Modern Tagalog (Janua Linguarum: Series Practica) [Reprint 2017 ed.] 9027934932, 9789027934932

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JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE N I C O L A I VAN W I J K DEDICATA edenda curai C. H. VAN S C H O O N E V E L D Indiana University

Series Practica, 122

MODERN TAGALOG A Functional-Structural Description

by TEODORO A. LLAMZON, R.M. Ateneo de Manila University

1976

MOUTON THE HAGUE • PARIS

© Copyright 1975 Mouton & Co. B.V., Publishers, The Hague. AJo part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 72-88212 ISBN 90 279 3493 2

Printed in Hungary

To my friend and mentor, D. G. Stuart

PREFACE

Tagalog is, perhaps, one of the few languages of the world which has been relatively well analyzed and described. Among its better-known investigators, to name just a few, were R. Brandstetter, O. Dempwolff, P. Serrano-Laktaw, R. F. Blake, L. Bloomfield, J. Donald Bowen, R. Stockwell, E. Wolfenden, C. Lopez, and J. V. Panganiban. It seems necessary, therefore, to justify the appearance of this new grammar. I would like to do this by pointing out that I have not just disregarded the findings of these previous scholars; rather, I have built on their many insights, as it were, into the structure of the language. In addition, however, I would like to believe that my treatment of morphology (especially of the verb), and syntax (especially the sentence types) are contributions towards a better understanding of the complexities of Tagalog. With great pleasure I acknowledge my indebtedness to Don Graham Stuart for his encouragement, valuable suggestions, and ideas which greatly improved both the content and presentation of this grammar. I would also like to thank Francis P. Dinneen and Ross Macdonald for their critical reading of the original manuscript and their helpful comments. There are many others besides who helped me in the various stages of the preparation of this book. I would like to thank them all for their generous help. Teodoro A. Llamzon Ateneo Language Center Manila, Philippines June, 1968

CONTENTS

Preface List of Tables and

7 figures

13

List of Symbols

15

1. Methodological Preliminaries 1.1. Introduction 1.2. Definition of Language 1.3. How a Language Functions 1.4. The Structure of Language 1.5. The Scope of This Description 1.6. The Descriptive Formalism 1.6.1. Terms 1.6.1.1. Summary of Terms 1.6.1.2. Double Articulation and Levels 1.6.1.3. Syntagms and Paradigms 1.6.1.4. Nexus 1.6.1.5. Units and Constituents 1.6.2. Notational Conventions 1.6.2.1. Use of Symbols 1.6.2.2. Constants and Variables 1.6.2.3. Process Variable 1.6.2.3.1. Arguments and Functors 1.6.2.3.2. Proper State and Modal Functors 1.6.2.3.3. The Lambda Factor 1.6.2.4. Proposition-forming Symbols 1.6.2.5. Term-forming Symbols 1.6.2.6. Illustration of Notational Convention 1.7. The Tagalog Language 2. Tagalog Grammar 2.1. Phonology 2.1.1. Phonology of the Word

19 19 19 20 22 22 23 23 24 24 25 25 26 26 26 27 27 27 28 28 28 29 29 32 34 34 35

10

CONTENTS

2.1.1.1. The Phonemes 2.1.1.1.1. The Consonants 2.1.1.1.2. The Vowels 2.1.1.2. The Archiphonemes 2.1.1.3. The Diphthongs 2.1.1.4. The Phonetic Realization of the Phonemes 2.1.1.5. Analysis and Classification of Phonemes 2.1.1.6. Accent 2.1.1.7. Distribution of Phonemes (Phoneme Syntax) 2.1.2. Phonology of Syntagm Organization (Phonology of the Phrase) .. 2.1.2.1. Continuity 2.1.2.2. Internal Phonological Junctures 2.1.2.3. Phrase Accent 2.1.3. Discrete Intentional Phonology (Phonology of the Sentence) 2.1.3.1. Final Phonological Junctures 2.1.3.2. Sentence Intonation 2.1.4. Rhythm 2.1.5. Practical Transcription 2.2. Syntax 2.2.1. The Period Level 2.2.1.1. Types of Syntagms 2.2.1.2. Types of Structures 2.2.2. The Sentence Level 2.2.2.1. The Minor Sentence Type 2.2.2.2. The Subordinative Sentence Types 2.2.2.3. Inventory of Primary Constituents (Phrases) and Their Functional Positions in the Sentence 2.2.2.4. The J^-Rule 2.2.2.5. Expansions of the Sentence 2.2.3. Primary Constituent (Phrase) Level 2.2.3.1. Verb Phrases 2.2.3.2. Noun Phrases 2.2.3.3. Adjective Phrases 2.2.3.4. The moj-Noun Phrase 2.2.3.5. Modal Nouns 2.2.3.6. Adverbial Phrases 2.2.3.7. Verbal Nexus 2.2.3.8. Sentential Nexus 2.2.4. Inventory of Syntactic Variables 2.3. Morphology 2.3.1. Morphophonemics 2.3.2. The Verb

35 35 39 39 40 40 44 47 48 50 50 52 53 53 54 54 56 56 56 57 57 57 58 59 60 67 70 74 75 76 77 80 81 81 82 82 83 83 84 86 87

CONTENTS

2.3.2.1 2.3.2.2. Verbal Categories 2.3.2.2.1. Proper State Categories 2.3.2.2.2. Modal Categories 2.3.2.2.3. Summary 2.3.2.3. Realizations of the Verbal Categories 2.3.2.4. Ordering of Affixes 2.3.2.5. Types of Roots 2.3.2.6. The Actor Focus 2.3.2.6.1. The Executive Actor Focus 2.3.2.6.2. The Subitive Actor Focus 2.3.2.7. The Goal Focus 2.3.2.8. The Local Focus 2.3.2.9. Instrumental Focus 2.3.2.10. Summary of Moods and Focuses 2.3.2.11. Summary of the Accidental Categories 2.3.2.12. Use of Lambda Functor 2.3.2.13. Irregular Verbs 2.3.2.14. Syntactic Conversions from Verbal Roots 2.3.3. The Noun 2.3.3.1. Realizations of the Nominal Categories 2.3.3.2. Syntactic Conversions from Nominal Roots 2.3.4. Numerals 2.3.5. The Pronouns 2.3.5.1. The Realizations of the Pronominal Categories 2.3.5.2. The Personal and Possessive Pronouns 2.3.5.3. The Demonstrative Pronoun 2.3.5.4. Defective Demonstrative Pronouns 2.3.5.5. The Interrogative Pronouns 2.3.5.6. The Numerative Pronouns 2.3.6. The Adjective 2.3.6.1. Syntactic Conversions from Adjective Roots to Verbs ..

11

87 88 88 89 89 90 91 92 92 92 98 99 101 104 107 108 110 110 Ill 112 113 114 117 119 120 120 122 123 123 123 124 125

Bibliography

129

Appendix: Sonagrams

133

Index

143

LIST OF TABLES AND F I G U R E S

1. Summary of Terms 2. The Consonant Phonemes 3. The Vowel Phonemes and Archiphonemes 4. The Diphthongs 5. Voice Onset (Initial and Medial Positions) 6. Classification of Consonants 7. Classification of Vowels 8. Classification of Archiphonemes and Vowel 9. The Different Junctural Signs and Intonational Contours 10. Inventory of Verb Phrases as Primary Constituents in the Nexus 11. Ordering of Affixes 12. Realizations of the Various Moods and Focuses of the Verb 13. Morphemes Which Realize the Various Accidental Categories of the Verb 14. Personal Pronouns 15. Possessive Pronouns 16. Plain Demonstratives 17. Interrogative Pronouns Figure 1, Map of the Phillipines

24 43 44 44 45 46 47 47 55 68 91 107 108 121 122 122 123 33

LIST OF SYMBOLS

See the following sections: 1.6,1. Terms 1.6.2.2. Constants and Variables 1.6.2.3.1. Arguments and Functors 1.6.2.3.2. Proper State and Modal Functors 1.6.2.3.3. The Lambda Functor 1.6.2.6. Illustration of Notational Convention 2.1.5. Practical Transcription Modified IPA notation has been used in the Phonetic transcription. = € 3 . «

composition symbol inclusion symbol solidarity symbol determination symbol constellation symbol ? simultaneity symbol [space between symbols] sequentially symbol ~ relationship between constituents of an alternation group ! iteration symbol // encloses phonemic transciption [] encloses phonetic transcription • indicates implication or the results of combination 1 indicates lack of oral release after a consonant V' vowel paradigm of (a, e, i, o, u) and its values V vowel paradigm of (a, I, U) and its values O symbol for regressive consonant assimilation in the nasals S syllable £ accented syllable Sf final syllable •TV^» representation of pitch

1.6.2.4. 1.6.2.4. 1.6.2.5., no. 2. 1.6.2.5., no. 2. 1.6.2.5., no. 2. 1.6.2.5., no. 2. 1.6.2.5., no. 2. 1.6.2.5., no. 3. 1.6.2.5., no. 4. 2.1.1., no. 3. 2.1.1., no. 3. 2.1.1., no. 3. 2.1.1., no. 3. 2.1.1., no. 3. 2.1.1., no. 3. 2.1.1.7., no. 2. 2.1.1.7., no. 2. 2.1.1.7., no. 6. 2.1.1.7., no. 8. 2.1.1.7., no. 8. 2.1.1.7., no. 8. 2.1.2.1., no. 2., and 2.1.2.2.

, ; ? . ! Ltag

plain type suspensive internal junctural sign emphatic type suspensive internal junctural sign internal terminal junctural sign final suspensive junctural sign (for intonation questions)

2.1.2.2., no. 3. 2.1.2.2., no. 4. 2.1.2.2., no. 5. 2.1.3.1., and 2.1.3.2., no. 3.

the two types of final junctural signs (for non-intonation questions) 2.1.3.2., nos.4 and 5. language of Tagalog 2.2.

16 s p si ginterj svoc scom simp sreq Sques SS S S abs ss~ ss~ ss« er SSP1 ivc IHcl-6 nincl-6 Hcl-2 linci-7 Ic> Ine

LIST OF SYMBOLS sentence period minor sentence interjection-type minor sentence vocative type minor sentence brusque command type minor sentence imperative type minor sentence request type minor sentence question type minor sentence subordinative sentence absolute proper state of the subordinative sentence non-finite proper state of the subordinate sentence finite state proper of the subordinative sentence gerund proper state of the subordinative sentence zero, i.e., no verb appears in the subordinative sentence conjunction which introduces a subordinative sentence whose verb is in the non-finite mood conjunction which introduces a subordinative sentence whose verb is in the finite mood conjunction which introduces a subordinative sentence whose verb is in the finite or the non-finite mood accord in number agreement in plural number quadradic solidarity the six conjugated triadic solidarities the six non-conjugated triadic solidarities the two conjugated diadic solidarities the seven non-conjugated diadic solidarities the monadic solidarities

2.2. 2.1.1.2. 2.2.2.1., no. 1. 2.2.2.1., no. 2. 2.2.2.1., no. 3. 2.2.2.1., no. 4. 2.2.2.1., no. 5. 2.2.2.1., no. 6. 2.2.2.1., no. 7. 2.2.1.1., no. 3. 2.2.2.2., nos. 1, 2 and 3. 2.2.2.2., nos. 1 and 4. 2.2.2.2., nos. 1 and 7. 2.2.2.2., no. 8. .2.2.2.2., no. 1. 2.2.1.2., no.5. 2.2.1.2., no.5. 2.2.1.2., no. 2.2.2.2., no. 2.2.2.2., no. 2.2.2.2., no. 2.2.2.2., no. 2.2.2.2., no. 2.2.2.2., no. 2.2.2.2., no. 2.2.2.2., no.

5. 13. 13. 14. 15(a-f) 15(g-l) 16 (a-b) 16(c-i) 17 ( a - b )

2.2.2.3., 2.2.2.3., 2.2.2.3., 2.2.2.3.,

2, 2, 2, 2,

Classification of verb phrases according to their proper states or cases: VP VP~ VP 00 VP 8er ypabs

verb phrase finite verb phrase non-finite verb phrase gerund verb phrase absolute verb phrase

no. no. no. no.

2.2.3.1. 2.2.3.1. 2.2.3.1. 2.2.3.1.

Classification of verb phrases according to the various sentence types which they constitute: VP a b t r absolute transitive verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1. VP t r transitive verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1. VPj n t intransitive verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1. VPj m p impersonal verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1. VP r magifj (cohative) type verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1. 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1. VP m modal verb phrase 2.2.3.1., no. 2(a) VPabtr (act) absolute transitive verb phrase in the actor focus 2.2.3.1., no. 2(b) VPtnm(act) transitive verb phrase in actor focus 2.2.3.1 , no. 2(c) VPj n t r ( act ) intransitive verb phrase in the actor focus Classification of noun phrases according to their proper states or cases: NP noun phrase NP1"» noun phrase in the cm-case 2.2.2.3., no. 4, 2.2.3.2. NP nai 7 2.2.2.3., no. 4, 2.2.3.2. noun phrase in the nai}-case NPsa 2.2.2.3., no. 4, 2.2.3.2. noun phrase in the sa-case j^pprep+jo noun phrase in the preposition-plus-ja case 2.2.2.3., no. 4, 2.2.3.2. 2.2.2.3., no. 4, 2.2.3.2. NP0 noun phrase with no case marker 2.2.3.4., no. 2. may noun phrase NP,may

17

LIST OF SYMBOLS

Adjective phrases classified according to their proper states or cases: AdjP adjective phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 5, AdjP0 unmarked case adjective phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 5, 2.2.3.3. AdjP na na-case adjective phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 5, 2.2.3.3. 2.2.2.3., no. 5, 2.2.3.3. AdjP"" 0 nay-case adjective phrase 2.2.3.3., no. 2, AdjP m a ma-class adjective phrase 2.3.6., (d-e) AdjP compli2 comparative adjective phrase sorts 2.2.3.5., no. 1 MN modal noun phrase 2.2.3.5., no. 1 MN 1( 2, a, modal noun phrase of the first, second or third set 2.2.2.3., no. 7 AdvP adverb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 7, 2.2.3.6. AdvP 0 adverb phrase in the 0-case 2.2.2.3., no. 7. AdvP"° adverb phrase in the na-case 2.2.2.3., no. 9, 2.2.3.8. SN°° sentential nexus 2.2.2.3., no. 9, 2.2.3.7. VN~ verbal nexus 0 1 2 3 ... 2.2.2.3., no. 10 01 02 03 functional positions n designates a function of a syntagm which per se cann ot par2.2.2.4., no. 3. ticipate in the transposition of the iy-rule 2.2.2.5., no. 1. EN enclitic 2.2.2.5., no. 3. PR prepositive Symbols used only in Section 2.3.:

=> R D S (1) (2) I/ ' '

this sign after a form indicates that the form is a prefix this sign before and after a form indicates that the form is an infix this sign before a form indicates that the form is a suffix indicates the morphological process of affixation or reduplication reduplication doubling of the root stem shift of accent one syllable towards the end of the word shift of accent two syllables towards the end of the word enclose phonemic sequences enclose glosses of linguistic signs

2.3., no. 7 2.3., no. 7 2.3., no. 7 2.3., no. 2.3., no. 2.3., no. 2.3., no. 2.3., no. 2.3., no. 2.3., no. 2.3., no.

7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7

The six moods of the verb: V verb V™ non-finite mood of the verb V~ finite mood of the verb V™terl mood for brusque command V ger gerund mood of the verb Vabs absolute mood of the verb Vimp finite verb in the imperfect aspect V per f finite verb in the perfect aspect Vfut finite verb in the future aspect V,p finite verb in the recent past aspect

2.3.2..2.1., no. 1 2.3.2..2.1., no. 1 2.3.21.2.1., no. 1 2.3.2,1.2.1., no. 1 2.3.21 . 2 . 1 . , no. 1 2.3.2,.2.1., no. 1 2.3.2,.2.1., no. 3, 1st para. 2.3.2,1.2.1., no. 3, 2nd para. 2.3.2,1.2.1., no. 3, 3rd para. 2.3.2,.2.1., no. 3, 4th para.

The modal categories of the verb: V

verb

2.3.2.2.2., no. 2

The four actualizing functors, or focuses: V act v

act, exec Vact, sub 2

actor focus executive type actor focus subitive type actor focus

2.3.2.2.2., no. 2 2.3.2.2.2., no. 2 2.3.2.2.2., no. 2

18 Vgi Vloc Vinst

LIST OF SYMBOLS goal focus local focus instrumental focus

2.3.2.2.7., no. 2. 2.3.2.2.2., no. 2. 2.3.2.2.2., no. 2.

The four accidental functors: R P Q ef M C G D Nr c a r ( j NNR NP0 F

R categories P categories Q categories ef category modal categories indicates that the affixes are determined, i.e., they may or may not occur with the affix which precedes them case derivations the nine numerals cardinal number distributive numeral adverbs ordinal numbers pronoun number of a pronoun

2.3.2.2.2., 2.3.2.2.2., 2.3.2.2.2., 2.3.2.2.2., 2.3.2.2.2.,

no. no. no. no. no.

3 3 3 3 1,

2.3.2.2.3., 2.3.2.' 2.3.3., no. 1. 2.3.3.2., no. 1. 2.3.4. no. 3. 2.3.4. no. 5. 2.3.4. no. 10. 2.3.4. no. 7. 2.3.5. no. 1. 2.3.5. no. 2.

1. METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

1.1. INTRODUCTION

In this grammar I have attempted to present a description of a certain object which may be designated as modern, standard Tagalog. It was my intention that this description be, in a certain sense, complete and exhaustive. I am sure that I have not entirely realized this intention. Nevertheless, in order that the degree of my success may be evaluated, it is necessary to explain in detail what I have tried to do. This is the purpose of this first part on methodological preliminaries.

1.2. DEFINITION OF LANGUAGE

1. The assumptions on which this description of Tagalog is based are (with few exceptions) those of André Martinet (1960a). The first assumption is that language is man's tool for making himself understood by other men by means of vocal signs. It is this function of language as an instrument of communication which distinguishes it from other human faculties. 2. The second assumption is that an utterance which makes sense is a linguistic sign, and has a double aspect, namely (a) a SIGNIFICATUM signified or its meaning, which is placed between single quotation marks, e.g., 'I have a headache'; and (b) a SIGNIFICANS, signifier or expression of the sign, which is represented between slant lines, e.g., French /z e mal a la tet/. 3. The third assumption is that human language is DOUBLY ARTICULATED. Here, the word 'articulated' is used in its original Latin meaning of 'a combination of distinct units'. The first articulation consists of a succession of minimal units, each with a vocal form and meaning. For example, a moan signifying a headache is one such unit. It may be called a minimal sign or MONEME. Every fact of experience communicated, and every need one wants to make known to another is analyzed into one, or a succession, of these minimal units each with a vocal form and meaning; and each speech community analyzes experience in its own way according to its culture. The second articulation consists of a succession of distinctive sound units called phonemes. Thus, the expression /z e mal a la tet/ consists of a succession of the distinctive sound 2*

20

METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

units /z/, /e/, /m/, /a/, etc. Each language has a limited number of these, which are combined in various ways to give the vocal form of the various meanings of minimal signs. 4. The economy which results from this double articulation of language makes it an apt instrument of communication capable of transmitting so much information in a relatively easy way. It is now possible to give a definition of a human language. A LANGUAGE IS AN INSTRUMENT OF COMMUNICATION BY VIRTUE OF WHICH HUMAN EXPERIENCE IS ANALYZED DIFFERENTLY IN EACH GIVEN COMMUNITY INTO UNITS, THE MINIMAL SIGNS, EACH ENDOWED WITH A SEMANTIC CONTENT AND A PHONIC EXPRESSION; THE PHONIC EXPRESSION IS ARTICULATED IN ITS TURN INTO DISTINCTIVE AND SUCCESSIVE UNITS, THE PHONEMES.

