roten Hakenkreuz muss stets bereit sein, ihre ganzen Kräfte in den Dienst der Sache zu stellen, sie hat an der Seite der braunen Kämpfer zu stehen, um zur Hilfe stets bereit zu sein.111 The phrase Seite an Seite implies equal participation in the act of battling or fighting, and would thus communicate the idea that kämpfen in the female sense is equal in value and weight, if not in reference, to the male sense. The phrase an der Seite der/des, on the other hand, could suggest a relationship of dependence, and support on the part of the women. This ambiguity is similar to that of Mitkampf and mitkämpfen, where the prefix mit- could imply co-

108

Guida Diehl (1933), p. 71. BA NS44/54, Ellen Rodt, 'Die Berliner Ausstellung "Die Frau" und wir', Infodienst der NSFrauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 110 BA NSD47/6, Else Schaudt, 'Die deutsche Frau im dritten Reich', NSFK, 10 August 1933. 111 BA NS22/452, 'Die Nationalsozialistische Schwesternschaft vom Roten Hakenkreuz', 28 September 1932. 109

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operation, but also to some extent subordination. Indeed the quotations above suggest that equality is unlikely. The term Kampf is often used with nostalgic undertones from 1933 onwards to idealise the contribution made by women in the Kampffahre, as commented upon by Godele von der Decken in her outline of non-fictional texts and propaganda produced by NS women, listed in the category of 'pseudodokumentarische Propaganda': Es handelt sich um fiktive oder tatsächliche Erlebnisberichte, erzählende Biographien, Erfahrungen von Frauen und Mädchen in der NS-Bewegung der Kampfzeit vor 1933 oder im Ersten oder Zweiten Weltkrieg. Es wurde versucht, eine Art nationalsozialistische Frauengeschichte zu konstruieren, die beweisen sollte, daß Frauen - ihrem „Frauentum" gemäß und als gleichwertige „Gefährtinnen und Kameradinnen" der Männer - für den Nationalsozialismus gekämpft hatten und noch kämpfen." 2

I would agree with von der Decken that from 1933 onwards women reconstructed their own version of events, prior to the Machtergreifung, and this is reflected in the use of military vocabulary to describe their activities in the past. Kampf and its associated terms and collocations are employed to express a certain amount of nostalgia, particularly on the part of the women from the DFO, who felt threatened by the activities and status of rival organisations, such as the FAG and the Neulandbund, and resented the loss of their autonomy in the planned restructuring of the women's organisations. Yet, as has been shown by examples from the primary material, militaristic terms and expressions were widely used by women during the Kampffahre to denote present and future, as well as past activities. Summary of military metaphors in female discourse There are many possible reasons why women made use of militaristic language. One explanation would be that, in regarding themselves as part of the National Socialist movement, they used such language as a means of signalling solidarity with their male counterparts, in a linguistic attempt to gain both recognition and acceptance within party, to identify themselves with the organisation as a whole. Such an example can be seen in a letter written by women of the DFO to Julius Streicher, in which the language employed seems to represent an attempt to strike a note of cameraderie and connection with him:

112

Godele von der Decken (1988), p. 116.

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175

In der Hoffnung, dass ich [...] Antwort bekomme, bin ich mit treudeutschem Hitlerheil in guter Kameradschaft nach dem alten Prinzip: "Immer feste um sich schlagen und restlos vorwärts stürmen".113 The women's identification of themselves as fighters or warriors provides a linguistic expression of solidarity with the NSDAP, yet they also restrict and often downgrade the the meaning and reference of Kampf, using pronouns modifying adjectives and compounds, such as unser, fraulich and Frauen. Hedging devices are also employed in their claims to being participants in NS battles, with the use of qualifiers such as nur, expressions such as hinter der Front·, keinfenj so ins Auge fallendfenj Kampf, der ständige Kampf mit Kleinkram, von keinem beachtet, fast nie anerkannt. The use of military terms is combined with the quasi-religious language of sacrifice, also with administrative language, and language expressing harmony and co-operation. It is interesting to note that the use of militaristic language is found less in the thematic areas of women and work, and women and motherhood or family, although these are evident in the discourse, for example, in the parallels wehrfähig and gebährfdhig, and Mutterschaft and Wehrwillen: Aber nicht jeder Mann ist -wehrfähig, noch jede Frau gebärfdhig, ohne daß es seinem Ansehen schadet, wohl aber heute dem ihren." 4 (italics mine) Mutterschaft und Wehrwillen sind überall untrennbar verbunden, wo Leben blüht.115 (italics mine) The women's definition of the Kampf [FEMALE] can be summed up as follows: Stolz dachten die alten Parteigenossen, S.A. und S.S. Leute an den schweren Kampf vergangener Tage [...] Und haben wir als Frauen nach aussenhin [sie] auch keinen so ins Auge fallenden Kampf geführt, so lohnt es sich doch einmal die Blicke zurückschweifen zu lassen und wie oft werden die alten Kämpferinnen sich sagen: „Ich war auch dabei!"' 16 Die in sehr vielen Fällen weitaus größere Leistung ist das selbstverständliche Wirken im kleinen, oftmals ganz gegen die eigenen persönlichen Wünsche und Neigungen, der ständige Kampf mit Kleinkram, von keinem beachtet, fast nie anerkannt, das ist mühselig und recht zermürbend; aber das ist großer tiefin-

113 BA NS44/55, letter from Frau Pipa-Rietz(?), DFO, Hauptgeschäftsstelle in Berlin, to Streicher, 28 May 1926. (The signature seems to be E Zander's). 114 Irmgard Reichenau, 'Die begabte Frau', in Irmgard Reichenau (editor), (1934), p. 27. 1,5 Sieglinde Meisel, 'Die deutsche Frau und Hitler', Die deutsche Kämpferin, October 1933, p. 133. 116 NS44/54, Elsbeth Zander, 'Rückblick und Ausblick', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 15 February 1933.

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nerster Dienst am Volk, das erzieht zur Disziplin und Selbstzucht und wirkt im Beispiel.117

The analysis of the lexeme Kampf and related terms and expressions highlight how through the process of semantic inheritance women defined and redefined aspects of their group discourse to reflect and express the specifically female attitudes to involvement within the NSDAP and society as a whole.

3.3

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft 3.3.1

Female definitions of Aufgabe

The language which defines the thematic category of women and the Volksgemeinschaft is varied and draws upon a wide variety of lexical fields including those of religion, biology and pseudo-mysticism. One key term which stands out is Aufgabe. As a single lexeme, Aufgabe is not important in itself, but only in terms of the way in which it opens up other lexical fields and establishes connections with other lexical characteristics of the discourse as a whole. The term is used in a wide variety of senses, and always with neutral or positive connotations. As part of the women's quest for a sense of identity and a clearly defined role within National Socialism, they set about defining their own interpretation of the term Aufgabe, both in the general sense of contribution to work within the party, which was expected of all members and supporters, but also more importantly, in the specifically female sense. As such Aufgabe functions as a superordinate term which is equally at home in the three categories 'Women and the NSDAP', 'Women and the Volksgemeinschaft', and 'Women and Motherhood.' Interestingly, from the analysis of my material, it seems that in general Aufgabe was not employed to refer to female employment. In shaping their own female redefinition of Aufgabe, with prestigious connotations, it would seem that they did not regard the controversial issue of paid employment or careers being worthy of inclusion. In order to identify and analyse the denotative and connotative meanings attached to Aufgabe by the women supporting National Socialism, it is necessary to look at the contemporary lexical background of the term, to establish how it was used at the time, and to what extent it underwent a semantic shift. In Meyers Lexikon (1924), Aufgabe only merits a brief mention and is defined as follows: Aufgabe svw. Abandon; Α. zur Post, s. Zustellung.118

117 Marie Luise Schmalz, 'Dienst am Volk - Dienst am Staat', Das deutsche November 1933, p. 10.

Frauenwerk,

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In Trübners Deutsches Wörterbuch (1939), Aufgabe is not even listed as a separate entry, but is only listed within the entry for the verb aufgeben. The definitions and examples are as follows: In wissenschaftlicher Sprache kann Aufgabe als Verdeutschung von Problem dienen. Es wird aber auch in weiterem Sinn gebraucht und erhält dabei zugleich die Bedeutung von aufgeben 'einem etw. auftragen1 und 'sich etw. vornehmen'. Hierher: etw. zu übersetzen aufgeben, Hausaufgabe(n). Das F. wird dann auch außerhalb der Schule und Wissenschaft gebraucht: ein Reich zu lenken, ist eine schwere Aufgabe." 9

Although the dictionary provides a more detailed outline of the various meanings and uses of Aufgabe than Meyer's Lexikon, the term is still not given an entry in its own right. The lexeme Aufgabe does appear in a political context, as illustrated by the final example 'ein Reich zu lenken ...'. Among major linguistic studies on language in National Socialism, particularly those studies focusing on lexical characteristics of language use, Aufgabe is not identified as being a key term. In the dictionaries of NS usage by Schmitz-Berning, and Brackmann and Birkenhauer, Aufgabe is not listed.120 Similarly, studies by Klemperer or Bork do not seem to regard this term as belonging to NS ideological language.121 Bork even claims that, in many instances, Aufgabe was replaced by Mission, as part of the National Socialist use of religious terminology in secular contexts. According to Bork, the purpose of the phasing out of Aufgabe in favour oí Mission was to lend National Socialist policies and activities greater legitimacy and authority through religious metaphors, and to endow the message communicated with mystical connotations: 'Statt von «Aufgabe» sprach die nationalsozialistische Diktion von «Mission»; statt «andeuten» hieß es «prophezeien». Längst aber ist von diesen Worten nur noch der alte, magische Klang Übriggeblieben' (p. 81). He claims this despite the fact that Aufgabe features in two of the quotations cited in the same section of his book. In comparison with Aufgabe, Mission figures rarely in women's texts, if at all.122 The fact that Glunk does not include Auf118

Meyers Lexikon (Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut, 1924), Sp. 1109. Trübners Deutsches Wörterbuch (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1939), p. 143. 120 Cornelia Schmitz-Beming (1998). Karl-Heinz Brackmann and Renate Birkenhauer (1988). 121 Victor Klemperer (1966). Siegfried Bork (1970). 122 In my primary material I have encountered one example of the term, although the precise authorship or author's gender is not known. The quotation follows a contribution by Hildegard Passow, 'Die Landfrau als Kulturträgerin' (NS44/54, Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 8 February 1933), but is it is not clear whether Passow is the author or whether it is a quotation from another source (possibly a female or male author). Even in this example, Mission co-occurs with Aufgabe, rather than replacing it, and is not used to refer specifically to women: 'Unsere Aufgabe, die Mission der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung, aber ist, unser eigenes Volk zu jener politischen Einsicht zu bringen, dass es sein Zukunftsziel nicht im berauschenden Eindruck eines neuen 119

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gäbe in his series of articles on the NS Presseanweisungen, leads to the assumption that this term was not regarded as posing problems of usage requiring central direction.123 Seidel and Seidel-Slotty only mention Aufgabe as an example of the extended meanings of Ausrichtung as used by National Socialists.124 The absence of a mention or discussion of the term Aufgabe in these studies again highlights the inherent weaknesses of purely lexical studies without any reference to or consideration of context. As outlined in the introduction, there was also a tendency, particularly in the early studies on language in National Socialism, to look for the more sensational aspects of language use, the lexical 'freaks', or the terms which reflected National Socialist brutality. The less spectacular terms and expressions were ignored or not considered to be of fundamental importance to language use. This is not to suggest that women's choice of language is more mundane and less exciting than that of their male counterparts, but it is intended rather as a criticism of past analyses of language in National Socialism in general, in so far as they have tended to ignore the power of seemingly 'ordinary' terms when placed in particular collocational contexts. The various conceptual and associative meanings attached to Aufgabe also serve to show the unique aspects of female language use within National Socialism, in shaping a single term into a powerful instrument for communicating their own ideas and activities. The women's use of Aufgabe seems entirely appropriate within a political organisation which regarded its own members and members of society to be wertvolles Menschenmaterial, who have certain duties and responsibilities to fulfil.125 It forms an important part of the National Socialist ideological concept of Gemeinnutz vor Eigennutz. What the women attempted to do was to render their contributions in a linguistic way, by defining the term Aufgabe in a

Alexanderzuges erfüllt sieht, als vielmehr in der emsigen Arbeit des deutschen Pfluges, dem das Schwert nur den Boden zu geben hat'. Mission was, however, also employed by male National Socialists about women. See, for example, BA NSD47/6, 'Reichstagung der Gaufrauenschaflsleiterinnen. Grundsätzliches zur Frauenarbeit', Nachrichtendienst, NSFK, 15 March 1934, which paraphrases a speech made by Hilgenfeldt. He uses both Aufgabe and Mission to refer to the role of women. 'Frauenorganisationen haben heute nicht die Aufgabe politisch zu kämpfen. Gekämpft haben wir um die Eroberung der Macht, heute wollen wir als letztes und grösstes Ziel die Volksgemeinschaft. Hier fällt der Frau eine ganz besondere politische Mission zu [...] Es ist daher Aufgabe der Frau, die Ereänzune des Kämpfers zu sein.' (underlining in original). 123

Rolf Glunk (1966), 54ff. and in succeeding issues. Eugen Seidel and Ingeborg Seidel-Slotty (1961), p. 58. 125 See for example, BA NS22/430, letter from FAG Dortmund, to Schwarz 10 October 1931. 'Gerade diese Arbeiterfrauen sind nach meiner Erfahrung aber den bürgerlichen Frauen an Opfermut, Arbeitsfreudigkeit und Ausdauer durchaus nicht unterlegen, stellen also in jeder Beziehung ein wertvolles Menschenmaterial dar'. For an analysis of the word in NS usage, see Marga Mehring, 'Menschenmaterial', Zeitschrift für deutsche Wortforschung, 16 (I960), 129143. 124

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specifically female sense. It would be misleading, however, to assume that this term appeared out of a social and cultural vacuum and that it was suddenly seized upon by National Socialist women in the 1920s. The prominence of the term in the women's discourse emanates from the fact that it must have been employed in general use to refer to the role of women in society. Even before the National Socialists came to power, women's abilities and activities in the home and in society had long been openly debated, and to a large extent controlled by legislation and public convention. Women were expected to perform some kind of service for society as a whole, much in the same way that men were expected to perform military service, yet fulfilling very different tasks and activities.126 Women's service meant, in many cases, motherhood, and associated activities within society in caring for the sick and helping mothers and children. The way in which Aufgabe is used by women in National Socialism reflects these social attitudes. It follows the traditional concepts of women as being more 'naturally' capable of sacrifice. The women's interpretation of Aufgabe conjures up the Christian image of the Virgin Mary receiving her task and duty from God. The Virgin Mary as an exemplary image is present in texts produced by women, although it is not a conspicuous feature of NS female discourse. Articles about Mary, especially at the time of Christmas, placed emphasis on her role not only as a mother of a child, but the mother of God, an idea which connected with the transformation of mothers in National Socialist ideology into Mütter der Nation}11 The fact the women incorporate the socio-cultural ideas about women's role within their use of this term does not entail that they were merely passively adopting what one could term patriarchal attitudes. They use the term to outline their specific position in the party and the Volksgemeinschaft, their vision of women's power and ability to renew aspects of public and personal life. As such, Aufgabe is closely linked to Erneuerung, another key term in women's discourse. Although the denotative meanings of Aufgabe are varied, there are number of core meanings which can be identified and explained. These can be analysed most clearly by examining the patterns of word-formation with Aufgabe, as well as looking at collocating adjectives and verbs.

126

Jill Stephenson (1982), 32-33. Elisabeth von Canstein's article 'Maria', published in 'Die Frau' page of the Kölnische Zeitung, 20 December 1933. The Annunciation scene is described: 'Wie im tiefsten Traum ahnte Maria unendliche Sehnsucht, unendliches Weh und unendliche Liebe. Sie sank auf ihre Knie nieder. Nah und näher kam das Größte ihrer Seele: Gott. Schauer tiefsten Geheimnisses nahten. Es war als müsse all ihr Sein zerbrechen. Nichts mehr wußte sie von sich selber'. See also Anne Marie Koeppen, 'Das ewige Licht geht da herein', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, December 1933, pp. 1-3 and Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 8. 127

180

Lexico-semantic analysis

Semantic characteristics of Aufgabe As with most lexical items, it is impossible and often misleading to attempt to provide precise definitions of Aufgabe as used by women. Much depends on the individual style of the author, and upon the subject of a particular text. It is important to identify the three main thematic areas in which Aufgabe is used: Volksgemeinschaft, Partei and Mutterschaft/Heim/Familie. In their texts, the women link Aufgabe to the roles women can fulfil on a public and private level. The thematic areas of Volksgemeinschaft, Partei, Mutterschaft/ Heim/Familie can be placed in a hierarchical structure, headed by Volksgemeinschaft, with the party coming in second place, and the category of home and family being subordinate to this. But this does not entail that these categories are sealed and separate. There is a considerable degree of overlap and inclusion between them. For example by fulfilling her duty and task within the home, in producing children, or creating a nurturing atmosphere in the home for her husband, she is also fulfilling her task for the Volksgemeinschaft. Because of the general and wide-ranging use of the lexeme, it has been placed in the category of 'Women and the Volksgemeinschaff. Throughout the women's texts, it becomes clear that there is a hierarchical structure of conceptual meanings attached to Aufgabe. The women distinguish between the 'Oberbegriff Aufgabe which has pseudo-mystical, biological, and religious connotations, and more specific, concrete, individual Aufgaben. The term is often used in the singular without a premodifying adjective and is not used to refer to one specific or concrete activity: Die Aufgabe der nationalsozialistischen Frauen, die ein neues Deutschland mitbauen wollen, wird es sein, die freie Form, die die Anforderungen der Neu[z]eit mit sich gebracht hat, zu verbinden mit germanischem Wesen, alles Fremde auszuschalten, unserem Leben wieder einen gesunden Ton zu geben, uns freiwillig zu binden an die Wünsche unserer Seele nach Natur, Schönheit und dem Guten, wieder rein zu sein und zu bleiben, nicht aus Zwang, sondern aus mutiger Bejahung d[e]s Besten in uns. 128

The individual denotative meanings of the term are extremely varied, and the fact that Aufgabe can be used in a wide range of senses explains its appeal for the women. Whilst the denotative meanings may change according to the context, the associative meanings of religion and self-sacrifice remains constant. As a result, the women are able to group diverse activities under the umbrella term Aufgabe and all are seen to have merit because of the prestigious nature of the term.

128 BA NS44/54, Thora Schroeder, 'Erneuerung der Sitte', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 8 April 1933.

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The specific conceptual meanings of the term are extremely varied, and are strongly context-bound. In paraphrased form they include, for example: • • • • • • • • •

ein Heim gestalten den Ehemann moralisch unterstützen Kinder erziehen NS Kindergärten errichten NS-Küchen errichten andere Frauen nationalsozialistisch schulen Kultur pflegen im Winterhilfswerk arbeiten Frauen aus der Parteipolitik entfernen

Aufgabe combines a blend of the religious and organisational and, even at times, militaristic connotations. Collocating verbs with Aufgabe when used in these senses generally denote agency or activity, such as errichten. Aufgabe can be assigned as a dependent genitive a noun with either human or non-human reference, which in turn can be individual or collective, for example the specific Aufgabe in question can be that carried out by women as total, by NS women, by mothers, by women's organisations, such as the NSF. Es ist selbstverständlich - da die Aufgabe dieser neuen Frauenbewegung die Lebenssteigerung des deutschen Volkes ist -, daß Menschen, die einem fremden Volkstum, einer fremden Rasse angehören, keinen Platz in unserer Bewegung haben, geschweige denn bei uns führen können. 129 Ihre Aufgabe [die Frauenbewegung des Nationalsozialismus] ist, Zelle zu werden, die neue Zellen bildet und bereits vorhandene kräftigt und stärkt. Sie wirkt also nicht auflösend, emanzipierend, sondern bindend, bauend und zusammenfugend. 130

Aufgabe in the female sense is identified in a number of ways, either with a genitive syntagma: 'die Aufgabe der nationalsozialistischen Frauen', for example, with the possessive pronoun unser, in the form of a compound with Frau or Mutter as the first element. Wir sind alle der Meinung, dass wir nur als Frauen-Orden unsere Aufgaben richtig erfüllen können. 131

The pronoun can be used in several senses, inclusive and exclusive, and can be employed for example, to refer to a particular group of women, or within the 129

Lydia Gottschewski, 'Weibliches Führertum', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p.

2. 130 131

ibid., p. 3. BA NS22/431, letter from Frau ν Glasow to Strasser, 14 June 1931.

182

Lexico-semantic analysis

party as a whole, or women in society in general. The use of unser allows for a wide scope of inclusion or exclusivity, depending on the particular contexts in which it occurs. Compounds with Aufgabe The key term Aufgabe often appears in the texts in the form of a compound, and in most cases, the compounds consist of noun + noun combinations, with some adjective + noun formations Doppelaufgabe and Spezialaufgabe and adverb + noun compounds, Sofortaufgabe. The majority of the compounds in the primary texts have -aufgabe as the second element, for example, Wesensaufgabe, though some are used with Aufgabe as the first element, e.g. Aufgabenkreis. The pattern of compounds with Aufgabe is as follows: Aufgabe as first element Aufgabenbereich

Aufgabe as second element Artaufgabe

Aufgabengebiet

Berufsaufgabe

Aufgabenkreis

Doppelaufgabe Erziehungsaufgabe Frauenaufgabe Gegen wartsaufgabe Gesamtaufgabe Geschlechteraufgabe Geschlechtsaufgabe Hauptaufgabe Kulturaufgabe Landfrauenaufgabe Lebensaufgabe Mutteraufgabe Pflichtaufgabe Sofortaufgabe Sachaufgabe Spezialaufgabe Volksaufgabe Wesensaufgabe

The first set of compounds, with Aufgabe as the first element are all semantically similar, in referring to the area or territory of the particular task. These compounds could be regarded as essentially non-ideological on their own, ie not connected to the specifics of NS ideology or the women's own brand of Frauenideologie, but they gain ideological connotations when placed in combinations with particular adjectives, e.g. das frauliche Aufgabengebiet. The purpose of such compounds is to mark out areas of influence that are specifically relevant to women.

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The compounds with -aufgabe as the second element mostly have a noun as the first element, for example, Kulturaufgabe, although some are adjectives, such as Doppelaufgabe and Spezialaufga.be. One important type of compound used by the women is that of the agential noun + Aufgabe combination, seen in the compounds Frauenaufgabe, Landfrauenaufgabe, Mutteraufgabe, and Volksaufgabe. These place the emphasis on the person or group to whom the task or duty is assigned, and they categorise the particular task as being specific to the agent. A second type of compound used by the women defines the type of task to be carried out, by defining what it involves, ie the activity rather than the agent. Such compounds are Erziehungsaufgabe, Kulturaufgabe. The compound Doppelaufgabe is used in two senses by the women. Mostly it is used to refer to women combining work outside the home with a family and household tasks. In other contexts, however, Doppelaufgabe is used to refer to women's duties within the party, for example, when referring to the aims and activities of the Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst: Ein Besuch in irgendeinem Mädchen-Arbeitslager überzeugt uns, daß wirklich nur der deutsche Arbeitsdienst mit seiner Doppelaufgabe, Dienst und Schulung, am besten geeignet ist, den jungen Menschen eine neue Lebensauffassung zu vermitteln.132

The compound Spezialaufgabe also occurs in women's texts. This is an interesting combination as the first element is not merely denotative, but is also connotative. It does not just describe the type of task, but also provides a comment on the nature of the task, by indicating that it is extremely positive and important. Yet this compound also communicates a different message, particularly to the modern reader. Although the component Speziai- upgrades the Aufgabe, it may also imply that they are marginalised, and not mainstream. If we take Spezialaufgabe as a synonym of Frauenaufgabe, then the women are ultimately communicating that their influence is special, separate, but not necessarily equal. This is emphasised further by the lack of compounds and adjective and noun combinations with Aufgabe involving Mann/Männer/männlich and Vater/Väter/väterlich. The range of compounds used by the women form a complex interrelated framework of semantic relations, including hierarchy and inclusion. The compound Frauenaufgabe plays a central role in the definition and connotations of Aufgabe as a whole. Some compounds are closely semantically linked, and could even be seen as being partially synonymous with Frauenaufgabe, such as Geschlechtsaufgabe, Wesensaufgabe, Artaufgabe and Spezialaufgabe. The tasks as defined by the women are similar for all these compounds, for example, to produce children, to educate children and other women about 132

Annemarie Hanne, 'Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 17.

184

Lexico-semantic analysis

National Socialism, to promote German culture. The connotations of the various compounds are, however, different. Geschlechts-, and Artaufgabe are biological terms, referring to the role of women assigned according to their biological sex, whereas Wesensaufgabe is a more philosophical term, which is used to imply that women have particular duties because of their 'special qualities', ie instinct, emotion, and spirituality. From the use of compounds in the context of women's texts, it can be seen that Frauenaufgabe is the superordinate of other compounds such as Doppelaufgabe, Erziehungsaufgabe, Kulturaufgabe, Mutteraufgabe:

Amongst some of the other co-hyponyms of Mutteraufgabe listed above, there is some semantic overlapping and inclusion: for example, Doppelaufgabe refers to women's dual tasks of working outside the home and bringing up children and hence includes Mutteraufgabe. Erziehungsaufgabe is partially included in the concept of Kulturaufgabe, but not vice versa, and there is some overlap between Mutteraufgabe and Erziehungsaufgabe, in so far as both refer to duties in educating children, but Mutteraufgabe includes other activities associated with motherhood, and Erziehungsaufgabe includes the sense of educating other women, which of course excludes Mutteraufgabe. From these examples we can see the complex lexical relations between the compounds, consisting of hierarchical and taxonomic structures of partial overlap and exclusion. Some of the adjective and noun combinations are reflected in the compounds, for example kulturelle Aufgabe and Kulturaufgabe, or erziehliche Aufgabe and Erziehungsaufgabe. The difference between the two choices is that the compound has an institutionalising and isolating effect. With the adjective and noun combinations, the reference and definition of Aufgabe can be expanded with further adjectives, for example rather than kulturelle Aufgabe, the women also make use of the combination geistige, kulturelle Aufgabe. What at first appear to be a random set of collocations and compounds as

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

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used by the women, do in fact form a complex system of semantic links, providing a framework through which to communicate the role and nature of women in the Volksgemeinschaft. The range of collocational patterns and the activities to which they refer are also evidence of the authorial freedom of individual women and organisations, who were able to employ Aufgabe to emphasise their own particular aims and goals, thus benefiting from the overal positive tenor of the lexeme. Collocating adjectives with Aufgabe Some of the compounds with Aufgabe are reflected in the adjective collocations with Aufgabe, thus reflecting a degree of flexibility in the discourse, for example, in distinguishing between Kulturaufgabe and kulturelle Aufgabe. The various denotative meanings of Aufgabe can be identified by analysing the range of collocating adjectives which occur with the term. They can be divided into three semantic categories: size/dimension, prestige/judgement, and identifying/descriptive: size/dimension gewaltig groß hoch riesengroß ungeheuer

prestige/judgement aufopfernd befriedigend besondere dringend eingentlich einzig heilig hoch lebenswichtig neu schön schwer speziell ureigen verantwortlich vielseitig vornehm wertvoll wesentlich wichtig

identifying/descriptive biologisch caritativ erzieherisch fraulich geistig häuslich kulturell kulturwirtschaftlich mütterlich national nationalsozialistisch natürlich öffentlich pädagogisch persönlich politisch praktisch rassisch sozial vaterländisch völkisch volkserzieherisch volkspolitisch volkswichtig volkswirtschaftlich weiblich

186

Lexico-semantic analysis

The adjectives do not always appear singly with Aufgabe, but often occur in various combinations. In der heutigen Notzeit schwere, aber schöne, befriedigende Aufgabe der Frau ist es, die unendlich vielen kleinen Dinge des Alltags sinnvoll zusammenzufügen, sie mit Anmut und Wärme zu beseelen, kurz, das Haus zum Heim zu weihen[,] das den von draussen heimkehrenden Menschen, die Erwerbskampf und Beruf oft zu zermürben drohen, eine Stätte wirklicher Erholung und Erbauung wird, aus dem sie neue Wachstumskräfte schöpfen können.133 Aus dem regen Gedankenaustausch in der Arbeitsgemeinschaft folgt dann als Drittes: Frauen aller Stände, die werktätig an der Verwirklichung volkswichtiger nationaler und sozialer Aufgaben mitarbeiten, erleben gemeinsam Wende, Aufbruch, Steigerung und ein Zusammenschmelzen der Frauenkräfte zu dem einen Ziel hin: sich einzusetzen für die Nation.134 It is not always possible to divide the collocating adjectives into separate descriptive and evaluative categories, as some constitute a mixture of both types. Hoch, for example, refers to size as well as conferring prestige upon the noun with which it collocates. Also mütterlich, völkisch, weiblich are not merely descriptive: in identifying the type of task to be carried out by the people or for the people, by women or mothers, they have positive connotations and confer a certain status both on the task and the person undertaking it. In addition, the adjectives weiblich and mütterlich are themselves prestige terms and occupy a central place in NS female ideology, and so by combining them with the all-embracing term Aufgabe, the ideological impact in terms of persuading women to join the NS women's cause is magnified. Many of the adjectives are subjective and evaluative in the sense that they provide an indication of the writer's attitude to the task in question, seen for example, with the adjectives wichtig, schön, besondere. The semantic function of such collocating adjectives is to heighten the prestige effect of Aufgabe, and consequently to emphasise the vital role played by women in National Socialism and in the Volksgemeinschaft. Adjectives, such as verantwortlich, neu, geistig form associative links with their corresponding noun forms, which constitute key words in women's discourse as a whole. It is notable that the collocation of the adjective nationalsozialistisch with Aufgabe occurs rarely in the women's discourse. It would seem from this apparent gap that women were more concerned in focusing on tasks specific to women in general, rather than outlining specifically National Socialist tasks or duties.

133

C8 Münster, Nr.462, Lisa Schreck-Elz, 'Die Kulturaufgabe der deutschen Frau', 1932/33. Gerda von Bremen, 'Frauenschulung für den Rundfunk', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 19. 134

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The adjectives, in particular, heilig, hoch, and schön often collocate with Aufgabe and are frequently used to refer motherhood in both physical and metaphorical senses: Wir wollen, dass das deutsche Mädchen und die deutsche Fra[u] im Mutterberuf wieder die heiligste und schönste Aufgabe sehen, die ihn[en] das Leben stellt.135 Die Mutter eines neuen starken Geschlechtes zu werden, die durch eine gute Erziehung, mit Gesundheit und Frohsinn und nicht angekränkeltem Gehirn, mit Liebe und mütterlicher Wärme an ihre hohe Aufgabe geht.136 Höchste Aufgabe der Frau war und ist immer das Muttersein.137 Darum aber ist es unsere einzige und höchste Aufgabe unserem Wesen gemäss Liebe zu schenken, immer wieder Liebe und Verstehen.138 Other adjectives such as groß, vornehm, wertvoll, wichtig are also used in the superlative to refer to a wide variety of types of Aufgabe, ranging from organising activities for women within the party to outlining the spiritual and renewing influence of women on society as a whole. The use of heilig in combination with Aufgabe is not exclusively restricted to refer to motherhood, there are examples where it is used by women to describe activities both within the party and the Volksgemeinschaft·. In der Zeit der Untreue erklärte der Bund "es ist uns heiligste Aufgabe, Treue zu lehren und Treue zu halten."139 Nach wie vor sehen wir unsere heiligste Aufgabe darin; die sozialen Bestrebungen als erste Pflicht der Frauen auszuüben.140 The use of heilig emphasises the religious connotations of the term Aufgabe, when used to describe the specifically female role played by women, and further promotes the activities it describes, such as motherhood, work within the party, or for the community as a whole. The defining and evaluative adjectives represent two contradictory processes at work in the women's use of Aufgabe·, the defining adjectives serve to

135

C8 Münster, Nr, 462, no author given, 'Erklärung nationalsozialistischer Lehrerinnen. Auszug aus der NS-Lehrerzeitung', no date. 136 BA NSD47/6, no author given, 'Von der hohen Sendung der Mutter', NSFK, 10 August 1933. 137 Paula Siber (1933), p. 18. 138 BA NS44/54, no author given (KH), 'Mütterlichkeit: Frau und Mann', Infodienst der NSFrauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 135 BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from Bundesführerin, BKL, to Reichsminister, 3 August 1933. 140 BA NS44/55, letter from E Zander, DFO Hauptgeschäftsstelle Berlin to Hitler, 12 December 1927.

188

Lexico-semantic analysis

institutionalise and sub-categorise Aufgabe, whilst the evaluative adjectives have the effect of upgrading the term. The use of evaluative adjectives in the superlative would suggest that the women established a hierarchical semantic structure within the specific definitions of Aufgabe. To describe motherhood, for example, as the schönste Aufgabe with schön in the superlative would imply that there are other Aufgaben which are not as pleasant or as prestigious. The same applies to the superlatives größte und schwierigste. Yet it becomes clear that this hierarchy is at times highly subjective and is relative to the context in which it is being used. Dann kam die grösste und schwierigste Aufgabe, die Errichtung einer nationalsozialistischen Küche.141 Als die größte Aufgabe der Frauenbewegung - eine Av.fgabe von wahrhaft gigantischem Maß! - stellt sich die Verpflichtung dar, aus neuer Sittlichkeit heraus zur Bildung einer neuen Sitte zu kommen.142 In their texts, the women use Aufgabe to refer to specifically female tasks through the use of adjectives denoting gender, such as fraulich, weiblich, mütterlich. It is interesting that the male equivalent adjectives such as männlich or väterlich do not feature as greatly in the texts. In general, the women do not tend to use Aufgabe to refer to the tasks and duties of men within the party and state. There are a number of possible reasons for this imbalance: a) The male Aufgabe is taken as given and understood, therefore the women do not need to explicitly define it. b) The women are not concerned with identifying the male Aufgabe, as it does not directly concern them. c) They feel that the female Aufgabe needs to be defined and promoted, and that they need to distinguish themselves from their male counterparts. This lexical and collocational imbalance is also reflected in infrequent occurrence of the compounds formed with Aufgabe, such as Männeraufgabe or Vateraufgabe. In the following example, Aufgabe is used to refer to men in the form of parallel sentences, in which the women compare the tasks and duties of men to those of women. Die wichtigste Aufgabe des Mannes ist die, den nationalsozialistischen Staat immer mehr zu befestigen, die Aufgabe der Frau, die nationalsozialistische Idee zu verinnerlichen durch die Kraft ihrer Liebe.143

141 142

4.

BA NS44/54, Sofie Rahner, 'Blockmütter', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 8 February 1933. Lydia Gottschewski, 'Weibliches Filhrertum', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p.

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This example highlights an apparent contradiction in the denotative meanings the women attach to Aufgabe. As we have seen earlier the term is used in the active sense, to refer to activities such as bringing up children, training and educating other women, carrying out social tasks, such as cooking, caring for the sick etc. Yet when the Aufgabe [FEMALE] is compared directly with Aufgabe [MALE], its components of meaning also include [ABSTRACT] and perhaps [INTROSPECTIVE], hence its co-occurrence with the verb verinnerlichen, rather than with the 'male' equivalent befestigen. The abstract connotations of Aufgabe in the female sense are further reinforced by the contrasting nouns Staat and Idee. Therefore, it is the male task to strengthen the National Socialist state, and the female task to internalise the National Socialist idea, two apparently different spheres of experience and activity. One could conclude that the women perceived the term Aufgabe as being more or less exclusive to the female world. This could in turn be interpreted as an acceptance of the dominant ideologies which depict women as selfsacrificing servers, or alternatively as an indication of the women's desire to seize a piece of National Socialist ideology and also discourse for themselves. Here, the sociolinguistic models of the dominance versus difference approach to explaining women's language use are relevant in an interpretation of these characteristics. One could interpret this characteristic either as a sign that women have adopted the dominance approach, in accepting the power structure placed upon them by the (dominant) male National Socialists, and in doing so show their powerlessness by adopting 'patriarchal language'. On the other hand, one could claim that the women are taking the difference approach, by defining themselves according to their own specific £· oup criteria, and adopt a framework of language accordingly. Even when Aufgabe does not occur with adjectives or possessive pronouns, or with compounds denoting femaleness, it is still defined as female, by the fact that the terms Frau, Mutter, or Mädchen are used within the same phrase or sentence, if not in direct proximity to Aufgabe. Noch eine Aufgabe hat die Frau für den Mann zu erfüllen: sie muss ihm zugleich Mutter sein. 144

In the analysis of compounds with Frau and Mutter, it was pointed out that the women showed a preference for using compounds rather than the corresponding genitive syntagmas, for example, of Frauenarbeit rather than Arbeit der Frau. With Aufgabe, it would seem that this tendency is not always reflected. Women use the genitive syntagma, particularly when Aufgabe occurs with a premodifying adjective, for example: 143 144

Lydia Gottschewski, 'Zum Geleit!', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 2. BA NSD47/6, Ursula Thym, 'Deutsche Frau im D itten Reich*, NSFK, 6 May 1933.

190

Lexico-semantic analysis

Unendlich ist die volkspolitische Aufgabe der Frauen und Mütter!145

The genitive syntagma thus places the emphasis more on the adjective volkspolitisch as a defining factor. This would not be so prominent if placed in the form of an adjective and compound noun combination: die volkspolitische Frauen- und Mutteraufgabe. The problem with using the compound noun is incorporating both Frau and Mutter into it equally. Whereas the genitive syntagma allows some flexibility and ambiguity in interpretation: the task can be one of a woman and mother, ie one person, or of a woman and of a mother, two separate entities, the compound, on the other hand, places the emphasis on the second compound component: Mutteraufgabe, rather than spreading the distribution of emphasis equally. Collocating verbs with Aufgabe The verbs which occur with Aufgabe in women's texts also play an important role in shedding light on the denotations and connotations of this key term. The verbs can be divided into various semantic categories. The collocating verbs denote possession, position, and action. In the texts, rather than using the verbs, the women often use deverbal nouns together with the genitive to describe what is to be done to the Aufgabe, for example: Wenn neben einer guten Bewältigung der Sachaufgaben noch das Bewußtsein geweckt wird, daß die Landfrau an ihrem Platz im Dienst für Volk und Nation steht, und daß sie aus Verantwortung für diesen Dienst heraus ihre Arbeit freiwillig und mit schlichtem Standesbewußtsein ausübt, dann ist die Eingliederung der Landfrau in die nationalsozialistische Bewegung vollzogen.146 Der DMR will seine Mitglieder zu wahrhaft Deutschen Menschen erziehen, die mit klarem Sinn und festen Herzens unerschrocken an die Bemeisterung der Deutschen Gegenwartsaufgaben herantreten.147

It is not always possible to make an accurate judgement of why the writer chooses verbal rather than deverbal noun constructions, but the effect on the reader is clear. The use of the deverbal noun as part of substantival style makes the phrase or sentence much more official in tone, as it depersonalises by deleting the grammatical subject, as well as appearing to lend objective weight and legitimacy to the argument. The other effect of the substantival style, however, is also to make the syntax and the apparent nature of the task static rather than dynamic. 145

BA NSD47/6, Klara Schlossmann-Lönnies, 'Volk und wir Mütter', NSFK, 6 May 1933. Magdalene Keil, 'Die Landfrau im nationalsozialistischen Aufbau', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 16. 147 BA NS22/83, Führerin, Deutscher Mädchen-Ring, 'Richtlinien des Deutschen-MädchenRinges', 21 Lenzing (March) 1924. 146

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Many collocating verbs denote action and power, and in doing so make the term Aufgabe appear very dynamic in the women's discourse. The range of verbs which occur with Aufgabe include: Possession haben Jetzt kommt erst so recht die grosse Aufgabe, welche die Frauen und Mütter ihrem Volke gegenüber haben.148 erhalten Von Woche zu Woche erwarten wir, zur ersten Arbeitstagung zusammengerufen zu werden, um von unserer sehr verehrten Führerin, Frau Siber, die Richtlinien und die Aufgaben fur unsere Arbeit zu erhalten.149 Position/Location bevorstehen Vor 8 Jahren wanderte ein kleines Häufchen dorthin, es war zum 1. Ordenstag, um uns Kraft zu holen für unsere heiligen Aufgaben, die uns bevorstanden. 150 vorliegen Da die Aufgaben der N.S. Frauen innerhalb ihrer Frauenschaft auf dem sozialen Fürsorge-Gebiet der Partei liegen, sowie andererseits auf der Wahrung und Weiterverbreitung aller kulturellen Werte sowie in der Erziehung der Jugend, so ist schon hierin ausgesprochen, dass dieses keine kleinen Hilfsarbeiten sind, sondern dass hier Aufgaben vorliegen von solchem Ausmasse, dass sie auch mit vollster eigener Verantwortung getragen werden müssen.151 Action besprechen Die Führerinnen der Einzelorganisationen müssen sich zu einer Arbeitsgemeinschaft zusammenschliessen, um die grossen Aufgaben gemeinsam zu bespro-

148

NS44/54, Elsbeth Zander, 'Rückblick und Ausblick', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 15 February 1933. 149 BA R. 15.01/26334/1/1721, letter from Frauengruppe der Vereine gegen den Alkoholismus im Deutschen Frauenwerk to Frick, 22 February 1934. 150 BA NSD 47/15, Ordensschwester Gransow, 'Heil Elsbeth Zander dir ...', Opferdienst der deutschen Frau, September 1931. 151 BA NS22/452, letter from Frau Meyer, NSF Gau Hamburg, to Strasser, 8 September 1932.

