Modern Dutch Studies: Essays in honour of Professor Peter King on the occasion of his retirement 9781474241458, 9781474284912, 9781474241465

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Modern Dutch Studies

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This Collection of 23 reissued titles from The Athlone Press and Leicester University Press offers a distinguished selection of titles that showcase the width and breadth of historical study, as well as the interdisciplinary nature of the subject. Crossing over into politics, linguistics, economics, politics, military and maritime history, and science, this Collection encompasses titles on British, European and global subjects from the Early Modern period to the late 20th Century. The collection is available both in e-book and print versions. Titles in History are available in the following subsets: History: British History History: European History History: History of Latin America History: History of Medicine

Other titles available in History: European History include: V. F. Odoevsky: His Life, Times and Milieu, Neil Cornwell The German Economy at War, Alan S. Milward The Flemish Movement: A Documentary History 1780-1990, Ed. by Theo Hermans, Louis Vos and Lode Wils Greek Shipowners and Greece 1945-1975: From Separate Development to Mutual Interdependence, Gelina Harlaftis The Smallest Slavonic Nation: The Sorbs of Lusatia, Gerald Stone

Modern Dutch Studies Essays in Honour of Professor Peter King on the Occasion of His Retirement Edited by M. J. Wintle Co-editor Paul Vincent

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www.bloomsbury.com BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in 1988 by The Athlone Press This edition published by Bloomsbury Academic 2015 © Dr Michael Wintle 2015 Michael Wintle has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Editor of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the author. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-1-4742-4145-8 ePDF: 978-1-4742-4146-5 Set: 978-1-4742-4156-4 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress Series: Bloomsbury Academic Collections, ISSN 2051-0012

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MODERN DUTCH STUDIES

MODERN DUTCH STUDIES Essays in honour of PETER KING Professor of Modern Dutch Studies at the University of Hull on the occasion of his retirement Edited by Michael Wintle Co-editor Paul Vincent

THE ATHLONE PRESS London and Atlantic Highlands, NJ

First published 1988 by The Athlone Press Ltd 44 Bedford Row, London WC1R 4LY and 171 First Avenue, Atlantic Highlands, NJ 07716 © Dr Michael Wintle 1988 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Modern Dutch studies: essays in honour of Peter King, Professor of Modern Dutch Studies in the University of Hull, on the occasion of his retirement. 1. Dutch civilization, 1500-1985. I. Wintle, M.J. (Michael J.) II. Vincent, Paul III. King, P.K. (Peter Kenneth), 1922949.2 ISBN 0-485-11358-9 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Modern Dutch studies: a volume of essays in honour of the retirement of Peter King, professor of modern Dutch studies in the University of Hull/edited by Michael Wintle; co-editor, Paul Vincent. p. cm. Bibliography: p. Includes index. ISBN 0-485-11358-9: $39.95 (est.) I. Dutch philology. 2. Netherlands—History. 3. King, Peter, 1922-. I. King, Peter, 1922-. II. Wintle, Michael J. III. Vincent, Paul. PF26.K56M63 1988 949.2—dcl9 88-3309 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. Typeset by Keyset Composition, Colchester Printed in Great Britain by Billings Ltd, Worcester

Contents

Acknowledgements 1

Modern Dutch Studies: An Introduction Dr M. J. Wintle, University of Hull

ix 1

Part I: Language and Translation 2

3

4

5

6

On Translating Proper Names, with reference to De Witte and Max Havelaar Dr T. Hermans, University College, London

11

Sir John Bowring (1792-1832) as a Translator and Publicist of Dutch Literature and Culture P. F. Vincent, University College, London

25

The Germanic Glory-Hole: On Translating the Poetry of P. C. Boutens Dr J. Irons, Odense Seminarium

38

How Difficult are the Phrasal Verbs for Dutch Learners of English? Dr J. H. Hulstijn, Free University Amsterdam, and E. M. T. Marchena, Leiden University Dutch CALL at Hull: An Evaluation of ComputerAssisted Language Learning R. Vismans, University of Hull

48

60

Part II: Literature 7

Geertruyd van Oosten and 'Het daghet in den Oosten' Dr A. M. J. van Buuren, University of Utrecht

75

Contents

VI

8

9 10

11

12

13

14

The Biblical Plays of the Rhetoricians and the Pageants of Oudenaarde and Lille Professor W. M. H. Hummelen, Catholic University of Nijmegen, translated by S. Mellor Old High German in Ghent in 1549 Professor L. W. Forster, Cambridge University Criminal Biographies or Picaresque Novels? An Investigation of the Dutch Translations of The English Rogue and Moll Flanders Professor H. van Gorp, Catholic University of Leuven Anglo-Saxon Impressions: P. N. van Eyck, J. C. Bloem, A. Roland Hoist and English Poetry Professor A. L. Sotemann, University of Utrecht A Closer Look at M. Nijhoff s 'Langs een wereld' ('Passing worlds') Professor F. Lulofs, Groningen University, translated by Cora and Alastair Weir The Significance of Proper Nouns in Bordewijk's Bint Professor R. P. Meijer, University College, London A Faulknerian Device in Dutch Narrative Prose Professor M. Janssens, Catholic University of Leuven

88

105

116

126

136

148 152

Part III: Social Sciences 15

16

17

18

The Adoption and Rejection of Elements of Marxism in the Dutch Trade Union Movement, 1890-1934 Professor T. van Tijn, University of Utrecht

162

Ideas for a New Regime in the Netherlands after the Defeat of 1940 M. L. Smith, University of Hull

175

The Abortive Dutch Assault on European Tariffs, 1950-2 Professor R. T. Griffiths, Free University Amsterdam and European University Institute, Florence Political Culture in Belgium Professor W. P. Blockmans, Erasmus University Rotterdam and Leiden University

186

209

Contents 19

Social Development in the Netherlands in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: A Review of Historical Research since 1970 Dr J. Lucassen, University of Utrecht

Vll

223

Part IV: The Visual Arts 20

Godfried Schalcken's Allegory of Virtue and Riches Dr C. Brown, Deputy Keeper, National Gallery, London

249

21

Theo van Doesburg: 'Art/Criticism' Dr A. Doig, University of Kent and Ripon College, Cuddesdon

259

Notes

277

Bibliography: The Principal Publications of P. K. King

319

Index

321

Acknowledgements The publication of this collection of essays has been made possible by the generous co-operation of many people. Cora and Alastair Weir have been of enormous help, standardizing the English of many of the essays, and producing a full translation of one of them. Jacky Peters and especially Cora Weir have helped with the typing; the staff of the Hull University Computer Centre have also been most helpful in providing assistance. A special word of thanks is due to my co-editor, Paul Vincent, who took immense trouble to read critically and revise where necessary all the essays in the sections on language and literature, and who has provided firm support throughout. And I am more than pleased to record my deep gratitude to the following funding bodies, which by means of their financial support, have made possible the publication of this book: Prins Bernhard Fonds Nederlandse Taalunie Ministerie van Onderwijs en Wetenschappen, The Netherlands Orde van den Prince Association of Friends of the Institute of Modern Dutch Studies For permission to reproduce illustrative material in the article by Dr Brown, I am grateful to the managements of the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam and of the Musees Royaux des Beaux Arts in Brussels, and to the Trustees of the British Museum and of the National Gallery in London. I also acknowledge gratefully permission from Editions Nauwelaerts to reprint the illustration to Professor Forster's article. Finally, and most importantly, I would like to express my own personal thanks to all the individuals involved, from the funding bodies, publishers, and most particularly the contributors themselves, for their invariable willing co-operation, and thus for making the work of editing this collection a special pleasure. Michael Wintle The University, Hull

1 Modern Dutch Studies: An Introduction Michael Wintle The subtitle of this collection of essays makes clear its raison d'etre: to honour the career and the retirement of Peter King, Professor of Modern Dutch Studies at the University of Hull. Peter King was born in Wimbledon on 5 May 1922, and was educated at the King's College Choir School in Cambridge, and then at Ardingly College in Sussex. Between 1941 and 1945 he served mainly in British submarines, during which time he spent - significantly - one year as a British Liaison Officer with the Royal Dutch Navy. Since then, his working life has been devoted more or less completely to the furtherance of Dutch studies at all levels, both in the academic world, and also in organizing and co-ordinating all manner of activities at international, national and local levels concerning the Low Countries and their culture. After the war, in 1946 and 1947, he studied at the University of Groningen in the Netherlands, taking Dutch and French as his principal subjects. Between 1947 and 1950 he read Dutch at University College, London, and was awarded a First Class BA Honours degree there in 1950. For the next two years he was the incumbent of a research studentship at Bedford College, London, working on Vondel's Adam in Ballingschap and Grotius's Adamus Exul. In 1952 he moved to Cambridge University, with an appointment in the Faculty of Modern and Medieval Languages to teach Dutch language and literature in that University. In 1959 he was appointed to a University Lectureship in Cambridge, in 1960 was elected a member of the Maatschappij der Nederlandse Letterkunde, and in 1966 became a Fellow of St Edmund's House, Cambridge. In October 1976 the Leverhulme Trust and other important benefactors assisted in the foundation of an Institute of Modern

2

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Dutch Studies at the University of Hull, of which Peter King was appointed professorial director, and in which post he was to remain for the next eleven years. Initially the new Institute was set up as a research centre, to co-ordinate and stimulate the various research interests in Dutch studies already present at Hull University. Within three years, however, an undergraduate honours degree programme was launched, and the staff of the Institute was expanded by the addition of two full-time lecturers, alongside research personnel and language assistants. Over the last decade the Hull Institute has come to mean many things to many people, and almost all of it is Peter King's doing. At any one time there are some fifty joint- and single-honours BA students enrolled, a widely varied programme of academic research goes on, research students come and go, several Leverhulme Research Fellows have spent a year or more at the Institute, and international academic exchange programmes have been set up with universities in the Netherlands and Belgium for both students and staff. National and international conferences have been organized in Hull, research grants have been attracted to the Institute for all manner of research projects, and afirst-classcollection of books has been built up in the Brynmor Jones Library at Hull, numbering at least 10,000 items, and forming a collection on Modern Dutch Studies probably unrivalled in Britain. Besides these essentially academic pursuits, Peter King has founded a thriving Anglo-Dutch Society for the district of Hull and Humberside, he was instrumental in 1977 in setting up the national Association of Dutch Language Teachers (ADULT) in Great Britain, and in 1984 was appointed to the Anglo-Netherlands Mixed Commission which monitors the cultural treaty between the two countries. His most recent new departure is the organization of the William and Mary Tercentenary celebrations of 1988 in commemoration of 300 years of Anglo-Dutch relations, not only at the national level, where he is a member of the steering committee, but also in the Humberside region, where he has set up a vigorous committee with a long string of events in both the civic and academic spheres. One could go on and on. These things, and many others, are the normal activities of a university academic department: Peter King is exceptional only in that he has achieved them virtually single-handedly at Hull, and in that he has put his individual stamp indelibly on almost all he has done. The title of this collection is Modern Dutch Studies, which refers to the

Modern Dutch Studies: An Introduction

3

discipline with which Peter King has been involved for the last decade at Hull. 'Modern Dutch Studies' was deliberately chosen as the name of the Hull Institute, and while it is by no means perfect as a self-explanatory label, it does distinguish itself from simply 'Dutch', or 'Dutch Studies'. 'Modern Dutch Studies' is a variant of area studies, by which is meant a multi-disciplinary and on occasion interdisciplinary approach to a geographical area, most often associated with third-world countries, but in this case with the Dutchlanguage area of north-western Europe, including of course most of the northern half of Belgium. If we look at the rationale behind the BA programmes in Modern Dutch Studies at Hull, then we see that, as in most area studies programmes, the language is an essential tool of the trade, and thus a great deal of the students' first two years is spent in acquiring that language from scratch. The emphasis is very much on the Dutch language as it is today, particularly in the business community, and the course is directed towards communication in a working environment. Dutch literature is also taught extensively throughout the four years of the course, but more often than not as a reflection of the society which generated it, rather than for its own sake pure and simple: this also applies to the teaching of Dutch and Flemish art history, which has taken on an increasingly important profile in the Institute's programmes. Where the courses, and the work of the Institute as a whole, depart quite clearly from the practice of most language and literature departments is in their strong focus on the social sciences concerning the Low Countries, and in this field the cover is extended to the whole of the Low Countries, rather than the Dutch language area, as well as to the Dutch and Belgian (ex-)colonies. Social history, economic history and political history all form important components of the work, as does the examination of the present-day societies of the Netherlands and Belgium in their political, economic and social aspects. Returning to the degree programmes as a reflection of the definition of the discipline of Modern Dutch Studies, the students follow rather more than a quarter of their courses throughout four years in a single continued discipline taught outside the Institute, such as Law, Economics, or European Studies, and indeed spend their third year in the Netherlands or Belgium following courses in that discipline at a Dutch-language university, and following a placement in an office or business as closely related as possible to their option subject and to their chosen future career. The multi-disciplinary nature is continually

4

Modern Dutch Studies

emphasized, as is the concentration on the present-day societies of the Low Countries. From this brief outline the subject-area created in the Hull Institute becomes clear. Teaching and research is orientated towards the most recent developments and present situation in the linguistic, literary, cultural, economic, social and political spheres. More classical approaches to the study of language and literature are by no means excluded from our programme, and indeed Peter King has no mean reputation himself in those areas, but the Hull venture involves something more, especially in view of the fact that other university departments in Britain provide excellent honours courses in Dutch in a more conventional vein. The area studies approach followed in Hull is by no means everyone's choice, but it is unique in Britain, and the steady if modest student demand over a number of years is a testament to its success. In recent months the Institute has merged into a new Department of European and Modern Dutch Studies at Hull, and in a way this marks the end of Peter King's tenure of the Chair in Modern Dutch Studies. But in the stimulating and challenging opportunities for development and integration in the years to come, it is unlikely that the individuality of Modern Dutch Studies will be diminished. The breadth of Peter King's academic interests and the scope of subjects taught at the Hull Institute are reflected in the subject matter of the essays collected here. They are arranged in four sections, namely Language and Translation, Literature, Social Sciences, and the Visual Arts. Within each section the essays are arranged more or less chronologically in terms of their subject matter. In the section on Language and Translation, there are three essays on the intricacies of the translation process, and two on the issues of teaching language at university level, both being areas in which Peter King has been deeply involved for a working lifetime. Theo Hermans contributes an essay on the translation of proper names, and shows how a translator's technique and general point of departure can be illuminated by examining his treatment of the names of the characters in the piece. This can operate at a fairly simplistic level, as in the novel De Witte by Ernst Claes, where the various translators choose either to integrate the story into the culture of the target audience by providing local equivalents of the proper names, or to leave the names as they were in the original, thus presenting the story as a foreign occurrence.

Modern Dutch Studies: An Introduction

5

At a much more sophisticated level, as in Max Havelaar, the satirical nature of the names in the Dutch original offers endless possibilities for interpretation by the translator. Paul Vincent's essay on the work of Sir John Bowring explores the working methods and impact of a man who built a reputation in Britain in the early nineteenth century as a specialist in relatively little-known languages, and who removed some layers of the veil from Dutch literature for the English public. John Irons provides a frank discussion of the technical problems of translating a poem by P. C. Boutens into no less than four separate Germanic languages other than Dutch, showing a remarkable sensitivity to the images created by language which in an ideal world should be the mark of all fine translators. He concludes his piece with a breathtaking set of Haikus, forming a very free rendering into English of the same poem, which breaks all the rules of translation except that of sensitivity. Moving to the subject of language teaching, Jan Hulstijn and Elaine Marchena provide a research report of a carefully constructed test designed to estimate the difficulties caused by 'LI interference', or in this specific case, the avoidance of certain linguistic structures not present in the mother-language. Roel Vismans' essay assesses the pedagogical value of Computer-Assisted Language Learning (CALL) at Hull, and presents the important conclusion that, given proper and diligent supervision, computers can take much of the tedium out of language teaching without being detrimental to student progress. The section on Literature is the largest in the collection, reflecting the enormous breadth of Peter King's interest, and also the range that he has been expected to teach to students throughout his career. A. M. J. van Buuren provides what amounts to a highly erudite detective story on the authorship of the Middle Dutch ballad 'Het daghet in den oosten', ranging from characters in the thirteenth century to the present-day descendants of the proprietors of a ropeworks in Delft: Peter King's interest in dawn poetry is clearly reflected here. W. M. H. Hummelen's article seeks the origins of the flowering of the biblical plays of the rhetoricians, and finds those origins in the state entries and pageants of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Leonard Forster also contributes a detective story, on the track of the source and significance of an inscription of 1549 on a triumphal arch in Ghent. He leads us around the Humanist networks of northern Europe, in and out of the libraries of various monasteries, finally arriving at a likely scenario of the authorship, textual source

6

Modern Dutch Studies

and hidden meaning of the inscription, which entirely escaped the Spanish prince whom it was intended to honour. Hendrik van Gorp provides an essay on the 'rogue literature' of England in the early modern period, and by examining the translations into Dutch of Head's The English Rogue and Defoe's Moll Flanders questions the validity of distinctions between the traditions of criminal biography and the fictional picaresque, concluding that fact and fiction are almost invariably intertwined. Moving into the modern period, Guus Sotemann examines the attitudes to English poetry of the Dutch poets of 1910, namely Van Eyck, Bloem and Roland Hoist. With the exception of the impact made by W. B. Yeats on Roland Hoist, the conclusion is that these Dutch poets had a great deal more time and respect for the great historical tradition in English verse than for their contemporaries across the Channel: this, Sotemann remarks, was probably a function of the conservatism of their era. Frank Lulofs contributes a close textual analysis of the poem 'Langs een wereld' by Martinus Nijhoff, a poet who has been a major subject of interest to both King and Lulofs for many years. Reijnder Meijer examines the extraordinary names used in Bordewijk's novel Bint, noting how the use of proper nouns can enlarge and enrich the portraits of the novel's characters. Finally in this section, Marcel Janssens takes the device of the multiple-I narrative in Dutch prose fiction of the 1960s and 1970s, seeking its links with the novels of William Faulkner, especially through the work of Hugo Claus. In the section on the Social Sciences, five historians have contributed essays, though there might just as well have been geographers, political scientists and even economists represented here. Peter King has not moved into this field himself, but over the last decade he has been closely involved with the supervision and discussion of research in these areas, because of their indispensable contribution to the concept of Modern Dutch Studies. Theo van Tijn's essay is in the tradition of the social history of the Dutch labour movement, and examines the fluctuating use of Marxist doctrine in that movement between the 1890s and the 1930s. The gradual rejection of Marxism as a political creed culminated in the adoption of De Man's Labour Plan in 1935 by the Socialist political party and trade union movement. Mike Smith writes on the various solutions offered in the Netherlands to the crisis in 1938-40, when unemployment and foreign occupation loomed large. He homes in on

Modern Dutch Studies: An Introduction

7

the role of the Nederlandse Unie, and presents evidence of a previously undocumented meeting of 4 July 1940 when De Quay and others appear to have been hatching a plot for a corporatist coup in the Netherlands. Richard Griffiths has produced a painstaking report of extensive archive research into the various Dutch and other plans for reducing tariff barriers in Europe in the early 1950s, moves which we can see (with the benefit of hindsight) were leading towards formal European economic integration. He confidently picks his way through a baffling thicket of seemingly endless negotiations, showing the Stikker Plan to have been hopelessly defective from the start, and concluding somewhat remarkably that at this stage, at least, the Netherlands was following the same policies as was France in this area, ironic in the light of their later head-on collision over the paths to European unity. Wim Blockmans writes on what he terms 'political culture' in Belgium, and presents a picture of public life which appears to be little short of scandalous, seething with intrigue and corruption, by no means uncovered but virtually ignored by the public. And Jan Lucassen has contributed a major historiographical review of Dutch social history in the last two decades, presenting his own list of desiderata for the attention of present and future social historians in the Netherlands and, by extension, in other countries. It is a courageous attempt to impose a principle of order on the ever-increasing and bewildering diversity of social history. Finally, we have two contributions on the Visual Arts, an area in which Peter King has been particularly active in his most recent period in Hull, as can be readily seen from the list of his own publications which appears at the end of the volume. Christopher Brown presents a concise piece of art-historical research into the subject matter of a painting by Schalcken in the National Gallery. He takes us through the codes of iconography and emblems used in the painting of the seventeenth century in the Low Countries, and is able to conclude with a high degree of certainty that the subject of the painting has been incorrectly identified, and must be seen in terms of the allegory so widespread at the time. Allan Doig's essay on Theo van Doesburg's view of art criticism relates the philosophy and theory of art to the art and architecture produced at the time of the De Stijl movement, and follows carefully the interaction of the various strands of theory between the members of Van Doesburg's circle. Nearly all the essays presented in this collection are marked by

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Modern Dutch Studies

some personal reference to the work of Peter King, and this is as it should be in a festschrift in honour of a long career in so diverse a field. And it is true to say that, over and above his achievements as a scholar, as a research supervisor, and as an indefatigable organizer of academic and many other activities, it is for his personality and as an individual that he will be most affectionately remembered.

I Language and Translation

2

On Translating Proper Names, with reference to De Witte and Max Havelaar Theo Hermans When Sir John Trevisa published his translation of Ralph Higden's Polychronicon in 1387, his dedicatory epistle spoke of the various changes and shifts that are naturally involved in the act of translation, and of the one kind of word that apparently does not change in translation: . . . in some place I must change the order of words, and set active for passive, and again-ward. And in some place I must set a reason for a word, and tell what it meaneth. But for all such changing, the meaning shall stand and not be changed. But some words and names of countries, of lands, of cities, of waters, of rivers, of mountains and hills, of persons, and of places, must be set and stand for themselves as their own kind . . .* John Trevisa's epistle must be among the earliest statements regarding this unique property of proper names: they do not translate. More recently the Dutch linguist M. C. van den Toorn observed in the same vein that 'in contrast to common nouns, it is not really possible to translate proper nouns from one language into another'.2 As far as translation is concerned, it seems perfectly simple. If only it were. The distinction between common nouns and proper nouns goes back to the grammarians of antiquity. How absolute is it? There appear to be two views on the issue.3 The majority view holds that proper names possess a certain deictic quality in that they point directly to a single, concrete referent. In contrast to common nouns, they have no real 'meaning' of themselves: their specific and sole function is identification. A minority view, on the other hand, states

12

Language and Translation

that 'no sharp line can be drawn between proper and common nouns, the difference being one of degree rather than of kind'. 4 Both sides agree that formally at least proper names occupy an exceptional position with regard to the language system because of their minimal integration into it. Phonologically as well as morphologically they exploit the possibilities available to a given language to a larger extent than is the case in the rest of the lexicon. In semantic terms they stand out because they signify directly rather than indirectly, and resist the integration into paradigmatic series (in the Saussurian sense). In spite of this, however, many proper names appear to be recognized as language-specific, and within the class of personal names, for example, the first names constitute a relatively 'closed' set compared with the more 'open' set of family names. The marginal and often deeply ambiguous position of proper names in relation to the lexicon of a language is evident in the way the dictionary treats them. In this respect the Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal (WNT) is as good an example as any. Matthias de Vries' introduction to the first published part of the WNT ('A-Ajuin', 1882) states as a general rule that 'proper nouns can claim a place [in the dictionary] only if they bear a direct relation to the Dutch language'.5 From this rule he derives the 'firm principle' that names with virtually identical forms across languages are not language-specific and should be excluded, but those that change as they pass from one language into another may be said to stand in 'close relation' to the language and can therefore be included.6 But De Vries' principle loses much of its firmness when he goes on to suggest that however close or direct this relation may be, proper nouns should preferably be listed in an appendix rather than in the main body of the dictionary, since 'they are not part of the language in the real sense of the word'. 7 And even that is not a hard and fast rule, for some proper names have clearly managed to worm their way into the language as a result of their connoted meaning or proverbial use having become current, and those must be granted a place after all.8 Leaving aside the question of what exactly is 'language-specific' in a proper name, the problematical nature of the item from the lexicographer's point of view appears to stem primarily from its potential to acquire a semantic load which takes it beyond the 'singular' mode of signification of the proper name proper and into the more 'general' sphere of the common noun. For the translator too this is where the matter becomes of interest: the translatabihty of

On Translating Proper Names

13

proper names is a function of their 'semanticization'. As Jacques Derrida's exquisite reflections on the Biblical name 'Babel' show, the proper name as such may indeed be untranslatable ('un nom propre, la reference d'un signifiant pur a un existant singulier - et a ce titre intraduisible'), but as soon as it is caught up in the contextual play of language and acquires 'un sens commun, une generalite conceptuelle',9 it becomes a candidate for translation. If this applies to proper names in general, it must apply with even greater force to proper names in literary texts, given the tendency of the literary text to activate the semantic potential of all its constituent elements, on all levels.10 In addition, literary texts probably show a greater concentration of 'motivated' or consciously 'loaded' names than non-literary texts, if only because assigning a text to the class of literary works affects the reader's - and for that matter the translator's - perception of every element in it. From a translational perspective, proper names can be divided broadly into two categories. 'Conventional' names are those that are seen as 'unmotivated' and thus as having no 'meaning' of themselves. 'Loaded' names (for want of a better term) are those literary names that are somehow seen as 'motivated'; they range from faintly 'suggestive' to overtly 'expressive' names and nicknames, and include those fictional as well as non-fictional names around which certain historical or cultural associations have accrued in the context of a particular culture. The distinction between 'suggestive' and 'expressive' names is one of degree: in the latter case the links with the lexicon of the language, and hence the semantic load of the name, are more in evidence than in the case of 'suggestive' names. Theoretically speaking there appear to be at least four ways of transferring proper names from one language into another. They can be copied, i.e. reproduced in the target text exactly as they were in the source text. They can be transcribed, i.e. transliterated or adapted on the level of spelling, phonology, etc. A formally unrelated name can be substituted in the target text for any given name in the source text (e.g. French 'Dipanon' for 'Verbrugge'). And insofar as a proper name in a source text is enmeshed in the lexicon of that language and acquires 'meaning', it can be translated. Combinations of these four modes of transfer are possible, as a proper name may, for example, be copied or transcribed and in addition translated in a (translator's) footnote. From the theoretical point of view, moreover, several other alternatives should be mentioned, two of which are perhaps more

14

Language and Translation

common than one might think: non-translation, i.e. the deletion of a source-text proper name in the target text, and the replacement of a proper noun by a common noun (usually denoting a structurally functional attribute of the character in question). Other theoretical possibilities, like the insertion of a proper name in the target text where there is none in the source text, or the replacement of a source-text common noun by a proper noun in the target text, may be regarded as less common, except perhaps in certain genres and contexts. As far as the descriptive study of translation is concerned, proper names constitute a privileged object of enquiry. They stand out among other lexical items and can be isolated with relative ease. To the extent that some proper names are formally language-specific and/or semantically 'loaded' on account of their being expressive or suggestive or carrying some other kind of information, the manner in which they are handled by the translator will provide valuable clues to the overall orientation of the translation. In the act of translation, the choice to be made in each instance between the various theoretical possibilities mentioned above is subject to translational norms whether weak or strong, personal or collective, imposed or freely adopted - which may be assumed to govern other decisions regarding other parts of the text as well. In that sense the scrutiny of proper names in translated texts can constitute a useful phase in the analysis. In its strongest form the claim made here would be that the translational norms underlying a target text as a whole can in essence be inferred from an examination of the proper names in that text. A weaker version of the claim is that the handling of proper names in translation allows us to formulate initial hypotheses regarding the nature and relative strength of the translator's norms. The remainder of this essay will be devoted to an examination of actual translations. I propose to look at two different cases, and to adopt a different approach in each case: first, a discussion of the treatment of all the proper names (excepting names of dogs and of saints) in two translations - one English, the other German - of Ernest Claes' novel De Witte (1920);11 secondly, a more selective consideration of the rendering of some of the proper names in eight different translations of Multatuli's Max Havelaar (I860).12 Needless to say, the function of the proper names in each of these novels is rather different. In the discussion of the two translations of De Witte,

On Translating Proper Names

15

furthermore, the emphasis is on the norms governing the respective versions and on the extent to which the treatment of proper names can shed light on them. The different versions of Max Havelaar are meant to illustrate a much simpler point: the great diversity of problems, and of solutions, encountered in the field, contradicting the common assumption that proper names are those textual items that do not change in translation. Ernest Claes' De Witte, a popular and humorous regional novel set against a realistic social background and making abundant use of dialect, displays a colourful wealth of proper names - well over a hundred in all, despite the book's restricted focus. They contribute significantly to the novel's atmosphere: De Witte knows everybody in and around the village by name, and the forms of many of the names are distinctly regional. As it happens, less than half the names are of the conventional type combining a first name with a family name, i.e. the type Trans Swinnen'. Even at this level, though, the English and the German translations of De Witte show important and systematic divergences. Whereas the English translator Charles Dowsett leaves virtually all the names of this type unchanged,13 Peter Mertens's German version copies only about one third in their original form, opting in the majority of cases for transcription, for German standard variants of more informal Dutch first names, and for either transcription or translation of family names. As a result, 'Sooi Tummer' becomes 'Franz Tummer' and Tien Pandoer' is transcribed as Tine Pandur'; but whereas the family names in 'Charelke Vrome', 'Tist Haas' and 'Rezien Boer' are translated ('Karl Fromme', 'Tist Hase', 'Rosine Bauer'), this does not happen with, for example, 'Jan Vos' and 'Jan Knop', either through inconsistency or because the translator did not regard them as expressive or otherwise meaningful in their particular context. Already at this stage, after a cursory glance at the forty or so conventional names in the text, the different orientations of the German and the English translations of De Witte are becoming clear. The German version has 'appropriated' a large portion of the proper names, integrating them into the German linguistic and cultural system, and thus inviting the reader to see the book - almost, but not quite - as an indigenous product, a German book for German youngsters. The English translation, on the other hand, highlights the foreign cultural setting and provenance of the novel by allowing

16

Language and Translation

the original names to stand out as recognizably 'foreign' items, down to the typically Flemish diminutive forms of some of the Christian names ('Sanderke', 'Polleke', Treske', 'Tjenneke'). The markedly different renderings of other proper nouns in the German and English translations of De Witte support this provisional conclusion. A sizeable group of names in the source text are of the 'Gust van den Teut' type, or more generally 'x van (de)jy', in which x is a Christian name, 'van (de)' denotes 'son/daughter of, and the final element may be a family or Christian name or a nickname, or designate an occupation or place. Insofar as the names of this type in De Witte are transparent, both versions opt for a similar solution in that both make explicit the family relationship implied in the name, while in addition the German translator - predictably, in view of what was said in the previous paragraph - is more likely to provide a German variant of a given Christian name. Thus, 'Mauriske van de statiechef appears as 'Mauriske, the station master's son' in English and as 'der kleine Moritz, der Sohn des Bahnhofsvorstehers' in German.14 The twenty-odd names, then, of the type 'Lieske van den Buskop' and 'Soei van Piekes' are mostly transcribed as conventional proper names (Christian name plus family name) in the German version, deleting the central preposition, hence: 'Lieschen Buskop' and 'Franz Piekes'. The English translation adopts this solution in only about half the number of cases, leaving the others unchanged, hence: 'Lieske Buskop' but still 'Soei van Piekes'. The English translator's postscript to Whitey, moreover, draws attention specifically to this category of proper names. He offers a possible rendering of a name like 'Dries van de Knots' as 'Andrew (son) of the Cudgel', and points to a roughly equivalent usage in the Welsh 'Jones the Milk', but rejects this type of translation of the proper name precisely on the grounds that it 'domesticates' the foreign element: To render the Flemish names literally, however, to translate Jan Petrol as John the Kerosene, for example, would remove the story from its proper ethnological context, and perhaps give the impression that it takes place at the foot of the Grampians.15 In other words, the hierarchy of translational norms underlying the English version finds a clear expression in the treatment of proper names. Although the translator recognizes that 'it is useful to know

On Translating Proper Names

17

that Tist de Brats has a name which alludes to a certain mettlesomeness in his family's character', he decides in the majority of instances to sacrifice this information in favour of what he also describes as 'a poetry and colour in names which literal translations destroy.' 16 The contrasting policies adopted by the German and the English translators of De Witte are evident in other areas too, notably the rendering of first names. The German version transcribes over half of the eighty or so first names in the novel, occasionally upgrading informal variants to their standard German forms (e.g. 'Heinrich' for 'Hein', 'Rosalie' for 'Rozelien', etc.); the remainder are copied; a handful are copied in one place and transcribed in another; some are simply omitted (non-translation), and one ('Krol'), which appears to be a nickname, is translated ('Locke'). The tendency to appropriate these names into the German system is clearly there, but it is not altogether dominant: names like 'Staf and 'Bettes', which could have been transcribed as 'Gustav' and 'Albrecht', are nevertheless left unchanged. The English version has no such hesitations and copies all but a handful of the first names (including 'Krol'), in their original form. A subcategory of these first names, the twenty or so occurring as diminutives (always formed with the suffix '-ke'), shows the same difference in treatment. Whereas the English text leaves all but one ('Maggie' for 'Mieke') unaltered, the German translator usually either ignores the diminutive suffix or substitutes a German equivalent (e.g. 'Heini' for 'Heinke', 'Annchen' for 'Anneke'). Finally, the treatment of names associated with historical or cultural references only goes to confirm the different aims of both translators of De Witte. The name 'Leopold Y is duly rendered as 'Leopold the First' in the English text but omitted by the German translator; 'Robrecht van Bethune' is given as 'Robrecht von Bethune' in German but copied verbatim in English, even though a form like 'Robert of Bethune' is also available. And 'Jantje en de pruimen' is adapted to 'die Grille und die Ameise' in the German version; the English translator leaves his readers to make what they can of 'Jantje and the Plums'. The very fact that the English translator adds a postscript to his text underlines its status as a translation. The German version, aiming as it does at integration into the German cultural system, does not advertise its 'derived' status beyond the mention of the translator's name. The contrasting ways in which both translators handle the proper names in the source text offers a perfect illustration of their