1.3. HOW A LANGUAGE FUNCTIONS

1. The fourth assumption is that language fulfills its function as an instrument of communication by a system of (a) CONTRASTS AND OPPOSITIONS, and (b) CONSTRAINTS AND FREEDOMS. Linguistic units, whether in the first or second articulation, show two types of relationships, namely (i) SYNTAGMATIC or horizontal, as for example in the French sentence /z e mal a la tet/ 'I have a headache', /e/ has a syntagmatic relationship with the neighboring /z/ which precedes it and /mal/ which follows it (here the term CONTRAST is used to describe this relationship) and (ii) PARADIGMATIC or vertical, as for example in the French sentence above, /me/ 'hand' and /zab/ 'leg' can occur in place of /tet/: here the term OPPOSITION is used to describe this relationship. The different units which are related by contrast are called ORDER GROUPS, because these units are arranged in a certain way. The term, by definition, includes one or more than one units related on the syntagmatic axis. Thus, in English, 'Tom' as well as 'the boy', 'the big boy', etc. are each an order group. 2. The different units which are related by opposition are called ALTERNATION GROUPS, because they commute with each other at a certain point in the order group. The term, by definition, includes one or more than one units which are related on the paradigmatic axis. Thus, in the English sentence 'Tom hit Bill', the units which can uccur in place of'Tom' are 'Tom and Harry', 'the boy', 'the big boy', etc. Each of these onits are members of an alternation group. The difference between order groups and alternation groups has been described as follows: the members of an order group are related inpraesentia, because its members must co-occur; while the members of an alternation group are related in absentia, because its members must occur one at a time. Every member of an alternation group is an order group, and every order group belongs to an alternation group. 3. In addition to the system of contrasts and oppositions, language also functions by a system of constraints and freedoms. The constraints are evident in the obligatory forms which constituent units must have in various types of utterances: thus, for example,

METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

21

the verb 'hit' has various obligatory forms in (a) Tom hits Bill. (b) I saw Tom hitting Bill. (c) I asked Tom to hit Bill. In (a), the utterance may be described as a DECLARATIVE SENTENCE, and here the verb 'hit' has an obligatory form which may be described (in terms of syntactic categories) as a FINITE MOOD. Thus, one cannot say *Tom to hit Bill. In (b), the utterance may be described as a type of indirect statement, and here the verb has an obligatory form which may be called a PARTICIPIAL MOOD. Thus, one cannot say *I saw Tom hits Bill. In (c), the utterance may be described as an indirect request, and here the verb has an obligatory form which may be called an INFINITIVE MOOD. Thus, one cannot say *I asked Tom hitting Bill. 4. This constraint, which language imposes on the form of the constituents of its utterances, is necessary for the speaker to be understood by the other members of the speech community. On the other hand, the freedoms are evident in the optional forms which constituents can have in the various types of utterances. Thus for example, tha verb 'hit' can have the following optional forms in the three types of utterances above. (a) Tom hits Bill. Tom will hit Bill. (b) I saw Tom hitting Bill. I saw Tom hit Bill. (c) I asked Tom to hit Bill. I asked Tom to be hitting Bill. In (a), the verb in the finite mood may have the optional forms 'hits' or 'will hit', which may be described (in syntactic categories) as PRESENT TENSE and FUTURE TENSE respectively. In (b), the verb in the participial mood has the optional forms 'hitting' and 'hit', which may be called PRESENT TENSE and PRETERITE TENSE respectively. In (c), the verb in the infinitive mood has the optional forms 'to hit' and 'to be hitting', which may be called PRESENT TENSE and FUTURE TENSE respectively. Thus, the syntactic category of MOOD in English indicates the obligatory forms which a verb^must have in various types of utterances, while the syntactic category of TENSE indicates the optional forms it can have. 5. The constraints of language have been described in such terms as GOVERNMENT, CONCORD etc., but I am not aware at this time of existing terms which describe the freedoms of language. It is helpful to relate these constraints and freedoms, and to view them as one of the systems by which language functions. It is, therefore, convenient to have a pair of terms to describe these two features of language. The terms PROPER STATE CATEGORIES and MODAL CATEGORIES are introduced here for this purpose. The term "modaF'is Martinet's (1960:117). The term "proper state" is borrowed from physics, since it has been used in that science to describe features which are analogous

22

METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

to the constraints of language (Park, 1964: 67). Its more common equivalent EIGENa half-translation from German (like 'liverwurst'), but has become part of the scientific language like such terms as 'eigenfunctions', 'eigenvalues', etc. 6. If this combination of a term from physics and one from linguistics is objectionable, some other pair of terms can be substituted. At any rate, what is important is that the two syntactic categories of freedoms and constraints of language be viewed as constituting a system in the functioning of language. The two systems of contrasts and oppositions on the one hand, and constraints and freedoms on the other, provide the speaker of the language with options on various forms. Each form that the speaker uses implies a choice according to his wish or need to communicate. STATE is

1.4. THE STRUCTURE OF LANGUAGE

1. The fifth assumption is that human language is linear. This assumption is based on the vocal character of language. Vocal utterances are produced by successive movements of the speech organs and are necessarily perceived by the ear in succession. It is thus possible to represent it by using separate symbols for each distinct sound and arranging the symbols in linear succession which corresponds to the way the sounds are produced. This does not mean, however, that a sound may not be composed of two sound features in simultaneous occurrence, as for example, the nasal vowel /e/. 2. The sixth assumption is that the various units of language are composed either sequentially or simultaneously. Sequential composition implies that the before and after arrangement of constituents changes the identity of the unit, e.g., /pat/, /tap/, /apt/ are three different word expressions in English. Simultaneous composition, on the other hand, implies that the before and after arrangement of constituents does not change the identity of the unit, e.g., the phoneme /p/ in English has the constituent distinctive features BILABIALITY, OCCLUSION, ASPIRATION, etc., and there is no relevance in the arrangement of these constituents. 3. The seventh assumption (and here, perhaps, I depart somewhat from Martinet) is that the hierarchical structure of the constituents of language can be described in terms of levels, such that it is possible to identify a typical unit on each level. Such a unit on a particular level is related to the units of a higher level in that it is included in the units of a higher level. Thus for example, the syllable is the typical unit on the syllabic level which includes phon eme units of a lower (phonemic) level, and is included in the units of a higher (word) level. 1.5. THE SCOPE OF THIS DESCRIPTION

1. Finally (and again, perhaps, somewhat outside the Martinean spirit), it is possible to limit the scope of a structural description of language to its formal aspects. Formal description is concerned mainly with the composition of constituents and their distri-

METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

23

bution, i.e., the various combinations that these units enter into in the language (Dinneen 1967: 12). This does not mean that meaning is left out of the picture. The minimal units of the first articulation have meanings and can be identified only in terms of their meanings. Likewise, the minimal units of the second articulation can be established as distinctive only by the fact that they signal a difference in meaning. This follows from the nature of the linguistic sign, which is a unit with both meaning (content) and expression. However, once the identity of the linguistic sign is established it is possible to refer to the linguistic sign by its expression. The description of the structure of the system of signs of the language may then be regarded as identical with the description of the structure of their expressions. In this description of Tagalog, the scope is limited to the formal aspects of its structure. 2. Secondly, it must be emphasized that this description is limited to the phrasestructure rules of Tagalog. It is necessary to provide this grammar with a transformational component which will relate the deep structures of Tagalog sentences to their surface structures (Chomsky 1965). However, the rules given here are adequate to provide structural descriptions of the underlying and superficial structures of Tagalog utterances (Postal 1964). The statement of such transformational rules is the task that awaits us in our next opportunity and effort.

1.6. THE DESCRIPTIVE FORMALISM

The descriptive formalism which has been adopted in this work is the direct result of an attempt to deal with the nature of the object of this description. Martinet himself did not insist on a particular apparatus or set of terms and notational conventions for the description of a language. He left this to the discretion of the individual linguist. For the most part, the terms and notational conventions used in this description are those used in linguistics today. However, there are a few terms and notational conventions which have been introduced here for the first time. The reason for introducing them is that they are required by the particular viewpoint adopted here (i.e., the functional viewpoint) and the structure of the object of description. It is, therefore, proper to call the descriptive formalism as a whole THE FUNCTIONAL-STRUCTURAL APPROACH to language description. This section will be devoted to explaining the details of this approach, and is subdivided into two sections, (a) terms and (b) notational conventions.

1.6.1. Terms Here the terms used in this description of Tagalog will be explained by (a) presenting a list of the terms used in this work in the form of a table, and (b) discussing the details of the table in terms of the following topics: (i) double articulation and levels, (ii) syntagm, paradigm, and nexus, (iii) phonology, morphology, and syntax.

24

METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

1.6.1.1. Summary of

terms

Table 1 summarizes the terms used in this work. TABLE 1. Summary of Terms Components

Levels

Units

Constituents

s

Period

Periods

Sentences

Sentence

Sentences

Phrases

Phrase

Phrases

Words

Word

Words

Monemes

Morphology

Moneme

Lexemes and Morphemes

Morphophonemes

P

Word Expressions

Syllable Structures

Syllables

Syllable

Syllables

Phoneme Clusters

Phoneme Cluster

Phoneme Clusters

Phonemes

Phoneme

Phonemes

Distinctive Features

y

n

t

a

h 0

n

o

1

0 g

y

1.6.1.2. Double Articulation and Levels

1. The chief characteristic of language, as we have seen above, is its double articulation. In the first articulation, the minimal signs (monemes) have both content and (vocal) expression. These are then combined into more complex signs. Every meaningful utterance in the language can thus be analyzed in terms of one, or a succession, of these signs. In the second articulation, the minimal units are not signs (since they consist only of sounds) but only distinctive units of sounds (phonemes) which are combined in various ways to form the expressions of the signs of the language. In describing the combinatory patterns of the minimal units in both articulations, one may start from the most complex combinations to the least complex or vice versa. This can be done by recognizing a hierarchical arrangement in the structure of these complex signs, such that the most complex signs can be viewed as the largest units which have smaller units as their contituents, and these smaller constituents have in their turn smaller units as their constituents, and so on until finally the smallest units are described as composed of elements.

METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

25

2. In theory, it is possible to recognize an indefinite succession of arrangements or levels of larger units which have smaller units as their constituents. On each level, there is a typical unit which has as its constituents the smaller constituents of a lower level and is itself a constituent of the larger units of a higher level. In practice, however, it is the complexities of the system of signs in the language which determine how many such levels it is convenient to recognize for purposes of clear structural description. In this description of Tagalog, I have found it convenient to recognize four such levels. But before identifying these levels and their units, it is necessary first to discuss three terms, namely syntagms, paradigms, and nexus. 1.6.1.3. Syntagms and Paradigms So far, the term UNIT has been used to designate the items in the various levels of both articulations. No distinction has been made between units which are order groups and units which are members of alternation groups. It is convenient to use the term SYNTAGM to refer to the units which are order groups, and the term PARADIGM to refer to the units which are members of alternation groups. This will relieve us of the necessity of having to refer to them constantly as 'units which are order groups' and 'units which are members of alternation groups'. Martinet himself did not use the term 'syntagm' in the sense in which it is used here. For Martinet, 'syntagm' meant any combination of minimal signs (monemes) (1960a: 109). Here, however, the term is used to mean a unit or a combination of units which are order groups. If I understand him correctly, de Saussure also uses the term in the sense in which it is used here (1966:170). Likewise, the term 'paradigm' has not been used by Martinet in the sense in which it is used here, i.e., a unit or combination of units which are members of an alternation group. However, Hjelmslev seems to use this term in the sense in which it is used here (1961:29). 1.6.1.4. Nexus 1. The term nexus is not new in linguistics. It was used by other linguists, e.g., Jespersen. However, he did not use it in the sense in whichitis used here. Jespersen used the term to designate a combination of subject and predicate and contrasted it with the term JUNCTION which he used to designate a combination of words which are "a composite name for one thing", e.g., silly person: fool. (1949:203-4). 2. In this description, the term is used to deal with two special combinations in Tagalog, namely (a) the SENTENTIAL NEXUS, and (b) the VERBAL NEXUS. A verb phrase in the non-finite mood followed by a noun phrase in the ay-case is a sentential nexus, e.g., umalis ay tao in gusto koy umalis ay tao 'I want the man to leave now'; here the noun phrase in the ay-case is ay tao 'the man' and the verb phrase is umalis 'leave now'. It is called a sentential nexus, because umalis ay tad is a sentence in Tagalog. 3. The second type of nexus is the verbal nexus. This consists of a verb phrase which

26

METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

is followed by a noun phrase in the nay-case, e.g., kumdin yayon nay sagirj in gusto ko y kumain yayon nay sagitj 'I want to eat banana now': here the verb phrase is kumdin yayon 'eat now', and the noun phrase in the nay-case is nay sagitj 'banana'. 1.6.1.5. Units and Constituents 1. It is now possible to identify the various units and constituents on the different levels of analysis. The highest level in syntax is called the PERIOD LEVEL. The typical unit here is the PERIOD, which is characterized by a contour final intonation, i.e., intonation configurations represented orthographically by a period, a question mark or an exclamation point, e.g., umuwi ak6, naligo akd, kumdin ak6. 'I went home, took a bath, and ate.' The constituents of the period are sentences. 2. The next highest level is called the SENTENCE LEVEL, whose typical unit is the SENTENCE, whose constituents are phrases. The next level is called the PRIMARY CONSTITUENT LEVEL (Martinet's term) or PHRASE LEVEL, whose typical unit is the PHRASE. The constituents of the phrase are WORDS. The lowest level is called the WORD LEVEL, with the word as its typical unit, whose constituents are MINIMAL SIGNS or monemes. Martinet calls them "minimal signs" instead of morphemes because the term 'morpheme' has been used ambiguously to mean both lexical and grammatical minimal signs. Lexical minimal signs (LEXEMES) belong to unlimited inventories, whereas grammatical minimal signs (MORPHEMES) belong to (comparatively) closed inventories. An example of a grammatical minimal sign or morpheme is English 'to', or the plural suffix /-az/; an example of a lexical minimal sign or lexeme is 'rose' or 'house'. The morphemes indicate the relationships between the constituents of an order group. 3. The highest level in phonology is called the WORD EXPRESSIONS. This term is used to call attention to the fact that in the second articulation the units are not signs, but sign expressions. The typical unit on this level is the syllable structure, whose constituents are syllables. 4. The next highest level is the SYLLABLE LEVEL, whose typical unit is the SYLLABLE; whose constituents are PHONEME CLUSTERS. The next level is called the PHONEMIC LEVEL, whose typical units are called phonemes, and whose constituents are DISTINCTIVE FEATURES, e.g., English /p/ is composed of the distinctive features bilabiality, occlusion, and voicelessness. 1.6.2. Rotational Conventions 1.6.2.1. Use of Symbols For clear description, linguists have found it immensely helpful and even necessary to represent symbolically the constituents and their relations as parts of a whole. The complexities of language are such that unless symbols are used to represent them, it soon becomes very difficult to see how different units fit into the total structure. Linguists have, therefore, used symbolic notation to describe the structure of a language.

METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

27

In the ultimate analysis, it really does not matter how one represents such a structure. Linguists prefer one system over another for various reasons - sometimes because it is more familiar to them, or because it has been used to describe a great number of languages, or because it is simpler in the sense that it uses less graphic symbols to represent identical relationships. 1.6.2.2. Constants and Variables Assuming that language can be described in terms of a whole with a hierarchical arrangement of constituent parts such that larger units include smaller units and the smallest units are composed of elements, it is convenient to use the notational convention of constants and variables. A CONSTANT may be defined as a symbol or graphic sign (in this work, lower case letters are used) which represents a description of an object or a term, e.g., a, b, c may represent a description of 'Peter', 'book', 'house'. A VARIABLE may be defined as a symbol (and here capital letters are used, e.g., N, or capital letters followed by lower case letters, e.g., Adj), which represents a class of objects, e.g., N may represent a, b, c (Suppes 1957: 3). One can use the constant to represent the constituents and the variable to represent the units of the language, e.g., the unit CONSONANT CLUSTER can be represented as CI, and its constituents in English are /kl/, /pi/, /bl/, etc. 1.6.2.3. Process Variable So far, the type of variable described is the type which provides a notational convention for the representation of units whose constituents are sequentially arranged, i.e., for the description of the syntax of the language. This type of variable, however, is not convenient for the representation of units whose constituents are simultaneously arranged, i.e., for the description of the morphology of the language. Thus, for example, one needs a way of representing the inflectional paradigms (and Tagalog has inflections) of a language. One needs a way of showing how a form like /rosdrum/, in Latin, is related to the other forms in the paradigm, i.e., that it is the genitive case, plural number of the root /ros/ 'rose'. This can be done by (a) recognizing another type of variable, namely a PROCESS VARIABLE, and (b) a notational device for citing a form from a paradigm. 1.6.2.3.1. Arguments and Functors There is a notational convention which serves the need of a PROCESS VARIABLE, namely, arguments and functors. An ARGUMENT may be defined as a symbol (and here doubled capital letters are used, e.g., NN, W , or doubled capital letters followed by lower case letters, e.g., AAdj, AAdv) whose value is determined by a functor; and a FUNCTOR is a symbol which determines another symbol (in this case, the argument).

28

METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

Thus, 'sky' is the argument and 'beautiful' is the functor in the expression 'beautiful sky', and 'Peter' is the argument of 'runs' in the expression 'Peter runs' (Bochenski 1959: 4-5). Thus, the argument can represent the Latin root /ros/ and the functors can represent the categories of case and number, such that when the genitive case and plural number functors are used to determine the root /ros/, the result is the form /rosàrum/. 1.6.2.3.2. Proper State and Modal Functors There are two types of functors, (a) proper state functors, which represent proper state categories, which in their turn represent the CONSTRAINTS of language (Section 1.3.4); and (b) modal functors, which represent modal categories, which in their turn represent the FREEDOMS of the language. The proper state functors are represented as superscripts and the modal functors as subscripts, e.g., W ~ means the verb paradigm of the non-finite proper state and m modal categories. An alternate notation is to represent the proper state functors as denominators and the modal functors as numerators, e.g.,^VV. To be used as a syntactic variable, the argument must be determined by functors representing one proper state and/or one modal category, e.g., V~ means the finite proper state and the transitive modal category of the verb paradigm. 1.6.2.3.3. The Lambda Functor 1. A notational device for citing a form of a paradigm is the lambda functor. This was introduced by Alonso Church in 1932, and was discussed by him again in 1936. The following is an explanation of this notational device by Feys (1944: 75): A lambda functor consists of a lambda operator formed by X and a letter, and an expression M enclosed in parenthesis or preceded by a point . . . by the lambda functor X O (M) or X -M is expressed that which when applied to a O yields the expression M. M is as it were the characteristic determination which changes O into M. 2. An example of the use of the lambda functor as a notational convention for citation is the following: the form /rósa/ in Latin is the nominative (nom) case, singular (sing.) number of the root /ros/ 'rose'. If one wishes to cite the form which is the genitive (gen.) case, plural (pi.) number of the form /rósa/, then one can do so as follows : gen., pi. X nom., sing, /rósa/ = (/rosàrum/) 1.6.2.4. Proposition-Forming Symbols So far, the symbols which have been introduced represented the various terms used in the description. It is now necessary to introduce two proposition-forming symbols, namely (a) the COMPOSITION symbol = and (b) the INCLUSION symbol 3 or €. The composition symbol = means that the symbol or group of symbols on the right

METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

29

of it are the constituents of the symbol or group of symbols to the left of it. Thus e.g., S = A*B means that S is composed of A and B. The inclusion symbol 6 or 3 means that the symbol or group of symbols on the rear side of the symbol is a member of the symbol or group of symbols on the front side of the symbol. Thus e.g., S 3 A means that A is included in S, and Si A means that S is included in A. 1.6.2.5. Term-Forming Symbols 1. It is necessary, in the system of notational convention which has been adopted here, to introduce a symbol for forming new terms from the terms already in the system. There are three such types of symbols, (a) those that represent order groups, (b) those that represent alternation groups, and (c) the symbol for iteration. 2. The symbols which represent the relationships between order groups are subdivided into three types, namely (and here the terms of Hjelmslev are used [1961:24]): (i) SOLIDARITY or interdependence, which is symbolized by a dot, thus Si = A«B means that both A and B are constituents (major terminals) of Si and neither A nor B alone is an S x ; (ii) DETERMINATION or subordination, which is symbolized by an arrow — or -. 'the

64

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

mother wanted the child to go to sleep'. The order of Syntagms is fixed. However, the noun phrase in the ay-cast can be shifted before the MN. Its representation is: SSg,ncl = MN^ -NP™" • SN°° (h) Type IIInc2, non-conjugated; a modal noun of the second set requires a noun phrase in the nav-case, and a verbal nexus with a verb in the non-finite mood, e.g., gustò nav bàtav kumàin nav mavgà. 'the child wants to eat mango'. The order of syntagms is fixed. This sentence type may be represented as follows : S m n c 2

= MN^ • NP7""1 • VN°°

(i) Type IIInc3, non-conjugated, a modal noun of either the first or second set requires a noun phrase in the nai7-case, followed by a second noun phrase in the navcase; a third noun phrase in the preposition-plus-sa-case may also follow. For example kailàvan ni pédro nav péra para sa tàksi. 'Peter needs money for the taxi', gustò ko nav mavgà 'I want mango'. The order of syntagms is fixed. This type of triadic solidarity may be represented as follows : SSninc3 = MNf j2 • NP"05 • NPno® (j) Type IIInc4, non-conjugated; an adjective phrase with an adjective formed in the comparative type 1 (Section 2.3.6., (d)), requires a noun phrase in the nav-case and another noun phrase in the a>7-case. For example kasivlaki ni huwàn si pédro. 'Peter is as big as John'. This type of triadic solidarity may be represented as follows: S S ^ = Adjg omp ij-NP™';

NP a *

(k) Type IIInc5, non-conjugated; a modal noun of the first or third set in thena-case requires either an adjective phrase in the 0-case or a noun phrase in the ai7-case, followed by another noun phrase in the ai7-case. For example maaàriv mali si hosé. 'it is possible that Joseph is wrong', kailàvav presidènte si hosé. 'it is necessary that Jose be president'. The arrangement of the first two syntagms is fixed, but the third syntagm may be shifted before the first syntagm. This type of triadic solidarity may be represented as follows : SS&nes = MN^-CAdjP 0 ~ NP"'); NP"| (1) Type IIInc6, non-conjugated; A modal noun of the second set requires a noun phrase in the nav-case, followed by a noun phrase in the at7-case. For example gustò nav tao av mavga. 'the man wants the mango'. The third syntagm may be shifted to first position, but the first and second syntagms are fixed. This type of triadic solidarity may be represented as follows : S S ^ = MNf-NP"^;

NP"»

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

65

16. There are nine diadic solidarities, two conjugated, and seven non-conjugated. (a) Type IIcl, conjugated; a verb phrase with a finite transitive verb requires a noun phrase in the ao-case; this may be followed by a noun phrase in the naff-case, a second noun phrase in the ja-case, and a third noun phrase in the preposition-plus-ja-case. The four focuses and three aspects of the verb may be used in the verb form of the verb phrase. There is accord in number between the verb of the verb phrase and the noun phrase in the ao-case. For example nagluluto ao ina nao isda sa kalan pdra sa bdta 'the mother is cooking fish in the stove for the child', nagsisikdin ao maoa bdta nao maogd sa komeddr. 'the children are eating mango in the dining room'. The order of constituent syntagms is functionally simultaneous, but the overt order is freely variable within the limits of the ay-rule. This type of diadic solidarity may be represented as follows: _ SSnci

P1=*P1 i Z i VP-jNP0' (b) Type IIc2, conjugated; a verb phrase with an intransitive finite verb requires a noun phrase in the ao-case; this may be followed by a second noun phrase in the sacase. Only the actor and local focuses may be used, but all the three aspects of the verb may be employed. There is accord in number between the verb of the verb phrase and the noun phrase in the ao-case. For example natutulog an bdta sa duyan. 'the child is sleeping in the hammock', naoatutulog an maoa bdta ? saduyan. 'the children are sleeping in the hammock'. The order of constituent syntagms is functionally simultaneous, but the overt order is freely variable within the limits of the ay-rule. This type of diadic solidarity may be represented as follows: =

_ SSnC2

;

PI ^ PI i Z i VPS,; NP"»

(c) Type Unci, non-conjugated; a noun phrase or adjective phrase in the 0-case requires another noun phrase in the aff-case. The order of constituent syntagms is functionally simultaneous, but the overt order is freely variable within the limits of the ay-rule. For example sundalo si pedro. 'Peter is a soldier', or magkasiolaki as maoa bdta 'the children are of the same size', maganda ao bulakldk 'the flower is beautiful'. This type of diadic solidarity may be represented as follows: SSP1 r z 1 V P ~ •NP"" • S N ~

(c) S S ^ c 2

0

1

nagpumilit

n

an tào n umalis ao bàia ">.