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chen, damit sie gelöst werden können und jede das Ihre dazu tut.152 (underlining in original) bewältigen Hunderte von Portionen wurden täglich oft zweimal verausgabt und wenn wir heute an diese Mengen zurückdenken, steigt ungewollt in uns die Frage auf, wie es nur möglich war, mit den verhältnismässig wenig Frauen und wenig Spendern diese grosse [sie] Aufgaben zu bewältigen.153 erfüllen Ergeben sich aus der Umgestaltung des Volks- und Staatslebens für die Frau neue bzw. veränderte Aufgaben gegen bisher, so erwächst ihr daraus auch das Recht auf entsprechende Schulung, um diese Aufgaben erfüllen zu können.154 ergreifen Die Frauenschaftsleiterin hat die Aufgabe der gesunden Eingliederung der Frauenschaft in die Partei und der Durcharbeitung der Frauenschaft, dass sie ihre Aufgaben in Familie, Beruf und Volk ergreift und auch in der lokalen Umgebung leistet.155 (underlining in original) durchföhren Diese nach unserer Meinung wesentlichen Aufgaben durchzuführen sind nur möglich mit eigener Organisation unter weiblicher Führung und eigener Kasse.156 lösen Wir, Deutschlands geistig schaffende Frauen, wollen mit heiligem Eifer versuchen, unsere Aufgabe zu lösen.157 verwirklichen Mit unserer Lebensarbeit und mit jedem Tag und Teil von ihr verwirklichen wir eine persönliche und zugleich eine völkische Aufgabe, die uns vom Schicksal gestellt ist.158

152

BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from Bundesführerin, BKL, to Reichsführer, 1 September 1933. 153 BA 62 Rei Reichsfrauenfuhrung, 'Chronik der N.S. Frauenschaft Gau WürttembergHohenzollern', 26 May 1934. 154 Annemarie Hanne, 'Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 17. 155 BA NS22/430, no author given, Ordnung der Frauenschaft', no date. 156 BA NS22/452, Frau Meyer, NSF Gau Hamburg, to Strasser, 8 September 1932. 157 Marta Unger, 'Geist und Seele', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 8. 158 BA N S D 47/6 Else Schilfarth, 'Die berufstätige Frau', NSFK, 15 February 1934.

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In addition to the verbs listed above, there are a number of reflexive verbs used together with Aufgabe, such as sich einer Aufgabe widmen, sich einer Aufgabe bewußt werden, sich zur Aufgabe machen, for example. Jede Frauenschaftsleiterin muss es sich zur Aufgabe machen, durch die Errichtung nationalsozialistischer Kindergärten bereits dem deutschen Kleinkind die nationalsozialistische Idee nahezubringen.159

The use of reflexive verbs, together with adjectives denoting femaleness, are a further indication of demarcation of the areas of specific female influence. The verbs lösen, bewältigen emphasise the important and urgent nature of the Aufgabe, by implying that the task is a problematic one which needs remedying or rectifying. Whereas lösen implies that the task or problem can be or has been completed, bewältigen communicates a sense of incompleteness, and implies that the problematic task will have to be dealt with, but essentially kept under control, and thus constitutes an ongoing activity. There are also differences in the way in which Aufgabe is placed in a sentence syntactically. In some examples the women form the accusative object, and are the recipients of the Aufgabe from the subject, either a person or an organisation apart from themselves. Wir erwarten die Bekundung des einmütigen Willens der N.S.Frauenschaft zur Inangriffnahme der grossen Aufgaben, die der Führer ihr in die Hände legt.160

In other examples, however, Aufgabe is placed in an active sentence with the women as the subject, either in the form of a possessive pronoun, wir or sie (singular 'she', plural 'they' - the women), or in the form of a singular or plural noun, die Frau(en), for example: Wir beiahen die Pflicht zum Gemeinschaftssinn und das Bereitsein für alle Aufgaben sozialen Dienstes.161 (underlining in original) Wenn wir Frauen unsere Aufgabe in der Zeitenwende recht erfassen wollen, so müssen wir einen genauen Einblick in die gesamte Lage der deutschen Frauenwelt bekommen.162

In other examples, Aufgabe occurs in a passive construction: Uns ist die Aufgabe gegeben, die Verkörperung der geschlossenen fraulichen Persönlichkeit zu schaffen, die auch die Fähigkeiten in sich trägt, höchste geistige Leistungen zu erbringen.163 155 BA NS22/452, Rundschreiben from E Polster, NSF Gauleitung Westfalen-Nord, Gelsenkirchen-Buer. An alle Ortsgruppenleiterinnen der NSF Gau Westfalen-Nord, 27 September 1932. 160 BA NSD47/6, H Passow, 'Die Gau-Frauenschaftsleiterinnentagung in Berlin', NSFK, 17 June 1933. 161 BA NS44/55, no author given, 'Grundsätze der N.S. Frauenschaft', 1 October 1932. 162 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 50.

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Nach der Uebemahme der Verantwortung im Staate durch die NSDAP, sieht sich die Frauenschaft vor neue und weitertragende Aufgaben gestellt.164 The two structures achieve different effects. The active construction places the emphasis on the women who are carrying out the task in question, and highlights them as a target group. The passive construction places the emphasis on the nature of the task rather than on the agent. Whilst some women wished to identify themselves as being the initiators of the task, it would seem that other women wanted to place the Aufgabe first, and to let the women themselves remain invisible. This could be interpreted as the women communicating their view of female self-sacrifice in linguistic and syntactic forms. In addition to the use of passive forms, passivity is expressed through the use of the verb zufallen and the dative: Ein trauriges Frauenideal, das sich nur aus diesen Faktoren zusammensetzt; gerade der Frau fällt heute eine der verantwortungsvollsten Aufgaben zu: die Erziehung des Nachwuchses zu stolzbewußtem Deutschtum, die Heranbildung einer Generation von sittlichem und menschlichem Wert.165 Und gerade der Frau fällt ein besonderer Kreis von Kulturaufgaben zu, in dem sie kraft ihrer besonderen Wesensart Unersetzliches zu leisten berufen ist.166 These verbs could be interpreted as an indication of the women's submission, as they are not actively seizing and dealing with these tasks, but rather passively receiving them. The use of such verbs implies that there is a higher power or authority which distributes these tasks. The nature or identity of this power, whether it is an individual, such as Hitler, for example, whether it is the party, or whether it is more abstract, such as the Volk, is not made explicit. Yet these verbs could also be interpreted as a kind of 'polemic submission', used for the women's own specific agenda and purposes. By insinuating that their tasks are placed upon them by a higher authority, unnamed, they can claim legitimacy in their actions and a clear sense of self-identity when comparing themselves with their male counterparts in the party. The non-assignment of an agent in the sentences also leaves the commander or power open to interpretation. Therefore this enables the women to claim that their authority to act comes from an unquestionable power, such as God or nature.

163

Marta Unger, 'Geist und Seele', Die deutsche Frauenfront. August 1933, p. 8. Ludwine ν Broecker, 'Die NS. Frauenschaft als Grundlage der neuen Frauenbewegung', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 6. 165 Anni Weilshaeuser, 'Frauenstudium im neuen Staat. Ein paar Worte zum Semesterbeginn', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, November 1933, p. 5. 166 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Lisa Schreck-Elz, 'Die Kulturaufgabe der deutschen Frau', 1932/33. 164

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Radical re-definitions of the female Aufgabe In analysing denotative and connotative meanings of Aufgabe, it is important not only to point out where it occurs but also where it is explicity not used. As previously mentioned, in the material examined, Aufgabe is not generally used to refer to women's employment. The women do not form a semantic link between Aufgabe and Beruf in the same way they do with Mutterschaft or Kultur or Arbeit (in the sense of work for the NSDAP). An exception to this can be found in the publication Die deutsche Kämpferin (May 1933). In a commentary by Gertrud Kühn, entitled 'Die .Aufgabe" der Frau', she challenges contemporary definitions of the term, suggests a re-definition of the male Aufgabe, and unlike the majority of her female Parteigenossinnen, links the term Aufgabe with the concept of women in employment. Von allen Seiten überbietet man sich in Ermahnungen an die Frau, sie solle sich „ihren" Aufgaben widmen und sich auf „ihre" Gebiete beschränken. Fragt man, was darunter zu verstehen sei, so erhält man prompt die Antwort: Hauswirtschaft und Kindererziehung, die Berufe der Wohlfahrt und des sozialen Lebens, allenfalls noch der Beruf der Aerztin und Assistentin. Es zeugt nicht von organischem Denken, Hauswirtschaft und Kindererziehung lediglich als Aufgaben der Frau anzusehen. Die Frau ist allerdings durch die jahrhundertelange Erziehung meistens auf diesen Gebieten besonders erfahren. Es wäre aber traurig, wenn der Mann tatsächlich bei dem Gedanken verharrte, diese Gebiete seien nur Aufgaben der Frau, die ihn nichts angingen; denn es ist ein schönes Recht und die unbedingte Pflicht eines jeden Vaters, bei der Erziehung seiner Kinder mitzuwirken (nicht bloß dadurch, daß er sie gelegentlich bestraft!) [...] Was aber ist nun die eigentliche Aufgabe der Frau? Es ist dieselbe, die auch der Mann hat: Die von der ewigen Gewalt verliehenen Gaben bestens fur unser Volk einzusetzen. Diese Aufgabe hat die verheiratete und die unverheiratete Frau. Die deutsche Frau muß fordern, daß ihr keine Arbeit verschlossen bleibt, zu der sie sich berufen fühlt (p. 30). Summary The way in which Aufgabe features in the women's texts, with its variety of conceptual and associative meanings, in particular its associations with both activity and passivity within the female sphere, is symptomatic of the women's language use in general, which moves between communicating philosophical, mystical introspection and glorification, to administrative commands, orders and activities. The fact that the women make use of and even exploit the established associations of sacrifice and even passivity to refer to themselves may seem strange to the modern reader. Yet from the texts examined, Aufgabe

196

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and its associations become a linguistic means of self-elevation and self-praise for women in National Socialism. This becomes particularly apparent when compared with the male use of Aufgabe used to refer to the activities of women, as illustrated by the following example. Die von den Frauen zu lösenden Antworten waren bereits klar genug vom Deutschen Frauenorden und dessen Statuten und Richtlinien umrissen und sind neuerdings wieder in der oben genannten Bekanntmachung unseres Pg. Gr. Strasser kurz und bündig in 3. Aufgaben genannt. Als die für unsere Tätigkeit wesentlichste, vor allen Dingen ortsgruppenentlastende· das weibliche Gemüt am meisten und besten von Händel und Trasch [sie] ablenkende, von den Frauen meiner Ansicht nach stets zu bearbeitende Aufgabe schien mir immer: charitative [sie] Arbeit". [...] Ich gab dazu folgende Richtlinien: Aufgaben wie Frauenorden unter Betonung der charitativen [sie] Tätigkeit [...] kein ausserörtlicher organisatorischer Zusammenschluss, dies entspricht nicht dem eigentlichen fraulichen Wesen und verhindert deren Konzentration auf wenige, ganz ihrem Wesen entsprechende örtliche Aufgaben.167 (underlining in original) Here Aufgabe is not used with specifically positive connotations, and forms part of the administrative, organisational language in the letter as a whole. The association of Aufgabe with women in this particular example is in many ways derogatory, and this is communicated by the collocating adjectives and adjectival phrases ortsgruppenentlastende, von Händel und Tra[t]sch [sic]. By contrast the women's use of the term Aufgabe shows it to be a highly positive, prestige term. It also serves as a convenient vehicle, allowing the (unexamined) receipt of obligations from various sources, and/or denoting the resultant action across a range of possible fields. Aufgabe has strongly religious connotations and serves to transcend the role of women into a religious and spiritual sphere. It hints at the women's belief in their moral and spiritual superiority: the fact that they have been assigned a range of tasks which are specific and special to them alone. The message that this term communicated to fellow women was that Aufgabe ultimately ennobles the woman. This could in many ways be compared to the NS propaganda slogan: Das Kind adelt die Mutter. From the women's texts, it would appear that Die Aufgabe adelt die Frau. 3.3.2

Philosophical and psychological language

In analysing the characteristics of women's language use in National Socialism, we face the question of whether the women shaped their language to reflect their ideas and wishes, or whether the existing language with its culturally moulded norms and expectations influenced the women's perceptions of their 167 BA NS22/430, letter from Ortsgruppe und Bezirksleiter, Geislingen a. Steige, to Reichsschatzmeister/Organisationsleiter I, NSDAP, 29 July 1931, on the subject of 'Frauenarbeitsgemeinschaft Geislingen a. Steige'.

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levels of influence and action. Such a question does not of course merely apply to women involved in National Socialism, but lies at the core of analysis of language use as a whole. Thus far we have assumed that the women were influenced by the linguistic and social climate of the time, and this is reflected in their language use. They did not invent their own language, but mostly used terms which were already in existence, and their language is characterised in part by the lexical choices and the meanings they attach to them. The theme of women's relationship to the Volksgemeinschaft, is documented at length in women's letters, articles, pamphlets and monographs, in which they use abstract, philosophical and psychological vocabulary to shape their own particular female Weltanschauung. In outlining female responsibilities within and towards the Volksgemeinschaft, the women referred not to their lives as wives, housewives, mothers, members of NS women's organisations, but also to vaguer, pseudo-mystical, religious roles as moral and spiritual guardians of society. Yet these are roles which were generally assigned to women in society, so one could argue that women were merely expressing their view of the roles imposed upon them both within the party and in society, and thus reproducing patriarchal discourse in the process. This also raises the question of women in National Socialism as perpetrators, in communicating male discriminatory discourse to other women, whilst endorsing its message through the intimacy and cameraderie of female-to-female communication. Yet, in this chapter I wish to show that it is precisely the portrayal of women as leaders of spiritual renewal provided women in National Socialism with the opportunity to emphasise the superior nature of a woman's inner self, character, skills and abilities, and thus the discourse is positive and even at times self-congratulatory and celebratory. The topics addressed within the thematic category of 'Women and the Volksgemeinschaff are varied, and outline, for example, the problems of the German people and the remedy supplied by the women, as well as detailing the self-development needed by women to fulfil their designated roles. As such the lexemes employed and the denotative and connotative meanings attached to them reflect both the outward-looking and introspective nature of the discourse. Key terms occurring within discussion of women's role in the Volksgemeinschaft include Aufgabe, Wesen, Dienst, Opfer and Verantwortung, some of which are also employed to denote more specific activities such as employment, motherhood, and political participation. To avoid repetition and overlap in the discussion of key lexemes, this analysis will focus on terms which have been subdivided into the following thematic categories: • •

Defining the female Weltanschauung: Geist, geistig, Seele, seelisch, inner-/äußer-, tief. Female activity and influence: neu, Erneuerung.

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•

Exploring the female self: Bewußtsein, bewußt, Erkenntnis, erkennen, Wert, wertvoll. Defining the female Weltanschauung Geist and geistig

These terms are central to the women's discourse and are used widely in the women's definition of the female Weltanschauung within National Socialism. Geist was not a new term and was found in Classical and Romantic literature and within philosophical discourse. The Deutsches Wörterbuch contains a lengthy and much admired definition of Geist.168 If one examines previous studies carried out on language in National Socialism, Geist and geistig are not listed as typical National Socialist terms. Schmitz-Berning, Brackmann and Birkenhauer, and Bork make no mention of them.169 Seidel and Seidel-Slotty do not include Geist or geistig as a main term in their lexical analysis, but incorporate the compounds Geistesarbeiter, Geistesschaffender, Geistesschwung, Geistesgemeinschaft and geistigbiologisch in the quotations used as examples for other key words such as Blut. Leah Hadomi highlights two major influences on NS literature: the image of the '"German Soul" (Deutsche Seele)', and the theme of 'the tension between "Spirit" (Geist) and "Matter" (Materie). Geist referred to the inwardness of the individual and Materie to the non-spiritual world'.170 CJ Wells lists geistig (+) as forming a contrasting pair with intellektuell (-).171 In the women's texts, they also refer to the deutsche Seele and to Geist, but the terms are placed in a framework of semantic hierarchy. Also Geist is used in opposition or even as complementary not to Materie, but rather to Seele and Körper. In the texts, the term is used in two main senses: • •

spirit. intellect, mind. Geist·, 'spirit'

In the women's discourse, Geist functions as both superordinate and hyponym. Geist can be attributed to both human and inanimate nouns, thus it is often used by women in a collective sense to refer to the spirit of the party, the movement, the people and the country as a whole. Geist collocates with nouns such as 168

Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob Grimm und Wilhelm Grimm (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1854-1897), Sp. 2623-2741. See also Meyers Lexikon (1926), Sp. 1602-1603. 169 Cornelia Schmitz-Berning (1998). Siegfried Bork (1970). Karl-Heinz Brackmann and Renate Birkenhauer, (1988). 170 Leah Hadomi (1996), p. 8. 171 C J Wells (1985), p. 414.

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Partei, Nationalsozialismus, Volksgemeinschaft, Führer, Adolf Hitler in a genitive syntagma, or is premodified by an adjective such as nationalsozialistisch or deutsch: Wenn diese Arbeit auch selbstverständlich ist im Sinne und im Geiste unserer Partei, so möchte ich doch den Referentinnen der N.S. Frauenschaften und denjenigen Parteigenossinnen, die sich im Dienste der Sache gemüht haben, sagen, dass ich weiss und anerkenne, dass ganz erhebliche Opfer an Zeit, an Gut und an Kraft seitens der N.S. Frauenschaft gebracht worden sind.172 Jede seiner [Hitlers] Forderungen richtet sich auch an die Mütter. Jede stellt uns Aufgaben, die wir freudig bejahen müssen, wenn unser Volk ganz durchdrungen werden soll vom Geist des Nationalsozialismus.173 Unser Mütterheim, getragen vom Geist der Volksgemeinschaft und der Verbundenheit, soll für unsere Mütter eine Quelle neuer Kraft und Grösse werden.174 In nationalem und sozialem Sinne habe ich mit all meinen Kräften unter den deutschen Frauen versucht, die deutsche Erhebung vorbereiten zu helfen und den Geist unseres, meines Führers in den Bund hineinzutragen.175 Sie [die Frau] hat die Pflicht, den Geist Adolf Hitlers in ihrer Familie zu verbreiten.176 Nahezu 2 Jahre leitete ich persönlich die Frauengruppe Lübeck des D.F.O. Es war in dieser Zeit mein Bestreben, die Gruppe wohldiszipliniert in nationalsozialistischem Geiste zu halten, und ich habe in dieser Hinsicht auch erfolgreich gearbeitet.177 Einigkeit und Zuversicht predigen und vorleben, einfach und schlicht in der Lebenshaltung, aber freudig und bereit zur Förderung deutschen Geistes in Kultur und Kunst: das ist die Aufgabe der deutschen Frau.178

172 BA NS44/55, Rundschreiben Nr.7, from the Leiterin der NSF Gau Gross-Berlin, to the Referentinnen der NSF bei den Bezirken und Sektionen des Gaues Gross-Berlin der NSDAP, 28 December 1931. 173 Else Frobenius, 'Die deutsche Frau zur Volksabstimmung', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, December 1933, p. 10. 174 BA 62 Rei Reichsfrauenführung, 'Chronik der N.S. Frauenschaft Gau WürttembergHohenzollem', 26 May 1934. 175 BA R.15.01/26332/1721, letter from E Matho to Hitler, 20 August 1933. 176 BA NS22/431, open letter from Frau Rudschmidt an die deutschen Frauen und Volksgenossen, 14 November 1931. 177 BA NS22/430, letter from letter from Gauleiterin, DFO Mecklenburg/Lübeck, to Strasser, 24 June 1931. 178 BA NSD 47/6, H Passow, 'Hitlers heimliches Heer', NSFK, 26 June 1933.

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Lexico-semantic analysis

One could also analyse the various types of Geist according to the notion of presupposition, in which the women presuppose that the possessor of Geist is either: • •

[- HUMAN] [- FEMALE]: Geist der Bewegung, Geist des Nationalsozialismus, deutscher Geist. [+ HUMAN] [- FEMALE] : Geist Adolf Hitlers.

Although in the examples above, Geist itself is not defined as specifically female, the context it occurs in is often female, as women become the agents responsible for the particular type of Geist, be it deutscher Geist, Geist des Volkes, or Geist der Bewegung. A contextual, thematic and semantic link is established between women and Geist in a number of ways, for example, by referring to the women's organisations, such as die NS-Frauenschaft or the Mütterheim in the same sentence, or by using Frau(en) or the women-inclusive pronoun wir. This is represented syntactically by the fact that these nouns designating women or women's organisations, or the pronoun wir often form the subject of the sentence, with Geist as the object, and the two elements are linked by a verb denoting activity, such as tragen or verbreiten. By creating syntactic links between women, spirit and the Volk or party or Führer, the semantic and thematic connection becomes established and emphasised. Women refer to the spirit of these groups or entities in order to highlight what contribution women can make to them. Particularly in the early years, Geist is used to create a sense of community and togetherness, of working for the common good. This was a concept which was exploited by women involved in National Socialism in appealing to others, to their supposedly innate 'female' sense of responsibility, and readiness to sacrifice and serve. Contributing to the 'spirit' of the party or the people becomes linked with other key terms in the women's discourse, such as Aufgabe, Dienst, opfern/Opfern, Verantwortung. The use of Geist containing the features [+HUMAN] [+ FEMALE], referring to 'the female spirit' or 'the spirit of women' is also apparent in the women's texts. It appears with the adjective fraulich, the compounds Muttergeist or Schwesterngeist, as well as the genitive construction Geist der Frau: Hier gerade liegen die größten Entfaltungsmöglichkeiten fraulichen Geistes und Tuns.179 Dieser Schwesterngeist, die unverbrüchliche Treue den Brüdern und Kameraden, entspricht auch dem Geist der neuen Frau.180

179 180

Eleonore Bartling, 'Rückblick und Ausblick', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 31.

January 1934, p. 3.

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Die Zeit braucht dringend unseren „Muttergeist" und unsere Mutterkraft, wenn sie aus der Not heraus zu neuer Kraft und Klarheit emporwachsen soll.181 The 'motherly spirit' is singled out for special attention and emphasis by the women. In my material I have not encountered the compound Frauengeist. This contrasts with the many compounds formed with other key terms such as Seele and Aufgabe (Frauenseele, Frauenaufgabe). Muttergeist could have included the meaning of Frauengeist. Geist: 'intellect, mind' The women also use Geist in the sense of 'intellect' and 'mind'. In many cases it does seem to function as a replacement for Intellekt, which some historians have argued had increased negative connotations when used to refer to women.182 Geist is used by the women in preference to Intellekt perhaps because it is not as restricted either in terms of its denotative and connotative references. It is less restrictive in its reference, referring to the 'mind' and 'modes of thinking' rather than the narrower references of Intellekt, and its ambiguity of meaning, in referring to both 'spirit' and 'mind', reflects more appropriately the women's attempt to create a vision of womanhood with special spiritual, pseudo-religious, mystical qualities. Geist often co-occurs with other nouns such as Blut, Instinkt, Körper and Seele to describe the ideal qualities of a woman. Wir müssen lernen, unseren Körper und Geist zu beherrschen. Der Sport ist uns ja gegeben, zu ertüchtigen, damit wir allen Aufgaben gewachsen sind.183 Uns Frauen Deutschlands wird zum ersten Mal in der neuen Geschichte das Glück zuteil, unser ganzes Sein, Geist, Seele, Blut, harmonisch auszubauen und in den Dienst des Volkes, der Menschheit zu stellen.184 From this it is apparent that Geist in a female sense gains positive connotations through its proximity to and combination with other positive terms. Geist in the sense of 'intellect' alone could not have been considered the sole trait for a woman to possess. When paired with the lexeme Instinkt, the relationship between the two lexemes often becomes antonymical: Wir haben gelernt, auf die Stimme unseres Blutes zu lauschen, gelernt, Dinge, die mit dem Geist nicht zu erfassen sind, durch unseren Instinkt zu erfühlen.185 ""Guida Diehl (1933), p. 4. 182 Hannelore Kessler (1981) claims that articles in the women's section of the Völkischer Beobachter expressed a strong aversion to the connection Frau/Intellekt and instead promoted Frau/Herz (p. 46). 183 Staatsarchiv Detmold, LI 13, Nr.45, BdM, no author given, no date. 184 BA NSD 47/6, M Unger, 'Die Frau im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland', NSFK, 1 April 1934.

202

Lexico-semantic analysis

geistig This adjective is often used with positive connotations by the women, and as a result other terms which co-occur with it also undergo a semantic upgrading in the process. As an adjective geistig premodifies a wide range of nouns, concrete and abstract, including Arbeit, Aufgabe, Eigenart, Erneuerung, Frau, Leben, Umschulung. It is often not entirely clear whether geistig is being used in the sense of 'spiritual' or 'intellectual/mental', and in fact it could be argued that the women forged these two possible definitions to create their own use combining both elements. Geistig often occurs in pairs of adjectives which form relational oppositions, including geistig/praktisch, geistig/seelisch, geistig/körperlich (also körperlich/geistig), leiblich/geistig. geistig/praktisch Daraus ist ohne weiteres zu ersehen, daß des deutschen Volkes weibliche Jugend von der geistigen und praktischen Umschulung unter keinen Umständen ausgeschlossen werden könne.186 geistig/seelisch Zum ersten Male dürfen wir uns als Frauen voll entfalten, in geistiger und seelischer Beziehung.187 geistig/körperlich Die deutsche Frau, wie wir sie uns denken, muß, wenn es die Lage des Volkes erfordert, verzichten können auf Luxus und Genuß, sie muß geistig und körperlich gesund sein, sie muß geistig und körperlich arbeiten können und sie muß aus dem harten Leben, das wir heute zu leben gezwungen sind, ein schönes Leben machen können.188 körperlich/geistig Die Familiengemeinschaft ist die ursprünglichste Gemeinschaft. Ihre Idee liegt in der körperlichen und auch geistigen Erhaltung, Fortpflanzung und Aufwärtsentwicklung des Menschengeschlechts.189

185

Marta Unger, 'Geist und Seele', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 7. Annemarie Hanne, 'Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 17. 187 BA NSD 47/6, M Unger, 'Die Frau im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland', NSFK, 1 April 1934. 188 Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, 'Weg und Aufgabe der nationalsozialistischen Frauenbewegung', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda (editors), (1934), pp. 22-23. 189 Else Vorwerck, 'Grundlegende Betrachtung über Würde und Wert des Hausfrauenberufs', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 11. 186

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

203

leiblich/geistig Die Frauenschaft muss sich bewusst sein, dass wir Frauen als leibliche oder geistige Mütter der Nation dem werdenden Leben überall verpflichtet sind, dass also die Ortsgruppe an uns den wahren Muttergeist erkennen muss.190 (underlining in original)

From these examples, it would seem that through the combination of these pairs, including the opposites körperlich/geistig, the women stress the importance of balance and harmony in the ideal woman, and between different women. The way in which adjectives are paired and combined in general show how the women perceived their role within the party and the state as that of combining opposites into a harmonious whole. Some texts by the women show that the ideal concept of womanhood and female involvement in the Volksgemeinschaft demands the combination of the three elements körperlich, seelisch and geistig·. Sie alle sind Dienst am Leben, der - soll er zum Wohl der Volksgemeinschaft geleistet werden - den vollen Einsatz der körperlichen, seelischen und geistigen Frauenkraft fordert.191

The most frequent combinations of adjectives with geistig are and geistig/seelisch or seelisch/geistig. The close semantic relationship between the pairs is apparent from the way in which they are often used in the form of a hyphenated compound. Wir fordern, dass die deutschen Frauen und Mädchen weitestgehend geschützt werden vor Verfuhrung, Ausbeutung, gesundheitlicher wie geistig-seelischer Verelendung.192 Die innerlich fuhrende, geistig-seelische Einwirkung des Frauentums ist immer mehr geschwunden.193 Es muß betont werden, daß die neue Frauenbewegung eine innere Rangordnung haben wird, die nicht von der Fähigkeit zum Kommandieren, sondern von der seelisch-geistigen Tragkraft der einzelnen bestimmt wird.194

The compound geistig-kulturell becomes a key term in the organisational vocabulary of NS women, and is used to denote the nature of their contribution to National Socialism, and the tasks to be carried out by the NSF. Geistig190

BA NS22/430, no author given, 'Ordnung der Frauenschaft', no date. Else Frobenius, 'Dienst am Leben', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 9. 1,2 C8 Münster, Nr.462, no author given, 'Erklärung nationalsozialistischer Lehrerinnen. Auszug aus der NS-Lehrerzeitung', no date. 193 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 109. 194 Lydia Gottschewski, 'Weibliches Führertum. Die Eingliederung der Frau in den neuen Staat', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 3. 191

204

Lexico-semantic analysis

kulturell often co-occurs with adjectives denoting female activities, such as erziehlich and pädagogisch. Die Frauenschaft ist zu betrachten: a) als Arbeitsgemeinschaft für praktisch caritative, hauswirtschaftlichvolkswirtschaftliche und geistig-kulturelle Aufgaben. 195 (underlining in original) 9 Uhr: Die Möglichkeit geistig-kultureller und erziehlicher Arbeit in unsern NS-Frauenschaften.196 Auf die dringend vorliegende Bitte einer Gauleiterin und die früheren und auch jetzt immer wiederkehrenden Bitten von Ortsgruppenleiterinnen möchte ich nun vom 11. - 19. Sept. hier einen Schulungskursus über das geistig-kulturelle und pädagogische Gebiet halten.197

Geistig can also co-occur with adjectives of prestige and judgement such as schön, which is an indication of the positive connotations of the term: Diese Armee der Frauen zu schaffen, sei unsere geistige und schönste Aufgabe.198

Although geistig has mainly positive connotations, when used in the expression geistiger Beruf, it can have negative connotations, for example, Erst auf der Grundlage des Religiösen kann auch die Frage der geistigen Berufe neu gestellt und beantwortet werden. Daß diese Berufe und die für sie erforderliche Vorbildung oft einen verderblichen Einfluß auf das seelische Leben der Frau ausüben, ist eine Tatsache, die kaum erwähnt zu werden braucht.199

This contrasts with geistige Arbeit in the sense of 'political agitation for the NSDAP', which has positive connotations. The use of the terms Geist and geistig highlights both linguistic and ideological differences between women involved in National Socialism. These were terms employed to a large extent by Guida Diehl and her followers in the Neulandbund, in contrast to Elsbeth Zander and the members of the DFO, who stressed the importance of practical action and measures. These differences are seen most clearly, for example, in the use of expressions such as geistiger Kampf, geistige Arbeit in contrast to aktiver Kampf or caritative Arbeit, as mentioned in the analysis of different types of the female Kampf. The superior-

195

BA NS22/430, no author given, Ordnung der Frauenschaft', no date. BA NS22/452, Guida Diehl, Tagesordnung of Schulungskursus fur Gau- und Bezirksleiterinnen der Ν S. Frauenschaft vom 12. bis 17. September im Neulandhaus zu Eisenach, 25 August 1932. 197 BA NS22/452, letter from G Diehl to Rienhardt, 25 August 1932. 198 BA NS44/55, Elsbeth Zander ([1926]), p. 9. 199 Lydia Gottschewski (1934), p. 67. 196

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

205

ity of activities characterised by the term geistig, as opposed to caritativ is illustrated by the following example by Guida Diehl: So schön und richtig deshalb das caritative Frauenwirken und auch die Heranziehung der Mädchen und Kinder in den Dienst der Bewegung war, sehnten sich doch die beteiligten Frauen nach mehr! [...] So wurde nach und nach in der deutschen Frau immer stärker der Wunsch rege, dort auch wahrhaft mitkämpfen zu dürfen, voll und ganz zum geistigen Kampf gerufen zu werden.200 Hence, in texts produced in 1932 and 1933, at the time when guidelines were being drafted for the newly-created Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft, both elements are reflected in the language, drawing together the two strands of thought within the women's sphere of influence. The prominence given to the female definition and use of Geist and geistig would seem to contradict ideas traditionally formed about the nature of language in National Socialism. As mentioned in the chapter on 'Woman and the NSDAP' and the women's use of Kampf and related terms, many studies on language in National Socialism, such as that carried out by Bork, have emphasised the 'brutalisation' of language, with the use of metaphors of battle and violence to describe all aspects of life and activity.201 With women's discourse, the emphasis is on a balance between the language of war and the language of reflection and introspection. The importance attached to Geist and geistig provides a linguistic gauge of women's view of themselves and their role in the Volksgemeinschaft. The women were keen to show that they regarded the intellectual, spiritual and physical traits of their personality as being of equal importance, and that in isolation, each of these elements is insufficient and even destructive. The use of the two terms in a specifically male context is less common, and occurs in the form of a comparison made between women and men: 'dann muß das geistige Produkt eines Mannes naturnotwendig ein anderes sein, als das der Frau' 202 or where geistig and seelisch, for example, become gendered opposites, with geistig as [+MALE] and seelisch [+FEMALE], Sie allein werden durch Lehre und Leben den politischen deutschen Menschen erziehen können, der in sich vereinigt: männlich geistiges Heldentum, das sich verbrennen will in opferndem Kampf für die Nation, - mit weiblich seelischem Heldentum, das sich verzehren will in opferndem Dienst fur das Volk; jenen Menschen also, der in sich verbindet den tatstarken Nationalismus mit hingabefähigem Sozialismus, in geistiger Vollreife und seelischer Tiefe.203

200

Guida Diehl (1933), p. 71. Siegfried Bork (1970): the section entitled 'Verrohung', pp. 15-28. 202 Marta Unger, 'Geist und Seele', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 7. 203 Gisela Brettschneider, 'Die deutsche Frau an der Hochschule', Die deutsche September 1933, pp. 7-8. 201

Frauenfront,

206

Lexico-semantic analysis

The term Geist is often used to express the possibilities of female contribution to National Socialism and to outline the borders of their range of influence. Geist implies non-active participation, even supportive, which would appeal to their male colleagues, but also ultimately signals the superior nature of their contribution and involvement as women. Seele and seelisch In the texts I have examined, the women do not use Seele and seelisch in its strictly religious sense, but rather more in a philosophical, pseudo-mystical sense. Seele Seele is used by the women with two denotative meanings, which are sometimes interlinked: (a) the soul, the supernatural part of the human being (b) personification/ metaphor/ metonymy/ synecdoche, e.g. person is a 'soul'. As with Geist, the women identify two main groups: 'the soul of the people' or 'the German soul', (Volksseele or die Seele des Volkes, die deutsche Seele), and the 'soul of the woman' or 'the female soul', expressed through the compounds die Frauenseele, Mutterseele, Weibseele and the genitive syntagma Seele der Frau. The Seele des Volkes and die deutsche Seele are partially synonymous, both referring to the collective soul of the nation. Sometimes the two are used within the same context, and apparently interchangeably: Und wir hörten die deutschen Seelen klagen. Da ging das Lauschen in uns weiter. Oft zwar griffen plumpe Hände hinein, um auf der Seele des Volkes zu spielen, - doch es gab nur einen Mißklang, bis endlich doch ein reines Lied erklang. 204 Der Sinn des Roten Hakenkreuzes begrenzt sich nicht auf die VerwundetenFürsorge allein, sondern er umfasst auch die Heilung der kranken Volksseele. Die deutsche Volksseele aber wird nicht mit Hilfe irgend eines wissenschaftlichen Mittels geheilt werden, sondern durch aufopfernde Pflege und Wachsamkeit. Wem käme dieses Amt wohl mehr zu, als der Frau?205 (underlining in original)

Semantically linked to this, but not synonymous, is the compound Artseele, which has more racial and pseudo-mystical connotations: 204 205

BA NS44/55, Elsbeth Zander ([1926]), p. 6. BA NS22/431, no author given (eine Nationalsozialistin), 'Der deutsche Frauenorden', no date.

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

207

Was Ida Thies' Schaffen die besondere Note gibt, ist der überall ins Auge springende Ausdruck einer nordischen Artseele. 206 The w o m e n communicate the idea that the nation has a collective soul from which individual souls spring. They establish a hyponymous relationship between the various types o f Seele: Volksseele, Frauenseele, Mutterseele, die Seele der Frau and die mütterliche Seele:

Volksseele

Frauenseele

Mutterseele

The hyponymous relationship can be tested by applying the formula 'x is a kind o f y', therefore y = Volksseele, χ = Frauenseele. The Frauenseele is a kind o f Volksseele. The same formula can be applied to Frauenseele and Mutterseele. So muß die Heilung des Volkslebens durch das Erwachen neuer tiefer Frauenkraft mitgeschaffen werden. Daher tut das Erwachen der deutschen Frau zum Kampf um die deutsche Frauenseele dringend not. 207 Eine Wissenschaft, die nicht irgendwo auf den Sinngrund bezogen ist, die nicht irgendwie durchblutet ist von sittlichen Kräften, vergiftet die Seele der Frau, in langsamer, aber sicherer Wirkung. 208 Wir Frauen sind ja dem heiligen Geheimnis hinter den Dingen als Mutterseelen noch mehr verwandt als der Mann. 209 Während der Mann sich mit dem Verstände die Kenntnis einer Persönlichkeit, einer Idee erwirbt, das Willensziel und seine Zweckmäßigkeit nach dem Erfolge 206

BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, Sophie Rogge-Börner, 'Die Dichterin Ida Thies', Die deutsche Kämpferin, February 1934, p. 229. 207 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 4. 208 Lydia Gottschewski (1934), p. 22. 209 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 49.

208

Lexico-semantic analysis

abzuschätzen gewohnt ist, oft aber auch Theorie gegen Theorie setzt, will die Frau Anschauung, das heißt, sie will sozusagen die Persönlichkeit, ihr Sein, ihr Wollen und ihr Wirken ins Auge fassen, sich im Ganzen ein Bild von ihr machen. Dabei geht sie vom Zentralpunkt der Persönlichkeit, von ihrer Seele aus.210 Und zum anderen muß der Frauenwelt immer wieder gezeigt werden, wie wichtig der Einsatz ihrer Persönlichkeit für das Volksganze ist. Es muß ihre ganze Verantwortung immer wieder vor ihre Seele gestellt werden und ihr damit ein Ziel gegeben werden.211 The women establish a relationship of dependency between themselves and the soul of the people, and infer that women are responsible for maintaining it, protecting it, even fighting for it: Ihr Hüterinnen unseres Volk[es] Seele.212 Wir kämpfen um die Seele unseres Volkes - kämpfen um die unserer Bewegung noch fernstehende Frau des deutschen Arbeiters.213 Ziel der Frauenarbeit: Die deutsche Frau soll durch ihr Vorbild helfen, unser Volk in seiner Seele wieder deutsch und damit würdig einer dereinstigen Befreiung durch Adolf Hitler zu machen.214 In addition to this, the women also use Seele as a metaphor for 'woman', as a label for corporate womanhood, or as a collective term for the totality of individual women/souls. Therefore women are described as the 'soul' of culture and as an individual 'soul' of the family: Er [der nationale Mütterdienst] wertet die Frau als Trägerin des Lebens, als Mittelpunkt der Familie, als Seele aller Kultur.215 Als heiligstes Unterpfand des Volkes ist die Frau als Mutter die Seele der Familie, die Erzieherin der Jugend.216 Frauenführerinnen müssen mit Seelen umgehen können, müssen das Tiefste im Menschen verstehen und das Beste in ihnen erwecken und heraus holen können, müssen Verständnis dafür besitzen wie man die Frauen und Mädchen, die

210 BA NSD47/18, Hildegard Passow, Adolf Hitler am Werke (Munich: N.S. Frauenschaft, 1932), p. 3. 211 BA NS22/431, letter from G Rische to Hitler, 30 March 1931. 212 BA NSD 47/6, L Wendeborn-Sonnenberg, 'Frauengedanken zum Muttertag', NSFK, 13 May 1933. 213 BA NS44/55, Elsbeth Zander ([1926]), pp. 13-14. 214 BA NS22/430, Satzung, Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Frauenbewegung (NSDFB), Mecklenburg/Lübeck, 15 (month unclear) 1929. 215 Emmy Wagner, 'Nationaler Mütterdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 13. 216 BA NS22/431, open letter from Frau Rudschmidt an die deutschen Frauen und Volksgenossen, 14 November 1931.

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

209

aus den verschiedensten Lebenssphären stammen, innerlich zusammen fuhren kann.217 (underlining in original) seelisch From the material I have examined, seelisch is used almost exclusively with female reference, or if seelisch is used with male reference, then it is usually connected with women, for example in the form of a comparison between men and women. Die Frau ist selbst seelisch ja viel stärker und leistungsfähiger als der Mann.218 Darüber hinaus muß die Bereitschaft vorhanden sein, dem Volk und seinem Lebenskampf die seelischen Kraftquellen zu erschließen, aus denen der Wille zur Verteidigung sich immer wieder erneuert.219 Seelisch often co-occurs with geistig and can also collocate with a wide range of antonymic adjectives such as blutmäßig, körperlich, leiblich, and wirtschaftlich. „Aufgabe der Mütterschulung ist die Heranbildung von körperlich und seelisch tüchtigen Müttern, die überzeugt sind von den hohen Pflichten der Mutterschaft, die erfahren sind in der Pflege und Erziehung ihrer Kinder, und die ihren hauswirtschaftlichen Aufgaben gewachsen sind".220 Zu diesen Frauen, die der Nationalsozialismus für seine großen Aufgaben genau so braucht, wie jeden Mann und jede Mutter, fuhrt er ein ganzes Volk seine Kinder, seine Jugend, seine Kranken, seine vom Leben Zerstörten, seine Verirrten, die leiblich und die seelisch Verirrten, seine Schwachen und seine Gesunden, kurz alles und alles, was in der großen Volkeinheit Muttersein und Mütterlichkeit im edelsten Sinne gebraucht.221 Der nationale Mütterdienst erfaßt grundsätzlich alle Mütter des deutschen Volkes, sofern sie dessen bedürfen, d.h. soweit sie sich in seelischer oder wirtschaftlicher Not befinden und überbürdet sind.222 The compound seelisch-kulturell

217

also occurs:.

BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from Bundesflihrerin, Β KL, to Reichsführer, 1 September 1933. 218 BA NS44/54, no author given (KH), 'Mütterlichkeit: Frau und Mann', Infodienst der NSFrauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 219 Lydia Gottschewski (1934), p. 78. 220 BA NSD47/12, 'Richtlinien zur Durchführung der Mütterschulung im „Deutschen Frauenwerk'", quoted in Agathe Schmidt, 'Mütterschulung im „Deutschen Frauenwerk"', NSFW, 1. Maiheft, 1934, p. 661. 221 BA NSD47/12, Paula Siber, 'Die Frauenfrage und ihre Lösung durch den Nationalsozialismus', NSFW, 1 August 1932, p. 69. 222 Emmy Wagner, 'Nationaler Mütterdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 13.