18

Language and Translation

different concerns and of the translational norms to which they subscribe. Of course, these norms are not absolute, and the frequent hesitations between copying and transcription which can be observed in the German version, for instance, suggest a relatively weak hierarchy of norms, divided between the conflicting demands of integration into the target system on the one hand and the preservation of the source text's cultural identity on the other - between, that is, 'acceptability' and 'adequacy'.17 The English translator's norms, as his postscript suggests, are stronger and more explicit, and applied more consistently. His preference for copying rather than transcribing or translating proper names, even those acknowledged as 'suggestive' or 'expressive' ones, is indicative of the wish to safeguard the source text's 'proper ethnological context', to produce a source-oriented (or 'adequate') translation. And it is entirely in the nature of the 'adequate' translator to state, as the postscript to Whitey does, that '[a] translation is, after all, only a rough guide; to appreciate any work in its entirety, one must read it in the original, even if this means learning Flemish.'18 A consideration of the handling of proper names in these two translations, then, can indeed supply us with a useful and readily accessible tool for discovering the nature and relative strength of translational norms, and hence for formulating hypotheses concerning the basic orientation of the respective translations more generally. Of course, the centrality of proper names in narrative texts of this type undoubtedly helps, and this fact should be recognized. The essential point, however, could be put as follows: if it is true, as Yury Lotman has claimed, that in literature in general every form of representation implies 'a conscious selection of a certain type of representation against the possibility of other types',19 then this means, in the case of literary translation, that the concrete choices which a translator makes imply likewise a conscious selection of one option from among a range of theoretical possibilities. Clearly, the norms determining these choices extend well beyond the category of proper names, but they are as it were crystallized in them and become readily discernible here precisely because of the special nature of proper names. Multatuli's Max Havelaar presents us with a rather more complex case. Both conventional and 'expressive' names occur in the novel, but the latter are introduced not for their 'picturesque' qualities but for purposes of satire and characterization, and there is the additional

On Translating Proper Names

19

complication (not raised as such in the first three editions of the book, though) of the historical identity of some of the fictional characters. In the following paragraphs only a few of the proper names in Max Havelaar will be discussed. This will allow us to refer to a larger number of - fairly randomly chosen - translations into several languages, together covering a period of approximately a hundred years. The discussion, as said earlier, should serve as a reminder of the complexities involved, and as an unsystematic illustration of the range of options open to and fully exploited by translators. For the sake of convenience the translations are referred to by means of abbreviations.20 The importance of the proper names in Max Havelaar derives from the novel's dual qualities as (veiled) historical document and as satire. Their effectiveness may be gauged from such incidents as Van Lennep's decision to exercise editorial censorship on the grounds that too much factual accuracy in the use of names and dates would make the book 'too much of a history',21 and, on a different level, the indignant reactions of various individuals who felt offended by the fictional 'types' representing their particular occupation (by August 1860 they included sixteen former residents of Java, fourteen former civil servants in the Dutch East Indies, seven German trainees attached to Dutch companies, and assorted traders in coffee and sugar, as well as three individuals called Havelaar and one named Johannes Slymering);22 and, of course, Multatuli's fiercest caricature changed from a proper noun into a common noun, and thus became a proper entry in the WNT.23 It is also, incidentally, as a result of Multatuli's considerable unhappiness with Van Lennep's 'treacherous castration' of his novel (Multatuli's term)24 that the first two translations of Max Havelaar (El, 1868, and D7, 1875, both pre-dating the fourth edition of the Dutch text in 1875, which Multatuli revised himself) are in fact based on different source texts. While Stromer (£>/), working from one of the pre-1875 editions, preserved Van Lennep's dots replacing some of the names ('der Regent von L . . . , Radhen Adhipatti ... mit grofiem Gefolge R... B...ng verlasssen'), the English translator Alphonse Nahuys (£7) had access to the original manuscript and restored most - but not all - of Van Lennep's omissions. The first French translation (F/, 1876) used both the fourth and a previous edition25 and thus gave names and dates in full but omitted to incorporate a number of stylistic changes to the fourth edition - just

20

Language and Translation

as Dl had earlier deleted large chunks of text; no wonder Multatuli much preferred El to either Dl or Fl.26 Perhaps the least problematical name in the novel is that of its protagonist, 'Max Havelaar': like most of the other conventional names without obvious connotations, it is simply copied in all versions, requiring only an accent in S ('Havelaar') for reasons of stress. But the apparently very similar names 'Duclari', 'Slotering' and 'Verbrugge' receive different treatment, being footnoted by the translators in some of the more recent versions (F2, S) so as to identify the historical persons behind the fictional characters - even if Mme Garros in F2 gets into a curious tangle of fact and fiction when she says in her footnote on the 'real' Slotering that 'le predecesseur de Havelaar s'appelait Caroms'. In addition, Fl transcribes the first two names as 'Declari' and 'Sloterin' respectively, and substitutes 'Dipanon' for 'Verbrugge'; the reason for this particular choice of substitute is unclear, except that 'Dipanon' presumably sounds more like a French name. The casual mention in the Havelaar of the Dutch poet Van Alphen, and the source-bound cultural connotations of the name, raise a problem of a different order. While all translations copy the name itself, the surplus information is handled in various ways: omitted in D2 and F 2 , covered by textual additions in El and Fl ('. . . our children's poet, Van Alphen', '. . . poesies enfantines de Van Alphen'), explained in a translator's footnote in Dl, E2 and £ 3 , and both covered in the main text ('. . . e l poeta Van Alphen') and footnoted in S. The reference to Abraham Blankaart - 'How many of my readers know this lovely character from Sara Burgerhart?' Multatuli wondered in a note to the 1875 edition - presents a similar case in that here too a certain cultural surplus is connoted, but this time the name belongs to a fictional character, and 'Blankaart', considering the nature of its original context, could arguably be regarded as a 'suggestive' name. That is probably why Fl, which already made 'Verbrugge' into 'Dipanon', again opts for substitution ('monsieur Prudhomme'), while the others keep the original form; the connoted information is ignored in Dl, D2 and F2, and provided in translator's notes in the three English translations and in 5 . With 'Wawelaar' we come to what the English translator Roy Edwards termed 'Multatuli's Dickensian names'. 27 Judging from the translators' handling of this name, it may be best to classify it as 'suggestive' rather than 'expressive', even though Multatuli himself

On Translating Proper Names

21

explicitly linked 'Wawelaar' with 'het euvel van wawelary'28 and the verb 'wawelen' still figures in today's Van Dale as a variant of 'wauwelen'. Only Fl, E2 and E3 translate this sense of the name, as 'Caquet', 'Twaddler' and 'Blatherer', respectively. F2 copies the original form but translates its meaning in a footnote ('Radoteur'), while El, Dl, D2 and 5 are content simply to copy it. That, however, is not the end of the matter. Willem Enzinck's postscript to the 1965 reissue of D2 (first published in 1900) speaks of the name's suggestive quality ('wauwelen = schwatzen'), but also of the striking similarity between Wawelaar's name and Havelaar's, when the two characters are so obviously each other's opposites in terms of moral integrity and habits of speech.29 Structural considerations of this nature put the translator before a dilemma, especially if the definite untranslatability of 'Havelaar' is taken into account as well. If the inverse parallel between Wawelaar and Havelaar is recognized as relevant in a novel which literary criticism has come to regard, not as 'the greatest mess possible' (D. H. Lawrence) but as a sophisticated structure held together by ironic double bottoms and inversions,30 then the translator may indeed opt for retaining the ironic closeness of the form 'Wawelaar' to 'Havelaar' - in which case the semantic overtones of Wawelaar's name, embedded as they are in the source language, may be either sacrificed or relegated to the translator's metadiscourse, the footnote. It is doubtful whether the older translations El, Dl and D2 copied the form 'Wawelaar' for the reasons advanced by modern criticism, but in the more recent renderings (F2, S) this must be a distinct possibility. Of the other satirical names in Max Havelaar, 'Droogstoppel' and 'Slijmering' seem more obviously expressive than 'Gaafzuiger'. The latter appears to be interpreted by the English translators in two different ways (reading 'Gaaf-' as 'talent, gift' or as 'ripe'), and the fictional character called Slijmering differs from Droogstoppel and Gaafzuiger in that he, like Duclari, Verbrugge and Slotering, stands for an identifiable historical figure. As the names 'Gaafzuiger', 'Slijmering', 'Droogstoppel' and 'Wawelaar' are similar in terms of their semantic transparency, we could expect them to receive similar treatment in translation. The expectation is only partly fulfilled, although the range of options regarding the rendering of 'expressive' proper names is amply illustrated by the eight versions under discussion. D2 is entirely consistent in reproducing the original forms of all four names without further

22

Language and Translation

ado. D / , too, copies three of the names, but manages to do without 'Gaafzuiger', speaking instead of 'der Chef or 'der Buchhandler' - a case of a proper noun being rendered as a common noun. S also leaves the names as they are in Dutch, but inserts footnotes identifying the historical figure behind Slijmering and explaining what 'Droogstoppel' means ('literalmente "Rastrojo seco", o en segunda acepcion: "Cerda (pelo de) en seco'"). In F2 the combination of reproduction and explanatory footnote is used consistently: all four Dutch names are copied in the text but each one is translated at the bottom of the page ('Gaafzuiger': 'Racle-denier'; 'Slijmering': 'Glaireux'; 'Droogstoppel': 'sec comme chaume'; 'Wawelaar': 'Radoteur'); the note on Slijmering also identifies the historical Brest van Kempen. Of the versions which opt for translating these four names in their main text, E2 and Fl are the most obviously consistent (E2: 'Ripesucker', 'Slimering', 'Drystubble', 'Twaddler'; a n d F / : Tiredon', 'Filandre', 'Duchaume', 'Caquet'). The spelling 'Slimering' used in E2 makes the wordplay in the name more directly visible than the spelling 'Slymering' (a case of transcription, strictly speaking) in El and £ 3 , but even here the reference is hard to miss: as a result of a linguistic fluke ('sUjm/slime/slyme') transcription amounts to translation. Apart from this, the two English versions El and E3 behave oddly with regard to the series of 'satirical' names. El reproduces 'Wawelaar' without reference to the meaning of the name, also reproduces 'Gaafzuiger' but with the addition of an explanatory footnote ('a very characteristic name: Gaaf= talent, gift of nature, endowment; zuiger = sucker'), and translates 'DroogstoppeP in the main text ('Drystubble'). In E3, on the other hand, the name 'Wawelaar' is translated in the main text ('Blatherer'), while both 'Gaafzuiger' and 'Droogstoppel' are reproduced but extensively footnoted ('Gaafzuiger literally means gift- or talent-sucker, i.e. exploiter'; 'Droogstoppel means literally "Drystubble" (cf. "Dryasdust")'). Strangely, though, E3 in 1967 also reprints the preface which D. H. Lawrence wrote in 1927 for £ 2 , and which refers to fictional characters called 'Drystubble' and 'Slimering' (as in £ 2 , whereas the main text of E3 has 'Droogstoppel' and 'Slymering'); the recent reprint of E3 in a Penguin edition (1987), however, no longer contains D. H. Lawrence's preface and thus removes the anomaly. Finally, 'Sjaalman': a transparent nickname rather than a genuine proper name, and one which the narrator, Droogstoppel in this instance, fully explains in the text itself ('. . . hing hem een soort van

On Translating Proper Names

23

sjaal over den schouder - Frits zegt "shawl" maar dat doe ik niet . . .'). Yet even here the translations are by no means in agreement. In Dl and F2 the Dutch form 'Sjaalman' is retained, and so both translations are obliged to cross the language barrier in rendering Droogstoppel's account of the name; Dl speaks of 'eine Art von Shawl . . . (Fritz sagt "Plaid", aber das thue ich nicht)', and F2 merely mentions that 'une sorte de chale couvrait ses epaules'. The distinction between transcription and translation in some of the other versions is a tenuous one because the languages concerned all have lexical forms approximating the Dutch 'sjaal' in the German 'Schal', French 'chale', English 'shawl', Spanish 'chaP. Thus D2 and S can have 'Schalman' ('eine Art von Schal oder Plaid . . .') and 'Chalman' ('una especie de bufanda o largo chal - Frits dice panuelo de cuello, pero yo no paso por ahi'), and both El and E2 have 'Shawlman', the only difference between the latter two being that El - like D2 and F2 - makes no attempt to retain the original reference to Frits' pronunciation of the word 'sjaal' ('he wore a shawl or plaid'), whereas E2 has recourse to French in order to find a similar-sounding word ('he had a kind of shawl . . . - Frits says "chale": he is learning French, but I keep to our good old language'). The two remaining versions, Fl and £ 3 , opt for full-scale translation: as THomme-auchale' in Fl ('une espece de chale . . . - Frederic dit shall, mais ce n'est pas mon avis'), and as 'Scarfman' in E3 ('a sort of scarf . . . we call it a sjaal in Dutch, so Frits has to call it a "shawl", which isn't even right, just to show off his English'). The rather cumbersome way in which E3 here conveys Droogstoppel's comments is of interest in its own way. Not only does it suddenly remind the reader that Droogstoppel is in fact meant to be writing Dutch and not English, thus short-circuiting the conventional (if convenient) illusion of the translation as a self-effacing text unobtrusively standing in for another text in another language, but it also, on a less philosophical plane, implies a degree of critical interaction within a translational tradition: El and E2, which both had 'Shawlman', are indirectly but pointedly taken to task for lexical inaccuracy - a 'scarf' is not a 'shawl' is not a 'sjaal'. However, the consideration of the larger literary and historical contexts of individual translations and their mutual interdependence would lead us too far afield for our present purposes. The aims of this essay were more limited: first, to advance the claim - demonstrated with reference to De Witte - that a close study of proper names can

24

Language and Translation

constitute a useful initial stage in the establishment of translational norms; and secondly to explore, with reference to Max Havelaar, the sometimes bewildering range of options and solutions which is not only theoretically available to translators but also used by them in practice.

3

Sir John Bowring (1792-1832) as a Translator and Publicist of Dutch Literature and Culture Paul Vincent To Bowring, man of many tongues, All over tongues like rumour, This tributary verse belongs To suit his learned humour. All kinds of gabs he knows, I wis Servian, Slavonian, Scottish; As fluent as a parrot is, But far more Polly-glottish. No language too obscure he meets, However dark and verby. He gabbles Greek about the streets; And often Rus(s) in urbe. Strange tongues, whate'er men may them call, In short, the man is able To tell you 'What's o'clock' in all The dialects of Babel. He talks them all with equal ease The German and the Danish, Magyar, Polish, Portuguese, Bohemian, Tuscan, Spanish. Try him with these and twenty such, His skill will not diminish, Although you should begin with Dutch, And end like me, in Finnish.

26

Language and Translation

Thus reads Thomas Hood's light-hearted paean to Sir John Bowring, first published in the latter's obituary.1 And indeed, a mere glance at the list of Bowring's publications in book form presents a picture of a remarkable polyglot and polymath. Besides translations of poetry and prose from Chinese, Czech and Slovak, Dutch, German, Hungarian, Polish, Russian, Serbian and Spanish, it contains assorted works on subjects as diverse as: religion and morality (coloured by the author's idiosyncratic blend of Unitarian Christianity and Utilitarianism), public health, company law, commerce, the Far East (where he lived for extended periods and travelled widely in government employ), and the decimal system (an early and ardent advocate, Bowring was instrumental in the introduction of the florin into the British currency). In all, some fifty volumes bear witness to a long, productive, and often controversial life. Sometimes successively, sometimes simultaneously, Bowring was an active businessman, traveller, political campaigner (in the cause of Iberian and Greek independence, and of the abolition of slavery), journalist, literary translator and man of letters (a founding editor of the radical Westminster Review, he served for a time as personal secretary to Jeremy Bentham and subsequently became Bentham's literary executor), financial adviser to the government, parliamentarian (as MP for Kilmarnock from 1835 to 1837 and for Bolton from 1841 to 1849), and diplomat (as consul at Canton, afterwards plenipotentiary in China and finally, from 1854 to 1859, Governor of Hong Kong). Bowring's energy and versatility, resilience, and sheer good luck which enabled him to survive financial scandals, political and literary attacks, arrest and imprisonment (in France in 1822), attempted poisoning in China (1857) and shipwreck on his return to Europe (1859) - more than compensated for his modest origins and lack of a university education, and his career is a signal example of nineteenthcentury self-improvement. Initial contacts with the Dutch-speaking world date from his apprenticeship in a trading company in his native Exeter, during which he acquired, 'orally and auricularly' as was his lifelong preference,2 a working knowledge of various foreign languages, including Dutch. Bowring's second wife, in a memoir prefacing a posthumous Memorial Volume of Sacred Poetry, writes: French was the only language he learned from a master, one of the many clerical Royalist refugees which the French Revolution had

Sir John Bowring as a Translator and Publicist

27

flung upon the shores of England . . . he mastered Spanish, Italian and Portuguese, and had made considerable progress in German and Dutch before he was sixteen years old.3 Bowring paid several visits of varying length to the Low Countries, first in 1819, and again in 1827 and 1828, on the last occasion as a member of a government commission studying the national auditing system of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands. At the conclusion of the first edition of his Specimens of the Russian Poets (1820), Bowring included an English version of a Dutch poem, 'De Dood van Ossian', and pronounced Dutch literature undeservedly neglected in Britain. Some eyebrows were raised at this claim; the reviewer of the British Critic, for instance, scoffed at his defence of 'those honey-named votaries of the Muse, whose flowers are to be found braided in the Stegenbeek and the Bataavsche [sic] Maatschappij, and may perhaps be transferred to our own climate by some longsuffering translator', and remembered once having seen 'a volume of Dutch poetry on the shelves of an emeritus Dutch skipper; and it was a translation of II Pastor Fido'. 4 Undeterred by such scepticism, Bowring eventually gave substance to his assertion. In 1824, together with Harry Stoe van Dyk, he published the Batavian Anthology; or Specimens of the Dutch Poets; with Remarks on the Poetical Literature and Language of the Netherlands, to the End of the Seventeenth Century. The anthology, which contained translated samples of the work of some forty writers from Van Maerlant to Broekhuizen, with brief notes on each and an introductory survey (originally planned as a separate volume),5 was the first such selection in English from a literature which, as Bowring remarked with some justice in his introduction, 'is less known to us than that of Persia or Hindostan' (p. 1). Though a proposed sequel featuring the work of contemporary writers, which had been suggested by Willem de Clercq,6 never materialized, much of the preparatory work and some translations were incorporated in a 'Sketch of the Language and Literature of Holland', which appeared in the Foreign Quarterly Review in 1829.7 Within the limits of contemporary scholarship this condensed survey is generally well informed, as is an earlier piece on 'Living Poets of Holland' in the Westminster Review.9, Bowring's interest extended to Frisian, on which he wrote a similar study, also for the Foreign Quarterly Review.9 A series of letters published in the Morning Herald and other

28

Language and Translation

newspapers in the autumn and winter of 1828 gave first-hand impressions of many aspects of Dutch life and culture, with, for example, observations on the (sorry) state of painting and the theatre, praise of enlightened prison reforms, and forthright criticisms of the personalized, autocratic governmental style of Willem I, the evils of state monopolies in trade, and the Union of Belgium and the Netherlands, which he saw as ill-conceived and doomed to failure.10 G. F. Bartle, in a study of Bowring's early political career which also discusses his work as a literary translator, states that 'of his collaborators in this field [i.e. Dutch] little is known.' 11 However, a combination of published and unpublished sources enables us to piece together important parts of the picture. From the outset Bowring cultivated the acquaintance of prominent writers, intellectuals and public figures in the Netherlands. Probably through the agency of the Dutch envoy in London, Anton Falck, who advised him on his Frisian researches,12 he met the distinguished classicist and Walter Scott enthusiast David Jacob van Lennep, from whom he sought information on Dutch Neo-Latin literature.13 His friend I. S. Mollet, a schoolmaster in Amsterdam, acted as intermediary in introducing him to Willem de Clercq, while he took the initiative in sending samples of his translations to Isaac da Costa and Willem Bilderdijk, both of whom he later met. Many greater and lesser literary lights (including Tollens, Immerzeel, Spandaw, Nierstrasz and Lulofs) responded to his request for album autographs, 14 and at a meeting of the Hollandsche Maatschappij voor Letterkunde which he attended during his visit in 1828, he was feted by such influential literary celebrities as J. H. van der Palm, Abraham des Amorie van der Hoeven and N. G. van Kampen.15 In the southern Netherlands he sought out Jan Frans Willems, whose defence of Dutch in Flanders he mentions approvingly both in his 'Sketch' and in reviewing a poorly informed French travelogue.16 Bowring's intensive correspondence with De Clercq in the years 1823 to 1830 was probably his single most important personal link with the Netherlands. 17 De Clercq (1795-1844) was a practising poet, famous for his public improvisations, and had made his name as a literary comparatist with a prize-winning essay on foreign influences in Dutch literature.18 Like Bowring he had been trained as a businessman (in 1824 he became secretary of the newly founded monopoly trading company De Nederlandsche Handelmaatschappij, and in 1834 its director). Again like Bowring he was deeply religious,

Sir John Bowring as a Translator and Publicist

29

though his brand of Christianity was diametrically opposed to the Englishman's optimistic Unitarianism - at the time of their first contact he had recently come under the influence of the Romantic 'Reveil' group dominated by the extreme Calvinist orthodoxy of Bilderdijk, Da Costa and Kohlbrugge.19 De Clercq provided invaluable first-hand information and source material for the Batavian Anthology and the 'Sketch', for which he is acknowledged, together with Bilderdijk, Da Costa, Siegenbeek and De Lange, in the preface to the anthology, and in a fulsome dedicatory poem extolling international harmony ('. . . for man should be man's friend,/ Love the pervading law - and bliss the end.'). Their letters, at first largely literary in content, soon began to range widely over religious, political and economic issues, and after their meeting in 1827 the relationship developed into a warm if qualified friendship. Though clearly aware of the potential for conflict, De Clercq was impressed by their first encounter, of which he wrote to Da Costa: 'I had no wish to argue with him on religious or political matters, our meeting-ground was the field of literature and languages. He is certainly most knowledgeable, and was extremely cordial.'20 In a diary entry for 1828, De Clercq sees Bowring's open-minded eclecticism, which can react with equal enthusiasm to the literary qualities of the work of both Da Costa and Byron 'without identifying fully or perhaps even at all with the sentiments contained in it, but solely by virtue of a talent for putting himself completely in someone else's shoes',21 as a danger to his own spiritual certainties. Their contact was abruptly terminated in 1830 after an acrimonious public dispute over the Belgian Revolution, but the surviving correspondence indicates that their exchanges, which are too rich and varied to be treated fully here, were a major stimulus to both men. The year 1830 coincidentally marked the virtual end of Bowring's publications on the Netherlands, though he did retain sufficient (non-literary) interest in the affairs of what had now become two separate states to meet and correspond with, among others, Leopold I of Belgium (to whom he advocated the cause of free trade),22 the statesman Gijsbert Karel van Hogendorp, with whom he shared an interest in Asian history,23 and two Governors-General of the Netherlands East Indies, J.J. Rochussen and A.J. Duymaer van Twist (the latter afterwards immortalized in Multatuli's Max Havelaar).24 From the mid-1830s onwards Bowring's literary activities in general were pushed increasingly into the background by the demands of his

30

Language and Translation

political and diplomatic career, and his long-cherished plan for a universal history and anthology of Western and Oriental popular poetry was never realized. His labours in the Dutch field, though, gained him a considerable reputation both at home, where, for example, the London Magazine was generous in its praise,25 and in the Netherlands, where his letters and his essays on Dutch and Frisian were translated and his 'Sketch of the Language and Literature of Holland' reprinted in book form.26 His services to the culture of the Low Countries were honoured in 1823 with his appointment as Honorary Correspondent of the Koninklijk-Nederlandsch Instituut van Wetenschappen, Letterkunde en Schoone Kunsten, and in 1828 with a diploma from the Constanter Genootschap of Leeuwarden in recognition of his work on Frisian. The following year brought an honorary doctorate from the University of Groningen and a gold medal awarded by King Willem (the latter possibly something of a sop, as his investigation of the Netherlands' national accounts was blocked after he had uncovered irregularities). In 1853, while visiting Java, he was elected to the Bataviaasch Genootschap van Wetenschappen. As well as praise and acclaim, Bowring's achievements as a translator and student of foreign literatures attracted less positive reactions, ranging from mild squibs on his predilection for what were considered exotic and obscure languages,27 to charges of superficial dilettantism, mediocrity and even plagiarism in pursuit of self-advancement. His mentor Bentham, though he defended Bowring against critics like Brougham and John Stuart Mill, and recommended him for a professorship of literature at the planned University of London, 28 'affected contempt for his activities as a verse translator and playfully accused him, on one occasion, of publishing other writers' work as his own.' 29 J. S. Neal, an American journalist, was unimpressed by a series of lectures on foreign literature which Bowring organized and introduced in 1826, and by Bowring's abilities as a translator. While granting Bowring 'a delicate ear' and faithfulness to the rhythm of his originals, he finds the resulting renderings ultimately 'both feeble and false': . . . we may easily measure the altitude as well as the length and breadth of Dr John Bowring's imagination, as a translator, by his own original pieces. The burning passion, the overflowing pathos

Sir John Bowring as a Translator and Publicist

31

and tenderness, the terrible sublimity of the great northern bards, were untranslatable by him, and I might say, for him, though he always had a native to do the rendering into prose of what he translated into verse. . . . as to the merit of his authorship, if authorship means originality of thought or expression, I hold him to be about on a par with those who take watches to pieces and put them together again for smoke-jacks.30 (Neal's hostility, it should be said, may be partly accounted for by his clashes with Bowring over articles he had submitted for the Westminster Review.) The most scathing of contemporary critics is a more substantial figure, and as a linguist undoubtedly Bowring's superior in both range and depth. George Borrow (1803-81), still smarting from an abortive joint project for a collection of translated Danish ballads, in which 'the writer [Borrow] was to have all the labour and his friend [Bowring] all the credit', and from alleged alienation by Bowring of his 'literary property', gives a thinly veiled and damning portait of a pious, opportunistic humbug in T h e Old Radical', part of the Appendix to his The Romany Rye (1857): The writer is aware of more than one instance in which he has passed off the literature of friendless young men as his own. This was his especial practice with regard to translation, of which he would fain be esteemed the king. This radical literato is slightly acquainted with four or five of the easier dialects of Europe, on the strength of which knowledge he would fain pass for a universal linguist, publishing translations of pieces originally written in various difficult languages: which translations, however, were either made by himself from literal renderings done for him into French or German, or had been made from the originals into English ( . . . ) and then deformed by his alterations.31 A later commentator, G. F. Bartle, echoing these and other criticisms, speaks of Bowring's 'false reputation as a great linguist and philologist', and cites specialist studies exposing questionable treatment of his collaborators in, for example, Russian, Swedish and Polish.32 Even if one allows for a quota of malice and envy in the contemporary chorus of detractors, subsequent research would seem to

32

Language and Translation

suggest cumulatively that Bowring the language specialist, despite ostensibly impressive credentials, is a giant with feet of clay. Does closer examination of his work in Dutch bear out the charges of duplicity and exploitation voiced elsewhere? Bartle withholds comment on Bowring's relations with Harry Stoe van Dyk (1798-1828), on the grounds that 'nothing is known of this collaboration'.33 Could Van Dyk have been one of the 'friendless young men' that Borrow talked of? Bowring's co-author remains a somewhat obscure figure: from Bowring's letters to De Clercq we know that he was 'a young man of poetical talent, descended from Dutch ancestors', who 'had begun a translation of Bilderdijk's Ondergang when we met and framed this literary partnership.'34 For a while Editor of the London Magazine,35 Van Dyk, an associate of the poet John Clare,36 published a volume of verse, Theatrical Portraits (1822), which included a version of Tollens's 'Het geplukte bloempje', the lyrics for a song by John Barrett,37 and a novel, The Gondola (1827), in which one character tells a modern version of the theme of the sixteenth-century farce Esbattement vanden appelboom. However, as yet no trace of his Bilderdijk translation nor any further details of his relations with Bowring have been found. Though Van Dyk's early death in poverty, after the failure of his family's West Indies plantation had forced him to eke out a living with his pen, might make him appear a potentially plausible candidate for exploitation, the virtual absence of specific documentation makes it difficult to determine the share of each of the two translators in the enterprise. (One exception are three translations, one from Westerbaen and two from Bredero, and an introduction to the latter's work, signed 'V.D.', which appeared in the London Magazine in July and August 1823 and were subsequently included almost unchanged in the Batavian Anthology.)38 Bowring gives Van Dyk full credit, both on the title page of the anthology and in writing to De Clercq: 'He has written many of the pieces . . . and I am bound to say that some of the best translations in the volume are his.'39 This scarcely suggests any obfuscation of Van Dyk's contribution, and while it is certainly true that Bowring ultimately reaped most of the benefits, in terms of prestige at least, it should be remembered that the initiative for publication was his, and that the book was published at his expense. Is it possible to form an impression of Bowring's knowledge of Dutch, and if so could this provide some guide to his own input into

Sir John Bowring as a Translator and Publicist

33

the anthology? Again the evidence is largely circumstantial. Though complimented on his written Dutch by one correspondent, T. van Swinderen,40 Bowring admitted elsewhere that he felt unsure of speaking the language in public and preferred to use German.41 His correspondence with De Clercq was conducted overwhelmingly in English and French, apart from two initial formal introductory letters in a different hand (almost certainly Van Dyk's), and a note of 20 October 1827 which is the one unambiguous sample of Bowring's own unaided written Dutch. The note is intelligible, but the language is defective and full of interference from both German and English ('Ik hebbe twee uuren (hoe aangenaamlyk!) met Bilderdijk passiert.'). Of course Bowring's active command of the language is not necessarily an indicator of his competence as a translator: comparison of the renderings in the Batavian Anthology with the Dutch originals shows a high degree of accuracy - though to what extent this is due to the monitoring of Van Dyk and others is not clear. Virtually nothing is known of Bowring's actual translation practice in Dutch, beyond the fact that he accepted amendments by De Clercq to the translations included in his 'Sketch', 42 and that on one occasion at least he had a joint translation session with De Clercq and his wife.43 What of Bowring's qualities as a commentator on language and literature? A reviewer of his work on Frisian in the magazine Vaderlandsche Letteroefeningen for 1829 exposed numerous examples of haste, carelessness and peremptoriness of judgement, and delivered the following rebuke: Zonder zoo vele volken gezien te hebben als de Heer BOWRING, twijfelen wij echter, of het ergens wijsheid is, iets te ondernemen, waarvoor men niet berekend is, of deugd, met denzelfden mond uitbundigen lof en grievende onwaarheden over een volk uit te brengen, dat meer dan eenig ander jaloers op zijne eer is. (Without having observed as many nations as Mr BOWRING, we are nevertheless doubtful whether it is altogether wise to undertake a task for which one is ill-equipped, or commendable behaviour to voice in the same breath lavish praise and false defamations of a people more jealous of its honour than any other.) 44 An anonymous attack in the same journal questioned his right to

34

Language and Translation

make sweeping judgements on Dutch literature, and prompted a letter of self-defence from Bowring, who, while admitting some of the imperfections, protested that he had written 'als een vriend van Holland en van de Hollanders, om eenig belang en eenigen eerbied op te wekken voor dat volk' (as a friend of Holland and the Dutch, in order awaken interest in and respect for that nation).45 A more considered and judicious assessment of the 'Sketch' comes from B. H. Lulofs, Professor of Dutch at Groningen, in the booklet Eenige toelichtingen en bedenkingen op des geleerden Dr. John Bowrings uit het Engelsch vertaalde aanmerkingen over sommige onzer oudere en nieuwere Nederlandsche dichters, redenaren en andere schrijvers (1829). Lulofs is aware of the limitations of Bowring's essayistic and impressionistic approach, and says laconically of Bowring's namedropping and exaggerated praise of his academic consultants: 'Het zijn grielpenningen die met eene losse hand onder het volk geworpen worden om er zich vrolijk mede to maken.' ('This is so much Maunday money, scattered about to keep the populace happy': p. 109.) He defends numerous writers against what he regards as glib and unfair judgements, for example: Vondel, who had been labelled as 'a Shakespeare of a lower order', who 'overflows equally with beauties and defects'; Rotgans and Langendijk, who according to Bowring were 'hardly entitled to be mentioned'; Helmers, 'whose reputation was owing rather to the circumstances that surrounded him than to any very distinguished merit of his own'; Staring ('sometimes rough and rude'); and Kinker, who was accused of being 'frequently unintelligible'. (Lulofs had some axes of his own to grind here, having taken up Vondel's cause against Dutch critics such as Witsen Gysbeek,46 while in other cases, notably that of Helmers, posterity has tended to agree with Bowring.) Nevertheless he finds much to commend, and his admiration for Bowring (whom he knew) can be gauged from the fact that he had recommended the Englishman for the award of an honorary doctorate at his own university.47 He finds Bowring's attitude in many cases refreshingly uncluttered and thought-provoking, and hopes that wider exposure will help stimulate the critical study of Dutch literature in the home country (p. iv). Lulofs was doubtless aware that Bowring's characterizations of Bilderdijk ('a sort of classical Cobbett - more prone to hate than to love, to condemn than to acquit, to attack than to defend': 'Sketch', p. 69) and of Da Costa ('. . . a passionate fanaticism has led him far astray . . . Alive to the word, he seems dead to the spirit of the New

Sir John Bowring as a Translator and Publicist

35

Testament': ibid., p. 72) were informed by his first-hand discussions and disagreements with both writers, whose pre-eminence as poets in their generation he clearly discerns, though personally more in sympathy with the homely benevolence of Tollens ('the most agreeable . . . living poet of Holland': ibid., p. 69).48 On one important point Lulofs totally concurs: the need to promote lively modern Dutch prose to offset the plethora of often second-rate verse. In the last of his letters to the Morning Herald Bowring had written: Never was a country so overrun as Holland is with rhyming scribblers and scribbled rhymes. They are, for the most part, of the William-Prynnish order - poor, melancholy doggrels; redeemed by their moralities, or borne with out of pure affection - a very forgetful and forgiving affection - for their authors. Everybody makes verses about everything; and there would be no harm in this, if verses were to be devoured and forgotten; but the aspirations of thousands of poetasters are to have them devoured and remembered - and this is too much for human endurance. It were a blessed thing if some hundreds of the deluded devotees of poetry would try their hands at plain and simple prose. In Holland the extraordinary number of verse-makers forms the most extraordinary contrast to the small number of good prosaists. Prose is the test of thought: its commonplaces stand in their nakedness; while the artificial adornings of rhyme very frequently unveil the poverty of the imagination and the reflective powers. Lulofs echoes and expands on this: Hoe weinig ondicht, dat regt los, geestig, schilderachtig is, komt er bij ons te voorschijn! Het meeste bepaalt zich tot het proza van leerredenen en enkele andere redevoeringen. Waar zijn onze kleine verhalen, onze brieven, onze luimige opstellen, die met Duitsche, Engelsche en Fransche kunnen wedijveren? (How little prose, that is truly informal, witty, picturesque, appears in this country! It is mostly confined to sermons and some other forms of public speaking. Where are our short stories, our letters, our humorous essays, to compete with those in German, English and French?) (p. 115).