' T h e m a n insisted that the child leave'

(an tào y nagpumilit

na umalis an

bàtaf)

P1=>P1 I—Z 1 (d) S S ^ j - V P ~ . N P f l » . V N ~ 1

0

n

nagpumilit

an bàtan uminóm nan

gàtas.

' T h e child insisted o n drinking milk'

(an bàta y nagpumilit (e) SS£C4

umirtum nan

nàtas.)

= V P ~ • (AdjP ~ N P ) 0 .NP"» 0

n

1

nagin (mabait

~ sunddlo) an tào.

' T h e m a n b e c a m e ( g o o d - n a t u r e d ~ a soldier)'

(an tào y nagin (mabait (f) S S £ c S

=

~

sunddlo)

MN^-NP^-VN0 '

01

kinailànan

n

nan inàn kumàin nan

mangà.

' T h e m o t h e r needs t o eat m a n g o ' (g) S S ~ c 6

= MN^-NP"^;

0

01

kinailànan

NP05

1

ni Pédro an péra.

'Peter needed m o n e y '

(an péra y kinailànan

ni pédro.)

(h) S S f n ^ , = M N f • NP""® • S N ~ 0

01

n

gustò nati inàn matulog

an bàta

' T h e m o t h e r w a n t s the child t o sleep'

71

72

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(Ì) S S g ^ a = M N | • N P " " " • V N ~ 1

01

d

gusto nao bdtao kumdin new maogd. ' T h e child wants to eat m a n g o '

(j) SSjnnc3

= M N f i 2 ; NP"0!'.NP''af'

0 '

01

02

kailàoan ni Pédro nav péra. 'Peter needs money'

(k) S S f n ^ = AdjP?comp

N P " " ' ; NP"»

0

01

1

kasiulaki ni huwàn si pédro. ' P e t e r is a s b i g a s J o h n '

(si pédro y kasiulaki ni huwàn) (1) S S g f a c 5 M N ^ 3 - ( A d j P 0 ~ N P 0 5 ) ; 0 '

NP"'

n

1

maaàri o mali si-hosé. ' I t is p o s s i b l e t h a t J o s e p h is m i s t a k e n '

(si hosé y maaàri o malit.) (1) S S g ^

=MN^NP"a5;

0

01

NP0'

1

gusto nan bàia ao maogd. ' T h e child w a n t s t h e m a n g o '

(an maoga y gusto nav bata 9 J P1=>P1 (m)SS~cl

= VP~; 0

NP«', 1

naglùlùto ao ind. ' T h e m o t h e r is c o o k i n g '

(ao ina y nagluluto)

TAGALOG

P1=>P1 (n) SS:IIc2

= V P " ; NP°® 1 0 natutulog an bata 'The child is sleeping' (an bata y natutulog)

(o)SSg ncl

= (NP ~ AdjP) 0 ; NP"9 0 1 sundalo si pedro 'Peter is a soldier' (si Pedro y sundalo)

(p)SS:rrnc2 = MNJ a , 2 , 3 -SN~ 0 n gusto v matulog an bata 'the child wants to sleep' (q) s s ^ c 3

NP"*; NP"9 1 1 an pdre an guro 9. 'the priest is the teacher' (an guro an pare ^)

(r) ssgnc4

= A d j P 0 ; (Advp^—NPia) 0 2 marumi dito. 'It is dirty here' (dito y marumi.)

na9 (s) SS& IlncS = VP~-NP 0 01

kaaalis ni pédro. 'Peter has just left' (t) SSIInc6 = A d j P - . S N " maàga n dumatin si pédro. 'Peter arrives early'

74

(u) SSgnc7

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

NP so ; NP"® 0 1 sa tao ito. 'this belongs to the man' (ito y sa tao)

(v) SSfc

= VP~ p 0 umuulan. 'it is raining'

(w)SS£c

= NP~„ 0 may bisita. 'there's a visitor'

2.2.2.5. Expansions of the Sentence 1. The sentence may be expanded in three ways. First, by the addition of ENCLITICS, e.g., umalís ba sipédro? 'did Peter leave?' Here, the statement umalissi pédro 'Peter left' is expanded by adding the enclitic ba (interrogative particle after the first orthotonic word in the sentence). The following are the other enclitics in Tagalog: (a) NON-PRONOMINAL: these fall into two subgroups, namely : (i) disyllabic enclitics bagá (interrogative), kayá"> (expression of doubt), lámao 'only', mima (expression of precedence), na(mán) 'again', náwaf or sána (expression of wish), tulóy (in addition), uli° 'again', and mismo ('self' used after pronominal forms); and (ii) monosyllabic enclitics - daw or raw (report of someone's words), din or rin 'also', na (expression of maturity of the situation), pa (expression of the immaturity of the situation), vaf (emphatic assertion or request), po ? (expression of politeness). (b) PRONOMINAL: these also fall into two subgroups, namely: (i) disyllabic enclitics niyá 'his, her, its', nátin 'our (pi. inclusive)', námin 'our (pi. exclusive)', nitó 'of this one (close to speaker)', niyán 'of that (close to hearer)', noón 'of that (far from hearer or speaker)', nino 'whose?'; and (ii) monosyllabic enclitics - ko 'mine', mo 'your', and ka 'you'.

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

75

(c) POST-NUMERAL ENCLITIC (i.e., used only after numerals) - katào (number of people designated by numerals). 2. The following are the order rules which govern the position of enclitics in the sentence: (a) They follow the first orthotonic word in the syntagm; (b) monosyllabic enclitics precede disyllabic enclitics ; (c) among the monosyllabic enclitics : pronominal enclitics precede the non-pronominal enclitics ; (d) finally, a maximum sequence of monosyllabic enclitics is na ~ pa oa rin~din raw ~ daw po~ho ba. This type of expansion of the sentential nexus may be symbolized as follows : SS 3 EN! - S 3. The second way of expanding the sentence is by the use of PREPOSITIVES before the enclitics, e.g., hindi pa ba umalis si pédro ? 'has Peter not gone yet?' The prepositives in Tagalog are hàlos 'almost', bàwat 'every', ganoón 'like that', kàhit 'even', kàpuwaf 'fellow', sakd^ 'and also', kaniyà9 'that's why', huwdg 'don't', hindi^ 'not', bakàf (expression of undesirable contingency), bakit 'why', gayón 'like that', mulP 'again', sadyd 'truly', médiyo 'somewhat', puro 'entirely', talagà 'truly', panay 'entirely', masiyado 'excessive', pdwatj 'entirely', palàgi f 'always', dati 'formerly', kaagàd/agàd 'immediately'. The ordering of these prepositives is, in general, such that one may succeed the other (with few exceptions). A maximum combination of prepositives is kaniya siguro médiyo hindi bàwat ganóon. This type of expansion of the sentential nexus may be represented as follows : SS 3 P R ! - E N ! - S 4. The third way of expanding the sentence is by adding an adverb (Section 2.2.3.6.) in positions 2 or 3, e.g., nagpatày ao tào nar] manók kahàpon 'the man killed a chicken yesterday' ; if position 3 is occupied by NP Ia , then the adverb is shifted to position 4, e.g., nagpatày ao tao nao manók sa kusina kahàpon 'the man killed a chicken in the kitchen yesterday' ; if position 4 is occupied by NP prep+sa , then the adverb is placed in position 5, e.g., nagpatày ao tào narj manók sa kusina pàra sa bàta kahàpon. 'the man killed a chicken in the kitchen for the child yesterday'. The alternate position for the adverb is the first prenuclear position, after the prepositives, e.g., kahàpon ay hindi pa dumatiy ao alkàlde nao bàyan. 'Yesterday, the mayor of the town had not come'. This type of expansion may be symbolized thus : SS 3 A d v - P R ! - E N ! - S ~ S - A d v 2.2.3. Primary Constituent (Phrase) Level The next level of derivation after the sentence level is the primary constituent level, i.e., the level of the various constituents of the sentence types. The inventory of these

76

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

primary constituents and their functional positions in the sentence have already been described (Section 2.2.2.3.); here, we shall discuss their functions in general, their essential structures, and their expansions. 2.2.3.1. Verb Phrases 1. The first group of primary constituents are the VERB PHRASES. The various types of verb phrases with non-finite, gerund verbs function as noun phrases in addition to their function as verb phrases (Section 2.2.3.2., no. 10) and therefore occur in positions occupied by noun phrases in the sentence. The absolute verb phrases function as adverbs and occupy position 3 in the sentential nexus (cf. Section 2.2.2.3., no. 9). 2. The structures of the verb phrases are as follows: (a) The absolute transitive verb phrase in the actor focus requires a noun phrase in the nay-case. It may take a second noun phrase in the sa-case and a third noun phrase in the preposition-plus-ifl proper state, e.g., nagpatdy nav manok sa kusina para sa bata f . 'killed a chicken in the kitchen for the child'. This may be symbolized as follows: VPabtr (act) 3 Vabtr(act);

NP""9,- magluluto av ina nav isdd"> nagluto av ind nav isdd nagpatdy av tao nav manok magpdpatdy av tdo nav manok nagpatdy av tdo nav mandk

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

85

In these examples, these are alternations of morphemic categories which are simultaneous with a certain syntagm, i.e., they are extensive over that syntagm. Here 'simultaneous' means that the sequential order cannot have semantic relevance; it must be fixed or random but cannot be used to indicate different references to the external world. 3. The convention of syntactic variables is not conveniently applied to the description of these formal similarities. It is rather more advantageous to regard the morphemically complex simultaneous form as resulting from the application of one or a complex of FUNCTORS (representing the commuting, simultaneous categories, e.g., singular, present, active) upon an ARGUMENT (representing the lexical identity of the form, e.g., luto f 'cook'). Obviously, the resulting term itself may be a syntactic variable; in any case, if the functor representing the proper state variations is a constant, it is a syntactic variable. The description of these alternations implies a partition in the set-theoretical sense of a thematic paradigm (i.e., one defined by a constant lexeme or group of lexemes, e.g., /rósa/, /rósae/, /rósae, /rósam/, etc., or 'Tom hits Bill; Tom hit Bill; Tom is hitting Bill; Tom was hitting Bill', etc.). i.e., we shall represent a thematic paradigm as partitioned by an argument upon which two kinds of functors are applied, namely (a) PROPER STATE FUNCTORS, which yield syntactic variables capable of functioning in the expressions of our syntax, and (b) MODAL FUNCTORS, which together with a proper state functor yield morphemic syntactic constants. 4. It is necessary to distinguish between functors that yield values that belong to different syntactic variables (these are proper state functors) and those which yield values which belong to the same syntactic variables (these are modal functors). 5. The WORD is syntactically defined by three criteria: (a) the substantial continuity (inseparability) of the word as a complex of minimal signs, (b) the non-iterability of the sign constituents of the word, and (c) the relevant simultaneity (i.e., lack of semantically significant sequentiality) of the sign constituents. Morphologically, the complexes so defined are constituted by a lexical root alone, or by a root with affixes. 6. In Tagalog, there are two systems of morphological categories realized in four systems of word inflection, characterizing the four main morphological categories of (a) the verb, (b) the noun, (c) the pronoun, and (d) the adjective. We shall designate as DECLENSION the morphological category system represented in the nouns, pronouns, and adjectives, and as CONJUGATION the morphological category system in the verb. It should be noted that Tagalog has processes of SYNTACTIC CONVERSIONS, i.e., of deriving declined forms from verb roots by certain affixes (e.g., hampàs 'beat', pavhampàs 'beater'), and conjugated forms from the normally declined forms by the particular appropriate verbalizing affixes (e.g., tren 'train' : magtrén 'to ride the train'). It should be noted that the term INFLECTION is here taken to mean the morphological processes of affixation and reduplication involved in the formation of the four sets of expressions representing the two systems of morphological categories mentioned above. In these formations, the basic lexemic core with which the affixes enter into formation is called the ROOT. If this root has other affixes before it occurs with

86

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

the inflectional a Sixes, it is convenient to call it a DERIVED ROOT or STEM and its affixes stem-forming affixes. 7. In this section (i.e., all of Section 2.3.), the following symbols are used; a hyphen after a form indicates that the form is a PREFIX (e.g., mag-); a hyphen before and after the form indicates that form is an INFIX (e.g., -in-); a hyphen before the form indicates that the form is a SUFFIX (e.g., -an); a double shafted arrow => indicates a morphological process of affixation or reduplication or both; R means reduplication (i.e., repetition of the first consonant and vowel of the root or stem); D means doubling of the root; S means stem; (1) means a shift of accent one syllable towards the end of the word; (2) means shift of accent two syllables to the end of the word; brackets {} enclose a label designating a linguistic sign; the slant lines // enclose phonemic sequences; single quotes ' ' enclose glosses or designations of the significantia (1.2., no. 2.) of linguistic signs. 8. This section on morphology is conveniently divided into six parts, namely, some general rules of morphophonemics (2.3.1.), the verb (2.3.2.), the noun (2.3.3.), the numerals (2.3.4.), the pronouns (2.3.5.), and the adjectives (2.3.6.). 2.3.1. Morphophonemics 1. There are some morphophonemic rules which apply to the morphology of the word as a whole. These may be divided into four groups, namely (a) nasal assimilation, (b) /i-suffixation, (c) d and r alternation, and (d) {-in-} metathesis rule. 2. The first group of morphophonemic rules are the NASAL ASSIMILATIONS. These can be subdivided into two groups: (a) complete assimilation and (b) partial assimilation. COMPLETE ASSIMILATION requires that if the prefix ends in q (e.g., {par)-}, {mag-}, etc.) and the root to which it is affixed begins with p or b, such a p or b is lost and the q nasal of the prefix becomes m (e.g., {paq-}+{palo'beat => pamdlo ? 'beater', {maq-}+{buntal} 'punch' -» mamunt&l 'to punch'). If the root to which the prefix is attached begins with t, d, s, or n, such consonants are lost and the g nasal of the prefix becomes n (e.g., {paq-}+{sulat} 'write' => panulat 'writing instrument'). If the root to which the prefix is attached begins with any other consonant phoneme than those already mentioned, such a phoneme is lost and the prefix retains its final q nasal (e.g., {paq} + {kdwit} 'hook' =>• paqawit 'something used for hooking'). 3. PARTIAL ASSIMILATION requires that if the prefix ends in the q nasal, and the root to which it is attached begins with p or b, the q nasal becomes m (e.g., {paq-} + {Mto ?} 'king pin' => pambdto 9 'something used as kingpin'). If the root to which it is attached begins with t, d, n, or s, the q nasal of the prefix becomes n (e.g., {paq-}+{tabas} 'cut (with sickle)' =>• pantdbas 'sickle'). If the root begins with any other phoneme than those mentioned above, the prefix retains its final n (e.g., (paq-)+{gupit} 'cut (with scissors)' => paogupit 'scissors'). The choice between partial and complete nasal assimilation is completely facultative. 4. The second group of rules are the H-SUFFIXATION RULES. These rules require that

87

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

if a root ends in a vowel and the suffix which is attached to it begins with a vowel, h appears before such a suffix and is attached to the root, e.g., {bdsa} 'read' + {-in} => basahin 'to be read'. If, however, the root ends in a consonant, no such h appears, e.g., {putol} 'cut' + {-in} => putulin 'to be cut'. 5 . The third group of morphophonemic rules is the D AND R ALTERNATION RULES. These require that if a word ends in the consonant d and a suffix is added to it, this d becomes r, e.g., {b&kod} 'fence' {-an} => bakuran 'be fenced in'; if a word has an initial d and a prefix is added to it with final vowel, this d becomes r, e.g., {ddpat} 'ought' + {ka-(2)an} karapatan 'rights', i.e., whenever any prefixation or suffixation results in an intervocalic voiced apical, this is given a ballistic articulation and becomes /r/. 6. The fourth group of morphophonemic rules is concerned with the infix {-in-}. If the root begins with y, this infix becomes a prefix, e.g. {-ni-} + {yaya9} 'invite' => niyaya ? 'was invited'. However, if the root begins with / or w, it may either remain as infix or become a prefix {in-}, e.g. {-in-} + {laro?} 'play' =>- nilard linard ? 'was played with', {-in-} + {wisik} 'sprinkle' =• niwisik, winisik 'was sprinkled'. If this infix is used with the prefix {i-}, then it is usually metathesized when the root begins with h, I, w, y or a. vowel, e.g. {i-} + {-in-} + {hampis} 'strike' => inihampas, {i-} + {-in-} + {lapit} 'approach' => inilapit 'was brought near', {i-} + {-in-} + {wasto?} 'correct' => iniwastd 9 'was set straight', {i-} + {-in-} + {¿lay} 'offer' => inidlay 'was offered', {i-} + {-in-} + {yapos} 'embrace' =>• iniyapds 'was embraced', {i-} + {-in-} + {hatid} 'accompany to a place' =>• inihatid 'was accompanied to a place'. 2.3.2. The Verb 2.3.2.1. 1. In general, the Tagalog verb has the following shape: STEM

Obligatory Affixes

Optional Affixes

ROOTS

Obligatory Affixes

The shape of OBLIGATORY AFFIXES is of two types, (a) simple, e.g., {mag-}, {—(l)(h) an}; and (b) complex, e.g., {ma- -(l)(h)an}, {pag- -(l)(h)in}. These signal MOOD and FOCUS. The optional affixes signal meanings which are added to the basic meaning of the verb signalled by the root, e.g., naglard ? 'played', nagpalar6') 'caused play to occur'. The ROOT, which contains the basic meaning of the verb form is of two types: (a) simple, e.g., {luto?} 'cook' and (b) derived, e.g., {t&w&nan} in nagtawdnan 'laughed all together'. The root together with the optional affixes constitute the STEM, e.g.,-j/pagpa- in nagsipagpagupit 'had a haircut (pi.)'. 2. The description of the verbal conjugation in Tagalog is divided into two parts, (a) verbal categories, and (b) realization of the verbal categories.