210

Lexico-semantic analysis

Auf der körperlich-wirtschaftlichen Ebene des Lebens wie auf der seelischkulturellen gilt es jetzt Fundamente zu erneuern und zu verstärken, ebenso aber auch Quadern auszuwechseln und mancherlei neue Pfeiler aufzurichten [...] Die Wirtschaftsplanung der Männer erfolgt einzig unter dem Gesichtspunkt des materiellen Interesses und Gewinnstrebens, die der Frau unter seelisch-kultureller Einstellung zum Gemeinwohl und zur Volksgemeinschaft.223 As seelisch is a term with positive connotations in the women's discourse, its antonymic equivalent, with negative connotations, is seelenlos. This lexeme is used by women to criticise actions or institutions within the party or society, and is particularly condemnatory: Wo ist bei vielen seelenlosen Weibfiguren, denen die heutige Mode den Stempel der Vermännlichung und Veräußerlichung aufdrückt, oder bei wildwütenden Marxistinnen noch Herzenswärme?224 Das Kind ist und bleibt die göttliche Korrektur des seelenlosen Rechnens und des sinnlosen Tempos einer mechanisierten Zeit.225 The nouns Seelenlosigkeit and Entseelung are also found in the women's texts, as is the adjective entseelt. Genau so, wie ganze Massen in der Vorkriegszeit keine Ahnung davon hatten, daß sie in eine absolute Kulturlosigkeit geraten waren, und daß im öffentlichen Leben nur noch Zivilisation zu spüren war - genau so sind sich auch jetzt die allermeisten Frauen noch nicht klar darüber, daß ein Frauentiefstand ohnegleichen, eine geradezu erschütternde Kultur- und Seelenlosigkeit der Frauenwelt um sich gegriffen hat.226 Diese Mittel stellen eine Vergewaltigung der Natur dar und zugleich eine Entseelung des geschlechtlichen Lebens für die Frau, die sich ohne Aufrechterhaltung des Mutterwillens dabei erniedrigt fühlen muß und auch fühlt.227 Keinesfalls dürfen wir aber die Tatsache, daß in weiten Schichten das Familienleben zerstört und entseelt ist, als eine zwangsläufige und unabwendbare Entwicklung ansehen.228 The women also employ the verb beseelen, the noun Beseelung and the participle beseelt. These terms implicitly contain the feature [+ FEMALE], as the 223 No author given, 'Kulturwirtschaftliche Aufgaben der Frau', Kulturwirtschaftliche Blätter. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Frauenarbeitskreises, January 1934. 224 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 94. 225 Evamarie Blume, 'Familie und deutsche Lebenskraft', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 11. 226 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 95. 227 IfZ, MA 739, Guida Diehl, Deutscher Frauen-Kampfbund, 'Wider die „Kameradschaftsehe" und den sonstigen Mißbrauch des Wortes „Ehe"!', Frauen-Kampfblatt, 1928-29. 228 Else Vorwerck, 'Erziehung durch Gemeinschaft zur Gemeinschaft', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, October 1933, p. 13.

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

211

women presuppose beseelen to be an activity in the female domain, with women either as agents or recipients of the action beseelen. Frau Else Sennewald, unsere heutige Stellv. Bundesfuhrerin, wusste wohl, dass es ein hartes Beginnen war, als sie vor 11 Jahren deutsche Frauen zusammenrief, mit wenigen den Bund gründete nur von dem heissen Wunsche beseelt, wir Frauen müssen und wollen mithelfen, dass Deutschland wieder unser freies, herrliches Vaterland wird.229 Das Familienleben braucht neue Beseelung.230 Das neue Deutschland fordert von uns eine Neubeseelung des Familienlebens, die liebevolle Pflege von Haus und Heim.231 Ein großer Teil der Frauen hat diese Beseelung und Erneuerung der ausgehöhlten Familie schon immer angestrebt.232 inner- versus äußer-: female and male polarities When placed within the context of discussions on women's role in the Volksgemeinschaft, the term inner- appears as an important prestige term. As such it undergoes a semantic upgrading and is shown to be a defining feature of womanhood. As with the other key terms in this chapter, inner- focuses attention on the inner selves or psyche of the women. The women use the term in two denotative senses: (a) internal, in a political sense, ie within the country. (b) inner, in the sense of the spiritual, metaphysical part of the self. The women make use of the two senses of the term to combine the personal, individual with the political, and in doing so link themselves closely to the political process. Inner- in both senses tends to collocate with nouns ending in -ung, -heit, -keit, and so strengthens the connection between the two senses. inner- (political) innere Befreiung Deutschlands (+) innere Erstärkung unseres Volkes willen (+) innere Freiheit (unseres Vaterlandes) (+)

229

inner- (female) innere Befreiung (+) innere Befriedigung (+) innere Bereicherung (+) innere Berufung (+) innere Bildung (+) innere Erneuerung (+)

BA R.15.01/26333/1721, copy of a speech/letter, from Κ Conne1y(?), BKL, 28 March 1934. Guida Diehl (1933), p. 111. 231 Else Frobenius, 'Dienst am Leben', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 8. 232 Ludwine ν Broecker, 'Die NS. Frauenschaft als Grundlage der neuen Frauenbewegung', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 6. 230

212

Lexico-semantic analysis innere innere innere innere innere innere innere

Gesundung (+) Haltlosigkeit (-) Kraftlosigkeit (-) Überzeugung (+) Verderbung (-) Wahrheit (+) Zerrissenheit (-)

Inner- collocates with nouns possessing both positive and negative connotations, and consequently, the women build up a pattern of the problems that have befallen women and the remedies for them. In many ways inner functions as an intensifier; for example, the women do not just express their Überzeugung, or understand the Wahrheit, these have to be defined as inner convictions and the inner truth. Inner- even occurs in the superlative in a female sense, and as a compound with Wesen. Und wie unmittelbar bedroht der Marxismus, der Bolschewismus das innerste Leben der Frauen selbst.233 Wohl entzückt mit Recht ein gut trainierter Körper im Spiel seiner harmonischen Gebärden, doch noch größerer Reiz umspielt die Menschen, aus derem Wesensinnersten ein gleich gut trainierter Ausdruck leuchtet.234 The positive connotations attached to this term is evident in the variety of forms it takes in the women's texts, with the use of the adverb innerlich, the derivational noun Verinnerlichung, and the verb verinner lichen. Die Kameradinnen, die innerlich noch nicht von dem Schwung der nationalen Revolution genügend erfasst sind, will ich mit Hingabe meiner inneren Glaubensglut zum National[sozial]ismus erziehen, bis sie von ihm ergriffen sind.235 In dieser Periode sind besonders viele innerlich arme, seichte Frauenwesen erwachsen, die, wenn sie nun Mutter wurden, ihren heranwachsenden Töchtern in deren besonderer Not nicht beistehen konnten.236 Die wichtigste Aufgabe des Mannes ist die, den nationalsozialistischen Staat immer mehr zu befestigen, die Aufgabe der Frau, die nationalsozialistische Idee zu verinnerlichen durch die Kraft ihrer Liebe.237 Inner- and äußer- are often placed together as antonyms. Inner- is associated with women and äußer- with men, thus

233

BA NSD47/6, Hildegard Passow, 'Eine deutsche Königin', NSFK, 6 May 1933. Meta Bodi-Huntemüller, 'Innere Bildung', Das deutsche Frauenblatt. February 1934, p. 6. 235 BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from Bundesführerin, Β KL, to Reichsminister, 3 August 1933. The infix [sozial] was added by hand on the document. 236 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 52. 237 Lydia Gottschewski, 'Zum Geleit!', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 2. 234

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

• •

213

inner- = [+ FEMALE] [-MALE] äußer- = [- FEMALE] [+ MALE]

The antonymic relationship is highlighted in the following example. Bei der gesamten Arbeit ist niemals die Bewegung im grossen Ganzen und in ihren Unterabteilungen (Gau, Bezirk, Ortsgruppe) in zwei Geschlechter zu zerreissen, sondern als Einheit (Volksfamilie) zu betrachten, wobei die äussere politische Stosskraft dem Mann, der innere beseelende Ausbau hauptsächlich der Frau zugeteilt wird in steter Wechselwirkungbeider [sie] Bereiche.238

Further semantic links are established between äußer-, men and external world, politics, work, and inner-, women, the home, family, support, moral encouragement. The women contrast the terms in order to set the boundaries of influence and experience for both sexes. The fact that inner- in its various forms occurs frequently on its own is a sign of the importance and prestige valued attached to it for the women, in contrast to äußer-, which seems to have no semantic value of its own for women, only in terms of creating contrasts. tief Tief is used in a similar way to inner-, as an intensifier of the nouns it co-occurs with. It does not tend to be used in any particular fixed collocatory pattern, but does occur with abstract nouns such as Bindung, Dankbarkeit, Freude, Leid, Liebe. Die persönliche Bindung der Gefolgschaft an die Führerin ist, wenn sie richtig verstanden wird, ein ungemein wichtiges erzieherisches Moment [...] Ist die Führerin jedoch imstande, von ihrem eigenen Ich abzusehen, es aufbrennen zu lassen in ihrem Werk, so wird die persönliche Liebe der Gefolgschaft zur tieferen Bindung an die Gemeinschaft, zur verpflichtenden Anerkennung der übergeordneten Idee.239 In tiefer Dankbarkeit vernahm ich kürzlich den Willen unseres grossen Führers, dass nichts zerschlagen werden sollte, was sich als wertvoll erwies.240 Wir Frauen Deutschlands erleben diese Wandlung des Denkungsmechanismus mit tiefster Freude.241 Denn die deutsche Seele ist tiefes Leid, und alle Not klang uns daraus entge-

238

C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Richtlinien für die kulturelle und erziehliche Arbeit innerhalb der Frauenschaft der NSDAP', April/May 1932. 239 Lydia Gottschewski, 'Weibliches Führertum', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 3. 240 BA R.l 5.01/26332/1721, letter from Bundesfìihrerin, Β KL, to Reichsminister, 3 August 1933. 241 Marta Unger, 'Geist und Seele', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 7.

214

Lexico-semantic analysis

Müssen ist immer ein bitterer Zwang, der hier nur erträglich wird durch die tiefe Liebe zu den Kindern, durch die Angst und Sorge für das Seelenheil der von ihr Geborenen.243 Tief is also used with nouns denoting activity or participation in the National Socialist cause: Wir können sie [unsere besonderen Aufgaben im Volksganzen] aber nur erfüllen, wenn in der nationalsozialistischen Frauenschañ die tiefsten Frauenkräfte und ein echter deutscher Frauenwille wachgerufen wird.244 Wollen Sie denn das überhaupt, ist es Ihr Wille, dass Sie, nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft mit einem solchen tiefen Programm und einem solchen wahrhaften Frauenkampf in die Öffentlichkeit gehen.245 Tief and inner- share some level of synonymy as they both form antonymies to oberflächlich. But the relationship is one of partial inclusion, as both terms collocate with each other, either in the form of adjectives or nouns, or in the compound tiefinnerst Die Frau ist eben dem Manne nicht nur Frau und Mutter seiner Kinder, sondern auch seine Kameradin. Ach, und nun sehe ich auf deinem Gesicht, lieber Leser, ein mitleidiges Lächeln bei dem Wort "Kameradin"[.] Weisst du denn, was das Wort bedeutet, oder besser gesagt, bedeuten soll? Ich glaube kaum, denn du stellst dir die Frau dann vor, wie sie mit dem Manne zum Sport, Tanz und Vergnügen geht, nicht wahr? Aber nicht das ist die tiefe, innere Bedeutung des Wortes.246 Und wenn auch die Gefahr, der blutdurchpulsten Wirklichkeit allzu fremd zu werden, nicht weitab liegt, so wiegt der Gewinn an Innerlichkeit und Tiefe die fehlende Realistik um ein Vielfaches auf.247 Mutter sein heißt: bereit sein zu Opfern, und wo diese Opferbereitschaft aus den innersten Tiefen wächst, dort ist echtes Muttertum.248 Von Vertiefung, Verinnerlichung und geistiger Fruchtbarkeit fast nirgends eine Spur, dafür des öfteren solche von Überspanntheit und Hysterie.249

242

BA NS44/55, Elsbeth Zander ([1926]), p. 6. BA NSD47/6, Ursula Thym, 'Deutsche Frau im Dritten Reich', NSFK, 6 May 1933. 244 BA NS22/431, letter from Frau Kelber to Strasser, 16 November 1931. 245 BA NS22/452, Guida Diehl (?), untitled document containing contributions by Diehl, Schnabel, Rienhardt, Braun, Siber, Zander, no date. 246 BA NSD47/6, Grete Pundt, 'Die Stellung der Frau in der Gegenwart', NSFK, 11 February 1933. We note that the male reader is specifically addressed: 'lieber Leser'. 247 Sophie Rogge-Börner, 'Die Dichterin Ida Thies', Die deutsche Kämpferin, February 1934, p. 229. 248 Lotte Bahrmann, 'Neuzeitliche Erziehung der Geschlechter', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, November 1933, p. 12. 249 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Lisa Schreck-Elz, 'Die Gefahren der Geburtenbeschränkung", 1932/33. 243

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

215

Although tief and the other prestige adjective hoch are apparent opposites, in some texts produced by women in National Socialism, they are semantically linked. As the following examples show, the adjective tief could be substituted by hoch, and the prestige connotations would remain unchanged: Man verkennt häufig die Größe der Aufgaben, die ihnen zugedacht sind, und sucht die Verwirklichung tiefsten/höchsten Frauenseins auf einer anderen Ebene als der heute gegebenen.250 Die Besten oft gerade fragen mich, ob denn wirklich die Bundesarbeit, die ihnen Ausgangszelle tiefsten/höchsten Dienstes am Nächsten bedeutet, zerrieben werden soll.251 Dieses Bewußtsein unseres Verflochtenseins in das große Ganze ist uns Befehl

und tiefste/höchste Verpflichtung.252

What prevents a close synonymy is the fact that in the women's discourse hoch undergoes a restriction in semantic reference and is often reserved for describing the experience of motherhood. Die unverheiratete Frau hat aber auch in der großen deutschen Bewegung selbst ein wundervolles Betätigungsfeld für all ihre Mutterkraft. Sie hat aus irgendeinem Grund auf das hohe Glück leiblicher Mutterschaft verzichtet.253 Die hohe, an manchen Stellen übersteigerte Wertung körperlicher Mutterschaft war jedoch die geschichtlich notwendige Vorbedingung für eine höhere Wertung seelischer Mütterlichkeit.254

Female activity and influence Neu and Erneuerung These terms form a vital part of self-definition for women in National Socialism. The women employ these terms to outline the positive effect they believe they can have on the Volksgemeinschaft, in using their particular skills and talents to create a fresh start, to bring about a moral and spiritual renewal, working in unison as women. Neu The use of the term neu is of course not unique to female discourse in National Socialism. The idea of a group of people bringing about a new beginning 250

Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 6. BA R.15.01/26332/1721, letter from Bundesfiihrerin, BKL, to Reichsminister, 3 August 1933. 252 Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, 'Weg und Aufgabe der nationalsozialistischen Frauenbewegung', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda, (editors), 1934, p. 23. 253 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 85. 254 Lydia Gottschewski (1934), p. 63. 251

216

Lexico-semantic analysis

coupled with a rejection of the past has always proved a powerful message and an effective tool of political propaganda, then and now. In isolation neu has little semantic value, but when placed with selected nouns in particular contexts, it becomes a key term communicating a central concept in the women's Weltanschauung. Neu is used to refer to a new start for the country and its people, but also in a more specific, female sense. As an adjective, neu collocates with a wide variety of nouns: Human (body of people) Generation

Nation/State

Geschlecht Jugend Mitglied Volk

Reich Staat

Deutschland

Women's organisations Frauenbewegung Frauenftont Frauenkultur Frauenschaft Gruppe

Job/task

Abstract

Arbeit (Arbeitsgebiet) Aufgabe Kraft Richtlinien

Anerkennung Erkenntnis Frauenkraft Gedanken Geist (Gemeinschaftsgeist) Glaube (Glaubensquelle) (Volksglaube) Ideal (Frauenideal) Idee Leben Sitte Sittlichkeit Verantwortung Wahrheit Weg Weltanschauung Wollen Würde Zeit

The women saw this sense of 'newness' as permeating every area of life and thought. Even when neu co-occurs with nouns not immediately associated with women, the connection is formed by placing Frau in the same sentence, seen for example in the title of an article in the official publication of the Deutsche Frauenfront·. 'Die Frau im Aufbau des neuen Staates', or from an example in an article in the same publication: 'Die Eingliederung der Frau in den neuen Staat'.255 The pattern of collocating nouns shows that neu is an ideologically charged term irrespective of whether it co-occurs with organisational terms or terms denoting abstract concepts. It co-occurs with a range of abstract nouns which themselves form key terms in the women's discourse. The women single their 255

N o author given, 'Die Frau im Aufbau des neuen Staates', Die deutsche Frauenfront, 1933, p. 4 , and Lydia Gottschewski, 'Weibliches Führertum', Die deutsche Frauenfront, ber 1933, p. 1.

August Septem-

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

217

own organisations out in particular and emphasise the importance of the creation of new women's organisations. Through the semantic and thematic links between the new beginnings for the women's movement and for the state, women show that they are an integral, organic part of the state. Neu also occurs in the women's texts with other adjectives such as christlich, deutsch, deutschbewußt, gesund, kräftig, wahrhaft. Dazu gehört [...] c) Aufbau einer neuen wahrhaft deutschen und christlichen Frauenkultur durch Bildung der Denkkraft, des Urteils und des Gemütes zur rechten Tat.256 Immer mehr Frauen bekannten sich zu ihren Forderungen [der neuen nationalsozialistischen Frauenbewegung], immer mehr und immer mehr traten zu ihrer Fahne und heute, nach der Besitzergreifung der Macht, sind sie die Trägerinnen, und zwar die alleinigen Trägerinnen der neuen deutschen Frauenbewegung.257 Die deutsche Erneuerung beruht nur auf der Heranziehung eines neuen deutschbewußten Geschlechtes und das ist nur möglich durch eine deutschbewußte Frauenwelt.258 Es gehört zu den hoffnungsvollsten Ansätzen für einen neuen gesunden Aufbau unseres völkischen Daseins, dass allgemein der Sinn für ein erdnahes Leben für die eigene Scholle in weiten Schichten erwacht sind.259 Und mit der Hoffnung im Herzen, bald ein neues, kräftiges Deutschland erstehen zu sehen, zogen die Teilnehmer um Mitternacht heim.260 But in general it is used as the only premodifying adjective and rarely occurs in the superlative form, which contrasts with the traditional perception of NS discourse as being marked by its tendency to overuse superlatives.261 This shows that within the women's discourse neu possesses powerful semantic weight on its own and in combination with its collocating noun and does not merely function as an intensifier or modifier of other adjectives. Neu is a term which has dynamic connotations, a characteristic which is illustrated in particular by the compound nouns which have neu as the first 256

C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Richtlinien fur die kulturelle und erziehliche Arbeit innerhalb der Frauenschaft der NSDAP', April/May 1932. 257 BA NSD47/6, M Unger, 'Die Frau im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland', NSFK, 1 April 1933. 258 BA NSD47/15, Dietlinde-Hildegard, 'Deutsche Frauenarbeit', Opferdienst der deutschen Frau, 25 May 1930. 259 BA NSD47/6, Eva M Blume, 'Die Siedlungspionierin - eine nüchterne Betrachtung', NSFK, 15 March 1934. 260 BA NSD47/15, 'Gebt mir Deutsche Frauen - gebt mir Deutsche Mütter! Dann gebe ich Euch den deutschen Staat!', Opferdienst der deutschen Frau, 28 September 1930. 261 Siegfried Bork (1970) has a section entitled 'Superlativ-Manie', pp. 42-46.

218

Lexico-semantic analysis

element, including Neuaufbau, Neubelebung, Neuformung, Neugestaltung, Neuorganisation, Neusiedlung, as well as the verbs which collocate with neu as an adverb: aufziehen, bestimmen, einpflanzen, sich einsetzen, entzünden, geben, mithelfen, organisieren, prägen, prüfen, schaffen, schöpfen, verwirklichen. All these verbs denote activity and serve to communicate the women's eagerness to participate in National Socialism. Examples include: In grossen Werbeaktionen ging es erneut wieder hinaus in neue Versammlungswellen, die durch die Macht der Geschehnisse schwankend gewordene Frauen mussten wir für uns gewinnen, Zweifel widerlegen, neue Hoffnungen geben, neuen Glauben einpflanzen.262 In der gegenwärtigen geistigen „Weltenwende" suchen wir den natürlichen und richtigen Platz der Frau. Wir suchen ihn innerhalb der einzelnen Gemeinschaften, der Familie, des Berufsstandes, wir suchen ihn auch in der Volksgemeinschaft neu zu bestimmen.263 Der Nationalsozialismus hat den in vielen Fällen bereits verlorengegangenen Glauben zu neuem Leben erweckt und gibt dem tiefen, deutschen Seelengemüt eine neue Gestaltung.264 Clearly this was an area in which the women felt they could express positiveness and proactiveness, rather than characterising themselves as passive recipients or guardians of the status quo. Neu is most commonly employed to refer to the role of women in the Volksgemeinschaft, in terms of their active participation and the dissemination of ideas, values and beliefs. It is also occasionally used to refer to women's roles as mothers, although usage within this area is limited. In this context, neu collocates with Leben, Liebe, Geschöpf to refer to the child or the mother's new relationship with the child, and here neu seems to be descriptive and does not possess the highly-charged connotations that it does within the thematic category of women's involvement in the Volksgemeinschaft. Neu - alt contrasts As is evident from the examples of how women employ the term neu, it is a prestige term. Whilst it contrasts with the negatively-charged alt when referring to the Frauenbewegung, it acquires negative connotations when used within the context of women's participation within the party. The older members of 262

BA 62 Rei Reichsfrauenführung, 'Chronik der N.S. Frauenschaft Gau WürttembergHohenzollern', 26 May 1934. 263 Else Vorwerck, 'Grundlegende Betrachtung über Würde und Wert des Hausfrauenberufs', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 11. 264 BA NSD47/15, Anna-Luise Kühn, 'Der Nationalsozialismus als religiöse Weltanschauung', Hilfsdienst des braunen Mädels, 6 September 1931.

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

219

the NS women's organisations, particularly those women belonging to the DFO, referred to themselves as die alten Kämpferinnen, in contrast to die neuen Mitglieder. The women complained that these new members had experienced none of the struggles and suffering of the early years and yet in 1932 were commanding attention from the NSDAP and being rewarded with promotions and positions of authority. The leader of the DFO, Elsbeth Zander also makes use of the possible positive and negative connotations associated with neu and alt when she combines both in the compound neu-alt to describe the 'lies' perpetrated by the opponents of National Socialism concerning their policies on women: Willst du diesen neuen-alten Lügen weiter glauben und nicht dem Wort Adolf Hitlers, der noch nie mit Versprechungen gekommen ist die er nicht halten konnte oder mochte?265 (bold print and underlining in original)

The wide-ranging use of neu in the women's texts shows how the term underwent a semantic upgrading. It also shows how it was subject to ideological manipulation by the women. The traditional concept of women as creators, ie of new life in a biological sense, by having children, was something which the women could make use of to forge a link with women's creative capacities for the community as a whole. In doing so the women used what could be regarded as a kind of 'implicit' or 'unstated' metaphor or association: by transferring the concept of motherhood from the physical, biological sense into the theme of work and participation in the state. Erneuerung The idea of renewal in a moral and spiritual sense was considered to be of particular relevance and importance to women in two respects. Firstly, women themselves as a collective group had to undergo a kind of renewal which could be brought about by education and involvement in National Socialism. Secondly, this female renewal would spark a renewal in society as a whole. This concept of women's involvement in the renewal of the German people was not new or confined to female discourse, but had been established in the previous century, as the Gau-Frauenschaftsleiterin Wiirttemberg-Hohenzollern, Elisabeth Bosch, explains: Hierin gipfelt wohl der Ausspruch des großen Forschers der Vorzeit unserer Ahnen, Hermann Wirth: „Die deutsche Erneuerung geht Uber die deutsche Frau." (bold print in original)266

265 BA NSD47/12, Elsbeth Zander, 'Die deutsche Frau wählt nationalsozialistisch!', NSFW, 15 July 1932, p. 27. 266 BA NSD47/22, Elisabeth Bosch (1932), p. 5.

220

Lexico-semantic analysis

The women, however, establish a framework of different types of renewal, either through the use of adjective + Erneuerung combinations, through compounds with Erneuerung, or through genitive constructions: 1. renewal of Germany (deutsche Erneuerung, Erneuerung Deutschlands) 2. renewal of the people (Volkserneuerung, Erneuerung des Vaterlandes) 3. renewal of the family (Erneuerung des Familienlebens) 4. renewal of the individual (Erneuerung des Einzelnen = male/female) 5. renewal of women (Frauenerneuerung, Erneuerung der Frau, Erneuerung der Frauenwelt, Erneuerung der Frauenseele, Erneuerung des Frauenwesens). All of these types of Erneuerung could be regarded as co-hyponyms of the abstract religious and spiritual superordinate Erneuerung. There is some level of inclusion between all of the categories, particularly the last. As with many of the key terms in the thematic category of 'Women and the Volksgemeinschaft ', women are perceived as being responsible for the different levels of Erneuerung. Was die Frau schon rein gefühlsmäßig dem Nationalsozialismus nahe bringen muß, ist die Tatsache, daß es sich bei diesem keineswegs nur um rein politischwirtschaftliche Ziele handelt, sondern daß hier gleichzeitig gekämpft wird um eine geistige, seelische, sittliche Erneuerung unseres Volkes, daß der Nationalsozialismus eine kulturelle Bewegung darstellt, die sich bewußt ist, daß neben dem großen Erbe deutscher Vergangenheit, deutscher Kultur und deutsches Geistesleben nur erneut erblühen kann aus dem mit unserer deutschen Wesenheit arteigen verbundenen religiösen Empfinden und Erleben, (bold print in original)267

The women also make a distinction between the renewal of the individual and the renewal of women as an identifiable group. The female Erneuerung gains greater emphasis than the others, seen in the way in which compounds are formed particularly with Frau(en)-. The relationship between between renewal in the female sense and in the other senses is one of interdependency, with the female renewal taking initial priority. The term Erneuerung was used in particular by women from the Neulandbewegung. They created the compound Frauenerneuerungsbewegung, as a synonym of Frauenbewegung to emphasise the role they believed the organisation should play in National Socialism. 267

ibid., p. 11.

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

221

Nur im „Neuland" als einer jungen Frauen-Erneuerungs-Bewegung lebte dieser Wille und bildete sich ein junges Frauenheer hinter der Front.268 Although Erneuerung is a vague, abstract term, it co-occurs with verbs which have dynamic connotations such as erwecken and wachrufen, and even with nouns such as Kampf, die Kampf um Erneuerung. Erneuerung also occurs in pairs with other nouns ending in -ung. Erneuerung

und

Befreiung

Ich bin Neuländerin; wir arbeiten ja seit langem unter der Führung Guida Diehls (Eisenach) mit heissem Herzen für die innere Erneuerung und die Befreiung unseres Vaterlandes.269 Erneuerung

und

Gesundung

Der Aufbau des Reichsmütterdienstwerkes im Sinne der Schulung und Erziehung der Frauen und Mädchen auf breitester Basis ist eine der vordringlichsten Aufgaben des nationalsozialistischen Staates, zur Erneuerung und Gesundung des Familienlebens und damit als Voraussetzung für eine gesunde Bevölkerungspolitik.270 Erneuerung

und

Stärkung

Erst mußte die organisatorische und geistige Einheit aller deutschen Frauen geschaffen werden, die Erziehung zur Frauengemeinschaft im Sinne einer Zusammenfassung, völkischer Erneuerung und Stärkung der Familie, bevor die wahre Volksgemeinschaft Wirklichkeit werden kann.271 Erneuerung

und

Verinnerlichung

Gerade in der Frauenbewegung ist noch manches, was Erneuerung und Verinnerlichung bedarf.272 Erneuerung

und

Vertiefung

Wir Neuländerinnen hätten nun gem, daß unsere begabte, eminent gebildete Führerin, die imstande ist, eine große Menge Menschen durch ihren Vortrag zu erfassen, von Ihnen, verehrter Führer, als Rednerin für Frauen-Versammlungen beordert würde, damit auch in der Frauenbewegung auf Vertiefung und Erneuerung der Einzelnen hingewirkt würde.273

261

Guida Diehl(l 933), P· 58 BA NS22/430, letter from M Hantelmann to Strasser, 30 June 1931. 270 BA, R.15.01/26334/1/1721, report from Paula Siber to Frick, 29 January 1934. 271 Eleonore Bertling, 'Rückblick und Ausblick', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 2. 272 BA NS22/430, letter from L Fischer, G Liebíeltanz, M Pelz to Hitler, 27 March 1931. 273 ibid. 269

222

Lexico-semantic analysis

The different semantic denotations and connotations of the female Erneuerung and the Erneuerung of the people are highlighted in these combinations. The combinations referring to the Erneuerung of the country and its people are with nouns denoting activity, such as restoration or liberation, whereas the combinations referring to the female renewal denote reflection and introspection. This shows that for the women, the female renewal was linked much more with the ideas of personal spiritual and psychological development rather than ideas of external change and active creation as communicated by neu. The relationship between neu and Erneuerung reveals the often contradictory nature of the women's propaganda and thus their lexical and semantic choices. The term neu is favoured by members of the DFO, who emphasised the need for practical, charitable work to be carried out by women, whereas Erneuerung is used mainly by women belonging to the Neulandbewegung, who stressed the need for intellectual and spiritual education among women. The use of these two terms signifies the combination of dialectics, in expressing the desire on the one hand for a new beginning, with a call for renewal of the past on the other hand. The contrast between 'newness' and 'renewal' is also reflected in other areas of the women's language use, with the Neuland women using the expression geistiger Kampf, where as the DFO members referring to the aktiver Kampf. What united these supposed opposites was the desire to promote the role of women in National Socialism as moral and spiritual guardians. The strong Christian influence which was expressed by women of both groups also forged a link between the two women's organisations and their ideologies, and provided the women with a certain linguistic autonomy with regard to their male colleagues in National Socialism. Exploring the female self Bewußtsein and bewußt In the women's texts, particularly in the articles in publications intended for a general female readership, women wrote about the need for female selfdevelopment and self-realisation. The female writers communicate their belief that the relationship between the woman and the state can only be forged through the process of consciousness and realisation. This idea links Bewußtsein with the other key terms in the women's use of philosophical and psychological language such as Geist, Seele, inner-, and tief. It is interesting that for the women's movement in the USA in the 1960s and 1970s, 'consciousness' also became a keyword, seen for example in the establishment of 'consciousness-raising groups', where women could discuss and express their ideas and feelings without male interference. With women in National Socialism, much emphasis is placed on the early years on encouraging women to develop a

Women and the Volksgemeinschaft

223

sense of consciousness about a range of tasks and ideas concerning themselves and the Volksgemeinschaft. The noun Bewußtsein is sometimes used in a general sense, to refer to the consciousness of a woman: Hier ist es Aufgabe besonders von uns Frauen, nicht zu ermatten, sondern die freie Arbeit auszubauen aus dem Bewusstsein heraus, die Zukunft unserer Wohlfahrtsarbeit mit der Beteiligung der freien Kräfte steht und fällt.274 Wir wissen, daß dies neue Führerinnentum eine Erscheinungsform jener Revolution ist, die unser junges, mit immer neuen Wiedergeburten begnadetes Volk heute in tiefer äußerer Not erlebt. Und unsere Kraft und Freudigkeit fließt aus dem Bewußtsein, daß wir an unserem Teil jene Aufgabe erfüllen helfen, die Deutschland als geschichtliche Sendung auf seinen Weg durch die Jahrhunderte begleitet hat, die große Aufgabe, heiliges Herz der Völker zu sein.275 But it is also more closely defined through the use of compounds such as Deutschbewußtsein, Gemeinschaftsbewußtsein, Kulturbewußtsein, Mutterbewußtsein, Stammesbewußtsein, Verantwortungsbewußtsein, Wertbewußtsein. The effect of these compounds is to institutionalise and collectivise the idea of consciousness, by taking it out of the realm of personal psychology and making it an integral part of the state, for example: Ihre [die Frau] Hauptaufgabe jedoch liegt darin, deutsche Menschen zu erziehen, d.h., Deutschbewusstsein und deutsches Volksgut zu pflegen und zu festigen.276 (underlining in original) Nur bei vorliegendem Gemeinschaftsbewußtsein läßt sich die Hausfrauenschaft erfassen, wird sie Anregungen betr. Bevorzugung von Erzeugnissen etwa der deutschen Heimindustrie Folge leisten können.277 So wird es eine unserer vornehmsten Aufgaben sein müssen, deutsche Kultur in voller Reinheit zu zeigen und zu pflegen, den jungen Mädchen durch Festigung ihres Charakters durch Kulturbewußtsein die Ueberlegenheit des Auftretens zu geben.278 Wir Frauen haben ein eingeborenes Mutterbewußtsein, das uns zwingt, das ganze Liebesleben im Hinblick auf das kommende Geschlecht unbewußt oder bewußt zu bestimmen.279 274 275

BA NSD47/6, Lotte Briese, 'Frau und Wohlfahrt', NSFK. 29 August 1933. Lydia Gottschewski, 'Weibliches Führertum', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p.

4. 276

BA NS22/431, no author given (eine Nationalsozialistin), 'Der deutsche Frauenorden', no date. Else Vorwerck, 'Grundlegende Betrachtung über Würde und Wert des Hausfrauenberufs', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 12. 278 BA NSD47/15, Dietlinde-Hildegard, 'Deutsche Frauenarbeit', Opferdienst der deutschen Frau, 25 May 1930. 279 IfZ, MA739, Guida Diehl, Deutscher Frauen-Kampfbund, 'Wider die falsche Scham!', FrauenKampfblatt, 1928-1929. 277

224

Lexico-semantic analysis

I.)

a.) Das Stammesbewusstsein stärken. b.) Heimatliebe wecken und wachhalten. c.) Zu Pflichterfüllung (Schule, Beruf) aneifern.280

Das bedeutet jedoch in keiner Weise eine Verächtlichmachung der Unverheirateten, sondern eine Stärkung des Verantwortungsbewußtseins bei allen Frauen.281 Sie [nationalsozialistische deutsche Frauen] werden nicht mehr in armseliger Nachahmung nur die Wege nachgehen, die der Mann schon viel eher und besser vor ihnen ging; sondern sie werden in einem neuen eigengeprägten Wertbewußtsein den Mut haben, auch zu geistigen Zielen ihre ihnen wesensgemäßen Wege sich selbst zu suchen.282 bewußt Bewußt is used both as an adjective and adverb, and is powerful and dynamic. It collocates with both concrete and abstract nouns which have the features [+ HUMAN] and [- HUMAN] respectively. Bewußt also occurs in the form of compounds such as artbewußt, deutschbewußt, verantwortungsbewußt, zielbewußt and zweckbewußt. Both women and their actions can be bewußt: Es heißt also, die bisherige kämpferische, aufklärende, werbende Tätigkeit zu ergänzen durch bewußte Ordnung der Sachgebiete, die in Hof und Dorf Aufgabe der Landfrau sind und durch genossenschaftlich-nachbarliche Regelung gefördert werden können.283 Wir haben wirklich keine Zeit, auf internationale Konferenzen zu gehen, um uns um „Frauenrechte" herumzuschlagen, - sondern haben vielmehr die heilige Pflicht, unsere Jugend, die das Volk von morgen sein wird, zu Deutschen und artbewußten Menschen zu erziehen.284 Die deutsche Erneuerung beruht nur auf der Heranziehung eines neuen deutschbewußten Geschlechtes und das ist nur möglich durch eine deutschbewußte Frauenwelt.285 So will dieses Buch durch Wertung unseres Frauentums und Ausrichtung unserer Frauenarbeit - immer in Beziehung gesetzt zum Volksganzen - , Bekenntnis 280

BA NS22/83, Führerin, Deutscher Mädchen-Ring, 'Richtlinien des Deutschen-MädchenRinges', 21 Lenzing (March) 1924. 281 Lydia Gottschewski (1934), p. 71. 282 Gisela Brettschneider, 'Die deutsche Frau an der Hochschule', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 9. 283 Magdalene Keil, 'Die Landfrau im nationalsozialistischen Aufbau', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 15. 284 BA NS44/55, Elsbeth Zander ([1926]), p. 8. 285 BA NSD47/15, Dietlinde-Hildegard, 'Deutsche Frauenarbeit', Opferdienst der deutschen Frau, 25 May 1930.

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sein zur unbedingten, verantwortungsbewußten Tatbereitschaft für die Erreichung unserer nationalsozialistischen Ziele.286 Parteigenossin Auerhahn wies auf die Notwendigkeit hin, bereits die Erziehung der Jüngsten, sofern sie aus wirtschaftlichen und häuslichen Gründen in das Kinderheim verlegt werden müsse, ziel- und verantwortungsbewußt zu leiten, damit dieser deutsche Nachwuchs ohne verderbliche Einflüsse aufwachse und einmal die deutsche Zukunft kraftvoll und nationalbetont in die Hände näh„ „ 287 me. In zähem, zielbewusstem Ringen haben wir Führerinnen diese Tausende von Frauen und Mädchen geworben zum Dienst am Vaterland, haben sie gewonnen für Deutschland, haben ihnen den Glauben an Gott und an das Vaterland erhalten, haben sie vor Verzweiflung bewahrt.288 The semantic link between Verantwortung and Bewußtsein/bewußt exists in the women's discourse, and this is established either through compounds or by placing the two terms in the same sentence: Wir müssen heute eine andere Wegrichtung einschlagen. Dies tun wir bewusst und voller Verantwortung. Wir kennen den Weg, den wir gehen müssen, unser Führer hat ihn uns gezeigt und auch hier folgen wir ihm stark und gläubig.289 However, these comments are not necessarily aimed at exhorting women to discover their individual awareness and consciousness for the purposes of selffulfilment. If one looks more closely at the context in which the terms are used, it becomes clear that the women perceive consciousness as a trait which has to be utilised for the party and the state: Darüber hinaus muß durch enges Zusammenleben Kameradschaftlichkeit, Pflichtgefühl und Verantwortungsbewußtsein geweckt und gepflegt werden.290 In this example, Bewußtsein occurs with a verb denoting dynamic activity in the passive form with an unidentified agent. This implies that developing consciousness is not a passive, introspective individual activity, but a characteristic which is controlled by female leaders and which has to be imposed on other women through training and education.

286

Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda, 'Zum Geleit', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda (editors), (1934). 287 BA NSD47/12, 'Die Tagung der N.S.-Gau-Frauenschaftsleiterinnen in München', NSFW, 15 October 1932, p. 172. 288 BA R.15.01/26332/1721, letter from BKL to Reichspräsident/Generalfeldmarschall, 19 August 1933. 289 BA NSD47/6, M Unger, 'Die Frau im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland', NSFK, 1 April 1934. 290 BA NSD47/12, Irmgard Schoen, 'Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst im Dienste der Volksgemeinschaft', NSFW, 15 July 1933, p. 41.

226

Lexico-semantìc analysis

Erkenntnis and erkennen These are key ternis used by the women to outline the psychological process that women had to undergo in order to become 'true', happy and fulfilled members of society and loyal National Socialists. The idea of Erkenntnis is closely linked to that of Bewußtsein and bewußt, as the act of being conscious and aware can only happen as a result of realisation and recognition. By using Erkenntnis and erkennen as key terms, the women imply that women in the past were incapable of achieving this recognition, or were led astray or were fooled by the promises and events of the Weimar Republic. Und es überfällt sie [die Frau] die tiefe Erkenntnis: was heißt denn Volk? Volk bin ich! - und dann versteht sie unsere nationalsozialistische Forderung: daß das kleine eigene Ich sich diesem großen Du -Volk - unterordnen muß!291 The verb erkennen co-occurs with nouns possessing both positive and negative connotations. The women describe how it was necessary not only to recognise one's duties and instincts, for example, one also had to recognise the mistakes and failures of the past. These negative experiences are expressed either by using nouns with the prefix ent- or ver-, or by using the verb verkennen. + Pflicht erkennen Muttergeist erkennen Mutterinstinkt erkennen Verantwortung erkennen

-

Entehrung und Verderbung erkennen Ziel verkennen

The noun Erkenntnis also appears in the women's texts: Die unterbewußte Erkenntnis dieser Zusammenhänge beseelt das mütterliche Frauenschaffen, adelt die Arbeit der Hand, gliedert das Wirken der Hausfrau als lebendige Kraft der Volkswirtschaft ein.292 It is often combined with other abstract derivative nouns, for example, die Erkenntnis der Wahrheit.293 Linked to this is also the verb anerkennen and the nouns Anerkennen and Anerkennung. The prefix an- gives the term more specific positive and active connotations. It is used in two senses: • •

291

Frauen erkennen (z.B. ihre Pflicht) an. Die Gesellschaft erkennt Frauen (und ihre Leistungen) an.

Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, 'Weg und Aufgabe der nationalsozialistischen Frauenbewegung', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda, (editors), 1934, pp. 18-19. 2,2 Else Frobenius, 'Dienst am Leben', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 9. 293 BA NSD47/6, L Wendeborn-Sonnenberg, 'Frauengedanken zum Muttertag', NSFK, 13 May 1933.