36

Language and Translation

Bowring also laments - in typically expansive style - the absence of a 'sound school of criticism': There is too much of courtesy to feebleness and friendship. It is all very well that a man should row about his cock-boat in the pond of his own or his neighbour's park, but, if he dare the ocean - if he fling himself upon the wide world - he must take care to be properly manned and accoutred. A high-toned criticism is a salutary check upon mediocrity and worthlessness, and no impediment to real merit. I observe sundry efforts to castigate indifferent writers here; but the efforts are not very discriminating. They fire away very valorously upon the mob of writers, frequently wounding the good as well as the bad, exasperating instead of reforming. In retrospect, the diagnosis appears sound in both cases, and one can only regret that Bowring's close interest in literary developments did not survive long enough for him to note and react to the prose explosion of the following two decades, the heyday of the Romantic sketches of Beets, Kneppelhout and a host of others, and of the historical novel (whose emergence had been stimulated in part by the advocacy of his own contact D. J. van Lennep in the famous Verhandeling over hex belangrijke van Hollands grond en oudheden voor gevoel en verbeelding of 1827), or to the efforts of Potgieter and others, first in the short-lived journal De Muzen and from 1837 in De Gids, to fill in the critical vacuum. Given his active involvement in colonial administration (an ironic vocation for the one-time anti-colonial radical), and his knowledge of Java, one would have liked to hear his voice raised in the public debate provoked by the English translation of Multatuli's prose masterpiece Max Havelaar in 1868.49 There are obvious parallels between what must be called Bowring's flirtation with Dutch culture (however intense it may have been for a time), and that of a publicist and translator of a succeeding generation, Sir Edmund Gosse (1849-1928). Like Bowring a West Country-man (by adoption) and an autodidact, Gosse also built a reputation on his knowledge of lesser-known languages and literatures, Dutch among them, and once publications like Studies in the Literature of Northern Europe (1879) had brought him recognition and status (in his case an academic post in English at Cambridge and finally the

Sir John Bowring as a Translator and Publicist

37

Librarianship of the House of Lords), turned his attention elsewhere. Gosse, too, was chided for his inaccuracies.50 Nevertheless, both men, though amateurs rather than true specialists, did help to dispel some of the grosser prejudices of the British public, and to raise the profile of what was to remain a somewhat neglected literature, but which after their efforts could no longer be called an unknown one.51

4

The Germanic Glory-Hole: On Translating the Poetry of P. C. Boutens John Irons It is relatively easy to prove that translation is a virtual impossibility. The translation of one isolated poem, Boutens's Terelaar', into other Germanic languages (although first and second cousins) means excluding much valuable information. So much so, that the word-plant has been uprooted from its soil: Dutch culture in general, that of the early 1920s in particular, Boutens's earlier poetry, and poems which he wrote and published at approximately the same time as the one under scrutiny. In Boutens's case the translation of the poem from its original language, and the consequent lack of background knowledge, has a direct bearing on the use of vocabulary and imagery. Boutens tended to use certain everyday words extremely frequently - a good handful of these occur in Terelaar' 1 - and certain of these frequently used words reach a high point in the collection which contains this poem, Bezonnen Verzen.2 This fact, coupled with Boutens's recurring use of complementary pairs, either juxtaposed or with implied resolution, his concentration on points in time and space when such apparent opposites are held in mirroring balance,3 and his all-pervasive theme of constant renewal of innocence for some and dynamic striving towards renewal for others,4 make the isolation of a single poem a hazardous affair. In the following translations of Terelaar' into English, Danish, German and Swedish5 many additional hazards become manifest. In an attempt to minimize losses and maximize the suggestiveness of Boutens's images I have established the following priorities: to adhere strictly to the metre and scansion, loosely to the rhymescheme, in spirit to the imagery. What is translation? A new creation,

On Translating the Poetry of P. C. Boutens

39

a re-creation, a post-creation? Decide for yourself. The muse is back in the glory-hole. The four translations are followed by my own musings on possible successes and failures. And after these musings, bearing in mind Komrij's exhortation 'Laat af van vertalen als je niet dichten kunt', 6 1 offer, in gratitude and affection, a final translation to the teacher and friend who, a quarter of a century ago, first introduced me to the original poem.

PERELAAR

1

De bloesemwitte perelaar Laait uit de dunne schemering In vlammende verheerlijking, Geen boom in bloei meer, maar

5

Een naakte stofontstegen hulk Omhuifd en overstraald Met vuren sneeuw ontdaald Aan blankbestervende avondwolk -

10

15

20

Herkent ge uzelf weerspiegeld, ziel, Die staat in aardsch geluk ontdaan, Uw bloed in bloesem opgegaan Tot dauw die uit den hemel viel? Nog aardewortlend aardevrij, O glimlach lach- en tranenblind, Die liefdes wegen open wint Aan leven en aan dood voorbij . . . Stil, achter dooven spiegelbrand Vangt ijmker nacht den dagverloren zwerm Der sterrebijen aan den hemelberm In de gekorfde schaduw van zijn hand.

40

Language and Translation PARONTRAD

1

Ett parontrad st&r vitt i blom, Blossar nu upp i skymningen, Fullbordad ar forvandlingen: Tradet fornimmes som

5

Ett naket skepp med dunlatt skrud Och kapa overtand Av eldsno &tervand Fr&n kvallens moln, som suddas ut -

10

15

20

Varnlosa sjal, av lycka tard, Ser du din egen spegelbild, Ditt blod som stigit blomsterlikt Dalar som manna fr&n sin fard? Trots sina rotter nastan fri, Leende blint av skratt och sorg, Som oppnar karleksstigens port Och glider liv och dod forbi . . . Lugnt, bakom facklans matta brand, Sanilar biodlarn natten in sin svarm Av stjarnbin, glimmande vid himlens bram, I kupad skugga av sin valvda hand.

PJERETR^ET

1

Det blomsterhvide paeretrae Flammer med et i skrumringen, Fuldbyrdet er forvandlingen: Traeet forandret til

5

Et nogent skib med fjerlet skrud Og haette, overklaedt Med ildsne dalet ned Fra aftensky, som viskes ud -

On Translating the Poetry of P. C. Boutens 10

15

20

Ser du dig selv genspejlet nu, Vaergelos sjael i paradis, Dit blod, der steg som blomsterdis Og dalede som himmeldug? Trods sine rodder naesten fri, Smil som er blindt af fryd og sorg, Som &bner kaerlighedens port Og glider liv og dod forbi . . . Blidt, bagved faklens matte brand, Fanger nu natten med sin vogter&nd I kuppelskyggen af den hule h&nd Sin stjernebisvaerm taet ved himlens rand.

DER BIRNBAUM

1

Durch eine leichte Dammerung Flammt jetzt in weifter Bliitenpracht Der Birnbaum auf, der, kaum voUbracht, Aus Baum in Blute in

5

Ein kahles Schiff verwandelt steht, Umhiillt und iiberstrahlt Von Feuerschnee, genahrt Von einer spaten Wolkenschicht -

10

Hast Du Dein Spiegelbild erkannt, Wehrlose Seele, weich vor Gluck, Dein Blut, das bliitenahnlich stieg Und mannagleich den Heimweg fand?

15

Noch erverwurzelt erdbefreit, O Lacheln lach- und tranenblind, Das nun den Liebesweg gewinnt An Leben und an Tod vorbei . . .

20

Still, hinterm fahlen Spiegelbrand, Fangt Imker Nacht den tagverlornen Schwarm Der Sternenbienen an dem Himmelsrain In den gekorbten Schatten seiner Hand.

41

42

Language and Translation PEAR-TREE

1

Through the approaching evening shade Blazes a pear-tree, blossom-white, Transfigured in its flaring light, A tree no more, remade

5

A vessel, whose ethereal shroud And hood is sequin-cloaked With fiery snow invoked From banks of fading evening cloud -

10

15

20

Is this a mirror to your eye, Soul, unconcealed in earthly bliss, Your soul in rising blossom-mist As dew descending from on high? Still earthbound, yet from earth released, Smile that is blind from tears and joy, Gaining an entrance to love's ways Past life and death's extremities . . . Calmly, behind the gutting brand, Does night the keeper hold at heaven's verge The swarm of star-bees, lost to daytime search, Cupped in the hivelike shadow of his hand.

COMMENTARIES

To my mind the poem falls into three sections: lines 1-8, where the pear-tree/ship is perceived by the senses; lines 9-16, where the 'in-between' nature of the tree is linked by analogy to the dual nature of the soul; lines 17-20, where the physical is given a cosmic, metaphysical extension. Each of these three sections will be treated separately. I have chosen to write two commentaries, one on the Scandinavian translations, the other on their western cousins.

On Translating the Poetry of P. C. Boutens

43

The Scandinavian Translations Let us start with a gross over-simplification: Swedish (hereafter Sw.), in terms of grammar, is close to German, whereas Danish (Da.) is more like Dutch (Du.). Although the grammatical solutions are on the whole identical in the two translations, in certain cases Swedish resorts to compression and suffixes, where Danish uses more words, i.e. is more analytical. More immediately striking is that many everyday words are unlike each other in the two languages, or, if similar, have different length or stress. This can be illustrated by the title itself: Da. 'paeretrae' is as prosaic as 'pereboom' in Dutch (which Boutens avoided), whereas Sw. 'piirontrad' has a poetic ring to it. This abruptness can possibly be mitigated by adding the definite article in Danish. Even so, a different atmosphere has been created before we have even reached the poem itself.

Section One (lines 1-8) The grammatical constructions are similar, but line 1 presents us with a problem in the Swedish translation. Du. 'bloesemwit' cannot be translated directly, nor can the definite article be used, since an attributive adjective entails doubling the definite article, viz. 'det vita parontrader'. The change to Sw. 'st&r vitt i blom' is to a poetic, somewhat old-fashioned style of language, which entails an impure rhyme in line 4. Du. 'verheerlijking', a word which Boutens was fond of at that time (see note 3), has the biblical overtones of 'transfiguration', but Da. 'forklaring', Sw. 'forklaring' are too technical - furthermore they mean 'explanation' in everyday use. Da. 'forklarelse' is less disturbing, but I simply could not find a rhyme for it. I have chosen to suggest the biblical by using a word which means 'transformation', together with a past participle meaning 'accomplished', 'consummated'. The earlier Sw. 'Med ens sker omgestaltningen' ('Suddenly the transformation occurs') was later rejected, because the final word is too trundling and clumsy. The level of compression of line 4 in Dutch led to the excision of Du. 'bloei', since the central idea is that the pear-tree is no longer perceived as a tree, but rather as a ship. This change of central

44

Language and Translation

image can be registered either as a negation of the tree, or seen as a change of perception. The Da. 'forandret' stresses change, the Sw. 'fornimmes' change of perception. Both tend to underplay the active role of the observer.

Section two (lines 9-16) The first problem, which also affects the translation of line 13, is that Du. 'aardsch' (line 10) is awkward to translate. This problem is the more important in that the earth/heaven word-pair is constant throughout Boutens's poetry. This juxtaposition is lost in the Scandinavian translations. The next problem arises out of the word Du. 'dauw' (line 12). Da. 'dug' can also mean 'cloth', pronounced /du/, whereas the meaning 'dew' is pronounced /dug/. This means that the rhyme favours the wrong interpretation. Apart from this, Da. 'himmeldug' is the name of a flower, the sundew. The Swedish word for dew is 'dagg', a most unpoetic sounding word, to my mind. For this reason I have chosen the word for 'manna', with its biblical connotations.7 Du. 'ontdaan' (line 10) is rendered in Swedish by 'consumed by happiness' and in Danish by 'defenceless in paradise', both of which are far from the original, but which try to convey the state of the soul at this point. Sw. 'som stigit' ('which has risen') makes use of the fact that one can form the perfect tense without an accompanying auxiUary verb and thus helps to save syllables, whereas the Danish translation follows the Dutch closely, except for the idea of mist, an image also added in the English translation. The balance of line 13 is lost in the Scandinavian translations, as is the word for 'earth' - Da/Sw. 'jord' almost lets you taste the soil. This loss is regrettable. In line 15 the relative pronoun is virtually floating free and the Scandinavian 'som' ('which') is non-committal as regards gender, covering both Du. 'die'/'dat'. The rest of lines 15-16 turns out badly. An object for the verbs Sw. 'oppnar', Da. '&bner' ('opens') is needed, so that the idea of a gate or portal has to be introduced. The Danish word for love is so long that Du. 'wegen' (line 15) has to be omitted. The verb Da./Sw. 'glider' ('glides') is a compromise solution and the positioning of 'life and death' before 'Sw. 'forbi', Da. 'forbi' is far removed from everyday speech.

On Translating the Poetry of P. C. Boutens

45

Section three (lines 17-20) Since Sw. 'biodlare' and Da. 'biavler' stress more the idea of breeding rather than of tending bees, I have been reluctant to use them to translate Du. 'ijmker' (line 18), but have relented in the case of Swedish. The change from Sw. 'Samlar nu natten in sin spridda svarm' ('its scattered swarm') led unfortunately to the exclusion of any hint of Du. 'dagverloren'. The apposition is also difficult to spot for the unwary Swedish reader. The idea of the keeper and of the caring nature of night has been translated into Danish by Da. 'vogter&nd' ('guardian-spirit'). This solution gives me a rhyme for Da. 'h&nd', but it results in a reversal of the rhyme-scheme, which is a pity, since the poem has a natural decrescendo down to Du. 'hand'. Since I found it difficult to retain the image of a mirror in Du. 'spiegelbrand' (line 17), an image I found enigmatic (unless the soul's dual nature is being stressed), I have chosen to introduce a new image, that of the torch of day being extinguished by the approaching night. Du. 'hemelberm' (line 19) had originally been translated by Sw. 'himlens dom' ('the dome of heaven') until it was pointed out to me that Sw. 'bram' existed, a poetic word which comes from Low German. The German and English translations The English translation was the first undertaken, the German the last. Since the English translation had already been published,81 was loth to alter anything, but decided to change 'returning' (line 12) to 'descending', to replace 'Despite its roots yet almost free' (line 13) with 'Still earthbound, yet from earth released' and, reluctantly, to remove the word 'mirror' (line 17), since I wanted to retain the scansion of the original poem. The German translation is interesting to compare with the English as regards aspect; where English (E.) uses -ing forms to convey immediacy, German (G.) uses adverbs (e.g. 'jetzt, 'kaum', 'noch', 'nun'). Section one (lines 1-8) Delaying the subject seems the only satisfactory way of translating the first lines into English and German, partly due to the fact that E. 'pear-tree', G. 'Birnbaum' have only two syllables and stop the reader in his/her tracks. This leads to a reversal of the first two lines, which

46

Language and Translation

doesn't disturb me, since it heightens the expectation. The German version keeps the reader in suspense until line 3, rounding off with a separable prefix in typically Teutonic resolution. Since Danish alone could manage to translate Du. 'bloesemwit', I let myself go in German and added a noun which is overpowering, but which sounds good. Since half of line 3 has now been used up, I need to compress. Originally I wrote G. 'der, nach und nach,/ Aus einem Luster in', but this brought in another image, which seemed confusing. The next version, G. 'der, nach und nach,/ Durch dieses Leuchten in', was an attempt to render something of Du. 'vlammende'. The final solution has the biblical flavour I wanted, plus the idea of the tree's form emerging through the twilight, scarcely becoming stable before it is perceived as something else. Boutens has used two difficult words in Du. 'stofontstegen' (line 5) and Du. 'omhuifd' (line 6). The English translation tries to convey something of the almost non-material nature of the ship by E. 'ethereal' and the cape-like image of the shroud and hood. The dynamic Du. 'overstraald' (line 6) is rendered by E. 'cloaked' and strengthened by the image of sequins (small, glittering metallic discs sewn on clothes for their shimmering effect). The German translation changes Du. 'naakt' (line 5) to G. 'kahl', since G. 'nackt' disturbed native speakers, who saw wreckage rather than an unrigged ship. G. 'abgetakelt' would be technically speaking correct, but is sterile and a terrible mouthful. Section two (lines 9-16) Once more there is difficulty involved in translating Du. 'ontdaan' (line 10). The Dutch word conveys (to me at least) ideas of vulnerability, of being revealed, unable to conceal one's true nature. The Swedish and German translations stress the vulnerability, the English the lack of concealment, and the Danish version has changed earthly bliss to a paradisial state. Danish and English versions use the image of mist, Swedish and German stress the blossom-like nature of the ascent. The German version, here as elsewhere, is possibly somewhat like Stefan George in tone - but then I am trying to recapture the feel of Boutens's language. Unfortunate is the loss of the earth/heaven word-pair in all translations. Attempts to improve the original G. 'Trotz seiner Wurzeln beinah frei' (line 13) were many. Some promising candidates had to be rejected for lack of a possible rhyme (e.g. 'der Erde los', 'erdgelost').

On Translating the Poetry of P. C. Boutens

47

Section three (lines 17-20) Only German has the term G. 'imker' to correspond to Du. 'ijmker' (line 18). E. 'keeper', is good enough, since swarms of bees are later mentioned. Only German can keep Du. 'spiegelbrand' (line 17) unaltered. But G. 'Sternbienen' and Sw. 'stjarnbin' are stumblingblocks. Native speakers assure me that G. 'Sternenbienen' and Sw. 'stjarnebin' are possible. The German alternative has been adopted. The Swedish and German translations retain most of Boutens's rhyme-scheme; but this was initially at the cost of changing the verge of heaven to the dome of heaven, until I was introduced to G. 'Rain' and Sw. 'bram'. The use of G. 'gekorbten', rather than G. 'gewolbten' is the result of pressure from native speakers and from Dutch translators of German poetry. I have found their argument that this translation is truer to the spirit of the original convincing, despite, or maybe because of, the unusualness of the German word.

PEAR-TREE

spring evening white phosphor beads cling to black branches a ship unmoored this time a shimmering of transient soul-moths alighting or in flight and out of time a firmament of star-bees recovered by the night

5 How Difficult are Phrasal Verbs for Dutch Learners of English? Jan H. Hulstijn and Elaine Marchena When we learn a foreign or second language (L2), we transfer, whether consciously or not, skills and knowledge acquired in our mother tongue or first language (LI). The role played by LI in L2 learning can be positive when there are points in common between LI and L2, and negative in the case of differences. The negative influence of LI is generally referred to as LI interference. The most salient type of LI interference manifests itself in overt errors of pronunciation, grammar, and word usage. But there is another type of LI interference whose manifestation is less obvious: L2 learners may avoid using certain L2 words or L2 structures because similar words or structures do not exist in their L I . For instance, Dutch learners of English are likely to avoid constructions such as 'What I want you to do, is . . .', 'What he wants him to buy, is . . .', and constructions such as 'He was given a cold beer by the stewardess', 'She was given a nice present by her friend', because similar constructions do not exist in Dutch. Avoidance may lead to an underrepresentation of one form with a concomitant over-representation of another form.1 English learners of Dutch may for instance use more diminutive nouns than Dutch natives do. By doing so, they avoid the difficult choice between the articles 'de' and 'het', when uncertain about the noun's gender, since gender differences in Dutch are neutralized in diminutive forms. The notion of LI interference has been generally accepted among researchers of L2 acquisition for several decades, but there have always been methodological difficulties in proving its existence empirically. The point is that, in order to prove that a certain L2 error is caused by LI interference, all other possible causes for the occurrence of the error must be ruled out. The exclusion of alternative

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explanations is difficult in studies on overt L2 errors, but is particularly thorny in studies on avoidance. How do we prove that the under-representation or absence of an L2 form in learners' L2 production is solely due to avoidance (caused by the absence of this form in their LI), and not simply to ignorance? The problem of providing empirical evidence for avoidance behaviour can well be illustrated with a study conducted by Dagut and Laufer,2 who tried to show that Hebrew learners of English avoid English phrasal verbs (such as 'let down' and 'mix up'), preferring instead one-word verbs ('disappoint', 'confuse'), because phrasal verbs do not exist in Hebrew. (However, Hebrew speakers are not altogether unfamiliar with compound verbs, since prepositional verbs do exist in Hebrew, e.g. 'kaas aP = 'be angry with', 'laag le' = 'jeer at'. 3 The authors end their article with the following observation: Since the phrasal verb structure is a peculiarity of the Germanic languages, it should be the case that the avoidance phenomenon noted in this paper is found generally with regard to learners of English who are native speakers of non-Germanic languages other than Hebrew. The theory advanced here would indeed receive strong support should similar studies done with speakers of other non-Germanic languages confirm our findings.4 There is yet another corollary, not mentioned by the authors, that can be derived from their hypothesis, namely that native speakers of Germanic languages (e.g. Dutch learners of English) would not avoid English phrasal verbs. Intuitively we felt that Dutch learners of English would also prefer many of the one-word verbs investigated by Dagut and Laufer to their phrasal counterparts. If this could be shown to be the case, Dagut and Laufer's explanation that the Hebrew learners' avoidance of phrasal verbs must be due to LI interference would lose much of its plausibility, since a similar explanation would not hold for Dutch learners' avoidance behaviour. On the other hand, however, if Dutch learners could be shown not to avoid English phrasal verbs, this finding would constitute indirect support for Dagut and Laufer's explanation. This formed the motivation for our investigation. We replicated the study by Dagut and Laufer, this time with Dutch learners of English, in order to determine whether Dutch learners would tend to avoid phrasal verbs, and hence to assess whether Dagut and Laufer's LI interference explanation could be upheld.

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In this paper we will first report briefly on the original study by Dagut and Laufer, then present the replication study,5 and finally discuss whether the findings provide support for the avoidance hypothesis.

AVOIDANCE OF PHRASAL VERBS BY HEBREW LEARNERS

The study by Dagut and Laufer was carried out in two stages. In the first stage, they identified fifteen cases of native-speaker preference for a phrasal verb over a semantically equivalent one-word verb in the context of a sentence. For instance, native speakers preferred the phrasal verb 'let down' over the one-word verb 'disappoint' in the sentence 'We didn't believe that John could ever his friends.'6 The second stage was to find out whether and to what extent these phrasal verbs would also be preferred by Hebrew learners of English. Preference for the one-word equivalents, however, would be interpreted as evidence of LI interference. This stage consisted of the administration of three tests (multiple-choice test, translation test, and memorization test), each test to a separate group of learners. Multiple choice This test consisted of fifteen sentences, each one with a blank to be filled in with one of four verbs presented in parentheses: the phrasal verb, the equivalent one-word verb, and two distractor verbs.7 This test was given to sixty first-year university students (non-English majors). Translation This test included the same fifteen sentences as in the multiple-choice test, with the verb left out. At the end of each sentence the missing verb was given in its Hebrew equivalent, which students were required to translate into English. This test was administered to sixty students (thirty English majors and thirty non-English majors). Memorization This test was administered to a third group of students (sixty non-English majors), who received the fifteen sentences written out in full with the phrasal verb. Each sentence was translated into Hebrew as well. This test included five distractor sentences, containing one-word verbs. Students were asked to memorize these twenty sentences. After about one hour, they were given the same (English) sentences, but this time the verbs were left out. At the end of each sentence, the Hebrew equivalent of the verb was given, and students were asked to supply the English form. With

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this original test, the authors aimed at assessing whether students would prefer one-word verbs in spite of the fact that they had been previously presented with the phrasal verbs only. Results The results showed that students generally preferred the one-word verbs, but sometimes used the phrasal verbs. The authors conclude that these results confirm their impression that Hebrew learners of English display a marked tendency to avoid phrasal verbs. They rule out the alternative ignorance explanation of their findings when they state that 'the occurrence of a certain number of phrasal verbs in every section of the elicitation test [i.e. the multiple-choice test] shows that the form [i.e. the phrasal verb category] was not unknown to the learners in question, and therefore that their prevailing non-use of it was a result of genuine avoidance rather than of ignorance.'8

THE REPLICATION STUDY WITH DUTCH LEARNERS

The aim of our study was, as stated above, to investigate whether Dutch learners of English would prefer one-word verbs over phrasal verbs. As noted, both the Dutch and the English language system contain phrasal verbs. (Examples are: 'ik geef het op' = T give up'; 'hij schrijft het op' = 'he writes it down'; 'hij zet haar neer' = 'he puts her down'; 'ze komen langs' = 'they drop by'.) In the event, an exact replication of the original study, conducted with Dutch learners, was neither possible nor desirable. First of all, it was not possible to obtain all test sentences that had been used in the original study. Second, to the extent that the students' first language had to be used in the test materials, the replication test was obviously bound to differ from the original study. In the translation test, for example, the original study provided students with one-word cues (since phrasal verbs do not exist in Hebrew). But in our replication we had to provide either a phrasal verb or a one-word verb. We could therefore not prevent creating a possible response bias in one way or another. More importantly, however, we did not wish to replicate the original study in all its details, since we believed it had contained some flaws that could and should be corrected. The differences between our study and the original one will be presented in the following sections about design and method.

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Three tests (multiple choice, translation, and memorization) were designed, modelled on the tests in the original study. All tests contained the same fifteen sentences, in which a group of native speakers had preferred the use of a phrasal verb over an equivalent one-word verb. These tests were administered to independent groups of intermediate learners and independent groups of advanced learners, six groups in all. In the original study, only the translation test had been administered to learners of different proficiency levels. We decided to include the level of proficiency more systematically in the replication study, in order to obtain at least a minimal grip on the separate explanatory notions (a) avoidance (LI interference), and (b) ignorance. If advanced learners exhibited a preference more akin to native speakers' preference than that of intermediate learners, ignorance could not be ruled out as an explanation for the latter learners' performance. However, if both advanced and intermediate learners were to exhibit similar deviations from native preferences, ignorance would be a much less plausible alternative explanation. Subjects The intermediate learners in this study were about seventeen years old, and had received instruction in English for a period of four or five years. They were students from three different secondary schools (atheneum schools) at the end of their fourth year or in their fifth year. The advanced learners were first-year students of English from four Dutch universities (Leiden, Nijmegen and Amsterdam, and the Free University of Amsterdam), and one teacher-training college (Hogeschool Holland). The multiple-choice test was administered to fifty intermediate and twenty-five advanced learners, the translation test to twenty-five learners at each level, and the memorization test to fifty learners at each level. Materials Fifteen pairs of phrasal and one-word verbs were selected (see Appendix 5A). For these verb-pairs fifteen sentences were constructed (see Appendix 5B) such that, in the opinion of native speakers, the phrasal verb was to be preferred in casual, colloquial style, although the one-word verb was also considered correct. This set of fifteen sentences was used in all three tests.9 In the multiple-choice test, two distractor verbs that did not match the semantic constraints in the context were added to the choice of phrasal and one-word verb for each sentence. In the translation test, subjects were given a Dutch equivalent verb (see Appendixes 5A and 5B), to translate into English. In the memorization test, five distractor

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sentences were included, containing one-word verbs. No Dutch equivalents were given in this test, contrary to the use of Hebrew cues in the original study. We feared that the use of LI cues might interfere with the task of memorization itself, possibly obscuring a memory effect through a potential translation effect. Testing procedures Multiple-choice test Learners were given fifteen minutes to complete this test. In contrast to a normal multiple-choice test, the present test contained not one but two correct answers, one of which was preferred by natives. Thus, special attention had to be given to the instructions. The following two sentences appeared in the instructions (reprinted here in English translation): Choose for each sentence the verb that, according to you, best fits the context, and fill in that verb. Assume that these sentences have been written in normal, colloquial English. Translation test For this test, learners were also given fifteen minutes. The instructions were similar to those in the multiplechoice test, emphasizing the normal colloquial style of the sentences. Memorization test The learning part of the memorization task took ten minutes at the beginning of an English lesson. The testing part took also ten minutes and was administered thirty to fifty minutes later, at the end of the lesson. For the learning part, subjects received the list of sentences and were instructed to memorize them. They were told that they would be tested at the end of the lesson to check how much they had remembered. For the second part of this test, subjects again received the list of sentences, this time with the verbs omitted, which they were to supply. Next to the sentence list, on the right-hand side of the page, two response columns were printed. The headings read as follows: 'I know the original word(s)' (left column), and 'I can't remember the original verb but it could be:' (right column). Subjects were instructed to fill in the exact original word(s) that they remembered from part 1, in the left-hand column. If they really could not remember the original word(s), they were to fill in another appropriate verb in the right-hand column. Hence, the memorization test in this study differed from that in the original Hebrew study in two ways: (a) subjects were not given LI cues, and (b) they had to indicate how certain they were of their responses by locating them in a particular column. With these

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procedures we attempted to measure a memory effect separately from a potential translation effect and a potential guessing effect. Results The performance of intermediate and advanced learners showed the following similarities and differences. Multiple-choice test Intermediate learners did not exhibit preference for either verb type. Advanced learners showed a clear preference for phrasal verbs, highly similar to native preference. Translation test Intermediate learners responded less often with a phrasal verb (mean score: 4.2 out of 15, sd = 2.4) than the advanced learners (mean = 6.8, sd = 3.0). This difference was highly significant (t = 3.294, df = 98, p < .005). Intermediate learners also gave more gave more erroneous responses than advanced learners, showing lower general proficiency level. Neither group, however, exhibited a clear avoidance of phrasal verbs, choosing phrasal verbs just as often as one-word verbs (advanced learners: 42 per cent correct phrasal verb translations and 42 per cent correct one-word translations), or only somewhat less often (intermediate learners: 28 and 39 per cent correct phrasal and one-word verb translations respectively). Memorization test Again, intermediate learners responded less often with a phrasal verb (mean = 4.9, sd = 3.0) than the advanced learners (mean = 6.8, sd = 3.0). This difference was highly significant (t = 3.294, df = 98, p < .005). Intermediate learners also gave more erroneous responses than advanced learners, showing lower general proficiency level. Neither group, however, exhibited a clear avoidance of phrasal verbs. They reinstated the original phrasal verb in only 22 and 23 per cent of their responses respectively. Item analysis These results pertain to mean scores across all fifteen verb-pairs and their corresponding sentences. Naturally, there were some inter-item differences. Reflection of relatively low native preference and I or perceived non-transferability First of all, although all fifteen phrasal verbs were preferred over their one-word counterparts by the native speakers, not all phrasal

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verbs were preferred to the same degree (see Appendix 5B). Thus it is possible that relatively low phrasal preference among natives was reflected by a similar relatively low score among non-natives. The lowest native preference (55 per cent, i.e. six out of eleven) was obtained for 'break out' over 'start' (item 8). This verb also received low scores, among both intermediate and advanced non-natives, in the translation and the memorization tests. In the translation test, the Dutch word 'beginnen' was given as a cue, the English translation 'begin' was coded as a correct one-word translation, in addition to 'start'. If learners had considered English 'break out' at all, they might have perceived this verb as too Dutch-looking. A similar explanation is given by Kellerman, who, in his study on the semantic distance between Dutch and English expressions as perceived by Dutch learners of English, also noticed that Dutch learners tend not to transfer the former expressions into English.10 The next-to-lowest native preference (64 per cent, i.e. seven out of eleven) chose 'go off (item 9), rather than 'explode', and 'make up' (item 13), rather than 'invent'. Of these verbs, 'go off also received relatively low scores from intermediate non-natives (all three tests) and advanced non-natives (translation). Again, non-natives might have perceived 'go off (compound of 'go') as sounding too much like Dutch 'afgaan' (compound of 'gaan'). With 'make up' (for 'invent') however, neither intermediate nor advanced learners had difficulties. Note that the meaning of Dutch 'opmaken' is not related in any way to the meaning of 'make up' and 'invent'. Thus, 'make up' could not have been perceived as too Dutch-like, as was possible with 'break out' and 'go off. Possible unfamiliarity with phrasal verbs Intermediate learners preferred 'reach' to 'get through to' (item 5) in the multiple-choice test, probably because they simply didn't know the latter verb. (It did not occur in the index of their English coursebooks.) In the translation test, this verb received low scores from both intermediate and advanced learners. Even advanced learners appeared to be familiar with it only in a receptive way (multiplechoice and memorization test), and not in a more productive way (translation test). The verb 'continue' (item 7) was preferred to 'go on' by most intermediate learners in the multiple-choice test, and by advanced learners in the translation test. In the memorization test only eight

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intermediate and seven advanced learners remembered 'go on' with any certainty. The verb 'give in' (item 14) was preferred by few intermediate learners in the multiple-choice test. Probably they were not familiar with this verb. In the translation and memorization tests they responded with 'give up' rather than with 'give in'. The verb 'brush up' (item 2) was preferred by few intermediate learners in the multiple-choice test. Probably they were not familiar with this verb. In the translation test no intermediate learner produced this verb, but in the memorization test twenty-three out of fifty intermediate learners remembered 'brush up' with certainty. Not only did some phrasal verbs appear to be unknown to many intermediate learners, but these learners seemed to be unfamiliar with at least one one-word verb, 'extinguish', as well. Only five intermediate learners preferred this verb to 'put out' (item 12), and only two translated 'doven' into 'extinguish'. No one responded with 'extinguish' in the memorization test. Again, this verb did not feature in their English coursebooks. Simplicity of one-word verbs Another reason for the observed preference of some one-word verbs, especially by intermediate learners, could be that a single-syllable one-word verb might be easier to retrieve from memory than a phrasal verb consisting of a verb stem and a particle (usually a preposition, though without its literal meaning). Perhaps this has caused the use of 'stop' and 'quit' rather than 'give up' (item 4), in the translation test.