88

2.3.2.2. Verbal

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

Categories

2.3.2.2.1. Proper State

Categories

1. The verbal categories are either (a) proper states, or (b) modals. There are FIVE PROPER STATES of the verb, which are called MOODS, namely (i) the non-finite mood, which is symbolized as V ~ ; (ii) the finite mood, which is symbolized as V ~ ; (iii) the mood for brusque command, which is an interjection and symbolized as V i n t e r i ; (iv)the gerund mood, which is symbolized as V 8 e r ; (v) the absolute mood, which is symbolized as •yabs

2. The NON-FINITE MOOD is used when the action is viewed as possible, commanded, hypothetical, or dependent on the action of another. It is used for (a) imperative sentences, e.g., matulog ka\ 'go to sleep'; (b) subordinate clauses with certain conjunctions (Section 2.2.1.2., no. 5.), e.g., pumuntd an tdo sa bukidupay hanapin an kaniya n kalabdw. 'the man went to the field to look for his carabao'; (c) in optative sentence, e.g., sana 'would that' (adverb of wishing), e.g., sana y umuldnl 'I wish it would rain!' 3. The FINITE MOOD requires an indication of the aspect under which the action is viewed. There are four aspects: The IMPERFECT ASPECT is used when the action is viewed as taking place in the present or the past; the context of the sentence or the presence of an adverb of time determines whether such an imperfect action is present or past, e.g., nagluluto an ina nan isda f . 'the mother is cooking fish', nagluluto an tdo nan kanin kahapon. 'yesterday, the man was cooking rice'; it is symbolized as V^,,,. The PERFECT ASPECT is used when the action is viewed as having taken place in the past, i.e., completed action, e.g., nagluto an tdo nan kanin. 'the man cooked rice'; it is symbolized as V p e r f . The FUTURE ASPECT is used when the action is viewed as contemplated planned, or to take place sometime in the future, e.g., maglulutoan tdo nan kdnin. 'the man will cook rice'; it is symbolized as V f u t . The RECENT PAST ASPECT is used when the action is viewed as completed recently, e.g., kararatiy ni hose Jose has just arrived'. It is symbolized as V r p . 4. The INTERJECTION MOOD consists of the bare root of the verb, which is used as an interjection (Section 2.2.1.1., no. 1), e.g., sulon! 'forward!' 5. The GERUND MOOD is a verbal-noun formation. This verbal form may be a constituent of a noun phrase (Section 2.2.3.2., no. 10), and if the verb is transitive it may take a complement in the waff-proper state of the noun phrase, e.g., an pagbibilinan mangd 'the selling of mango'. 6. The ABOSLUTE MOOD is a subordinate sentence form, and commutes with the adverbs in the sentence, s, e.g., pagdatin nan guro y batiin mo. 'when the teacher arrives, greet him'.

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

89

2.3.2.2.2. Modal Categories 1. The various MODAL categories of the verbs fall into two main groups, namely: (a) the ACTUALIZING FUNCTORS, which form a solidarity with the argument to yield a syntactic variable, and (b) ACCIDENTAL FUNCTORS, which are accessory to the combination of the actualizing functors and the argument, i.e., optional forms. 2. There are four kinds of ACTUALIZING FUNCTORS, which may be called 'focuses'. These four FOCUSES in Tagalog are: (a) ACTOR, which is symbolized as Vact, and which is of two types: (i) EXECUTIVE, which is symbolized as Vact exec, and (ii) SUBITIVE, which is symbolized as Vact s u b ; (b) GOAL, which is symbolized as V gl ; (c) LOCAL, which is symbolized as Vloc; and (d) INSTRUMENTAL, which is symbolized as v. v inst' 3. The ACCIDENTAL FUNCTORS are of four types, namely : (a) the R categories, which consist of the alternation of the iterative category and the absence of such a category, i.e., R = iterative ~ 0 ; (b) the P categories, which consist of the alternation of the causative, intensive, associative, potential, potential-accidental, emphatic, and the absence of such categories, i.e., P = causative ~ intensive ~ associative ~ potential ~ potential-accidental emphatic ~ 0 ; (c) the Q categories, which consist of the alternation of the plural, involuntary, spontaneous, emphatic, and the absence of these categories, i.e., Q=plural ~ involuntary ~ spontaneous ~ emphatic ~ 0 ; and (d) ef categories, which consist of the alternation of the effective category and its absence -i.e., ef = effective ~ 0 . 2.3.2.2.3. Summary The various proper state and modal categories, which represent obligatory and optional forms of the verb can be symbolized as follows : (a) Modals : M = (({[act (exec, A, - R , - P , - Q ) ~ (sub, A, - R ) ] } ~ {gl, A —R, - P ) ~ (loc, A, - P } ~ {inst, A, ->-R, - P , -ef})). where M=A, M1(e.g. every alternative inM 1 implies a choice of value in A) G (exec, - pagsuloo 'when (someone) goes forward', {pagka-} + {sulor)} =>- pagkasulon 'after (someone) had gone forward'. 2. The realization of the ACTUALIZING FUNCTORS or focuses will be discussed under the description of each focus. 3. The realization of the ten ACCIDENTAL (optional) FUNCTORS are as follows: (a) The ITERATIVE category is realized by the morpheme {pag}, which has five allomorphs: (i) /pag/ which occurs after«', ka3, ki,pa, ma, iand-(l)(hJin (e.g., nagsipamitas 'went about picking'); (ii) R or 'reduplication' after mag or pag (e.g., magtatakbo 'ran all over the place'); (iii) D or 'doubling' of the verb root after um and mag (e.g., naghanaphanap); (iv) /kanda/ after mag and mayag (e.g., mavagkandadapa ? 'stumbled repeatedly') and (v) (1) or 'shift of accent one syllable to the right' after mag or pag (e.g., ipinagsabi 'was talked about'). (b) The CAUSATIVE accidental category is realized by the morpheme {pa}, which has two allomorphs: (i) /ka 4 / in the instrumental focus (e.g., ikinagalit 'caused someone to get angry'), and (ii) /pa/ elsewhere (e.g., nagpakain 'fed'). (c) The INTENSIVE accidental category is realized by the morpheme {ka2} (e.g., nagpakabait 'caused to behave'). (d) The ASSOCIATIVE accidental category is realized by the morpheme {ki} (e.g., nakilaro 9 'played with others'). (e) The POTENTIAL category is realized by the morpheme {ka1} (e.g., nakakuha 'was able to obtain'). (f) The POTENTIAL-ACCIDENTAL category is realized by the morpheme {ka1} (e.g., nakakain 'ate by chance'). (g) The EMPHATIC accidental category is realized by the morpheme {pag} (e.g., makipaglaro ? 'play with someone'). The difference in meaning between the forms makilard ? and makipaglaro ?is vague; hence the term 'emphatic' is used here tentatively to describe the difference between these two forms, if there is such a semantic difference corresponding to the formal difference. (h) The PLURAL accidental category is realized by the morpheme {si} (e.g., nagsialis 'left all together').

91

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(i) The INVOLUNTARY accidental category is realized by the morpheme {ka3} (e.g., nagkapéra 'to have money unexpectedly'). (j) The SPONTANEOUS accidental category is realized by the morpheme {ti} (e.g., nagpatiwakdl 'committed suicide'). (k) The EFFECTIVE accidental category is realized by the morpheme {sa} (e.g., isagawâ ? 'to accomplish'). 2.3.2.4. Ordering of Affixes There is an ordering in the overt expression of the stem-forming affixes mentioned above, which is best described according to the various focuses. The following restrictions, however, must be observed: (a) no identical affix may follow or precede itself immediately; (b) the arrows indicate that the affixes are determined, i.e., they may or may not occur with the affix that precedes them; however, there is order in the determination as indicated by the numbers over the various positional slots, e.g., ka" and ti commute in position 1, but they may not co-occur; if they do not occur, then pa is shifted to position 1. The following table indicates the ordering of these affixes. TABLE 11 Ordering

Focus Affix

4

3

of

Affixes

2

1 ! ka \ R

/pag 1 I par) J

{mag-}

fpagl I pag J

{ma-} {maria-} {magag-} {mar)-} {um} {-(l)(h)in} {pa- -(l)(h)in} {pag- -(l)(h)in} {pag- -(l)(h)in} {ma-} {mai-} {-(l)(h)an}

(1)

ft}

pag

pa

D ti kanda -pa ka*3 ' ka ti kanda D pag par) ka2 ki pa

Root

92

TAGALOG GRAMMAR Ordering of Affixes

Continued

Focus Affix

Root

{ma- -(l)(h)an)

/pagi l pai) J /pagi IpagJ

{mà- -(l)(h)an}

{if}

{pa- -(l)(h)an} {pag- -(l)(h)an} {patj-(l)(h)an} {ka!- -(h)an) (i-)

id) D ki Pa

{mai-} {nidi-}

pag

('*} I pai) J ©

2.3.2.5. Types of Roots Each verbal form consists of a root, or a root plus affixes. In Tagalog, the verb roots are either: (a) simple, or (b) derived. The simple roots are classified into: (i) absolute transitive, (ii) transitive, and (iii) intransitive. The following are examples of these types of roots: Absolute Transitive

Transitive

Intransitive

hampds patày küha pülot hàkot bäsag

lütot kain basa àhit inóm guló

gàlit matày dulàs tülog dapäf antók

'strike' 'kill' 'obtain' 'pick up' 'cart off' 'break'

'cook' 'eat' 'read' 'shave' 'drink' 'trouble'

'anger' 'die' 'slip up' 'sleep' 'fall on one's face' 'sleepiness'

2.3.2.6. The Actor Focus There are two types of actor focuses, (a) the executive, and (b) the subitive. 2.3.2.6.1. The Executive Actor Focus 1. The executive actor focus is realized by the prefix {mag-}. This prefix has two allomorphs, /mag-/ before transitive and intransitive roots, and /ma-/ before intransitive roots. The general meaning of {mag-} is the actor 'carries out' an action, e.g., {mag-} + {luto ?} 'cook' =>• — magluto f 'to cook'; nagluto si hose naa kanin. 'Joseph

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

93

cooked rice'. We should compare the following forms of the verb to appreciate the difference between subitive action which is signaled by the {um} affix of the second type of actor focus and the executive action which is signaled by the {mag-} prefix: {um}+ {labas} 'out' => lumabas 'to go out', but {mag-} + {laMs} =• maglabas 'bring out'; {um} + {tayo9} 'stand' =>• tumayo0 'to stand up', but {mag-} + {tayo9} => magtayo9 'build, setup'; {um} + {bili}'trade' =>• bumili 'buy', but {mag-} — {bili} => magbili 'sell'. In addition to verb roots, {mag-} also takes noun and adjective roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [a], and Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph [a]), e.g., magtren 'to ride the train', mageroplano 'to enplane'. 2. The FUTURE ASPECT of the finite proper state is formed by reduplicating the base and adding {mag-} to the root, e.g., magluluto 9 'will cook'. 3. The IMPERFECT ASPECT of the finite proper state is formed by reduplicating the root and adding {nag-} to it, e.g., nagluluto 9 'cooking'. 4. The PERFECT ASPECT of the finite state is formed by adding {nag-} to the root, e.g., nagluto 9 'cooked'. 5. The GERUND is formed by reduplicating the base and adding {pag-} to it, e.g., pagbibili 'selling'. Similarly, in the case of the derived stems of {mag-}, the gerund of these is formed by reduplicating them and adding {pag-} to them; thus, for example, if the derived stem is {-sipagalis} which is from the stem-forming affixes {-sipag-} + {alis} 'leave', the gerund is pagsisipagalis 'the leaving (of many)'. The meaning is that of a nominalized verb, as in the example given-. 6. In addition to the simple roots mentioned above, the prefix {mag-} takes the following stem-forming affixes: (a) {-D-}: the general meaning of the verb with this stem-forming doubling is 'iterative action', e.g., {mag-} + {bant&y} 'watch' =• magbantaybantay 'keep watch', magbantaybantdy ka sa harap nay tindahan at bakamay mawala9. 'keep watch at the store front lest something disappears'. This stem-forming affix uses absolute transitive, transitive and intransitive roots. (b) {-(1)-}: the general meaning of the verb with this stem-forming accent shift is 'iterative action', e.g., {mag-} + {Mnap} 'look for' => maghanap 'to look for', but maghanap 'go about looking for something', naghanap nan maga bulaklak av mam bdta sa bukid. 'the children went about looking for flowers in the fields'. This stemforming affix uses absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. (c) {-R-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming reduplication is 'iterative action', e.g., {mag} + {-R-} + {takbo} 'run' => magtatakbo 'to go about running', nagtatakbo ao maoa aso sa pdrao 'the dogs ran around the prairies'. This stem-forming affix uses absolute transitive, transitive and intransitive roots. (d) {-si-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'plural action', e.g., {mag} + {-si-} + {tago 9 } 'hide' => 'to hide'; magsitago 9 'to hide (plural)', nagsitago av mava daga pagdatiu nay piisa 'the mice hid when the cat arrived'. This stem-forming affix uses absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. (e) {-sipag-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'plural emphatic action',

94

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

e.g., {mag-} 4- {-sipag} — {tdgo9} 'hide' magsipagtdgo ? 'the act of hiding (plural)', nagsipagtdgo ay maya dagdpagdatiy naypusa">. 'the rats scampered to their hiding places when the cat arrived'. This stem-forming affix uses absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots. (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [b]). (f) {-sipagpa-}: The general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'plural, emphatic, causative action', e.g., {mag-} + {-sipagpa-} + {tdgo ?} => magsipagpatdgo "> 'have something be hidden (plural)', nagsipagpatago ? ay maya bata nay pagkain sa kanila y ina. 'the children had their mother put away some food'. This stem-forming affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots, as well as nominal and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [c], Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [b]) (g) {-sipagpaka2-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'plural, emphatic, causative, intensive action', e.g., {mag-} + {-sipagpaka-} + {matay} 'die => magsipagpakamatay 'commit suicide (plural)', nagsipagpakamatay ay ilay sundaloo hapon pagkatapos naydigmaan. 'a few Japanese soldiers committed suicide after the war'. This affix takes intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [c]). (h) {-sipag-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'plural, iterative action', e.g., {mag-} + {-sipag-} + {bagkd 9 } 'banca' =>• magsipamayka9 'ride a banca (plural)'; nagsipamaokd ao maoa bata sa Hog 'the children rode bancas in the river'. This stem-forming affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [d]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph [d]). (i) {-ka3-}: the general meaning of this affix is 'involuntary action', e.g., {mag-} + {-ka-} + {sakit} 'sickness' magkasakit 'to fall sick', nagkasakit av bata dahil sa init nao draw 'the child got sick because of the heat of the sun'. This stem-forming affix takes nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [e]). (j) {-ka3(l)-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'involuntary, iterative action', e.g., {mag-} + {-ka-(l)} + {putol} 'cut' => magkaputol 'be accidentally cut iteratively', nagkaputol an mampitnov kahoy dahil sa lakas nay hayirt. 'the trees got cut down by the strong wind'. This stem-forming affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. (k) {-ka2D-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'intensive, iterative action', e.g., {mag-} + {-ka-} + {-D-} + {ump6g} => magkaumpugumpog 'knock against something', nagkaumpugumpog ay maya ulo nay maoa bata nay huminto ay tren. 'the children's heads got knocked together when the train came to a halt'. This stem-forming affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. (1) {-kanda-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is iterative action, e.g., {mag-} + {-kanda-} + {dap£9} 'stumble' => magkandadapa'stumble repeatedly', nagkandadapa9 ay bata sa pagtakbo. 'the child stumbled repeatedly while running'. This stem-forming affix takes only intransitive roots. (m) {-pa-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'causative action', e.g., {mag-} + {-pa-} — {k£in} 'eat' => magpakain 'feed', nagpakain nay maoa manok ay magsasakd. 'the farmer fed the chicken'. This stem-forming affix takes absolute tran-

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sitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [f]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [e]). (n) {-paka2-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'causative, intensive action', e.g., {mag-} + {-paka-} + {bait} 'good-natured' =• magpakabait 'try to behave', nagpakabait ao bata upaq payagan siya o maglaro 'the child tried to behave in order that he may be permitted to play'. This stem-forming affix takes intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [f]). (o) {-pati-}: this stem-forming affix means 'causative, spontaneous action', e.g., {mag-} + {-pati-} + {hulog} 'drop' => magpatihulog 'to let oneself down', nagpatihulog ao tao mula sa bahay haygay sa lupa. 'the man let himself drop from the house to the ground'. This stem-forming affix takes only intransitive roots. 7. The executive prefix {mag-} has an allomorph /ma-/, which occurs only with intransitive verb roots, e.g., {ma-} + {tulog} 'sleep' => matulog 'to sleep', natulog ao tao sa duyan 'the man slept in the hammock'. 8. The NON-FINITE FORM is the result of adding the prefix {ma-} to the root, as in matulog above. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding the prefix {na-} to the root, e.g., natulog 'slept'. The IMPERFECT FINITE FORM is the result of adding {na-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., natutulog 'sleeping'. The FUTURE FINITE FORM is the result of adding {ma-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., matutulog 'will sleep'. The GERUND is formed by adding {pag-} to the root, e.g., pagtulog 'sleeping'. This prefix does not have a gerund form from derived stems. 9. In addition to taking simple intransitive roots, this prefix also takes the following stem-forming affixes (the meanings are enclosed in single quotes; an example is then given; finally the types of roots the affixes take are indicated): (a) {-ka1-} 'potential action', e.g., {ma-} + {-ka-} + {kuha} 'obtain' => makakuha 'to be able to obtain', nakakuha siya nao mataas na marka sa eskuwela. 'he was able to get a high mark in school'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. In the perfect non-finite, the meaning of potentiality is sometimes lost, nakakuha na si Pedro nao suweldo can have two meanings, either 'Peter was already able to obtain his salary' or 'Peter has already obtained his salary'. (b) {-kd1-} 'potential-accidental', e.g., {ma-} + {-kd-} + {tdpak} 'step on' => makatdpak 'be able to step on accidentally', nakatdpak siya nao bdga. 'he accidentally was able to step on a live coal'; it.takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. (c) {-ka^ag-} 'potential, emphatic action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kapag-} + {tanoq} 'ask' => makapagtanoo 'be able to ask', nakapagtanoo si iskd kuo saan ao bahay ni dskar. 'Isko was able to ask where the house of Oscar was'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [j]). (d) {-k^pag-} 'potential-accidental, emphatic action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kapag-} + {tan6rj} => makapagtanoo 'ask by accident', nakapagtanoo ao polls sa magnandkaw. 'the police asked the thief by accident'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [k]).

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(e) {-ka^ag-} 'potential, iterative', e.g., {ma-} + {-kapag-} + {hiràm} 'borrow' => makaparjhiràm 'succeeded in borrowing', nakapauhiràm nau péra aspulubi. 'the beggar succeeded in borrowing money' ; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [1]). (f) {-ka^pagpa-} 'potential, emphatic, causative action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kapagpa-} + {tayó ?} 'stand up' =>• makapagpatàyo ? 'be able to have something built', nakapagpatayó an ama nan silumnnatj mava manók. 'the father was able to have a shelter for the chicken to be built' ; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [m]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [g]). (g) {-kà^agpa-} 'potential-accidental, emphatic, causative action', e.g., {ma-} +• {-kàpagpa-} + {tayó =>- makàpagpatayó ? 'be able to have something built by accident', nakapagpatayó aogobiyérno nau gusàlìsa latian. 'the government had a building set up in a marsh by accident' ; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [n]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [h]). (h) {-ki-} 'associative action', e.g., {ma-} + {-ki-} + {tulog} 'help' => makitulov 'to help along with others', nakituloa si pédro sa kasàl nau kaniya a kaibigan. 'Peter lent a hand at the wedding of his friend' ; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. (i) {-kipag-} 'associative, emphatic action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kipag-} + {laro9} 'play' => makipaglaró f 'to play with someone', nakipaglaró si Iskó kay Oskar 'Isko played with Oscar'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [o]). (j) {-kipag-} 'associative, iterative action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kipag-} + {putol} 'cut' (cf. Section 2.3.1., second paragraph) => makiparrmtol 'to go about cutting together with others', nakipamùtol nag gàtoy an mam kapitbàhay. 'the neighbors got together to cut firewood'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [p]). (k) {-kipagpa-} 'associative, emphatic, causative action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kipagpa-} + {gawà ?} 'make' => makipagpagawà ? 'get together to have something made', nakipagpagawà av bàia nav larùan sa kaniya v maga kaibigan. 'the child had a toy made in association with his companions'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [i]). 10. There is an executive actor focus affix {maga-} which is the result of the amalgamation of the realizations of the executive actor focus and the plural categories. 11. The NON-FINITE is the result of adding the prefix {maga-} to the root, e.g., maoahùlog 'fall (pi.)'. The PERFECT FINITE FORM is the result of adding the prefix {naga-} to the root, e.g., naaahulog 'fell (pi.)'. The IMPERFECT FINITE FORM is the result of adding the prefix {naga-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., naoahùhùlog 'falling (pi.)'. The FUTURE FINITE FORM is the result of adding the prefix {maga-} to the