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227

Wir erkennen den grossen Verwandlungsprozess des Frauenlebens der letzten 50 Jahre als eine Notwendigkeit an, die das Maschinenzeitalter mit sich brachte und bejahen die Ausbildung und Eingliederung aller Frauenkräfte zum Besten der Nation, soweit sie nicht in Ehe, Familie und Mutterschaft ihrem nächstliegenden Dienst am Volksganzen leisten können.294 Von den Männern aber haben wir zu erwarten, daß sie sich nicht als Konkurrenten der Frau gegenüber betrachten, sondern die Mitarbeit der Frau da anerkennen, wo sie am Platze ist und das Gesamtwohl sie verlangt.295 So ist der erste Schritt des erwachenden Lebens das Erkennen und Anerkennen der Mütter ihrer heiligen nie erloschenen Rechte und ihrer unbedingten, unanzweifelbaren Autorität.296 Wenn aber unser Führer den Lebensstrom, der von Blut und Boden aus die Stadtkultur, ja unser gesamtes Volksleben durchströmt, wieder in vollem Masse wirksam werden lässt, so hat damit die Landfrau eine neue Wertung und Anerkennung erhalten.297 (underlining in original) The question arises how this use of philosophical and psychological language, with its key terms Bewußtsein and Erkenntnis compares with the women's use of biological language, with terms such as Instinkt. These terms seem to form opposites, as Bewußtsein and Erkenntnis imply thought processes, whereas Instinkt implies spontaneous feeling and reaction. These terms are part of a wider philosophical debate and discourse, even in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.298 Wert and wertvoll The women's use of Wert and wertvoll could be interpreted as a characteristic expression of the utilitarian nature of National Socialism, which emphasised, 294

BA NS44/55, no author given, 'Grundsätze der N.S. Frauenschaft', 1 October 1932. BA NSD47/12, Sofia Rabe, 'Die Aussichten der berufstätigen Frau im Nationalsozialistischen Staat', NSFW, 1 August 1932, p. 70. 2.6 BA NSD47/6, L Wendebom-Sonnenberg, 'Frauengedanken zum Muttertag', NSFK, 13 May 1933. 2.7 BA NS44/54, Hildegard Passow, 'Die Landfrau als Kulturträgerin', Infodienst der NSFrauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 298 See, for example, the section on the philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche in Hans Joachim Störig, Kleine Weltgeschichte der Philosophie, rev. edn (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer, 1992): 'Nietzsche ist antiintellektualistisch. Für Nietzsche wie für Schopenhauer sind Bewußtsein, Vernunft, Intellekt nur eine Oberfläche, nur Diener des Willens. Unser Erkenntnisapparat ist überhaupt nicht auf »Erkenntnis« eingerichtet. Er ist ein Apparat der Abstraktion und Vereinfachung, gerichtet auf Bemächtigung der Dinge im Dienste des Lebens. Die Rolle des Bewußtseins darf man nicht überschätzen. Das meiste geht ohne Bewußtsein vor sich. Der Instinkt ist »unter allen Arten der Intelligenz, die bisher entdeckt wurden, die intelligenteste«. Noch der größte Teil des bewußten Denkens ist mit unter die Instinkttätigkeit zu rechnen, sogar des philosophischen Denkens' (p. 537). 255

228

Lexico-semantic analysis

and indeed demanded, that every individual had to be defined as having some kind of value, to be of use to the Volksgemeinschaft. This is most apparent in the expression 'lebensunwertes Leben' which was created by National Socialists to refer to those who were considered physically or mentally impaired or deemed in any other way 'racially unsuitable', in conjunction with their policy of 'Euthanasie' or 'Gnadentod'. Yet this alone does not explain why Wert and wertvoll play an important role in the women's discourse. Rather than interpreting the use of these terms as an indication of the dehumanisation and mechanisation of the individual, one could interpret the use as the women's attempt to emphasise and promote their own worth and value as women. These terms are not usually considered as belonging to philosophical discourse, but within the women's discourse they form a vital part of the women's desire for a definition of themselves and their contribution to their community of practice. The use of these terms is also further evidence of the at times defensive, selfconscious nature of female discourse. Throughout the texts they communicate the sense that they need to justify their position, their views and their particular talents and strengths. They achieve this mainly by creating their own linguistic Frauenwelt by feminising and redefining terms in their own way. Wert is used by the women not to explicitly describe the value of worth of women themselves, but rather to illustrate it implicitly by showing how women can affect and influence values within the community. As with many other key terms and concepts identified in the women's discourse, women are defined as 'the agents responsible for' values, in the sense of moral and spiritual values. The role women assign to women in general is communicated in the combination of Wert with a range of verbs or deverbative nouns: AGENT Frauen

OBJECT OF RESPONSIBILITY Werte

ACTION auslösen, bestimmen, erhalten, schaffen, vergeben. Wahrung, Weiterverbreitung (von).

pflegen,

The types of Werte the women are responsible for are defined by premodifying adjectives. These are often key terms found elsewhere in discourse such as geistig, inner, kulturell, seelisch. The women also make use of the compounds Blutwert, Kulturwert. wertvoll The term wertvoll plays an important part in emphasising the status and positive nature of women's participation in the state. It is used to promote themselves and their activities. As an adjective it is used to premodify nouns denot-

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229

ing practical activity, such as Arbeit, Aufgabe, Hilfe, Kräfte, as well nouns with human reference, denoting positions of authority. Meines Erachtens gibt es fur solche Frauen Gebiete genug, wo sie wertvolle Arbeit leisten können.299 Am klarsten erkennbar tritt das bei den landwirtschaftlichen Siedlungslagern in Erscheinung, die mit ihrer ganzen Belegschaft beim Aufbau und weiterhin in den ersten schweren Jahren in den Siedlungen die notwendigste und wertvollste Hilfe leisten und ebenfalls bei den landwirtschaftlichen Umschulungslagern.300 Unsere unglücklichen Verhältnisse der Volksnot verlangen z.Zt. besondere Maßnahmen, aber es wäre eine Versündigung am Volksganzen, wenn die Weiterentwickung der Volksgemeinschaft die wertvollen, ureigenen gar nicht zu ersetzenden Kräfte der Frau einfach gewaltsam unterbunden würden, sehr oft aus Gründen, die nicht immer sachlich genannt werden können.301 Ich kann Ihnen versichern, sehr geehrter Herr Strasser, langjährige, wertvolle Parteigenossinnen lassen ihre Hände von der gesamten Frauenarbeit, leiden geradezu Qualen unter diesen Zuständen, unsere Gegner und Gegnerinnen aber reiben sich die Hände und wissen, wo sie einzusetzen haben, um uns von innen heraus zu zernagen.302 It would seem from the importance attached to the terms Wert and wertvoll that the women saw themselves as having to justify their 'usefulness' in the Volksgemeinschaft in order not to be excluded from it. This is emphasised by the women's use of the compound vollwertig to describe their position in society: Wieviel ungezählte Beispiele zeugen täglich davon, dass die Frau im recht gewählten Beruf voll und ganz als vollwertiger Mensch aber auch als vollwertige "Frau" gelten darf.303 Eine Frau, die nicht ihren Stolz darinnen erblickt, ein vollwertiges und dienendes Glied ihrer Familiengemeinschaft zu sein, ist keine deutsche Frau.304 Summary The philosophical and psychological language employed by the women forms a complement to the powerful Kampfessprache employed within the thematic domain of women's involvement in National Socialism and society. Any

299

BA NS22/452, letter from Reichsinpekteurin to Strasser, 1 June 1932. Annemarie Hanne, 'Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 18. BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, Paula Siber, 'Die Frau und der Staat', 10 December 1933. 302 BA NS22/439, letter from Gauleiterin, DFO Mecklenburg/Lübeck, to Strasser, 3 July 1931. 303 BA NSD47/6, Grete Pundt, 'Die Stellung der Frau in der Gegenwart', NSFK, 11 February 1933. 304 BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, letter from Leiterin, NSF "Probstheida" Leipzig-Osten, to Krummacher, 22 January 1934. 300 301

230

Lexico-semantic analysis

differences in the choice of language used by women, such as the use of military versus philosophical language, are determined by a number of factors including text-type, individual writers, and also author intention. In party correspondence, the function of which is to communicate information, abstract philosophical, psychological language is perhaps inappropriate. The same is true of political material designed to attract women to participate actively in practical tasks; and in letters written to male party officials, the women are also trying to promote their own image and capabilities by employing language which is powerful and energetic. By contrast, in articles aimed at creating a self-image and a harmonious, creative climate within the Volksgemeinschaft for women, the language becomes more philosophical, introspective and reflective, lending depth to the ideas expressed about the 'nature' and 'essence' of womanhood. In this way, the lexemes analysed in this chapter contribute to establishing a female philosophy within the strict ideological and practical boundaries of the National Socialist movement. Ultimately these terms and expressions have both a descriptive and programmatic function, in promoting a positive image of female self-awareness, whilst also attempting to involve fellow women in the service of the whole.

3.4

Women and Motherhood, Women and Work

It may appear at first sight strange and contradictory to place these two thematic categories together, as one would expect them to be polarised opposites within the framework of NS ideology of women. Yet to the women involved in National Socialism, the two themes were inextricably linked, and this is reflected in their use of language, in particular their lexical choices, their combination of terms and the denotative and connotative meanings they attach to them In the early years the women set about establishing a theoretical framework for the precise role of women in the Volksgemeinschaft, which included aspects of both motherhood and employment. Particularly the latter category was one which was subject to continual change and revision in keeping with political changes which occurred during the twelve years of the NS regime. One cannot claim that women involved in National Socialism invented their own exclusive discourse to describe and discuss these two themes. Their language choices reflected and maintained the dominant ideologies in society and within National Socialism, which advocated the central status of motherhood and family for women. But at the same time, in promoting women's roles in society, NS women tried to avoid alienating women who did not fit into these prescribed lifestyles. The themes of motherhood and employment more than any others crystallised the often conflicting loyalties for women supporters

Women and Motherhood, Women and Work

231

and activists of the NSDAP. Whilst male leaders of the NSDAP such as Hitler, Rosenberg, or Goebbels could make pronouncements on what they perceived to be the 'true' nature and role of women in society, female leaders could not allow themselves such freedoms and risk losing the support of women, particularly in the early years. This chapter will examine the influences on the women's often diverse opinions and attitudes, and to highlight possible sources on a linguistic level for the semantic inheritance determining the women's lexical choices. Historians have assumed that, as mouthpieces for the NS regime, the women merely adopted NS rhetoric. I aim to show that the influences on the women's use of language were far more diverse and wide-ranging, and that even though female and male National Socialists may have employed at times the same language to denote motherhood and female employment, this does not necessarily entail that the language emanated from male National Socialists.305 Concentrating on aspects of shared vocabulary from the lexical fields of women and motherhood and women and employment leaves open a number of issues worthy of further consideration. For example the lexical field of women and motherhood is only a part of the field denoting women's activities in the home, which could merit a study in its own right. 3.4.1

Socio-cultural influences on language and motherhood

Ideas and opinions on women and motherhood, and women and employment did not change substantially from the mid-nineteenth century to the 1930s. From the 1870s onwards, the women's movement put forward a more conservative view of womanhood as inextricably linked with motherhood and its related qualities. Mütterliche Selbstlosigkeit wurde zum Inbegriff weiblicher Selbstverwirklichung und Selbständigkeit. Männer und Frauen seien zwar gleichwertig, aber nicht gleichartig. Es sei daher die "kulturhistorische" Aufgabe der Frau, das spezifisch Weibliche in die Allgemeinheit zu tragen, die Erfahrungen der Hauswirtschaft in den Dienst der Öffentlichkeit, der Volkswirtschaft zu stellen. Die Frauenbewegung wandte sich damit zwar gegen die nur private Hausarbeit und Kindererziehung als einzigen Wirkungskreis der Frau, bestand aber auf dem Primat der Mutterschaft.306

105

Hans-Jürgen Arendt, 'Grundzüge der Frauenpolitik des faschistischen deutschen Imperialismus 1933-39', Jahrbuch für Geschichte. 30 (1981), claims that some of Hitler's ideas on Frauenberufe were taken from the bürgerliche Frauenrechtsbewegung (318). 306 Anette Herlitzius, Frauenbefreiung und Rassenideologie. Rassenhygiene und Eugenik im politischen Programm der "Radikalen Frauenbewegung" (1900-1933) (Wiesbaden: Deutscher Universitäts-Verlag, 1995), p. 115.

232

Lexico-semantic analysis

As previously stated, historians have claimed that the bourgeois and the proletarian wings of the women's movement did not differ in their acceptance of the primary importance of motherhood for women, and their role within the family unit. The Weimar Republic even saw the promotion of an 'ideology of motherhood', which was not quite as aggressive as the 'pronatalist and coercive' policies of Wilhelmine Germany.307 By the outbreak of the First World War, the women's movement had become heavily influenced by concepts of Social Darwinism, which, R J Evans argues, 'led to a growing emphasis within the women's movement on the importance of women's role as mothers'. 308 Christian women's organisations, during the 1930s for example also played a major part in praising and glorifying motherhood above all other areas of female experience. In der Familie ist die Frau die Seele. Der Mann baut die Familie, die Frau bewahrt die Kraft des Prinzips der Mütterlichkeit. Die Frau ist soviel wert, als sie Mütterlichkeit geben kann. Sie kann ungeheuer viel Mütterlichkeit opfern. 309

The National Socialist regime has become infamous not only through its extermination policies, but also through its strongly deterministic policies on motherhood, with the co-existence of its pro- and anti-natalist policies. 310 The regime awarded the Ehrenkreuz der deutschen Mutter to 'racially suitable' mothers with three children or more, whilst at the same time encouraging and often enforcing sterilisation of 'non-aryan' women. 311 Official NS policy on women's employment was based upon the toleration of women in the workforces, as long as economic conditions dictated it, and an attempt to steer women into 'appropriate' professions. 312 307

Cornelie Usborne (1992), p. 53. Richard J Evans (1976), p. 168. 309 BA R.l 5.01/26332/1721, Pamphlet from the Evangelische Reichsfrauenhilfe, Potsdam, 11 September 1933. 310 See Gisela Bock (1986), Irmgard Weyrather (1993). 311 Hannelore Kessler (1981) points out the perversity of NS attitudes to and treatment of women: 'Als Kehrseite der Verherrlichung und Glorifizierung der Mutterschaft der Faschisten in ihrer Frauenpropaganda existierten in den Frauen-KZs höllische Grausamkeiten für Mutter und Kind' (p. 28). 312 This viewpoint is expressed in a document in BA NS22/452, no author, no date, entitled 'Betreff der berufstätigen Frau'. 'Der parteiamtliche Standpunkt ist folgender: 1.) Grundsätzlich wünschen wir die Frau der Ehe und dem Familienleben wiederzugeben und im Berufsleben nur Männer beschäftigt zu sehen. Die vorliegenden und nicht von heute auf morgen zu ändernden wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse dulden jedoch nicht, dass die Mädchen untätig darauf warten, geheiratet zu werden. - eine Aussicht, die zudem der Verhältnisse wegen und da die Zahl der heiratsfähigen Mädchen die der heiratsfähigen Männer überwiegt, z. Zt. recht unsicher ist und mit Gewalt nicht verbessert werden kann. Aus diesen Gründen werden wir, wenigstens für absehbare Zeit, dei Frau das Berufsleben nicht verschliessen können. Es wird darauf hinzuwirken sein, die Frau in Berufe zu leiten, die ihrer 308

Women and Motherhood, Women and Work

233

Women involved in National Socialism did not deviate from the tradition of valuing motherhood above all female activities and professions, although the extent to which they were involved in the manipulation and even 'perversion' of Christian ideas on motherhood is a matter for debate amongst historians. NS women saw motherhood as the chief way for women to gain status in society, whether through physical, biological motherhood, through participation in organisations devoted to helping mothers, such as the Mütterdienst, or by equating all activities of women with motherhood, including employment. As the issues of motherhood and paid employment did not exist independently of each other, promoting one often involved criticising the other. Motherhood was praised, not only for its desirability for the Volksgemeinschaft, but also for its beneficial effect on the physical and psychological well-being of individual women. Many articles in NS women's publications warned of the detrimental effect of being childless: An der Kinderlosigkeit gehen Tausende von Frauen buchstäblich seelisch und körperlich zu Grunde.313 Da sah ich kürzlich ein älteres Fräulein. Einsamkeit und Entsagung hatten sich herb in ihre Gesichtszüge eingetragen. Sie war nicht glücklich, das sah man, und die Menschen hatten wenig Zutrauen zu ihr. Still und etwas bedrückt sass sie in einer Ecke des Zimmers, während wir andern uns heiter unterhielten und dem Spiel einiger kleiner Kinder zusahen. Da kroch ein kleines dreijähriges Mädelchen der Unglücklichen auf den Schoss, schmiegte das blonde Lockenköpfchen an ihre Brust und umschlang sie mit ihren kleinen Armchen. Über das verbitterte Gesicht des älteren Fräuleins ging ein inniges Leuchten, das ich nie mehr vergessen werde [...] Und damit brach das Glück der Mütterlichkeit in dieser vereinsamten Frau auf und sie wusste auf einmal die schönsten Märchen und Geschichte [sie] zu erzählen, sie traf den Ton des Kindes und ihre Stimme wurde weich und zärtlich.314 Die Ansicht, dass eine Frau Mutterschaft und Mütterglück, die höchste Erfüllung des Weibes, mit dem Verlust körperlicher Reize bezahlen müsse, ist leider ein weit verbreiteter und besonders in ärmeren Volksschichten tief verwurzelter Irrtum [...] Unverändert ist das Gesicht geblieben bis auf eine gewisse Beseelung der Züge, die auch ein sonst unschönes Gesicht mit etwas neuem überstrahlt: mit dem Adel erfüllten Frauentums [...] Mutterschaft bedeutet demnach Natur angemessen sind (Krankenschwester, Frauen- und Kinderärztin, Fürsorgerin, Erzieherin, Lehrerin, Hausangestellte usw.). Von der Ausübung von Hoheitsrechten als Beamtin, Richterin usw, wird sie dagegen künftig auszuschliessen sein [...] 2.) Soweit Frauen dem Wirtschaftsleben demnach noch angehören, werden sie dem männlichen Geschlecht gegenüber nur insoferne schlechter gestellt werden, als die Besetzung von Aemtern auch im Ständewesen im allgemeinen dem Mann wird vorbehalten bleiben müssen'. 313 BA NS44/54, no author given (KH), 'Mütterlichkeit. Frau und Kind', Infodienst der NSFrauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 314 ibid.

234

Lexico-semantic analysis nie und nimmer Verminderung an Frauenschönheit, im Gegenteil: Die Vollendung der Frauenschönheit fuhrt über Mutterschaft und Mütterglück! 315

In the second example, we note the use of negatively charged lexemes to characterise the childless woman: Einsamkeit, Entsagung, bedrückt, verbittert, vereinsamt. This contrasts with the positively charged lexemes denoting motherhood and the effect of contact with children: innig, Leuchten, Glück, weich, zärtlich. In the third example, the lexemes Mütterglück, höchst, Erfüllung, Beseelung, Adel, erföllt, Vollendung promote motherhood as a worthwhile and enriching activity. An important area of influence for NS women as regards attitudes to the role of women in society and their employment rights came from women's organisations outside of Germany and the reflection and representation of this in their discourse. In the years leading up to the Machtergreifung, German women's organisations had taken part in international conferences and many German women were involved in international organisations such as the International Council of Women (Frauenweltbund) and the International Alliance of Women for Suffrage and Equal Citizenship (Weltbund fur Frauenstimmrecht und staatsbürgerliche Gleichheit).316 Many other countries were critical of the NS policies concerning women and expressed them strongly throughout the NS regime.317 The fact that NS women were aware of these views is shown by publications which appeared throughout the years of the NS regime, for example, Tagewerk und Feierabend der schaffenden deutschen Frau318 published in 1936, written in both German and English, which was clearly intended to prove to the world that women were in control of their own lives and activities, and that women were positively encouraged to participate in all areas of working life. In fact, women at this stage of the regime were actually being encouraged to enter paid employment as the regime prepared for war. During the war the NSF promoted a wide range of professions previously considered unsuitable for women: In der zweiten Hälfte des vorigen Jahrhunderts begann in fast allen Ländern die Frau um ihr Recht auf Berufstätigkeit zu kämpfen. [...] Zunächst hatte sich außerdem die Arbeitswelt nach männlichen Gesichtspunkten entwickelt und gab 315

BA NSD47/6, Charlotte Meentzen, 'Schadet die Mutterschaft der Schönheit?', NSFK, 15 January 1934. 316 These organisations were mentioned in an article by Camilla Jellinek, 'Eine internationale Frauendemonstration', which appeared in the women's section 'Die Frau in Haus, Beruf und Staat', in the Kölnische Zeitung, 31 March 1930. 317 See, for example, Monica Whately, Women Behind Nazi Bars (London: British Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi Council, 1935), and Katherine Thomas, Women in Nazi Germany (London: Gollancz, 1943). 318 IfZ, Db 69.03, Tagewerk und Feierabend der schaffenden deutschen Frau, herausgegeben im Auftrage der Reichsfrauenftihrerin (Leipzig, 1936).

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der Eigenart der Frau wenig Spielraum. Diesen Spielraum hat die deutsche Frau inzwischen Schritt für Schritt gewonnen. Sie kann nicht nur überall Arbeitsplatz und Arbeitsart ihrem Wesen entsprechend zugeschnitten finden, sodaß sie ihre eigensten und besten Kräfte ohne Verschwendung betätigen kann, sie hat auch innerhalb der Berufe völlige Weite der Wahl. Heute gibt es in Deutschland, wenn wir vom Richteramt und Wehrberuf absehen, kaum einen Berufsweg, welcher der Frau nicht prinzipiell erschlossen wäre, ja in der Gegenwart sind neue Berufe im Werden, die erst durch die Wichtigkeit weiblicher Mitarbeit und speziell für die Frau entstehen.319 However, from this quotation it is clear that even during the war, a career in the legal profession or in the armed forces was still considered unsuitable for a woman. 3.4.2

Characteristics of language used to portray women and motherhood, women and work

The women in the early years employed a core of key terms and expressions which were central to both thematic categories. Many of the texts dealing with these themes were intended for publication in NS women's magazines such as Nationalsozialistische Frauenkorrespondenz and NS-Frauenwarte, and were aimed at the (general or NS-sympathetic) female readership. The fact that such texts were used for propaganda purposes entailed that the language was affectively charged. The texts were largely intended to be prescriptive rather than descriptive, and the aim was to persuade and convince women to follow a certain course of behaviour. Women in National Socialism often employed the same lexemes and expressions to refer to both motherhood and employment, and this highlights their perception of the two issues as being very closely linked. It is important, however, to remember that the primary material shows women involved in and supporting National Socialism did not form a homogeneous, unified group and certainly expressed a variety of often conflicting viewpoints on the role of women, particularly regarding women's access to and choice of employment. Yet despite this, the supreme status of motherhood was not questioned by most women. At the centre of the women's ideas on motherhood and so-called women's professions was a desire to form an all-embracing concept of womanhood which was inseparable from motherhood, irrespective of the specific activities women were engaged in. Nevertheless, an evaluative hierarchy was established to show that certain activities, such as bearing children and staying at home were valued more highly than others. In order to achieve this they employed a mixture of philosophical, religious and pseudobiological terms, resulting in what could be termed a Mütterlichkeitsdiskurs. 319

BA NSD 47/24, 'Die berufstätige Frau im Dritten Reich', herausgegeben von der Reichsfrauenführung, Hauptabteilung Presse-Propaganda, no date.

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Hence motherhood was described as a 'career', and 'motherhood' could be extended to include behaviour and attitudes in paid employment. Some of the most important terms in the women's discourse concerning these issues would not usually be regarded as unusual or particularly specialist terms, such as Mutter, Beruf, Natur, Wesen and Instinkt. Yet the denotative and connotative meanings attached to them provide a vital insight into NS women's attitudes to motherhood and employment. Mutter, Frau, Ehefrau, Hausfrau, Berufsfrau: a female typology of women Definitions and redefinitions of Mutter The term Mutter plays a major role in communicating the women's ideas on both motherhood and employment and forms part of a wider debate conducted by the women on the nature of womanhood conducted at the time. The lexeme Mutter and indeed the related lexemes mütterlich and Mütterlichkeit undergo an extension in meaning and are used to refer to all women, whether married or unmarried, in employment or in the home, with or without children.320 This process would seem to be a 'democratic leveling, whereby a word once reserved for persons in high places is generalized to refer to people in all levels

320 Many historians have drawn attention to the extended meaning of Mutter, mütterlich and Mütterlichkeit, but there has not been a thorough linguistic analysis of the semantic processes involved. Adolf Sauerwald (1968) claims that in NS ideology, as portrayed in the NSFrauenwarte, all women were classified as a type of mother: 'Die deutschen Frauen waren nicht nur Mütter ihrer Kinder, sondern Volksmütter, Mütter Deutschlands, Mütter der Nation; die Kämpferinnen der NS-Frauenschaft waren "Mütter der Bewegung", die Mütter gefallener Soldaten "Heldenmütter". Völlig entmenschlicht wurde der Mutterbegriff dort, wo er zu einem abstrakten kosmischen Prinzip erhoben wurde, zur Mutter Erde, Mutter Sonne und allen sonstigen Ahn- und Urmüttem. Auch Deutschland, ja selbst die NSDAP war Mutter und trat das Erbe der katholischen Kirche an, die sich schon immer als große Mutter bezeichnet hatte' (pp. 43-44). Hannelore Kessler (1981), pp. 58-59. Dorothee Klinksiek (1982), p. 85. See also Dagmar Reese and Carola Sachse, 'Frauenforschung zum Nationalsozialismus. Eine Bilanz', in Lerke Gravenhorst and Carmen Tatschmurat (editors), (1990), pp. 73-106. They claim that although the concept of geistige Mütterlichkeit was not new to National Socialism, there were fundamental differences between past and NS concepts: 'Im Konzept der "geistigen Mütterlichkeit" hatte die Frauenbewegung um die Jahrhundertwende die Verwiesenheit der Frauen auf die Privatheit zu einer Waffe im Kampf für eine humanere Gesellschaft zu machen versucht und damit zugleich die Schwelle zur Öffentlichkeit endgültig überschritten. Der Nationalsozialismus verweigerte Frauen jegliche Teilhabe und Mitsprache in der Sphäre der Politik. Er verwies sie stattdessen auf "ihre" private Sphäre, unterwarf diese aber im gleichen Atemzug dem unbeschränkten politischen Zugriff von Partei und Staatsapparat' (p. 102). Christine Wittrock (1983), also analyses the concept of Mütterlichkeit, describing how: 'In den Propagandaschriften der Faschistin Guida Diehl gerät der Begriff der "Mütterlichkeit" zu einem Angebot an alle Frauen, die nicht leiblich Mutter geworden sind: Unverheiratete Frauen sollen "mütterlichen Berufen" zugeführt werden, sie sollen "Mutter im Volksganzen" werden, sie werden auf "geistige Mutterschaft" verwiesen' (pp. 12-13).

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of society', 321 as by broadening the reference of a particular lexeme, its exclusivity of reference and prestige associative meaning is lost. Yet, in this case, the semantic extension of Mutter is not debasement but rather enhancement, as the prestige connotations attached to the lexeme remain, whilst their range of reference is broadened. However, within the semantic broadening of the term, the women established the following sub-categorisations: • •

•

leibliche Mutter (physical: woman who bears children) geistige Mutter (abstract: woman who does not have children of her own, but uses her motherly qualities in an appropriate way, in her job, by educating and caring for others) seelische Mutter (abstract, less common: similar to geistige Mutter, a woman who provides spiritual support and care).

These various taxonomies of Mutter are explicitly defined through the use of the premodifying adjectives leiblich, geistig or seelisch, which can also collocate with derivational forms such as Mütterlichkeit and Mutterschaft, or a compound with Mutter. Denn Frauen sind Mütter, leiblich und geistig.322 Wenn wir nun als ersten Grundsatz fiir die Stellung der Frau im gesamten Volksleben die unerhörte Wichtigkeit und Hoheit der leiblichen Mutteraufgabe aufstellen, so schließt sich eng daran an die Aufgabe der geistigen Mutter.323 Die Mütterlichkeit, die in jeder Frau liegt, verpflichtet die verheiratete Frau wie die unverheiratete gleichermaßen. Die seelische Mütterlichkeit ist nicht weniger unbedingt in ihrer Aufgabe dem Volke gegenüber als die körperliche Mutterschaft.324 Die Pflege und Betreuung des Kleinkindes, die Erziehung der Knaben und Mädchen fordert nicht nur den Einsatz der leiblichen Mutter. Tausende von unverheirateten Frauen unseres Volkes haben sich ihm aus tiefinnerstem seelischem Muttertum gewidmet.325 Die Frauenschaft muss sich bewusst sein, dass wir Frauen als leibliche oder geistige Mütter der Nation dem werdenden Leben überall verpflichtet sind, dass

321

Muriel R Schulz, 'The Semantic Derogation of Woman', in Barrie Thorne and Nancy Henley (editors), (1975), p. 65. 322 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 61. 323 ibid., p. 113. 324 BA NSD47/12, 'Aus dem Schaffen nationalsozialistischer Frauen: Buchbesprechung, Lydia Gottschewksi, Männerbund und Frauenfrage', NSFW, 2. Maiheft, 1934, p. 700. 325 Else Frobenius, 'Dienst am Leben', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 8.

238

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also die Ortsgruppe an uns den wahren Muttergeist erkennen muss.326 (underlining in original) Some lexemes denoting women gain semantic prestige precisely through their association with motherhood, for example Siedlerfrau. Wenn wir hier zuerst die volkswirtschaftlichen Aufgaben der Siedlerfrau hervorheben, so tritt dabei doch jene andere große Frauenaufgabe keineswegs in den Hintergrund: die Siedlerfrau in ihrer Eigenschaft als deutsche Mutter.327 Although these definitions of Mutter may appear to have equal semantic status, the question arises of whether they are taxonomies or whether the women establish a hierarchically evaluative structure with the leibliche Mutter having greater prestige value over the others. In some respects the abstract cohyponyms of Mutter (geistige Mutter, seelische Mutter) could be seen as less prestigious titles, acting as a kind of 'linguistic compensation' to those women unmarried and not involved in family life. Es handelt sich ja im Zeitalter der Mutter nicht nur um die leibliche Mutterschaft. Volksmuttertum schliesst den ganzen Reichtum aller deutschen Frauenund Mädchenwesenheit in sich. Die geistige und praktische Mütterlichkeit in der Arbeit der Studienrätin, des Kindermädchens, der Ministerialrätin, der Vikarin, der Hausangestellten, der Fürsorgerin und der Waschfrau, ja auch in der Atmosphäre des Büros, des Ladens, der Gaststätten, der Telephonzentralen, der Schalter ist genau so wichtig für das blutmässige und seelische Gedeihen, fur die Züchtung der Erbmasse, für die Volkserbauung, wie die leibliche Mutterschaft.328 Die Mütterlichkeit, die ruht in jeder Frau, ob sie nun verheiratet ist oder nicht, ob sie eigene Kinderchen hat oder ob sie die geliebte „Tante" vieler fremder Kinder ist.329 Was wir unter Mütterlichkeit verstehen, geht noch weit über die Beziehungen zum Kind hinaus. Zunächst ist's der Mann, dem sich die Mütterlichkeit der Frau zuwendet. Er bedarf ihrer mehr noch als die Liebe.330 Wieviele Frauen, die zur leiblichen Mutterschaft kommen, sind durchaus unmütterlich! Wieviel schöne, unverfälschte Mütterlichkeit geben unsere unver-

526

C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Anleitung zur Leitung der Frauenschaft', 1932. Else Cantrup, 'Die Aufbauarbeit deutscher Frauen in den landwirtschaftlichen Siedlungen', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, December 1933, p. 14. 328 BA NSD47/6, Klara Schlossman-Lönnies, 'Volk und wir Mütter', NSFK, 6 May 1933. 329 BA NS44/54, no author given (KH), 'Mütterlichkeit. Frau und Kind', Infodienst der NSFrauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 330 BA NS44/54, no author given (KH), 'Frau und Mann', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 327

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heirateten Frauen in ihr Volk, auf allen Lebensgebieten, wie in ihrer persönlichen Umwelt!331 The purpose of extending the meaning of Mutter was to involve all women, whilst still signalling that physical, biological motherhood remained the ideal option. This was also communicated through the use of the compound Volksmutter or the genitive syntagmas Mutter des Volkes and Mutter der Nation as general, all-encompassing designations for women. Irrespective of status and profession, the label 'mother' was inescapable for women. Deutsche Frauen brauchen wir, deutsche Mütter! - Volksmütter, die das Odal in starken Händen tragen! [...] Nein - wir deutschen Frauen haben nicht versagt! Tausende von Frauen sind zu wahren Volksmüttern geworden, gehen einsame dornenvolle Wege, bringen sich selbst zum Opfer.332 However amongst the women there is no absolute consensus on the reference and meaning of the terms, and there are differences in interpretation and use of them. Some women use them in a similar sense to geistige Mutter, as a complementary expression to leibliche Mutter, ie those women who do not have children of their own can still be Mütter des Volkes. Tausende berufstätiger Frauen stehen außerhalb des wohlausgewogenen gegenseitigen Nehmens und Gebens der wahren Familiengemeinschaft. Sie sind berufen, Mütter des Volkes zu sein!333 Den Müttern der Familie müssen die Mütter des Volkes zur Seite stehen.334 In the above example, however, the promotion of employed women as Mütter des Volkes is countered by the negatively-charged term außerhalb associated with berufstätige Frauen, and the positive language used to describe the family, such as gegenseitig, wahr, wohlausgewogen. Other women employ the expression Mutter des Volkes as a near-synonym of leibliche Mutter. Die deutsche Frau des Dritten Reiches wird Kameradin des Mannes sein, Mutter ihrer Kinder und Mutter des deutschen Volkes.335 Wir fordern, dass das junge Mädchen, als künftige Mutter ihres Volkes, erzogen werde zu Mütterlichkeit, zu Zucht und Sittenstren[ge], zu nationalem Stolz

331

Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Mütterlichkeit', Die deutsche Kämpferin, August 1933, p. 83. Hoover Collection, NSDAP Hauptarchiv, 13/254, Kreisfrauenschaftsleiterin, Kreis Pirna, 'Aus den Niederschriften einer Kreisfrauenschaftsleiterin aus dem Jahr 1932'. 333 BA NSD47/12, Hildegard Passow, 'Frauenbewegung von gestern!', NSFW, 1 July 1932, p. 4. 334 BA NSD47/12, Lydia Gottschewski, 'Eine neue Frauengeneration wächst heran', NSFW, 1 June 1933, p. 533. 335 BA NSD47/12, Charlotte Koeberle-Schönfeldt, 'Frauenrechte und Nationalsozialismus', NSFW. 15 July 1932, p. 28. 332

240

Lexico-semantic analysis

und Pflichtgefühl, zu heroischer Lebenseinstellung, zu art- und wesensechter geistig-seelisch selbständiger Lebenshaltung.336

The aim of the women in general was to extend the meaning of Mutter from that of a physical state to a psychological or even metaphysical one. Hence being a mother denoted a state of mind and mode of behaviour, which could then be applied in all areas of activity for women, even in positions of authority within the NSDAP women's organisations, seen also for example in the use of the compound Blockmutter, or after 1934 the compound Pflichtjahrmutter. mütterlich

Just as the reference of the noun Mutter was extended in meaning, so the adjective/adverb mütterlich was also used metaphorically. The quality of 'motherliness' was not restricted to activities associated with bringing up children, it could also be applied to all areas of life, even within the workplace, for example. Thus all women can be defined according to their motherly qualities, irrespective of their lifestyles and activities. Yet it is important to remember that the expression mütterliche Frau cannot necessarily be regarded as a synonym of Mutter, so ensuring that the hierarchy of prestige (distinguishing between biological mothers and other women) can still be maintained if desired. Hiess es bisher von einer kleinen Zahl von Frauen: mütterlich-weiblich trotz des Berufes, so muss künftig für alle Berufsfrauen gelten: mütterlich-fraulich im Beruf und durch den Beruf.337 In jeder Frau soll ein Mutterherz pochen. Denn es gibt keine Frau, die nicht mütterlich zu sorgen hätte, sei es in der Familie, sei es im Beruf oder HR sonstwo. Ganz gewiss, die Freiheitsbewegung hätte es nie zu bereuen, diese Kämpferin und treue, echt weibliche und mütterliche Arbeiterin gerufen zu haben, dieses grosse, warme Herz, beseelt von der heissesten Liebe fur ihr Volk und Vaterland, von dem stärksten Pflichtbewusstsein ihm gegenüber!339 Das Frauenideal unserer Zeit muß die mütterliche Frau sein und bleiben, nicht nur in Theorien und wohlgesetzten Formulierungen, sondern im täglichen Leben, an allen Stellen, wo Frauen stehen. Das bezieht sich ebenso auf leibliche Mutterschaft wie auf die unbedingte Opferfähigkeit der Frau und ihre Bereitschaft, den Forderungen des Volkes und der harmonischen Ordnung innerhalb

336

C8 Münster, Nr.462, no author given, 'Erklärung nationalsozialistischer Lehrerinnen. Auszug aus der NS-Lehrerzeitung', no date. 337 BA NSD47/6, Else Schilfarth, 'Die berufstätige Frau', NSFK, 15 February 1934. 338 BA NSD47/12, Juga Russell, 'Das Mutterherz', NSFW, 15 May 1933, p. 508. 339 BA NS22/431, letter from Frau Kelber to Strasser, 16 November 1931.

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der Gemeinschaft auch eigene Wünsche zurückzustellen und sogar persönliche Lebensentfaltung einzuschränken.340

As well as extending the meaning of motherhood into a wider range of activities, the women use terms connected with motherhood, such as Mutter, mütterlich, Mutterschaft, Muttertum, Mütterlichkeit almost exclusively with extremely positive connotations, one possible exception being: Und doch ist der heutige moralische Tiefstand, der Kulturniedergang und die fortschreitende Degeneration fast aller Völker nichts anderes, als die logische Folge der charakterlosen, ungewollten und unbewußten Zeugung und Mutterschaft.341

But even in this example, the lexeme Mutterschaft is presented as the mere sequel of Zeugung and is heavily qualified by the accompanying adjectives, signalling the distance between positive motherhood, which needs no adjectival qualification, and negative motherhood which does. Vater - Mutter parallels The women in my primary sources devote time and attention to establishing a lexical and semantic framework of labels and terms for women connected with motherhood and employment, but do not extend this to include contrasts and comparisons with terms such as Mann and Vater. The lexeme Vater does not appear to have undergone the same semantic shift as Mutter™1 The women occasionally make comments or judgements concerning the role of men as fathers or in society as a whole, yet the lexeme does not have the same upgraded status, and religious, mystical connotations as Mutter. Dem Vater erwachsen Führereigenschaften, um so ausgeprägter, je größer die Verantwortung, die auf ihm liegt. Und je tiefer er seine Familienvaterpflichten erfaßt, um so enger fühlt er sich auch der Volksgemeinschaft verbunden.343

The term Väterlichkeit as with many compounds and derivatives with Vater, does not enjoy the same level of positive connotational value and frequency as Mütterlichkeit (as has been outlined in the analysis of derivatives with Mutter and Vater), although it is employed in a discussion of roles and duties in the Volksgemeinschaft. 340

Ludwine ν Broecker, 'Die NS. Frauenschaft als Grundlage der neuen Frauenbewegung', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 5. 341 BA NSD47/12, Magdalena Schmidt, 'Mutter sein heißt!', NSFW, 1 February 1933. 342 Suzanne Romaine, Communicating Gender (Mahwah/NJ and London: Erlbaum, 1999), also comments on the imbalance in the meanings of the lexemes mother and father in English, and this also includes their collocational patterns, (pp. 95-98). 343 Else Vorwerck, 'Erziehung durch Gemeinschaft zur Gemeinschaft', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, October 1933, p. 13.

242

Lexico-semantic analysis Eine große Frauenaufgabe von heute ist, wo sie noch fehlt, die Väterlichkeit in den Männern zu wecken. 344

Yet in this example, the subject of the sentence is Frauenaufgabe, and the object of the action is Väterlichkeit-, therefore Väterlichkeit does not appear as an independent autonomous trait or quality, it is something which has to be activated by external (female) help. Some women perceive the term Mütterlichkeit as having a higher evaluative prestige than its antonymic equivalent Väterlichkeit. There is a sense of superiority expressed in some texts, that Mütterlichkeit is unique, and the same behaviour and traits associated with it cannot be reproduced by men or represented by Väterlichkeit: Wir alle müssen eine geistige Mütterlichkeit üben, die auch den Mann aufnimmt, wie das Kind, schützend, liebend und verstehend [...] zweitens müsste jede Frau wissen, dass zur wahrhaften Liebe nur die Frau befähigt ist durc[h] ihre Mütterlichkeit, nicht der Mann. 345 (underlining in original)

Semantic relationship between Frau and Mutter The semantic relationship between the lexemes Frau and Mutter has been touched upon briefly in the morpho-semantic analysis. The extension in meaning of Mutter is not only of importance for the way in which it communicates NS women's attitudes to the role of women in society, it also has linguistic repercussions on the denotative and connotative meanings of other lexemes denoting women, including Frau. Wenn diese neue Frauenzeitschrift den Namen „Die deutsche Frauenfront" erhalten hat, so kommt darin zum Ausdruck, daß sie sich an alle Frauen unseres deutschen Volkes wenden will, daß sie sich, wie es in den Einführungsworten des ersten Heftes heißt: „einstellen will auf die Daseinsführung der Frau als Mutter, Hausfrau und Berufstätige". 346

From this quotation it would appear that Frau is a superordinate for the following terms and that it is semantically empty, with women defined either as a Mutter, Hausfrau, Ehefrau/Gattin or Berufsfrau. The ordering of the elements in the above quotation also suggests a descending evaluative hierarchy. Frau and Mutter as synonyms Given the women's use of the term Mutter to refer to all types of women, it becomes important to examine the semantic relationship between the terms 344

Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 65. NS44/54, no author given (KH), 'Mütterlichkeit: Frau und Mann', Infodienst der NSFrauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 346 Aenne Sprengel, 'Die Frau in der Landwirtschaft', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 15. 345

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Frau and Mutter. The question arises to what extent the two share some level of similarity, even synonymy, as the terms would not usually be considered as synonyms. Yet with the extension of meaning on an abstract level, the two terms could be seen as partially synonymous, with every 'true German' woman classified as a certain type of mother, as illustrated by the categories of mother established in female discourse.

This semantic hierarchy is illustrated in the following quotation: Wir nationalsozialistischen Frauen propagierten, daß die Frauen Mütter sein sollten, Trägerinnen der kommenden Generation, deren Erzieherinnen, die Hüterinnen der Jugend und der sittlichen und seelischen Volkskräfte in allen Berufen, die diesem Zwecke dienen könnten.347

This evidence of partial synonymy is strengthened by the fact that both Frau and Mutter share some partial synonyms or hyponyms, including Begeisterin, Deuterin, Führerin, Hüterin, Trägerin. But in some examples there are differences concerning the corresponding genitive syntagmas.

347

Hildegard Hütterroth, '"Womens Right to Earn". Ein Briefwechsel mit dem Manchester Guardian Weekly', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 19.

244

Lexico-semantic analysis

Hier hätte die Frau als Mutter zur Deuterin dieses Geschehens, zur Führerin und zur Begeisterin werden müssen.348 Der kostbarste politische Besitz ist der Mensch. Die Mutter ist die Gebärerin dieses kostbaren Gutes und die Frau schlechthin die Hüterin dieses kostbaren Gutes.349 Sie, die Mutter der Kinder, die Hüterin der Familie, wurde von der Bewegung [der alten Frauenbewegung] nicht erfasst und stand abseits [...] Wir wenden uns somit zu allererst an die deutsche Mutter, der Trägerin der Familie, aus deren Kreis das deutsche Volk sich stetig erneuert.350 Wem könnten auch die großen Volksnöte dringender am Herzen liegen als der Frau, die als Trägerin und Hüterin der Familie die Auswirkungen schlechter politischer Zustände und wirtschaftlicher Nöte am härtesten zu tragen hat!351 Die Frau ist die Trägerin des Glaubens, weil sich in ihr das Wunder der Menschenwerdung vollzieht.352 Das ganze Volk soll Träger des Gedankens werden, daß nur gesunde Mütter und gesunde Kinder den Volksbestand sichern können, daß die Mutter als Trägerin des künftigen Lebens in besonderem Maße der Hilfe und des Schutzes bedarf.353

348

Guida Diehl(l 933), P· 57. BA Klara Schlossmann-Lönnies, 'Volk und wir Mütter', NSFK, 6 May 1933. 350 BA NSD47/6, M Unger, 'Die Frau im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland', NSFK, 1 April 1934. 351 Guida Diehl (1933), pp. 83-84. 352 Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 7. 353 BA NSD47/12, Hildegard Villnow, 'Das Hilfswerk für "Mutter und Kind"', NSFW, 1. Maiheft 1934, p. 660. 349

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Frau and Mutter in a hierarchical relationship However, although the semantic territory occupied by Mutter has been expanded so that it encroaches by partial synonymy on that of Frau, and the women appear to be trying to merge the meanings of the terms, they do at times make a distinction between Frau and Mutter. The two terms often co-occur, in ways that are not simply tautologous. This is particularly evident in sentences where Frau is the second element, after Mutter. In some instances women emphasise Mutter in its descriptive sense as separate entity distinct from that of Frau. Consequently the relationship could be regarded as hierarchical, with Frau as the superordinate and Mutter as one of several hyponyms:

Die große Bedeutung der Frau als Mutter, als Hausfrau und in ihrer geistigen Haltung als Trägerin der Kultur und Sitte rechtfertigen ohne weiteres die Forderung, ihre Belange von der Staatsfuhrung nicht nur anerkannt, sondern auch bewußt gefordert zu wissen.354 Vergessen wir nie und denken wir immer daran, dass die Frauen in erster Linie die Hüterinnen des Heiligsten eines Volkes sind. Wir müssen, wollen und werden es anstreben, dass die deutsche Frau wieder ganz Frau, Mutter und Gattin sein kann.355 Der nationalsozialistische Staat wünscht die Frau vor allem auf den Platz zu stellen, der ihr von Natur aus am meisten eignet, auf den der Gattin und Mut356 ter.