CONCLUSION

An exact comparison between the original and the replication study is not possible for at least two reasons. Firstly, the studies differed in materials and procedures. Secondly, subjects may have been at different proficiency levels. The Dutch advanced learners may have had a higher proficiency level than the Hebrew English majors, and the Dutch intermediate learners may have had a higher level than the Hebrew non-English majors. It was therefore impossible to conduct statistical analyses between language groups. Yet the overall pattern

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is clear: in each test Dutch learners (not only advanced but also intermediate) responded with phrasal verbs much more often than did Hebrew learners. Although Dutch learners, especially those at the intermediate level, responded in some cases with one-word rather than phrasal verbs, the overall pattern of results does not support the conjecture with which we started our study, viz., that Dutch learners could be shown to avoid phrasal verbs in the same way as Hebrew learners of English. Formulated in a positive manner, the results of this replication study corroborate the claim derived from the original study that Dutch learners will not show a tendency to avoid the use of phrasal verbs. Thus the findings provide indirect support in favour of Dagut and Laufer's hypothesis that Hebrew learners' observed avoidance of phrasal verbs is due to the absence of such verbs in Hebrew. Of course, we still do not know whether that is the real cause of their avoidance behaviour - other factors, such as ignorance, cognitive and linguistic complexity, as well as possible methodological flaws in materials and procedures used in the original study may also play a part - but until further evidence is produced from studies using learners with non-Germanic mother tongues other than Hebrew, Dagut and Laufer's hypothesis can be upheld. This means that the interference of LI during the process of L2 learning may manifest itself in the scarcely perceptible form of a tendency to avoid words of a certain form class. For Dutch learners of English there is no reason to believe that the class of English phrasal verbs, as such, constitutes a learning problem, although many phrasal verbs may be hard to learn for other reasons.

58

Language and Translation APPENDIX 5A THE FIFTEEN PAIRS OF PHRASAL AND ONE-WORD VERBS USED IN THE REPLICATION STUDY Phrasal verb*

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

turn up (show up) brush up let down give up get through to get up go on break out go off bring up hang on (hold on) put out make up (think up) give in (give up) turn down

One-word verb* appear improve disappoint stop (quit) reach (contact) rise continue start (begin) explode (detonate) raise (educate) wait extinguish invent surrender refuse (reject)

Dutch equivalent op komen dagen ophalen laten zitten ermee uitscheiden te pakken krijgen uit mijn nest komen doorgaan met beginnen ontploffen opvoeden een momentje hebben doven uit zijn duim zuigen zich gewonnen geven afslaan

* in parentheses: alternative responses which were coded as correct in translation and memorization tests.

APPENDIX 5B

TEST SENTENCES (REPLICATION STUDY)

After each sentence the following information is added in parentheses: the four alternative verbs presented in the multiple-choice test, in order of their appearance; followed, after an oblique stroke, by the Dutch equivalent presented in the translation test (in infinitival form). The percentage of native speaker preference for the phrasal verb is inserted after its occurrence. There 'were eleven informants (adult native speakers of British English, all of whom held a university degree), thus 73 per cent means eight out of eleven. 1. As we all thought that my uncle had left the country we were surprised to see him at my mother's birthday party. (claim, appear, look up, turn up (100%)/op komen dagen) 2. After having failed to have a decent conversation with a German couple I had met in the pub, I decided that it was time to my German. (calm down, improve, abolish, brush up (82%)/ophalen)

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3. We were really astonished when John did not keep his promise: we hadn't thought that he would ever his friends. (let down (82%), solve, disappoint, carry on/laten zitten) 4. When you are a chain-smoker it is incredibly difficult to smoking. (fall down, stop, give up (73%), elect/ermee uitscheiden) 5. I spent one hour trying to ring my mother from a phone booth but didn't manage to her. (earn, get through to (73%), reach, mix up/te pakken krijgen) 6. When the weather is nice I love to early. (release, look after, get up (100%), rise/uit mijn nest komen) 7. 'Don't you think it's good idea to have a break now and to playing after lunch?' my hungry bridge-partner asked me. (cheer up, continue, flush, go on (73%)/doorgaan met) 8. When the war was just about to , in 1940, my father must have been about fifteen years old. (break out (55%), look down on, start, satisfy/beginnen) 9. Luckily there would be no one in the embassy-building when the bomb was to . (go off (64%), explode, tune in, reply/ontploffen) 10. According to my grandfather it is very difficult, nowadays, to one's children well. (listen, raise, bring up (73%), come across/opvoeden) 11. 'Hello Suzy? How nice of you to call me! But someone has just rung the doorbell: could you a second?' (capture, hang on (82%), wait, fall down/een momentje hebben) 12. She did it again! She always forgets to the fire when she leaves! (put out (91%), foresee, extinguish, break into/doven) 13. When Jack was late for his date, he knew his girl-friend would be furious, so he had to a story about a traffic-jam. (make up (64%), follow, lie down, invent/uit zijn duim zuigen) 14. The fight between Robert and Paul stopped when Paul twisted his ankle and had to . (realize, surrender, look up to, give in (73%)/zich gewonnen geven) 15. When my aunt had just opened the shop, she was forced to several interesting business-offers, because she was simply short of time, (offend, turn down (100%), cheer up, refuse/afslaan)

6 Dutch CALL at Hull: An Evaluation of Computer-Assisted Language Learning1 Roel Vismans Until five or six years ago, computer-assisted learning (CAL) took place at only a very limited number of institutions of higher education which could afford the time and resources to develop programs for use on a mainframe computer. The few enthusiasts involved were probably not perceived as working in the mainstream of their particular educational fields and were themselves perhaps hoping for an improvement and simplification of computer technology in order that more teachers might become interested. Since then, the development of the microcomputer has made a wider interest in CAL possible, and more and more people in all areas of education are turning to the micro for alternative ways of teaching, learning and testing. It was through one of those early enthusiasts at the University of Hull that Peter King became interested in computer-assisted language learning (CALL). Dr Rex Last (now Professor of German at the University of Dundee) developed a package on the University's mainframe computer which was suitable for teaching and testing any kind of subject, and was first adapted for exercises accompanying a beginners' course in Dutch. In the early 1980s a similar package was developed for the EC-10 microcomputer of the education hardware manufacturers Tandberg, which is still used for teaching Dutch in Hull today. Following a workshop on computer-assisted language learning organized by the Centre for Information on Language Teaching and Research (CILT), I decided to make an attempt at evaluating the EC-10 program as a language-learning tool. Bearing in mind the small numbers of students reading Dutch each year, the project was to take place over three years in which one half of the students would use the computer while the other half would use more traditional

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methods. The project started in October 1983 and an interim report was presented in the summer of 1984.2 The following presents the findings of the complete study carried out in the academic years 1983-4, 1984-5 and 1985-6. The main question addressed in this evaluation is whether the use of the computer in language teaching affects a student's linguistic ability in the foreign language studied and, if so, how. A second question addresses the suitability of computer exercises for mastering various kinds of linguistic processes, and finally an attempt was made to look at students' attitudes towards the computer as a languagelearning tool. This last has not been successful, mainly because of the small numbers involved (only those actually using the computer, i.e. half the students in the study), and an attitudinal study may take place at a later date. However, within the limits of the study, the first two questions can be answered satisfactorily.

THE DUTCH COURSE AT HULL AND THE PLACE OF CALL IN IT

Dutch language is taught in Hull both as part of a degree course in Modern Dutch Studies and at subsidiary level. The CALL package is used at beginners' and early intermediate level, but the study took place within the framework of the beginners' course, for which Levend Nederlands3 forms the basis. For every two chapters in this course the students are taken through a fairly rigid routine consisting of five steps. First, the students are expected to prepare each lesson beforehand by reading through the text of the dialogue of each chapter and looking up unfamiliar vocabulary. The first actual teaching period is a session in the language laboratory in which the dialogues are presented on tape, followed by some conversation, and discussion of vocabulary and basic grammatical problems. The third step takes place in the private study laboratory where the students go through the relevant structure drills (stimulus-response or substitution exercises) in their own time.4 Having thus internalized the new grammatical structures and become familiar with the new vocabulary, the students turn to the (computer) exercises for reinforcement. There is a roughly equal number of cloze exercises ('gap-fillers'), rewrite exercises and translation exercises, and also a few multiplechoice tests. The total number of exercises is 103 spread over 23 lessons,5 i.e. about five exercises per lesson. Each group of five will

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contain at least one vocabulary test, but the contents otherwise depend on the amount of grammar in the relevant lesson and its level of complexity. Finally, the students attend a tutorial the following day where problems are discussed on the basis of the computer's error analysis print-out. Students reading Modern Dutch Studies at degree level will go through this five-step cycle twice a week, covering the Levend Nederlands course in eight weeks, whereas subsidiary students move at only half this speed, taking sixteen weeks to complete the course. The EC-10 package consists of three parts, kept on separate floppy disks and programmed mainly within CP/M. The creation disk contains a program with which exercises can be created as well as edited, erased, listed, etc. On the creation side, the program allows variation of the number of possible responses to a question, and reinforcement panels to refresh a student's memory. It can also reveal the shape of the correct answer and suppress the difference between upper and lower case letters. The multi-user disk can activate up to seven satellites to the microcomputer, allowing a maximum of seven students to work on the same set of exercises. It can contain about sixty exercises, depending on their size and complexity, and offers them to the student on a simple menu. The student logs in by typing in an ID consisting of three characters, followed by the code of the required exercise. The computer compares the student's response to each question with a model answer and gives immediate feedback (e.g. 'correct'; 'that is the wrong answer, try again'), even if several students are working on the same exercise. In the exercises for Levend Nederlands the students are given two opportunities to reply and if they fail at the second attempt, the correct answer is given. The monitoring disk registers each student's ID, the name of the exercise being done, the responses to those questions which have twice been answered wrongly plus the model answer, and the final score for each exercise done. At the end of each session the teacher can obtain a print-out of the monitoring disk's contents.

THE SUBJECTS

At the beginning of each of the three years the groups of degree course students and subsidiary students were divided into groups of approximately the same size, although in the final data analysis there

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was no differentiation between degree-course students and subsidiary students. One group was given the computer exercises to do, while the other group was given exactly the same exercises on traditional worksheets. Each medium has a number of in-built advantages and disadvantages. The computer group was limited in time and space, because the computer was only accessible at pre-arranged times. The students in the worksheet group, on the other hand, were free to work where they wanted (at home, in the library), when they wanted and at their own pace. This may have had two important implications. First, it will have made access to reference material (dictionary, grammar book) easier for the worksheet students, whereas the computer students will have had more opportunity to consult each other and work together because of the spatial constraint. Secondly, the immediate feedback on the computer will have provided a better opportunity for self-correction, especially where grammatical structures were concerned. For example, if in an exercise of five questions testing third person verb forms (in Dutch STEM + t) a student omitted the ending in the first question, the computer's feedback will probably have set him or her right for the following four questions. But a worksheet student making the same mistake is likely to have got the entire exercise wrong because of the absence of feedback, and will not have been put right until the exercise was corrected by the teacher. On the other hand, worksheet students were provided with a tangible record of their achievements in the form of marked worksheets, whereas it was not possible for computer students to obtain a print-out of their work. In order to arrive at a relatively even balance between the groups of computer students and worksheet students, seven criteria were applied in the selection of students for each group. In rising importance these were: age, sex, typing experience, computer experience, number of languages studied at O-level, number of languages studied at A-level and previous knowledge of Dutch. The last criterion was of particular importance, because although the degree course in Modern Dutch Studies is geared towards true beginners, there are usually a few students who, due to their background, already know some Dutch. These variables were collected by means of an initial questionnaire which also asked which languages had been studied at school and what the nature of the typing and computer experience had been. In this way, a total of 59 students over three years was divided into a computer group of 30 and a worksheet group of 29.

64

Language and Translation DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS

Throughout the course, students' exercise scores, based on the error analysis print-outs for the computer students and the hand-marked worksheets for the others, were kept on separate score sheets. These scores were later converted into percentages and eventually averaged for each of the two groups. Next, all 103 exercises were classified according to the linguistic process(es) tested, as follows: Table 6.1

Classification of exercises

Morphological Vocabulary Syntactic Vocabulary/morphology Morphology/syntax Revision

29 39 20 5 5 5

Total

103

The fact that the exercises were not designed with the present study in mind explains a possible lack of elegance in this classification and the presence of some overlap. In order to see whether a particular kind of exercise was better suited to one of the two media, we looked at which group had the higher average score for each exercise, resulting in the following table: Table 6.2

Number of highest average scores per class of exercises Computer

Worksheet

Morphology Vocabulary Syntax Vocabulary/morphology Morphology/syntax Revision

15 20 8 1 2 2

14 19 12 4 3 3

Total

48

55

An Evaluation of Computer-Assisted Language Learning

65

This rather crude picture would suggest that the difference between computer and worksheet is marginal and this is borne out by a more detailed statistical comparison of the average scores for each exercise. Tables 6.4-6.7 (see Appendix 6B) show the average scores per exercise for both the worksheet and the computer group. A statistical analysis6 of the score differences in each class of exercises shows that these differences are not significant. We may assume, therefore, that computer exercises and worksheet exercises are equally suitable for the purpose for which they are used in the Dutch course in Hull, i.e. reinforcement of morphology, vocabulary and syntax. This answers the second question posed in the introduction to this chapter. The first question raised in the introduction, of whether the use of the computer as a language-learning tool affects students' linguistic ability in the foreign language studied, is answered by the data collected at the end of the experiment by means of a diagnostic test. This test (see Appendix 6A), which is an adaption of the Lothian graded objectives test, asks the student to perform 30 basic linguistic tasks. The test was performed orally where possible, but in the case of one small group it had to be taken as a written test. For each task the students could score between 0 and 5 points, the scores being allocated by the teacher who interviewed them, and the final scores were compared. They are listed in Table 6.3 on the next page. A simplistic comparison of the average scores of the two groups in Table 6.3 would suggest that the worksheet students performed better than the computer students, since their respective average scores are 128.69 and 119.63. However, a more sophisticated statistical analysis of these data by means of the Mann-Whitney [/-test6 again suggests that any difference between the two groups is not significant and it may be fair to assume, then, that there is no direct link between the use of computers in the way they have been used in this study (and still are in the Dutch course at Hull) and students' linguistic ability in the foreign language they study.

CONCLUSION

The statistical data from this study cannot of course permit us to conclude simply that using computers when learning languages is 'safe'. The study took place under specific circumstances, with exercises of a particular kind and in the context of a particular course,

66

Language and Translation Table 6.3 Diagnostic test scores out of ISO (p ^ 0.05, z = 1.3; see note 6) Computer (30)

Worksheet (29)

76 143 89 83 119 118 141 127 126 124 138 145 133 110 126 142 106 138 77 118 105 145 111 95 128 137 88 133 137 131

150 127 119 149 114 129 117 127 129 130 127 130 144 133 148 122 133 123 134 109 106 111 142 115 121 149 131 141 122

and any wider generalization on the basis of these data alone would be invalid. However, were the results of this study to be supported by similar results from other studies in this field, the implications would be considerable. The use of computer exercises for reinforcement of

An Evaluation of Computer-Assisted Language Learning

67

linguistic points learned elsewhere takes a great deal of the drudgery out of a teacher's job. Marking is time-consuming and hardly a fulfilling chore, and valuable time saved by computer exercises can be spent more productively. On the other hand, there is a danger of too much trust being invested in the computer. It still remains the duty of the language teacher to monitor students' progress carefully and step in when things are threatening to go wrong. This is probably especially true for intensive ab initio courses.

APPENDIX 6A

THE DIAGNOSTIC TEST

Naam: This is my Dutch progress chart. Can I 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Ask someone his/her name? Tell someone my name? Greet someone? Ask how someone is (feeling)? Tell someone how I am (feeling)? Tell someone how old I am? Ask someone how old he/she is? Ask someone where he/she lives? Tell someone where I live?

10 Tell someone how many brothers and sisters I have? 11 Ask someone how many brothers and sisters he/she has? 12 Say goodbye to someone (and goodnight)? 13 Say I'm sorry to someone? 14 Thank someone? 15 Reply to someone thanking me? 16 Wish someone a happy Christmas? 17 Say 'yes', 'no' and 'I don't know' to questions? 18 Say 'great'?

Pupil Teacher LOP

L 1 l_ 1 l _ J

CZHZU

• •• •• en en EDEZI CD •• •• •• •i — i i — •i i — •i i

II

II

i

• n • CZHZH CZJ i—II—II—i •• •• CD• •• n •en• • • •

68

Language and Translation

]

19 Tell the time? 20

Ask someone the time?

21 Tell someone what the weather is like? 22

Ask someone what the weather is like?

23 Tell someone what subjects I like? 24 Ask someone what subjects he/she likes? 25

Count to 100?

26

Ask someone the way to a place?

27 Tell someone the way to a place? 28

Ask someone about his/her hobbies?

29

Tell someone about my hobbies?

30

Say that something is mine?

• •

•[

Pupil: the student ticks this column when he thinks he can perform the task Teacher: the teacher ticks this column LOP: level of performance

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69

APPENDIX 6B TABLES 6 . 4 - 6 . 7 AVERAGE SCORE DIFFERENCES IN PERCENTAGES Table 6.4 A

Average score differences for morphology exercises in percentages (p *£ 0.05, U = 59; see note 6) B

C Worksheet

1 2 5 6 8 11 19 23 27 28 29 30 33 34 35 38 43 45 53 54 56 58 59 67 73 80 84 88 94

90.69 91.86 88.47 77.5 93.36 77.3 86.35 86.58 68.27 88.84 96.3 55.32 98.44 95.32 97.19 76.1 73.67 72.7 72.47 85.49 87.94 36.38 52.81

87 61.1 77.29

65 84.71 72.23

100 98.96 94.35 81.87 86.52 88.31 92.79 83.93 70.24 87.75 88.98 48.49 95.92 97.42 95.59 97.98 52.48 55.93 67.05 87.05 79.36 78.67 62.16 64.8 65.56 76.66 87.78 83.46 57.94

D Difference 9.31

7.1 5.88 4.37 6.84 11.01 6.44 2.65 1.97 1.09 7.41 6.83 2.52

2.1 1.6 21.88 21.15 16.77 5.42 1.56 8.58 42.29 9.35 22.2 4.46 0.63 22.78 1.25 14.29

70 Table 6.5

Language and Translation Average score differences for vocabulary exercises in percentages (p ^ 0.05, U = 119; see note 6)

A

B

C

3 4 7 10 14 16 17 18 20 21 26 31 36 37 40 41 44 46 49 50 51 55 57 60 62 63 64 68 69 72 74 77 81 86 87 91 95 100 103

95^6 76.74 62.08 80.97 86.84 64.17 92.43 90.38 83.82 53.83 73.25 57.93 62.29 94.41 96.91 70.9 86.85 61.96 92.86 87.67 93.03 76.06 90.1 73.13 49.18 78.15 59.04 79.13 80.1 65.72 71.13 52.95 65.54 40.79

95.88 96.53 84.3 88.96 80.48 65.78 89.24 88.33 83.73

62 68.07 52.86 51.56 41.67

45 74.61 64.04 75.18 80.16 93.75 75.51 94.08 66.47 84.68 78.82 91.19 71.3 88.07 70.51 63.34 72.57 62.45 66.49 83.43 69.2 66.79 57.74 65.42 58.49 85.35 64.65 44.68 65.49 71.3

D 028 19.79 22.22 7.99 6.36 1.71 3.19 2.05 0.09 8.83 1.36 6.11 5.11 14.25 3.16 4.61 7.23 4.51 8.18 8.85 1.84 4.76 1.93 2.62 19.16 5.58 3.41 12.64 3.33 3.49 4.34 4.79 0.12 17.7 23.35 3.42 8.18 13.93 29.63

An Evaluation of Computer-Assisted Language Learning Table 6.6

71

Average score differences for syntactic exercises in percentages (p *£ 0.05, U = 22; see note 6)

A

B

~~9 12 13 15 24 25 32 42 61 66 70 75 78 79 83 92 97 99 101 102

63.26 91.85 78.07 90.33 98.58 88.36 87.82 85.09 60.83 56.1 76 75.26 1.43 42.36 39.85 57.36 57.78 27.1 30.42 45.4

C 78.75 87.06 86.99 75.7 97.34 88.05 98.88 74.48 72.23 39.06 85.13 69.35 45.39 48.71 45.31 57.64 55.56 43.47 30.65 64.58

D 15.49 4.79 8.92 14.63 1.24 0.31 2.06 10.61 11.4 17.04 9.13 5.91 43.96 6.35 5.46 0.28 2.22 16.37 0.23 19.18

Table 6.1a Average score differences for vocabulary/morphology exercises in percentages A

B

C

D

22 47 85 93 96

82.75 85.82 54.56 36.38 45.74

86.23 72.72 62.27 50.6 51.58

3.48 13.1 7.71 14.22 6.11

Language and Translation Table 6.7b Average score differences for morphology/syntax exercises in percentages A

B

C

D

39 48 71 76 89

52.97 62.11 41.11 50.2 33.22

65^6 60.29 59.47 61.21 28.37

12.63 1.82 18.36 11.01 4.85

Table 6.7c Average score differences for revision exercises in percentages A

B

C

D

52 65 82 90 98

3435 78.61 51.55 75.09 68.85

6067 66.24 52.98 68.29 69.44

26.32 12.37 1.43 6.8 0.59

II Literature

7

Geertruyd van Oosten and 'Het daghet in den oosten51 A. M. J. van Buuren STATUS QUESTIONIS

Is there a link between Geertruyd van Oosten, the Delft beguine who died on 6 January 1358 and the well-known Middle Dutch ballad 'Het daghet in den oosten'?2 This question has literary-historical significance, because an affirmative answer would assign a very early date to the ballad. In addition, it would also increase our insight into one aspect of Middle Dutch literature which has attracted much attention recently, namely the literature pertaining to the County of Holland during the period 1350-1450. However, our expectations should not be raised too high. In the past few decades, some material relating to this question has come to light which points in the direction of 'legend-making' rather than to historical fact. The purpose of this article is to make an inventory of the available data and to supplement them with some new insights in order to acquire a clearer picture of this 'dagelied' (dawn poem), and I hope this endeavour will be pleasing to the author of Dawn Poetry in the Netherlands. The most famous biography of Geertruyd van Oosten is to be found in the first volume of the Acta Sanctorum.3 She was born at Voorburg near The Hague. The date of her birth is unknown. As a girl she went to Delft where she worked as a maidservant in several places. She became engaged to a young man who proved unfaithful to her. She then took leave of the world and became a beguine. The best known fact about her is that she became stigmatized. She died on the feast of Epiphany in the year 1358. In the Acta Sanctorum there are two references to her name. In the introduction which precedes the biography - and in which, among

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other things, older biographies are mentioned - the following is stated under section four (lVnde ab Oosten dicta'): Dicta verb est van Oosten, siue ab Oriente, ob vernaculum carmen iambicum dimetrum catalecticum, & numero pedum ac syllabarum certo constans rhythmo, quod ilia frequens concinebat, cuius initium est, Het daghet in den Oosten, id est, Ab Oriente dies nascitur. Aliud Louanij excusum est itidem dimetrum vernaculum carmen, simplex ac pium, quod ilia composuisse ac saepius cecinisse memoratur. (p.349) The second reference is in the biography itself: Nomen vero, imo cognomen sibi contraxit a quodam carmine; vt propter Orientis nomen carmini insertum vocaretur Gheertrudis de Oriente, vel vulgariter magis, de Oosten: sed cantando ferebatur spiritu, referendo carmen ad dilectum suum Iesum Christum. Eodem tempore duae ancillae, quarum vna dicebatur Lielt, altera Diewer, frequenter veniebant ad praefatam Gheertrudim de Oosten, & frequentabant hoc canticum cum eadem in pontibus ciuitatis, vel aliis opportunis locis, bene canendo praedictum carmen, (p. 349) Both references have invited much speculation in the past. Did Geertruyd van Oosten actually sing 'Het daghet in den oosten'? And if so, which version of it? For there are two secular versions of the song and two religious adaptations.4 Is she the author of one such religious adaptation? It would be fruitless to list the numerous articles which have dwelt on the problem of name and song.5 Suffice to say that none of them provides a solution. No progress was made until 1943. In 1942 Father Mathias Goossens found a small book consisting of 8 folios in the library of the Franciscans in Weert.6 The title page contains the following information: Het//Leuen van die Heylighe//emfe waerdighe maecht Geertruyd //van Oosten/Baghijnken tot Delft.//Vergadert wt de Cronijck van Holland / oude geschreuen boecken ende het seuenste History Boeck//der heylighen / onlancx uytghegeuen by die eerwaer= //dighe Schrijuer Laurentius Surius.//[Woodcut] Ghedruckt tot Louen/by Fran = //ciscum Fabri/Anno 1589. die twede edity. One of the most interesting aspects of the booklet was the last page, with the following text:

Geertruyd van Oosten and cHet daghet in den Oosten'

11

Volcht een Liedeken welck S. Geertruyd ghemaeckt ende oock ghesongen heeft JEsus die is ghecomen / dat heb ick wel vernomen / aen zijne zoeticheyt / het sal mijn siele vromen / hy heeft my afgenomen alle ongestadicheyt. Heer Jesus die is rijcke/ niemant is zijns gelijcke/ mijn raeckt niet watmen seyt / want als wy bouen comen / met hem wy sullen wonen / in zijnder eewicheyt. Jesu / door v vijf wonden / vergeeft ons alle sonden / verclaert oock ons gemoet / dat wy v mogen kinnen / en wter hart beminnen / ghy zijt dat eewich goet. Nu laet ons Gode louen den Coninck van hier bouen daer alle mensch door leeft / hy is dat eenich goet / die wiste hoe wel hy doet / die hem vercoren heeft. In addition to 'Het daghet in den oosten', a second song had now emerged, purportedly sung and even composed by Geertruyd. Father Goossens sent the booklet to Rena Pennink, who in 1943 published the song together with a commentary.7 She made the tentative suggestion that the text quoted above from the introductory section 'Vnde ab Oosten dicta9 to Geertruyd's Vita in the Acta Sanctorum could be related to this song: 'Aliud Louanij excusum est itidem dimetrum vernaculum carmen, simplex ac pium, quod ilia composuisse ac saepius cecinisse memoratur9 Rena Pennink mentions in addition that Bollandus, the editor of the Vita in the Acta Sanctorum, had knowledge of the booklet because in the third section of his introduction ('Vita Gertrudis9) he writes: 'Eius vita olim Louanij edita lingua Belgicd anno MDLXXXIX.'

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In her article she also wonders whether this song can in fact be attributed to Geertruyd van Oosten, and concludes that there is insufficient evidence for anything to be said with certainty about the matter. In his previously mentioned article in Studia Catholica* the discoverer of the Louvain booklet, Mathias Goossens, proposed a number of arguments which would favour a certain Gertrudis of Delpht, a sixteenth-century nun from the convent Barbaradael in Den Dungen, as the author of the song 'Jesus die is ghecomen'. At the time Goossens wrote this, the prevailing supposition was that a Middle Dutch manuscript with religious songs (at present preserved in Paris) originated from this convent. In the meantime this supposition has proved untenable,9 thus excluding the possibility of attributing the song to Gertrudis of Delpht.10 However, the issue of how one was to explain the name 'Van Oosten' as being derived from the first line of the (or a) song called 'Het daghet in den oosten' remained unresolved. New data were provided by a discovery made by the late Dr D. P. Oosterbaan, archivist in Delft from 1950 until his death in 1967. While studying the Kroniek van de Nieuwe Kerk te Delft, he came upon a letter in the archive of the Oud-Bisschoppelijke Clerezie, dated 5 April 1614, written by Michiel Vosmeer, and addressed to his brother Sasbout, a well-known apostolic vicar in the Northern Netherlands. In that letter a completely different explanation is given for the name 'Van Oosten'. The parents of Geertruyd lived in Voorburg in a hamlet situated to the east of the village, and therefore Geertruyd was called 'Van Oosten' (from the east): 'virgo Gertrudis van Oosten (id est ab Euro; forte, quod vicinia quam parentes habitabant, Orientem solem spectat, hodieque sic audit, cognomen ei fecere)'. Oosterbaan points out that the name 'Oostbuyrt' still features on the map of Delfland which was published by Cruquius in 1712. In addition, he also mentions that Michiel Vosmeer knew Voorburg well, as his family owned a country house there. The appellation 'Van Oosten' accords with the medieval practice of naming someone after their place of origin: Dire van Delf, Jan van Leyden, etc.11 In addition, Oosterbaan disclosed that Mrs A. C. Boogaard-Bosch had encountered the name Trude van Oosten in the Delft archive, in a will dated 20 August 1349, listing her as having inherited one pound.12 Dr Oosterbaan's discovery shed quite a new light on the matter, and the document found by Mrs Boogaard left no doubt that

Geertruyd van Oosten and 'Het daghet in den Oosten9

79

Geertruyd already bore the name 'Van Oosten' during her lifetime. One might, however, disagree with Michiel Vosmeer's interpretation - important though this may be - by quoting what Te Winkel remarked as long ago as 1884 with regard to the note in the Acta Sanctorum: 'het schijnt niemand in de gedachte gekomen te zijn, dat een werk uit de 17de eeuw moeilijk voor de bron van een verhaal uit de 14de kan worden gehouden, indien het niet genoegzaam door andere getuigenissen is gestaafd.'13

FURTHER INVESTIGATION AND SOME NEW FINDINGS

What, actually, are the facts behind the sources of the appellation? The oldest extant Vitae of Geertruyd van Oosten do not reveal anything about the name 'Van Oosten'. Neither Johannes a Leydis in his Rervm Belgicarvm Annales Chronici et Historici of the second half of the fifteenth century, nor Johannes Gielemans in his Novate Sanctorum from about 1485 to 1487, nor the so-called Divisiekroniek (of which the first edition dates from 1517), devote a single word to it.14 In 1581 there appeared the supplementary volume to Laurentius Surius's De Probatis Sanctorum Historiis, edited by Jacobus Mosander, a confrere of the late Cologne Carthusian monk Surius.15 The lifestory of Geertruyd van Oosten is on pages 14-18. The source used by the author is stated above the biography, on page 14: 'Vita Gertrvdis de Oesten, incerto qvidem avthore, sed bona fide conscripta. Nos capita margini adiecimus, & stylum nonnihil in gratiam Lectoris contraximus.' The information is not unequivocally clear. And it is precisely at this point that we need to know more, because Surius (Mosander) is the first to provide a text with an appended appellation: 'Quod autem ab Oesten cognominatur, id accidit ex carmine quodam, cui id nominis insertum erat. Quod ilia quidem cecinit, sed spiritu referebat ad dilectum suum Dominum Iesum Christum.' The beginning of the next paragraph reads as follows: 'Per id tempus duae ancillae, Lielta & Dieuuera, crebro ad earn venientes, idem carmen cum ilia concinebant in pontibus vrbis, vel alijs locis opportunist What exactly is Surius saying in that prefatory note to Geertruyd's Vita? In an attempt to obtain more clarity on this matter, I will proceed from the information provided by the Acta Sanctorum. Bollandus's edition of Geertruyd's Vita is preceded by an introduction

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consisting of four sections. In the third section he offers a list of already existing biographies: Vitam Gertrudis edidit Surius, sed stylo suo: nos phrasim antiqui Auctoris restituimus ex fideli MS. Ecclesiae S. Martini Vltraiecti. Aliam breuiorem exhibebat MS. codex Rubeae vallis, a Ioanne Gilmanno aut Antonio Gentio conscriptam. Eius vita olim Louanij edita lingua Belgicd anno MDLXXXIX. & nuper ab Heriberto Rosvveydo Nostro in libro de Sanctis Virginibus, quae in saeculo vitam duxere: vtrobique Sancta appellatur. Italice earn vertit ex Surio Siluanus Razzius torn. I. de feminis sanctitate illustribus, qui Beatam appellat. Ioannes Gerbrandus a Leydis Chronici Belgici lib. 28. cap. 4. huius vitae aliquot capita, iisdemfere quibus earn hie damus verbis, refert, eamque ita citat: Plura etiam praedixit, & miranda gessit, quae omnia breuitatis gratia pertranseo. Nam plenius in eius Legenda inueniuntur descripta. Mortuus est Ioannes Gerbrandus anno Christi MDIV. vt Valerius Andreas testatur. Agit de Gertrude fuse Iosephus Geldolphus a Ryckel Abbas S. Gertrudis Louanij in Appendice notarum ad vitam S. Beggae §. 117. This Ust requires some explanation. According to the Jesuit Bollandus, Surius edited Geertruyd's Vita, but did so in his own particular way. That statement is in line with the information given by Surius: 'stylum nonnihil . . . contraximus', namely, the style of his source. After 'sed stylo suo' the Acta Sanctorum has a colon: 'but we, Bollandists, have restored the manner of expression of the earlier author' 'ex fideli MS. Ecclesiae S. Martini Vltraiecti'. This last phrase can be read in two ways: either: 'We, Bollandists, render full justice to the author of the Utrecht manuscript, unlike Surius, who also used the manuscript, but who deviated from it (or changed it)'; or: 'We, Bollandists, are here making use of a Utrecht manuscript, unlike Surius, who also wrote a biography, but in his own style and using a different source (or, at least, a different manuscript)'. One may hesitate between these two interpretations, but in the light of the available facts the second seems the most plausible. Arguments for this conclusion are the following. A manuscript by Bollandus, an Index Sanctorum Ianuarij, has been preserved in the Royal Library in Brussels (MS. 7783).16 The manuscript is written in columns: the left-hand column is headed Surius et Mosander, and the right-hand column Heribertus.11 Fol. 4R mentions 'S. Gertrudis ab Oesten' under the date 6 January. There follows the