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reduplicated root, e.g., mayahuhulog 'will fall (pi.)'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots. 12. In addition to the simple root, this prefix also takes the stem-forming affix {-ka2-} which has the general meaning of 'executive, plural, actor focus, and intensive action', e.g., {naqa-} + {-ka2-} + {tulog} 'sleep' => nayakatulog 'be fast asleep', nayakatulog ay maya bata sa likod nay kotse. 'the children were fast asleep at the back of the car'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph [j]). 13. There is another executive actor focus affix {maqag-} which is the result of the amalgamation of the realizations of the executive actor focus and the plural categories. 14. The NON-FINITE form is the result of adding the prefix { maqag-} to the root, e.g. mayagaral 'study (pi.)'. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding {natjag-} to the root, e.g., nayagaral 'studied (pi.)'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding {naqag-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., nayagdaral 'studying (pi.)'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of adding { maqag-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., mayagadral 'will study (pi.)'. It takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [h]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [k]). 15. In addition to simple roots, this prefix also takes the following stem-forming affixes: (a) It takes {-pa-}, which has the general meaning of 'plural, causative action', e.g., {marjag-} + {-pa-} + {kain} 'eat' => mayagpakain, nayagpakain ay maya anak ni pedro nay maya manok. 'the children of Peter fed the chicken', and takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [g]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [1]). (b) It takes {-si-}, which has the general meaning of 'plural, executive, actor focus', e.g., {maqag-} + {-si-} + {alls} 'leave' => mayagsialis 'leave (pi.)', nayagsialis ay maya kambiy sa koral 'the goats left the corral', and takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [m]). (c) It takes {-ka3-}, which has the general meaning of 'plural, involuntary, executive actor focus', e.g., {magag-} + {-ka3-} + {pera} 'money' => mayagkapera 'come to possess money without intending it (pi.)', nayagkapera ay maya nanood sa karera. 'the fans at the race came to obtain money without intending it', and takes absolute transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [i]). (d) It takes {-sipag-}, which in general means 'plural, emphatic, executive, actor focus action', e.g., {magag-} + {-sipag-} + {bihis} 'dress up' =>- mayagsipagbihis 'dress up (pi.)', nayagsipagbihis ay maya dalaga para sa piyesta. 'the young ladies dressed up for the fiesta', and takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive roots. (e) It takes {-sipagpa-}, which has the general meaning of 'plural, executive, actor focus, emphatic, and causative action', e.g., {magag-} + {-sipagpa-} + {gupit} 'haircut' =>• mayagsipagpagupit 'have a haircut (pi.)', nayagsipagpagupit nay buhok 7

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sina pedro. 'Peter and his companions had their haircut', and takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [n]). (f) It takes {-sipagpaka2-}, which in general means 'executive, actor focus, plural, causative, intensive action', e.g., {marjag-} + {-sipagpaka-} + {bait} 'good-natured' => mavagsipagpakaba.it 'exert effort to be good (pi.)', navagsipagpakabait ao matja bata nag maldpit na ao pasko. 'the children exerted effort to behave since Christmas was approaching', and takes intransitive and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [o]). (g) It takes {-sipagpati-}, which means 'executive, actor focus, plural, emphatic, causative, and spontaneous action', e.g., {magag-} + {-sipagpati-} + {hulog} 'fall' =>• mavagsipagpatihulog 'fell spontaneously on their own', navagsipagpatihulog ao mawnakatirdsanasusunog nabdhay. 'the people in the burning building allowed themselves to fall down on their own', and takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. (h) It takes {-kanda-}, which in general means 'actor focus, executive, iterative, plural action', e.g., {magag-} + {-kanda-} + {hulog} 'fall' => mavagkandahulog 'fall repeatedly', navagkandahulog an maoa hinog na maogd. 'the ripe mango fruit came falling down', and takes, absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. 16. There is a prefix {maq-} which is used to signal 'executive, actor focus, iterative action'. This prefix is here analyzed as the result of the amalgamation of {mag-} 'executive, actor focus' and {-pag-} 'iterative action', for the following reasons: (a) All the other focuses combine with a stem-forming affix {-pag-} which signal 'iterative action', except {mag-}. (b) The semantic content of the aflix supports this analysis. The NON-FINITE form of this affix is the result of prefixing {mag-} to the root, e.g., {mag-} + {bili} 'buy' => mamili 'go shopping'. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of prefixing {nag-} to the root, e.g., namili 'went shopping'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of prefixing {nag-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., namimili 'shopping'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of prefixing {mag-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., mamimili 'will buy'. The GERUND of this affix is {pag-} plus the reduplicated root, e.g., pamimili 'shopping'. This prefix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [q]). 2.3.2.6.2. The Subitive Actor Focus 1. The second type of actor focus is the subitive, which is realized by the affix {um}. The general meaning of this affix is that the actor undergoes an action (e.g., uminom 'drink') or state (e.g., bumait 'become good'). This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [p]). It has two allomorphs: (a) the prefix /um-/, which is added to roots with initial vowels, e.g., {um-} + {alis} 'remove' =>• umalis 'go away'; and (b) the infix /-um-/, which is added to roots with initial consonants, e.g., {-um-} + {lakad} 'walk' => lumakad 'walk'.

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2. The NON-FINITE form of the subitive is formed by adding {um} to the verb base, according to the rules stated in Section 2.3.2.6.2., no. 1. 3. The FUTURE ASPECT of the finite proper state is formed by reduplicating the root, e.g., iinom 'will drink', tutubo 'will grow'. 4. The IMPERFECT ASPECT of the finite proper state is formed by adding {-um-} to the root and reduplicating it, e.g., umiinom 'drinking', tumutubo 'growing'. 5. The PERFECT ASPECT of the finite proper state is formed by infixing {-um-} to the root, e.g., uminom 'drank', tumubo ? 'grew'. 6. The GERUND is formed by adding {pag-} to the root, e.g., paginom 'drinking', pagtubo ? 'growth'. Similarly, in the formation of the gerund for the derived stems which follow, the prefix {pag-} is added to the derived stem, and the meaning is a nominalized verbal action: thus, if the derived stem is {-kausap} from {-ka-} + {usap} 'talk', then the gerund is pagkausap 'act of conversing'. 7. In addition to simple roots, {-um} subitive also takes derived roots or stems, which are with the stem-forming affix {-D-}: the general meaning of the verb with this stem-forming doubling is 'iterative action', e.g., {um} + {t&wa} 'laugh' =>• tumawa 'to laugh'; {um} + {-D-} + {tawa} => tumawatdwa 'keep laughing', tumatawatdwa si pedro kuo siya y nagkakamali^. 'Pedro keeps laughing when he makes a mistake'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. 2.3.2.7. The Goal Focus • 1. The NON-FINITE form results in suffixing {-(l)(h)in} to the verb root, e.g., {luto 9 }'cook' + {-in} =>. lutuin 'be cooked'. The FINITE PERFECT form is the result of infixing {-in-} to the root, e.g., {-in-} + {luto 9 } => linuto ? 'cooked'. The FINITE IMPERFECT is formed by infixing {-in-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., {-in-} + Re + {luto 9 } => linuluto? 'cooking'. The FINITE FUTURE is formed by reduplicating the root and adding a suffix {-(l)(h)in}, e.g., {luto 9 } + Re + {-in} => lulutuin 'will be cooked'. The RECENT PAST form of the verb results from the addition of {ka-} to the reduplicated root, e.g. kaiindm 'has just drunk'. This affix takes all the five types of roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [r]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [q]). 2. Besides the simple suffix {-(l)(h)in}, there is also a complex affix, {pa- -(l)(h)in} 'goal, focus, causative action', e.g., {pa- -(l)in} + {inom} 'drink' => painumin 'have someone drink', painumin mo ay kalabaw sapagkat nauuhaw 'have the carabao drink since it is thirsty'. The PERFECT FINITE form of this complex affix is the result of infixing {-in-} between the consonant and vowel of the prefix {pa-}, e.g., pinainom 'was made to drink'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form of the verb is the result of infixing {-in-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., pinaiinom 'being made to drink'. The FUTURE FINITE form of the verb is the result of adding {pa- -(l)(h)in} to the reduplicated root, e.g., paiinumin 'will be made to drink'. This complex affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, as well as adjectival and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [u]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [r]). Besides such simple roots, it also takes derived roots with the following stem-forming affixes:

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(a) It takes {-pag-} 'causative, emphatic action', e.g., {pa--(l)(h)in} + {-pag-} + {1ampaso} 'husk' =» papaglampasuhin 'have someone husk something', pinapaglampaso nan maybahay an kaniya a anak 'the lady of the house had her child husk her corn', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [s]). (b) It takes {-pag-}'causative, iterative action', e.g., {pa- -(l)in} + {-pag-} + {hiram} 'borrow' =>• papatjhiramin 'let someone borrow something', pinapaohiram ni rosa ay kcmiya a guntiv sa kaniya a matja kaibigan. 'Rose allows her friends to keep borrowing her pair of scissors', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [t]). (c) It takes {-ka2-} 'goal focus, causative, intensive action', e.g., {pa- -(l)(h)in} + {-ka} + {buti} 'good' =• pakabutihin 'have something done well', huwag mou pakabutihin ao iyov paglaro ? 'don't play too well', which takes adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [s]. (d) It takes {-ki-} 'goal focus, causative, associative action', e.g., {pa- -(l)(h)in} + {-ki-} + {putol} 'cut' =>• pakiputulin 'have someone cut something', pinakiputol ni huwan ao punoy kahoy sa kaniyao halamanan. 'Juan had the tree in his garden cut by someone'; takes only absolute transitive and transitive roots. 3. There is a second complex affix in the goal focus, { pag- -(l)(h)in}, which has the general meaning of 'goal focus, emphatic action', e.g., {pag- -(l)(h)in} + {linis} 'clean' => paglinisin 'be cleaned', pinaglinis ni mariya si lina nan mam plato. 'Maria had Lina clean the plates'. The FINITE PERFECT form is the result of infixing {-in-} e.g. {-in-} + {linis} 'clean' =• pinaglinis. The FINITE IMPERFECT form is the result of affixing {pag- -(h)in} and infixing {-in-} to the reduplicated root, e.g. pinaglilinis. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of affixing {pag- -(h)in} to the reduplicated root, e.g. paglilinisin. It takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [v]). 4. There is a third complex affix of the 'goal focus, {par)- -(l)(h)in} iterative action', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, nominal, and adjectival roots; e.g., {pag-(l)in} + {pitas} 'pick' =>- pamitasin 'keep being picked', pinamitas namin an matja buna nay puno o kahoy'we went about picking the fruit of the tree'. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of prefixing {pag-} + {-in-} + {pitas} 'pick' => pinamitas. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of prefixing {pag-} + {-in-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., pinamimitas 'being picked'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of prefixing {pag- -(h)in} to the reduplicated root, e.g., pamimitasin. It takes absolute transitive and transitive roots. 5. In addition to the simple and complex affixes of the goal focus, there is a prefix {ma-}, which has a potential meaning. This prefix is here analyzed as an amalgam of the goal focus affix {-(l)(h)in} and the potential affix {ma-}. The reason for this analysis is the following: the potential category is a modality of the verb form in all the focuses, and only the goal focus lacks such a modality if {ma-} is not interpreted as the realization of the potential category in this focus. The NON-FINITE form of {ma-} potential is

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

101

the result of prefixing {ma-} to the verb root, e.g., {ma-} + {kuha} 'obtain' =• makuha 'be able to be obtained'; the PERFECT FINITE form is the result of prefixing {na-} to the root of the verb, e.g., nakuha 'was able to be obtained'; the IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of prefixing {na-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., nakukuha 'being able to be obtained'; the FUTURE FINITE form of the verb is the result of prefixing {ma-} to the reduplicated form of the root, e.g., makukuha 'will be able to be obtained'. This prefix takes only absolute transitive and transitive roots. 6. Besides taking simple verb roots, {ma-} also takes roots with the stem-forming affix {-pa-}; it has the general meaning of 'goal focus, potential, causative action', e.g., {ma-} + {-pa-} + {kanta} 'sing' => mapakanta 'be able to have someone sing', napakanta nila aq dalaga 'they were able to have the young girl sing'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [w]). 7. Besides the prefix {ma-}, there is also another prefix {ma-} 'potential-accidental action', e.g., {ma-} + {pitas} => mapitas 'be picked by accident', napitas nan bata an hindi hinog na manga 'the child happened to pick the unripe mango'. This affix takes absolute transitive, and transitive roots. 8. In addition to simple verb roots, {ma-} also takes roots with the stem-forming affix {-pa-}; it has the general meaning of 'goal focus, potential-accidental, causative action', e.g., {md-} + {-pa-} + {kain} 'eat' =>• mapakain 'be able accidentally to have someone eat', napakain nan ina an panis na ulam sa kaniyan anak. 'the mother accidentally caused her child to eat the spoiled food'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, nominal and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [x]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [t]). 2.3.2.8. The Local Focus 1. The goal focus is realized by the suffix {-(l)(h)an}. The general meaning of this suffix is 'action done at a certain place'; however, it sometimes has a benefactive meaning, e.g., {bdsa} 'read' + {-(l)(h)an} 'have something read for someone'. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of affixing {-in-} and {-(l)(h)an} to the root, e.g., binasahan. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of affixing {-in} + {-(l)(h)an} to the reduplicated root, e.g., binabasahan. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of suffixing {-(l)(h)an} to the reduplicated root, e.g., babasahan. The RECENT PAST form is the result of prefixing {ka-} to the reduplicated root, e.g. kababasa. This suffix takes all five types of roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [y]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [u]). 2. In addition to the simple suffix, there is also a complex affix in this focus, {ma-(l)han}, whose general meaning is 'local focus, potential action', e.g., {ma-(h)an} + {pitas} 'pick' => mapitasan, e.g. napitasan na nag mana hinog an punon mangan ito. 'ripe mangoes have already been picked from this tree'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [z]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [v]).

102

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

3. In addition to simple roots, this affix takes roots with the stem-forming affixes: (a) It takes {-pag-}, which has the general meaning of 'local focus, potential emphatic action', e.g., {ma- -(l)(h)an) 4- {-pag-} + {¿ral} 'study' => mapagaralan 'be studied', napagaralan nay estudyante ay kaniyao leksiyon. 'the student has studied his lesson', and takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. (b) It takes {-pag-}, which has the general meaning of 'local focus, potential iterative action', e.g., {ma--(l)(h)an} + {-paq-} + {bili} 'buy' =>- mapamilihdn 'be able to shop at a place', napamilihan na namin aopaleokeo ito. 'we (exclus.) have already shopped at this market', and takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [aa]). 4. In addition to the complex affix {ma- -(l)(h)an}, the local focus has a second complex affix {m&- -(l)(h)an} 'potential-accidental action', e.g., {ma- -(l)an} + {tdma*?} 'hit' => matamaan 'be hit accidentally', natamaan ao usa sa leeg 'the deer was accidentally hit in the neck'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [bb]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [w]). 5. Besides taking simple roots, this complex affix also takes roots with the following stem-forming affixes: (a) It takes {-pag-} which has the general meaning of 'local focus, potential-accidental emphatic action', e.g., {md- -(l)(h)an} + {-pag-} + {sdbi} 'say' => mapagsabihan 'be told something by someone', ndpagsabihan new ind at; kaniyao mam anak na magpakabait. 'the mother told her children to behave'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive verbs. (b) It takes {-pag-} which has the general meaning of 'local focus, potential-accidental, iterative action', e.g., {md- -(l)(h)an{ + {-pan-} + {bili} 'buy' => mapamilihdn 'accidentally to do some shopping at at a certain place', napamilihan na namin aa tinddhan ni pedro. 'we have already shopped at Peter's store'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [cc]). 6. There is a third complex affix in the local focus, {pa- -(l)(h)an} 'causative, local action', e.g., {pa--(l)(h)an} + {kulo 9 } 'boil' => pakuludn 'have something be boiled', e.g., pinakuluan na an tubig na iyan 'that water has already been boiled'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [dd]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [x]). The NON-FINITE form is the result of affixing the complex {pa- -(l)(h)an} to the root, e.g., pakuludn 'have something boiled'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of infixing {-in-}, and adding {pa- -(l)(h)in} to the reduplicated root, e.g., pinakukuluan 'having something boiled'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of adding the prefix {pa- -(l)(h)an} to the reduplicated root, e.g., pakukuluan 'will be boiled'. 7. In addition to the simple roots, the complex affix {pa- -(l)(h)an} takes roots with the following stem-forming affixes: (a) It takes {-ka2-} 'intensive action', e.g., {pa- -(l)(h)an} + {-ka-} + { w a l a ' n o n e '

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

103

=> pakawalan 'set free', pinakawalan nan bata an nakatali n ibon. 'the child set the tied bird free'. This affix takes intransitive roots. N.B., there is an elision of a ? in the final syllable. (b) It takes {-ki-}'associative action', e.g., {pa--(l)an} + {-ki-} + {tulog} 'help' =»• pakitulunan 'helped by others', pinakitulunan nan mana bata an matanda sa pagtawid sa daan. 'the youngsters helped the old man cross the street'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [cc]). 8. The fourth complex affix in the local focus is {pag- -(l)(h)an} 'local focus, emphatic action', e.g., {pag- -(l)an} + {iqat} 'care' => paginatan 'take care of', pinagivatan ko ay akirj marja aklat 'I took care of my books'. The NON-FINITE form of this verb is the result of adding the complex affix to the root; for example, paginatan. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding the infix {-in-} to the complex affix and the root, e.g., pinagivatan 'took care of'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding the infix {-in-} and the complex affix to the reduplicated root, e.g., pinagiinatan 'being taken care of'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of adding the complex affix to the reduplicated root, e.g., pagiinatan 'will be taken care of'. This complex affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [y]). 9. The fifth complex affix of the local focus is {pag- -(l)(h)an} 'local, iterative action', e.g., pamitasan 'be picked'. It takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive verb roots. The NON-FINITE form is the result of adding the complex affix (paq-(l)(h)an} to the root, cf. above example. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding the infix {-in-} to the prefix {pag-} and adding the rest of this complex affix to the root, e.g., pinamitasan 'was picked'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding the infix {-in-} to the prefix {pag-} and adding the rest of the complex affix to the reduplicated root, e.g., pinamimitasan 'being picked'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of adding the complex affix to the reduplicated root, e.g., pamimitasdn 'will be picked'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. 10. The sixth complex affix is {ka2- -(l)(h)an} 'local, intensive action', e.g., {ka-(l)an} + {hiya"?} 'shame' => kahiyaan 'be ashamed'; takes intransitive verb roots. The NON-FINITE form is the result of adding the complex affix to the root, cf. example above. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding an infix {-in-} to the root and the complex affix, e.g., kinahiyaan 'was ashamed'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding the infix {-in-} to the reduplicated root and the complex affix, e.g., kinahihiyaan 'being ashamed'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of adding the complex affix to the reduplicated root, e.g., kahihiyaan 'will be ashamed'. For example, kinahiyaan nipedro an kaniyan kapatid. 'Peter was ashamed of his brother'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots.