However, the hyponyms Gattin, Ehefrau and Hausfrau were also regarded by some women as belonging to the superordinate Mutter. Müttererholung tritt in den Vordergrund, wenn körperliche Erschöpfung und seelische Zerrüttung als Folge von überstandenen Krankheiten und Unglücks-

354

Annemarie Hanne, 'Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 17. BA NSD47/6, no author given (eine deutsche Österreicherin), 'Deutsche Frauen Österreichs!', NSFK, 25 July 1933. 356 Hanna Otto, 'Ist es denn eine Frauenfrage?', Die deutsche Kämpferin, January 1934, p. 197. 355

246

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fállen oder von unvorhergesehenen Ehe- und Erziehungsschwierigkeiten eintreten; Mütterschulung ist hingegen dann am Platze, wenn eine Mutter in ihrem Amt als Hausfrau, Gattin und Erzieherin ihrer Kinder oder als Glied der Volksgemeinschaft einfach deshalb versagt, weil ihr eine entsprechende Erziehung und Schulung niemals zuteil geworden ist.357 Die jungen Mädchen sind in einer Mädchengruppe zusammenzufassen, um aus ihnen tüchtige deutsche Hausfrauen zu machen, denen das Wohl der Familie, des Kindes und des deutschen Vaterlandes erstes und heiliges Gebot ist.358 In some examples, the relationship between Frau and Mutter is that of semitautology, with deutsche Frau as the superordinate. Staatsbürgerin des kommenden Dritten Reiches ist daher jede deutsche Frau, die ihre ganze Lebenskraft als Ehefrau und Mutter oder als berufstätige Volksgenossin fur Volk und Vaterland einsetzt.359 We note in this example the avoidance of Frau with berufstätig and its replacement by Volksgenossin. If we follow the pattern of synonymy established by some NS women, then Frau and Mutter should be (partly) tautologous. Yet there is evidence that they were still used to denote different types of women: Wenn Mädchen, Frauen und Mütter ihren Staatswillen, ihren politischen Volkswillen nicht klar und bestimmt in der Lebensführung durchsetzen und ihn dort durch das Wesen ihrer Persönlichkeit so stark machen, dass er in der Staatsfuhrung und Wirtschaftsführung selbstverständliche Anerkennung findet, dann werden sie es nie durch Wahlrecht, Richterposten oder Frauenlisten erreichen.360 In some instances, the semantic difference between Frau and Mutter is by implication one of age and maturity. Drei verschiedene Kreise werden von dieser Volksaufgabe betroffen: die unverheiratete Frau, die junge Frau und die ältere Frau und Mutter.361 In term of connotations and prestige value, the relationship between Frau and Mutter is different again. The term Mutter, used in the sense oí leibliche Mutter enjoys a more positive semantic value than Frau. Whereas Frau is mainly descriptive, Mutter may also be also figurative and has extremely positive connotations attached to it. Frau acquires positive connotations through modification, with a premodifying adjective such as deutsch, echt, mütterlich, wirklich, wahr. 357

Emmy Wagner, 'Nationaler Mütterdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 13. Hoover Collection, NSDAP Hauptarchiv, 13/255, Satzungen des Völkischen Frauenbundes Nürnberg, July 1924. 359 BA NS44/55, no author given, 'Grundsätze der N.S. Frauenschaft', 1 October 1932. 360 BA NSD47/6, Klara Schlossmann-Lönnies, 'Volk und wir Mütter', NSFK, 6 May 1933. 361 BA NSD47/6, Ursula Thym, 'Deutsche Frau im Dritten Reich', NSFK, 6 May 1933. 358

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247

Die Mädchenjugend unseres Volkes hat in sicherem Instinkt das Frauenideal aufgestellt, das Deutschland braucht. Die mütterliche Frau, die reif geworden und doch lebensnah geblieben ist.362 Abgesehen davon, dass es das grösste innere Glück jeder wirkliche[n] Frau ist für Menschen, die sie liebt, die ein Stück von ihr selbst sind, zu sorgen, kann doch die Hausfrau Arbeitszeit, Arbeitsart und Arbeitsintensität nach freiem Willen bestimmen.363 By contrast, Mutter can stand alone as a key prestige term: Das ist ja eben das Heilige, was in dem Wort „Mutter" liegt, dass der Mutterschoss, der neues Leben umschliesst, eigentlich etwas Unpersönliches, ein geweihter Boden ist, der nicht mehr der Bestimmung der Mutter selbst unterliegt.364 Frau and Mutter as antonyms In some contexts Frau and Mutter become opposites, particularly when Frau is premodified with adjective such as unverheiratet or ledig. The women also make a distinction between Frau in the sense of Ehefrau and Berufsfrau or berufstätige Frau. Was die Frau und Mutter dem Heim bedeutet, das muss die berufstätige Frau ihrem Wirkungskreise werden.365 In the above example, it is interesting that Frau and Mutter collocate, and yet Frau with the premodifying adjective berufstätig is antonymical. Berufsfrau is sometimes used with negative connotations, especially when modified by the adjective unverheiratet, in the following example. Die Führerinnen der alten Frauenbewegung waren und sind zum größten Teil unverheiratete Berufsfrauen.366 Da ist es wohl möglich, daß der nicht sehr Feinfühlige nichts davon gewahr wird, daß die jungen Berufsfrauen alle miteinander eine schwere Krisis durchmachen müssen.367

362

No author given, 'Die Frau im Aufbau des neuen Staates', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 5. 363 BA NS44/54, Lisa Schreck-Elz, 'Frau und Beruf, Infodienst der NS-Frauenschafl, 15 February 1933. 364 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Anweisung für kulturelle Arbeit in den N.S.Frauenschaften für die Zeit vom 1. Mai bis 31. Juli 32: „Unser Kampf gegen die Aufhebung des §218"'. 365 BA NSD47/6, Else Schilfarth, 'Die berufstätige Frau', NSFK, 15 February 1934. 366 Ludwine ν Broecker, 'Die NS. Frauenschaft als Grundlage der neuen Frauenbewegung', Die deutsche Frauenfront. September 1933, p. 5. 367 Hanna Otto, 'Ist es denn eine Frauenfrage?', Die deutsche Kämpferin, January 1934, p. 198.

248

Lexico-semantic analysis

Berufsfrau is not incorporated into the hierarchical framework of inclusion, but stands apart from the other lexemes, including Mutter, Hausfrau, and Ehefrau/Gattin. Yet sometimes the women combine the seeming opposites Mutter und Berufsfrau, to forge a link between the two types of women and their activities: Die deutsche Mutter muss eine im besten Sinne gebildete Frau sein; sie muss einen schönen, spannkräftigen Körper haben, ein starkes, tapferes Herz, eine allem Grossen, Guten, Schönen aufgeschlossene Seele, einen klaren Geist, der mehr nach Weisheit als nach Wissenschaft strebt, und gute, leise Hände, mütterliche Hände. Diese deutsche Mutter ist auch die ideale Berufsfrau.368 The compounds Hausfrau and Berufsfrau can occur in an antonymic relationship. Gibt es keine echten Frauen mehr, die ihr geistiges Wesen in Menschenseelen ausstrahlen? Finden wir sie vielleicht unter den Hausfrauen oder unter den Berufsfrauen? Damit sind zwei feindliche Lager bezeichnet.369 In der Frauenschaft wirken heute schon in beglückender Zusammenarbeit Hausfrauen und Berufsfrauen am gleichen Werk.370 Collocating verbs with Mutter The collocating verbs accompanying Mutter, Mütterlichkeit, Muttertum and compounds with Mutter reveal much about women's attitudes to the status of motherhood. They use the verbs leiden, verlorengehen to collocate with Mutter or with derivatives such as Muttertum to indicate the negative position occupied by mothers in the past. Denn wer hat wohl schwerer unter der Verflachung und Zerstörung des Familienlebens gelitten als die deutschen Mütter?371 Vielen unserer deutschen Frauen ist leider dieses Muttertum verlorengegangen, sie eiferten in „edlem" Wettstreit mit dem Manne, um ihm zu zeigen, daß sie gleichberechtigt seien.372 Noch schlimmer ist das Verlorengehen des Mutterinstinktes.373 368

BA NSD47/6, Else Schilfarth, 'Die berufstätige Frau', NSFK, 15 February 1934. NS44/54, no author given (KH), 'Mütterlichkeit: Die Frau als Menschenbildnerin', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 8 February 1933. 370 Ludwine ν Broecker, 'Die NS. Frauenschaft als Grundlage der neuen Frauenbewegung', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 6. 371 Else Vorwerck, 'Erziehung durch Gemeinschaft zur Gemeinschaft', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, October 1933, p. 12. 372 Lotte Bahrmann, 'Neuzeitliche Erziehung der Geschlechter', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, November 1933, p. 12. 373 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 61. 369

Women and Motherhood, Women and Work

249

By contrast they emphasise that their role as female National Socialists is to return women to their 'rightful' and 'natural' occupations, with the use of verbs such as zurückfuhren, zurückgeben. Unsere größte Pflicht ist es also, die Töchter wieder zurückzufuhren in die deutsche Familie und Häuslichkeit.374 Wir müssen unbedingt erreichen, daß die Frau ihrem natürlichen Lebenskreise, der Familie, in stärkerem Maße zurückgegeben, daß ihre Kraft und Leistungsfähigkeit nicht mehr in völlig mechanisierten Berufen vergeudet wird.375 The prefixes wieder- and zurück- are often used by the women within the context of motherhood, to lend legitimacy to their arguments that motherhood had primary status and importance in women's lives, and that it had existed in time long before the creation of paid employment. Thus the women implicitly make use of the alt versus neu argument again, although unlike comparisons between the Frauenbewegung (alt = negative) and the NS- Frauenbewegung (neu = positive), here motherhood is equated with with alt (positive) and work outside the home as neu (negative). Thus motherhood was the only true 'natural' profession for women, an occupation from which they had become estranged, an idea reinforced by the use of biological metaphors. Women also make use of religious metaphors to communicate the supreme importance of motherhood for women. The adjective heilig and adjectival noun Heilighaltung are employed for this purpose. Ihr lieben alten Mütter, die Ihr das letzte uns sichtbare Glied der Kette seid der Millionen Mütter, die mit heiligen Füssen über die heilige Erde gewandelt sind.376 Denn das ist ja die Heilighaltung des Mutterbodens, dass er zu solcher Lebensund Liebesfähigkeit entzündet, verborgen für die übrigen, aber unbeschreiblich wichtig für das gesamte Volksleben.377 Wir müssen versuchen, den, von Marxismus und Liberalismus enttäuschten und um die schönsten Frauenrechte, nämlich die der Frau und Mutter, betrogenen Frauen eine Heimat zu bieten [...] Unsere Aufgabe ist es, diese Frauen zu sich selbst und zu ihrem Volke zurückzuführen [...] erzieht eure Mädels und lasst euch heiligstes Mutterrecht nicht nehmen, erzieht sie so, dass jeder unserer

374

Lotte Bahrmann, 'Neuzeitliche Erziehung der Geschlechter', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, November 1933, p. 13. 375 BA NSD47/12, Lydia Gottschewski, 'Eine neue Frauengeneration wächst heran', NSFW, 1 June 1933, p. 532. 376

NSD47/6, L Wendebom-Sonnenberg, 'Frauengedanken zum Muttertag', NSFK, 13 May 1933. C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Anweisung fur kulturelle Arbeit in den N.S.Frauenschaften für die Zeit vom 1. Mai bis 31. Juli 32: „Unser Kampf gegen die Aufhebung des §218"'. 377

250

Lexico-semantic analysis

braunen Soldaten in jedem deutschen Mädel die deutsche Mutter sich zu ehren bemüht. Das ist heiligste und beste Kulturarbeit.378 Beruf: the all-encompassing term for female activity Beruf is a pivotal term in linking the two themes of motherhood and employment, and highlights the dilemmas and contradictory attitudes of many NS women who were torn between demonising paid employment when compared with motherhood, and praising those areas of employment considered suitable for women. Contemporary definitions of Beruf by NS women are illustrated by the following extract: 3. Jede Arbeit der Frau soll Beruf sein. Beruf im ureigensten Sinn ist der Einsatz aller Kräfte für eine Lebensaufgabe. 4. Beruf in diesem Sinne ist auch Gattin und Mutter sein. Deshalb kann die verheiratete Frau nicht außerdem noch einen Erwerbsberuf ausfüllen, und der Mann muß der Ernährer der Familie sein.379 These uncertainties are reflected in the descriptive and associative meanings attached to the term, its use in compounds such as Frauenberuf Mutterberuf and its collocating adjectives. Beruf is used by the women to give status to motherhood and to paid employment, and to communicate the view that women became mothers or entered certain professions because of a spiritual and mental impetus and not for practical, economic reasons. The historical meaning of Beruf in the sense of Berufung, with its religious connotations proved a very useful and powerful tool for NS women, irrespective of their own personal attitudes to women and motherhood, and women and work, as it could be employed in a number of ways to promote and justify the actions of women.380 Describing motherhood as a career gave it increased status and importance. This may seem strange, as women engaged in employment outside the home were generally scorned by the National Socialists at the time. Yet the National Socialists could not ignore the fact that millions of women were in paid employment, and the semantic link between Mutterschaft and Beruf was perhaps used by NS women to encourage other women to give up their jobs and have children, by signalling that both were considered to be a career and vocation. Also by defining some professions as specifically 'female', and therefore to be carried out by women who had a vocation {Berufung), they 378

BA NS44/54, 'Ausschnitte aus der Wahlarbeit. Bericht über die Tagung der Frauenschaftsleiterinnen aus dem Gau Magdeburg-Anhalt', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 24 February 1933. 379 Hildegard Hütterroth, "'Womens Right to Earn". Ein Briefwechsel mit dem Manchester Guardian Weekly', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, January 1934, p. 20. 380 Lydia Gottschewski (1934) devotes a section to 'Berufung and Beruf (pp. 62-69). See also Christina Burghardt (1978), who includes in her analysis a chapter entitled 'Frau und Beruf-ung' (pp. 101-117).

Women and Motherhood, Women and Work

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could encourage (unmarried/childless) women to enter these professions. Therefore the term became mutually enhancing to both activities. It was even used by some NS women as a justification for women continuing in professions which were otherwise deemed 'male', and therefore unsuitable for a woman, e.g. the medical profession: Unter der selbstverständlichen Voraussetzung, daß die betreffende Ärztin den Beruf zutiefst bejaht und ihm verhaftet ist, daß sie andererseits mit aller Freudigkeit und Hingabe ihre fraulich-mütterlichen Pflichten erfaßt und ihnen nachgeht. 381

In the women's texts, they establish a hierarchical semantic structure for the term Beruf, incorporating all areas of female work and influence:

As with another key term in the women's discourse, Kampf, the distinction is made between the female and male concept of Beruf although they do not expand on nature of the männlicher Beruf The different co-hyponyms oí Beruf are established in a variety of ways, with a premodifying adjective such as fraulich, mütterlich or weiblich, or with the use of compounds such as Familienberuf Frauenberuf Hausfrauenberuf Mutterberuf With the compounds Frauenberuf and Mutterberuf, there is no evidence of a synonymous or hyponymous relationship as could be claimed with Frau and Mutter, but rather the two terms are antonymical. Frauenberuf is a countable noun, and can be sub-divided into various types of Frauenberufe, whereas Mutterberuf is uncountable. The two expressions as used by the women ex381

Helene Börner, 'Zur Frage der ärztlichen Berufstätigkeit der Frau', Die deutsche Kämpferin February (Hornung) 1934, p. 224.

252

Lexico-semantic analysis

elude each other. The various meanings of Beruf could also be represented thus: inside home Hausfrauenberuf Mutterberuf

outside home Frauenberufe)

The generalised term Familienberuf is also employed by the women to incorporate aspects of both Hausfrauenberuf and Mutterberuf. Wieviele Frauen müssen einfach in den gegebenen Verhältnissen neben dem Familienberuf noch einen andern übernehmen! 382 (underlining in original)

Hausfrauenberuf occupies an interesting position in the women's usage. It is used with positive connotations and is regarded as one of the most 'natural', 'suitable' of female professions, yet it does not quite share the same prestige status as Mutterberuf. Mutterberuf There are contradictions in the connotations attached to the various types of Beruf On the one hand, the Mutterberuf is placed alongside Frauenberuf as a counterpart, a co-hyponym, yet on the other hand the Mutterberuf las greater positive prestige value than that of Frauenberuf, with the latter expression seen as an inferior alternative to Mutterberuf and even Hausfrauenberuf. Es wäre auch unrichtig zu behaupten, Frauen könnten in anderen Berufen keine innere Befriedigung finden. Aber aus dem neuen Gemeinschañsdenken heraus ist es fur uns Frauen eine Selbstverständlichkeit, uns zu der Forderung der Nation zu bekennen, die dahin geht, der größtmöglichen Zahl von Frauen den Mutter- und Hausfrauenberuf zu erschließen. 383 Nun sind wir uns wohl alle darüber klar, daß ein Teil der Frauen, denen es nicht vergönnt war, zu heiraten und Mutter zu werden, einen Beruf ausüben müssen, und daß ferner eine ganze Reihe wichtiger Arbeitsgebiete für die Frau bereit liegen. 384

Beruf m the sense of 'motherhood' is given prestige status not only in the form of the compound, but also through the collocations of Beruf with adjectives such as heilig, hoch, schön, ureigen, ureigentlich, (aller)wichtig often in the Superlative, to emphasise its raised status from other types of profession. 382

BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, Paula Siber, 'Die Frau und der Staat', 10 December 1933. Else Vorwerck, 'Grundlegende Betrachtung über Würde und Wert des Hausfrauenberufs', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 11. 384 BA NSD47/12, Renate ν Stieda, 'Der Werktag der verheirateten Arbeiterin', NSFW. 1 September 1933, p. 115. 383

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Wir wollen, dass das deutsche Mädchen und die deutsche Fra[u] im Mutterberuf wieder die heiligste und schönste Aufgabe sehen, die ihnfen] das Leben stellt.385 Auch uns selbstständigen, oft so nüchtern erscheinenden Frauen von heute ist nicht der Sinn für ein schönes, gemütliches Heim verloren gegangen, auch uns fehlt nicht der Wunsch, einmal den hohen Beruf der Mutter erfüllen zu dürfen; aber wir wollen und müssen uns diesen Beruf innerlich und äusserlich erringen, erkämpfen.386 Und wo der ureigene Beruf der Mutterschaft in einem Frauenleben nicht erfüllt werden kann, da tritt an seine Stelle die volksmütterliche Verantwortung, die alle Frauen fühlen sollten, und die zu erfüllen sie verpflichtet sind.387 Man möchte jedem deutschen Mädchen, jeder Braut und jeder jungen Frau wünschen, einmal die Mütterschule zu durchlaufen, es einmal zu erleben, mit Volksgenossinnen aller Schichten sich klarzuwerden über die hohen Aufgaben, die der Frau und Mutter warten, und sich in aller Ruhe und Konzentration vorzubereiten auf ihren ureigensten Beruf.388 Für den Beruf der Lehrerin und Studienrätin braucht man viele Jahre Ausbildung und mancherlei Prüfungen, aber von dem allerwichtigsten Beruf der Ehe und Mutterschaft ist nur zufällig und nur unvollkommen die Rede.389 Frauenberuf In the texts addressing the theme of employment, women attempt to define what constitutes 'female' occupations, by contrasting them with so-called male professions and by subdividing the term Frauenberuf into certain hyponyms, including:

385

C8 Münster, Nr.462, no author given, 'Erklärung nationalsozialistischer Lehrerinnen. Auszug aus der NS-Lehrerzeitung', no date. 586 BA NSD47/6 Grete Pundt, 'Die Stellung der Frau in der Gegenwart', NSFK, 11 February 1933. 387 Sieglinde Meisel, 'Die deutsche Frau und Hitler', Die deutsche Kämpferin, October 1933, p. 131. 388 Elisabeth Emminghaus, 'Mütterschulung, der Auftrag für die deutsche Frau', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda, (editors), (1934), p. 135. 389 Guida Diehl (1933), p. 99.

254

Lexico-semantic analysis

Denn es gibt ja schließlich zwei Arten von Frauenberufen; von dem wichtigsten, dem Beruf als Frau und Mutter abgesehen: ausgesprochen weibliche Berufe wie Erzieherin, Lehrerin, Krankenpflegerin und viele andere mehr, und männliche Berufe, die das Richteramt, die Chirurgie, die Politik umfassen. Von diesen letzteren darf man ruhig sagen, daß sie kein Arbeitsgebiet fur die Frau sind.390 The women are not always explicit in detailing exactly which professions are specifically female, and there are some areas of disagreement and contradiction between women. The following semantic components are attached to these professions: [+FEMALE] Bäuerin Fürsorgerin Kindergärtnerin Krankenpflegerin Krankenschwester Lehrerin Pflegerin Schöffin Sekretärin Stenotypistin Verkäuferin Volkserzieherin Wohlfahrtspflegerin

1-FEMALE1 Chirurg Politiker Richter

l+FEMALE, +MALE1 Anwalt Arbeiter Arzt Jurist Mediziner Philosoph Theologe Volkswirtschaftler

With the first two categories of professions designated as specifically 'female' and 'male', there is general consensus amongst the women, with some notable exceptions, including women contributing to the journal Die deutsche Kämpferin:

390

BA NSD47/12, Ursula Thym, 'Frauen im Beruf, NSFW, 15 September 1933.

Women and Motherhood, Women and Work

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Da wird es die Richterin, die Aerztin, die Gesetzgeberin, da wird es die Lehrerin, Seelsorgerin und Politikerin geben; denn nordisch bedingte Völker haben nur Bestand unter Führung durch den ganzen Menschen.391 Der Bruder - Korpsstudent, Offizier mit hohem Wechsel, die Schwester - Lehrerin, Krankenpflegerin, Kindergärtnerin mit schmalem Beutel. Mädchen sind ja so anspruchslos!392

This componential analysis also serves to highlight the different factions within the women's organisations. Even within those professions labelled exclusively 'female', a connotative hierarchy becomes apparent, with some professions being considered more 'female' than others, for example Bäuerin, Fürsorgerin, Krankenschwester compared with Angestellte, Sekretärin, Verkäuferin, which are regarded by some women as 'inferior' professions, and thus have negative connotations: Und die Angestellte? Jawohl, sie darf acht Stunden hinter dem Ladentisch stehen, an der Schreibmaschine sitzen, in dumpfen Büroräumen hinter Schaltern hocken, um dann abends stumpf und abgehetzt in ihre ärmliche Behausung zurückzukehren.393

The third category of professions was subject to disagreement amongst the women. Texts by NS women often listed the kind of qualities which women could bring to their particular type of work. Hence the collocation of Beruf with verbs such as pflegen, erziehen or their equivalents in the form of deverbative nouns: Unser Volk braucht die liebevolle und hingebende Arbeit der Frau in allen Berufen des Pflegens, Hütens, Erziehens.394 Gewiß kann die Frau Maschinen fuhren, Geschäfte leiten, organisieren und Forschungen treiben, aber sie muß es - bis auf die erwähnten Ausnahmen - nicht. Aber: Menschen formen, Menschen bilden, erziehen, gestalten und liebhaben muß die Frau, oder sie geht zugrunde.395

The vagueness of their interpretation of Frauenberuf allowed a looser, more abstract interpretation of the term, which could be altered and manipulated at will.

391

Sophie Rogge-Bömer, 'Die vorderste Linie', Die deutsche Kämpferin, May 1933, p. 30. Sophie Philipps, Lehrerin, 'Nur ein Mädchen', Die deutsche Kämpferin, May 1933, p. 71. 393 BA NSD47/12, Elsbeth Unverricht, 'Die Frau im Beruf... wählt nationalsozialistisch!', NSFW, 1 November 1932, p. 194. 394 BA NSD47/12, Lydia Gottschewski, 'Eine neue Frauengeneration wächst heran', NSFW, 1 June 1933, p. 533. 395 Lydia Gottschewski, 'Von nordischem Frauentum', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda, (editors), (1934), p. 44. 392

256

Lexico-semantic analysis

The women, like their male colleagues, made it clear that they believed that women in general did not have an automatic right to paid employment, and that there had to be specific reasons for women wishing to engage in work outside the home. These reasons were listed, for example, in an article by Alice Rilke in an article for Das NS-Frauenbuch, and are representative of the views held by most women involved in National Socialism. Neben dieser vorübergehenden, von der Not dieser Zeit diktierten Maßnahme scheinen für die Lösung der großen Gegenwartsfrage „Frauenerwerbstätigkeit" drei Schichten berufstätiger Frauen bestimmend: 1. Frauen, die aus wirtschaftlichem Zwange berufstätig sind, 2. Frauen, die einem Beruf nachgehen, der ausschließlich durch Frauen ausgeübt werden kann, 3. Frauen, die aus innerer „Berufung" her einen Beruf haben. 396

This in turn influenced the lexical choices of the women when describing the role of women in the workplace. At all levels, whether promoting 'women's jobs', explaining the necessity for women to work, or criticising the forces which compel women to work, the women display through their choice of language a certain abdication of responsibility, particularly regarding women and work. They communicate this through the use of terms with negative connotations such as zwingen (often used in the passive), Zwang, Not, auf etwas angewiesen sein, (er)leiden, drängen, modal verbs such as müssen, adjectives such as tragisch. Das wird immer der Fall sein, wenn die Frau durch die wirtschaftliche Not gezwungen wird, neben ihrem Haushalt und der Pflege und Erziehung ihrer Kinder noch einen Beruf auszuüben.397 Wie anders denken die jungen Nationalsozialistinnen, und auch viele, die nur durch die Notzeit in den Beruf gezwungen wurden!398 Wo nicht die innere „Berufung" bestimmend ist, sondern ausschließlich der wirtschaftliche Zwang, handelt es sich um Frauen, die gar nicht den Beruf gesucht haben, sondern den Erwerb. Zu ihnen zählen zunächst diejenigen Ehefrauen, deren Männer als Ernährer gar nicht oder nur ungenügend wirksam sein

396

Alice Rilke, 'Die erwerbstätige Frau im Dritten Reich', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda, (editors), (1934), p. 65. See also Else Lüders, 'Die wirtschaftlichen Seiten des Kampfes gegen die Frauenarbeit', Die deutsche Kämpferin, March 1934. She divides women in employment into four categories: ' 1. Frauen mit geringem Einkommen, ohne innere Bindung an ihre Arbeit; 2. Frauen mit gutem Einkommen, aber gleichfalls ohne innere Bindung an ihre Arbeit; 3. Frauen mit seelischer Bindung an ihren Beruf, ohne Rücksicht auf die Höhe ihres Einkommens; 4. Frauen mit gutem Einkommen und seelischer Bindung an ihren Beruf (p. 249). 397 BA NSD47/12, Renate ν Stieda, 'Der Werktag der verheirateten Arbeiterin', NSFW, 1 September 1933,p. 115. 398 Else Frobenius ([1933]), p. 99.

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können, so daß die Frau gezwungen ist, zur Aufbesserung des Familieneinkommens mitzuverdienen.399 Der Zwang hat den Frauen den Anstoß gegeben, in das Berufsleben einzutreten.400 Da, wo die Mutter dem Broterwerb nachgehen muß, soll das Kind bei der N. S. Frauenschaft eine Zuflucht finden - es muß Raum und Brot für diese Kinder geschaffen werden.401 Sieht man genauer zu, so ergibt sich, daß die meisten Verheirateten zu den älteren Jahrgängen gehören; und der Grund dieser Erscheinung wird darin zu suchen sein, daß das Einkommen des Mannes nicht mehr ausreicht, wenn die Familie sich vergrößert, so daß die Frau als Mitverdienerin einspringen muß; oder die heranwachsenden Kinder veranlassen zu immer größeren Ausgaben, zumal ihre Berufsvorbereitung fällt schwer ins Gewicht.402 Many women in National Socialism stressed the fact that some women should be allowed to enter certain jobs and professions, particularly those deemed 'unsuitable' for women, because they were especially gifted and had the overwhelming urge or calling, a Berufung which compelled them to work. Hence the use of philosophical, psychological language of development and introspection, seen for example, in the use of the key adjective inner in the context of work, sometimes used together with nouns such as Befriedigung, Begabung, Eignung, Erfüllung, Fähigkeit, Neigung, Zufriedenheit. Man denkt hierbei meist nur an die Frauen in pflegerischen und pädagogischen Berufen, die allerdings vielen Frauen eine besonders starke innere Befriedigung geben können, aber auch in andern Berufen kommen seelische Bindungen vor.403 Allerdings wir nationalen Sozialisten vertreten sehr radikal die Ansicht, dass die Frau in erster Linie in den Haushalt, in das Familienleben gehört, damit ist aber noch lange nicht gesagt, dass nun jede Frau gezwungen ist, ihr Wirken auf Kochen, Hausarbeit und Kindererziehung zu beschränken, nein - wir haben, wie ich schon erwähnte, noch eine ganze Reihe von Berufen, zu denen man die Frau benötigt und ftir die Frauen, die über der Durchschnittsintelligenz stehen,

399

Alice Rilke, 'Die erwerbstätige Frau im Dritten Reich', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda (editors), (1934), p. 65. 400 BA NSD47/12, Ursula Thym, 'Frauen im Beruf, NSFW, 15 September 1932. 401 NS22/923, no author given, 'Richtlinien für die Bildung und Leitung der Kindergruppen der NS-Frauenschaft', handwritten date 1932. 402 Mathilde Kelchner, 'Aus dem Leben einer Textilarbeiterin', Die deutsche Kämpferin, March 1934, p. 251. 403 Else Lüders, 'Die wirtschaftlichen Seiten des Kampfes gegen die Frauenarbeit', Die deutsche Kämpferin, March 1934, p. 250.

258

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werden auch noch jederzeit freie Berufe offenstehen, wenn sie wirklich die nötige Begabung und den inneren Drang dazu verspüren.404 Will man nun der deutschen Frau bei besonderer Begabung die Möglichkeit zur Ausbildung und Auswertung ihrer Fähigkeiten zubilligen und belassen, so wird man bei ihrer Entscheidung für eine geistige Ausbildung und eine geistige Berufswahl gründlichst zu prüfen haben, ob die Aussicht auf materielles Wohlergehen gerade eine „akademische" Ausbildung sie suchen läßt, oder ob jener Leistungswille des jungen Menschen im bedrängenden Gefühl einer eigenen Kraft sich Bahn schaffen will, um wirken und wachsen zu können auf dem besonderen Gebiet, das seinem Wesen und seinem Vermögen entspricht.405 Gewiss soll auch das Mädchen, das diesen Beruf [den kaufmännischen Beruf] aus Begabung und Neigung ergreift, Einblick und Überschau gewinnen [...] .406 Deshalb wäre es ein Unsinn, selbst dann ein Unsinn, wenn er gesetzmäßig und offiziell anerkannt wäre, wenn man die Frau, die ihre Eignung für gewisse Berufe zweifellos erwiesen hat, grundsätzlich aus dem Berufsleben ausschalten wollte.407 Aber keine Frau, die aus innerer Neigung einen Beruf ergreifen will, soll daran gehindert werden.408 Alle diese überaus wichtigen Faktoren müssen zusammenwirken, um ein gedeihliches Arbeiten und innere Zufriedenheit im Beruf zu erlangen, im Interesse des Volksganzen.409 The use of these positively charged terms to refer employment is aimed at justifying these actions not only to other women, but also to their male counterparts. The contradictory tendencies highlighted by the women's lexical choice, on the one hand describing employment using verbs such as zwingen, and on the other hand using terms with positive connotations such as Eignung and Neigung, reveals the heterogeneous opinions of women involved in National Socialism. The language would seem to reflect the major divisions into Nazi traditionalists and modernists as identified by Claudia Koonz,410 with the traditionalists employing terms with negative connotations and the modernists using positively charged terms, but this categorisation would be too simplified. The vocabulary with negative connotations was more likely to be employed to 404

BA NSD47/6, Else Schaudt, 'Die deutsche Frau im Dritten Reich', NSFK, 10 August 1933. Gisela Brettschneider, 'Die deutsche Frau an der Hochschule', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 8. 406 BA NSD47/6, Else Schilfarth, 'Die berufstätige Frau', NSFK, 15 February 1934. 407 Margit Aßmann, 'Die Studentin als Frau', Die deutsche Kämpferin, December 1933, p. 181. 408 BA NSD47/12, Elsbeth Unverricht, 'Die Frau im Beruf... wählt nationalsozialistisch!', NSFW, 1 November 1932, p. 194. 409 BA NSD47/12, Ursula Thym, 'Frauen im Beruf, NSFW, 15 September 1932. 410 Claudia Koonz (1976). 405

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refer to unskilled, manual jobs, considered to be unsuitable for women, whereas the terms with positive connotations referred to 'female' occupations, and geistige Berufe in general. Defining women's capabilities in the home and workplace: Natur, natürlich, Wesen, Instinkt Natur and natürlich There is nothing unique about the manipulation, and indeed politicisation of the term and concept of 'nature', to reinforce gender differences and roles in society, and to channel the sexes into one particular sort of behaviour, lifestyle, area of employment and so on. The women's use of the term Natur was a powerful and effective way for the women to communicate their ideas for the role women should play in the Volksgemeinschaft, incorporating aspects of Blut und Boden language used by National Socialists in general. The women use the term to direct fellow women away from, for example, the world of work to home, or to areas of work considered 'suitable' for women. They use the term Natur in two senses: • •

die Natur (superordinate term/concept: 'Nature') die Natur der Frau (characteristic: nature of women, affecting behaviour and actions).

The two are linked in a hierarchical or pseudo-causal relationship, in the sense that women's nature is a product of Nature. There is no equivalent relationship between die Natur and die Natur des Mannes mentioned in the women's texts. Unlike the term Beruf whose use, it could be argued, lay in reconciling all types of women within National Socialism, including those at home and those in employment, Natur is used much more to create a polarity between motherhood and all other types of female activity. Therefore whilst it is used positively to promote motherhood, and to a lesser extent, domestic duties, it is can also be employed to portray work or university education or training, for example, in a negative light, and to emphasise the importance of women recognising their 'special' nature: the 'nature' of woman is seen as a vital characteristic in determining her actions and behaviour. Anything which does not fit into the vague and unspecified concept of a woman's 'nature' is seen to have detrimental effects on the woman in a variety of ways, affecting her physical, mental and spiritual well-being: So sehr es fur den Mann angebracht sein mag, an sich und für sich Wissenschaft zu treiben, so wenig darf und kann das Studium für die Frau Selbstzweck sein. Dann nämlich werden die ureigensten Kräfte der Frau lahmgelegt, vermö-

260

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ge deren sie selbst innerlich wächst und glücklich wird und die sie ebenso wieder ausstrahlen muß, weil ihre Natur es so will.411 They employ the superordinate lexeme Natur in the form of the metaphor of Mutter Natur to persuade women that their correct and proper role is at home: Nach kurzer Zeit wusste die erwachte deutsche Frau, dass auch ihr Platz unter dem Hakenkreuzbanner ist und sie weiss auch, dass sie mit frohem Herzen an die Zukunft ihrer Töchter denken kann, denn deren Beruf führt nicht in dumpfe Fabriksäle, nicht auf nüchterne Büros - er führt zur Freiheit, zu der Freiheit, die Befreiung von den Ketten der Frauen[em]anzipation ist, er führt in den Beruf, der der Frau von der allweisen Mutter Natur gegeben ist: Hausfrau, Gattin und Mutter zu sein.412 We note in this particular example the combination of Beruf and the metaphor of nature to refer to the duties of housewife, wife and mother. This strengthens the impact of the message conveyed to other women: firstly, the duties within the home have the prestige of being seen as a full-time occupation, a career, with all that the term entails, and secondly it is a career or profession which is dictated by nature and not by any human agent. Also of interest is the use of the verb geben in the passive. This implies that this is a duty placed upon women and that they have no choice in the matter. Not only are they privileged to have such a close relationship with Nature, they are also bound by the duties entailed in this. The women emphasise the hierarchical semantic link between Natur and die Natur der Frau, by making use of compounds formed with Natur- as the first element. Thus they communicate the view that women are directly influenced by nature in their choice of role in life, ie motherhood and family duties. The compounds used include Naturgeschichte, Naturgesetz, Naturinstinkt, Naturverantwortung, Naturverbundenheit. The importance of the compounds lies not only in defining the second element more closely, (namely the law of nature, or the people belonging to nature), they also serve to upgrade it semantically, thereby giving it more prestige and importance. For example, in the women's discourse, Verantwortung is a key term, specifically linked to women, and is often used in connection with women's role as mothers, wives, and in specific professions. Verantwortung often collocates with Natur to raise the prestige and semantic weight of the former term: In der Weltenstunde, die den Zusammenbruch der mechanisierten Lebenssysteme offenkundig macht, ruft die Schickung die Frau an ihre naturgegebene, so lange nicht erfüllte Verantwortung vor der Volksgemeinsamkeit; sie vor allem soll Hand daran legen, daß das Volk sich wieder in die organische Lebensge411 412

BA NSD47/12, Lucie Scholz, 'Nationalsozialismus und Studentin', NSFW, 1 September 1933. BA NSD47/6, Else Schaudt, 'Die deutsche Frau im dritten Reich', NSFK, 10 August 1933.