Geertruyd van Oosten and 'Het daghet in den Oosten'

81

note: 'Mosander stylum mutavit. habeo aliam ex ms. Vltraj. et aliam breuiorem etiam aliam Belgice.' Nothing is written under Heribertus. Here, too, there are two ways of reading the Latin text: 'Mosander changed the style, but I have another Vita to hand, namely from the [!] Utrecht manuscript itself and, in addition, I have yet another shorter biography, and one in Dutch.' However, a more realistic translation would seem to be: 'Mosander changed the style. I have in my possession another Vita from a Utrecht manuscript, an additional, shorter one, and also one in Dutch.' It has become clear that Bollandus's note in this Index Sanctorum Ianuarij can in fact also be traced back to the beginning of the third introductory section of the Acta Sanctorum. A few more things can be added. If one compares the biography by Surius (Mosander) with the one from the Acta Sanctorum, it becomes evident that Surius's text runs fully parallel to the latter, but uses different words and omits some sections that are present in the Acta. On the other hand, it is striking that on three occasions Surius's text has a word that is lacking in the Acta.18 Yet another interesting fact is the following. Het Leven der HH. Maeghden by Rosweydus, published in 1626 and listed in the catalogue of the Vitae by the Acta Sanctorum (see above), is a literal translation of Surius's text. Rosweydus does not mention Surius as the source of Geertruyd's Vita, but VVt de Registers van Nederlant. The meaning of this is made clear by another work published by Rosweydus, namely the Generate Legende der Heylighen (see note 17), in which the same Vita of Geertruyd occurs, again with the notice Vyt de Registers van Nederlant. In the Voorreden tot dese legende the editor tells the reader that this work contains, inter alia: 'De principale Heylighen van 't Nederlandt', which he has taken 'uyt oude Registers van 't Nederlandt/ in 't Latijn beschreven zijnde/ bij een vergadert ende in onse Nederlandtsche tale doen oversetten.' He assigns the authorship of the Vitae 'op de cant des beginsels van elck leven' and if certain Vitae are anonymous ('sonder des Autheurs naem') he assures the reader 'dat die ghetrocken zijn uyt oude Registers: die nochtans niet min geloofbaer en zijn dan de ghene die de namen des Autheuren ter sijden aengheteeckent hebben.' This mention of unknown but trustworthy Latin authors corresponds with Surius's 'author incertus', but 'bona fide'; moreover, the text corresponds literally. Does this indicate a similar source for Surius and Rosweydus, and a different one for the Acta Sanctorum} Or can all three be traced back to the

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same source, in which case Rosweydus translated Surius, while mentioning the 'author incertus' as his source? There are some arguments in favour of the last hypothesis. On one occasion, Rosweydus deviates in varying degrees from Surius and follows - also in varying degrees - the text of the Acta, which describes on page 351 how the blood of the stigmatized beguine was: 'Sanguis pulcherrimus rubicundi colons'. Surius has (p. 16): 'sanguis gratissimi colons'; Rosweydus on the other hand, talks of 'schoon suyver bloet'. A second argument in favour of a common origin derives from the fact that Surius's working technique is known to us: he often adapted his source when he did not consider it classical enough.19 My view is that for the time being no definite pronouncements can be made. The three Vitae run fully parallel. Surius and Rosweydus correspond almost word for word; in the Acta the biography is more extensive. The Utrecht manuscript on which the text in the Acta Sanctorum is based could be the source of both Surius and Rosweydus, but it is also possible that the same, or a similar, older source underlies the Acta (i.e. the Utrecht manuscript), Surius and Rosweydus. In the third section of the introduction to the Vita in the Acta Sanctorum mention is also made of the biography written by Joannes a Leydis. Of this biography it is said that the author 'huius vitae aliquot capita, iisdemfere quibus earn hie damus verbis, refert, eamque ita citat: Plura etiam praedixit, & miranda gessit, quae omnia breuitatis gratia pertranseo. Nam plenius in eius Legenda inueniuntur descripta.' What is the meaning of huius vitae? It could mean 'this life', but also 'this [i.e. the present] life'. The latter would also concur with the text of Joannes a Leydis, which reappears practically verbatim in the more extensive biography in the Acta. The Chronicon of Joannes a Leydis, therefore, may also stem from the same source as the Acta, though nothing can be said with certainty. It might clarify matters considerably if we knew the Utrecht St Martin's Church manuscript. However, none of the searches has so far been successful, which unfortunately means that the date of origin remains unknown. If Joannes a Leydis bases himself on it, and if the text in the Acta Sanctorum is a faithful reproduction of the Utrecht manuscript, the oldest and most authentic text concerning Geertruyd's name should be looked for in the biography printed in the Acta Sanctorum, with the following text: 'vt propter Orientis nomen carmini insertum vocaretur Gheertrudis de Oriente, vel vulgariter magis, de Oosten:

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sed cantando ferebatur spiritu, referendo carmen ad dilectum suum Iesum Christum.' In fact, the above passage speaks only of a song in which the word 'Oosten' occurs. And at this stage there is no compelling reason to associate this with 'Het daghet in den oosten'. The text from which this posited connection stems is to be found in the fourth section of the introduction to the biography in the Acta Sanctorum, where 'Het daghet in den oosten' is mentioned.20 However, these lines do not originate from the Vita incorporated in the Acta Sanctorum. They can only be taken from the Louvain booklet printed in 1589, of which a copy was discovered by Mathias Goossens in 1942.21 In this text, 'Het daghet in den oosten' is mentioned in the first line: 'Geertruyd ghenaempt van Oosten/ omdat sy geern ende dickmael een Liedeken sane/ waer af het beginsel is/ Het daget inden Oosten/ is gheboren in Hollant/ wt het Dorp Voorburch/ geleghen een vre ghaens buyten Delft/ aen die Noort-zijde.' That this booklet is indeed the source of the information is proved by the rest of the introductory section: 'Aliud Louanij excusum est itidem dimetrum vernaculum carmen, simplex ac pium, quod ilia composuisse ac saepius cecinisse memoratur.' This can only refer to the song 'Jesus die is ghecomen'.22 It is precisely the combination of these two facts within the same context (namely, she sang 'Het daghet', and another song (by her) was published in Louvain) which allows this particular interpretation. Bollandus himself confirms this in the third paragraph of his introduction by saying: 'Eius vita ohm Louanij edita lingua Belgicd anno MDLXXXIX.' There is no room for doubt at all, the less so since a second copy of the booklet is present in the library of the Bollandists (Hagiog. B. 934). It is an interesting copy: entire passages have been crossed out and replaced by others in the margin. Several hands can be distinguished, one of which the late Father M. Coens assured me he recognized as that of Heribertus Rosweydus. We are probably dealing here with the copy used by Bollandus, to which he is referring in the third section of his introduction to Geertruyd's Vita in the Acta Sanctorum: 'Eius vita olim Louanij edita lingua Belgicd anno MDLXXXIX.' What of the reliability of the Louvain booklet? The author is not mentioned. Of the sources indicated on the title-page, two are unambiguous: the Cronijck van Holland is the so-called Divisiekroniek and 'het seuenste History Boeck der heylighen onlancx uytghegeuen by die eerwaerdighe Schrijuer Laurentius Surius' is, of course, the previously mentioned De Probatis Sanctorum Historiis.23 The same

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cannot be said of the mention of 'oude geschreuen boecken'. Neither Rena Pennink nor Mathias Goossens knew which books were meant by this. Goossens speculated that it might refer to the Utrecht manuscript and possibly - because of the plural - to the 'oude Registers' that Rosweydus referred to. What else can we learn about the booklet? First of all, I will provide a summary of the contents: 1. Fol. 1R: title-page; 2. Fol. IV: two Middle Dutch texts (by St Gregory and St Bernard) about the fruit brought to us by the history of saints; 3. Fol. 2R - 7R: the biography of Geertruyd van Oosten; 4. Fol. 7V: antiphon, versus and prayer, in Middle Dutch; 5. Fol. 8R: 'Volcht een Liedeken' [etc.]; 6. Fol. 8V: Woodcut: Christ with the crown of thorns, with the caption 'Ecce homo'. When Dr Oosterbaan published his discovery of Michiel Vosmeer's letter the question arose as to whether even more could be found in the Vosmeer archive. With the help of a complete alphabetical table of contents based on a handwritten Diarium by J. Bruggeman, the name 'Oesten, Geertrudis van' is encountered several times in the archive of the Oud-Bisschoppelijke Clerezie.24 Three quotations are given below: (a) The following passage is taken from a letter written by Sasbout Vosmeer to his brother Tilman dated 8 August 1585:25 'Optarem imprimi posse festa marie a me transmissa olim, cum vita Geertrudis de oesten in patriam linguam translata, responde si commoditas habeatur.' (b) In a letter of 15 March 1587, also from Sasbout to Tilman, 26 one reads: Treterea vbi videris quedam de Geertrude nostrate, et maria / impressa sub nomine petri fabri. perpende tecum si eius eundem petrwm frabri [sic] oporteat promouere . . . Et . . . impressor marie historias cum geertrudis parauit sub petri nomine.' (c) The last quotation is again from a letter written by Sasbout to Tilman, dated 24 April 1588:27 'Iunxi illis quedam ex scriptis, Additiones . . . ad Martij, et officium de Geertrude de oesten. Mitto nunc duplices litanias quarum alie ante aliquot mewses cum vita marie manwscripta intercepte fuerunt.'

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In order to understand these quotations at all, we must pay some attention to the historical context. In 1587 Sasbout Vosmeer took it upon himself to write a summary of the lives of saints. That is why he began his reading of Surius's De Probatis Sanctorum Historiis.28 In 1583 he was working on a biography of the native saints.29 In the archive of the Oud-Bisschoppelijke Clerezie one still finds saints' lives and offices written by Sasbout (but without any reference to Geertruyd van Oosten).30 If I understand him correctly, Sasbout is referring in his letter of 8 August 1585 to the hours of Mary ('feste marie') and to a vita of Geertruyd, both in a Middle Dutch translation (although it is also possible to interpret the Latin text as saying that either only the 'festa marie', or only the vita are (is) translated) and that he would like them to be printed. In the second letter mention is made of a printer, Petrus Fabri, and of the printing of the biographies of Mary and Geertruyd. The text however, is not unequivocal (and does not become so even if the phrases which I have deleted are considered). As regards the third letter, Sasbout makes mention here of an office with respect to Geertruyd van Oosten (and of litanies and a 'vita marie manuscripta' which were intercepted a few months earlier). Although nothing is said of a Franciscus Fabri, the printer of the Louvain booklet, it is not entirely unfounded to posit that the anonymous biography, published in 1589 as 'die twede edity', may have been written by Sasbout Vosmeer. There is no proof for this supposition, but some arguments can be adduced in favour of it. Petrus Fabri was a printer, publisher and bookseller in Louvain, where he was active between 1570 and 1586.31 In her Dictionnaire des Imprimeurs Anne Rouzet states the following (p. 62): 'Peut-etre etait-il parent de l'imprimeur Franciscus Fabri'. In addition she also mentions his collaboration with Jan Maes. Among the works published by Petrus Fabri, no booklet has yet been found which could lead directly to the information provided by Sasbout Vosmeer. It is interesting, however, that the volume which has preserved the Utrecht (olim Weert) copy of the Louvain edition of the Leven of Geertruyd also contains an anonymous life of Mary, with hymns, versus and prayer, published 'Tot Loven/ By my Jan Maes/ int Jaer M . D . X C One could connect all these facts and view them against the background of Sasbout's correspondence. As far as Franciscus Fabri is concerned, Rouzet (as we have seen above) refers to a possible family tie between him and Petrus Fabri.

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About Franciscus Fabri himself, she also mentions that his activities as a printer could be located in Cologne (in the year 1583) and in Louvain (from 1590-1605).32 Tilman Vosmeer, the addressee of the letters by Sasbout, was a lecturer at the Crutched Friars in Cologne and had connections with the Cologne Carthusians, the order to which Laurentius Surius had belonged before his death.33 Moreover, if we take into consideration the fact that both Sasbout and Tilman had studied in Louvain, all sorts of connecting threads then seem to emerge which support the hypothesis that Sasbout might be the author of the Louvain booklet, even though no concrete evidence has yet been adduced. It is certain that Sasbout occupied himself with the lives of Dutch saints and that he composed officia. In that respect it is remarkable that an antiphon, a versus, and a prayer have been included in the back of the Louvain booklet, in a manner like that found in any regular divine office. Perhaps one may also attach some importance to the many biblical references which occur in the margins of the biography. One need only browse through Sasbout's published autobiographical notes, in order to see that they are full of similar kinds of echoes.34 In addition, the precise geographic description of Voorburg in the booklet is very striking. While its location is described elsewhere as 'media inter Hagam-Comitis eiusdem patriae, & ciuitatem Delf (Acta Sanctorum, p. 349), or as 'ligghende halfweghen 's Graven-haghe ende Delft' (Generate Legende der Heylighen, p. 131), the Louvain booklet has: 'geleghen een vre ghaens buyten Delft/ aen die Noort-zijde.' Could this be Sasbout Vosmeer, a native of Delft, speaking with local knowledge? It is not unlikely that further analysis of the booklet itself - for example, of the woodcuts - would disclose more information, but this would lead us beyond the range of this paper. In my opinion, the available facts render it most likely that Sasbout Vosmeer is the author of the anonymous biography, and that he is possibly also the author of the song 'Jesus die is ghecomen'.

CONCLUSION

If Sasbout is indeed the author, one could question the reliability of the booklet as a source of information. The answer to this question is not entirely favourable. Sasbout Vosmeer was not free from fanaticism, superstition and fantasy.35 In that case, it is also possible

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that Vosmeer invented the statement at the beginning of the story about 'Het daghet in den oosten'. On the other hand, he could also have based his information on an extant tradition. The song 'Jesus die is ghecomen' has not so far been encountered anywhere else. However, it must be considered quite unlikely that Geertruyd is its author. And as far as her relation to 'Het daghet' is concerned - this, too, has now become questionable. Moreover, a hitherto unexplored external argument can be adduced which renders the appellation most dubious. The well-known practice of naming someone after the place, vicinity, or street has already been mentioned.36 As far as the name 'Van Oosten' is concerned, Van Oordt states: 'De familienaam komt in Delfland en Rijnland veel en reeds vroeg in de 15de eeuw voor.'37 That the name 'Van Oosten' was widespread, and that the area of Delfland showed a heavy concentration of this name, is evident from a letter by Mr A. van Oosten, living in Bilthoven at the time.38 From a Van Oosten family from Voorburg I received the information that they had run a ropeworks there until 1920; that and other properties were situated at the Oosteinde (East End), and according to tradition, the ropeyard as a family enterprise dates back to before 1500.39 Once more, all this leads to the conclusion that Geertruyd van Oosten is unlikely to have derived her name from singing a religious or secular song called 'Het daghet in den oosten'. Apparently, this assumption derives from legend rather than historically based documentation. The available facts provide no information about the age of the song. That the name Geertruyd van Oosten will acquire an honourable place in the annals of fourteenth-century literature in the County of Holland appears more unlikely than ever.

8 The Biblical Plays of the Rhetoricians and the Pageants of Oudenaarde and Lille W. M. H. Hummelen Translated by Susan Mellor In the Netherlands, practically no plays have come down to us from the fifteenth century with subjects derived from the Bible (including the Apocrypha). The only exceptions are two plays devoted to the first and the seventh joy of Mary respectively, and some fragments of a play about Abraham and Sarah and of an Antichrist play. This tallies with the evidence from the municipal archives regarding the production of plays. The records refer mainly to Easter, Passion and Mary plays and, at a slightly later date, also to plays devoted to other saints and to the miracles performed by Mary. Plays centring on the Nativity seem to be largely hidden behind the Mary plays. We have very little information on subjects other than these.1 This is in sharp contrast with the large number of texts and performances of biblical plays known in the Netherlands from the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century.2 Of the approximately 600 extant plays, 90 have a biblical subject (Appendix 8A). I am unable to give any precise figures for the performances, but in my estimation more than one sixth of the plays (of which only the titles have come down to us) dealt with biblical themes. The titles of smaller plays, such as farces, were not usually recorded. Johannessen was the first to raise the question of the origin of the sixteenth-century differentiation in biblical subjects.3 It was not his knowledge of the dramatic situation of the fifteenth century which brought this question to his mind, but rather his observation that in the Netherlands the biblical drama of the Renaissance closely resembles the late medieval biblical plays, whereas one would not

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expect, theoretically, such a close resemblance. This applies at least to the group of biblical plays which are the most closely related to the Renaissance drama, namely the plays with a subject derived from the Old Testament. Johannessen is of the opinion that these plays are in the first place to be regarded as episodes emancipated from the cyclical mystery play (particularly the Prophets' play). Where the minor characters are concerned, these plays present more scope for development when compared with the Vorspielszene. The protagonist, on the other hand, is in the first instance limited to the function of the prefiguration of Christ, characteristic of the Vorspielszene. The differentiation, particularly with respect to the protagonist, can then be explained by assuming influence from other types of plays: the drama of the Fall (whose protagonist is not a hero) and miracle plays (in which the emphasis is shifted from the saviour to the salvation). Johannessen also suggests the possibility of influence from 'romantic' plays in the style ofLancelot of Denmark. And, finally, allowance is to be made for the increasing attention paid to the individual, which was characteristic of the sixteenth century. The dramatic exponent of this, the morality play, may have served as an example for plays in which stories from the Old Testament were interpreted as exemplars and which are actually to be regarded as a secondary type. This opened up new possibilities for dramatization of biblical themes which were unsuitable as subjects for Vorspielszenen. Following this train of thought, I pointed out in the introduction to the edition of Naaman Prinche van Sijrien that those biblical stories which were unsuitable for Vorspielszenen could have been associated with Christ in an allegorizing epilogue, thus being rendered suitable for dramatization.4 Since then I have become more alive to two objections to Johannessen's line of thought. In the first place he sets curious limits to the influences that may have determined the development of the biblical plays. There is no reason why we should look for these influences exclusively within the dramatic genre. Secondly, he takes insufficient account of the actual dramatic situation during the fifteenth century in the Netherlands. We have no evidence from that time of any performances of spiritual plays lasting for more than one day. The elaborate Easter plays and the equally detailed Prophets' plays can therefore not have been of great influence. After a certain time-lag, the cause of which is not clear to us, the plays with subjects derived from the Old Testament, including themes which would not

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have been suitable for Vorspielszenen, reached full development in the second quarter of the sixteenth century.5 As for the plays with New Testament subjects, we are confronted with a large number of representatives of the category of Parable plays which were practically unknown in the preceding period. It is quite clear that in the Netherlands the historical data by no means fit the theory that the biblical plays are in fact to be regarded as episodes which had evolved from cyclical mystery plays and then developed further. This development took place too late and the differentiation in the subjects treated progressed too rapidly for this to be the case. Our question as to the cause of this sudden development and differentiation therefore remains unanswered. The urge to find an answer increases with our growing insight into the extent of the phenomenon. Anyone searching for examples of the large-scale use of biblical subjects in other fields besides drama will soon arrive at the state entries and pageants. At the beginning of this century, J. A. Worp was already pointing to the custom of using biblical subjects for the tableaux vivants shown on these occasions.6 He did not, however, connect this with sixteenth-century biblical drama.7 In my search for descriptions of pageants, I came upon an item in the municipal accounts of Oudenaarde from the year 1555, quoted by De Potter. 8 Under the heading of the figuren (tableaux vivants) shown in the Corpus Christi pageant, the item lists both those up stellinghen (that is, those on display along the route) and the ommerijdende (the tableaux vivants on the wagons). The item records no less than 134 entries, making this pageant the largest to be found in the literature on pageants (Appendix 8B). Oudenaarde seems to have had a history of large Corpus Christi pageants that went back quite some time: in 1485 some seventy different figuren were shown. In all probability, this was the result of the policy of the local government, which as early as 1414 put up prizes to encourage people to partake in the pageant and display a figure. Five quarters of the town took up the challenge.9 What is remarkable is the close resemblance to the biblical plays of the sixteenth century, with regard to subject matter. At the fifth symposium of the International Society for the Study of Medieval Theatre, held at Perpignan in 1986, Alan Knight referred to a collection, found in the Herzog August-Bibliothek at Wolfensbiittel, of seventy-two different French plays intended to be performed during the pageant of Notre Dame de la Treille at Lille. The plays

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date from the second half of the fifteenth century and vary in length from 300 to 2,000 verses. Only eight have a non-biblical subject; forty-three are based on the Old Testament (Appendix 8C). According to a proclamation of 1463 by the Bishop of Fools, the pageant plays were performed in the afternoon, after the pageant, having been mimed during the pageant in the morning. In the evening jeux defolie were played. Prizes were offered for the best parishes or town quarters. The plays had to be of at least 300 verses. The subject matter was to be derived from the Old or the New Testament, the lives of the saints, 'ou aultres histoires rommaines contenues en anchiennes croniques', and the plays must not have been performed for sixteen years preceding that date. For farces this period was ninety-nine years! Knight pointed out that the element of competition partly explains the authors' preference for stories with dramatic impact. The rhetoricians, too, stipulated a certain minimum length for their plays and drew a similar distinction between serious drama and low comedy with respect to the degree of unfamiliarity.10 However, what was most striking was a preference, observed by Knight, among the plays with an Old Testament subject for 'the more exciting stories of the Bible', and the occurrence of Parable plays among those with subjects derived from the New Testament. This is true of the Dutch plays as well as of those from Lille. Another point of resemblance is what Knight refers to as their fidelity to the sensus literalis of the Bible stories, and (as far as the Old Testament plays are concerned) the few similarities they have to the plays of the Mistere du Viel Testament.11 The table of contents of the Wolfenbiittel manuscript which Knight gave me, and which was later supplemented after consultation of the plays themselves, confirmed my suspicions. There is a close resemblance in subject matter between the Dutch biblical plays and those of Lille. This is, of course, no coincidence. Within the late medieval festive culture there were intensive contacts between the French and the Flemish and Brabantine cities of the Burgundian state. Chambers of rhetoric and other troupes of actors took part in competitions and pageants on both sides of national borders.12 A comparison with the English cycles shows that all three collections are characterized by the prominent position of subjects from the Old Testament and the occurrence of parables. In Fig. 8.1 I have illustrated the degree to which the biblical subjects of the Dutch plays, the plays of Lille and the pageant of

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Total 92 (94)

Fig. 8.1: Overlap of Dutch plays, the plays of Lille and the plays of Oudenaarde Oudenaarde overlap each other. I have, of course, counted (plays on) certain subjects occurring more than once in the respective collections as only one subject. It was impossible to use the expense items in listing the different subjects of Oudenaarde, because in some cases there were several items for one figure, whereas there were also items for other matters than figuren. Nor was it possible simply to base the list on the subjects. In some cases the subjects of two figuren are so closely related as causally connected phases of one particular event that they can only be regarded as the equivalent of a single play. In other cases we are confronted with subjects of a heterogeneous nature, the constituent parts corresponding to what could in fact be treated in one play.13 For a statistical evaluation of these overlaps, we must assume that, after the reduction we have noticed in the list from Oudenaarde, all subjects stood an equal chance of appearing in one of the lists. The overlap between the Lille plays and the rhetoricians' plays is statistically significant if we assume that at least forty-six biblical subjects

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can be mentioned which do not occur in any of the three lists. This is not, I discovered with the Bible to hand, an impossibility. The chance that this overlap is not attributable to some connection between the subjects is in this case 5 per cent or less. The suggestion that the same factors affected the choice of the subjects, in either a positive or a negative sense, then seems justifiable. The origin of the differentiation in subject matter in the Dutch biblical plays is therefore more likely to lie in the pageants than in the cyclical mystery plays. The influence of the pageants on drama has already been pointed out. The radical viewpoint of Gallee,14 in whose opinion the whole of the fifteenth-century drama of the Netherlands originated in the pageants, was conclusively refuted by Wybrands.15 According to Van Puyvelde,16 archival evidence showed that the pageants were enlivened with dramatic action only in a period in which spiritual plays were already in vogue in the Netherlands, which would mean that these plays cannot owe their origin to performances during pageants. In his opinion, the two developed side by side. The evidence from Oudenaarde, however, suggested to Iansen the idea that the subjects of the pageant were related to those of what she refers to as the spelen van zinne}1 However, she takes the parallels between biblical and profane subjects entirely for granted in this context. She suggests a relationship between the tableaux vivants of the pageants and de spelen vol allegorie en symboliek, met de sinnekens als personificaties (the plays full of allegory and symbolism, with the vices as personifications), a description which, like the term spel van zinne, seems to refer to the allegorical morality plays rather than the biblical plays. The example she gives, the wagons of dbreken vander helle (the harrowing of hell) and of the victori Christi as the origin of the figuerlic spel ende vertooch van de Passie Ons Liefs Heeren (figurative play and performance of the Passion of Our Lord), which from 1505 onwards was performed every seven years and lasted for four days, is rather unfortunately chosen. Plays with this subject were performed as early as the end of the fourteenth century.18 It seems far more likely that the great popularity of allegorical morality plays in the Netherlands is rather to be connected with the system of inter-urban contests, copied from the world of the citizen militias. What possible connections could there be between pageants and biblical plays? It seems rather unlikely that the extant texts were (originally) acted out during a pageant or were mimed during and

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performed after the pageant.19 With the odd exception,20 we have no external evidence of this. Nor are there any indications within the texts themselves, such as a short length, or, as found in the Lille plays, the appearance at some point during the play of a character who summarizes the events that are not depicted. The plays known to us may indeed have arisen from the pageants after the example of the tableaux vivants, but in what context? It seems there are two possibilities. In the Netherlands there is a tradition of plays performed after a pageant by groups of actors (chambers of rhetoric) who also took part in the pageant, in which, however, they acted out different subjects from those of the plays performed subsequently. In the period 1527-50, for example, the two chambers of Oudenaarde performed esbatementen, short serious plays or farces, virtually every year in the afternoon and the evening (that is, after the pageant) of Corpus Christi. In the pageants they performed the same subjects each year over a long period of time. 21 The performance of the same subjects each year would not be referred to as esbatementen and would not fit in with the rhetoricians' privileged position where the performance of plays after the pageant was concerned. Here we must be dealing with plays with subjects different from those that were shown in the pageant.22 The rhetoricians' monopoly of the time available after the pageant may have been the cause, but also the consequence, of the length of the texts they acted out. It seems likely that such post-pageant plays were linked in subject matter to what had been shown in the pageant; we may at least assume that no other limitations were imposed where the choice of the subjects of these plays was concerned than those that applied to the subjects shown in the pageant. The influence of the pagents may, however, have extended much further, for example to plays which originated entirely independently of the pageants. Not in all inter-urban contests were the serious plays answers to a specific question set by the inviting chamber, although this seems to have been the custom originally.23 Sometimes, as in 1483 at Hulst, the contestants were given a wider choice: Van Gode, Marien, ons Heeren transfiguratien ofte van eenighen andren sancten ofte sanctinnen, gheestelic of werelic, te toecomste des werelts ofte thende des werelts, van der blijscap des eewich levens ofte van der droufheit of pijnen der hellen, van den ouden testamente ofte nyeuwe, seriftuerlic, natuerlic oftefiguerlic, exemplen ofte poetrye, ofte

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alsulcke materien als elc van hemlieden begrijpen wille ofte can, thuwen wille.24 (Of God, Mary, the transfiguration of our Lord or of any other saint, either male or female, spiritual or secular, the future of the world or the end of the world, of the bliss of eternal life or of the suffering and pain of hell, of the Old or the New Testament, scriptural, natural or figurative, exemplars or fictional poetry, or such subjects anyone of them wishes to or can handle, at will.) It is possible that the pageants took the initiative, as it were, where the portrayal of certain subjects was concerned, thus drawing the attention of playwrights to those subjects and their dramatic possibilities. On the assumption that such 'open' competitions are a later development, the evolution of the biblical plays may be related to the considerable increase in the number of chambers of rhetoric, observed particularly in the second half of the sixteenth century.25 Further study of the differentiation in subjects in pageants may provide more insight into the way in which the differentiation process took place in the Dutch biblical plays.26

APPENDIX 8A LIST OF DUTCH OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT PLAYS 1500-1620 1 B 33 1 D 3 1 D 6 1 1 1 1

D G G K

8 1 5 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1

K 2 L 2 M 1 M 6 M 7 M 8 M9

De wynghaert by Cornells Everaert (Matth. 20:1-16) Sint Jans onthoofdinghe (Matth. 14:1-12; Mark 6:14-29) De Ghepredestineerde Blinde (Matth. 20:17-19, 29-34; Mark 10:46-25; Luk. 18:35-43) Naaman (4 Reg. 5:1-14) t'Werck der apostelen cap. 3, 4 en 5 (Actus apost. 3-5) De Vader die het volck sant (Matth. 20:1-16) dWerck der apostelen by Willem van Haecht (Actus apost. 16-28) De bekeeringe Pauli (Actus apost. 9:1-19) Onser Lijever Vrouwen hemelvaert by Job Gommersz Jhesus ten twaelf jaeren oudt by Robert Lawet (Luk. 2:40-52) Het Taruwegraen by Robert Lawet (Matth. 13:24-30) De Verlooren Zoone by Robert Lawet (Luk. 15:11-32) Judich ende Holifernes by Robert Lawet (Judith) De Vadere des Huusghezins by Robert Lawet (Luk. 14:15-24)

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1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

OA OA OA OB OB OB OB OB OC OC OC OC OC OC OD OD OD OD OE OE OE OE

3 4 5 1 4 5 6 10 3 4 5 7 10 11 3 6 7 11 1 2 3 4

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

OE 9 OF 3 OF 9 OF 12 S 1 S 2 S 3 S 4 S 5 S 7 S 8 S 9 T 1 T 2 U 5 U 6 U 11 U 13 U 14

De Machabeen by Pieter Aelbertsz (2 Mach. 7:1-42) Abrahams offerhande (Gen. 21:1-15, 22:1-19) d'Evangelische maeltyt (Matth. 22:1-14) Sincte Paulus bekeringe (Actus apost. 9:1-19) Paulus ende Barnabas (Actus apost. 14:1-20) De propheet Eliseus (4 Reg. 5:1-27) De clockreep (Matth. 9:20-22; Luk. 8:43-48) Lazarus doot (Joh. 11:1-44) De seven wercken der barmherticheijden (Matth. 25:31-46) De Rijcke Wrecke ende Lazarus (Luk. 16:19-31) Die propheet Jonas (Jonas) De Oude Tobijas (Tobias) De troost der sondaren (Matth. 9:9-13; Mark 2:13-17) De Ghichtige Mensche (Joh. 5:1-18, 7:53-8:11) De Gebooren Blinde (Joh. 9:1-41) Saul ende David (1 Reg. 18:27b-20:23) De saijer die goet saet saijde (Matth. 13:24-30, 21:28-32) Jesus onder die leeraers by Lauris Jansz (Luk. 2:40-52) Josep ende Maria (Matth. 1:18-2:18) Emaus (Luk. 24:13-35) Het lichaemelijcke huis (Luk. 11:24-26) Die Huisvader ende Huismoeder (Matth. 21:28-32, 25:14-30, 13:24-30) Die geboorte Johannes Baptista (Luk. 1:5-25, 39-79) Die becooringe des Duvels (Matth. 4:1-11; Luk. 4:1-13) Tgeslacht der Menschen (Luk. 10:30-37) Een Kuijper ende drie Herders (Luk. 2:15) Coninck Balthasar (Dan. 5:1-30) Die belegeringhe van Samarien (4 Reg. 6:24-7:20) Susanna (Hist. Sus. et Dan.) JosueQoz. 6:1-27) De Ontrouwe Rentmeester (Matth. 18:23-35; Luk. 16:1-19) Judith (Judith) Hester en Assverus (Esther) Ammon en Thamar (2 Reg. 13) De steeninghe van Sinte Stephen (Act. apost. 1-7) De bekeringe van Sinte Paulus (Act. apost. 8:1-9:28) Abraham en Loth (Gen. 18:1-19:35) De meedogenloze schuldenaar (Matth. 18:23-35) Joseph (Gen. 37, 39-47) Amon (2 Reg. 13) Koninck Darius (3 Esdrae 3-4)

The Biblical Plays of the Rhetoricians 1 U 17 1 U 18 1 1 1 1 2. 2. 2. 2.

U 19 V 2 V 3 Y 1 06 08 14 16

2. 17 2. 20 2. 21 2. 35 3 A 1 3 F 1 3 F 2 3 F 3 3 F 4 3 F 5 3 F 6 3 G 5 3 P 2 3 T 2 3 Y 2 4. 12 4. 4. 4. 4. 4. 4.