104

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.3.2.9. Instrumental Focus 1. The instrumental focus is signalled by the preffix {i-}. The NON-FINITE form is the result of prefixing {i-} to the root, e.g., {i-} + {hampas} 'strike' ihampas 'use (something) to strike'. Sometimes, this prefix signals benefactive action. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of infixing {-in-} to the root and prefixing {i-}, e.g., ihinampas 'used (something) to strike'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of infixing {-in-} and prefixing {i-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., ihinahampas. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of prefixing {i-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., ihahampas 'will be used to strike'. The RECENT PAST form is the result of prefixing {ka-} to the reduplicated root, e.g. kahahampas. This prefix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [ff]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [z]). 2. In addition to simple verb roots, this prefix also takes roots with the following stem-forming affixes: (a) It takes {-pag-} 'emphatic action', e.g., {i-} + {-pag-} + {tapon} 'throw' => ipagtapon 'be thrown away', ipinagtdpon nay maylalako ay maw bilasaa isda 'the vendor threw away the fish that had gone bad', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [aa]). (b) It takes {-pag (1)-} 'emphatic, iterative action', e.g., {i-} + {-pag(l)} + {tapon} 'throw away' => ipagtapon 'throw one after the other', ipinagtapon nan mavlalako ao maoa bilasao isda. 'the vendor threw away here and there the fish that had gone bad', which takes absolute transitive and transitive roots. (c) It takes {-pag-D} 'instrumental focus emphatic, iterative action', e.g., {i-} + {-pag-D} + {tanoq} 'ask' =>• ipagtanoo 'keep having something asked', ipinagtatanooni pedro kuv saan nakatira atj kaniya v pinsdn. 'Peter kept asking around where his cousin lived', which takes absolute transitive and transitive roots. (d) It takes {-pa-} 'instrumental, causative action', e.g., {i-}+{-pa-}+{kuha} => ipakuha 'have something be obtained', ipinakuha ko kay pedro an aki v aklat na nakalimutan ko sa akldtan. 'I had Peter fetch my book which I forgot and left in the library', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [gg]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [bb]). (e) It takes {-paki-} 'instrumental, causative, associative action', e.g., {i-} + {-paki-} + {kuha} => ipakikuha 'have something be obtained together with others', ipinakikuha nay guro an tisa kay pedro. 'the teacher had Pedro obtain chalk for him', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [dd]). (f) It takes {-pakipag-} 'instrumental, causative, associative, emphatic action', e.g., {i-}+ {-pakipag-} + {tan6ij} 'ask' =>• ipakipagtanov 'have something be asked', ipinakipagtano s ni ginoo v sdntos kuv saan aa paaraldn. 'Mr. Santos was asking around where the school house was', which takes absolute transitive and transitive roots. (g) It takes {-pakipa-} 'instrumental, causative, associative action', e.g., {i-} +

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

105

{-pakipa-} + {alis} 'leave' => ipakipaalis 'have something be removed', ipinakipaalis nao ina ao dumisa kusina ? sa kaniya o utusan. 'the mother of the house had dirt in the kitchen removed by her servant', which takes absolute transitive and transitive verb roots. (h) It takes {-ka4-} 'instrumental, causative action', e.g., {i-} + {-ka-} + {gisii)} 'wake up' ikagisio 'cause to wake up', ao ioay ao siya o ikinagisio nao batal 'noise is what caused the child to wake up', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [cc]). (i) It takes {-ka^a-} 'instrumental, causative (double marking)', e.g., {i-} + {-kapa-} + {alis} 'leave' => ikapaalis 'be caused to leave by accident', ao kaniyao pagkalasio noo o isa o draw ao siya niyao ikinapaalis sa trabaho. 'his being drunk the other day was the accidental cause of his being fired'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. (j) It takes {-par)-} 'instrumental focus, iterative action', e.g., {i-} + {-pag-} + {putol} => ipamutol 'be cut repeatedly', ipinamutol nao tubo ni pedro ao gulok na itd. 'this bolo was used by Peter to cut sugarcane'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph [hh], Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [ee]). (k) It takes {-sa-} 'instrumental focus, effective action', e.g., {i-} + {-sa-} + {gawa 'make' => isagawaf 'have something be made', isinagawa9 ni pedro ao kaniya o balak na magtayo nao bahay. 'Peter executed his plan to build a house'. This affix takes absolute transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [ff]). 3. There is a complex affix in the intrumental focus, namely {mai-} 'potential action'. The formation of the non-finite and finite forms are like those of {ma-} in Section 2.3.2.7., no. 5. An example of this complex affix is {mai-} + {kuha} =>• maikuha 'be able to be obtained', naikuha ko ao aki o kapatid na lalaki nao isa o mar/gd. 'I was able to obtain a mango for my brother'. It takes absolute transitive, transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph [gg]). 4. In addition to simple verb roots, the complex affix {mai-} takes roots with the following stem-forming affixes: (a) It takes {-pa-} 'instrumental focus, potential, causative action', e.g., {mai-} + {-pa-} + {kuha} => maipakuha 'be able to have something obtained', naipakuha nao ama ao kaniya o awto sa pulis 'the father was able to have the policeman get his car'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [ii]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [hh]). (b) It takes {-sa-} 'instrumental focus, potential, effective action', e.g., {mai-} + {-sa-} + {gaw£?} 'make' =>• maisagawaf 'be able to execute something', naisagawa ni pedro ao kaniya o maoa balak 'Peter was able to execute his plans'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [ii]). (c) It takes {-pag-} 'instrumental focus, potential, emphatic action', e.g., {mai-} + {-pag-} + {tanorj} 'ask' => maipagtanoo 'be able to ask', naipagtando nao guro kuo

106

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

saan nakatirà si pédro 'the teacher was able to ask around where Peter lived'. This takes absolute transitive, transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., fourth paragraph, [jj]). (d) It takes {-pagpa-} 'instrumental focus, potential, emphatic, causative action', e.g., {mai-} + {-pagpa-} + { g a w à = > maipagpagawd9 'be able to have something be done', naipagpagawà ni pédro naa bàhay si hosé. 'Peter was able to have a house constructed for Joe'. This takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots. 5. There is a second complex affix in the instrumental focus, namely {mài-} 'potential-accidental, instrumental, causative action', e.g., {mài-} + {tanóq} 'ask' => màitanóv 'be able to have something asked by accident', nàitanótj nan polis kuy sino siyà. 'the police was able to inquire accidentally into his identity'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [kk]). It also takes roots with the following stem formants : (a) It takes {-pa-} 'instrumental focus, potential-accidental, causative action', e.g., {mài-} + {-pa-} + {hàgis} 'throw' => màipahàgis 'have something be thrown away by accident', naipahàgis niya sa dàgat aa kaniya a sombrèro sa kaniya o andk. 'he was able by accident to have his child hurl his hat into the sea'. This takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive," nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [jj], Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [11]). (b) It takes {-sa-} 'potential-accidental, instrumental focus, causative action', e.g., {mài-} + {-sa-} + {gawà *?} 'make' => màisagawà f 'be able to have something done by accident', nàisagawd ni pédro av kaniya a bàlak na makaratia sa san róke. 'Peter accidentally had his plan realized to reach San Roque'. This takes absolute transitive, transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1. second paragraph, [m]). (c) It takes {-pag-} 'potential-accidental, emphatic action', e.g., {mài-} 4- {-pag-} + {tanór)} 'ask' => màipagtanóu 'be able to ask by accident', naipagtanóa ni pédro sa guro aa kaniya a andk sa mitey. 'at the meeting, Peter was able by chance to ask the teacher about his child'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [nn]). (d) It takes {-pagpa-} 'potential, accidental, instrumental, causative action', e.g., {mài-} + {-pagpa-} + {tanóg} 'ask' => mdipagpatanóa 'have something be asked by chance', nàipagpatanóv ni pédro sa kaniya o kaibigan kun paàno av kaniya a andk. 'Peter was able to have his friend ask about his child'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, too]).

3

•a

Ì pilikmata 'eyelashes', or (ii) root na + root, e.g., {baro?} 'dress' 4- {q} + {tag&log} => baroytagalog 'Filipino shirt'.

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

113

4. The inflected or derived nouns are the result of the combination of noun roots with affixes which are the realizations of the following categories: (a) local, (b) collective, (c) abstraction, (d) proxy, (e) circumscription, (f) origin, (g) seasonal, (h) simulation, (i) occupational, and (j) reciprocal. The categories of the noun may be symbolized as follows: NM — - NN = N NM = loc ~ coll ~ abs ~ prox ~ cir ~ orig ~ seas ~ simul ~ occ ~ recip 2.3.3.1. Realizations of the Nominal Categories The affixes which realize the categories mentioned above are the following: (a) Local: {-(h)an} 'place where objects are found, or scene of action', e.g., {aklat} 'book' + {-an} => akldtan 'library', {tagp6 'meet' + {-an} => tagpuan 'rendezvous', {taijgdp} 'receive' + {-an} => tangapan 'reception place'. N.B., If the root has an open syllable in the penult, a second accent sometimes occurs on the penult, e.g., {bigis} 'rice' + {-an} =» bigdsan 'rice mill', {kund61} 'gourd' + {-an} =• kundulan 'place for gourds'. Sometimes the accent on the root is moved one syllable towards the final syllable, e.g., {tub6} 'sugarcane' + {-han} =>tubuhan 'sugarcane field'. (b) Collective Action: {-(h)an} 'action by two or more people', e.g., {kantd} 'sing' + {-han} => kantahan 'songfest'. N.B., If the root has an open syllable in the penult, a second accent usually occurs on the penult, e.g., {iy&k} 'cry' + {-an} => iydkan 'many crying', {inom} 'drink' + {-an} => inuman 'drinking party'. If the penult of the root is an open, accented syllable, the accent is sometimes shifted two syllables to the end of the word, e.g., {Mbul} 'chase' + {-an} => habulan 'people chasing one another', {l&ban} 'fight' + {-an} =>• labanan 'battle'. Sometimes the realization of this affix is/-anan/, instead of/-an/, e.g., {t£wa} 'laugh' + {-anan} => tawdnan 'general laughter'. (c) Abstraction: There are two realizations of this category: (i) {ka- -(l)(h)an} 'abstract of what is implied by the root', e.g., {ka- -(l)an} + {bata?} 'child' => kabatdan 'youth'. N.B.. With some roots, the affix realization is {ka- -(l)(h)anan}, e.g., {ka-(l)hanan} + (tuto6) 'true' => katutuhanan 'truth', and (ii) {pagka-}, e.g., {pagka-} + {t£o} 'man' => pagkatdo 'humanity'. (d) Proxy: {-in-} + R + Root'consider someone as in the same status as somebody else', e.g., {-in-} + {Re} + {ami} 'father' => indamd 'god-father', {-in} + {Re} + {kapatid} 'brother/sister' =>• kinakapatid 'someone considered as brother/sister by somebody else'. (e) Circumscription: {-(2)(h)in} 'a more definitely bounded area compared to what the root by itself implies', e.g., (lupa'} 'earth' + {-(2)in} => lupain 'lot', {bukid} 'field* + {-(2)in} =>• bukirin 'farm lot'. 8

114

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(f) Origin: {taga-} 'someone from a certain place', which usually takes nouns with topographical meaning, e.g., {taga-} + {maynila 9 } 'Manila' =* tagamaynila? 'someone from Manila'. (g) Seasonal: {tag-} 'season for what the noun root implies'; takes noun roots on weather, e.g., {tag-} + {ulán} 'rain' => tagulán 'rainy season'. (h) Simulation: {D} + {-(l)(h)an} 'something which is like what the root implies, e.g., {D} + {báhay} 'house' + {-(l)an} => bahaybaháyan 'toy house'. (i) Occupational: {mag-} or {mag-} + Re 'someone whose occupation has something to do with what the root implies', e.g., {mag-}+{Re}+{báka} 'cattle' => magbábaká 'cattle rancher' (N.B. accent shift on this particular root), (cf. morphophonemics, Section 2.3.1 nos. 2 and 3.) (j) Reciprocal Relationship: these are of two kinds: (i) plain- which are subdivided into family relationship: {mag-}, which occurs with kinship terms, e.g., {mag-}+{amá} •father' => magamá 'father and child'; and non-family- {ka-}, which occurs with non-kinship terms, e.g., {ka-}+{kláse} 'class' => kakláse 'classmate'; and (ii) Plural{mag-} or {magka-}+root 'plural reciprocal relationship' (whether family or nonfamily), e.g., {magka-}+{kakláse} => magkakakláse 'classmates'. 2.3.3.2. Syntactic Conversions from Nominal Roots 1. There are several productive processes by which adjectives are formed from nominal roots. The resulting derived forms are regular in their syntactic function as adjectives. These derivations may be symbolized as follows: G - j - N N € Adj G = tend ~ mann ~ fav ~ simil 2. The realizations of these categories are as follows: (a) Tendency: these are of two types: (i) Plain- {ma- -(h)in} 'with a tendency to do what the root implies', e.g., {ma- -hin} + {sintá} 'beloved' => masintáhin 'loving', and (ii) Iterative; {-(h)in} 'with the tendency to have what the root implies repeatedly', e.g., {galls'} 'skin disease' + {-in} => gálísin 'tending to have skin disease repeatedly'. (b) Manner: {naka-} 'wearing what the root implies', e.g., {naka-} + {báro ?} 'dress' => nakabáro7 'wearing a dress'. (c) Favor: {maka-} 'favoring whatever the root implies', e.g., {maka-} + {báyan} 'country' =>• makabáyan 'patriotic'. (d) Similarity: there are two kinds of realizations of this category: (i) {mala-} 'looking like what the root implies', e.g., {mala-} + {ita} 'Negrito' =• malaita 'looking like a Negrito', and (ii) {-(l)(h)in}, e.g., {abó} 'ash' + {-(l)hin} => abuhin 'ash colored', {tagák} 'a bird' 4- {-(l)in} => tagákin 'looking like the bird tagák\

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

115

3. There are several processes by which verbs are formed from nominal roots. These derivations may be symbolized as follows: (E) NN € W E = exec ~ exec, pi, emph ~ exec, pi, emph, caus ~ exec, pi, iter ~ exec, invol ~ exec, caus ~ exec, pi, caus ~ exec, pi ~ exec, pi, invol ~ exec, pot, emph ~ exec, pot-accid ~ exec, pot, itr ~ exec, pot, emph, caus ~ exec, pot-accid, emph, caus ~ exec, assoc, emph ~ exec, assoc, iter ~ exec, iter ~ gl ~ gl, caus, emph ~ gl, caus, iter ~ gl, caus ~ gl, emph ~ gl, pot, caus ~ gl, pot-accid, caus ~ loc ~ loc, pot ~ loc, pot, iter ~ loc, pot-accid ~ loc, pot-accid, iter ~ loc, caus ~ loc, assoc ~ inst ~ caus, inst ~ iter, inst ~ inst, pot, caus ~ instr, pot-accid, caus. (a) Executive: {mag-}, e.g., {mag-} + {Mro?} 'apparel* => magbdrot 'dress up', nagbaro muna ag amd bago siya lumabas sa sala 'the father dressed up first before coming out into the living room'. (b) Executive, plural, emphatic: {magsipag-}, e.g., {magsipag-} + {bus} 'bus' => magsipagbus 'ride the bus (plural)', nagsipagbus ag maga anak nipedro 'the children of Peter rode the bus', (c) Executive, plural, emphatic, causative: {magsipagpa-}, e.g., {magsipagpa-} + {damit} 'clothes' =>• magsipagpadamit 'caused someone to be dressed up', nagsipagpadamit sila sa kanilatj maga magulag 'they had themselves dressed up by their parents', (d) Executive, plural, iterative: {magsipag-}, e.g., {magsipag-} + {kahoy} 'wood' => magsipayahoy 'gather fuel', nagsipagdhoy ao maga alila ni pedro. 'Peter's servants went about gathering firewood'. (e) Executive, involuntary :{magka3-}, e.g., {magka-} + {p6ra} 'money' => magkapera 'to happen to have money', nagkapera nao hindi akaldin si pedro 'contrary to his expectation, Peter happened to have money'. (f) Executive, causative: {magpa-}, e.g., {magpa-} + {damit} 'dress' => magpadamit 'be the cause of someone having a dress', nagpadamit siyd sa pulubi 'he had the beggar given a dress'. (g) Executive, plural, causative: {maqagpa-}, e.g., {naqagpa-} + {damit} 'dress' maoagpadamit 'to see that someone is dressed (plural)', sila ay nagagpadamit sa maga pulubi. 'they were the ones who had the beggars dressed up'. (h) Executive, plural: {magag-}, e.g., {maqag-} + {sapatos} 'shoes' magagsapatos'put on shoes (plural)', nagagsapatos ag maga bata bago pumdsok sa kldse. 'the children put on their shoes before they left for school'. (i) Executive, plural, involuntary: {maqagka3-}, e.g., {magagka3-} + {p6ra} 'money' => magagkapera 'unexpectedly to possess money (plural)', nagagkapera ag maga pulubi 'the beggars unexpectedly came to possess money'. (j) Executive, potential, emphatic: {makaxpag-}, e.g., {makapag-} + {sapdtos} 'shoes' => makapagsapatos 'be able to wear shoes', nakapagsapdtos siyd kdhit na masakit ag kaniyay maya pad 'he was able to wear shoes even though his feet hurt', (k) Executive, potential-accidental: {makapag-}, e.g., {makapag-} + {sapatos} 'shoes' => makdpagsapatos 'accidentally to be able to wear shoes', nakdpagsapdtos siya kdhit

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TAGALOG GRAMMAR

na masakit ao kaniyao pad. 'he happened to be able to wear shoes although his feet hurt'. (1) Executive, potential, iterative: {maka^ag-}, e.g., {makapag-}+ {Mhoy} 'wood' =»• makapawhoy 'be able to gather fuel', nakapaoahoy na sild sa gubat na itd. 'they have already gathered firewood in this forest'. (m) Potential, executive, emphatic, causative: {maka^agpa-}, e.g., {makapagpa-} + {andk} 'child' => makapagpaandk 'be able to help deliver (a mother)', nakapagpaanak si doktor sdntos kay maria. 'Doctor Santos helped Maria deliver her baby', (n) Executive, potential-accidental, emphatic, causative: {makapagpa-}, e.g., {makdpagpa-} + {an&k} 'child' =>• makdpagpaandk 'be able accidentally to help a woman to deliver', nakdpagpaanak si doktor sdntos kay maria. 'Doctor Santos helped Maria to deliver her baby by accident'. (o)Executive, associative, emphatic: {makipag-}, e.g., {makipag-} + {t&iis} 'tennis'=* makipagtenis. 'be able to play tennis with someone', nakipagtenis si ben kina pedro 'Ben played tennis with Peter and his companions'. (p) Executive, associative, iterative: {makipag-}, e.g., {makipag-} + {kdhoy} 'wood' =>• makipaoahoy 'gather firewood with somebody', nakipaodhoy sila sa gubat na itd. 'they were able to gather firewood with others in this forest'. (q) Executive, iterative: {mar)-}, e.g., {mag-} 4- {kawil} 'hook' => maoawil 'go fishing', navawil si pedro sa loot 'Peter went out fishing in the deep sea'. (r) Goal focus: {-(l)(h)in}, e.g., {sabon} 'soap' + {-(l)in} => sabunin 'be scolded', sinabun si pedro nan kaniyao amo 'Peter's master scolded him'. (s) Goal focus, causative, emphatic: {papag- -(l)(h)in}, e.g., {papag- -(l)(h)in} + {bdro 9} 'dress' => papagbaruin 'have someone wear a dress', papagbaruin mo ao batag. iydn 'have that child wear a dress'. (t) Goal focus, causative, iterative: {papag- -(l)(h)in}, e.g., {papag- -(l)in} + {isdd?} 'fish' => papamsdain 'have something fished', papavisdain mo ao maoa taotj yaon 'have those men go out fishing'. (u) Goal focus, causative: {pa- -(l)(h)in}, e.g., {pa- -(l)(h)in} + {sapatos} 'shoes' pasapatusin 'have someone wear shoes', pinasapdtos ao maoa bata nao kanildo maoa ina. 'The children were told by their mothers to wear their shoes', (v) Goal focus, emphatic: {pag- -(l)(h)in}, e.g., {pag- -(l)in} + {sapdtos} 'shoes' => pagsapatusin 'have someone wear shoes', pinapagsapatus nao ina ao kaniyao andk. 'the mother had her child wear shoes'. (w) Goal focus, potential, causative: {mapa-}, e.g., {mapa-} + {sap&tos} 'shoes' => mapasapdtos 'be able to have someone wear shoes', napasapatos ni mariya ay kaniyao maoa andk 'Maria was able to have her children wear shoes', (x) Goal focus, potential-accidental, causative: {mapa-}, e.g., {m£pa-} + {sapatos} 'shoes' => mdpasapatos 'have someone wear shoes by accident', napasapdtos ni mariya ao kaniyao maoa andk 'Maria accidentally had her children wear shoes', (y) Local focus: {-(l)(h)ag}, e.g., {sapatos} 'shoes' + {-(l)an} => sapatusan 'have shoes be worn by someone', sapatusan mo ao andk mo. 'have your child wear shoes'.

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

117

(z) Potential, local: {ma- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {ma- -(l)an) + {sapdtos} 'shoes' =>• masapatusan 'have someone put shoes on someone else', nasapatusan naa ind aa kaniyaa anak 'the mother had shoes put on her child'. (aa) Local focus, potential, iterative: {mapaq- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {mapaq- -(l)an} + {kdhoy} 'wood' =>• mapaaahuyan 'be able to have firewood gathered', napaaahuyan na nila aa gubat na ito. 'by accident they have already gathered firewood in this forest', (bb) Local focus, potential-accidental: {mi- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., mapaatahao 'be able to reach the place', napuntahan nila aa gubat na ito 'they were able accidentally to reach this forest'. (cc) Local focus, potential-accidental, iterative: {mdpaq ~(l)(h)an}, e.g., {mdpaq-(l)an} + {kahoy} 'wood' => mapayahuyan 'be able by accident to have firewood gathered', napaoahuyan nila an gubat na ito 'they happened to gather firewood in this forest'. (dd) Local focus, causative: {pa- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {pa- -(l)an} + {sapatos} 'shoes' => pasapatusan 'have someone given shoes to wear', pinasapatusan aa bdta nan ind sa alila 'the mother had the maid put shoes on the child'. (ee) Local focus, associative: {-ki-}, e.g., {pa- -(l)an) + {-ki-} + {baro ?} =>• pakibaruan 'ask someone to have somebody dressed', pakibaruan aa anak mo't magpasyal tdyo. 'please have your child dressed and we shall go for a walk'. (ff) Instrumental focus: {i-}, e.g., {i-} + {damit} 'dress' => idamit 'use something to dress up somebody', idamit mo ito sa manyika ? 'use this to dress up the doll', (gg) Causative, instrumental: {-pa-}, e.g., {ipa-} + {damit} 'dress' =>- ipadamit 'have something used by somebody else as a dress', ipinadamit niya aa baroa ito sa pulubi. 'he had the beggar wear this dress'. (hh) Iterative, instrumental: {-par)-}, e.g., {ipaq-} + (k&hoy) 'wood' =• ipaadhoy 'use something to gather firewood', ipinaaahoy niya aa gulok na ito. 'he used this bolo to gather firewood'. (ii) Instrumental, potential, causative: {-pa-}, e.g., {maipa-} + {bdro 'dress' => maipabaro9 'be able to have something used as a dress', naipabaro it6 naa ind sa kaniyaa anak. 'this was used by the mother to dress up the child', (jj) Instrumental, potential-accidental, causative: {-pa-} 'be able accidentally to have something be used as whatever the root implies' e.g., {mdipa-} + (b&ro?) 'dress' => maipabdro? 'be able by accident to have something used as a dress', ndipabaro? naa ind sa bdta aa damit na ito. 'the mother was able by accident to have the child wear this dress'. 2.3.4. Numerals

1. The numerals are a subclass of the nouns. From what follows, it is clear that the Tagalog system of counting is basically a decimal system. Besides the properly Tagalog system, there is a coexisting system of counting (characterizing another usage than that treated here), which Tagalogs use, namely the Spanish numerals. Here, we will consider only the Tagalog numerals.