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setzlichkeit einreiht, damit der Mensch den Atem Gottes wieder spürt, im Kosmos wie in jedem einzelnen Lebenstag.413 Die Frau ist sich heut [sie] im allgemeinen gamicht [sie] bewußt, welche ungeheure Verantwortung, aber auch welche große Macht ihr von der Natur durch die Mutterschaft verliehen ist.414 The compound Naturverantwortung gains extra emphasis through its combination with Natur, and consequently reinforces the special and specific role to be played by women, even when this is outside of the realm of motherhood. Frauen müssen künftig an maßgebenden Stellen bis zu den verantwortungsvollsten Posten vorrücken, wo sie dem Volke dienen in ihrer Eigenschaft als Frau, eben um ihrer Naturverantwortung willen.415 Similarly Naturgesetz is a powerfully charged expression, and is often used in contexts in the form of a thinly-veiled threat, warning women of the dire consequences of breaking the laws of nature. Consequently the lexeme Naturgesetz appears in combination with verbs such as brechen, or nouns such as Mißachtung, in connection with the theme of motherhood: Aber dann bedenkt man nicht, dass in Zeiten so grosser Verwirrung keine klare Scheidung zwischen Hochwertigen und Minderwertigen möglich ist und dass die Missachtung des Naturgesetzes sich am Volke rächt.416 Es gibt Naturgesetze, die auch in schweren Zeiten nicht gebrochen werden dürfen, wenn nicht die ganze Volksgemeinschaft der Gegenwart und Zukunft zerstört werden soll.417 This warning can also be communicated in more graphic metaphors: Die Natur hat ihre ewigen Gesetze so festgelegt, daß sie ungestraft nicht vergewaltigt werden können.418 The combination of Natur + Geschichte is also a powerful one, combining respect for the past with the 'laws' of nature, particularly within the theme of women and motherhood. This gains even more semantic weight when combined with another keyword used to define womanhood, Wesen: Kein vernünftig denkender Mens[ch] kann aber glauben, dass die Frau, deren Wesen und Naturgeschichte seit Jahrtausenden darauf eingestellt ist, möglichst viele Kinder zu gebären, überhaupt imstande sei, die durch Einschränkung der 413

BA NSD47/6, 'Selbsterziehung der Frau', NSFW, 1 September 1932, p. 98. BA NSD47/12, Magdalene Schmidt, 'Mutter sein heißt!', NSFW, 1 February 1933. 415 BA R.15.01/26332/1721, Paula Siber, 'Die Frau und der Staat', 10 December 1933. 416 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Anweisung für kulturelle Arbeit in den N.S.Frauenschaften für die Zeit vom 1. Mai bis 31. Juli 32: „Unser Kampf gegen die Aufhebung des §218"'. 417 ibid. 418 BA R.15.01/26332/1721, Paula Siber, 'Die Frau und der Staat', 10 December 1933. 414

262

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Kinderzahl freigewordenen Kräfte in andere Wirkungen umzuwandeln oder gar für "bessere" oder "höhere" Zwecke zu verwerten.419 The term naturgemäß is also used to define the 'natural' division between employment and the home: Durch frühere Heiratsmöglichkeit würde naturgemäß ein großer Teil junger Mädchen aus dem Berufsleben ausscheiden, eine Frage, die von vielen natürlich veranlagten Frauen sicher nicht als Zwang aufgefaßt wird.420 Wohl konnte dem jungen Mädel die freie Gestaltung des Lebens und die ungebundene Verfügungsmöglichkeit anfänglich gefallen, bald aber mußte sich naturgemäß die Freude in bitteren Gram verwandeln.421 natürlich As with Natur, natürlich adds prestige to the noun it modifies. Within the contexts of motherhood and family, it is used to promote and justify a wideranging set of rales and activities for women: Und gerade diese Frauen sind es, die beeinflusst von dem radikalen Teil der Frauenrechtlerinnen, gemeinsam mit denselben Sturm laufen gegen die natürliche Bestimmung der Frau als Erhalterin der Rasse und biologische Kraftquelle 422 Und dieses Familienleben, die Stütze der Moral, die Stütze des Staates, helfen deutsche Mädchen und Frauen mit zerstören. Deutsche Frauen und Mädchen kämpften unklug und gedankenlos gegen ihre natürliche Bestimmung.423 Dazu kommt die Wohnungs- und Ernährungsnot der Gegenwart, die die natürliche Freude am Kind mindert.424 Denn: so schön das Leben als selbständiger Mensch auch sein mag, vorausgesetzt, daß die Berufsarbeit die Frau ganz und gar ausfüllt, jede natürlich veranlagte Frau wird sich doch danach sehnen, ihren Haushalt, ihre Kinder, ihr Zuhause zu haben.425

419

C8 Münster, Nr.462, Lisa Schreck-Elz, 'Die Gefahren der Geburtenbeschränkung', 1932/33. BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, Maria Wesner, 'Über die Stellung der Frau im Dritten Reich!', Korrespondenz fur Volksaufklärung und Rassenpflege, no date. 421 BA NSD47/12, Lucie Scholz, 'Nationalsozialismus und Studentin', NSFW, 1 September 1933. 422 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Lisa Schreck-Elz, 'Die Gefahren der Geburtenbeschränkung', 1932/33. 423 No author given (von einer Hausfrau), 'Wirtschaftsnot und Frauenarbeit', Das deutsche Frauenwerk, November 1933, p. 4. 424 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Anweisung für kulturelle Arbeit in den N.S.Frauenschaften für die Zeit vom 1. Mai bis 31. Juli 32: „Unser Kampf gegen die Aufhebung des §218"'. 425 BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, Maria Wesner, 'Über die Stellung der Frau im Dritten Reich!', Korrespondenz für Volksaufklärung und Rassenpflege, no date. 420

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Within the context of women and work, natürlich is similarly employed to outline which areas of work women should be involved in. It can be used to justify women's involvement in professions which may at first seem incompatible with NS ideology on women: Sicher aber wird das Heer der Lehrerinnen, Fürsorgerinnen, Verkäuferinnen, Stenotypistinnen, Sekretärinnen und was da alles noch zu nennen wäre, bestehen bleiben, weil die Frau auf diesen Posten zweifellos kraft ihrer natürlichen Anlage geeigneter ist als der Mann.426 Alternatively, the compound form widernatürlich can be used to criticise women's employment outside the home in 'unsuitable' professions: Dann wird man es aber auch so recht als widernatürlich erkennen, wenn Mütter und Hausfrauen gezwungen sind, zum Lebensunterhalt der Familie durch Fabrik- oder andere außerhäusliche Arbeit beizutragen.427 Natürlich is used exclusively to refer to the behaviour and actions of women, and therefore could be regarded as sharing some partial synonymy with the adjectives weiblich, fraulich, and mütterlich, or even a relationship of hierarchy, with natürlich as the superordinate and weiblich, fraulich and mütterlich as hyponyms:

It would seem from the women's use and definition of Natur and natürlich that they were reinforcing the cultural stereotypes which were in existence, and which were also used by male National Socialists to justify the limits of activity imposed upon women. Indeed in her analysis of NS Frauenpropaganda, Dorothee Klinksiek claims that the argument that women should fulfil roles and tasks which were appropriate to their nature and to the laws of nature in gen-

426

ibid. Else Vorwerck, 'Grundlegende Betrachtung über Würde und Wert des Hausfrauenberufs', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 12. 427

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Lexico-semantic analysis

eral, and the subsequent upgrading of motherhood was their compensation for being denied choices and power in other areas of life.428 Yet, I would argue that for many women involved in National Socialism, the use of vocabulary denoting nature, including Natur and natürlich as well as many metaphors from the natural world, represents an attempt to raise their status and gain recognition for their work. Much in the same way that Aufgabe, for example, is often used in a passive construction without a clearly assigned agent, or that some women in the NS claim that their Aufgabe comes from God, by associating their activities and beliefs with Natur, they are establishing their link to another intangible source of power and authority higher than the National Socialist leadership. This gives the women a certain autonomy and legitimacy that does not have to be conferred upon them by their male superiors. The references to nature allowed certain women to protest at what they saw as male domination stifling the level of female involvement within the party and in the Volksgemeinschaft·. Diese Stellung [eine eigene Stellung auf Rasse und Volkstum] hat doch die Frau durch die Natur, sie braucht ihr nicht erst gegeben zu werden. Wo in der Natur ist der weibliche Teil in seiner Selbständigkeit willkürlich eingeschränkt, es sei denn zur Fortpflanzungszeit, wo der weibliche Teil allerdings in vielen Fällen die Hauptlast trägt.429

Wesen The term Wesen features prominently in the women's discourse, primarily on motherhood and to a lesser extent on employment. Wesen was far from being a newly-created term and it traditionally featured in philosophical discourse. Women often use the term with specifically female references, in the form of the compound Frauenwesen, in the combination offraulich with Wesen, or the genitive construction Wesen der Frau. They define the female 'essence' or essential qualities as being something different, something requiring special definition and description. Wesen as used by the women is endowed with philosophical, pseudo-mystical, racial connotations in a distinctly female context. In the early years, the NS women's organisations were concerned with prescribing an image of the ideal woman and emphasised the importance of women recognising their duties as mothers and housewives. The allencompassing nature of the female Wesen and its effect on women's lives was communicated through the use of compounds such as Wesensaufgabe, Wesensbetonung, Wesenseigenschaft, Wesensentwicklung, Wesenserßillung, Wesens428 429

Dorothee Klinksiek (1982), p. 86. BA R. 15.01/26332/1721, Paula Siber, 'Die Frau und der Staat', 10 December 1933.

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kern, Wesensquelle, Wesenssteigerung, Wesensveredelung, Wesenswert, and the adjectives/adverbs wesensbedingt, wesenseigen, wesensfremd, wesensgemäß, as well as the derivative wesenshaft. The terms can be used to describe employment, motherhood or social activities in a positive way, for example: Ihnen stehen alle diejenigen Berufe offen, deren Ausübung den besonderen Wesenseigenschaften der Frau bestmöglichste Erfüllung bietet.430 Was die Frau schafft, muß aus der Ganzheit ihres Wesens entspringen, oder sie leidet Schaden an ihrer Seele.431 The women establish opposites between terms such as wesensbereichernd, wesenseigen, wesensgemäß (associated with motherhood and the family, and so-called 'female' occupations) and wesensfremd (so-called non-female areas of employment). Ist der Arztberuf fur die Frau wesensgemäß und wesensbereichemd, und kann er von ihr geleistet werden?432 Man hat Euch mit diesen Versprechungen in Berufe gelockt, die Euch als Frauen wesensfremd sind, denen Ihr körperlich nicht gewachsen seid, um dann kühl zu erklären, für Spitzenstellungen wärt Ihr doch ungeeignet, die müßten eine Domäne der Männer bleiben.433 Wesen as a positive term in connection with motherhood is emphasised by its combination with adjectives such as inner and tief used in the superlative: Mütterlichkeit ist ihr innerstes Wesen und gerade das, was der Mann neben der Geliebten am sehnsüchtigsten sucht.434 Ein Strom neuer Liebe geht durch ihr tiefstes Wesen und sie hat ein ganz verschwiegenes Geheimnis mit dem Kindlein, das noch so ganz ihr gehört.435 In some instances within the thematic categories of women and motherhood, women and work, Wesen and Natur appear to be synonymous. For example, in the sentence: Voraussetzung ist aber, daß seine [der weibliche Arbeitsdienst] äußere und innere Gestaltung dem Wesen und den Aufgaben der Frau entsprechen.436 430

Alice Rilke, 'Die erwerbstätige Frau im Dritten Reich', in Ellen Semmelroth and Renate von Stieda (editors), (1934), p. 68. 431 Lydia Gottschewski (1934), p. 22. 432 Helene Börner, 'Zur Frage der ärztlichen Berufstätigkeit', Die deutsche Kämpferin, February 1934, p. 220. 433 BA NSD47/12, Elsbeth Unverricht, 'Die Frau im Beruf... wählt nationalsozialistisch!', NSFW, 1 November 1932, p. 194. 434 BA NSD47/6, Ursula Thym, 'Deutsche Frau im Dritten Reich', NSFK, 13 May 1933. 435 C8 Münster, Nr.462, Guida Diehl, 'Anweisung fllr kulturelle Arbeit in den N.S.Frauenschaften für die Zeit vom 1. Mai bis 31. Juli 32: „Unser Kampf gegen die Aufhebung des §218"'.

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Wesen could be replaced by Natur without altering the overall meaning of the sentence as a whole. Yet there are differences betwen Wesen and Natur in the women's discourse. There is a tendency to employ the term Natur in the sense of the separate identity, as with Mutter Natur, rather than to refer to women's nature. It would seem that Wesen is a more useful expression for the women because it combines elements of philosophical, biological and racial language. The racial connotations attached to Wesen are highlighted by the way in which the term often co-occurs with the term Art, particularly in the form of the compound Wesensart·. Wir sehen den Platz der Frau überall dort, wo sie ihrer Wesensart entsprechend ihre Persönlichkeit an und in der Gemeinschaft voll zu entfalten vermag. Wir sehen die Frau vor allem in der Familiengemeinschaft bestimmungsgemäß und unlösbar verhaftet.437 Wir fordern, dass das junge Mädchen, als künftige Mutter ihres Volkes, erzogen werde zu Mütterlichkeit, zu Zucht und Sittenstren[ge], zu nationalem Stolz und Pflichtgefühl, zu heroischer Lebenseinstellung, zu art- und wesensechter geistig-seelisch selbständiger Lebenshaltung.438

Instinkt Within the category of women and motherhood, Instinkt is a term which is used frequently and is always positive in connotation. It has exclusively female references, marked by the use of accompanying adjectives such as mütterlich, or use of compounds such as Mutterinstinkt. Es muß z.B. auch Heime geben, in denen die Mütter ihre Säuglinge und Kleinkinder bei sich haben dürfen, damit unter fachkundiger Anleitung die mütterlichen Instinkte für eine gute hygienische und charakterliche Behandlung der Kinder in den Müttern wachgerufen werden können.439

It is interesting how, in this particular example, the 'mothering instinct' is not seen as a trait or characteristic, but rather a mode of behaviour which has to be developed and induced by outside help, and the combination of which vague, philosophical expressions such as mütterliche Instinkte with administrative, organisational and official language. The natural, racial connotations of the term are reinforced through the use of compounds such as Naturinstinkt. Positive and negative opposites are

436

Annemarie Hanne, 'Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 17. Else Vorwerck, 'Grundlegende Betrachtung über Würde und Wert des Hausfrauenberufs', Die deutsche Frauenfront, Augnisi 1933, p. 11. 438 C8 Münster, Nr.462, no author given, 'Erklärung nationalsozialistischer Lehrerinnen. Auszug aus der NS-Lehrerzeitung', no date. 439 Emmy Wagner, 'Nationaler Mütterdienst', Die deutsche Frauenfront, August 1933, p. 14.

437

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created between Instinkt and terms such as Intellektualismus and Individualismus·. Wir deutschen Frauen dürfen es aber nicht so weit kommen lassen, dass Intellektualismus und Individualismus die Oberhand über die gesunden Instinkte und den Familiensinn gewinnen.440

Whereas Instinkt is a key term within the women's description and discussion of motherhood, it rarely occurs within the theme of women and work, as it appears that the women did not perceive a connection or did not want to establish a linguistic and conceptual link between employment and the socalled female instinct. 3.4.3

Summary

The language used by the women reflects the contradictory nature of their ideas and beliefs concerning the themes of women and motherhood, and women and employment. Given the semantic inheritance available to women concerning these topics, with the strong emphasis placed on defining women as mothers and establishing negative associations with women in employment, it is hardly surprising that women often used language which did not substantially differ from that of their male counterparts. The differences lay however in the emphasis and the prestige attached to the terms employed. Many NS women tried to achieve a balance between prescribing and describing the role of women, whilst developing an ideology which did not make certain groups of women, namely those in particular professions, feel excluded. Hence the use of terms which were loosely defined and could be manipulated to suit the particular context and message, such as Beruf, Natur, Wesen and Instinkt. The way in which the meanings of Mutter and mütterlich were extended to include all areas of female activity could be interpreted as the women's attempt to establish not a Frauenwelt, but rather a Mutterwelt. By linguistically reinforcing the absolute power of motherhood, NS women were able to create their own ideological and practical space, in which they could achieve a level of autonomy, however illusory this may have been. Through the use of philosophical language describing spiritual well-being and self-fulfilment, NS women communicated the idea that women had a choice, even a right, to develop themselves through physical and spiritual motherhood. Yet, in reality, the element of choice was practically non-existent. The linguistic Vermütterlichung of National Socialist ideology is best encapsulated in the metaphor of Mutter Deutschland, and the compound Mutterland, which provide a contrast to the

440

C8 Münster, Nr.462, Lisa Schreck-Elz, 'Die Gefahren der Geburtenbeschränkung', 1932/33.

268

Lexico-semantic analysis

Vaterland and the masculine-dominated imagery and metaphors usually associated with NS discourse. Die große Mutter Deutschland, im Nationalsozialismus verkörpert, liebt und braucht jede ihrer Töchter: die an der Wiege ihres Kindes und die hinter dem Ladentisch, die am Kochherd und die auf dem Katheder, die im Fabriksaal und die im Laboratorium, jede, die ehrlich und selbstlos mitarbeiten will am Aufstieg unseres Vaterlandes.441 Volk in Not! Nein - ich kann nicht glücklich und sorglos am Familientisch sitzen wenn Mutter Deutschland weint - und seine Kinder sterben sollen.442 War einst der Dank des Vaterlandes denen nicht gewiss, die ihr Leben und Blut für uns eingesetzt hatten - der Dank des Mutterlandes ist ihnen gewiss!443

441

BA NSD47/12, Elsbeth Unverricht, 'Die Frau im Beruf... wählt nationalsozialistisch!', NSFW, 1 November 1932, p. 194. Adolf Sauerwald (1968) also refers to this quotation, (p. 44). 442 Hoover Collection, NSDAP Hauptarchiv, 13/254, Kreisfrauenschaftsleiterin, Kreis Pirna, 'Aus den Niederschriften einer Kreisfrauenschaftsleiterin aus dem Kampflahr 1932'. 441 BA NS44/54, 'Ausschnitte aus der Wahlarbeit. Bericht über die Tagung der Frauenschaftsleiterinnen aus dem Gau Magdeburg-Anhalt', Infodienst der NS-Frauenschaft, 24 February 1933.

4 4.1

Textual analysis

Power, status and influence in female correspondence

In discussing the existence of a female discourse in National Socialism, it is important to examine how the women created and structured texts, and what these texts reveal about the status and role of women within the National Socialist party structure. As we have seen from the analysis of primary material so far, the types of text produced by National Socialist women vary greatly. By focusing on one text-type, in this instance letters, and so limiting the number of variables, one can gain a further understanding of the factors which influenced and shaped women's discourse. Letters represent a particularly dynamic type of text: although they cannot reflect the immediacy of spoken interaction, they nevertheless combine the communicative act between two or more individuals with the more measured and considered characteristics associated with written texts. The analysis will highlight characteristics of women's correspondence in general, but will focus in particular on six letters, all written in 1931 to male and female recipients, including Gregor Strasser, Elsbeth Zander and Guida Diehl. (The letters are reproduced in Appendix II). The six letters to be analysed are: Female to male correspondence: • A Göbel (DFO Breslau), to Gregor Strasser, 6 October 1931.1 • Guida Diehl (Neulandbund, NSDAP), to Gregor Strasser, 17 June 1931. • Lotte Rühlemann (.Frauengruppe Leipzig), to Gregor Strasser, 27 August 1931.

1

The date has been changed in handwriting from 22 September 1931.

270

Textual analysis

Female to female correspondence: • M Wirsing (possibly Gaufrauenschaftsleiterinl Sektionsfihrerin) to Guida Diehl, 31 October 1931.2 • Guida Diehl (Neulandbund, NSDAP) to Elsbeth Zander, 8 December 1931. • Hedwig Förster (Sachberaterin bei der Reichsleitang/Bayreuth) to Elsbeth Zander, 12 December 1931. The analysis of the women's letters is based on theories of pragmatics, textual and discourse analysis, with the intention of discussing how the women's gendered identities are created and negotiated through their texts. Utz Maas has discussed what makes an NS text specifically fascist: 'In einer Diskursanalyse werden die „Regeln" gefaßt, die einen bestimmten Diskurs konstituieren, die in diesem Fall den Text zu einem faschistischen machen'.3 The analysis of women's letters will seek to show what is specifically fascist and female about the texts, and will highlight, in linguistic terms, what the women's discourse reveals about female/male and all-female communicative behaviour within a politicised, organisational environment. It will examine how power relationships are created and recreated in the texts and how status is negotiated between participants. In particular the following points will be considered: •

• • • • •

Brief outline of the historical background; a discussion of relevant theories of pragmatics, textual and discourse analysis; a brief survey of research on mixed-sex and samesex interaction. Women's correspondence in National Socialism: general characteristics. Analysis of six letters. Letters from women to men. Letters from women to women. Summary.

4.2

Historical and theoretical background 4.2.1

Historical background

The letters are interesting from a historical point of view, because they were written during a time of change for women in the National Socialist party. As

2 3

Due to the poor quality of the document, it is not possible to reproduce the original. Utz Maas (1984), pp. 18-19.

Historical and theoretical background

271

outlined in the introduction to the book, in 1931 the Reichsorganisationsleiter Gregor Strasser commenced with restructuring the framework and running of women's organisations. Prior to this tensions had arisen between the various women's organisations in the late 1920s, and this was 'exacerbated by Elsbeth Zander's ambition to absorb all Nazi women's groups into the DFO'. 4 In early July 1931, Strasser issued plans for the creation of the Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft, to replace the various women's organisations which were involved in or supporting the NSDAP, with the changes taking effect from October 1931. Elsbeth Zander, leader of the DFO, was appointed Reichsreferentin für Frauenfragen bei der Reichsleitung, and Guida Diehl became Kulturreferentin für Frauenfragen in the same year.5 As mentioned in the introduction, women were not involved in the decision to reorganise the women's groups, and their lack of involvement and uncertainty about their future roles resulted in many letters between women and from women to Strasser, and occasionally to Hitler and other leading National Socialists. 4.2.2

Theories on pragmatics, textual analysis, discourse analysis

Pragmatics provides a framework for decoding the creative, receptive and interpretive features of a text, beyond the lexical and sentential level.6 Politeness (divided into the categories of positive and negative politeness), for example, plays an important role in spoken and written communication: as is evident from the women's letters, it can manifest itself in both social reserve or distance as well as familiarity, depending on the particular situation; or in some situations, it can be dispensed with, in favour of aggressive, confrontational pragmatic strategies.7 Positive politeness is based on a display of solidarity, with the speakers communicating that they share common ideas and objectives, whereas negative politeness 'will tend to show deference, emphasize the importance of the other's time or concerns, and even include an apology for the imposition or interruption'.8 The employment of either positive or negative politeness strategies by NS women is dependent on the level of acquaintance, but also on factors such as the desire to express shared beliefs and aims. It is possible that some NS women would make use of a blend of these strategies

"Jill Stephenson (1981), p. 34. 5 ibid., pp. 48, 50-52,77. 6 See Christine Christie, Gender and Language. Towards a Feminist Pragmatics (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2000). 7 George Yule, Pragmatics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 60. Penelope Brown and Stephen C Levinson, Politeness. Some universals in language use, rev. edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987; repr. 1988), pp. 91-111. 8 George Yule (1996), p. 62.

272

Textual analysis

within the same letter, expressing respect and deference, whilst also emphasising solidarity with the addressee and the NSDAP. Although correspondence may lack the immediate social pressures associated with spoken communication, the concept of preserving 'face' for both writer and addressee is still a central motivating factor in determining the formulation and structure of the texts. 9 In their letters the women often employ negative and/or positive politeness strategies, yet some of their texts could be interpreted as threatening the face of the addressee, as they demand information or action, and issue warnings, for example. Penelope Brown and Stephen Levinson's examples of what constitutes a face-threatening act include: pressurising the addressee to take some action, making requests or orders, giving suggestions or advice, issuing threats or warnings, reminders, making promises or offers; also giving complements, and expressing admiration (threatening negative face); or expressing disapproval or criticism, contempt or ridicule, making contradictions, challenging ideas, expressing strong emotions, mentioning inappropriate or taboo topics, communicating bad news/good news about the addressee, raising dangerous or divisive topics (threatening positive face). 10 The analysis of the women's letters will also consider the importance of the various functions within the texts. In composing the letters, the women have to consider how best to express their ideas, wishes and/or complaints in a coherent and comprehensible fashion, and they also have to engage in an act of social contact and communication with another person, which has its established and ritualised formulas, structures and routines. Textual analysis offers the opportunity to identify not only the lexical and semantic features of texts, but also their rhetorical and communicative structure and functions, as seen, for example in Klaus Brinker's five types of functions used in interpersonal communication. 11 These are summarised as follows: Informational function (Informationsfunktion): Der Emittent gibt dem Rezipienten zu verstehen, daß er ihm ein Wissen vermitteln, ihn über etwas informieren will. Appellative function (Appellfunktion): Der Emittent gibt dem Rezipienten zu verstehen, daß er ihn dazu bewegen will, eine bestimmte Einstellung einer Sache gegenüber einzunehmen (Meinungsbeeinflussung) und/oder eine bestimmte Handlung zu vollziehen (Verhaltensbeeinflussung).

9

ibid., pp. 61-62. Penelope Brown and Stephen C Levinson (1987; repr. 1988), pp. 65-66. " Klaus Brinker, Linguistische Textanalyse. Eine Einßhrung in Grundbegriffe und Methoden (Berlin: Schmidt, 1985). 10

Historical and theoretical background

273

Obligational function (Obligationsfunktion): Der Emittent gibt dem Rezipienten zu verstehen, daß er sich ihm gegenüber dazu verpflichtet, eine bestimmte Handlung zu vollziehen. Contact function (Kontaktfunktion): Der Emittent gibt dem Rezipienten zu verstehen, daß es ihm um die personale Beziehung zum Rezipienten geht (insbesondere um die Herstellung und Erhaltung des persönlichen Kontakts). Declarative function (Deklarationsfunktion): Der Emittent gibt dem Rezipienten zu verstehen, daß der Text eine neue Realität schafft, daß die (erfolgreiche) Äußerung des Textes die Einfuhrung eines bestimmten Faktums bedeutet, (pp.

97-113)12 As well as outlining the various categories of textual functions and providing examples for them, Brinker also provides a framework for analysing text structure, cohesion, thematic development in texts, as well as text-types. For the purposes of this study, I shall base my analysis on a modified form of Brinker's categories of function. Brinker points out that in identifying the function of a text, one should not just look at linguistic elements and structures, but also at the situational context in which the text occurs (p. 85). He also points out that there may be a true intention behind the text, which does not necessarily correspond with the textual function. For example, a newspaper report may have an informational textual function, even though the true intention of the writer is persuasive (p. 86). Texts can also have more than one function, although one is normally more dominant than others. With a letter, for example, the function of the text is to establish contact, although the main textual function could in fact be obligational (p. 92). The weakness with such a framework of analysis is that it is not always possible to dissect a written utterance and attribute parts of it to these particular categories. Some written utterances fulfil a number of functions at the same time. Also the application of these functional categories involves assumes predicable and homogeneous behaviour of writer(s) and addressees. Such categories imply that the writer has a carefully planned agenda when constructing the text, that each lexeme, phrase, sentence, paragraph is designed to communicate a definite range of messages, and seems to assume that the function(s) of a text will be interpreted and understood in a single, particular way, and does not necessarily allow for different and differing reader interprétions. Although letters and written texts in general allow for more careful formulation and consideration, it is also important to consider that the letters in this analysis are not only administrative, organisational forms of communication, they also represent the expression of personal ideas and emotions. Women wrote the letters because they were annoyed, concerned, or even enthusiastic about certain developments. 12

The English translation of the five functions is mine.

274

Textual analysis

Norman Fairclough's discourse analytical approach criticises pragmatics for its analysis of speech acts as isolated incidents with no connection to the outside world, and for concentrating on individual utterances without taking into consideration the individual's role in society. This understates the extent to which people are caught up in, constrained by, and indeed derive their individual identities from social conventions, and gives the implausible impression that conventionalized ways of speaking or writing are 'reinvented' on each occasion of their use by the speaker generating a suitable strategy for her particular goals.13 He also criticises the tendency to place emphasis on the manipulative power of the speaker/writer in a communicative situation, and raises the question to what extent they follow conventions rather than create their own. Furthermore, he identifies another inherent weakness in the assumption that speakers/writers participate equally and cooperatively in the process of communication.14 I agree that the idea of equal participation and control represents an idealised view of written discourse, as in real written and spoken discourse both writers and addressees are bound by social and communicative conventions, and status, and may be subject to other non-linguistic factors such as unequal levels of power and knowledge.15 Fairclough states that in analysing discourse, we have to consider language and society, not as two separate factors but as inherently interlinked and interconnected at every level. He also maintains that looking merely at the text is too narrow a focus: in addition to examining the 'process of production ', it is also vital to take into account the 'process of interpretation'.16 Discourse, in my opinion, as represented in this analysis through written texts, emanates from a mixture of individual and societal influences. There are, for instance, individual factors that should be borne in mind, such as the role of idiolects, with the writer's use of language being in part a personal and individual creation. The particular context, and the relationship between writer and addressee on an individual level, also play an important role in shaping the discourse. The framework for analysing the women's letters is based on Fairclough's categories of textual analysis, but with modifications to suit the type of text in question. The type, number and distribution of textual characteristics differ according to the text-type, and from text to text. Thus, one general 13

Norman Fairclough (2001), pp. 7-8. ibid., p. 8. 15 See Robert Hodge and Gunther Kress, Language as Ideology, 2nd edn (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), in particular their reference to the following constellations: +expert, -expert; +knowledge, -knowledge; +power, -power (pp. 95-100). 16 Norman Fairclough (2001), p. 20, (italics in original). See also Deborah Schiffrin, Approaches to Discourse (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994), pp. 20-43, and Ruth Wodak (1997), pp. 4-7. 14

Historical and theoretical background

275

framework for textual analysis is not desirable as it may not prove flexible enough to accommodate the range of linguistic features within a text. The analysis will take into account the following characteristics:17 • •

•

Vocabulary: including aspects of meaning relations, use of euphemisms, formal/informal vocabulary, metaphors. Grammar: nominalizations, active/passive sentences, negative/positive sentences; sentence types: declarative, grammatical questions, imperatives; modality, in verbs and particles; the use of pronouns. Textual structures and functions. 4.2.3

Research on mix-sex and same-sex interaction

Studies on linguistic aspects of gender and language have generally tended to focus on spoken discourse, and in particular, on conversational interchanges between women and men. As outlined in the introduction, early research into gender differences in the 1970s concentrated on identifying specific linguistic examples of 'women's language'. These characteristics were interpreted as a sign of women's inferior status in society, and therefore of their inherent powerlessness. This was also confirmed by studies of mixed-gender conversation, which claimed to show that men interrupted women more often, did not allow them to speak for a continuous period of time and did not take up the conversational topics introduced by women. The conclusion reached was that men dominated women in language as they did in society, and that every woman's utterance was symptomatic of her powerlessness.18 Other studies claimed that the above-mentioned characteristics of women's discourse illustrated their separateness from men, that they represented a different culture.19 The analysis of NS women's letters draws to some extent upon Deborah Tannen's theories on gender differences, and the relationship between gender,

17

Adapted from Norman Fairclough (2001), pp. 92-116. The idea that women's language was powerless led, for example, to the promotion of assertiveness training in the 1970s. Women were told that they were ineffective communicators and that they needed to adopt 'male' verbal strategies to succeed. Teaching women assertive strategies, however, failed to take into account that women's speech is often evaluated less positively, even when the content is the same. See Deborah Cameron, Verbal Hygiene (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), Mary Crawford, Talking Difference. On Gender and Language (London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi: Sage, 1995), pp. 49-85, and Senta Trömel-Plötz, Vatersprache Mutterland. Beobachtungen zu Sprache und Politik, 2nd rev. edn (Munich: Frauenoffensive, 1993), pp. 142, 156-167. 19 See Mary Crawford (1995) and her analysis of previous research into the relationship between gender and language. 18

276

Textual analysis

power, status and language, as outlined in Gender and Discourse.20 Tannen attempts to move away from the traditional views on women and men's communicative interaction, the belief that women are disadvantaged particularly in mixed-gender oral communication, and that men use conversation to dominate women. She shows that power relationships as revealed in discourse are far more complex and ambiguous than at first appears, and are subject to a variety of influences, of which gender is only one contributory factor. Although her analysis focuses mainly on conversational interchange, her ideas are also relevant to NS women's written discourse. Her discussion of the powersolidarity dynamic illustrates how attempts to communicate power or solidarity, often regarded as opposites in discourse, are often ambiguous and open to interpretation.21 Janet Holmes also highlights the importance of the interpretation of a particular speech act by the addressee, rather than merely focusing on the speech act produced by the speaker/writer, and puts forward the view that 'women and men may interpret what appear to be the 'same' speech acts differently'. 22 The ambiguity in interpreting the speaker's true intention relates in many ways to the written communications forwarded by various NS women. Their letters reveal how, in female-male correspondence, they are aware of the possibility of their intentions being misinterpreted, and employ a range of hedging strategies to prevent this. As well as analysing female-male communication on a spoken, interactional level, many linguistic studies have focused on all-female interaction. Senta Trömel-Plötz, for example, praises the characteristics of all-female conversation and discussion as the ideal model for all to follow, regardless of gender. Für weibliche Sprache im Sinn eines Idealmodells stelle ich weder die Behauptung auf, daß alle Frauen oder nur Frauen sie praktizieren, noch daß Männer sie nicht verwirklichen können [...] Das übergeordnete Ziel ist Verständigung. Der Wille, mit anderen zusammenzuarbeiten, anstatt Autorität einzusetzen, die Macht zu teilen, anstatt auf Macht zu bestehen, der Wille zur Verständigung, ist vielleicht die hervorstechendste Eigenschaft von Frauengesprächen. Daraus er20

Deborah Tannen, Gender and Discourse (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1994; repr. with additional chapter 1996). 21 Tannen's example as an illustration of this is a brief verbal exchange: 'Two women were walking together from one building to another in order to attend a meeting. They were joined by a man they both knew who had just exited a third building on his way to the same meeting. One of the women greeted the man and remarked, "Where's your coat?" The man responded, "Thanks, Mom." His response framed the woman's remark as a gambit in a power exchange: a mother tells a child to put on his coat. Yet the woman might have intended the remark as showing friendly concern rather than parental caretaking. Was it power (condescending, on the model of parent to child) or solidarity (friendly, on the model of intimate peers)? Though the man's uptake is clear, the woman's intention in making the remark is not', Deborah Tannen (1996), p. 24. 22 Janet Holmes, Women, Men and Politeness (London and New York: Longman, 1995), p. 190. See also Mary Crawford (1995), pp. 78-80.

Women's correspondence in National Socialism: general characteristics

111

geben sich andere Züge wie z.B., daß ohne zu konkurrieren und ohne abzuwerten geredet wird.23 The analysis of the three letters written by women to other women will address the question of whether these characteristics of consideration, co-operation, solidarity and equality in spoken communication, as identified by TrömelPlötz, necessarily translate into written communication within a political environment.

4.3

Women's correspondence in National Socialism: general characteristics

The six letters forming the basis of the analysis are of course only a small selection of the many letters written by NS women in the years 1924-34. As letter-writing is a structured social activity, with established conventions, it is important to examine the formal characteristics of a letter, including thematisation and staging, forms of address, opening greetings and closing salutations, as well as the employment of politeness and solidarity strategies in the letter.24 4.3.1

Thematisation and staging of letters

The letter has certain conventions governing the layout of the text and to a certain extent the language employed. The letter format is part of the thematisation of the text as a whole. The letters can also be 'staged' in a number of ways, depending on the paper used, size and colour of the envelope for example.25 The headed notepaper used in the women's letters is also worth noting, although it is not always clear from the archival material which heading was used, as often only a copy remains (see Appendix I). It is interesting to note that the headed notepaper of the FAG Gau Groß-Berlin (Fig. 1) is very similar to that of the NSDAP headed notepaper, but with the colours of the logo in reverse. The heading of the NSDAP (general organisation) is in red capitals 23 Senta Trömel-Plötz, 'Frauengespräche - Idealgespräche', in Senta Trömel-Plötz (editor), Frauengespräche: Sprache der Verständigung (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer, 1996), pp. 369, 372. Trömel-Plötz (1993) identifies characteristics ideally found in all-female interaction, including 'Gemeinsamkeit, Gleichrangigkeit, Symmetrie' (p. 145). See also, for example, Jennifer Coates and Deborah Cameron (editors), (1988; repr. 1996). Jennifer Coates, 2nd edn (1993). Jennifer Coates, Women Talk. Conversation between Women Friends (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996). Shari Kendall and Deborah Tannen, 'Gender and Language in the Workplace', in Ruth Wodak (editor), (1997), pp. 81-105. 24

For classification of letter-types and general characteristics of letters, see Κ Ermert, Briefsorten. Untersuchungen zu Theorie und Empirie der Textklassifikation (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1979). 25 Gillian Brown and George Yule, Discourse Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983; repr. 1996), pp. 150-151.

278

Textual analysis

with black underlining, whereas the FAG heading is in black letters, with location rather than name of organisation being in capitals, with red underlining. The black swastika within the red circle is the same (Fig. 1). The similarities in the heading signal the solidarity of the group with the NSDAP, whilst the differences in colour communicate its separate nature. The Frauengruppen, by contrast, do not have their own headed notepaper, but instead use NSDAP notepaper with Frauengruppe stamped on the top left of it (Fig. 2). Such a heading could be interpreted as either a sign that the Frauengruppen are an integral part of the NSDAP, are sanctioned by it, and have its full backing, or that the Frauengruppen have little or no autonomy and so do not merit a separate letter heading. By contrast the DFO (Rotes Hakenkreuz) has several different letter headings (Fig. 3, Fig. 4). There is no mention of the NSDAP, and the DFO logo is larger and more prominent than the swastikas. The Neuland notepaper (Fig. 5) has as its heading the words 'Neulandhaus Eisenach' in Fraktur, but with no swastika or other National Socialist symbol, so emphasising its autonomy and separate status in relation to the NSDAP. All these extralinguistic factors contribute to the way in which the addressee perceives and interprets the text as a whole. It is important to remember, however, that not all letters were produced in such a formalised, official format. Letters about the reorganisation of women's activities were occasionally handwritten on plain notepaper with no official logo, some even on postcards.26 4.3.2

Forms of address, opening greetings and closing salutations

The opening greetings in the many letters written to male National Socialists are always formal and follow set patterns according to the contemporary rules of polite written communication. The addressee is addressed either by his name, or his title in the NSDAP, one possible exception being a letter written to Strasser, in which he is addressed by his occupational title: 'Sehr geehrter Herr Apotheker'.27 Examples of forms of address employed in women's letters include: • • • • •

26 27

Sehr geehrter/verehrter Führer/Herr Strasser/Herr Pg. Strasser! Sehr geehrter Herr Strasser, lieber Parteigenosse/Herr Reichsorganisationsleiter Herr Organisationsleiter, Herr Strasser! Sehr geehrter Herr Parteigenosse! Sehr verehrter Herr Strasser, werter Parteigenosse !

See, for example, the handwritten letters in BA NS18/5024, NS22/430 and NS22/431. BA NS22/430, R Stierhof-Schultes to Strasser, 27 September 1928.

Women's correspondence in National Socialism: general characteristics

• • •

279

Herr Hildebrandt/Herr Oberleutnant/Pg. Wagner Hochgeehrter Herr Minister! Werter Herr Reichstagsabgeordneter!

Some letters contain no opening greeting, but instead begin with the name and address of the addressee at the top of the page, before launching straight into the body of the text. If one compares these greetings with those found in letters written by male National Socialists, often in reply to the women's letters, then certain differences can be observed: • • • •

Sehr verehrte Frau Diehl! Sehr verehrte gnädige Frau! Sehr gnädiges Fräulein! Werte Parteigenossin/Parteigenossinnen!

In particular the latter greeting was favoured for women who were not known to the addressee, or for replies which came from an individual who was not the original addressee. Such a greeting, whilst respectful, is part of a depersonalised response, and signals lack of personal engagement on the part of the writer, and creates the impression to the addressee that these are standard formulations, which would have been issued to many other women. The greetings issued in letters from women to women reveal a mixture of highly formal, formal and informal greetings depending on the level of acquaintance of the writer and addressee, and the degree of solidarity the writer wishes to communicate. • • • • • •

Sehr geehrtes Fräulein Albrecht ! /Fräulein Zander! Sehr geehrte, liebe Frau Schnabel!/Frau Diehl! Verehrte Frau Zander! Fräulein Zander! Liebe Frau Schütz! Liebe Lydia!

Closing expressions of solidarity tend to be the same in letters from women to men and women to women:28 • • • • 28

Heil! mit Hitler Heil!/mit Hitler-Heil! mit deutschem Gruß und Hitler Heil mit deutschem Heilgruß

There are, of course, exceptions to this, for example, G Diehl's closing expression of solidarity 'Mit herzlichem Adventsgruss' in her letter to E Zander, BA NS22/430, 8 December 1931.

280

Textual analysis

• • • •

Treufest! Heil! In dankbarer Verehrung Ihre sehr ergebene, Sieg Heil! mit vorzüglicher Hochachtung und Hitler-Heil 4.3.3

Politeness and solidarity strategies in letters

In women's correspondence with men, writers seem aware of the importance of creating favourable first and final impressions in their letters, thus ensuring that the phatic nature of the text is successful, and that any face-threatening acts are avoided. This is communicated by pre- and post-sequence hedging strategies, in the first and final sentences, which are formulated as apologies for troubling the addressee, occasionally accompanied by compliments. 29 Schon immer habe ich den Wunsch gehabt einmal einen der führenden Herren der N.S.D.A.P. zu sprechen.30 Sicherlich werden Sie eben wenig Zeit für meinen Brief haben. Es tut mir selbst leid, Sie damit beschäftigen zu müssen, aber die ganze Frauensache ist doch wichtig.31 Sehr geehrter Herr Strasser, ich bitte sehr um Verzeihung, wenn ich Sie nunmehr mit einer Reihe von Schreiben belästigt habe. Ich bin mir bewusst, dass Sie als Reichs-Organisationsleiter nicht Zeit und nicht die Aufgabe haben, sich mit einzelnen Ortsgruppenangelegenheiten zu befassen.32 In these utterances the women combine both negative and positive politeness strategies which serve to maintain their own 'face' and that of the addressee. The writers, if acquainted with the addressee, sometimes engage in positive politeness strategies to promote solidarity with the addressee, by specifically referring to personal details, such as sending greetings from the writer's relatives or mentioning previous informal meetings or engagements, or referring to recent events involving the addressee. Mit dem Wunsche, dass es Ihnen recht gut gehen möge, begrüsse ich Sie, auch im Namen von Mutter & Schwester herzlichst.33 Verzeihen Sie, wenn ich mich heute mit einer Bitte an Sie wende, zu einer Zeit, in der Ihnen, der von uns Allen so sehr bedauerte Unfall noch grösste Schonung auferlegt. Wenn ich mir aber trotzdem erlaube die nachstehenden Zeilen an Sie zu richten, so ist es nur deshalb, weil mich die Sorge um den Deutschen Frau29

George Yule (1996), pp.38-39, 67-69. Penelope Brown and Stephen C Levinson (1987; repr. 1988), pp. 40-42,145-173. 30 BA NS22/431, Frau Beyer, DFO Breslau, to Frank, 28 December 1930. 31 BA NS22/452, Guida Diehl to Strasser, 7 November 1932. 32 BA NS22/430, Gauleiterin, DFO Mecklenburg/Lübeck, to Strasser, 13 July 1931. 33 BA NS22/430, L Rühlemann to Strasser, 8 August 1931.

Women's correspondence in National Socialism: general characteristics

281

enorden, zu dessen Gauleiterin ich vor mehr als einem Jahre berufen worden bin, dazu veranlasst.34 In the last example, both positive and negative politeness strategies are employed, with the writer using the mention of the addressee's personal circumstances, ie his state of health, to establish solidarity and to express concern, whilst also combining it with a hedging strategy to apologise for imposing upon him. By contrast, letters by Elsbeth Zander to male addressees are characterised by their directness and sometimes elliptical style, although hedging strategies are sometimes employed in her closing greeting. Some of the letters sent to Zander by male addressees were answered by her secretary, rather than by her personally. Sehr geehrter Herr Bouhler! Von Herrn Hess wird mir mitgeteilt, daß meine Anfrage wegen Referat auf dem Parteitag an Sie weiter gereicht wäre. Bitte um Nachricht ob es sich ermöglichen läßt. Wäre Ihnen für baldige Nachricht dankbar. Herz. Dank für Zusendung der offenen Anfrage aus Lichtenstein. Ja man sieht aber was draus wird, wenn die grade Linie verlassen wird. [...] Für Ihre Bemühungen herzl. dankend Bin ich mit Hitlerheil allzeit kampffroh35 Sehr verehrter Herr Hitler, Komme heut mit einer großen Bitte zu Ihnen. In Berlin sollen jetzt Frauen- und Jungmädchengruppen der N.S.D.A.P. gegründet werden. Der Befehl dazu ist schon rausgegangen. Es soll wohl ein Anschluß an die S.A. geschehen. Wir haben in d. Frauenorden keine Freiheitsparteigruppe mehr. Durch mein zu Ihnen stehen sind sie ausgetreten [...] Ich bin natürlich bereit Schwesternschaften ausbilden zu lassen. Ebenso für die Verwundeten zu sorgen, welche im Krankenhaus liegen. Bitte nur um Klarheit. Liberali werden mir die Schwierigkeiten gemacht. Daß ich treu zu Ihnen stehe - habe ich ja bewiesen in vielen Fällen. Dann habe ich noch eine Bitte! - Könnten Sie mir auf dem Parteitag ein Referat über „Frauenarbeit im nationalsozialistischen Sinne" überlassen? Wäre Ihnen sehr dankbar, wenn ich auf meine beiden Fragen recht bald eine Antwort bekommen könnte. Indem ich hoffe keine Fehlbitte getan zu haben, bin ich mit deutschem Heilgruß erg. Elsbeth Zander36 Sehr verehrter Herr Strasser! Soeben bekomme ich drei Schreiben und zwar 1. aus Pommern, 2. aus dem Ruhrgebiet, 3. aus Hannover. Dort sollen Gauleiter resp. Bezirksführer in Sitzungen aufgefordert haben den Orden aufzulösen, um die Frauen zu Frauen34 35 36

BA NS22/430, R Stierhof-Schultes to Strasser, 7 April 1931. Β A NS18/5024, Elsbeth Zander to Herr Bouhler, 12 June 1926. BA NS 18/5024, Elsbeth Zander to Hitler, 8 May 1926.