13 16 21 23 30 32

4. 33 4. 42 7. 01

97

De bruiloftsganger zonder feestkleed (Matth. 22:1-14) De onrechtvaardige pachters (Matth. 21:33-46; Mark 12:1-12; Luk. 20:9-19) De Duegdige en de Gierige Rijcke (Luk. 12:16-21) Hagars vluchte by Abraham de Koning (Gen. 16:4-14) Maegden-spel by Abraham de Koning (Matth. 25:1-13) De Moedere ende kindren Zebedei (Matth. 20:20-28) Naboth (3 Reg. 21:1-29) Christus scrijft inder eerden (Joh. 7:53-8:11) Het paradijs (Gen. 3) De berch van Thabor (Matth. 17:1-13; Mark 9:2-13; Luk. 9:28-36) Maria Joseph getrout Palmen (Luk. 22:1-6; Matth. 26:14-16; Mark 14:10-11) De wijngaard met pachters (Matth. 21:33-46; Mark 12:1-12; Luk. 20:9-19) Van de V vroede ende van de V dwaeze maegden (Matth. 25:1-13) dWerck der apostolen (= 1 G 1, printed) Sint Jans Openbaringhe cap. 1 Sint Jans Openbaringhe cap. 2 Sint Jans Openbaringhe cap. 3 Sint Jans Openbaringhe cap. 4 Sint Jans Openbaringhe cap. 5 Sint Jans Openbaringhe cap. 6 Wercken der Bermherticheyd V (Matth. 18:23-35) Apocalipsis 12, vers 1 by Rijssaert van Spiere De thien maegheden by D. V. Coornhert (Matth. 25:1-13) De Egypsche vroeyvrouwen by D. V. Coornhert (Ex. 1:15-21) De Blinde voor Jericho by D. V. Coornhert (Matth. 20:29-34; Mark 10:46-52; Luk. 18:35-43) Abrahams uutgang by D. V. Coornhert (Gen. 12:1-9) De Rijckeman by D. V. Coornhert (Luk. 16:19-31) Troost-spel by Rutgaert Jansen (Joh. 4:1-42) Christus sit onder die leeraers (= 1 OD 11, printed) De Rijcke-man by Samuel Coster (Luk. 16:19-31) Het gheschil tot Athenen by Dierick Scabaelje (Actus apost. 17:15-34) Achab by Abraham de Koning (3 Reg. 22:1-40) Het oproer tot Ephesien by Dierick Scabaelje (Actus apost. 19:23-40) De Verloren Sone (Luk. 15:11-32)

98

Literature APPENDIX 8B DESCRIPTION OF THE CORPUS CHRISTI PAGEANT AT OUDENAARDE (1555)

In calculating the total, nos 17/19 and 75/76, corresponding to 1 OE 9 and 1 OE 1 respectively, have been taken together and counted as one subject. Uncertain correspondences, which are given between square brackets [ ], and references to Appendices 8A and 8C indicated between round brackets ( ), have not been counted.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

24. ?'

Figuren vertooght up stellinghen, beghinnende up de Hoogstraete ende alzo voortgaende rontomme dese stede. Eerst de figuren van Onser Vrauwen upvaert = 1 L 2, L 62 Item de figuren van den goeden Herdere Item dupvaert metten Sinxendach Item Sent Thomaes ghelove Item de zeven weercken van ontfaermerticheden = 1 OC 3 Item Maria Maeghdalena ende Maria, twee scavauten Item tvertooghen Christi aen Maria Maeghdalena Item Sente Matheeus bekeeringhe = 1 OC 10 Item de maertelaers Item tHemels broot = L 11 Item de Cattepoorte Item den Hemel ende 't croonement Item Adam ende Eva en Blaffaerts torre Item 't Doopsel van Sente Jan = L 37 Item de plaghen van David [= L 24?] Item Maeghdalena wasschende ons Heeren voeten = L 34 Item trauwen van Joseph ende Maria = 2.17. (17) de boodschap van Sacharias bij den ynghel door God ghedaen = 1 OE 9, L 36 Item de gheboorte ons Heeren Item de visitatie van Elisabeth (= 1 OE 9, L 65) Item tscheeden van Joseph Item de besnijdenisse Item de offerande van Simoen Item drie schavauten van de temptatien Ons Heeren = 1 OF 3, L 43 Item twee schavauten an tcruuce Item de fonteyne in de Broodstraete Item daer tHelich Sacrament rust inde Broodstraete Item den wijc in de Broodstraete voer tstellen van den autaer daer tHelich Sacrament van Pamele rust Item tVraukin van Samarien = 4 21 ( Item dontboofdinghe van Sente Jan \ _ \ Item de presentatie van dien I '

The Biblical Plays of the Rhetoricians 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.

33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38 39. «n 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54.

55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61.

99

Item dWoord Gods te predickene Item Ons Heere up den steen Item Ons Heere, tverrijsen ende tverthoogen van Hem aen zijn moeder Item de worstelinghe van Jacob jeghens den ynghele Item tvysioen van Jacob = L 6 ende (31) tgebenedijden van God van de cleene kinderkins, (32) den blenden up den wech = 1 D 6 (4 12) Item drie schavauten van der Kerssauwe Item tVraukin van Cananeen = L 32 Item Sinte Christoffele up tSpey Item tsacrificie van Abraham ende Elias = 1 OA 4, L 3 Item Esau ende Jacob [ = L 6?] Item tPaeschlam Item den Witten donderdag Item twasschen van de voeten, Item den dootslach van Cain, (Item tvonnesse van Salomon \ _ . \ Item toordeel J Item Sente Eloys temptatie Item tdraghen van den druve Item den zone Gods in den wijngaert [ 1 U 18, 2 21?] Item tverheffen van den serpente Item de pelgrims van Emaus, up de Maerct = 1 OE 2 Item den verloren Zoone = 1 M 7 (7 01) Item daer men de vercoopers uuten tempel smijt Item de presentatie van Onser Vrauwen Item tvertooghen van Jedeon = L 13 Item twee scavauten voer de Vischmaerct, met de wercken der apostelen [ = 1 G 1, 1 K 1? ] Item Moyses doorne ant keerchof Item S te Pieters miracle Item eene figuere uuten wercken der apostelen [ = 1 G 1, 1 K 1? ] Item Ons Heere ende den rijcken man, die zijne schuere meerderde, twee schavauten = 1 U 19 Ommerijdende figueren, ende eerst uuten auden testamente. Eerst trompette ende veurbode Item Sente Michiel, verterdende tserpent Item tparadijs met Adam ende Eva = 2 14, L 1 Item de drie [ . . . ] uuten paradijse Item de belofte van Abraham [ = L 2? ] Item Jooseps vercoopinghe = 1 U 11, L 8 Item de inductie van den kinderen van Israel Item tvervolghen ende verdrucken van den conijnc Pharo met zijnen volcke in de roode zee

100

Literature

Item de wijdinghe van den ouden testamente, Moyses \ 62. ( op Sinay ontfaende tdansen ende addoreren van tgulden J = L 10 calf, Moyses willecomme ende Moyses de tafelen brekende J W. item saootns veroreKen 64. Item tsteenen van Naboth = 2 06, L 56 65. Item Balahem 66. Item de roede van Jesse Item dommevoeren van dien, mids de reparatie 67. Item David ende Goliath 68. Item tstraffen van Natham an den prophete David [ = L 20? ] 69. Item Susanna = 1 S 3, L 53 Item de zelve, boven dordinaire, alzo langhe als zij de slepe voeren 70. Item van den slepe van Heumuchus tNieuwe testament ende ommerijdende figueren. 71. Eerst de drie vruchten, 72. Item de boodschap = L65 73. Item Bethlehem 74. Item de drie scapers daer mede gaende = 1 OF 12 75. Item Herodes doodende de kinderen up den wijc van der Broucstrate = 1 OE 1 76. Item de drie Conijnghen ( = 1 OE 1) 77. Item Ons Vrauwe van Egypten met Joseph (25) Item Sente Jan ende Herodes = 1 D 3 78. Item Sente Jans predicatie in de wostijne Item de pissine probatica metten vijf portalen , Item den wijc van de Coolstrate voor tvertooch van den , _ 7Q r 1 mensche, die God ghesont maecte ende den Sobach zijn bedde dronch 80. Item Sente Thurio 81. Item of men zijn wijf laeten mach. 82. Item Ons Heere ende den rijcken man 83. Item den Samaritaen= 1 OF 9, L 30 84. Item Ons Heere sprekende jeghens de presbyters ende leviten 85. Item den vader des huusghesins [= 1 M 6?], [= 1 M 9?], [= 1 U 18, 2 21?] [= 1 B 33, 1 G 5?] (Item den rijcken vrecke ende Lasarus ) . ~~ . ,. -, . -_N ft, 86. (, .' . i • J u ii } = 1 OC 4 (4 16, 4 30) I Item den rijcken vrecke in de helle J 87. Item tvertooch van tien Melaetsche 88. (Item den vader des huusghesins, zendende zijn dienaers ende zone in | den wijnghaert = 1 U 18 (2 21) 89. Item tvraukin in overspele = 2 08 (1 OC 11), L 35 90. Item tverwecken van Lazarus = 1 OB 10, L 44 91. Item Ons Heere up dheselkin

The Biblical Plays of the Rhetoricians

101

92.

Item tconcilye van de Joden = 2 20 f Item thovekin Item thoverleeden Item Jherusalen ende die calomme Item tverwijsen Item de heraut rijdende voor tcruce Item twee schakers voren gaende Q - J Item Ons Heere gheladen metten cruce " I Item zes Joden daermede gaende Item Maria ende Jan, commende Christi int ghemoete Item Veronica commende ooc te ghemoete Item dat grootte cruuce Item tdobbelen om Ons Heeren roc Item vier blasphemeerders te peerde Litem dat cleene cruuce de noot Godt 94. Item het breken der helle Item de verrissenesse Item de victorie en de verrissenesse Christi Item Christi visenterende zijne moeder Item tgraf met drie Marien (45) Item Lucas ende Cleophas pilgrims (1 OE 2) Santen ende historien 95. Item Petrus ende Joannes, ter kercken gaende ende een creupelen ghenesende = 1 G 1 (=3 A 1), L 33 96. Item den ghesneden Moor ende Philips = L 42 97. Item Pauwels bekeeringhe = 1 OB 1 (= 1 K 2), (1 T 1) 98. Item Pauwel ende Barnabas = 1 OB 4 99. Item Sente Agneete 100. Item Sente Jooris metter draecke 101. Item conijnc Kaerle 102. Item tros Beyaert 103. Item voor de levenden ende dooden APPENDIX 8C MYSTERY PLAYS FROM THE 'GRANDE PROCESSION DE LILLE' In calculating the total, nos 8 and 9, corresponding to 1 U 11, have been taken together and counted as one. No. 65 is identical to no. 72. References to Appendices 8A indicated between ( ) have not been counted. References given in Appendix 8B are not repeated. 1.

De la creation de Adam et Eve, et coment ilz furent boutez hors de paradis terrestre.

102 2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32.

Literature Comment Abraham en vit trois et en aoura ung, en demonstrant estre ung seul Dieu en trois personnes. Item, la destruction de Sodome et de Gomore. 1 U 5 Coment Abraham, par le comandement de Dieu, mena Ysaac son fllz pour le sacrifier sur la montaigne. S'ensieult le mariaige de Ysaac et de Rebecca. Comment Ysaac donna benedixtion a Jacob son filz. S'ensieult l'istoire de l'eschielle que vit Jacob. Coment Digna, fille de Jacob, fut ravie, et la vengance qui s'en ensievit. Comment Joseph fut vendu de ses freres. S'ensieult l'istoire de la provision des bledz que fist Joseph en Egipte. [Conment Dieu donna les tables de la loi a Moise.] Comment les enffans d'Israel furent au desert, et comment Dieu leur envoia la sainte manne du chiel. [Conment Dieu donna de l'eauve a boire a son peuple et lui donna victoire sur Amalech.] [S'ensieult l'istoire de Gedeon et la toison.] S'ensieult comment Booz print Ruth a mariaige. Coment Samuel enwoindy, par le comandement de Dieu, Saul roy d'Israel. [De la Guerre de Saul contre ceulx de Amalech.] S'ensieult comment le roy Saul cuida perchier David d'une lanche, et comment Michol le saulva. 1 OD 6 S'ensieult comment David et Jonathas furent alianches ensamble. S'ensieult comment Abigail rapaisa David courouchie contre Nabal, et comment David espousa Abigail. S'ensieult l'istoire comment David fist tuer le chevalier Urie. [Conment Thamar fut violee par forche de Amon son frere.] 1S9(1U13) Coment Absalon menoit guerre contre le roy David son pere et de la mort dudit Absalon. Coment Seba esmut ceulx d'Israel contre David, et coment Joab tua Amassa. [Conment David fist nombrer le peuple d'Israel.] Coment Joab tua Abner et de la mort de Hisboseth dont David en print vengance. Coment Salomon fut couronne roy d'Israel et le trespas du roy David. De la glorieuse concqueste que fist Judas Machabeus contre Nichanor. Coment Hester impetra grace au roy Assuere et de la mort de Aman. 1 S 8 Coment Judich tua Olofernes. 1 M 8 (1 S 9) De 1'homme quy descendit de Jherusalem en Jherico et chut en la main des larrons. Coment Marie Salome fist requeste a Jhesucrist que ses deux filz puissent seoir l'ung a dextre et l'autre a senestre. 1 Y 1 Coment nostre seigneur fist grace et misericorde a la Chananee.

The Biblical Plays of the Rhetoricians 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63.

103

Coment saint Piere et saint Jehan firent lever le mallade qui couchoit au grabat a l'entree du temple. Coment Marie Magdalaine ploura aux piez de nostre seigneur Jhesucrist a l'ostel de Simon. Coment la femme fut prinse en adultere. [De la naissance de saint Jehan Baptiste.] Coment saint Jehan baptisa nostre seigneur Jhesuscrist. Coment Herode fist decoler saint Jehan Baptiste. Coment ung roy voult avoir compte de ses serviteurs. 1 S 5 ( 1 U 6 , 3 G 5 ) [Du pere de famille qui fist labourer sa vigne.] 1 B 3 3 ( 1 G 5 ) Coment Jhesucrist garist le varlet Centurion et resuscita le filz d'une vesve. Coment saint Phelippe baptisa Teunuque. Coment nostre seigneur Jhesucrist fut tempte ou desert. Coment nostre seigneur Jhesucrist resuscita le Ladre. De la transfiguration de nostre seigneur Jhesucrist. 2 16 Coment nostre seigneur Jhesucrist mist de la boe sur les yeulx d'ung aveugle et puis l'envoya laver a l'eauwe de Siloe. 1 OD 3 Coment monsieur saint Pierre peschoit en la mer Thiberiadis, et coment nostre seigneur Jhesucrist s'aparut a luy. Coment Herode fit enchartrer saint Piere, et coment Tangle le mist hors. Coment nostre seigneur Jhesucrist monta aux cieulx au jour de l'assention. Coment Helye fut translate sur ung chariot de feu en paradix terrestre. Coment Theodorus [sic = Heliodorus] volt piller le tresor du temple, et coment il fut gary a la priere de Onyas. Coment les trois jovenciaulx proposerent chascun leur dit devant le roy Daires. 1 U 14 Coment Susane fut condampnee a lapider, et coment Daniel le delivra. Coment Thobie le pere commanda a son filz que il alast a Gabelus pour ravoir le poix de dix talens, et le mariage du jeune Thobie. 1 OC 7 Coment Naman fut gary de sa maladie de mesellerie par Helie. 1 D 8 (1 OB 5) De la vigne de Naboth et de sa mort. De l'istoire d'Euforsine, qui est escript en la vie des sains peres. S'ensieult le premier jugement que fist le roy Salomon. De la mort du roy Achap. 4 33 Coment l'arche fut prinse des Felistiens et la mort de Hely le grant prestre de la loy. Coment Helye le prophete noncha au roy Achab qu'il ne plouveroit point trois ans et six mois en Israel, et de la mort des prophetes de Baal. [Moralite de l'assomption de la vierge Marie.] Coment Benadap, roy de Sirye, mist le siege devant la ville de Samarie. 1 S2

104 64. 65. 66. 67.

68.

69.

70.

71.

72. 73.

Literature De ung miracle de la glorieuse vierge Marie, quy est escript ou Miroir historial de Vincent. [Conment Marie rechut la salutation de Gabriel et conment elle visita Elizabeth.] De la prinse et destruction de la cyte de Hay et de la mort de leur roy. Coment ceulx de Cartaige mirent a tourment inhumain Actilius Regulus. Et fut content ledit Actilius de morir pour le bien publicque de Romme. Et ne vault point faulser son serment, comme Valere le recite et saint Augustin en la Cyte de Dieu. Coment Centurion romain tenoit en captivite une dame nommee Orgia et la viola par force, dont laditte Orgia print vengance trible dudit Centurion, comme il est escript ou Vie livre de Valere. Coment le juge d'Athenes fut jugie a mort et escorchie par les faulx jugemens qu'il rendoit, et coment, par sentence des senateurs de Rome, le filz dudit juge d'Athenes fut condampne de seoir sur la peau de son pere, comme escript saint Augustin en la Cyte de Dieu. Coment Octovien, empereur de Rome, ne fut point content d'estre aoure de ses senateurs sans mander Sebille tributine. Laquelle Sebille luy dit et monstra que il en estoit ung plus grant que luy. Et vit ledit Octovien la vierge Marie tenant son filz Jhesus ou ciel, comme il est escript es Cronicques de Romme. Coment noble home Mucius Sevola se partit de Rome et fist ung entreprinse en l'ost du roy Porcenne; car comme home immortel cuidoit occire ledit roy, faillit et tua son scribe, dont il brula son poing. Et leva ledit roy le siege, come il est escript en Valere, en Titus Livius ou secondt livre de la Fondacion de Rome et en saint Augustin en la Cyte de Dieu. [Conment Marie rechut la salutation de Gabriel et conment elle visita Elizabeth.] [Conment Josue sauva ceulx de Gabaon du siege des cinq rois.]

9 Old High German in Ghent in 1549 Leonard Forster

In 1549, Philip, the Crown Prince of Spain, later to be King Philip II, undertook at his father's request an extensive progress through the Spanish Netherlands. He was accompanied by a learned and accomplished historian, Juan Christobal Calvete de Estrella, who took notes of the course of the journey and particularly of the details of the reception given to the royal guest in each place visited. He published them in a folio volume El felicisimo viaje del muy ahoy may poderoso principe Don Felipe . . . desde Espana a sus tierras de la baja Alemania at Antwerp in 1552. In 1930 the Sociedad de Bibliofilos Espanoles published a reprint edited by Miguel Artigas on the occasion of the fourth centenary of the birth of Philip II. Calvete's work is the first complete account of the Low Countries ever published, and was an important source for Guicciardini and his successors.1 Calvete was obviously interested in the history of the provinces and places visited. The object of the journey was to acquaint the young prince with the territories over which he was destined to rule, and the record of the journey served at the same time as an introduction to their history and geography. Among the works he claims to have consulted are the writings of Tacitus, Bede, Beams Rhenanus, Flavio Biondo, Aegidius Tschudi, Enea Silvio, Otto von Freising, Paulus Diaconus and Saxo Grammaticus. He was therefore well up in the history of northern Europe as then understood. He also shows interest in place names and their origin, so he may perhaps count as an early amateur philologist. The pageants embodied frequent references to the historic past as well as to classical legend and biblical tradition, and the young prince was frequently compared, either explicitly or implicitly, with distinguished figures of Low Countries

106

Literature

^ ^ ^ ^ C / I C V * V££»IV«

KVCVWtxS^^T;'"

Fig. 9.1: The Triumphal Arch before the Munt in Ghent, erected for the entry of Prince Philip of Spain in 1549 (from the woodcut by Joan Liefrinck in Ancien Pays et Assemblies - Standen en Landen, 18 (1959), p. 33ff, plate TV. See note 11. Reproduced by permission of Editions Nauwelaerts, Leuven.)

Old High German in Ghent in 1549

107

history, especially Charlemagne. Calvete evidently had a good knowledge of Dutch as well as French, Latin, Greek and apparently Hebrew. He copied out the inscriptions on such things as triumphal arches in all languages with great care and accuracy and supplied translations of them into Spanish. The prince and his entourage arrived in Ghent on 13 July 1549. He was accompanied by his father, the Emperor Charles V, who had been born in the city. They were received with great pomp, 'dignisimo de tan excelente y suntuoso pueblo', with four triumphal arches. They bore inscriptions in Latin, Greek and Hebrew referring to various princely virtues, especially that of 'prudentia, virtutum princeps'. Before the Munt there was a particularly splendid arch, 'que a los tres pasados excedia en la majestad y architectura'. The theme was the Emperor Charlemagne proclaiming his son Louis the Pious as his successor; the parallel with Charles V and his son was plain. Surmounting the pictorial representation was a tablet containing an inscription in 'lengua franconica antigua (que es la que uso Carlo Magno)'. This inscription, in the very language the great Emperor was deemed to have used, clearly conferred particular authenticity on the arch. Calvete gives a careful copy of the inscription and provides a translation into Spanish. The 'ancient Franconian language used by Charlemagne' is now known as Old High German, and this early evidence of interest in it is noteworthy. The text follows.2 The lines have been numbered for ease of reference. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Thie furist ist gotes bilidi Salige sint mandt ware wanta thie bisizzent erda Sie sint so sama kuani Selp so thio romani Zi wafane snelle So sint thie thegan alle Salige sint thie thar sint miltherze wanta sie folgent miltidum.

This is recognizable as Old High German, and it is clear that it consists of extracts from at least two texts, one in verse, the other in prose. Lines 3-6 are in fact quoted from one of the principal works of Old High German poetry, the Gospel Harmony of Otfrid von Weissenburg (completed 867-71). They come from the introductory

108

Literature

section which Otfrid entitled 'Cur scriptor hunc librum theotisce dicta verit', in which he explains his reasons for writing in German ('in frenkisgon', i.e. in Franconian, 'lengua franconica') rather than in Latin, and praises the Franks as the equals of the Romans: 'Sie sind so sama kuani selp so thio romani' (they are as brave as the Romans), and again 'zi wafane snelle so sint thie thegan alle' (expert with weapons, so are all those warriors). This passage appealed to the nascent national feeling among humanists north of the Alps, which had been greatly stimulated by the discovery of Tacitus's Germania: when the Alsatian humanist Beatus Rhenanus, a friend of Erasmus, came upon a manuscript of Otfrid in Freising in 1530 it was natural for him to be attracted by this passage, to copy it out and to publish it in his Rerum Germanicarum Libri HI (Basel, 1531),3 since when it has been one of the cardinal texts in the history of German self-esteem. Rhenanus also cites the Germanic names for the months given by Charlemagne, and it is clear that for him Otfrid wrote the language Charlemagne spoke. So when Calvete uses the phrase 'lengua franconica antigua, que es la que uso Carlo Magno' he has Beatus Rhenanus in mind, whom he had listed among his sources and who had written: Veteres Francos qui transito Rheno nobilissimum istud in Gallijs regnum constituerunt, & per duas familias priorem Merouingoru, posteriorem Carolingorum no Galliam solum sed & Germania postea non paucis seculis rexere, Germanica usos fuisse lingua, quu innumeralia argumenta probant, turn uero manifeste conuincit Liber ille insignis Euangelioru Francice hoc est Germanice uersus, que nos nuper dum comitia Romani imperij Carolus Caesar celebraret apud Augusta Rhetiae superioris Fruxini in Vindelicis, quam hodie Frisingam appellat, in bibliotheca diui Corbiniani obiter reperimus.4 The work written in the language of Charlemagne was thus associated with his great successor, another Charles. There is thus little doubt about the source of lines 3-6; they come straight from Beatus Rhenanus. Rhenanus quotes fourteen half-lines from Otfrid; four of these are embodied in this inscription. In the year 1549 these were the only verses by Otfrid available in print. For the sake of completeness we should account for the known manuscripts; none were easily accessible to someone working in Ghent.5

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The Freising manuscript that Rhenanus had discovered received no further attention until it was recatalogued by the librarian of the monastery of St Corbinian in 1565. The Heidelberg manuscript was then in the possession of Ulrich Fugger in Augsburg, where it was discovered and copied by Achilles Pirmin Gassar in 1560 (it was from this that Mathias Flacius Illyricus made his edition in 1571). The Vienna manuscript seems to have been first discovered by Martin Zeiller, who noted it in his Itinerarium Germaniae (Strasbourg, 1632). It therefore seems pretty certain that Rhenanus is the source of the Ghent inscription. Lines 2 and 7-8 present a different problem. They are in prose, but they too are easily identifiable. They are the second and fifth beatitudes from the Sermon on the Mount in Matthew 5, 'blessed are the meek' and 'blessed are the merciful'. There is no complete translation of the gospels into Old High German, but there is an Old High German version of Tatian's Diatessaron, a harmony of the gospels, in which the Sermon on the Mount is included at section 22. The Old High German text there reads:6 'Salige sint manduuare, uuanta thie bisizzent erda' and 'Saligi sint thie thar miltherze, uuanta sie folgent miltidun'. Comparison makes it clear that this is the source of the Ghent inscription, lines 2 and 7-8. But in 1549 this text was only available in manuscript. The earliest appearance in print of any part of the Old High German text of Tatian was in 1597, when Bonaventura Vulcanius, professor at the University of Leiden, included in his pioneer work on the Gothic language, De Litteris et Lingua Getarum, extracts from an Old High German Tatian manuscript in his own possession. He was intensely interested in early Germanic texts; he also possessed a manuscript of Williram's Old High German commentary on the Song of Songs. Nothing is known of the provenance of his Tatian manuscript; he made at least one copy, but since then his original has been lost. In 1549 the only other known manuscripts were the St Gall manuscript, which seems not to have left St Gall since the thirteenth century, and another manuscript, now lost, which was in the Chapter Library of Langres (Haute-Marne) in 1580.7 Which of them can have been available to someone working in Ghent in 1549? Not, surely, the St Gall manuscript; perhaps one of the other two, now lost. What this implies is that the author of the Ghent inscription must have been an exceptionally knowledgeable antiquarian and philologist. Who can he have been?

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Interest in Germanic antiquity becomes apparent in the Low Countries in the second half of the sixteenth century, especially in Louvain, Antwerp and Cologne. The principal names here are Georgius Cassander, Cornelius Gualtherus, Johannes Goropius Becanus, the brothers Morillon, Antonius Schoonhovius and Bonaventura Vulcanius.8 They were all interested in Gothic and knew of the existence of the Codex Argenteus; some of them had actually handled it.9 This interest was not primarily linguistic but theological and political. In the century of the Reformation and of vernacular bible translation the Arian (and therefore schismatic) Goths, with their own text of the New Testament in their own language, were seen as important forerunners of contemporary trends. Protestant scholars became interested in other early biblical versions and their connection with the history of the Holy Roman Empire, especially with the figure of Charlemagne. The pioneer in Germany had been Beatus Rhenanus, whose Rerum Germanicarum Libri HI was widely read all over Europe; as we saw, Calvete consulted it for his account of the royal progress, and it was known to the author of the Ghent inscription. Cassander and Gualtherus had found it expedient to move from Flanders to Cologne, where they are recorded in the matriculation register of the University in 1544. They seem to have discovered the Codex Argenteus of the Gothic bible in the monastery of Werden in the Ruhr some time before 1554, and copied extracts from it, including the Lord's Prayer. This news and copies of the extracts spread by correspondence aroused lively interest, which culminated in Goropius Becanus's Origines Antwerpianae (Antwerp, 1569); this was the first printed book to contain extracts from the Gothic bible. Nearly thirty years later came Vulcanius's De Litteris et Lingua Getarum (1597), with which the comparative study of Germanic philology may be said to begin. He used the medieval manuscripts which he had collected for comparative linguistic and literary study. He was in contact with others interested and mentions a treatise by Schoonhovius, 'doctissima de origine Francorum dissertatio', in his possession, on the early history of the Franks. He belonged to a group of distinguished scholars who had come together in the foundation years of the University of Leiden whom he describes in a happy phrase as 'viri docti variarumque linguarum & praecipue maternae suae vernaculaeque amantes'.10 Of all those of his day concerned with early Germanic studies he was the most gifted and the

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most successful; his work brought together earlier discoveries and speculations and made them fruitful for the future. All this activity is later than the Old High German inscription on the Ghent triumphal arch. Is there any way in which it can be brought into connection with these men? All of them were Flemings. Though Vulcanius spent the best years of his life in Leiden, he was born in Bruges and went to school in Ghent. There he was the pupil of Johannes Otho or Jean Oste, a notable philologist and antiquarian.11 As such Otho was entrusted with the design and execution of the pageant to celebrate the royal entry into Ghent, the triumphal arches, the texts, the inscriptions and the iconographical symbolism: a task of considerable importance. He received payment from the city: over zijne quade costen die hy gesupporteert heeft omme advis ter ordonnantie te ghevene van den arcken triumphale theatren ende spectaclen van personnaigen flguren ende chiraigen ter vors. blijder incompste . . . zo int zenden te Cuelen ende andere plecken ter voorzelve uutgereist omme in de bibliotheken de historien te zouckene daertoe dienende.12 This then was the man who was responsible for the wording of the Old High German inscription. It is significant that he made a journey to Cologne 'de historien te zouckene daertoe dienende'. In Cologne he doubtless met Cassander and Gualtherus, whose interest in Germanic antiquity we have already noted. It is significant too that among the pupils of the school he ran in Ghent was the young Bonaventura Vulcanius, who later still is known to have possessed a Tatian manuscript. Here we have a man who knew and taught Vulcanius and who shows close acquaintance with the text of the Old High German Tatian at a time when Vulcanius was eleven years old and under his tuition in Ghent. The author of the inscription had studied Tatian to some purpose. Not only had he made the two extracts from the beatitudes, he had composed two short sentences in Old High German made up of words he had found in Tatian. On the pinnacle of the arch was a tablet with the legend, duly recorded by Calvete as line 1: 'Thie furist ist Gotes bilidi'. The Althochdeutsches Worterbuch has fortunately reached the letter B, so that all known occurrences of the word 'bilidi' are recorded; this is not among them. Moreover, the phrase as it

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stands is faulty Old High German; 'thie furist' should read 'ther furisto', and the form 'thie' for the nominative singular masculine of the definite article seems to betray a Dutch speaker.13 There is a further sentence which Calvete for some reason did not record but which is legible on the wood engraving of the arch made by Joan Liefrinck and reproduced by Marcel Lageirse.14 Immediately above the keystone of the arch proper, below the entablature with the representation of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious, is a frieze with the following inscription which runs the whole width of the structure: 'Ein reht inti govt cvning ist gotes bilidi'. This phrase, like the other, is not recorded elsewhere; moreover, it too is faulty Old High German: 'govt' should read 'gvot' or 'guot'. But it is clearly based on Tatian, section 212.2, in which Joseph of Arimathea is described as 'guot man inti reht'. That is the only passage in which these two adjectives occur together. The sense of both these inscriptions is that the prince is the image of God. This concept does not occur in Tatian, nor is it a distinctively Carolingian idea;15 but it is characteristic of the age in which the doctrine of the divine right of kings was being elaborated. So it is not perhaps surprising that the author of the inscriptions should have searched his Tatian for a suitable term and failed to find one. Old High German 'bilidi' (NHG. Bild, Dutch beeld) is not used in this sense in Tatian or indeed elsewhere, but it was the nearest he could get. He presumably had in mind a phrase such as 'Princeps imago Dei', in which context Dutch 'beeld' would have been appropriate (see Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal, s.v. beeld, para. 4). 16 All this presupposes intensive study of the Old High German text and a fascination with it which led to an attempt at original composition in the ancient language (in itself not so out of the way for a man accustomed to composing in Latin). Was it Johannes Otho who actually drafted the inscriptions? We know that he went to Cologne to seek out 'historien' and there doubtless visited his fellow-countryman Cassander, who is known to have possessed a manuscript of Williram's Old High German commentary on the Song of Songs. Perhaps he was also the owner of the Tatian manuscript used for the inscription. This would suggest that it was not Otho who drafted the inscription but Cassander, who passed his draft on to Otho. There can be no certainty here. But it is significant that in later years Bonaventura Vulcanius, the pupil of Otho and the amanuensis of Cassander, was in possession of manuscripts of precisely these two Old High German works.