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TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2. The following are the Tagalog ords for the first nine nuemerals: isá 'one', 'dalawá 'two', tatló 'three', ápat 'four', limá 'five', ánim 'six', pitó 'seven', waló 'eight', siyám 'nine'. 3. These nine numerals could all be summarized as D; thus: D = isá ~dalawá ~ tatló ~ ápat ~ limá ~ ánim ~ pitó ~ waló ~ siyám. 4. The next numeral is sampúf 'ten'. From 11 to 19, D is repeated with labia before it, e.g., labio isá 'eleven', labia dalawá 'twelve', labia tatló 'thirteen', etc. The next numeral is dalawampú ? 'twenty'. The numerals for 21 to 29 are combinations of dalawampú 9 plus {at} 'and' plus D, e.g., dalawampú t isá 'twenty one', dalawampú t dalawá 'twenty two', dalawampú t tatló 'twenty three', etc. The word for thirty is tatlumpuf; for forty is apatnapú?; for fifty is limampú We can now summarize the process of counting from 1 to 99 by the following symbols. N = {[Dna-/>MM} 5. The next numeral is daán 'hundred'. The word for 100 is isaa daán; the word for 200 is dalawáo daán; tatloa daán is '300'. The counting from 101 to 200 is a repetition of N (cf. previous paragraph): thus, isaa daán at isá '101', isaa daán at dalawá '102', isaa daán at tatló '103' etc. After 999, the next numeral is libo 'thousand'. The word for 1000 is isaa libo\ the word for 2000 is dalawaa libo etc. Finally, the numeral miliyón 'million' is introduced. The process then repeats, i.e., isaa miliyón '1,000,000', dalawai] miliyón '2,000,000', etc. Thus, it is now possible to represent the whole system of counting from 1 to 999,999 (after which the linguistic resources fail) as follows: Nrcard - [ [N"a daáa) - líboa - miliyón] [at^[(Nna^daáa)^libo])

-

[at ^-(N™—daán)] - (af-N)] € NP 0 6. There are several bookish words in Tagalog for other numerals, but these are not commonly used, for example laksát '10,000', yutáf '100,000', angáw 'one million'. 7. The ORDINALS are formed by prefixing {ika-} to the CARDINAL numerals described above, e.g., ikaisá 'first', ikalawá or ikadalawá 'second', ikatatló 'third', ikaápat 'fourth', ikalimá 'fifth', etc. An alternate expression for the ordinal morpheme (now not frequently used) is /paq-/; thus, for example, paaápat 'fourth', paalimá 'fifth', etc. We may then symbolize the ordinals as follows: N P 0 3 ika- ~ pao- - Nr card 8. The NUMERAL ADVERBS are formed by prefixing (maka-) to the cardinal numerals enumerated above, except for the words for 'once' minsán, 'twice' makalawá, and

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TAGALOG GRAMMAR

'thrice' makatlo, which are special. Thus makaapat 'four times', makalimd 'five times', makadnim 'six times', etc. The numeral adverbs may be symbolized as follows: AdvNr = maka [[(N"°—dadv) — Hbov->-miliyori\{at - (N™ - dadv) - libo])-[at - (Nnadadn)][at-*-(djpat ~ lima ~ anim ~ pito ~ walo ~ siyam)] [€ AdvP 9. The cardinals all form a RESTRICTIVE modal category realized by reduplication of their first syllable with a secondary accent, e.g., iisd 'only one', dddalawa 'only two', tatatlo 'only three', etc. 10. The distributive numerals are formed by prefixing {tig-} to the reduplicated first syllable for the cardinal numerals enumerated above, except for tigalawa 'two apiece', which is a special form; e.g., tigiisd 'one apiece', tigtatatlo 'three apiece', tigaapat 'four apiece', etc. The DISTRIBUTIVE NUMERAL ADVERBS are formed by doubling the cardinal numerals, e.g., isaisd 'one by one', dalawadalawd (or daladalawd) 'two by two', tatlutatlo 'three by three', etc. These distributives may then by symbolized as follows: simp ~ dist ^^ NNR = AdvNr = {minsdn ~ makalawa ~ makatatld~ maka• [{(N M -dado)libotj) - miliyon] - [at - [(N n o - dadv) - liboo}}[at — (N"a—daao)—[at—(apat ~ lima ~ dnim ~ pito ~ walo ~ siyam) ~ {D} . Nr card 11. We may finally summarize the various modalities of Tagalog numerals as follows: card ~ ord ~ res ~ dist = NNr _ N

:

Nr card ~ (ika ~ pat] — Nrcard) ~ (Re, —

Nr card ) ~ (tig - {Re} - {Nrcard} ~ ({D{Nrcard) = [{ika ~ pan) ~

{Re}) ~ {D}]-Nr card .

2.3.5. The Pronouns 1. The pronouns may be divided into the following types: (a) personal, (b) possessive, (c) demonstrative, (d) interrogative, (e) numerative. These types may be symbolized as follows: F = pers ~ poss ~ dem ~ inter ~ numer

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TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2. The pronouns have two numbers, namely: (a) singular, and (b) plural. In addition, the personal pronouns of the first person have dual number. There are three persons in the personal pronouns; however, in the plural, the first person has two forms, namely: (a) inclusive, i.e., the form includes the speaker and all the hearers; and (b) exclusive, i.e., the form includes the speaker but not all the hearers. We may symbolize these categories as follows: N° = sing ~ pi (-• magkasinganda av marja bahay dito. 'the houses here are even in beauty'. (f) Superlative: {pinaka-} 'possessing that which is conveyed by the root in a superlative degree', e.g., {pinaka-} + {tads} 'height' =• pinakatads an bundok na ito sa bayao it6. 'this mountain is the highest in this country'. (g) Intensive: {ndpaka-} 'possessing that which is conveyed by the root in a superior degree', e.g, (n&paka-} + {gandi} 'beauty' => napakagandd, e.g., napakaganda nan dalagay iyon 'that young lady is very beautiful', -{pagka-} + D + Root 'possessing that which is conveyed by the root in a superior degree', e.g., {pagka-} + D + {gandd} => pagkagandagandd nan dalagan iyon. 'that young lady is quite beautiful'.

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

125

2.3.6.1. Syntactic Conversions from Adjective Roots to Verbs 1. There are several processes by which verbs are formed from adjective roots. These derivational categories may be symbolized as follows: (L) AAdj magpula 'wear something red', nagpula si Tito kagabi 'Tito wore red last night'; {mag-} + {malakl => magmalaki 'act big', nagmalakisi ben. 'Ben acted haughtily'. (b) Executive, plural, emphatic, causative: {magsipagpa-}, e.g., {magsipagpa-} +{init} 'hot' =>• magsipagpainit 'have something be heated', nagsipagpainit sild new tubig para sa kamlaq kape. 'they heated water for their coffee'. (c) Executive, plural, emphatic, causative, intensive: {magsipagpaka2}, e.g., {magsipagpaka-} + {bait} 'well-behaved' => magsipagpakabait 'exert effort to behave', nagsipagpakabait an mam bdta sapagkat malapit na atj pasko. 'the children tried to behave, because Christmas is near'. (d) Executive, plural, iterative: {magsipaq-}, e.g., {magsipaq-} + {hina9} 'slow' =>• magsipatjhina9 'become weaker and weaker', nagsipanhina ao mava boses nan mava bataf. 'the voices of the children became weaker and weaker'. (e) Executive, causative: {magpa-}, e.g., {magpa-} + {lamig} 'cold' magpalamig 'cool off', nagpalamig si ben sa balkon. 'Ben cooled off in the veranda'. (f) Executive, causative, intensive: {magpaka2}, e.g., {magpaka-} + {bait} 'good behavior' =>• magpakabait 'exert effort to be well-behaved', nagpakabait si ben sa simbahan. 'Ben behaved well in Church'. (g) Executive, potential, emphatic, causative: {maka^agpa}, e.g., {makapagpa-} + {init} 'heat' => makapagpainit 'be able to have something become what the root implies', nakapagpainit nan tubig si ben pdra sa kaniyao kape. 'Ben succeeded in heating water for his coffee'. (h) Executive, potential-accidental, emphatic, causative: {makapagpa}, e.g., {makapagpa-} + {init} 'heat' => makapagpainit 'be able by accident to have something heated', nakapagpainit si ben nag tubig pdra sa kaniyao kape. 'Ben was able by accident to have some water heated for his coffee'. (i) Executive, associative, emphatic, causative: {makipagpa-}, e.g., {makipagpa-} +

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TAGALOG GRAMMAR

{áyos} 'arranged' => makipagpaáyos 'have something be fixed with others', nakipagpaáyos siya nan buhok kina pédro. 'they had their hair done at Peter's'. (j) Executive, plural: (maijaka2-}, e.g., {maqaka-} + {itlm} => mayakaitim 'wear black', naoakaitim an mana ulila. 'the orphans are wearing black'. (k) Executive, plural: {maqag-}, e.g., {maqag-} + {init} 'heat' => managinit 'to heat (pi)', naoagínit nan túbig an mana nárs 'the nurses heated water'. (1) Executive, plural, causative: {maqagpa-}, e.g., {maqagpa-} + {lamig} 'cold' => mavagpalamig 'cool off (plural)', nanagpalamíg sa balkón an mana bisíta. 'the visitors cooled off in the veranda'. (m) Executive, plural: {magagsi-}, e.g., {maqagsi-} + {itim} 'black' => managsiitim 'become black (plural)', naoagsiitim an mana báta dahíl sa init nan draw, 'the children became black because of the heat of the sun'. (n) Executive, plural, emphatic, causative: {marjagsipagpa-}, e.g., {maqagsipagpa-} + (init) 'heat' => managsipagpainit 'cause something to become hot (plural)', nanagsipagpaínit silá nan túbig. 'they heated water'. (o) Executive, plural, emphatic, causative, intensive: {maqagsipagpaka2-}, e.g., {maqagsipagpaka-} + {bait} 'well-behaved' => managsipagpakabait 'behave well (plural)', nanagsipagpakabait an mana báta, sapagkat malápit na an paskó. 'the children behaved themselves because Christmas was near'. (p) Subitive: {-um-}, e.g., {-um-} + {puti?} 'white' =>• pumuti? 'become white', pumutí si pédro sa tákot 'Peter became white with fear'. (q) Goal, focus: {-(l)(h)in}, e.g., {linaw} 'bright' + {-(l)in} => lináwin 'be clarified', lináwin mo m an ibig sabihin nan pógi. 'please clarify what the word pogi means', (r) Goal, causative: {pa- -(l)(h)in), e.g., {pa- -(l)in) {itim} 'black' => paitimin 'cause something to be black', pinaitím ni pédro an kúlay nan kaniyan sapátos, 'Peter made his shoes black'. (s) Causative, intensive: {paka-(l)(h)in}, e.g., pakalalimin 'have something become deep', hindí niya pakákalalímin an balón, 'he will not make the well too deep', (t) Potential, causative: {mapa-}, e.g., {mapa-} + {itim} 'black' => mapaitim 'be able to have something become black', napaitím ni pédro an sapátos. 'Peter was able to blacken the pair of shoes'. (u) Local focus: {-(l)(h)an}, e.g., {lamig} 'cold' + {-(l)an} => lamigán 'have something become cold', lálamigán ko an ákin pananalitáf 'I will make my speech sound cold', (v) Potential, local: {ma- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {ma- -(l)an} + {tagál} 'late' => matagalán 'become late', natagalán sila pédro sa kanilan pamimili. 'Peter and his companions took a long time shopping around'. (w) Potential-Accidental: {má- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {má- -(l)an} + {kúlaq} 'lacking' => mákulánan 'by accident to have something lessened', nákulánan an sukli ng táo kay pédro. 'the man's change for Peter's money happened accidentally to be lacking', (x) Causative, local: {pa- -(h)an}, e.g., {pa- -(l)an} + {init) 'heat' => painitan 'have something heated', pinainitan ko na an pagkáin 'I have had the food heated already', (y) Emphatic, local: {pag- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {pag- -(l)an} + {init} 'heat' =• paginitan

TAGALOG GRAMMAR

127

'be cause of heat', ito an kaniyaa pinaginitan nan ulo. 'this was what made him furious', (z) Instrumental: {i-}, e.g., {i-} + {taàs} 'height' => itads 'have something raised', itanaas nan maga sundàlo an kanilan bandilai. 'the soldiers raised their flag', (aa) Emphatic, instrumental : {pag-}, 'implies for someone', e.g., {ipag-} + {init} 'heat' => maipaginit 'have something heated for someone', naipaginit nan ind nan tubig an bàia 'the mother had water heated for the child'. (bb) Causative, instrumental: {ipa-}, e.g., {ipa-} + {àyos} 'order' => ipadyos 'have something ordered', ipinadyos ni alin maria kay pédro an kaniyan kótse. 'Miss Maria had her car repaired by Peter'. (cc) Causative Instrumental: {ika4-}, e.g., {ika-} + {buti} 'good behavior' =>~ikabuti 'be the cause of something becoming well', ikinabuti ni ben an pagdatin nan kaniyan ama. 'the arrival of his father made Ben feel better'. (dd) Instrumental, causative, associative: {ipaki-}, e.g., {ipaki-} + {init} 'heat' => ipakiinit 'to please have something heated', ipinakiinit niyd an ùlam kay pédro. 'he asked Peter to have the food heated'. (ee) Iterative, instrumental: {ipag-}, e.g., ipanlinis 'use something to clean something', ipanlinis mo iton walls na ito. 'use this broom for cleaning around'. (fT) Effective, instrumental: {isa-}, e.g., {isa-} + {àyos} 'arranged' =*• isadyos 'have things in proper arrangement', isinadyos nila an mana estudiydnte. 'they arranged the students'. (gg) Potential, instrumental: {mai-}, e.g., {mai-} + {lakàs} 'loud' => mailakds 'be able to make strong', nailakds niya an kaniyan pagpàlo sa bòia, 'he was able to hit the ball hard'. (hh) Potential, causative: {maipa-}, e.g., {maipa-} + {linis} 'clean' => maipalinis 'be able to have something cleaned', naipalinis nan ina an kusina sa utusdn. 'the mother was able to have her kitchen cleaned by the maid'. {ii) Potential, effective: {maisa-} 'be able to effect that which root implies', e.g., maisaayos1 be able to have something ordered', naisaayos nan maèstra an mana estudiydnte. 'the teacher was able to put her pupils in their proper places', (jj) Potential, emphatic: {maipag-} e.g., {maipag-} + {init} 'heat' =• maipaginit 'be able to have something heated', naipaginit nan ina an bdta nan tubig. 'the mother was able to have water heated for the child'. (kk) Potential, accidental: {mài-} e.g., {mài-} + {lakàs} 'strong' =• mdilakds 'be able to make something strong', ndilakas niyd an kaniyan bóses. 'he happened to raise his voice'. (11) Instrumental, potential-accidental, causative: {màipa-}, e.g., {màipa-} + {init} 'heat' => màipainit 'have something heated by mistake', ndipainit ni hóse an gamót kay pédro. 'Jose had Peter heat his medicine accidentally'. (mm) Potential-accidental, Causative: {màisa-}, e.g., {màisa-} + {àyos} 'arranged' màisaàyos 'be able by accident to arrange' ndisaayos nan ind an kuwdrto ni pédro. 'the mother happened to put Peter's room in order'.

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TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(nn) Potential-accidental, emphatic: {mdipag-}, e.g., {maipag-} + {init} 'heat' =» maipaginit 'be able by accident to have something heated', naipagpainit ko siyd nagpagkain. 'I was able accidentally to heat some food for him'. (oo) Potential-accidental, causative: {m&ipagpa-}, e.g., {maipagpa-} + {lamig} 'cold' => maipagpalamig 'able by accident to have something become cold', ndipagpalamig siyd nan tsa ni nena. 'N6na was able to have tea cooled for him'.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Alejandrino, Rufino 1947 A Handbook ofTagalog Grammar (Manila: University Book Supply). Aspillera, Paraluman S. 1964 Basic Tagalog, 4th ed. (Manila: Phil-Asian Publishers, Inc.). Blake, F. R. 1925 A Grammar of the Tagalog Language (New Haven). Bloomfield, Leonard 1917 Tagalog Texts with Grammatical Analysis, Vols. I-III (Urbana: University of Illinois). 1933 Language (New York: Henry Holt and Co.). Bochefiski, J. M. 1959 A Precis of Mathematical Logic (Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Co.). 1965 The Methods of Contemporary Thought (Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Co.). Bolinger, Dwight L. 1958 "Stress and Intonation", Word XXXIII: 5-20. 1957 "Disjuncture as a Cue to Constructs", WordXIR: 246-55. 1951 "Intonation: Levels vs. Configurations", Word VII: 199-200. 1958 "A Theory of Pitch Accent In English", Word XIV: 109-49. 1965 Forms of English: Accent, Morpheme, Order, Isamu Abe and Tetsuya Kanekiyo, eds. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press). Bowen, Donald J., ed. 1965 Beginning Tagalog (Los Angeles: University of California Press). Carnap, Rudolf 1958 Introduction to Symbolic Logic and Its Applications (New York: Dover Publications, Inc.). Chomsky, Noam 1964 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory (The Hague: Mouton and Co.). 1965 Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press). Church, Alonso 1932 "A Set of Postulates for the Foundations of Logic", Annals of Mathematics XXXIII: 346366 1933 Same article as above XXXIV: 839-864. 1936 Mathematical Logic (Princeton). Danes, Frantiäek 1960 "Sentence Intonation from a Functional Point of View", Word XVI: 34-54. De Saussure, Ferdinand 1966 Cours de Linguistique Generale (Paris: Payot). De Groot, Willem A. 1957 "Classification of Word-Groups", Lingua VI. 2 (Jan.): 113-57. Dinneen, Francis P. 1967 An Introduction to General inguistics (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Wintson, Inc.). Elson, Benjamin and Vilma Pickett 1967 An Introduction to Morphology and Syntax (Summer Institute of Linguistics: Santa Ana, California). Feys, R. 1944 Logi tiek, Geformaliseerde Lógica (Antwerpen: Standaard-Boekhandel). 9

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Guanco, Nelia Rivera 1963 "A Descriptive-Contrastive Analysis of English and Tagalog Verbs". Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation (University of Michigan). Haas, W. 1945 "Relevance in Phonetic Analysis", Word XV: 1-18. Hadding-Koch, K. and Studdert-Kennedy, M. 1964 "An Experimental Study of Some Intonation Contours", Phonetica II: 175-87. Harris, Zellig S. 1944 "Simultaneous Components in Phonology", Language XX: 181-205. Hjelmslev, Louis 1961 Prolegomena to a Theory of Language, trans. Francis J. Whitfield (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press). Institute of National Language 1960 An English-Tagalog Dictionary (Manila: Bureau of Printing). Jakobson, Roman, C. Gunnar, Fant, Morris, Halle 1961 Preliminaries to Speech Analysis, 4th Printing (Cambridge, Mass.). Jespersen, Otto 1949 A Modern English Grammar, Part III, Syntax, 2nd vol. (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.). Lamb, Sydney M. 1966 Outline of Stratificational Grammar (Washington, D.C. : Georgetown University Press). Lieberman, Philip 1965 "On the Acoustic Basis of the Perception of Intonation by Linguists", Word XXI: 40-54. Lopez, Cecilio 1941 A Manual of the Philippine National Language, 3rd ed. (Manila: Bureau of Printing). Maclay, Howard and Osgood, Charles E. 1954 "Hesitation Phenomena in Spontaneous English Speech", Word, XV: 19-44. Martinet, André 1960a Éléments de Linguistique Générale (Paris: Armand Colin). 1960b "Elements of a Functional Syntax", Word, XVI (April): 1-10. 1962 A Functional View of Language (Oxford: The Clarendon Press). 1965 La Linguisitique Synchronique (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France). 1956 La description phonologique, avec application au parler franco-provencial d'Haute ville ( Savoie) (Geneve: Droz). Morris, Charles 1938 Foundations of the Theory of Signs. Panganiban, Jose Villa 1966 Talahuluganang Pilipino-lngles (Maynila: Kawanihan ng Palimbagan). Park, David 1964 Introduction to the Quantum Theory (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co.). Pascasio, Emy Mariano 1960 "A Descriptive Comparative Study Predicting Interference and Facilitation for Tagalog Speakers in Learning English Noun-Head Modification Patterns". Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation (University of Michigan). Pike, Kenneth L. 1945 The Intonation of American English (Ann Arbor : The University of Michigan Press). Postal, Paul 1964 "Underlying and Superficial Linguistic Structure", Harvard Educational Review 34: 246-66. Rezvin, 1.1. 1966 Models of Language (London: Methuen and Co., Ltd.). Saint-Jacques, Bernard 1966 Analyse structurale de la syntaxe du japonais moderne (Paris: Libraire C. Klincksieck). Serrano-Laktaw, Pedro 1929 Estudios Grammaticales sobre la lengua Tagalog (Manila: Imprenta de Juan Fajardo). Stuart, Don Graham 1957 "The Phonology of the Word in Modem Standard Mongolian", Word, X n i (April) : 65-99.