282

Textual analysis

gruppen der N.S.D.A.P. das heißt, zu Arbeitsgemeinschaften umzuwandeln. Im Ruhrgebiet soll gesagt worden sein, Herr Hitler hätte dazu seine Einwilligung gegeben. - All das ist gegen jede Vereinbarung. Ich bitte Sie dringend dazu Stellung zu nehmen. Es ist von mir aus alles getan worden, um eine Regelung im besten Sinne herbeizufuhren. Sorgen Sie bitte, daß auf solch Vorgehen hin nicht viel gefährdet wird.37 Sehr geehrter Herr Himmler! Im Auftrage von Frl. Elsbeth Zander bestätige ich Ihnen Ihr Schreiben vom 8.ds.Mts. und habe Ihnen von Frl. Zander mitzuteilen, dass sie bestimmt am Mittwoch früh 8 Uhr 10 Min. in München, Hauptbahnhof eintrifft. Da sie nun nicht wiess [sie], wie lange ihre Besprechungen in München dauern, werden die Gruppen, sowie die Parteileitung Nürnberg und Augsburg von München aus durch Frl. Zander benachrichtigt und zwar rechtzeitig.38 W o m e n ' s letters to other women are varied in their expressions of solidarity and desire to preserve 'face'. Some letters show evidence of a discourse in which camaraderie and co-operation, intimacy and friendship are expressed, which strive to encourage others and to create connections within the female community. Sehr geehrte, liebe Frau Schnabel! Heute möchte ich in einer Parteisache zu Ihnen kommen. Sie betonten, als ich in Chemnitz im Frauenorden war, ja sehr liebenswürdig, was Neuland für große, tiefe Ziele habe, daß es vertiefende Gedanken in die Frauenarbeit der N.S.D.A.P. bringe und ähnliches [...] Indem ich Sie bitte, sich dies alles zu überlegen, wünsche ich Ihnen weiterhin rechte Kraft für Ihre Arbeit und bin mit deutschem Gruss und Heil 3 9 Ich muss meiner grossen Freude und Dankbarkeit darüber Ausdruck geben, dass Sie uns damit eine Waffe für unsern Kampf in die Hand gegeben haben, wie wir sie seit langem fühlbar entbehrten [...] Wie stolz können Sie sein, hochverehrte Parteigenossin, dass Sie unsern Führer in schwerer Zeit in solchem Masse helfen dürfen! 40 Liebe Frau Schütz! Wir haben so lange nichts von einander gehört, seit den schönen Tagen in Dessau - wie geht es Ihnen noch? Hoffentlich gesundheitlich gut. Bei uns soweit auch, nur immer viel Arbeit [...] Sie sehem [sie] also, dass ich vor Weihnachten wohl kaum noch mal zum Schreiben komme, und so sollen Sie wenigsten [sie] heute noch einen Gruß erhalten. Ich wurde heute an Sie erinnert, als ich las, dass ein Herr Schütz/Wurzen ge-

37 38 39 40

BA BA BA BA

NS22/430, Elsbeth Zander to Strasser, 10 June 1931. NS18/5024, Sekretärin, DFO Hauptgeschäftsstelle to Himmler, 9 October 1926. NS22/431, L von Himbergen to Frau Schnabel, 11 July 1931. NS22/452, E Gallmer to G Diehl, 27 September 1932.

Women's correspondence in National Socialism: general characteristics

283

storben sei; war das nicht ein Verwandter Ihres Herrn Gemahls? Werden Sie da zur Beerdigung kommen?41

As the last quotation illustrates, in all-female correspondence writers occasionally include greetings or references to from/to third-party familial addressees, seen also in female-male letters. Yet, unlike in female-male correspondence, women are also prepared to employ impoliteness strategies and facethreatening acts. Sehr geehrtes Fräulein Zander! Ihr Vorgehen gegen mich ist so empörend, dass ich nunmehr dem Deutschen Frauenorden endgültig den Rücken zu kehren gezwungen bin. ... Sie wollen keine Mitarbeiter neben sich, sondern nur Kreaturen unter sich. Sie wollen herrschen! (underlining in original).42

With many of the letters, the question of primary and secondary addressees plays an important role in analysing the formulations and intentions of the text for the writer, and in understanding the reception and interpretation of the text by the addressee(s). Particularly in all-female correspondence, copies of letters were often sent to other addressees in the party, and this was sometimes stated in the letter. In some instances, the reference to a secondary addressee was used as a reprimand or threat to the addressee, to provoke them to take a particular course of action as suggested or demanded by the writer. The impact of the potential second (indirect) addressee(s) should not be underestimated, as s/he/they alter(s) the intimacy of the one-to-one relationship established in a letter and introduce(s) either stated or unstated overtures of mistrust, of power manipulation and political manoeuvring, as illustrated by the following example: Dieser Brief geht in Abschrift eingeschrieben an Adolf Hitler, Dr. Goebbels, Major Buch u. Gregor Strasser, damit die Herren sehen, dass ich ehrlichen Kampf führe. 43

In NS women's correspondence, the following models of communication can be observed, and the relevance of these models will be shown in the analysis of the letters: 1 writer => 1 addressee 1 writer => 2 or more addressees 2 or more writers => 1 addressee 2 or more writers => 2 or more addressees

41 42 43

BA NS22/431, L Rühlemann to Frau Schütz, 23 November 1930. BA NS22/431, Ρ S Rogge to E Zander, 29 November 1924. BA NS22/430, Κ Schütz to E Zander, 30 August 1929.

284

Textual analysis

4.4

Analysis of six letters

The analysis of the six letters will begin with a consideration of how the status of participants and type/level of acquaintance may have a bearing on the structure and formulation of the texts. The use of pronouns in all the letters will also be highlighted, to identify any common patterns or differences. 4.4.1

Status and levels of acquaintance

Letters from women to men: Name

Position

Organisation

A Göbel Guida Dìehl

Führerin Kulturreferentin, Führerin oí Neulandbewegung Führerin

DFO NSDAP, Neuland

Lotte Rühlemann

Acquainted with addressee No (apparently) Yes

Frauengruppe Leipzig

Yes

Acquainted with addressee Yes

Letters from women to women: Name

Position

Organisation

M Wirsing

Gaufrauenschaflsleiterin/Sektionsßhrerin Kulturreferentin, Führerin of Neulandbewegung Sachberaterin bei der Reichsführung Bayreuth

NSFrauenschaft NSDAP, Neuland

Guida Diehl

Hedwig Förster

DFO/NSDAP

Yes

Yes (but not clear if they have met)

In analysing these six letters certain factors which have to be considered, such as status of writer in relation to addressee, which organisation (if any) the writer belongs to and if she identifies her membership of a particular group. It is also important to establish whether the writer identifies her rank or position of authority, either present or previous, and whether the letter constitutes the first attempt to contact the addressee, or whether it is part of an ongoing correspondence between two parties. The relative status and positions of power of writer and addressee play an important part in assessing what Fairclough refers to as 'asymmetries of rights and obligations between subjects'.44 The power/status relationships between the women and their male/female addressees are not entirely straightforward. 44

Norman Fairclough (2001), p. 131.

Analysis of six letters

285

The women are subordinate to their addressees in varying degrees, and the addressees are regarded as figures of power and authority. Yet some of the writers are members or leaders of their own organisations, which enjoy varying degrees of autonomy. The level of acquaintance between writer and addressee is an influential factor in establishing the power relationship between them and the discourse employed. The communication between the women and Strasser is not simply a matter of an inferior person writing to her superior for help or to put forward a request. Göbel is under the control and jurisdiction of Strasser and the NSDAP, but still sees herself as belonging to an independent organisation with its own leader. Guida Diehl occupies a more powerful position, as leader of the Neulandbewegung, as a member of the NSDAP, and in her position of Reichsreferentin. The fact that she was called upon to advise on women's affairs also elevates her status, as does her level of acquaintance with Strasser. Yet, her power is to some extent compromised by the fact that she acts as Kulturreferentin, as this puts her under the command of Strasser, and limits the nature of the suggestions and requests she makes to him. Guida Diehl knows and works with Strasser and consequently has to cultivate a harmonious and successful professional relationship with him. Göbel does not necessarily have to maintain an ongoing relationship with Strasser and the fact that the contact estableshed is of a temporary nature could allow her more freedom to express her requests in a direct and forthright manner. Lotte Rühlemann, by contrast, is personally acquainted with Strasser. This is evident from their correspondence in which Rühlemann enquires after Strasser's health, and in which she sends him regards on behalf of her mother and sister, and from Strasser's replies, in which he returns the greetings to her mother and sister.45 Her level of acquaintance would seem to give her more power in gaining Strasser's attention and ensuring that he will act on her requests. The asymmetry of power alters slightly, in that Strasser is perhaps also under a greater obligation to respond to her letters, so as to maintain their relationship. In the all-female correspondence, it is evident that M Wirsing and G Diehl are personally acquainted with their addressees, but it is unclear whether Förster knows and/or has met Zander. The relationship between Diehl and Zander is most interesting, as they were both prominent figures in shaping 45

BA NS22/430, Rühlemann to Strasser, 8 August 1931, in which she writes, 'Wir freuen uns herzlich, dass Sie den bösen Unfall gut überstanden haben und wollen nun hoffen, dass es wirklich der letzte war [...] Ich hoffe, es geht auch Ihrer Frau Gemahlin recht gut und bitte, sie bestens von mir zu grüssen'. See also the letter from Strasser to Rühlemann, 2 September 1931, in which he concludes the letter with 'Mit herzlichen [sic] Gruß an Ihre verehrte Frau Mutter und Schwester, und Ihnen Gruß und Handschlag'.

286

Textual analysis

women's participation in National Socialism. Although Zander was regarded as the women's leader, as Reichsreferentin bei der Reichsleitung and as head of the newly-created NS-Frauenschaft, Diehl had been the leader of the Neulandbewegung and had been appointed Kulturreferentin bei der Reichsleitung. Diehl also had aspirations to become the female leader and considered herself more than capable of fulfilling Zander's duties.46 4.4.2

Pronouns: establishing in-groups and out-groups

Many studies of group languages which are based on discourse analysis theories focus in particular on the use of factors such as deictic expression and in particular person deixis, with the use of the pronoun wir in its inclusive and exclusive senses. The pronoun wir can be employed by the writer to either include or exclude the addressee, or even leave the reference ambiguous and open to interpretation by the addressee. The potential ambiguity of this pronoun in certain contexts is of advantage, as it allows for inclusion or exclusion and 'provides a subtle opportunity for a hearer to decide what was communicated. Either the hearer decides that he or she is a member of the group [...] or an outsider'.47 In the women's correspondence, both to men and to other women, they construct a framework of separate groupings, allegiances and oppositions, through the use of pronouns. The following tables examine the use of the addressee-inclusive and exclusive pronoun wir and uns, as well as the possessive pronomi unser in the six letters as an indicator of how inclusion and exclusion, solidarity and separateness between writer and addressee are communicated. Wir (Frauen)

Wir (Nationalsozialisten) Wir (Nationalsozialistinnen)

Wir(Frauengruppen/DFO/NSF/Neulandbund)

46 47

See Leonie Wagner (1996), p. 181. George Yule (1996), p. 12.

Line references in brackets

Lotte Rühlemann to Strasser, 27 August 1931

Guida Diehl to Strasser, 17 June 1931

A Göbel to Strasser, 6 October 1931

Letter

könnten wir ja einfach = Diehl & Strasser (4) Erfüllen wir diese Frauen (12-13) indem wir (13) Können wir uns (24)

inclusive wir unseren nationalen Geist = 'members of NSDAP, male and fenuile' (21) im Geiste unseres Führers (25) zur Erreichung unseres Ziels (38)

inclusive unser

sodass uns (17)

1 inclusive uns

haben wir beschlossen (4) Wir werden unseren Plan (6) Nun hätten wir gern (7) würden wir uns (19) wir wollen (26)

exclusive wir

unserer Leipz. Frauengruppen (3-4) unseren Plan (6) Unsere Frauen hoffen (24)

exclusive unser

würden wir uns (19)

exclusive uns

Analysis o f six letters

287

in unserem Sinn (44)

Guida Diehl to E weil wir ja keine Zeit mehr (9) Zander, 8 December 1931 Wir müssen doch (16) wollten wir (35) Wir haben ja (36) Wir brauchen ja auch (51) müssen wir später (53)

Line references in brackets

Hedwig Förster to E Zander, 12 December 1931

an unsem verehrten Führer (13)

so senden wir (10) könnten wir hier (28)

in unserer Frauen- bei uns (24) schaft (12) ausser uns (24) in unsere Sache (14)

dass wir alles daran setzen werden (7-8) Wir waren ausser uns (24) als wir annehmen (25)

die uns besonders bewegen (10)

von unseren Gesprächen (6) unsere Tätigkeit (11) von unserer Bewegung (1718)

M Wirsing to Guida Diehl, 31 October 1931

exclusive uns

exclusive unser

exclusive wir

inclusive uns

inclusive wir

inclusive unser

Letter

288 Textual analysis

Lettere from women to men

289

In the letters from Göbel and Rühlemann, the exclusive wir is used, so emphasising the women as a cohesive group, of which the addressee is not a part. The women do, however, make use of the inclusive possessive unser to refer to persons or beliefs common to female and male National Socialists, such as Geist or Führer. In Diehl's letters to Strasser and Zander, she employs the inclusive wir, which highlights that gender is sometimes but not always a determining factor in expressing solidarity. Diehl shows allegiance to both male and female figures in power, rather than perceiving herself as a representative of women in general. In Diehl's letter to Zander, the difference between the inclusive and exclusive wir is not one of gender, but rather of rival organisations. Even the examples of wir which I have placed in the inclusive category, are ambiguous in their precise reference. In her letter to Diehl, Wirsing differentiates between Diehl and Wirsing's group or organisation, through the use of the exclusive wir/unser/uns. This is not intended as a hostile strategy, though, rather it is used to emphasise Diehl's status as a figure who has had great influence on a community of NS women. Wirsing also uses the inclusive unser/uns to include Diehl as a member of the community of women and of the NSDAP, although here the references are ambiguous and could be interpreted to mean 'pertaining to the NS-Frauenschaft only'. Förster, by contrast, does not attempt to establish solidarity with the addressee, or to point to differences in loyalties. Her use of the inclusive unser in the letter is used, not as a positive politeness strategy, but rather as a threatening act.

4.5 4.5.1

Letters from women to men48 A Göbel to Strasser, 6 October 1931 Background knowledge

The letter is written by the leader of the former branch of the DFO in Breslau, which was disbanded, presumably, to make way for the newly formed Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft. Vocabulary The letter commences with the feminine title Führerin, so establishing the writer's level of power and status from the outset. The noun, however, is 48

Three of the letters have handwritten remarks added to the end of the texts by the writers. I have decided not to include these additions in the lexical and grammatical analyses, as they do not form part of the main text. 1 shall, however, consider the relevance of these handwritten postscripts in the analyses of textual structure and functions. I shall place quotations from the letters in italics rather than quotation marks, to improve the readability of the text.

290

Textual analysis

premodified by the adjective bisherig (1) and this already signals the writer's unease and discontentment. The adjective bisherig rather than ehemalig emphasises that the writer perceives this as a recent and unwelcome development. The language of the letter is 'feminised' by the reference to the women's organisations Frauenorden (3, 24), Königin Louisen [sic] Bund (22), through the nouns bearing the -in suffix: Leiterin (9) and Führerin (1, 10), and through the repetition of the lexeme Frau in its singular and plural forms. The language of the letter is powerfully-charged and communicates a sense of action, through the deverbative nouns Betätigung (8, 10), Einsetzung (9), Aufsuchen (12), Verteilung (15), Einteilung (16) und Anweisung (16), particularly when one examines the underlying verbs betätigen, einsetzen, aufsuchen, verteilen, einteilen, anweisen. The writer also makes use of the language of sacrifice and duty, such as den Bund aufgegeben (23-24), mich ... dem Deutschen Frauenorden gewidmet (24), alle zur Erfüllung ihrer Aufgabe bereit (34-35) and combines this with a mention of statistics, 500 Mitglieder (23), as a means of enhancing her own status and prestige. She provides a positive description of BKL activities to emphasise the scale of the sacrifice she has made. This also serves to act as a veiled threat, in relying on shared preexisting knowledge, ie that Strasser is familiar with the BKL and its activities, and that it was perceived within the NSDAP as a rival to NS women's organisations. Thus she implies that the BKL is a viable alternative for herself, if conditions for her do not improve, and for other women in the same situation. The writer also makes a distinction between the Reichsleitung and hiesige Parteileitung and throughout the letter maintains the semantic oppositional structure of Reichsleitung (positive) versus hiesige Parteileitung (negative), and she aligns herself and the DFO with the former. The use of the superlative grössten (32) acts as a reminder to Strasser that women have a vital and primary role in the dissemination of National Socialist ideology. The repetition of tätig within the same sentence (22-23) contrasts with untätig (37) and serves to emphasise the writer's frustration and that of the women in her organisation. The language of the letter is formal and official in style, but also contains key NS ideological phrases expressing sacrifice, duty and activity within the party, such as Mitglieder, die nachweislich im idealen Sinne fur die Sache arbeiten und arbeiten wollen (19-20); schon jahrelang für unseren nationalen Geist tätig (21-22); um für die Zukunft Frauen im Geiste unseres Führers Adolf Hitler zu erziehen. (25-26); sie sind auch alle zur Erfüllung ihrer Aufgabe bereit (34-35); ganz im Sinne des Pflichtgefühls und weil ich nicht untätig sein möchte zur Erreichung unseres Ziels (37-38).

Lettere from women to men

291

Grammatical features The use of substantival style characterises the letter as formal and official: dass die Parteileitung auf die Mittätigkeit der bisherigen Mitglieder verzichten will (5-6); Die Bestimmung über die Betätigung soll in Zukunft (8); wie zum Beispiel das Aufsuchen von Kranken, von armen Parteimitgliedern, die Unterstützung des braunen Hauses, sei es das Kochen oder sonstigen Obliegenheiten (11-14), und lehntjede Unterstützung und Anerkennung entschieden ab (27). Throughout the letter Göbel does not include specific references to proper names, even in active sentences, but instead uses the collective noun die hiesige Parteileitung and the pronoun man. The writer outlines the nature of the complaint and communicates her displeasure through the negative sentences with kein, nicht, ohne, as well as through the use of the negativelycharged verbs: verzichten (6), zurückweisen (20-21), ablehnen (27). The writer makes use of interrogatives (29-30), (31-33), interspersed with declaratives to express her confusion and unease directly. Göbel communicates her wishes in the form of a complaint and this is reflected through her use of pronouns. It is perhaps a sign of her estimation of her own status that she puts forward the argument as an individual, and not collectively, although she is representing the women belonging to her disbanded organisation. She refers to ich, mir and meine rather than wir. Her directness in using the first person pronoun is countered by the careful phrasing of her questions and criticism, seen in the first paragraph with the phrase gestatte ich mir die Anfrage, ob (2). The writer expresses her solidarity and that of her organisation through the inclusive possessive pronoun unser: unseren nationalen Geist (21) and unseres Führers (25), weil ich nicht untätig sein möchte zur Erreichung unseres Ziels (37-38), and by doing so balances the criticism of the local party leadership with a statement explaining that her actions are serving the party as a whole. The writer only addresses Strasser directly once, at the close of the letter: Fassen Sie mein heutiges Schreiben so auf wie ich es Meine [sie] (36). Through her forms of address, the writer manipulates oppositions and allegiances within the party. She also uses modal verbs will (6), soil (8, 10), together with the adverb angeblich (7), in reported speech. The use of modals serves two functions. Firstly it communicates the fact that Göbel and other members of the DFO were excluded from the decisions made concerning the women, so revealing their sense of frustration, confusion, and ultimately powerlessness. Secondly, it is a means of questioning the accuracy and authenticity of the decisions, so asserting her own sense of authority and legitimacy to comment on these matters. She also uses the modal verb darf (39) as part of a negative politeness strategy. Her argument is emphasised by the varied use of modal particles. The use of doch in soll diese Betätigung doch 10-11), expresses the writer's sense

292

Textual analysis

of disapproval at the actions that have been taken and signals to the addressee that she hopes he will be of the same opinion. The particle schon is also used as a form of hedging, to qualify and limit the 'Beitrag' women need to participate in the party, Schon ein ganz niedriger Beitrag (33-34). But on the other hand, it can also act as a veiled criticism, implying that at present the women have nothing, and that therefore even a small opportunity to become involved would satisfy them. The modal particle ja in die ja letzten Endes (32) emphasises that the speaker believes the recipient will agree that she is correct and justified in making her statement, eine recht baldige Antwort wohl erwarten (39). In this example, it is not entirely clear whether wohl is used as a hedging device, to express uncertainty, or whether it functions as an intensifier, to emphasise the urgent nature of the request. It is perhaps because of this ambiguity that the modal particle was selected, and it highlights the awkward situation of a female National Socialist, caught between wanting to state her desire for Strasser to take action, whilst not wishing to alienate him to her cause, by being seen as disloyal. Textual structure/functions The function of the letter is primarily appellative/declarative, with a subordinate expressive function. The central purpose of the letter is to appeal to Strasser to intervene on the women's behalf in Breslau and ensure that women are involved in the organisation of their activities. The thematic development is argumentative and is structured in the following way: Paragraph 1: Introduces herself and outlines her problem: the local leadership are refusing to allow women members to participate in the restructuring of the women's organisation. She forwards her own opinion on the matter and cites her own case as an example to be followed, then concludes with a repetition of the original problem. Paragraph 2: Develops her argument, and turns the focus of her questions on Strasser and the Reichsleitung. Makes a further suggestion on how to alleviate the problem. Paragraph 3: Expression of true intentions to modify the letter. Paragraph 4: Requests speedy reply. Closing farewell greeting. Handwritten comment. The true intention of the letter is to call for support for the NS women in Breslau, to allow them to participate in the activities traditionally associated with women. But in achieving this goal, the writer of the letter also communi-

Letters from women to men

293

cates other messages to Strasser. By complaining that women are being excluded from participation in the local party, she is implying: a) that the local party leadership is operating its own policies concerning women without the explicit consent of the national leadership, and perhaps even contrary to national policies; b) that if this is official party policy, then she opposes it and states that it is wrong and harmful. Göbel also issues what could be seen as a veiled threat. In the second paragraph, she asks whether it is prudent to refuse the help of women, who after all, exert the greatest influence on the family, on the husband and son: Sollte man wirklich den Hilfsdienst der Frau ablehnen, die ja letzten Endes den grössten Einfluss auf die Familie, also auf Mann und Sohn hat? (31-33). This question could be interpreted in several ways. It could mean that by including women in party activities and giving them an active role, one would be tapping into a powerful source of influence, as women would pass on their belief in and enthusiasm for the party to their husband and sons. The question posed by Göbel could also be interpreted as a vague, and more generalised threat. If the party chooses not to include women, then how will they in turn use their influence on their husbands and sons? Perhaps their influence could be used against the party. This very vague threat relates to the previous paragraph, in which Göbel mentions how she gave up her work in the rival Bund Königin Luise, with its large membership, to devote herself to the party. By connecting these two references in the text, one could interpret it to mean that if the women are not given a role in the reorganisation, then they will turn to rival organisations. The writer of the letter regards herself as having some position of authority, as she states directly. Her position, although now defunct, entitles her to question the authority of the local party leadership. She supports strict gender demarcation, and outlines the areas she feels should be carried out by women under female leadership. She also states that a man as leader would be unable to oversee the typically 'female' tasks. The message she communicates here is that the women want to be left alone to structure and organise their own sphere, without male interference. From a chronological point of view, this is interesting, as it is outspoken and critical of local and possibly national leadership of the party. It shows to what extent the women regarded themselves as a loyal but autonomous group, and that they felt that they were entitled to question the actions of other party members. Although the letter in general has a demanding, forthright tone, reflecting a confidence in the writer's status and authority, it is tempered on several occa-

294

Textual analysis

sions with the use of hedging or softening devices often found in other letters written by women to male party officials. These can be seen in the sentences: Es liegt mir durchaus fern, irgendwelche Ausföhrungen zu monieren aber (ΠΙ 8), (note the use of aber, signalling the introduction of her complaint); and Fassen Sie mein heutiges Schreiben so auf wie ich es Meine [sie], ganz im Sinne des Pflichtgefühls (36-37). The writer is aware that her comments may be misinterpreted, and so emphasises her loyalty and good intentions. It is interesting that Göbel feels compelled to write to Strasser directly. Her actions could be interpreted as a sign of power and status, that she feels she is entitled to consult the Reichsorganisationsleiter, and that he will listen to her requests, or conversely, her letter could be seen as an indication of powerlessness, that she is unable to bring about any changes at a local level and so her only possible course of action is to appeal to a higher level. The answer lies in both explanations. In the party structure as a whole, Göbel has a minor status and wields little power, both because she was the Führerin at local level, and because the DFO was not a part of the NSDAP and was segregated in its sphere of influence, a combination of gender and status. However the status she enjoyed as the Führerin, and the previously autonomous nature of the DFO, are communicated forcefully through the letter, particularly as she perceives the relative power of her organisation as being under threat. The handwritten text at the end of the letter allows Göbel to include additional information, about the financial reasons why both husband and wife may not be able to be party members, for example (45-48) to support her previously articulated requests informally, and to indicate that she continues to take an interest in the matters she has outlined, even after she has drafted the formal letter. Her final comment could be seen as an attempt to avoid receiving the standard reply to many women asking for clarification regarding the reorganisation of women, which was to refer them to the newly-devised guidelines for the NSFrauenschaft. If this had been her intention, then she was not successful, as the brief reply to her letter illustrates: Werte Parteigenossin! Zu Ihrem Schreiben vom 6. vor. Mts bitte ich zur Kenntnis zu nehmen, daß die Ausfuhrungsbestimmungen für die N.S.-Frauenschaft inzwischen im Verordnungsblatt wie im "Völkischen Beobachter" erschienen sind. Heil Hitler!49

49

BA NS22/431, Reichsorganisationsleitung to A Göbel, 24 November 1931.

Letters from women to men

4.5.2

295

Guida Diehl to Strasser, 17 June 1931 Background knowledge

The letter is written by Guida Diehl, founder and leader of the Neulandbund and Kulturreferentin fur Frauenfragen in the NSDAP, and is one in a series of correspondence between Guida Diehl and Gregor Strasser concerning the creation of the Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft. The letter implies that there is discord between rival organisations DFO, FAG and the Neulandbund. The DFO objected to Diehl's honorary appointment as cultural adviser and fought against her attempts to interfere, as they perceived it, in their own power structure and organisation. Unlike Göbel's letter, there are no self-introductions and explanations; both the writer and recipient are known to each other, as are the topics dominating their correspondence. The letter also suggests that they are also in communication personally or by telephone. Vocabulary The language is at times dynamic, using terms associated with National Socialist discourse, such as the verb zusammenfassen (7, 13-14), Kraft (11, 15) and the military metaphor mobil gemacht werden (10). The vocabulary chosen signals solidarity with the party as a whole, but also points out the differing roles and interests of the party in general and the NS-Frauenschaft, shown in the phrase Kraft der Partei (11) and Kraft der Nationalsozialistischen Frauenschaft (15-16), and the collocating adjectives propagandistisch (11) and geistig (15). Geistig is a key word used by Guida Diehl in her writings, and is balanced in the text with the use of the adverb aktiv (14). The letter also contains lexemes associated with female discourse, including Aufgabe (14) and the compound Kulturaufgabe (12), the adjective weiblich collocating with Parteimitglieder (6) and Mitglieder (8). Specifically female concerns are also communicated through the use of nouns denoting women's organisations, Frauenorden (4-5, 8, 16, 20) Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft (6-7, 13, 1516), Schwesternschaft "Rotes Hakenkreuz" (18). The language is, at times, informal, seen in expressions such as aus dem Weg zu gehen (4);ja einfach den Deutschen Frauenorden so belassen wie er ist (4-5), deshalb eine Auseinandersetzung mit dessen Führern vorher gar nicht nötig ist. (21-22); Können wir uns nicht irgendwo bald einmal sprechen? (24). Informal language serves to promote positive solidarity, in signalling intimacy in the communicative relationship. The problems encountered by Diehl concerning the DFO are expressed through the negatively charged nouns Schwierigkeit (3, 19), Verstimmung (3-4, 20), and Auseinandersetzung (21).

296

Textual analysis

The choice of lexemes indicates that this letter is part of ongoing communication between Strasser and Diehl (2-7), (23-24). These topics are addressed, but not introduced, indicating that the context and references are clear to both writer and addressee. Grammatical features Although, as mentioned above, the letter contains informal vocabulary and expressions, some aspects of the text reflect the official nature of correspondence, with the use of substantival style, for instance, Um jeder Schwierigkeit und jeder Verstimmung (3-4); zur Verstärkung der propagandistischen Kraft (10-11); dessen Umwandlung zu einer richtiggehenden Schwesternschaft (1718), Bei einer solchen Anfassung der Arbeit (18-19). This communicates the fact that the writer is aware of the formal and official nature of the correspondence, and wishes her ideas to be taken seriously. The combination of formal and informal styles also indicates Diehl's confidence in her status, authority and relationship with Strasser. The text contains a mixture of active and passive sentences, reflecting the mixture of forcefulness and hedging. Whilst the active constructions communicate specific action to be carried out by Strasser and Diehl and by Diehl alone, and reflect the power she has in her sphere of influence, the passive sentences are used to convey vaguer and more hypothetical suggestions, over which she perhaps has less power or control. In some sentences, both active and passive clauses are used (8-12, 12-18, 18-22). The contact function of the letter is most clearly expressed through the two direct questions to conclude the letter: Was sagen Sie nun hierzu, sehr verehrter Herr Parteigenosse? Können wir uns nicht irgendwo bald einmal sprechen? (23-24), which are designed to request a response informally but directly. The appellative function of the text is communicated through the use of modals in the conditional: möchte (3), könnten (4), müssen (9), and the use of the hortative, Erfüllen wir diese Frauen (12-13), geben ihr eine Aufgabe (14). The use of können in the first part of the letter serves as a face-saving device for both the writer and the addressee. The modal verb in the conditional emphasises the fact that the writer is making suggestions rather than commands, and gives the addressee the opportunity to reject or modify these suggestions, without feeling threatened and without offending the writer. This face-saving technique is enhanced by the expression Vorschlag einfallen (2), which underlines the casualness of the suggestion. Nun (2) is used to express positive politeness and to underline the urgency and immediacy of the matter under discussion; and modal particles are employed throughout the text: doch (3), (9); ja einfach (4); ja dann (20); gar (22). The particles are not only used for emphasis, they are also a way of signalling the contact function of the text, by

Letters from women to men

297

asking for engagement and consensus on the part of the recipient/reader. Ja (4, 7, 20) emphasises the appeal to Strasser for agreement, and signals that Diehl believes they do not disagree on this matter, whilst doch (3,9) communicates a sense of urgency. The semantic relations established in the letter reveal much about its underlying message. The abbreviation DFO collocates with the nouns Verstimmung and Schwierigkeit, and this reinforces the negative connotations attached to the organisation. The writer establishes several oppositional groups: the DFO and other female members of the NSDAP (4-6), and also separates herself from die Frauen collectively or the weibliche Mitglieder and instead aligns herself instead with Strasser and the NSDAP. Hence the use of the recipient-inclusive wir/unser/uns, including Diehl, Strasser, and possibly the NSDAP as a whole, and this is further emphasised by addressing Strasser as Herr Parteigenosse towards the close of the letter (23-24). This inclusive wir is contrasted with the Deutscher Frauenorden and also die übrigen weiblichen Parteimitglieder (6). The use of pronouns in the letter point to a complex framing of power, influence and allegiances. The letter is written from Guida Diehl's personal point of view, hence the use of ich (5) and mir (19). Textual structure/functions The letter is divided into two paragraphs; one forming the main body of the letter and the other containing the closing remarks: Paragraph 1: Informs Strasser that she has a suggestion to make. Explains the suggestion. Gives reason for suggesting measure and identifies weaknesses in the present organisation of women in the NSDAP. The writer then outlines the possible positive effect of her suggestion in solving the immediate problem of the DFO and also of the greater problem of women's involvement generally. Repeats that her suggestion provides a solution to the possible conflict with the DFO. Paragraph 2: Asks for Strasser's opinion on her suggestion and requests further contact. Closing expression of solidarity. Handwritten comment. The function of the text is primarily appellative/directive, but also informative. Although the letter is appellative, it proposes suggestions and invites approval rather than requesting a particular course of action to be taken. The semiinformal nature of the letter reveals much about Diehl's status and her perception of her influence and power. Her letter expresses her confidence about her

298

Textual analysis

ability to make suggestions and for them to be approved by Strasser. Perhaps her background, as leader of the independent Neulandbund, which was in existence before the NSDAP and the DFO, gives her a sense of being on equal or near-equal terms with Strasser.50 Yet many of her suggestions are carefully hedged so as not to appear too demanding and forthright. The handwritten invitation to Strasser (using the hortative kommen Sie doch (28-29) to come and visit her serves as a final positive politeness strategy, to further soften her demands and to secure their positive working relationship through face-to-face contact. 4.5.3

Lotte Rühlemann to Strasser, 27 August 1931 Background information

Lotte Rühlemann was the founder of one of the first Frauengruppen of the NSDAP, in Leipzig. The Frauengruppen, and the Frauenarbeitsgemeinschaften were not satisfied with the appointment of Elsbeth Zander as Reichsreferentin, as correspondence between Riihlemann and other women shows. This letter follows on from a previous one sent to Strasser, dated 8 August 1931, in which she expressed her concern at Fräulein Zander having been chosen as Reichsftihrerin..si Vocabulary The main topics of the letter (the future structure of NS women's organisations, the appointment of a female leader, and the activities of a local women's organisation) are communicated through the use of the following nouns: Frauenschaft (2-3), Führerinnen (3), Frauengruppen (4, 25), Frauenveranstaltung, (5), Reichsfuhrerin (9, 14), Unterfuhrerinnen (15), Frauenorden (16), Frauenarbeitsgemeinschaften (17), Gauberaterin (20), Mitarbeiterinnen (2021). These nouns are the lexical representations of the female element in the text and also function as cohesive devices throughout the letter. The letter, with its request for information and intervention on the part of Strasser, and the threat of resignation, constitutes a clear face-threatening act, which could compromise the addressee and evoke his anger and/or unwillingness to respond positively to the writer. Therefore the writer has to modify the directness of the message, whilst still stressing its importance and urgency. This is communicated through the use of the verb wenden (3), and the repeti-

50

Leonie Wagner (1996) comments that Guida Diehl portrayed herself 'als weibliche Parallele und sogar als Vorläuferin zu Hitler', p. 41, footnote 45. 51 Jill Stephenson (1981) mentions the correspondence between Rühlemann and Strasser regarding Elsbeth Zander, pp. 52-53.

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299

tion of the verb hoffen throughout the letter (13, 21, 24). Hoffen implies both uncertainty, indirectness, but also personal emphasis from the writer. The negative attitudes concerning Zander's appointment are conveyed through terms such as schwer fallen (15), unmöglich, (13-14), as well as the verb sich abfinden (19), and the impact oí sich abfinden is enhanced by the contrast with the following verb in initial position sich freuen (19). Also the verb verboten (8) seems a particularly powerful choice in the context. The fact that the letter is concerned with organisational matters within the party is highlighted through the administrative terms employed, such as veranstalten (6), amtlich (9), Benachrichtigung (11), Amt (12), organisatorisch (18), Richtlinien (24). As well as the writer and addressee, two other names are central to the communication: Pg. Dönicke (6, 27) and Frl. Zander (8, 14, 18, 28), and it is interesting that solidarity is not necessarily established along lines of gender, as Rühlemann indicates that she allies herself with Dönicke and portrays Zander as her enemy. She also attempts to strengthen the validity of her argument against Zander, by emphasising that she has the full support of other women in her organisation, as seen by the use of the adjective einstimmig (15) and the verb billigen accompanied by the adverbial expression voll & ganz (21).

The threats and complaints issued in the letter are hedged, for example, by the use of the military metaphor Fahnenflucht (22-23), so attempting to anticipate Strasser's negative reaction and appeasing it in advance. Grammatical features The writer makes use of nominalisations, emphasising the formal, organisational style of the letter, for example, Benachrichtigung (11), zur Verfügung stellen (12), Verständnis haben (22), Kommen (28). Most of the sentences in the letter are active, emphasising the powerful message to be conveyed, but an agentless passive is used twice to refer to someone being 'sent' (10, 20), and also to possibility of the meeting being banned (8), which allows the writer to omit naming a particular agent. These passive constructions also serve to highlight the lack of power and control of the writer and women in general in determining their own affairs, communicating the idea that the agent is an abitrary force, unseen, all-powerful and out of the range of influence of the women. The sentences in the letter are all declarative, with no grammatical questions and imperatives, and this helps to create a text which is forceful and definite, yet hedged in its formulations. All queries regarding the appointment of Zander are phrased indirectly, using verbs in the conditional, rather than through direct grammatical questions.

300

Textual analysis

The opening sentence begins with the adverbials nun (2) and noch einmal (2), which signal to Strasser that this letter is part of an ongoing correspondence and refers to a topic which is familiar to writer and addressee. The repetition of nun (7) maintains the urgent tone. The modal particle doch combined with the modal verb muss (2) emphasises the importance and necessity of Rühlemann's communication and also serves as a negative politeness strategy, in apologising for and explaining the intrusion upon Strasser's time. Doch occurs again (15), to stress the solidarity of the women in the Ortsgruppe and reinforces the emphatic nature of auch in initial position in the same sentence. As part of the negative politeness strategy, the verb werden occurs in the conditional (10, 11, 15, 18-19, 20). The conditional also, however, allows the writer to explore hypothetical situations, based on Strasser's possible or anticipated response, and to indicate which situation she disapproves of and which she most desires. The modal sollen (10) introduces what unfolds as a veiled threat to resign (10-12). The pronouns ich and Sie establish the one-to-one model of communication between writer and addressee, and the frequent use of ich (2, 10, 11, 13, 21, 27), combined with the reference to meine Mitarbeiterinnen (20-21) emphasises Rühlemann's position and status as a local Führerin. The use of Sie throughout the letter is a reminder that the addressee is under an obligation to respond to the requests and demands. The exclusive wir pronouns in the text (4, 6, 7, 19, 26) and possessive unser (3, 6, 19), communicate the sense of solidarity amongst the women and reinforce the legitimacy of Rühlemann's power as well as her particular complaints and demands. The pronouns also create a polarised position between the women of the Frauengruppe Leipzig, and Zander and the DFO. Textual structure/functions The letter incorporates a complex blend of functions as shown in the textual structure: Paragraph 1 : Introduces subject of letter. Provides information about plans, followed by request for information from addressee. Outline consequences of response from addressee, including threat to resign. Paragraph 2: Expands on reasons for possible course of action, and supplements reasons with show of support and solidarity from other women. Explains what women would be prepared to accept, and expresses a wish. Further emphasis on the level of support for writer, and request for understanding of opinion and situation.

Letters from women to women

301

Paragraph 3: Request for Richtlinien. Paragraph 4: Request for reply to letter and further information. Closing expression of solidarity. Handwritten comment. The letter fulfils a contact function, in maintaining a professional and personal relationship, although unlike other letters, there are no personal greetings here. The text also has an informational function, initially in informing Strasser of the plans to organise a Frauenveranstaltung, and expressing the dissatisfaction of the women with Elsbeth Zander's appointment, and with the work of the DFO in general. The text also has an underlying declarative function, as Rühlemann issues a threat to resign. Also explicit in the text is the appellative function, in asking for Strasser to provide information about Zander's possible attendance. Although the primary intention of the text is to enquire about Elsbeth Zander, the true intention of the writer seems to be to criticise Zander's appointment in general. This intention is, however, not entirely new to the recipient, as he has already corresponded with her on the matter.52 The handwritten comment at the end of the letter (32-35), often a feature of women's correspondence, provides Rühlemann with the opportunity to add recent, relevant information to strengthen her argument, without having to disturb the structure and content of the formal letter. The use of handwriting also closes the letter on a more informal note.53

4.6 4.6.1

Letters from women to women M Wirsing to G Diehl, 31 October 1931 Background knowledge

The writer appears to occupy a leadership position in a branch of the NSFrauenschaft, perhaps a Gaufrauenschaftsleiterin or Sektionsfiihrerin. Both writer and recipient are acquainted, as the writer opens the letter by mentioning the time she spent with Guida Diehl.

52

Rühlemann also expresses her dissatisfaction with Zander in letters to other women, for example, BA NS22/431, letter from Lotte Rühlemann to Frau Schütz, 23 November 1930. 53 It is interesting that unlike the other letters in the analysis bearing handwritten comments, Rühlemann's remarks are not written in Siitterlin.