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Nothing is known of the provenance of his Tatian manuscript, and equally nothing of the provenance of his Williram manuscript. It is tempting to suppose that it was identical with the Leiden manuscript printed by Vulcanius's Leiden colleague Paullus Merula in 1598 (one year later than Vulcanius's book on Gothic), Willerami abbatis in Canticum Canticorum paraphrasis gemina. The prehistory of this manuscript has been traced back to the monastery of Egmond near Leiden; it is clear that it was never in the possession of Vulcanius, so that Seeimiller can say of Vulcanius's manuscript: 'Die Hs. ist keine der uns erhaltenen'.17 Another tempting assumption is that it was identical with the manuscript from which Cassander quotes in 1555.18 This, however, is improbable, as Cassander is believed to have presented a vellum manuscript of Williram to the Elector Palatine Ottheinrich; the fate of this manuscript is uncertain, and Cassander is hardly likely to have possessed more than one manuscript of Williram.19 So it is that the apparently parallel case of Williram throws no light on the prehistory of Vulcanius's Tatian. But we are left with the strong suspicion that it must originally have belonged to Cassander, who had doubtless found it in the course of his extensive visits to monasteries and libraries on the Lower Rhine noted by J. W. Schulte, and that this manuscript is the source of the extracts in the Ghent inscriptions. After all this we still have no certainty about who drafted the Ghent inscriptions; was it Cassander or Otho? Whoever it was, the inscriptions bear witness to intense study of Germanic antiquities in the Low Countries and Cologne which bore fruit later in the work of Vulcanius and Merula. It was the concern of a group of scholars; what Schulte says of Cassander and Gualtherus goes for the others too whose names we have noted: Sie besassen nur den ehrgeiz, die wahrheit zu suchen und zu finden, mochte es sein auf dem gebiete der strittigen fragen der theologie oder in den schicksalen der volker und staaten oder in dem damals noch schwer entwirrbaren bau der heimischen und fremden sprachen. ihr reges wissenschaftliches streben, ihr personlicher character, ihre umfassenden kenntnisse, ihre milden anschauungen hatten ihnen einen kreis gelehrter und angesehener freunde in Koln und der umgegend, in ihrer heimat wie in Deutschland und selbst in fremden landern geschaffen, mit dem sie einen regen verkehr und eine ausgedehnte correspondenz unterhielten. 20

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Schulte mentions 'ihre milden anschauungen'. It is noticeable that they were all people of Erasmian views in the matter of religion. Cassander and Gualtherus found it advisable to leave Flanders for Cologne and the liberal court of Duke Wilhelm of Cleves, where they were duly joined by Johannes Otho. Schoonhovius and the brothers Morillon too were liberal catholics; Vulcanius was indifferent in matters of religion and finished his days in Calvinist Leiden, as did Merula. For all of of them the interest in vernacular versions of the Bible, whether those of Ulfilas, Williram, Otfrid or the Tatian translator, was theologically based; here as elsewhere philology was the handmaid of divinity. What message was the triumphal arch in Ghent intended to convey? It culminates, as in duty bound, in the loyal asseveration that the prince is the image of God. In the central position, however, this declaration is modified: it is the good king who is the image of God. Such a king will not forget that his Flemish subjects are the equals of the Romans and will treat them with proper consideration. The two quotations from the beatitudes are significant too: the prince may be the image of God, but it is the meek who will inherit the earth. It therefore behoves the prince to be merciful, that he may obtain mercy in the hereafter. The spirit that speaks through these texts is that of the liberal humanist theology of Cassander and Otho, who doubtless regarded with apprehension the accession of the Spanisheducated prince, with the Inquisition at his back. It took some courage to express this point of view in such a place and on such an occasion. All the more reason perhaps to cast it in an impressive language nobody really understood. It is clear from Calvete's translation that this aspect entirely escaped him and therefore escaped the prince. The message they received was: El Principe, que es imagen de Dios, defiende al pueblo en felicidad, porque posee y es sefior de la tierra, y asi con el todos tienen animo y osadia aun contra romanos, y armanse tan valerosamente, que pueden sustentarse contra todos. Bienadventurados los que entre ellos son de animo esforgado, porque con prontitud a su Principe sigan. (The Prince, who is the image of God, defends the people and ensures their well-being, for it is he who owns the land and is its lord and master, and so it is with him that all have spirit and daring even against the Romans, and conduct themselves so

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valiantly that they can make a stand against all comers. Blessed are those among them who have spirit and strength because they follow closely behind their Prince.)21 It is unlikely that Calvete was able to understand the inscription unaided. For the record he was making he would naturally have wished to know what it was about and must have asked someone to convey the sense of it to him. Who else but Johannes Otho, who was responsible for the whole pageant? He moreover was presumably the only person present who knew what the inscription meant, but he knew better than to come out with it. Some years later he joined Cassander and Gualtherus in the more liberal atmosphere of the Duchy of Cleves, taking his family and some of his pupils with him. 22

10 Criminal Biographies or Picaresque Novels? An Investigation of the Dutch Translations of The English Rogue and Moll Flanders H. van Gorp The literature of roguery constitutes an important part of West European prose literature from the late Middle Ages into the eighteenth century. English literature in particular developed an important tradition in this genre, and one which has received a considerable amount of scholarly attention. In this paper I do not aim to explain the phenomenon; rather I would like to provide a brief sketch of this English tradition and to discuss a number of traces that it has left in Dutch literature. This will lead me on to the issue of the specific genre features of the 'criminal biography' as opposed to the picaresque novel.1 In his study The Literature of Roguery (1907) Frank Wadleigh Chandler gives an extensive description of this kind of popular prose. He distinguishes a number of subtypes, which together form the so-called 'anatomies of roguery'. A first subtype is formed by the 'beggar books' which can be traced back to the late medieval 'libri vagatorum'. The most famous specimen is probably John Awdeley's Fraternitye of Vacabondes (1561), in which no less than nineteen categories of rogues and twenty-five orders of scoundrels are recorded. This work became an inexhaustible source of inspiration for later prose writers in the popular genres. A few years later, in 1566, Thomas Harman's Caveat or Warming, for Commen Cursetors Vulgarely Called Vagabones was published, in which the reader is warned at length to be wary of all sorts of roguery. The tone is moralizing, but in a somewhat ambiguous manner. Interestingly, this book includes a short dictionary of thieves' slang, a list of names of rogues notorious

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at the time, and a sample of 'slangy' dialogue between a rogue and an 'upright man'. The beggar books deal mainly with tramps and vagabonds. The so-called 'conny-catching pamphlets', on the other hand, also include the urban underworld with types such as the pickpocket, the swindler and the trickster. They are of a journalistic nature, and initially are fairly realistic and authentic, but the fictional element becomes increasingly dominant. The most notable representative of this genre is Robert Greene. As Claudio Guillen puts it, his pamphlets confront us with 'an impersonal, satirical form of confession, where the emphasis shifts from the repenting hero to his sinful way of life, the practices and companions of his earlier environment.'2 This equivocal mixture of description and moralizing was also to characterize the 'rogue literature' that followed. Finally, mention should be made of the role played by the 'prison tracts', which are more documentary in character, and especially by the 'repentances'. In the latter type of text, criminals would make their confessions and express their sincere remorse for their wrongdoings. The various 'anatomies of roguery' that have been listed, then, provided a seedbed for the countless 'criminal biographies' which, judging by the number of sequels and reprints, were to attract a very large reading public in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. A second major set of sources for these descriptions of criminals' lives consists of, firstly, the late medieval jestbooks (of the Uilenspiegel type), secondly, the so-called 'characters' (containing moralizing descriptions of particular professions), and thirdly, the picaro-tales which originated in Spain and spread to England (often via France). Incidentally, these picaro-tales too can be considered as 'repentances', or rather 'justifications', for a life of misfortune and transgression. In short, the picture of popular and sensational prose literature in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is not easy to survey; it is anything but well defined or clearly organized. Various scholars have tried to produce order out of chaos, but their attempts are not entirely satisfactory. J. J. Richetti, for example, distinguishes three types of criminal tales in the popular literature of the period 1700-40, namely 'whore biography, picaro-prankster stories, and criminal biography proper'. 3 However, he is forced to concede that he is dealing with a miscellaneous genre and that the ex negativo moralizing is the only unifying feature.

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What is in fact meant by a 'criminal biography'? The term refers to stories which were initially quite short but later grew to more considerable dimensions; they concern historically authentic criminals (robbers, pirates, etc.); they aim at historical accuracy, even though a good deal of moralizing and trimming is introduced. As the fictional element becomes more dominant, these stories evolve into genuine tales of adventure. In English seventeenth-century literature the genre often merges with picaresque-style narrative, which flooded the prose fiction market after Mabbe's successful translation of Guzman de Alfarache (1599-1604) appeared under the title The Rogue in 1622. The English Rogue, by R. Head, and the journalistic-picaresque tales of Daniel Defoe, are important further landmarks in this tradition. Moreover, through translation they also found a place in Dutch literature, which is the point upon which I shall enlarge in the following pages.4 The translation of R. Head's The English Rogue, which bears the title Den Engelschen Schelm (1679), is the first item in P. J. Buijnsters's list of criminal biographies included in his study of that genre in the Netherlands in the eighteenth century.5 That does not, of course, mean that this translation is the first instance of rogue literature in Dutch. As elsewhere, certain popular late-medieval narrative types, centring on all sorts of social outcasts and outlaws, had attracted a considerable readership. We might point, for example, to the Gilde van de Blauwe Schuit, and especially to the tales about the 'inverted fraternity' of the Aernoutsbroeders.6 In the latter texts, which date from the first half of the sixteenth century, one is struck not only by the 'objective' descriptions and the warnings, but also by the dialogue between the young Aernout and his old master, and by Aernout's long passage of I-narration, which is hardly interrupted by the master and which might be viewed as a very early foreshadowing of the (pseudo-)autobiographical narration technique of the later picaresque tale. However, these texts do not strictly meet the definition of 'criminal biography' as specified by Buijnsters, as they are not real biographies including conviction and imprisonment, and are not incontestably based on the lives of real people. Still, the historical Sitz im Leben is unmistakable - and, moreover, can one really draw absolute boundaries between fact and fiction? Let us take a closer look at The English Rogue (1665-71), which presents itself in the preface as an example of the English 'criminal biography' tradition, but which soon emerges as a (pseudo-)auto-

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biography. In spite of the somewhat transparent remark by Head, 'In this there is little or no Fiction' (Preface, 1665), there are so many intertextual relations with the 'literature of roguery' (see above) and with the 'novela picaresca', which was quite successful at the time, 7 that the fictitious character of the story can hardly be denied. Moreover, the very title of the story contains a conscious allusion to Mabbe's The Rogue, and the 'commendatory verse' entitled 'On the English Rogue' is significant in this connection: Guzman, Lazaro, Buscon and Francion, Till thou appear'dst did shine as at high Noon. Thy Book's now extant; those that judge of Wit, Say, They and Rablais too fall short of it. The prefaces to the reader at the beginning of the ensuing parts put the fictitious character of the narrative beyond doubt. Readers had related the events narrated to Head himself, and so Francis Kirkman, the editor and joint author of the serial story, deems it necessary to intervene. He actually expresses his understanding of the readers' reaction, since 'indeed the whole story is so genuine and naturally described, without any forcing or romancing, that all contained in it seems to be naturally true, and so I'll assure you it is; but not acted out by any one single person, much less by the author'. 8 The preface to the Dutch translation, which was produced only after the publication of the three serial stories, is equally mystifying. On the one hand, the 'truthfulness' of the story is emphasized in that the author purports to be describing the life of a friend of his. The attitude towards the misdeeds of the latter is even apologetic: 'nooddwang drong hem doorgaans ten bedrijf van Boeverij; Geen wonder; want hy leefde in de besmetlijke Locht, van 't quaadste der ongebonden en bederflijke Tijden'. 9 In addition, the reader is told that 'de overweeging zijns boozen wandels, in den afgang zijner dagen, in hem, ik lieve hem zoo zeer het te geloven, hertelijk leedwezen en onvervalst trouw [heeft] gewrocht.10 The author can be assumed to be telling the truth, because, presumably, he has often visited his friend since his 'reformation' - they had obviously never been in touch before - which gave him the opportunity to learn, little by little, about his friend's life-story. Is this, then, a genuine criminal biography, 'put on paper in order

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to amuse the large audiences, to warn them and/or to instruct them'? 11 One might be tempted to answer this question in the affirmative: 'Aldus verzekerde my redelijkheid, de gedenkschriften zijns Levens, geopenbaard wordende, niet min voordelig, dan aangenaam konden zijn . . .'12 Yet such an interpretation cannot be upheld. A few lines further down we read: 'sommige mogen zeggen, dat dit maar actum agere, een verzameling uit Guzaman, Boscon, of eenige andere, zulk Stof verhandeld hebbende, is; . . . Nook heb ik haar enkele drop van Geest of Herssenen ontvreemt: Als of we den Lezer, zonder ons aan andere Natien te verplichten, geen Engelschen Schelm, van ons eigen maaksel, konden toetakelen.'13 The implications of this latter phrase are self-evident. A more explicitly fictional presentation can hardly be imagined. The name with which he signs, Latroon (from Sp. ladron = thief, wretch), is no less significant. What of the story itself? A thorough analysis is beyond the scope of this paper. The 'translation' is done according to the principles current at the time: it is quite faithful in its rendering of amusing passages but contains many omissions: paragraphs describing situations which are typically English (e.g. a list of beggars' terms, such as Harman's), essayistic sections and interspersed verses. All in all fifty-two out of the original seventy-six chapters remain fairly intact. The allegory of good and evil which concludes the original is also dropped, but the moralizing part is retained. Analogously to a passage in the preface, the reader is asked to understand and excuse the coarseness of the content and of the style, which, however, are claimed to offer the best remedy. The I-narrator hopes that the reader will profit by it: 'als maar 't lesen mijns levens eenigerwegen tot hervorming van boosdadige en ongeregelde Hersenen gedienstig zij'. 14 It is my contention that the (pseudo-)autobiographical narrative stance and the non-occurrence of judgement and verdict are a sufficient basis to exclude Den Engelschen Schelm from the genre of the criminal biography in the strict sense of the term. In fact, both characteristics relate precisely to the tradition of the picaresque narrative, in which the rogue narrates his own life ('la vida de . . .') in a context of self-justification. Because of this narratory standpoint his account is bound to remain 'open-ended' (which also enables the production of further sequels). Indeed, in the case of The English Rogue, the sequels were to follow very soon: Kirkman saw the

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commercial potential of Latroon's adventures and (since Head felt compromised by the reactions of his readers) decided to produce a second part himself, after which both authors collaborated in writing a third and a fourth part. In the final part, the protagonist finds himself in the company of two (female) picaras whose lives are even more sinful than his own. As Mabbe's The Rogue had done before it, the work of Head and Kirkman gave rise to a new wave of stories 'on rogues and whores', often inspired by real-life events and persons, which were put on the market as sensational literature between 1670 and 1740. Typical features of these narratives are what Richetti calls their 'religious sensationalism' and their 'conservatism'. More precisely, he notes the 'exploitation' of the sin-remorse-judgement pattern, which makes this rogue literature more acceptable for the reader (rationalization) and financially rewarding for the publishers (commercialization of the moralitas): The criminal tends to lose his secular individuality in such a situation, for the purposes of the story are best served not by separating him as a unique individual from the rest of mankind but by emphasizing the relevance of his career to the life of every man who reads his story.15 This basically religious scheme, with its ambiguity of condemnation and reward (happy ending), Richetti argued, shows that the seventeenth century and even the beginning of the eighteenth century was hardly aware of the socio-economic factors determining criminal behaviour: 'We are still in a world where evil is rendered more real and menacing by being personified and made palpable rather than by being reduced to its psychological components.'16 Historicity and contextuality are clearly subordinate to (a negative) morality. This moralitas would continue to characterize popular prose in later times, but the 'circumstances' would gradually play an increasing role. Daniel Defoe was the first to stress this fully. But in his works fiction and reality merge to an even greater extent. Defoe's Moll Flanders (1721) and Colonel Jack (1724), even though they were translated into Dutch, do not appear in Buijnsters's list of Levens van Beruchte Personen, and quite rightly so, according to the definition given above. Buijnsters provides an explicit justification: 'Rogues from the world of fiction (e.g., D. Defoe, Levens-Beschryving

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van Kolonel Jack, 1729) are therefore beyond our scope.' He adds that 'real life criminals may well have inspired the 'literary' prose stories, as is the case with Henry Fielding's satirical Levensbeschryving van wylen den Heere Jonathan Wild (1757)'.17 The latter work is included in his list in spite of the literary 'processing'. Perhaps Buijnsters's decision to do so was influenced by a remark from the preface of The Highland Rogue (1723), which is quoted by Richetti: It is not a romantic Tale that the Reader is here presented with, but a real History: not the Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, a Colonel Jack, or a Moll Flanders, but the Actions of The Highland Rogue; a man that has been too notorious to pass for a mere imaginary Person.18 'Actions' (bedryven) are here set in contrast to 'adventures'. However, this may well simply be a case of claiming authenticity, with a commercial eye to the competition. Moreover, Defoe's characters too were modelled on actual persons. Let us investigate this issue somewhat further with reference to a Dutch translation of Moll Flanders, Levensgevallen en Bedryven van Vlaamsche Mie (1752). The title-page of the translation is quite different from that of the original, which contains a short summary of the story. It provides us with a first clue: 'Welke zich door haar gedrag en wisselvalligheden in Engeland zeer berucht gemaakt heeft.' I draw the attention to the word 'berucht' (notorious). The story is published, the title-page goes on to say, 'Gepaart met de Levensgevallen en Bedryven van Yrsche Beth . . . Beide Ware Gebeurtenissen . . ,' 19 Judging from all this evidence, we seem to be confronted with a criminal biography. In this context one is struck by the omission from the Dutch text of the adventurous-picaresque main title of the original, 'Fortunes and Misfortunes' and of the specification, 'written from her own Memorandums'. At first sight this might appear surprising, but on closer inspection we can well understand this shift. In fact, the success of Defoe's novel in England (it was Tn London vele malen herdrukt', as the Dutch version says) was partly due to the fact that the readers basically wanted to know who this famous Moll Flanders might be in real life. Immediately after the appearance of the novel a series of pamphlets was published in which it was claimed that the real Moll Flanders had died in Galway in April 1722, under the name of Elisabeth Atkins.20 As early as 1723 came the publication

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of an edition entitled The Life and Actions of Moll Flanders . . . An abridgment, with additional material describing the death of Moll Flanders (Elisabeth Atkins). Some years later a sort of chapbook appeared under the title Fortune's Fickle Distribution (1730); in the first volume, The Life and Death of Moll Flanders, there is lengthy discussion of the alleged identity of Moll. At the end of the Dutch version one finds virtually the same information. The name of Moll's husband and her own name are explicitly communicated to the reader: 'mijn echte naam [was] Elisabeth Atkins'. In addition the reader is given a third-person narrated report of her last days: Gedurende den tyd harer ziekt . . . leefde zy zeer boetvaardig, yverig in all godvruchtige oeffeningen, bemoeijende zich met gene waereldsche zaken, maar bereidende zich tot een gelukkigen overgang. Dikwerf werd zy door voorname godgeleerden bezocht . . . In deze vrome gesteltheid bleef zij tot den 10. april, zijnde de elfde dag na de ondertekening van haar testament, wanneer zy dit stoffelijke met het onverganglyke verwisselde, in het 75 ste jaar hares ouderdoms, tot groot leetwesen der armen, ontrent, welke zy zeer mededeelzaam was . . . The funeral ceremony is described in great detail and the story is concluded with an epitaph in verse, in which the life and the eventual conversion of 'Elisabeth' (not of 'Moll') is summed up in terms of the well known sin-redemption pattern. In a way, the end of the Dutch version does refer to the genre of the criminal biography. The same holds true for the book's prologue. In a 'Voorberight van de Vertaler' it is stated that the notoriety of Vlaamsche Mie (and of Yrsche Beth) in England have led to the publication of many reprints of their life-stories - which is supported by reference to the English 'nieuwspapieren'. That these stories are based on actual fact seems to be beyond all doubt for the translator. Yet, for the benefit of 'zodanige Lezers, welke deze levensgevallen voor Romans mochten aanzien', he wants to dispel any doubts by offering certain irrefutable items of 'evidence': the opinion of the people in London, the memory that some people still retain (thirty years later!) of the 'peculiar roles' that she had played, and especially the 'fact' of the Galway burial and the documents pertaining to her birth and to her trial at 'Old-Baily'. These 'proofs' provide the connection to the actual I-story, which begins as follows: 'Myn echte naam [this is given in a footnote as

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"Elisabeth Atkins"] is in de rapporten en registers van Newgate en de Old-Baily zo wel bekent . . . dat men niet behoeve te verwachten, dat ik in dit werk myn naam noemen, of een bericht van myn' familie geven zal.' 21 Does this life-story of Vlaamsche Mie then belong to the tradition of 'criminal biography' after all? In fact, the matter is rather more complicated than that. The name of Elisabeth Atkins may itself be fictitious. Recent investigations into Moll's identity have discovered another possible source. It appears that Defoe, in his visits to Newgate in 1721, met a certain Moll King, alias Mary Godson, who was a famous thief and who apparently told the story of her life and that of a friend to Defoe. As G. Howson puts it: 'Defoe first sought [Moll King] out when she was under sentence of death, as a suitable subject for a criminal pamphlet to add to Applebee's famous series. After her reprieve, the pamphlet grew into a novel, the first of its kind in England.'22 In other words, in Howson's view, we are dealing with a 'real' criminal, whose life provided the inspiration for a 'literary' prose narrative. This is also the opinion of the Defoe expert G. A. Starr, who writes the following in his introduction to a new edition of Moll Flanders: 'It may be misleading to imply that Moll Flanders is to any significant degree about Moll King, for the book is even less her history than Robinson Crusoe is Alexander Selkirk's. The heroine's varied criminal exploits have been assembled from diverse sources . . .'23 Indeed, the semi-fictional character of the Dutch version can easily be deduced from the text itself. With regard to the story's macro-structure it appears that the text (perhaps in imitation of the English 1723 edition) has been split up at various logical breaking points in order to obtain chapters of more or less equal length. Contemplative and erudite passages are dropped, including those where one of Defoe's central themes is enlarged upon, namely the socio-cultural position of women, and the marriage market, in early eighteenth-century England. The continuity of the story is maintained by means of linking sentences. Characteristically, longer conversations, which are often rendered in indirect speech in the original text, are partly translated into dialogue in direct speech, to enhance the liveliness of the text. The language is coloured by emotion and by personality to a greater extent than in the English text, with a greater variety of vocabulary and idiom. By virtue of its more 'popular' character the Dutch translation seems to have placed itself in a hybrid tradition of rogue literature, adventure stories,

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'robinsonades' and travesty tales. It is remarkable that a footnote (on page 209) explains a certain episode by referring to the Levensgevallen en Euveldaden van verscheide befaamde Engelse Zee- Struik- en Straatrovers enz., 'volgens hunne gerecht in London zamen gestelt', and published 'onlangs bij den drukker dezes [i.e. Steven van Esveldt]'. 24 The reference is to an earlier work of Defoe's, which was published under the pseudonym of Captain Ch. Johnson, and which is also included in Buijnsters's list. Here too fictional element is unmistakable - these and similar life-stories (e.g. the one by Captain Alexander Smith) embroider on each other in ever new 'anthologies' that are adapted according to the circumstances. In fact, it seems to be rather arbitrary to include Den Engelschen Schelm and the Levensgevallen en Euveldaden in the Dutch tradition of criminal biographies, as Buijnsters does, while excluding Vlaamsche Mie. This may not be very important, though. We have been made fully aware that reality and fiction are continually intertwined. Moreover, the illusion of reality is much more important to the reader than the actual historicity of the narrated events, however much the latter may contribute an additional, 'existential' dimension to one's reading of a work, and however much this dimension may affect one's appreciation of that work.

11 Anglo-Saxon Impressions: P. N. van Eyck., J. C. Bloem, A. Roland Hoist and English Poetry A. L. Sotemann 'Albert Verwey was a great poet, a great connoisseur of literature, a great critic and essayist, but above all he was the good genius who stood at the start of our poetic careers', was J. C. Bloem's tribute in an obituary written under the immediate impact of Verwey's death. 1 To be accepted by Verwey amounted to one's consecration as a poet. Shortly after his first poems had been published in Verwey's review De Beweging (The Movement), Bloem composed an ironic quatrain: 'What is the greatest literary bliss?/ To move along with The Movement I And to lay each fresh poetic egg/ In Verwey's little red nest.' 2 For Bloem and his friends this was literally true. Although quite a number of poems by P. N. van Eyck had appeared in other periodicals before he was admitted to De Beweging, he afterwards considered his first publication under Verwey's aegis as his real debut. 3 It was a unique situation: a group of young poets, most of them born in the later 1880s, not only accepted but actually desired to have as their leader a man who was some twenty years older and who had been among the revolutionary young writers active at the time of their births. Another curious circumstance was the fact that the poetry they wrote was less influenced by their avowed leader Verwey than by two younger poets, P. C. Boutens (born in 1870) and Karel van de Woestijne (born in 1878). When Bloem and Van Eyck first met, in 1910, they were not tabulae rasae. Of course they had read their predecessors of the eighties and nineties. But what was striking was that their foreign literary affinities and predilections lay in France rather than in England. Van Eyck, who at the time was already widely read, not only knew Baudelaire and Verlaine from his schooldays, but from

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1907 onwards had published essays on Moreas (Les Stances), Verhaeren, Samain, Guerin, Van Lerberghe and De Regnier. Probably he had got to know several of them through Van de Woestijne, who was steeped in French poetry. Bloem too wrote his first essays, published in De Beweging, on De Regnier and on Verhaeren (1911). In the earlier one he also mentioned Moreas's Stances, and praised the 'classical mastery' of these two poets, their adherence to the 'tradition frangaise', their power to breathe fresh life into old forms, and their capacity to write authentic and original, though formally unspectacular, poetry with frequently used and familiar images.4 In 1901 Verwey had published an essay entitled 'Poezie in Europa' (Poetry in Europe), dealing with the work of Ernest Dowson, De Regnier, and his admired friend Stefan George.5 Moreover he had translated two of De Regnier's poems as early as 1899.6 Thus the interest the young poets took in the late French symbolist is by no means inexplicable. By far the most curious section of Verwey's essay, however, is that on Dowson. In 1897 Verwey had made a trip to London, where, more or less by accident it seems, he became acquainted with Dowson's poetry.7 He described the experience in 'Een Tocht door Londen' (A Tour of London), comparing the Englishman to Verlaine and including translations of six of his poems.8 In a letter to Stefan George he wrote '[In London] I discovered the existence and the work of the one English contemporary author in whom I take an extraordinary interest.'9 Four years later, in 'Dichters in Europa', Verwey writes of Dowson, who had recently died: 'We have entered a new century and as never before England stands devoid of poets. The one man who was greeted with joy on the Continent in recent years, Ernest Dowson, died, while leafing through Thackeray's Henry Esmond.' 10 He then goes on to write about Thackeray's novel, and by means of various connectional acrobatics, alights on the Boer War, and an Afrikaans pamphlet entitled A Century of Injustice. The final sentence reads: 'In my dream I saw how England's last poet died in the certainty that South Africa would be free.'11 Not a single word about Dowson's poetry! Verwey was so obsessed by the Boer War that he came to detest everything English, even if it had nothing to do with imperialist warfare. Kipling of course was a particular bete noire: 'Now, at the end of Queen Victoria's reign, Ernest Dowson's quivering light trembled but briefly, and the soot of Rudyard Kipling's grimy smoke is overbearing. Chaos, emptiness and darkness.' 12

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Although Verwey retained his admiration for the great English poets - Milton, Shelley, Keats, and in later years particularly the Wordsworth of The Prelude - as far as I know he never again showed any particular interest in contemporary English poetry. It would hardly be surprising if Verwey's attitudes had exerted some influence on the poets of 1910. As I have already said, Van Eyck wrote essays on a number of French (near-)contemporary poets, but the only English ones to whom he devoted attention were Dowson and Alfred Douglas, and his essay on the latter was published only posthumously.13 In this connection it is also worth mentioning a naive poem by Van Eyck on Oscar Wilde,14 written in 1908, one of a group of six called 'Bezinningen' (Reflections), and showing the unmistakable influence of P. C. Boutens. In 1908 Boutens had issued a private edition of Douglas's Poems (of which forty copies were printed by the Saint Catherine Press at Bruges). In the following year his translations of Oscar Wilde's A Florentine Tragedy and Salome appeared, also in limited editions of fifty copies each. Somewhat later his Dutch versions of De Profundis and The Soul of Man under Socialism were published in the normal way, as well as a reprint of the earlier ones. There can be little doubt that Boutens's activities on behalf of Wilde and Douglas were not entirely motivated by literary concerns.15 Van Eyck's essay on Douglas, however, does not mention Boutens's edition. He apparently wrote his article because Douglas's Sonnets had just been published in London. Van Eyck does not make excessive claims for the poet, although he calls some of his work 'open, always tasteful, often extremely beautiful', but he is especially interested in 'what we can learn from his life about Life, about his relation to English literature, and about the appearance in our time of a man of his disposition as a phenomenon.'16 It is not impossible that the open-mindedness of the essay, the acceptance of homosexuality as a way of life, and the appreciation of Douglas's work in spite of his 'deviance', led Van Eyck to decide against publication. But in his aversion to the England of his time Van Eyck followed in Verwey's footsteps. 'It is all too often a distinguishing feature of many peoples, but in particular of the English, to torture or to ignore their best poets until they are literally dead.'17 And 'the state of contemporary English poetry is far from splendid, even . . . quite deplorable.'18 Van Eyck's sweeping judgement overlooked such poets as Housman, Hardy and Yeats, to say nothing of others like Bridges,

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De la Mare and Masefleld, who compare favourably with his two chosen ones. Van Eyck's poem 'Een Dichter' (A Poet, 1913),19 could hardly have been written without the knowledge of Francis Thompson's 'The Kingdom of God' (Tn No Strange Land'), although he does not mention this poet elsewhere in his work. In 1919 Van Eyck went to live in London as a correspondent of the Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant, the most prestigious newspaper in the Netherlands, and so had the opportunity of following the development of English poetry on the spot. There are very few signs, however, that he was particularly susceptible to what was happening. Though in 1924 he reckons Yeats, together with the Dutch poet J. H. Leopold and the Frenchman Francis Jammes, among 'the best of our contemporaries', in his view they are inferior to Verwey and George.20 And even in 1928, in his obituary of Thomas Hardy, he characterizes The Dynasts as 'a heavy mountain in the plains and hill country of contemporary English literature', written 'at a time of brief formal impulses and frittered energy'. And, though he regards Hardy's poetry as 'eminently personal', such praise sounds rather muted when placed alongside 'a certain lack of spiritual breadth, in which the voice of a critical attitude towards life sounds louder than that of a suffering and reconciling compassion'.21 Although Van Eyck's excellent library contained an impressive number of English first editions, including D. H. Lawrence, T. S. Eliot, James Joyce and even Dylan Thomas, as well as a truly magnificent collection of Yeats's works,22 he never again expressed his views on twentieth-century English poetry, except for an indirect homage to Yeats in the shape of a translation of 'Sailing to Byzantium'.23 At the beginning of their acquaintance Bloem and Van Eyck were, quite understandably, principally interested in their own poetry and in that of their immediate contemporaries. Van Eyck introduced his friend to George, and they wrote about Baudelaire - of whose Fleurs du Mai they produced an edition under the imprint of 'De Zilverdistel' (The Silver Thistle; carlina acaulis) - and about Guerin, De Regnier and Verhaeren. No English poets are mentioned, apart from Browning, whose The Ring and the Book staggered Bloem with its sheer bulk. 24 In any case, in 1912 Bloem was obliged to confess that he had still read very little of Browning.25 But at the same time he wrote to Aart van der Leeuw that next to Ronsard, Baudelaire, De Regnier and George, it was the poetry of Keats, Wordsworth,

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Swinburne and Christina Rossetti that had the power to move him to a feeling of ecstasy.26 A year later he bought Edward Marsh's Georgian Poetry. 'It is very interesting to read something by modern English poets for a change.' Rupert Brooke's 'Dust' particularly impressed him.27 All this seems to indicate that Bloem and his friends took little interest in their English contemporaries. Nevertheless when, early in 1915, Bloem wrote the essay 'Het Verlangen' (Desire), which was later to be seen as a representative statement of the aims and the mentality of his generation, 'a little poetic creed, woven round some verses very dear to my heart', his foreign preferences had shifted once and for all from France to England, to 'The desire of the moth for the star' and the 'Sun-flower! weary of time', that is to say to Shelley and Blake.28 Bloem was the kind of man who repeatedly bore witness to his unstinting admiration both for the work of his friends and for older poetry, foreign as well as Dutch. While his poetry is among the most personal and individual of his generation - immediately recognizable as his and no one else's - he often refers to or even quotes explicitly from his foreign paragons. Apart from Baudelaire and Holderlin, nearly all of these are English. A poem of 1910, 'Kerkhof in een Oud Stadje aan Zee' (Churchyard in an Old Seaside Town) bears a certain resemblance to Thomas Gray's 'Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard', while 'Aan een Verloren Vriend' (To a Lost Friend), written in the same year, bears a motto from Keats, 'Forlorn! the very word is like a bell'. Two years later Bloem wrote his version of 'King Cophetua and the Beggarmaid', 'Konig Cophetua en het Bedelmeisje', modelled, of course, on Percy's Reliques, although the outcome is different. Instead of 'living happily ever after', the girl escapes from the court after the wedding night. Two stanzas are evidently inspired by Burne-Jones's well-known painting, and the form of the stanza is taken from 'The Garden of Proserpine', a poem that has been characterized by Bloem's friend Geerten Gossaert (himself a great admirer of Swinburne) as 'the most perfect example of Swinburnian Preraphaelitism'.29 In the last stanza of one of Bloem's best poems, 'Het Kerkhof aan het Meer' (The Churchyard by the Lake), the spring wind, rustling through the bare treetops, is identified with the soughing of immortal Death. I have always associated this impressive image with D. G. Rossetti's 'The wind of Death's imperishable wing', the last line of 'Lovesight'.