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131

Suppes, Patrick 1957 Introduction to Logic (New York: D. Van Nostrand Co., Inc.). Thomas, Jacqueline M. C. 1963 Le parler Ngbaka de Bokanga (The Hague: Mouton and Co.). Toulmin, Stephen 1960 The Philosophy of Science (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers). Trubetzkoy, N. S. 1958 Grundzüge der Phonologie (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck Ruprecht). Vachek, Josef 1966 The Linguistic School of Prague (Bloomington: The University of Indiana Press). Weinreich, Uriel 1966 "Explorations in Semantic Theory", Current Trends in Linguistics, Vol. 3 (The Hague: Mouton and Co.) pp. 395^77. Wells, Roulon S. 1945 "The Pitch Phonemes of English", Language XXI : 27-39. Wolfenden, Elmer 1961 A Restatement ofTagalog Grammar (Manila: Institute of National Language). Zwirner, E. 1938 "L'opposition phonologique et la variation des phonèmes", Archiv für vergleichende Phonetik II: 135-44.

APPENDIX SONAGRAMS

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

Sonagram No. IV

APPENDIX

137

Sonagram No. X

140

APPENDIX

Sonagram No. XIV

INDEX

Absolute form, 90 Absolute mood, (cf. Proper States) Absolute transitive verb, 66, 91 Abstraction affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing nominal categories) Abstraction nouns, (cf. noun derivations) Accent, 4 7 - 8 , 53, 56 Accent-shift, implications of, 48 Accidental functors (see R . , P. Q., and Ef. Categories), 89, 9 0 - 9 2 , Summary table of, 108-109 Accord in number, (cf. number concord) Actor focus, (see Focus) Actualizing functors, (see Focus, Aspect), Summary table of, 107 Adjectival categories, 124 Adjective, 124-128 Adjective derivations, 112, 114-117 Adjective phrase, 64, 6 8 - 6 9 , 8 0 - 8 1 in the nai7 -, na - cases 80 in the 0 case, 80 structure of, 8 0 - 8 1 expansion of, 8 0 - 8 1 Adverb classes of, 82 Adverbial phrase, 69, 82 functions of, 82 structure of, 82 classes of, 82 expansion of, 82 Affective features, 35 Affix ordering o f verbal affixes, 9 1 - 9 2 realizing nominal categories, 113 stem-forming, 8 5 - 8 6 , 108-109 Allomorph o f m a g - 9 2 - 9 8 , 108 o f um - 9 8 - 9 9 , 109 o f { - (1) (h) in}, 9 9 - 1 0 1 , 109 o f { - (1) (h) an}, 101-106, 109

Allophone Alternation groups, 20, 25 Alveolar, 42 Articulation, 19 points of, 4 0 - 4 3 positive, (cf. Positive Articulation) Archiphonemes, 3 9 - 4 0 , 56 Arguments and functors, 2 7 - 2 8 Assimilation, complete, (see nasal assimilation) Assimilation, partial, (see nasal assimilation) Assimilation, regressive, 4 9 - 5 0 Aspect, 62, 63, 65, 67, 88, 107 imperfect, 88, 93, 95, 9 7 - 1 0 4 , 107 perfect, 88, 93, 95, 9 7 - 1 0 4 , 107 future, 8 8 , 9 3 , 9 5 , 9 7 - 1 0 4 , 107 recent past, 88, 99, 101, 104, 107 Associative action, 9 0 - 9 2 , 96, 100, 103, 104, 108-109 Associative action, (cf. P. categories), 90 Atonic words, 53 Ay-Rule, 7 0 - 7 4

Back vowels, 39 Benefactive action, 70 Bilabial, 38, 4 0 - 4 2 Bloomfield, L., 7, 129 Bochenski, J . M., 28 Bolinger, Dwight L., 51 Buccal fricative, 41

Cardinals, (cf. numerals) Categories, 21 (cf. verbal categories, modal categories, nominal categories, pronominal categories, adjectival categories) Causative actions, 8 9 - 9 2

144

INDEX

Central vowel, open, 42, 44, 47 Chomsky, N . , 23, 32 Church, Alonso, 28 Circumscription affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Nominal Categories) Collection action affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Nominal Categories) Collective action, 111 Collective noun, (cf. noun derivations) Colon phonological characteristics of, 52 Comma phonological characteristics of, 52 Commands, abrupt, 57, 59, 60, 88 Composition symbol, (see Proposition-forming symbols) Compound roots, 112 Conjugation, 85 Conjunctions coordinating, 58, 84 subordinating, 58, 84 Consonants, 27, 3 5 ^ 0 , 43, 48, 4 9 Consonant cluster, 27, 42, 4 9 Consonant phonemes, analysis of, 4 0 - 4 3 , 4 4 - 4 6 Constants, 27 Constellation, 29 Constituents o f language, level description of, 22 Continuity, 51, 53, 54 Constraints, 2 0 - 2 2 , 28 Contrast, 20, 3 4 - 4 0 Coordinating conjunction, (cf. Conjunctions) Coordination, (pis. see Structure, types o f ) Culmination, 34, 48, 50

d and r alternation Rules, 87 Danes, Frantisek, 51 Declarative sentence, 21 Declension, 85 Definite object, 78 Demonstrative pronoun, 122-123 defective, 123 Demonstratives, manner, 123 Demonstratives, plain, 122 (cf. Chart, Plain demonstrative) Dental fricative, 36 Depressed register, 51 Derived root or stem, 86 de Saussure, on syntagms, 25 Description scope of, 20, 2 3 - 2 4 functional-structural approach to, 2 2 - 2 3 Descriptive formalism, 23 Determination, 2 9 Diadic solidarities, 6 5 - 6 6 Dialects, 48

Dinneen, 23 Diphthongs, 40, 43 Distributive Numerals, 119 Distributive Numeral Adverbs, 119 Distinctive feature, 26, 34 Double articulation, 19, 20, 23, 2 4 - 2 5 " D o u b l i n g " , 89

ef - Categories, 89 Effective action, 91 Eigenstate, 22 Elson and Pickett, 29, 31 Emphasis, 89, 9 0 Emphatic action, 89, 93, 104 Enclitics, 50, 7 4 - 7 5 Enclitic pronouns, 121-122 Enclitic rule, 70 Equative sentence, 66 Exclamation point, 55 Exclamatory Sentence, 54 Executive Actor Focus, 9 2 - 9 8 Executive action, (see Tension) Expressions o f assent or dissent, (cf. Vocative)

Feys, on the Lambda, functor, 28 Final Junctures, 5 4 - 5 5 Finite form, 88 Finite mood, (cf. Mood), 21, 88 Finite proper state, 58, 88 First articulation, 2 4 - 2 5 Fortis, alveolar lateral, 42 Freedoms, 2 0 - 2 1 , 28 Frequentative noun, (cf. Noun derivation) Fricative, 36, 46 Focus in Tagalog, 62, 65, 70, 9 2 - 1 0 7 Formal description, 23 Front vowels, 39 Functional morphemes, 83 Functional-structural approach, 23 Functors, and arguments, types of, 2 7 - 2 8 , 50, 89 Future Aspect (Future Finite F o r m ) , 88, 93, 95, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 107

Gerund form, 90, 93, 98, 99, 107 Gerund mood, 60 Glide, 42 Glottal check, 46 Glottal stop, 37, 41, 4 6 , 52 G o a l focus, (see focus) 1 0 0 - 1 0 2 Grammar, divisions of, 2 3 Grammatical minimal signs, (see Morphemes) Grooved fricative, 41

INDEX

Harris, Zelling S., 51 Hesitation forms, 56 Hjelmslev, 25, 29 Hiatus, (see Glottal stop) Horizontal relationship, (see Syntagmatic) H-suffication Rules, 86-87 Hyphen, 86 {¡-} instrumental focus, 104-106 Imperatives, 57, 59-60 Imperfect aspect (Imperfect Finite Form), 88,92, 93, 95, 99, 101, 102 Impersonal verbs, 67, 77 {-in-} metathesis rule, 86, 87 Inclusion symbol, (see Proposition-forming symbols) Incohative verbs, 62, 76 Indefinite object, 78 Independent modal morphemes, 83 Indirect Object, 78 Infinitive mood, 21 Infix, 86 Inflected noun form, (cf. Noun) or derived nouns Inflection, 85 Insistent Action, (cf. Q - categories) Instrumental Focus, 104-106 Instrumental noun, (cf. Noun derivation) Intensive action, 90, 95 (cf. P-categories) Interjection form, 90 Interjection mood, 88 Interjections, 57, 59 Internal Junctures, 52-53 Interrogative pronoun, (cf. Chart, Interrogative pronoun), 123 Intonation, 54 function of, 54 Intonation contour, 51, 54 defined, 51 characterizing junctional signs, 52-54 Intonation questions, 57, 59 Intransitive verb root, 92 Involuntary action, (cf. Q-categories), 91 Involuntary, iterative action, 94 IPA, 35 Irregular verbs, 110 Isomorphisms, 56, 84 Iteration, 29 Iterative Category, 89-90, 94 Jespersen, 25 Junction, 25 Junctural signs, 52-54

145

types of, 52-54 function of, 52 Junctures, 54

Lambda functor, 28, 110 Language, assumptions, 19-20 Language, constraints of, 21-22, 28 definition of, 20 freedoms of, 28 functions of, 20-22 as instrument of communication, 20 structure of, 22 linear, 22 vocal character, 19 Length (also Duration), 48, 53 Levels, 22, 23-26 Lexemes, 26, 83 Lexical minimal signs, (see Lexemes) Lieberman, Philip, 51 Linguals, 38, 42 Linguistics, 22, 25 Linguistic sign, 19, 23 Linguistic units, relationships of, 20 Loan words, 49 Local affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Nominal Categories) Local focus, (see Focus) 101-103 Local noun, (cf. Noun derivations) Local verbs, 110

Malayo-Polynesian, 32 {ma-} stem-forming affixes of, 95-96 {ma-} potential of goal focus, 101-102 {mag-} stem-forming affixes of allomorph of, 95-98 {mai-} stem-forming affixes of, 105-106 {ma- -(l)(h)an} stem-forming affixes of, 102 Malayo-polynesian languages, 32 {mar)-} executive, actor focus, iterative action, 98 Manner adjective, (cf. Adjective derivation) Martinet, André, 19, 21, 23, 25, 26 May, Mayroon, 67, 69, 74, 81 Minimal pairs, 35-40 opposition of phonemes in, 34 Minimal signs, 19, 26, 83 Minor Sentences, 57-59 Modal categories, 21, 28, 89, 90 Modal functors, 28, 85 Modal morphemes, 83 Modal nouns, 69, 71-73, 81-82 function of, 81 structure of, 81-82 Monadic solidarities, 61, 66-67 Moneme, 19, 24-26

146

INDEX

M o o d , 21, 58, 60, 88, 90 M o o d M o r p h e m e s , 87 M o r p h e m e , 26, 83 M o r p h o l o g i c a l categories, 85 Morphology as division of G r a m m a r in Tagalog, 85 Morphophonemics, 86-87 Mutuality n o u n , (cf. N o u n derivations)

N a s a l assimilation, 86 N a s a l c o n s o n a n t , 37, 41, 43, 49 N e u t r a l i z a t i o n , 39-40, 47 N e x u s , 23, 2 5 - 2 6 N o m i n a l categories, 113 N o m i n a l i z e d verb, 93, 99 Non-finite f o r m , 90, 95, 97, 99, 103, 104 N o n - f i n i t e p r o p e r state, 60, 88 N o n - i n t o n a t i o n question, 55 N o n - p r o n o m i n a l enclitics, 74 N o t a t i o n a l conventions, 23 Illustration of, 2 9 - 3 2 N o t a t i o n s , i m p o r t a n c e of, 26 N o u n derivations, 111-112 N o u n , 112-113 N o u n phrases, 7 7 - 8 0 in t h e arj-, narj-, sa-, na-, cases, 61-68, 7 7 - 8 0 as vocative, 78 as a d v e r b , 78 as c o m p l e m e n t , 78 e x p a n s i o n s of, 7 9 - 8 0 f u n c t i o n s of, 7 7 - 8 0 structures of, 79 N u m b e r c o n c o r d , 61 N u m e r a l s , 117-119 Bookish w o r d s for, 118 N u m e r a l s , Spanish, 117 N u m e r a l A d v e r b s , 118-119 N u m e r a t i v e p r o n o u n , 123

Object (cf. Definite Direct a n d Indefinite Object) Occlusive, 41 O c c u p a t i o n a l affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing N o m i nal Categories) O c c u p a t i o n a l n o u n , (cf. N o u n derivation) O p p o s i t i o n , 20 used o n phonological identification of p h o nemes, 36-41 O p t a t i v e sentence O p t i o n a l variants Optional groups, defined, 20 o r syntagms a n d p a r a d i g m s , 25 O r d e r i n g of t h e affixes, 91

O r d e r rules governing Enclitics, 75 O r d i n a l s , 118 Origin affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Categories) O r g a n i z i n g features, 35 O r t h o t o n i c w o r d , 75, 120

Nominal

{pa- -(l)(h)an}, s t e m - f o r m i n g affixes of, 102 {pa- -(l)(h)in}, s t e m - f o r m i n g affixes of, 9 9 - 1 0 0 {pag- -(l)(h)an}, s t e m - f o r m i n g affix, 103 {pag- -(l)(h)in}, 100 (par)- -(l)(h)in}, 100 {pa- -(l)(h)an}, 102 Palatal affricate, 40 Palatal lateral, 42 Palatal nasal, 41 Paradigm, 20, 23, 25, 49 P a r a d i g m a t i c axis, 20 P a r a d i g m a t i c relationship (or Vertical relationship), 20 Park, David, 22 Partial assimilation, 86 Participial Adjective, (cf. Adjective derivation) Participial m o o d , 20 P-categories, 89 Perfect aspect, 88 Perfect Finite F o r m (cf. Perfect Aspect), 9 5 - 1 0 4 Period, 55 Period level, 26, 56-57 Personal p r o n o u n s , (cf. C h a r t , personal p r o n o u n s ) , 120-122 Philippine languages, 32 Philippines, 32, 33 Phonation, s o u r c e of, 36, 41, 45 onset of, 45 t e r m i n a t i o n of, 45 P h o n e m e level, 24, 26 P h o n e m e cluster, 26 P h o n e m e s , 19, 22, 24, 3 5 - 5 0 Analysis a n d classification of, 4 4 - 4 7 D i s t r i b u t i o n of, 4 8 - 5 0 Phonemics, 34 P h o n e t i c realizations table of, 40 P h o n o l o g y , 34-35, 5 0 - 5 6 Phrase accent, 53 Phrases, f u n c t i o n a l positions in the sentence; a n inventory of, (cf. p r i m a r y constituents) 67-70 Phrase Structure rules, 23 Physics, 2 1 - 2 2 Pike, K e n n e t h L., 51 Pilipino, 32 Pitch, 51 Plural A c t i o n , 90, 9 6 - 9 8

INDEX Plural category, 89, 90 Politeness, 59 Positive articulation (cf. Articulation), 45 Possessive pronouns, (cf. to Chart, possessive pronouns), 120, 122 Postal, 23 Post-numeral Enclitics, 75 Potential action, 89, 90 Potential-accidental action, 89 90, 96, 102 Potential-accidental, causative action, 96 Potential-accidental, emphatic action, 95-96 Predicative noun phrase, 68, 78 Prefix, 86 Prepositives in Tagalog, 75 Present Tense, 21 Preterite tense, 21 Primary accent, 47-48 Primary constituent level, 26, 56, 75-76 Primary constituents, 67, 75 inventory of, 67-70 Primary dependents (cf. Primary constituents) Process noun, (cf. N o u n derivation) Process variable, 27 Pronominal enclitics, 74 Pronominal categories, 120 Pronoun, 119-123 Proper state as term used to describe constraints and freedoms of language, 21 in subordinative sentences, 60 prefixes, 87 as verbal categories, 88 (cf. Moods) Proper state functors, 28, 85 Prepositions, 83 Proposition-forming symbols, 28-29 Prosody, 34 Provocation adjective, (cf. Adjective derivation) Proxy affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Nominal Categories)

Q-categories, 89 Quadratic solidarities, 61 Questions, 57 Question mark, 54 Quezon, Manuel L., 32

R-Categories, 89 Realizations of moods, 90 of actualizing functors, 90 of accidental functor, 90

147

Realization of consonant phonemes, (see Table, realization of consonant phonemes) Realization of nominal categories, 113 Realization of phonemes, 40 Realization of the Pronominal Categories, 120123 Realization of verbal categories, 90 Realization of vowel phonemes, (see Table, realization of vowel phonemes) Recent past form, 99, 101, 104 Recent past mood, 88 Reciprocal noun, (cf. N o u n derivations) Reciprocal »relationship affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Nominal Categories) Reduplication, 86 Reflexive verb, 110 Request, 57, 59 Rhythm, 56 Rolled trill, 42 R o o t , 87, 92, 111, 114

Salutations, (cf. vocative), 59 Seasonal affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing N o m i n a l Categories) Secondary accent, 47-48 "Segmentals", 34 Semi-colon, phonological characteristics of, 53 Semi-vowels, 38, 42 Sentence, 24, 26, 56-60 Sentence, expansions of, 74-75 Sentence, m i n o r types of, 56, 59 Sentence, phonology of the, 53-54 Sentence, subordinative types of, 57, 60 Sentence intonation, functions of, 54-55 Sentence level, 26, 56-58 Sentential nexus, 83 defined, 25 as primary dependent of a sentence, 69 as complement, 69 structure a n d expansion of, 69-70 Sequential composition, 22, 29 Sequential ordering, (cf. sequential composition) Sequential contrastive features, (see Culmination) Shaped orifice sound articulation, 45 Shift of syntagms, 69-70 Significans, 19 Significatum, 19 Simple, (see Structure, types o f ) Simulation affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing N o m i n a l Categories) Simultaneous composition, 22, 29 Simultaneous ordering, (see also Simultaneous composition) Solidarity, 29, 61-67

148

INDEX

Spontaneous action (cf. Q-categories), 91 Staccato, rhythm, (cf. Rhythm) Stem-forming affixes, 90-92, 108, 109 Stop, 35-36, 40 Stress, (also Amplitude), 47-^48 Stressed syllable, 48 Structural description, 23 Structure, types of, on the period level, 24, 57-58 Subitive Actor focus, 98-99 Subordinating conjunction, 58, 84 Subordination, (see Structure, type of) Subordinative sentence, 58 in varying proper states, 60 analysis of structure of, 60-61 Subordinative sentence grouping, 61 Suffix, 86 Summary of terms, 24 realization of phonemes, 40-43 of junctional signs, 55 of types of subordinative sentence and positions of syntagms in accordance with the Ay-Rule, 70-74 Modalities of Verb, 89 Modalities of Tagalog numerals, 119 of accidental categories, 108-109 of realization of verbal categories 107-109 "Suprasegmentals", 34 Syllable, 22, 24, 26, 47, 48, 56 Syllable level, (or Syllabic level), 22 Symbol, 26-31 Syntactic calculus, 50 Syntactic categories, 27, 84 Syntactic conversions, 85 nouns from verbal roots, 111-112 adjectives from verbal roots, 112 adjectives from nominal roots, 114 verbs from adjective roots, 125-128 verbs from nominal roots, 115-117 Syntactic variables, 83-84, 85 Syntagm, 20, 23, 52, 57, 65, 67 Syntagmatic axis, 20 Syntagmatic relationships, 20 Syntagms of imprecations, (cf. vocative) Syntax, 27, 48, 56

Tagalog grammar, 35 Tagalog, intonation, method of representation, 51 Tagalog language, 19, 25, 32 Tendency adjective, (cf. Adjective derivation)

Term-forming symbols, types of, 29 Tongue height, 47 Transcription, 56 Transformational Rules, 23 Transitive verb root, 92 Triadic solidarities, 62-64

Uninflected noun form, (cf. Noun) Unit, 25

Variables, 27, 83-84 Velar, 41 Verb, 87-112 Verb, moods of, 88, 90-91 Verb, optional forms of, 89-92 Verbal argument, values of (in symbolic notation), 89-90 Verbal categories, realizations of, 90-91 Verb phrase, 76-77 functions of, 76 types of, 76 expansion of, 77 structure of, 76-77 Verbal categories 88, 90-91 Verbal conjugation, Tagalog, description of, 87 Verbal nexus, 25, 69, 82 Vocal signs, 19 Vocatives, 57, 58 Voice onset (see Onset of phonation) Voiced unaspirated stops (cf. stops) Vowels, 39, 42, 44, 47, 48 analysis of, 39 classification of, accented, 46^17

Wells, Roulon S „ 51 Word, 85 Accent of (cf. Accent) as defined by syntactical criteria, 85 phonology of, 35, 48 "Word expressions", 48 level of, 22 types of, 50 Word inflection, 85 Word level, 26 Word Questions, 57

Zero case, 63, 64-68, 78, 80, 82