302

Textual analysis

Vocabulary Vocabulary denoting women, women's organisations and events appears throughout the letter and includes the derivative Frauenschaft (4), (8-9), (12), (26), as well as nouns bearing the feminine suffix: Teilnehmerinnen (5-6) and Parteigenossinnen (9, 18). Women are presented as a collective group, set apart from writer and addressee: as mentioned above, references are made to groups of women using nouns with the feminine suffix, but the writer also refers to die Frauen in Jeden Monat die Frauen versammeln (16), and the indefinite viele Frauen (17). Administrative and organisational terms are employed throughout the letter and identify the main topic of the letter: ie Diehl's visit to the Frauenschaft and its subsequent effect on the women's activities: Kräfte einsetzen (4-5), Versammlungsabend (5), Rede (7), Schulungskurse (8), Richtlinien aufstellen (11), Tätigkeit (11), Sprechabend (12), Sektion(en) (13), (15), (26), Vortragsabend (13), Gau (24), (26). Ideologicallycharged vocabulary does not feature prominently in the letter, and is represented by the vague expression unsere Sache (14), and by Bewegung (18). As part of the organisational vocabulary, Wirsing employs syndoche in referring to the Gau (24), die Sektionen (26), die Frauenschaft (26) rather than the individuals responsible for carrying out the activities she describes. The letter contains expressions characteristic of a spoken, informal register, including: Da habe ich denn, noch ganz erfüllt von unseren Gesprächen, eine kleine Rede gehalten. Meine erste, aber Glaube macht mutig (6-7), Und wenn ich einmal nicht ein und aus weiss (20-21), Sie werden mir wieder auf die Sprünge helfen (21-22), Ich bin dafür (25), Dann klappt es bestimmt besser (26-27). The use of informal, idiomatic expressions serves to communicate closeness and intimacy with the addressee, and to establish a friendly relationship within a formal textual environment. The use of positively-charged and emphatic adjectives, for example, ein grosses Erlebnis (2-3), mächtige Bewegung (14), innigen Dank (28), die wundervollen Stunden (28-29), contribute to the friendly but respectful tone of the letter. These adjectives served to flatter Diehl and reinforce her status and influence upon the writer and the women under her leadership. The writer employs vocabulary and expressions denoting diminutiveness and modesty in the letter: meine bescheidenen Kräfte (4), eine kleine Rede (67), ganz klein anfangen (16-17). These adjectives and adverbs form part of a negative politeness strategy, in which Wirsing stresses her subordinate position and activities, as a contrast to Diehl's superior status and qualities. The writer mentions potential problems with organising and educating women in the Frauenschaft and expresses doubts about her leadership success through the use of nur and hoffen (14), jedenfalls (15), noch nicht einmal das Notwendigste (17), Enttäuschung (19-20), entmutigen (20) einmal nicht ein und aus weiss

Letters from women to women

303

(21). Her annoyance at the occurrence in Almerode is described in negatively charged expressions: ärgerliche Angelegenheit (23), Wir waren ausser uns (24). The mention of numbers of participants, ca 100 Teilnehmerinnen (5-6) is a useful device: on the one hand it signal's the writer's status as a leader and organiser and emphasises perhaps her success in attracting so many participants. But on the other hand it acts as indirect flattery to the addressee, as it implies that the interest in and success of the meeting is due to Diehl's positive influence, also communicated through the phrase ganz in Ihrem Sinne (4). It is interesting that that the writer employs the term Nazis (18). This is the only occurrence of the term I have encountered in my archival material. Wirsing obviously does not regard the label as having pejorative connotations, but rather merely as an abbreviation.54 Grammatical features The letter expresses both solidarity and respect, and this is communicated through the use of the pronouns ich/mich/mir/meine and Sie/Ihnen/Ihr, which establish a one-to-one relationship between writer and addressee. The writer's membership and leadership of an organisation of women is expressed through the use of the addressee-exclusive wir/uns/unser: wir alles daran setzen werden (8), in unserer Frauenschaft (12), Wir waren ausser uns (24), als wir annehmen (25), with the latter example being used in a conspiratorial sense, in establishing an oppositional relationship between the Gau and Wirsing, Diehl and other NS women. Wirsing also makes use of the writer/addressee inclusive unser, noch ganz erfüllt von unseren Gesprächen (6), and von unserer Bewegung (18), which includes a wider circle of addressees, male and female, in the NSDAP as a whole. From the use of unser in die vielen Fragen, die uns besonders bewegen (10), fur unsere Tätigkeit (11) mächtige Bewegung in unsere Sache (14), it is not entirely clear whether Wirsing intends to include Diehl or not. The modal verbs: durfte (2), darf (20, 22) will (14, 15), muss (16) occur in the text. Durfte (2) is used to emphasise the writer's gratitude at being able to spend time with Diehl; darf (20, 22) in the second example is used to express respect, but also fulfils an appellative function, to request future help at a non-specified time. The modal serves as a further form of flattery, as it signals Diehl's position as an influential and inspirational leader. Modality is also expressed through the use of hoffentlich twice in the text, to voice uncer54

See Franz W Seidler (1994). He states 'Nur selten sprachen die Nationalsozialisten von sich als „Nazis" [...] Der Grund lag darin, daß sich die pejorative Bedeutung des Ausdrucks durch die Verwendung in der Oppositionspresse durchgesetzt hatte. „Nazi" entwickelte sich also bereits vor der Machtergreifung zu einem Schimpfwort' (p. 323).

304

Textual analysis

tainty about Wirsing's future activities and organisational matters concerning the Gau (19, 24). The modal particle jedenfalls (15) communicates the narrative, conversational tone of Wirsing's description of her planned activities. Nun (23) functions here not only as an adverbial of time, as this is already expressed through heute (23), but rather as a means of emphasising the writer's displeasure at the events she is about to describe. The modal particle Doch (28) is part of a hedging strategy, in securing Diehl's goodwill in receiving the information contained in the letter, and is a polite but effective device for bringing the letter to a close. Textual structure/fonctions The letter is divided into three paragraphs, with the first forming the main body of the text, the second introducing new, recent information, and the third signalling the close of the letter. In addition there are two sentences added after the signature. Paragraph 1: Praises Diehl's visit, mentioning Diehl's positive influence on her work in the local Frauenschaft. Describes her talk given at a recent meeting and its positive effects: in the future training courses will be held for the Frauenschaft in Kassel; many women became interested in the work of the Frauenschaft. Wirsing then describes how other groups would like to have Diehl talk to them, and she expresses the desire that this new-found interest and enthusiasm amongst the women will remain and explains that she intends to organise a meeting for NS women once a month. She adds that she would like to count on Diehl's advice and support in the future. Paragraph 2: Describes her annoyance at the Gau looking for Diehl and at the confusion over Diehl's invitation to give the talk. Criticises the current policy of the Frauenschaft needing the approval of the Gau to invite guest speakers. Paragraph 3: Reiterates her thanks for Diehl's visit. Closing expressing of solidarity. Postscript 1: Relays greetings from Wirsing's family. Postscript 2: Apologies for the quality of the writing paper. The function of the text is to maintain contact with the addressee, by acknowledging their meeting and by praising the addressee's influence on the Frauenschaft. The letter also has an informational function, in providing information about the Gau trying to locate Diehl, and also to a minor extent an apellative

Letters from women to women

305

function, in asking for possible help in the future. The tone of the letter is personal, friendly, but also polite and respectful. These characteristics are established at the beginning of the letter, through the opening salutation (1), which communicates both positive and negative politeness, with the use of the addressee's last name and the formal address Sehr geehrte, combined with the more informal liebe, and through the personal greeting from her family at the end of the letter (33). Respect for the addressee is expressed through the use of hedging statements: Doch ihre Zeit ist kostbar (28), combined with the use of positive adjectives ein grosses Erlebnis, innigen Dank, as previously mentioned, and the final greeting Ihre ergebene (31). Gender is a recurring theme in the letter, with references to Wirsing's husband (15) and to the husbands of women in the NSDAP (18). The mention of Wirsing's husband forms part of a wider pattern of 'patronage' evident in women's letters, seen particularly in letters to male addressees. References to male acquaintances or husbands in the NSDAP lends the female writer additional status and credibility.55 Female-male opposition is established in the second paragraph, in which Wirsing expresses her annoyance at an apparent mix-up involving the Gau expecting to fmd Diehl in her Frauenschaft, when she had obviously visited and left again. Wirsing makes reference to shared doubts about organisational matters involving the Gau, and expresses criticism of the current policy of needing the permission of the Gau, by suggesting that the women's organisations should have autonomy in issuing invitations. Thus the Gau (male, negative) is contrasted with wir and the Frauenschaften (female, positive). It is clear that she believes that Diehl is or is likely to be in agreement with her, yet she refrains from open criticism, with larger concerns expressed in the cryptic phrase hoffentlich regelte sich alles noch besser, als wir annehmen (24-25). The two final comments, relaying greetings from 55

Clifford Kirkpatrick (1939), comments that female leaders were very reliant on male patrons to obtain their position and status: 'There is reason to think that each one of the woman leaders who have come to power has been supported by some male speaking with authority in the secret councils of the Party' (pp. 229-230). Other letters also provide evidence in support of this system of patronage, as seen, for example, in (BANS22/430, Frau Ziehl, Gauleiterin DFO Gau Mecklenburg/Lübeck to Strasser, 3 July 1931): 'Sehr geehrter [sic] Herr Organisationsleiter, Herr Strasser, ich komme mit der obigen Frage zu einer Angelegenheit, die ich Ihnen bereits im Dezember 1930 mit der Bitte um Entscheidung durch meinen Mann gelegentlich des Aerztekongresses in Nürnberg berichten Hess, indem mein Mann Ihnen damals einen Durchschlag meines seinerzeitigen Briefes an den Gauleiter Hildebrandt zur Kenntnisnahme aushändigte und Sie, den Organisationsleiter der N.S.D.A.P. persönlich bat, baldigst im Sinne unserer Bewegung betr. Frauenorganisation durchzugreifen.' See also BA R. 15.01/26334/1/1721, Leiterin, NSF "Probstheida" Leipzig-Osten, to Dr Krummacher, 22 January 1934: 'Mein Mann ist einer der ersten, wenn nicht der erste angestellte Richter im Reich (Landgerichtspräsident), der sich offen [...] zum Nat. Sozialismus bekannt hat - auch er hat stets die Frauenarbeit im allerhöchsten Maaße anerkannt und oft Gelegenheit gehabt zu sagen: es wird zu viel von manchen Frauen verlangt.'

306

Textual analysis

Wirsing's family (33) and the apology for the quality of the writing paper (3435), serve to underline the personal contact between writer and addressee, with the apology also acting as a hedging strategy ensuring a favourable receipt of the letter as a physical entity, as well as of its contents. 4.6.2

Guida Diehl to Elsbeth Zander, 8 December 1931 Background knowledge

As previously stated, in 1931 Guida Diehl held the position of Kulturreferentin bei der Reichsleitung, and Elsbeth Zander was Reichsreferentin bei der Reichsleitung. Despite her advisory position, however, Zander was regarded by many of the women to be the Reichsßhrerin. DFO. There was much disagreement between Diehl and Zander on the organisation of women's affairs, and the ways in which women should be involved in the NSDAP. Zander favoured the practical approach, with women being responsible for social activities, whereas Diehl placed her emphasis much more on education and propaganda training amongst women. Diehl was seen by Zander and many in the DFO as a potential rival, and as an external, destructive force.56 Vocabulary Diehl makes use of a key phrase innere Gemeinsamkeit in der Arbeit (7). Arbeit occurs several times within the letter in the sense of women's activity and participation in the NSDAP, seen in the phrase Arbeit der Frauenschaft (12), and einen richtigen Auftakt fur die Arbeit (16-17), and emphasises the official nature of the correspondence. Gemeinsamkeit communicates the desire to establish solidarity with the addressee, but the fact that the lexeme is placed in a sentence with the verb hoffen in the main clause in the past tense, with the modal verb können emphasises the overall critical tone of the letter. One of the main topics of the letter is the organisation of Lehrgänge and the lexeme Lehrgang is an important cohesive device, occurring several times throughout the text (8, 25, 38, 45, 48, 50, 52), also in compound form, Bauernlehrgänge (53), in Frauenlehrgängen (53-54). Diehl's negative politeness strategy is communicated through the verbs beschränken (18), to emphasise that she is not encroaching on Zander's area of influence, and vorschlagen (18-19), to enable Zander to refuse or disagree, or suggest amendments. However, the hedging signal in the form of the verb vorschlagen is undermined by the detailed exposition and layout of the topics 56

See BA NS22/452, untitled document, in which female leaders including Diehl and Zander express their grievances with each other, and highlight their own ideas for female participation in National Socialism, no date. See also the description of Guida Diehl's relationship with the NSF and Elsbeth Zander in Jill Stephenson (1981), pp. 77-81.

Letters from women to women

307

she suggests for the course, so communicating that Diehl has already made the plans and only requires Zander's consent. The specifically female aspects of the discourse are evident in the compound nouns with Frauen- as the first element: "Deutscher Frauenwille " (5), Frauenwelt (20), Frauen-Erneuerungsbewegung (22-23), FrauenMonatsschrift (42), Frauenlehrgängen (53-54), and in the derivative noun Frauenschaft (12, 22, 24). The letter also refers to titles and positions of power, using feminine nouns such as Kultur-Sachberaterinnen (25-26), Referentinnen (34), Sachberaterinnen (56) and Helferinnen (58). The letter contains key terms found elsewhere in the women's discourse: inner (7, 21), and military metaphors referring to female activity: Mobilmachung der Frauenwelt (20), im Kampf um innere Befreiung (20-21), Frauen-Erneuerungsbewegung (22-23), Aufgaben (24). The adjective kulturell (11, 18, 22, 24, 36, 48) and Kultur in the form of the compound nouns Kultur-Sachberaterinnen (25-26) and Kulturfragen (40, 51) also constitute key terms in the letter, emphasising the importance of women's influence in cultural matters, and stressing Diehl's own position as cultural adviser. The number and range of key terms and expressions associated with female discourse in this letter signal a difference between female-male and female-female correspondence. Diehl employs terms which Zander will understand and identify with, so creating solidarity and common ground, but at the same time displaying Diehl's (rival) authority on women's affairs. The text contains a blend of concrete, organisational vocabulary, referring to accommodation, and prices, with abstract ideological vocabulary. The two locations hier im Neulandhaus (15) and München (38), are important in communicating the power struggle between Diehl and Zander, and almost become a coded metaphor for this conflict. Grammatical features The writer makes plentiful use of modal verbs, sollen (3, 10, 48, 54), können (7-8, 26, 34), dürfen (9-10), müssen (16, 43, 58), wollen (35, 39, 50), mögen (37, 45), and the conditional, which both expresses the writer's explicit wishes and desires, whilst also allowing the addressee to respond to and possibly amend the suggestions. Diehl uses modal particles both as a means of expressing solidarity, in asking for Zander's assent, and also for emphatic purposes, which also serve to reinforce, not only Diehl's organisational competence and power in Neuland, but also Zander's weaknesses and lack of organisation. The particles include doch (8, 16, 50), ja (9, 16, 36,41, 51), and ja doch (54), nicht wahr (58). The modal adverbs möglichst (8), unmöglich (14), überall (16), dringend (16), wenigstens (35), durchaus (36), bitter nötig (41), eiligst (43) further emphasise Diehl's impatience with Zander.

308

Textual analysis

The nominalisations Weiterarbeit (3), Übersendung (5), Notwendigkeit einer Mobilmachung (20), Mitarbeit (20), innere Befreiung (21), In Erwartung (59) are consistent with official NS letter-writing style. Diehl signals solidarity with Zander through the inclusive wir pronoun (9), but contrasts this in the following sentence with an exclusive wir (10). This exclusive reference and the cleft which is established between Diehl and Zander are reinforced by the modal particles and the intensifiers überall, so dringend. She also vacillates between ich and wir throughout the letter, and it is not always entirely clear whether she is making use of the inclusive or exclusive wir (16, 35, 36, 51). This is possibly intentional so as to leave the choice to Zander as to whether she regards herself as being included or not. The letter consists of a mixture of active and passive sentences, reflecting the complex communication of politeness and directness, solidarity and criticism in the letter. Passive sentences include the statai passive war begleitet (4), as well as (7-8), (26), (43), (57-58), with most of the sentences using modal verbs, such as können, müssen. Diehl seems to use the passive to make suggestions about organisational and propaganda activities concerning women, which she knows encroaches upon Zander's responsibility. The lack of an agent enables Diehl to indicate to Zander that Diehl herself is capable of organising such matters, and is thus issuing an indirect threat to her position and authority. Indirectness is also expressed with the use of the reflexive sich lassen and with sentences with man : Man bittet mich ja überall so dringend um Schulung (16). Here the use of the indefinite pronoun serves to emphasise Diehl's own popularity and importance, as well as the urgent nature of her request to organise the Schulungskursus and Lehrgang. Diehl begins the correspondence with a reference outside the immediate text, mentioning the previous letter she sent to Zander (2-3). This is an immediate face-threatening act, and sets the overall tone of the letter. She also refers to her own books (5-6), thus signalling her authority and recognition amongst women and the NSDAP in general. Her mention of the proletarian women's magazine Der Weg der Frau (42-43) as throughout the letter as a whole, contains a double message: reminding Zander both of the common enemy they share within the Frauenwelt, but also of the need for action on her part. Textual structure/functions The letter fulfils a combination of informational, appellative, and obligational functions, evident from the textual structure: Paragraph 1 : Enquires whether Zander received Diehl's letter and summarises the main topics contained in it. Signals her willingness to send another copy.

Letters from women to women

309

Paragraph 2: Requests information about whether Zander is going to organise the Lehrgang, and informs her that she is willing to hold the course in the Neulandhaus and provides an outline of the topics to be discussed. Paragraph 3: Short statement of further intentions regarding the Lehrgang. Paragraph 4: Provides details about accommodation and prices for the course, expresses wish for Zander to attend, and asks Zander to indicate which topic she would wish to speak on. Paragraph 5: Speculates on whether Zander has found speakers on the other topics, and requests information on whether the Lehrgang will take place in Munich or the Neulandhaus. Paragraph 6: Changes the topic of the letter and emphasises the necessity for a Frauenzeitschrift. Paragraph 7: Returns to the subject of the Lehrgang, asks for advice on how to publicise the Lehrgang. Paragraph 8: Repeats query as to whether the course should take place in Munich. Explanation of her suggestion to hold it in the Neulandhaus. Suggestion of fixture activities and Lehrgänge. Paragraph 9: Requests confirmation that Helferinnen are still needed in some areas. Closing reiteration of wish for reply. Final greeting. Postscript: Informing addressee that a copy of the letter will be sent to Strasser. The text is informational, as it outlines Diehl's intentions and plans for actions, dependent however on Zander's response. Its appellative function lies in asking Zander to clarify her intentions regarding the planned Lehrgang-, and the obligational function arises from Diehl's direct and indirect requests for Zander to make decisions regarding the location and nature of the training course. The text also provides insights into the nature of the power and status relationships between writer and addressee. Diehl recognises Zander's superior status, and thus has to show some level of respect to her. Yet Diehl is clearly displeased with Zander and frustrated that she is not carrying out the duties associated with her high status. Diehl was also widely-known and respected in female NS circles, and had frequent contact with Strasser and other NSDAP members, and had published books on the subject of women's involvement in the political world. Zander, on the other hand, had been subjected to much criticism in the

310

Textual analysis

years preceding her appointment, and archival documents show that many women involved in National Socialism were unhappy at her behaviour.57 The letter as a whole provides a display of Diehl's superior organisational skills and powers. Although Diehl repeats several times that she is only responsible for cultural matters, so acknowledging her inferiority in status, even this could be interpreted as an expression of her desire to do more. The closing greeting Mit herzlichem Adventsgruss (60) also deviates from the standard greetings in NSDAP correspondence, such as mit Hitler Heil, Heil Hitler or mit deutschem Heilgruss, being non-political and more of a personal nature. It also seems to contrast with the previous closing phrase which is polite but demanding (59). The greeting could also signal a more conciliatory and genial tone to end the correspondence, and is an indication that Diehl does not necessarily have to use National Socialist greetings to show her loyalty to the party. Unlike the letters analysed so far, extra-linguistic factors such as the enumeration of topics and underlining play an important communicative and expressive role. The postscript provides further information on possible motivations for the layout and wording of the letter. Instead of being in the form of a personal one-to-one communication between women, the letter is written with the intention of it being sent to Strasser. The postscript could be interpreted as a threat to Zander, and also as a form of self-advancement, to show to Strasser how committed Diehl is. The fact that Diehl intended to send the letter to Strasser, also has a bearing on the formulation of the letter, and could perhaps explain the mixture of female solidarity, deference and loyalty to the NSDAP, rebuke and discontent expressed within it. 4.6.3

Hedwig Förster to Elsbeth Zander, 12 December 1931 Background knowledge

This letter arises from the disputes between individual regional and national female leaders concerning their ideas and plans for the NSF. Hedwig Förster was a female leader at Gau level, and following her appointment was eager to communicate her suggestions to Elsbeth Zander.58

57

See, for example, BA NS22/431, the letter from Pia Sophie Rogge to E Zander, 29 November 1924. See also NS22/430, the letter from Frau von Treuenfels to the DFO, 24 November 1924, and the letter from Κ Schütz to Zander, criticising her behaviour; the letter from the FAG to Oberleutnant Schulz, 20 April 1931, complaining about the activities of the DFO and Zander, and the letter from G Diehl to Strasser, expressing her dissatisfaction with Zander, 7 November 1931. 58 See Jill Stephenson (1981), pp. 76-77.

Letters from women to women

311

Vocabulary The letter contains a mixture of emotive, formal and administrative vocabulary. The anger and frustration of the writer is expressed by the adjective dringlich (2), unverständlich (5), wichtig (10), dringend (10), the adverb stillschweigend (11-12), the superlative adjective stärkstem (14); the noun Pflicht (6) and the exclamation weiss Gott! (10), and the verbs hinnehmen (12), nötigen (13), widerstrebt (16), anprangern (17). The noun Ignorieren (11) highlights the fact that the writer interprets the lack of communication not as a mistake, oversight or even a matter of neglect, but rather as a deliberate action, and as such a personal affront to her. The official, administrative style of the letter is communicated through the use of lexemes such as Anfrage (3), erhalten (3), zukommen lassen (6), beauftragen (8), in Anspruch nehmen (15), Auskunft (19). The letter contains several repetitions of lexemes for emphatic effect, including die deutsche Frau: Die Arbeit an der deutschen Frau und für die deutsche Frau (9-10), which stresses the central concern of the writer and the women's organisation in general. The noun Widerstreben (14), repeated in the form of a verb (16), expresses her feeling that the actions she is threatening are being forced upon her. The female aspect of the letter is reflected in the feminine inflected nouns Mitarbeiterinnen (8), Führerin (17), and the writer's own title Sachberaterin fur Frauenfragen bei der Reichsfuhrung/Bayreuth (22-23), which resembles one of several titles denoting Elsbeth Zander's own position of authority: Sachberaterin fur Frauenfragen bei der Reichsleitung.59 Grammatical features The letter contains a mixture of substantival and verbal styles, so reflecting the function of the letter in requesting action on the part of the addressee, and issuing threats on behalf of the writer. Nominalisations include zur Umarbeitung (4), solches Ignorieren meiner Bestrebungen (11), mit stärkstem Widerstreben (14), in Anspruch genommen werden sollten (15-16), and combine the communication of impatience and anger in official and administrative language. The modal verb sollte and the particle doch (17) is used to question Zander's authority and credibility. Doch is the only modal particle in the text, and this sets this letter apart from the others. 59

As previously mentioned in the section on the use of the -in suffix in women's titles of authority, in Strasser's reply to Förster, 15 December 1931, he rebukes her for using this title, and requests that she refrain from using it in future, stating that the only person who is entitled to call herself Sachberaterin für Frauenfragen is Elsbeth Zander.

312

Textual analysis

There is no mention of an inclusive wir in this text, but rather a clear division is made between ich and Sie. The first person pronoun emphasises the personal nature of the correspondence and the urgency of the matter. The use of unser in unsern verehrten Führer (13) could be seen as a signal of solidarity, not in a positive sense, but rather to remind Zander of her involvement in National Socialism and that they are both under the jurisdiction of Adolf Hitler. Passive sentences are used in the text to give emphasis to Hitler's commitments, da seine Arbeit und Zeit... nicht in Anspruch genommen werden sollten (15-16), and to place ich as the thematic subject in the sentence at the close of the letter: Ich erwarte daher, dass ich binnen einer Woche klare und ausreichende Auskunft von Ihnen erhalte (18-19). In issuing a threat to Zander, instead of using werden to indicate intention and obligation, the writer instead uses the reflexive sich sehen with the participle genötigt (13), as expression of her exasperation, her commitment to her work for National Socialism. As such the construction reflects a certain abdication of responsibility, as the writer does not want to carry these actions out of her own choice and free will; she would be compelled by Zander's provocation to turn her threats into deeds. Therefore the blame is placed on Zander, and she becomes the agent responsible for causing the actions threatened. The sentences are all positive, reflecting the face-threatening act represented by the letter, with the exception of the opening sentence containing the negative keine Antwort auf meine Anfrage (2-3), and the sentence towards the end of the letter referring to the writer's reluctance to contact Hitler, da seine Arbeit und Zeit dafür jetzt nicht in Anspruch genommen werden sollten (1516), which employs a subjunctive modal in the passive. Textual structure/functions Paragraph 1 : Outlines nature of complaint - Zander's failure to reply, Paragraph 2: Expresses her annoyance at Zander's behaviour and informs her of what procedures should have taken place. Paragraph 3: Issues warning to Zander that she will take her complaint to Hitler. Paragraph 4: Restates demand to hear from Zander. Closing greeting of solidarity. The function of the letter is appellative, informational, but above all obligational, as Förster not only requests, but rather demands a reply from Zander. In the letter, the writer dispenses with both the usual negative and positive politeness strategies associated with appellative and obligational textual functions.

Summary

313

The letter is both provocative and aggressive, with no hedges, or indirect requests and demands. Yet the writer does not use imperatives to make her demands, and so does not totally abandon all politeness strategies. The sentence (9-12) could be interpreted as a pre-sequence formulation, which explains the threat which follows to contact Hitler, yet this is not intended to save face, but rather to further threaten the addressee's face, and to exonerate the writer's future action. Typographical features in the letter are also used for emphasis and to convey the angry tone of the letter, certain words printed in Sperrdruck to make them stand out on the page, for example: P f l i c h t , dringend , jetzt (6, 10, 15). The statement made about the work to be done an der deutschen Frau und fur die deutsche Frau (9-10) is communicate in a strongly emotive manner, with the exclamation weiss Gott! (10) separated from the rest of the sentence with dashes. The power/status relationship would appear to be one of writer as inferior and addressee as superior, yet the writer makes no attempt to show respect and deference to Zander. The lack of politeness and respect could also reflect the relative autonomy women believed they enjoyed at regional level. Unlike the letter from Diehl to Zander, the writer issues a direct threat to contact Hitler, and this is intensified by the final sentence, indicating that she is sending a copy to Strasser. This again moves the communication beyond merely writer and addressee and constitutes a distinct signal to the addressee that this is more than a personal, individual matter, but has wider implications.

4.7

Summary

In their letters, NS women employ established patterns and rituals of written communication to obtain the desired information or action, and as creators of their texts, they have to select the appropriate style, tone and formulation of the letter. That is not to claim, however, that their approaches and formulations were always successful. There are examples of reprimands and criticisms from male and female primary or secondary addressees. For example, a copy of the letter from Hedwig Förster to Elsbeth Zander, 12 December 1931 was sent to Strasser, who then replied to Förster, rebuking her for her attack on Zander.60 Gender, status, and perceived power (on the part of the writer and addressee) are important factors here: in female-male communication, the higher the woman's position, the more likely she was to receive personalised, detailed

60

Β A NS22/431, Strasser to Förster, 15 December 1931.

314

Textual analysis

responses from the addressee.61 Although some women writing to Strasser for the first time, for example, employed pre- and post-sequence hedging strategies to 'soften' their requests, other women were prepared to dispense with negative politeness strategies and construct terse, direct, 'face-threatening' letters as a means of expressing their dissatisfaction and anger, and emphasising their determination for information and assistance. As Elsbeth Zander's letters show, her status allows her to adopt strategies more commonly seen in correspondence from male writers, ie to have her secretary reply to letters, or to write letters which omitted formulations usually associated with phatic communication. By contrast, Guida Diehl's independent status as leader of the Neulandbewegung and acquaintance with Strasser, enables her to petition Strasser on certain matters, whilst expressing positive solidarity between two leaders. The fact, though, that women were prevented from gaining prominent positions in the NSDAP automatically ruled out any equality in communication from the outset, irrespective of whether the women perceived this to be the case at the time. All-female correspondence is characterised by two polarised elements: the ability and desire to express positive politeness, camaraderie and female, organisational and ideological solidarity on the one hand, face-threatening, confrontational and gender-divisive behaviour on the other hand. Wirsing's letter to Diehl, for example, demonstrates the creation of gender solidarity between writer and addressee, whilst also displaying characteristics of an unbalanced power relationship seen in female-male correspondence, with the use of negative politeness strategies, communicating respect and deference. But, as illustrated by Förster's letter to Diehl, gender solidarity can be sacrificed in favour of gender divisiveness. Women are prepared to make use of impoliteness strategies, using direct face-threatening acts, and gender becomes a tool of persuasion and manipulation, with the writer drawing upon connections with powerful male figures to initiate action or reaction by the addressee. The thesis put forward by Trömel-Plötz, for example, that all-female discourse is essentially non-confrontational and strives towards harmony and agreement is not borne out by these letters. Indeed, such expectations would ultimately 61

The letters written from male officials such as Gregor Strasser to women show that in many instances women were neither regarded as equals, nor treated entirely seriously. See, for example, BA NS22/431, the letter from Strasser to Κ Schütz, 4 September 1931, in which he accuses her of organising protest and resistance aganist the appointment of Elsbeth Zander as 'Referentin bei der Reichsleitung ftir Frauenfragen für das ganze Reich'. His evidence is based on a letter from Frau Schütz to Frau Müller which was passed onto him. He writes 'Ein solches Vorgehen ist so unerhört, dass die einzig richtige Antwort wäre, Sie sofort wegen parteischädigenden Verhaltens aus der Partei auszuschließen. Wenn ich zunächst davon absehe, diesen Antrag zu stellen und durchführen zu lassen, so nur deswegen, weil ich FrauenAufregung [sie] und in dieser Aufregung begangene Handlungen eher nachzusehen geneigt bin, als Männern'.

Summary

315

belie the subtleties and complexities of power and gender relationships within an organisation such as the NSDAP, and would reduce the view of women in National Socialism as belonging to a uniform, homogeneous group. From the letters by Wirsing and Förster, it would seem that all-female correspondence provides women with the opportunity to express their ideas and feelings, be they positive or negative, more freely and openly than in female-male correspondence. The female-male and all-female correspondence analysed provides an important insight into the nature of female discourse, by focusing on the act of communication rather than lexical choice and semantic relations. From the letters it is possible to identify the writer and addressee(s), and the aim and purpose of the text, and to understand the possible motivation behind the women's language use. The analysis of word-formation patterns and lexicosemantic characteristics provides a linguistic representation of the women's beliefs, concerns and ambitions within National Socialism, whereas the textual analysis shows how the letters constitute a meeting point for female and male discourses in National Socialism. As textual entities, the letters provide a medium for the women to express a feeling of power and powerlessness, hope and frustration, combined with a sense of optimism and self-importance. More markedly than in other text-types, the letters emphasise the fact that female discourse emanates from the unique position of women within National Socialism, wishing to express both loyalty to the party, whilst emphasising their female concerns.

5

Conclusion

It has been the aim of this analysis to provide evidence that gender was a vital uniting and distinguishing factor of the discourse employed by women supporting National Socialism in the years 1924-1934. The need for research into female discourse was highlighted in the introduction, which showed how previous analyses of discourses and sub-discourses within National Socialism have failed to identify National Socialist women as a language group. The critical overview of previous research also indicated that a single method of linguistic analysis is too restrictive, and that a blend of morpho-semantic, lexico-semantic and textual analyses provides a more accurate and integrative picture of female discourse. In the introduction, attention was devoted to outlining the position of women within the NSDAP, and in society as a whole, concentrating in particular on leading female National Socialists, and also addressing the question of female culpability versus victim status. The historical background proves essential in placing the women's language use in its context, and in explaining possible motivations behind lexical choice and communicative structures in their texts. The analysis of female discourse has been placed in a sociolinguistic framework, which identifies female participants and supporters of National Socialism as belonging to a community of practice, and which recognises homogeneous and heterogeneous elements in the discourse. The framework also acknowledges linguistic influences from outside the community of practice, which are then absorbed into the community, where they undergo processes of constant redefinition and use, a process I have termed semantic inheritance. In analysing the morpho- and lexicosemantic characteristics of this community of practice, I have drawn upon aspects of semantic theory, focusing on lexical structure, sense relations, collocations, and semantic changes, such as broadening, narrowing, melioration, substitution and pejoration. The analysis of compounds and derivatives with Frau and Mutter provide a morpho-semantic indication of collective identity. Although equivalent male formations also occur in women's texts, they do not match the same frequency, nor do they denote the same range of activities, traits and qualities denoted by compounds and derivatives with Frau and Mutter. The compounds and derivatives outlined in the analysis signal two major characteristics which apply to female discourse in general. They mark out activities and qualities as exclusively female, so strengthening the group Wir-Gefiihl, but they also objectify

Conclusion

317

women by providing abstract representations of womanhood to be praised or condemned. As we have seen, the fluctuating use of the feminine suffix with terms such as Nationalsozialist, and Kämpfer enable women to signal female/male solidarity or female exclusivity at will. The lexical imbalance in female and male terms denoting positions of power within the party, and evidence of male metalinguistic control of designated titles serve as further indication of the women's marginalised linguistic and practical status within the NSDAP. The lexico-semantic analysis within the thematic categories explores key terms and phrases and semantic patterns within their original context. In 'Women and the NSDAP', the range of denotative and connotative meanings attached to Kampf, the synonymous, antonymical and hierarchical structures established reveal clear semantic differences between the Frauen- and Männerwelt within the organisation. The analysis of Kampf in the female sense also indicates further differentiations in reference and connotation. In the analysis of 'Women and the Volksgemeinschaft', Aufgabe emerges as a central term for female activity, which can be modified and defined through its co-occurrence with a range of adjectives, adverbs and verbs, and the term confers prestige and status on the agents of the particular Aufgabe referred to. The philosophical and psychological terms and expressions employed, such as Geist, geistig, Seele, seelisch, tief, neu, Erneuerung, for example, highlight the introspective, self-defining aspect of the discourse, providing a counterpart to the dynamism and activity communicated by military terms and expressions. The combined themes of 'Women and Motherhood, Women and Work' reveal a shared lexical field in the women's discourse, communicated through the pivotal lexemes Mutter and Beruf. The extension of terms denoting motherhood, through the defining adjectives leiblich and geistig and the use of compounds formed with Beruf help to create a Mütterlichkeitsdiskurs which describes the lives and experiences of all women. Yet this contrasts with signals of opposition and exclusivity in women's discourse, seen in the antonymic relationship between Frau and Mutter at times, and between the formations Hausfrau and Berufsfrau, for example. The variety of activities denoted by Beruf and the positive and negative associative meanings of the term are indicative of heterogeneous tendencies within the female community of practice. Through the process of semantic inheritance, rather than merely reflecting a patriarchal discourse which traditionally links women with the natural and metaphysical world, the terms Natur, Wesen and Instinkt and related terms such as Aufgabe, become part of an in-group code, which emphasises the special and prestigious characteristics of the all-female experience. The textual analysis of women's letters addresses the extent to which gender is inextricably connected with power and status. The inclusive and exclu-

318

Conclusion

sive wir/unser is of particular significance, and is used at times with deliberate ambiguity. The use of politeness and hedging strategies in female-male correspondence is part of the women's attempts to engage successfully with their male addressee and to ensure that their ideas are acted upon. Some of the writers find that although they may occupy positions of power, being leaders of women's organisations, for example, they are not treated as equal communicative participants. The examples of all-female discourse show that gender is not necessarily a cohesive factor, and that expressions of camaraderie and cooperation are often balanced by examples of hostile face-threatening acts, in which gender can prove a divisive factor. It has been the intention of this analysis to provide a comprehensive outline of the major characteristics of female discourse, and provide insights into the subtleties present in it. Yet in many ways, it also represents the first step into a rich and rewarding field for further linguistic study. Many specific areas remain to be investigated, including: • • •

•

•

• •

female discourse, 1934-45. the language of the NSF, the NSV, and other organisations involving women. the language of the BdM, in view of the greater degree of interaction with males, and solidarity defined by age rather than, or in addition to, gender. an examination of specific text-types produced by women, involving further analysis, for example, of all-female and female-male correspondence. individual discourses of prominent female National Socialists, such as Elsbeth Zander, Guida Diehl, Paula Siber, Sophie Rogge-Börner, and Gertrud Scholtz-Klink. a comparison of the language of female National Socialists and British female fascists. female discourse in Neo-Nazi organisations.

It has been argued that female discourse is as much a valid component of language in National Socialism as other group discourses, including the language of the Hitler-Jugend, or of the Wehrmacht, for example. A female discourse might seem to imply solidarity and linguistic homogeneity on a level which would not be expected of a male NS discourse. Yet I would contend that the lower levels of female participation, combined with female awareness of gender as a defining feature and cause of marginality within the NSDAP, strongly support the emergence and development of a female discourse. Minority groups which suffer disregard and discrimination seek solidarity in practice

Conclusion

319

and language. Yet this is not to completely deny areas of heterogeneity, hence the definition of women involved in National Socialism as belonging to a community of practice. Heterogeneity is an inevitable feature of any discourse, and we find differences in the choice and emphasis of lexemes, as well as the differing denotative and connotative meanings attached to them, and this is a reflection of the disparate backgrounds from which the women came, and the variety of sources from which their discourse emanates. However, the homogeneous elements in the discourse, especially the use of compounds and derivatives, key words and phrases, and discourse patterns in the letters, outweigh the diversities. Female discourse in National Socialism is not a separate language, but this does not entail that its existence is in doubt. We cannot expect women involved in National Socialism, as indeed any group, to have developed their own entirely separate language, as they were integrated members of a speech community, even though they may have been suppressed and discriminated against, both in the wider community and, more prominently, within National Socialism. These women were both creators and recipients of language in society, and given the linguistic resources available to them, they were often co-participants in perpetuating sexist and discriminatory notions in language. Therefore it is no surprise that in National Socialist texts women employ language which praises motherhood and the traditional roles of women, for example, and through linguistic means marginalise women who do not conform to National Socialist ideals. Female discourse is shaped by the women appropriating and modifying terms and expressions, which take on new meanings, references and associations, and in turn become defining features of the discourse in themselves. The role of male National Socialists in influencing female discourse also has to be considered. Many leading male National Socialists wrote and spoke about the role of women, including Hitler, Goebbels, Göring, Strasser, Frick among others, and men held positions of authority in National Socialist women's organisations in the transitional years from 1931-1934. Men regularly contributed articles to the various NS women's journals, and so they at times entered into the sphere of female discourse. It is very likely that women involved in National Socialism were influenced by the language of their peers and superiors in power and authority, and undoubtedly, the respect and admiration for leading figures would make their linguistic influence all the greater. Women were also in contact with male officials on a regular basis on national, regional and local levels. But from these close contacts one should not assume that the influence on vocabulary and meaning was only one-way, namely from male to female. The question arises whether the nature and level of malefemale contact entail that the discourse employed by women is defined by

320

Conclusion

subject and circumstance rather than by gender. From my analysis of texts produced by women, I would argue that the answer is a resounding 'no'. The fact that male National Socialists employ terms and expressions attributed to female discourse, such as Frauenarbeit, Muttertum or Aufgabe, does not diminish existence of the discourse as female in its make-up. Although men can become occasional participants in female discourse on a superficial level, they remain peripheral to the female community of practice. In its crudest sense, a definition of female discourse means language employed by women, but I have attempted to show that this definition is not arbitrary or trite, but is in fact defined and strengthened by the particular position of women in National Socialism, which marked them out as a separate group. The analysis has concentrated on the early years of National Socialism, because it is during this period that women were actively engaged in debate about the nature of womanhood, and female participation and influence. Hence the discourse can be characterised as dynamic, created out of interaction and interpretation on the part of the women. It is important to regard the female discourse, not as a finished product, but rather as a discursive process. It can be characterised as a discourse of performance, of self-definition, explanation and justification of women in National Socialism. The contradictions in the women's social and political position within National Socialism are reflected in the discourse, seen for example in the use of the Kampf in the female sense, which enjoys less prestige than the male Kampf, yet also has greater moral and spiritual connotations. This is also evident in the women's use of verbs and deverbal nouns describing women's activities which denote both autonomous action and dependent reaction. These expressions of female superiority and inferiority, however, are not necessarily the products of NS women's powerlessness, but rather function as strategies deliberately designed to negotiate status and recognition for the female community of practice in National Socialism. Female discourse is essentially the linguistic expression of female difference, yet also ultimately solidarity, as characterised by the following quotation: Wir müssen die Möglichkeit haben, einen eigenen Stil herauszubilden, eigene, unserem Wesen gemäße Formen des Miteinanderseins zu schaffen, einen Stil, der ebenso echt weiblich wie echt nationalsozialistisch ist.'

1

Lydia Gottschewski, 'Weibliches Führertum. Die Eingliederung der Frau in den neuen Staat', Die deutsche Frauenfront, September 1933, p. 2.

Appendix I: Letterheads

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Appendix II: Women's Letters BA NS22/431, M Wirsing to Guida Diehl A b s c h r i f t . Kassel, d. 31. Okt. 31.

Sehr geehrte, liebe Frau Diehl! Die Tage, die ich mit Ihnen verleben durñe, sind für mich ein grosses Erlebnis gewesen. Ich habe neue Anregungen erhalten und freue mich nun, meine bescheidenen Kräfte in Ihrem Sinne fllr die hiesige Frauenschaft einzusetzen. Am Donnerstag war Versammlungsabend mit ca 100 Teilnehmerinnen. Da habe ich denn, noch ganz erfüllt von unseren Gesprächen, eine kleine Rede gehalten. Meine erste, aber Glaube macht mutig. Mit dem Erfolg, dss [sie] wir alles daran setzen werden, um Schulungskurse für die Kasseler Frauenschaft durchzusetzen. Verschiedene Parteigenossinnen sind ausserdem an mich herangetreten, die vielen Fragen, die uns besonders bewegen, recht oft zu besprechen und neue Richtlinien für unsere Tätigkeit aufzustellen. Z.B. war ein Sprechabend mit Ihnen, nur in unserer Frauenschaft allgemein willkommen. Auch andere Sektionen wünschen einen Vortragsabend, kurz auf einmal kam mächtige Bewegung in unsere Sache. Ich will nur hoffen, dass es dabei bleibt. Ich will jedenfalls in meines Mannes Sektion bald anfangen. Jeden Monat einmal die Frauen versammeln, denn ich muss ganz klein anfangen, viele Frauen wissen noch nicht einmal das Notwendigste von unserer Bewegung. Sie sind einfach Parteigenossinnen, weil ihre Männer Nazis sind. Hoffentlich schaffe ich es, denn ich weiss genau, dass manch Enttäuschung kommen wird. Das darf mich dann nicht entmutigen. Und wenn ich einmal nicht ein und aus weiss, dann komme ich zu Ihnen und Sie werden mir wieder auf die Sprünge helfen. Darf ich das hoffen? Und heute nun diese ärgerliche Angelenheit mit Almerode. Der Gau suchte Sie heute bei uns. Wir waren ausser uns, hoffentlich regelte sich alles noch besser, als wir annehmen. Ich bin dafür, dass künftig die Sektionen und die Frauenschaft ihre Redner ohne den Gau einladen. Dann klappt es bestimmt besser. Doch Ihre Zeit ist kostbar. Noch einmal innigen Dank für die wundervollen Stunden und treudeutschen Gruss Ihre ergebene gez. Marie Wirsing Viele Grüsse von meinen Angehörigen. P-S. Verzeihen Sie, bitte, das schauerlicher [sie] Briefpapier, es ist Bettenhäuser Gewächs.

328

Appendix II: Women's Letters BA NS22/430, Guida Diehl to Elsbeth Zander

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