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Bloem's next poem, 'Leven en Dood' (Life and Death) openly refers to A. E. Housman's 'R. L. S[tevenson]', and in 1934 Bloem published a group of eight poems he called 'Monodramas' in the literary review De Gemeenschap (The Community). Although the term itself derives from Tennyson ('Maud: A Monodrama'), the title of the group was probably intended as a homage to Browning. Bloem greatly admired the internal dramatic tension of Browning's poems, and it is this same feature to which his own work owes a notable part of its fascination. Some years later Bloem borrowed a line of Meredith's 'Dirge in Woods' as a title for his own 'Not a Breath of Wild Air'. More than once he praised Meredith's poetry, and in particular 'Modern Love'. In the course of the same month 'Suddenly I Meet your Face' was written. It has the same theme as Yeats's 'A Deep-sworn Vow', of which Bloem's title is the closing line, but whereas the meeting is the climax of Yeats's poem, in its Dutch counterpart the face of the beloved will finally sink into the rustling of oblivion. The poem 'Keats', written shortly afterwards, in which 'the imperishable poem' is the ultimate recompense for a life of suffering, ends with a quotation from Keats's 'Fairy Song': 'Shed no tear - oh shed no tear!/ The flower will bloom another year.' In 1940 Bloem translated two poems by Wordsworth, 'She Was a Phantom of Delight' and 'A Slumber did my Spirit seal'. As Bloem rightly says in an essay on P. C. Boutens, the choice of a poem for translation is based on a feeling of affinity,30 and it comes as no surprise to find that in his list of 'the greatest poets I know' Wordsworth takes pride of place.31 As will be clear by now, Bloem did not show any particular interest in more or less contemporary poets. Apart from Rupert Brooke, whom I have already mentioned, Alice Meynell and Katherine Tynan are the only ones we encounter in his letters from the second decade of the century.32 It is all the more striking when we suddenly meet a further name, that of Oliver St John Gogarty. Bloem will have come across Gogarty's poetry in the controversial Oxford Book of Modern Verse which Yeats had compiled in 1936, where he is given considerable space, because Yeats thought his friend one of the greatest lyric poets of the age.33 During the last month of the Second World War Bloem started to translate 'Per Iter Tenebricosum'. 34 He finished it only in 1958 when he compiled an anthology of Dutch poems De Dichter en de Dood (The Poet and Death). 35 He concluded his

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introduction with a eulogy of Gogarty, who was in his considered opinion the greatest English poet since the death of Yeats, by virtue of the formal magnificence of his verse, his joyfulness, his cheerful acceptance of all aspects of life and his equally manly acceptance of death. Bloem published the translation by way of homage to 'this great figure'.36 Gogarty is probably now remembered only as 'Buck Mulligan' in Joyce's Ulysses, a writer of bawdy and sacreligious verse, and possibly by some people as the author of two most entertaining autobiographical books.37 He has completely disappeared from literacy history and recent anthologies as a serious poet. Although Bloem (together with Yeats) may have overrated his qualities, I do not think absolute neglect is justifiable. Whether Bloem borrowed the Adonic verse he used in two poems written in 1944 and 1947 from Tennyson or Browning is difficult to say; he could equally well have found it in Boutens's poetry. In 1947 we come across the first American poet in Bloem's work, Robert Frost, whose 'My November Guest' he translated. But of course Frost had befriended the Georgian poets when staying in England, and had already been praised by Edward Thomas for the unobtrusive purity of his verse. 'It is classical, realist, and conversational in idiom, a poetry which never strains after effect and is never grandiose', as Cecil Day Lewis has said.38 The same words could be used to characterize Bloem's own work. Speaking of affinities . . . Four more poems were to be translated by Bloem: Leigh Hunt's charming 'Rondeau' ('Jenny kissed me . . . ' ) , Hardy's 'I Look into my Glass', Fitzgerald's Omar Khayyam quatrain 'Ah, fill the cup . . .' and Housman's 'Here dead we lie . . .', which was not included in Bloem's Verzamelde Gedichten (Collected Poems). In addition the title of Bloem's sixth volume of poems, Quiet though Sad, was taken from Milton's Paradise Lost (Bk. XI, 272). Rarely has a Dutch author testified to his deep love of English poetry in a similar way. When Bloem compiled Persoonlijke Voorkeur (Personal Preference), an anthology of Dutch, English, German and French poems in the original languages (1958), he allotted more than a third of his pages to English poets, even though he had been compelled to cut out quite a number of English poems for reasons of space, and he admitted that 'this poetry so far surpasses all the others that I had created an unbalanced proportion (in quantity, not in quality) in relation to the other languages.'39 Bloem's selection is

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a personal one indeed. Starting with Shakespeare, he presents us with a fair number of seventeenth-century poets, including a charming 'Glee' by Thomas Dekker (a writer not represented in Helen Gardner's New Oxford Book of English Poetry, for instance) but omitting Henry Vaughan. The eighteenth century shows a conspicuous gap: no Dryden, Pope, Johnson, Gray, Collins, Cowper or Burns - only Thomas Chatterton, and, of course, Blake. In 1945 Bloem had compiled a selection of the latter's poetry, beautifully printed by Enschede at Haarlem and published by A. A. Balkema in Amsterdam, who during the German occupation gladdened many Dutch hearts with a fine series of anthologies from English poets (Donne, Thomas Gray, Cowper, Emily Bronte, D. G. Rossetti, Fitzgerald's Omar Khayyam, Yeats and Emily Dickinson).40 Nearly all the well-known names of the nineteenth century are represented, with the exception of Christina Rossetti and, predictably, Gerard Manley Hopkins. The last poets in Bloem's anthology are Charlotte Mew and Wilfred Owen. No poems by more recent authors were included in Persoonlijke Voorkeur, partly because Bloem had drawn the line after the First World War, but also because he had little affinity with modern poets. 'I am more of a "Bloemist" (florist) than an Eliotist', he once remarked. The one exception he made was a poem by Gogarty, 'Verse', which he chose as a motto for the whole book. The anthology gives quite a good impression of the kind of poet Bloem himself was, and might be called something of an indirect self-portrait. In 1953 Bloem gave a lecture called Terugblik op de Afgelegde Weg (the title is a translation of Whitman's 'A Backward Glance o'er Travel'd Roads'), which he concluded with a homage to the three poets nearest to his heart, and after what has been said it will come as no surprise that two of them are English. The first is the Italian Giacomo Leopardi, the others are Thomas Hardy and A. E. Housman. He admits that the latter two cannot be numbered among the greatest poets of all time and even concedes that Housman is a minor poet, 'but in his restricted field his purity and wealth are such that - toutes proportions gardees - he may be mentioned honourably alongside Hardy, to whose nature he bears a remarkable and essential likeness.'41 The case of Bloem's and Van Eyck's friend A. Roland Hoist is in certain respects a very different one. 'From a very early age onwards I

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have had a preference for English poetry', he once wrote.42 In his address on receiving the Trijs der Nederlandse Letteren' in 1955 he acknowledged his own debt: 'In my youth I owed to English poetry, which I still regard as the greatest of Western Europe, the growing pains of my poetical talents.' 43 At the age of twenty Hoist went to Oxford where he studied, or at least was a student at the University, as he put it himself. It was during this stay that he first read Milton.44 In an essay, 'Persoonlijke Voorkeur' (Personal Preference), dating from 1955, he recalls the shattering impression Paradise Lost made on him, which lasted for several months. At the same time he realized that Milton's poetry not only lay beyond his own capacities, but that it did not even constitute an extension of them: 'it came from somewhere outside my own nature'. 45 As a consequence he was immune to its influence. Hoist's work, however, apart from the influence of the Dutch poet Herman Gorter, was to be deeply marked by D. G. Rossetti, and in particular by Yeats,46 so much so that many of his symbols and certain dimensions of his mythology are obviously derived from Yeats's work and to a lesser extent from Celtic mythology. In an introduction to the English versions he made of some of his own poems Hoist says: 'When translating the opening lines of "Helena's Inkeer" (Helen's Disillusion; in the translation the fragment is entitled "Helen of Troy") I realized how much I owe to him: I could dedicate it to him and Maud Gonne'.47 The resemblance is striking indeed. The rhyme-scheme Hoist used in his most important work, Een Winter aan Zee (A Winter by the Sea), is taken from Yeats's poem 'The Withering of the Boughs', and in addition part of its imagery is clearly inspired by the Irish poet. One can accord with V. E. van Vriesland's comment that in writing Een Winter aan Zee Hoist had built a beautiful house of his own with someone else's bricks. 48 Apart from Yeats we meet with few references to or marked influences from English poets in Hoist's verse, although Bloem was undoubtedly correct in stating that the poem 'Van een Lachend Kind' (About a Laughing Child) had been inspired by Francis Thompson. 49 It stands to reason that Hoist's translations of English poems testify in the first place to his admiration for Yeats (sixteen poems and The Countess Kathleen). Next comes D. G. Rossetti (seven poems), followed by Christina Rossetti (two), Meredith and Patmore (one each).

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In Hoist's essays we meet with his favourite poets many times. But they are a small band indeed. He commemorated Shelley on the centenary of his death. Significantly his article is called 'Shelley; A Farewell': 'There is no poet whose work I have tried to love so fervently and unconditionally as the work of this man who of all poets was the most poetic' In spite of the fact that 'in the life of nearly every poet Shelley will prove to be of passing significance', owing to his 'lack of gravitation', the essay bears witness to an intense if frustrated affection.50 Apart from Keats, William Morris and Oscar Wilde (whose 'Ballad of Reading Gaol' he greatly appreciates),51 Hoist mentions three modern writers: T. S. Eliot, 'whom I do not succeed in seeing as a born poet; he has to do with coke for fuel nearly continually',52 and 'with whom the Muse would at the very most be prepared to have a cup of tea, whereas she would go to bed with Dylan Thomas immediately.'53 It is scarcely surprising that Hoist should feel himself incomparably more attracted by the impetuous Welshman than by the intellectual complexity of T. S. Eliot. The third one is an American, Robert Lowell, to whom Hoist refers only in passing, but whom he calls 'an essential poet'. 54 It is characteristic of the conservative mentality of the poets of 1910 that they had little sympathy for their own contemporaries or for the majority of younger poets, either in England and America, or in France and Germany.55 It was not until the late forties that M. Nijhoff (born in 1892) showed a particular interest in Eliot by translating a number of his poems as well as The Cocktail Party.56 On the other hand there has not been another group of poets in Holland since who were so thoroughly familiar with the great tradition of English verse and who were able to and so enjoyed larding a literary conversation with apt quotations from their favourite poets.

12 A Closer Look at M. Nijhoff 's Poem 'Langs een wereld5 (Passing worlds) Frank Lulofs Translated by Cora and Alastair Weir LANGS EEN WERELD

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Ik keek laatst door een venster naar binnen, Daar zat bij een lamp een vrouw te slapen, Het hoofd op de tafel voorover gebogen, De armen slap voor zich uit gestrekt Zij voelde misschien, dat iemand daarbuiten Stond en haar aankeek; ze richtte zich op, Streek met de hand langs het voorhoofd, en staarde Een droom na waaruit ze nog niet was gewekt Toen zag ze mij staan, en waarschijnlijk verbond ze Hetgeen ze gedroomd had met mijn gestalte, (Zoo namen wij beiden deel aan een wereld Voor beiden ver van ons leven vandaan) Ik zag hoe ze opstond, het haardvuur verzorgde, Een boek dichtsloeg en een stoel naderbij schoof, En een oogenblik, met de hand op de deurknop, Luisterend in het vertrek bleef staan In die wereld (die noch van haar noch van mij was) Was ik (wist ik) een wedergekeerde, Een zoon die op zee ging, een vriend die heenging, En jaren en jaren vergeefs verwacht En al die jaren (dit wist ik nu) dreef mij Een heimwee die wereld door en naar ditzelfde Venster terug, een aanhoudend verlangen Naar thuiskomst, hier, en in dezen nacht -

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Ik zag hoe zij draalde, ging staan voor den spiegel, Het grijs zacht haar langs de slapen glad streek, Omzag naar de klok, en zichzelve terugvond En wankelend naar het venster Hep Maar reeds waren wij voor elkaar onbereikbaar Elk naar zijn eenzaam leven ontweken, Alleen werd, ginds nog, het raam opgeschoven En een klanklooze stem, al ver achter me, riep PASSING WORLDS1

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I recently looked in through a window, There by a lamp sat a woman sleeping, Her head bowed forward onto the table, Her arms stretched out limply in front of her She felt perhaps that someone outside Stood looking at her; she raised herself up, Stroked her hand along her forehead, and gazed After a dream from which she had not yet been woken Then she saw me standing there, and probably connected My shape with what she had dreamed about, (So we both had a share in a world For both of us far removed from our lives) I saw how she stood up, mended the fire, Shut a book and pulled a chair nearer, And for a moment, with her hand on the doorknob, Stood still in the room, listening In that world (which was neither hers nor mine) I was (I knew) a traveller returned, A son who went to sea, a friend who went away, And for years and years was awaited in vain And all those years (I knew now) I was driven Through that world by a longing for home, to the selfsame Window returning, a continual yearning To come home, here, and on this night I saw how she tarried, went to the mirror, Smoothing the soft grey hair along her temples, Looked round at the clock, and recovered herself And shakily walked to the window -

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Dear Peter, How long ago it is now since you dropped into my room in the Institute in Amsterdam, introduced yourself, and told me what was wrong with my dissertation? Since then we have had many equally enjoyable, but still far too infrequent, discussions. In spite of the theoretical objections which have been raised since then against the scientific status of textual interpretation, I think that it should still be possible to write a commentary on a poem. And seeing that you have meanwhile translated Het Uur U (Zero Hour) into English in a presentation volume for me, 2 1 hope to give you pleasure with a closer look at another of Nijhoff's poems, which in my opinion deals with a similar subject. Within the limited space available, this can indeed be no more than a closer look, but still, I hope, with sufficient material for us to have something to argue about. If we begin by listing the data on the form of the poem, which appeared in 1924 in the collection called Vormen (Forms), then there are - apart from the title, to which I shall return later - several remarkable phenomena. The poem consists of four verses each of eight lines, of which only the fourth and eighth are rhyming. The rhyming lines are followed, or cut off, or continued, by a dash. The last verse also ends with one of these dashes. These dashes after the rhymes always mark the end of a compound sentence, in that the first two lines grammatically make two separate sentences, linked however by a comma. The result of this punctuation is that each verse is constructed of two independent units of four lines (la, lb, Ila, lib, etc.). The verses are divided from each other by a blank line, so that the question arises of why these verses end not with a full stop, but with a dash. Normally every sentence ends with a full stop or - depending upon its content - with an exclamation or question mark. In this poem it seems that the dash not only ends the sentences but also cuts them short. We talk of a 'conceptual dash', and mean by this that the dash interrupts a chain of thought which could have been developed further, as if only part of it had been expressed. There is, therefore,

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no full stop at the end of the poem, any more than at the end of the statement. This makes the end less definitive, which is also reflected in the intonation when it is read aloud. And that's not all. A further inspection shows that there is not a single full stop in all the poem's thirty-two lines, and only one semi-colon (in line 6), the clauses being linked or separated by commas. The number of syllables per line varies from nine to twelve, nor is any specific metre recognizable. The poem therefore has - apart from its typographical lay-out - few of the recognizable characteristics of a poem as these were customary in 1924. Partly because of the lack of these characteristics, but particularly also because of the language, which appears at first sight to be no different from conversational usage, Nijhoffs work was dubbed 'poesie parlante' (a classification also used for the very different poetry of Du Perron and Slauerhoff). It tells a story which only after examination can be seen to be tightly structured. We enter it almost unsuspectingly, and find that we have become involved in another, poetic, world. I am ignoring assonance, alliteration and enjambments, because their eventual function in the poem can only be determined by the content analysis. The first element of the content is the title 'Langs een wereld' (Passing worlds), but in the context of common usage this is so enigmatic that we shall need to read the poem first to see what can be meant by it. I have already suggested3 that in this case title and poem should explain each other. In combination with 'worlds', if the title be interpreted literally, 'passing' must imply a cosmic journey through space which in 1924 - and for that matter still - could only be envisaged in science fiction. In a figurative sense one can speak of 'a world of misunderstanding', where 'world' acts as an hyperbole. We are familiar with 'the wicked world', in the meaning of 'unfeeling society', or 'malignant community', and the 'world upside-down' of which Peter King, among others, has written.4 But people do not commonly use the indefinite article (een) for these worlds. I must not make this an absolute statement: you can warn someone, 'You will have to learn to live in a wicked world', and you can also speak of 'an upside-down world', when faced with a chaotic situation, but the combination of such a world with the adjective 'passing' is still exceptional. A world must therefore be something different from the world, the world we know, our real world. I do not know how much use I have already made here of evidence offered me by the poem, but

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I write this argument not as a demonstration of methodology - as was the intention with my thesis - but. I repeat, as a closer look at the poem, and in doing so a strictly methodical approach is not my first concern. Verse I As a child I was taught never to start a letter with T : that was arrogance. Although this is nonsensical - in English they even write the word with a capital letter, and are the Dutch with their 'ik' consequently less arrogant than the English? - I have stuck to it all my life. In poetry - and particularly lyric poetry - this rule obviously does not apply. If it were already arrogant to start with a reference to oneself, then it must be even more arrogant to write poetry about one's own feelings. Skimming quickly through Nijhoff's Collected Works / , I found ten poems beginning with T (including 'De wolken', 'Het kind en ik', and 'De moeder de vrouw'). In 'Langs een wereld' the poet starts as a narrator: 'I recently looked in through a window' (line 1). Time, place and action are all covered in the first line; but time and place, and even the identity of the actor, are far from definite. 'Recently' is an imprecise indication of time in the not too distant past and 'a window' can be anywhere. And why is this T looking in through a window? That is something you do not do without some compelling reason, unless you are a peeping torn. The rest of the poem will have to explain to us whether there is such a reason. In the next three lines the T figure tells what he sees: a woman sitting asleep at a table near a lamp, and the attitude in which she is sleeping. At the end of the fourth line comes the first dash. It divides the first verse - like those that follow - in half. The two half-verses, la and lb, are set in contrast to each other. T look 'in', 'She' is conscious of the narrator ('perhaps') 'outside' given prominence by the enjambment. The narrator's observations in so far as they concern the woman are uncertain. He observes only what the woman is actually doing, but is not sure of what she is thinking. T is not the omniscient narrator who is able to inform us what is going on in a world of his own creation. He observes - as will become clear - a world with which he is unfamiliar, and he bases his assumptions on the evidence of his eyes. As far as the inner life of the woman is concerned, the narrator is literally an 'outsider'. This is clear from the use of the word 'perhaps' (line 5). In line 5 and the first half of line 6 the narrator assumes that his

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look through the window has touched the woman, making a contact, with all its consequences. Then comes the strongest caesura in the poem, marked by the semi-colon already referred to; it is followed by a description of the consequences of the look: the woman wakes up and takes over the action of the poem from the narrator. After the woman is observed, she gets up and 'strokes her hand along her forehead' (line 7). Her sleep is over, but her dream continues: she 'gazed after a dream from which she had not yet been woken' (line 7/8). The situation is reminiscent of a passage in Het Uur U: 'Like a moon was the hand/ that passed over his forehead' (lines 244-5). The people in the street experiencing their Zero Hour are recovering from a vision, and feel their foreheads in a gesture of 'Am I awake or dreaming?' Touching one's own body, and particularly that part of it which experienced the vision or the dream, the head, is the first attempt at recovering one's own self. Verse II When the woman raises her head, she sees the other standing outside the window. From her position 'by the lamp' (line 2) she looks against the light at the dark window, and cannot recognize the shape she sees. The narrator's uncertainty about the woman's feelings, already expressed by 'perhaps' (line 5), is confirmed - if less strongly - by 'probably' (line 9). He cannot explain what happens next in any other way than the way he does, but can only describe with certainty what he sees. He assumes from this that the woman includes him in her dream, so that reality starts to be part of the dream. I have already remarked elsewhere that poetry does not deal with the imagination of reality, but with the reality of imagination. Adjusted slightly, what is in question here is not the dream of the reality, but the reality of the dream. This reality is 'a'(nother) 'world'. Because the initiative passes to the woman after the middle of line 6, the observer too can know no more than he observes. But although it is not his dream, he is himself now involved in the dream and through her forms part of that dream. The question therefore is whether the initiative was not with the woman much earlier. The dream of homecoming must have been preceded by the dream of arrival, in so far as this sort of dream proceeds by any logical fixed pattern, and in that dream the narrator would, instead of passing by, have stopped and looked in at the window. We shall return to this later. Now that the narrator is involved in the dream, the real world stays

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'outside brackets', and he provides a commentary on the other (dream) world 'inside brackets'. Because just as the narrator can have little certainty about the woman's feelings, so he is as certain about his own in his commentary about himself in the woman's dream. In Ha the narrator becomes involved in the continuing process of the dream, and this involvement links the narrator with the woman. The narrator and the woman become 'we both' (line 11) and together they have 'a share in a world' (line 11). From this other world, inside the brackets, and separated from the world, the narrator has a knowledge of this other world. Hence he is able to give a commentary on it. That world is 'far removed from' (line 12) the ordinary world, that is to say the world where each one lives as an individual, where each one lives his life, where we - and now I am looking ahead - each lead our 'own lonely' (line 30) 'lives' (line 12). lib is again a description from the narrator's perspective: 'I saw' (line 13), just as in verse la it was 'I looked' (line 1). The two half-verses lb and Ha are written from the woman's point of view: 'she felt' (line 5) and 'then she saw' (line 9). The observer and narrator now shares in the mutual experience, so that he becomes involved in the actions he observes. The woman prepares the room to receive him, ready to let him in 'with her hand on the doorknob' (line 15) in the world of the continuing dream. Thus the structure of the first two verses is built up as a chiasma: la 'I looked' x lb 'She felt' + Ha 'then she saw' x lib T saw'. The woman's actions are enclosed within the observations of the T . From the mutual contact a new world has emerged in which the two separate individuals have become linked as 'we both' (line 12). Verse III describes the function of the narrator in 'that world' (line 17) of the dream they now experience together. That world is not the world of either of them individually (indeed it is 'far removed from our lives' (line 12) and hence 'neither hers nor mine' (line 17). This awareness is announced from a position of clarity, from knowledge of that other world, and therefore again communicated inside brackets. In their mutual world he was a 'traveller returned' (line 18). This 'I knew' (line 18) is said inside brackets. Something which you knew in the past, you now still know^ provided you can remember it. But it could not be / know here, because that knowledge only applied while he shared the dream world. Remembrance of the knowledge has been preserved, but the knowledge itself, and experience of it, is past. Hence the unusual use of the past tense within the past time in which the story is told.

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It seems odd that while the narrator is aware of his function in that other world, he is not able to say more about himself. A 'traveller returned' is an unusual description for someone who has come back. It is a generalization, and not specific. The narrator illustrates the generalization by possible specific examples, a 'son who went to sea' (line 19) and 'a friend who went away' (line 19), but is unable to say what he is himself. Once again he is not the omniscient narrator, but a passer-by who (by chance?) has become involved in someone else's dream. What he does know is that his return home has been awaited for many years, 'In vain' (line 20). How much in vain remains to be seen. This is all established in Ilia from a knowledge of the other world. In Illb the woman's expectation has taken possession of the narrator. The narrator, too, is now aware of such a yearning, a yearning for the other who is awaiting him. He is aware of a deep yearning, which filled him 'all those years' (line 21), but which he had not noticed before, and which he now recognizes as 'a longing for home' (line 22), a yearning which is only manifest in 'that' other 'world' (line 22) and which has guided him back to the 'self-same window' (lines 22-3). This window is now felt to be different from 'a window' (line 1) that was an arbitrary unspecified window; this window is the window that gives him a view into that other world in which he can return home. He recognizes this manifestation of his deep yearnings from the other world, and this, too, he announces inside brackets: 'I knew now' (line 21). This is the point at which the experience becomes reality. Hence the paradoxical indication of time. 'I knew now' combines the past tense T knew' with the present 'now'. This 'now' is the moment in the past at which he experienced this knowledge. Now, at the moment of telling, I know it no longer (although the narrator remembers knowing it), then, at the moment of experiencing it, the T knew it. And that experience is the 'return home, here, and on this night' (line 24); that is to say, hie et nunc. That is the moment in eternity at which the impossible becomes possible, and two worlds come into contact with one another. That is the moment to which so many of Nijhoffs motifs keep returning, which can be written about in poetry, but which never happens in reality. I would have to describe a great deal of Nijhoffs oeuvre here to explain how he always throws light on the manifold facets of this moment: as happiness, when the contact succeeds; as despair, when it is not possible. Here, too, the narrator passes a world, but cannot enter it. He remains outside it, and the woman, listening for his coming with her hand

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already on the doorknob, waits in vain for him to come in. But if he had gone in, would not the disillusion have been even greater? Verse IV In verse I contact was made between the narrator and the woman, in verse II the woman prepared to receive the narrator, in verse III the narrator became involved in the other world, in verse IV the contact is broken off and we have the denouement. The narrator is still standing at the window: 'I saw' (line 25). There is no change in his status of outsider. From the first 'I looked' (line 1) and his observation when the woman was about to receive him, 'I saw' (line 13) until now, he remains an observer. At this moment the narrator should have done something, but he only goes on looking and sees 'how she tarried' (line 25). The woman does not know what she can do next. The initiative has now passed to the narrator. She waits for him to come in. While she is waiting for this she goes 'to the mirror' (line 25) and looks at the 'clock' (line 27). This brings her back to reality and the dream is broken. With her look in the mirror she 'recovered herself (line 27), old and 'grey' (line 26) after all those years as she has become in reality, and she is 'back in time again'. The time on the clock has reintroduced reality, and the duration of experience, as Bergson describes it, is broken off. Such a moment of eternity is also described in Het Uur [/, not then a moment of (almost attained) happiness, but of an existential fear of death: 'It lasted a minute perhaps, but that was an eternity' (lines 424-5). The reality of time (one minute) is an eternity of experience.5 Now that she is back in reality and realizes that he is not going to come in, she makes a last desperate attempt to reach him still. She goes to the window that separates them. She realizes that there is no longer any point in the attempt - he should have come - and because she lacks certainty, she walks 'shakily' (line 28). But she does not want to give up her dream. In the half-verse IVa the dream is broken; IVb describes the result. The link is removed, they are strangers again, 'out of each other's reach' (line 29). 'We both' (line 11), who had shared 'a world' (line 11) are again 'each' (line 30) back apart in his or her 'own lonely life' (line 30) that is 'our lives' (line 12) once more, far removed from that mutually experienced world. 'Here' (line 24) has become 'back there' (line 31). The narrator has already left the window through which he had caught a glimpse of another world, but which was also a barrier between these two worlds. In a last attempt to breach this barrier 'the window is pushed up'

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(line 31) by the woman, but he no longer sees that. The everyday world forces its way into the room and the woman, who is no longer observed, is reduced to 'a toneless voice' (line 32), that is, a voice which is no longer understood. Words from her world no longer reach him. He knows that someone has called, but not what they are calling. But there is no full stop after 'called'. The calling still goes on. Peter, I can already hear your objections. You have begun the discussion before the article is even finished. 'The calling still goes on?' you comment. 'How fortunate, because in that case he can tell the story of it. The man has flown, and escaped a Lorelei, a witch who was tempting him in. This is a primeval theme of the magical, seductive woman, and the other world is deadly dangerous.' But I counter that there is nothing in the poem to justify this interpretation. I will not deny that the other world can be dangerous for ordinary life. But our weakness is just that we shrink from it. And a woman with 'soft grey hair' (line 26) is surely no witch and witches don't call with a 'toneless voice' (line 32)! But you still have objections. 'What do we know of that? It might be "Vrouw Holle". She lives in another world, too.' But now you are being unreasonable. This is no routine matter for the woman either. For her, too, that world is 'far removed from her life' (line 12). But you insist: 'She probably waits "years and years in vain" for such a victim (line 20)'. But I know nothing of how often a sorceress strikes, and in any case that is no argument, as you very well know. People are often awaited for a long time. That does not make whoever waits into a threatening magical character. I do not know if I have convinced you, but you may come up with another interpretation: 'That man looked in by chance and then went on. He probably had something else to do. The narrator just had too much imagination, that is why he is a poet. He imagined the whole thing.' Yes Peter, that is the realistic explanation. From this banal reality the observer supposes that an arbitrarily chosen woman, whom he sees asleep at a table as he passes, wakes up and confuses (not 'connects' (line 9)) him with someone she has dreamed about. Then the whole story is his own invention, and the woman was just taking a nap. But if we are to take the poem seriously as the realization of imagination, then the observer was involved in another world. Then we must take him at his word when he tells that he, thinking that he had freedom of action, was in fact controlled by

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another person's yearning. If he shared that other world for just the one moment, he knows - not now when he is telling it, but now when he was experiencing it - that deep in himself was yearning, repressed for all those years, to come home to the 'selfsame window' (lines 22-3) emphasized by the enjambment. And the woman's calling out as he passes is not then imagined, or a protest against voyeurs. May I put the discussion aside temporarily, and continue with my argument? The poem is narrated from the point of view of the world outside, and of the narrator who walks down a street and looks in at another world. All we know about the woman is what we know from the outsider's observations. When we try to make assumptions from this evidence about what the woman is experiencing, then she appears, while dreaming about the return home of someone lost, to have seen a shape, a stranger looking in. To her, any stranger looking in at the window could be the one she has lost. For one moment, continuing the dream, she conjectures that the stranger at the window is the lost one, and that he will come in. What we have here is an Uur U in reverse. In Het Uur U the stranger is observed by the people living in the street, and we wonder who the stranger is who brings with him a moment of euphoria. But the experience, the Vistas' (line 239) into another world, are too much for the people living in the street to dare, so that they fall back again into the deadly existence of daily reality. In 'Langs een wereld' another world is observed through someone who for the woman, with hindsight, appears to be a stranger. He experiences one moment in which he is linked with another world that he passes as he walks along the street. He, too, is afraid to enter that other world, but his deeper yearning is momentarily exposed at that point. In Het Uur U, we find 'Verlangen, doodgekneld, een kind vermoord in een put, riep eensklaps wakker geschud, om speelgoed en speelgenoot' ('Yearning, stifled, dead, a child murdered in a pit, suddenly awakened, it cries for toys and playmate.') (lines 120-3); in 'Langs een wereld', 'a continual yearning to return home'. Unlike St Sebastian in 'Het veer' (The Ferry) the stranger does not go in. Sebastian, dead, views the world from another world and will 'return home in a dormant ovary'. In 'Het Uur U' the people in the houses fail the stranger, in 'Langs een wereld' the stranger fails a fellow human being, because he does not satisfy her yearning, and does not go in. In 'Het veer' Sebastian does not fail, but then he is a saint.

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Dear Peter, unless I am mistaken you will - as ever - not agree with my exposition, but if you find some occasion in it for further discussion, I shall have achieved my object. To many more years of friendship. En kom eens langsl

13 Novel Names: The Significance of the Proper Nouns in Bordewijk's Bint R. P. Meijer Writers often experience difficulties in trying to find suitable names for their characters. The main problem seems to be that while the names should call up associations that fit the characters, they should not be too obvious, nor give away too much too soon. In general, names should individualize rather than typify. Few modern writers would be happy to follow the tradition of eighteenth-century writers such as Wolff and Deken or Sheridan, and name their characters Burgerhart, Edeling, Spilgoed, Lydia Languish or Mrs Malaprop. Nor would they use contrasting pairs of names like Havelaar and Wawelaar, Slotering and Slymering as Multatuli did in Max Havelaar. This kind of name-giving and name-calling has become unattractive to the modern writer, except in parody or satire. Yet the problem has not gone away and the search for suitable names goes on wherever novels are written. In former days the passenger lists of ocean liners offered a good selection. Later their place was taken by telephone directories, and some writers swear by newspaper lists of births, deaths and marriages. The novelist E. de Perron went about it in a very democratic way and consulted his friends as to the suitability of the names he was going to bestow on them in his autobiographical novel Het Land van Herkomst. In some of Bordewijk's early work, particularly in his novel Bint (1934), the names are so extraordinary that no passenger list, telephone directory or friendly advice could have produced them. Some look as if they are random combinations of unlikely syllables. The critic Menno ter Braak called them 'fantastic' and Victor van Vriesland thought that they were chosen for their sound and for their evocation of psychological and visual images.1 It is not quite clear what Van Vriesland was trying to say. His statement prompts more questions

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than it answers: what kind of sound-effect is achieved by the names? What psychological and visual images are called forth? What Van Vriesland says applies to some names in the later novel Karakter (1938), to Hamerslag and Kolengrijper for instance, whose names suggest enormous hands, swift action and strong-arm tactics. Names such as these are close to the typifying names of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but they are not representative of the mysterious Bordewijkian names which one is faced with in Bint. In Bint, the new teacher De Bree enters the fourth form on the first day of term and reads aloud the list of names: ' "Whimpy singer - De Moraatz - Neutebeum - Nittikson - Surdie Finnis - Te Wigchel Kiekertak - Taas Daamde . . . " Wat een namen, dacht hij. Het antwoord: "Ja, present" kwam aarzeland. "Peert - Punselie Bolmikolke - Klotterbooke . . ." ' 2 Strange names indeed. And there are more: Ten Hompel, Heiligenleven, Van der Karbargenbok, Schattenkeinder, Steijd. These are the names of the pupils, and the names of the teachers are well matched, though slightly more moderate. The headmaster goes by the name of Bint, others are called Talp, Remigius, Keska: none of them names that one meets in everyday life. It is the most unusual collection of names ever put together in a Dutch novel. Where do they come from, what do they refer to? Some of the names look strange only in a Dutch context. Surdie Finnis's surname is not altogether uncommon in English. Though Klotterbooke does, or did exist in Dutch - Clotterbooke Patijn van Kloetinge, to be precise - it is very rare and is strongly reminiscent of Clutterbuck. Whimpysinger looks like an anglicization of the German Wimpissinger, while Peert may be derived from English Peart. Nittikson sounds vaguely Scandinavian and Heiligenleven faintly German. Most of the names, however, have no foreign associations and are clearly Dutch formations, weird though they may be. I have never come across a Kiekertak, but I do remember a Kiekebos, and 'tak' and 'bos' are semantically not very far apart. At first glance Van der Karbargenbok seems a made-up name, but Karbargerboer was until some twenty years ago a well-known dealer in paintings at the Spui in Amsterdam. For a long time I thought Punselie was a non-existent name until it caught my eye in an obituary notice. Neutebeum has a strange ring but the strangeness is only produced by a vowel shift from Nooteboom, quite a common name. The same goes for Steijd which must be based on the not uncommon Steijn or Stein. Schattenkeinder is new to me, but I do know of a Schattenkerk

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family and of another one called Schattenkind. As a proper name Bint probably does not occur but as a noun it means joist or beam, not an inappropriate name for a man who tries to support a disciplinary system that has had its day. The name of Talp was not to be found in any of the telephone directories I used, nor do I know what a 'talp' might be, but a shift from a to u makes the mysterious sounding name into the common name of Tulp. Kes is not unusual - the Amsterdam telephone directory lists several of them - but the suffix -ka transforms the ordinariness of the name into something quite exotic. I have not found any evidence that the name Remigius actually exists, but here the suffix -ius places it immediately into the large group of latinized surnames such as Heinsius, Jansonius, Siderius, Hempenius. Daamde is odd, but Daamen and Daams are not. Te Wigchel looks and sounds strange, but Wichers or Wiggers are not unusual at all. Many of the fantastic names that Bordewijk uses are then recognizable as transformations and deformations of existing names. They are not haphazard or arbitrary but they have their basis in reality. When De Bree for the first time walked into the fourth form, known as 'the Hell', he was not only taken aback by the names he read but also by the faces that confronted him. Nearly all of them showed animal characteristics. Van der Karbargenbok is a bird of prey with talons. Punselie has the jaw of a wolf with sawteeth and black lips. Klotterbooke is a sphinx with a block of granite for a head. Whimpysinger has mouldy, harsh-green teeth and reddish eyes. Ten Hompel's eyes are those of a wolf rather than an Alsation and he is always snapping at insects while he is working. Kiekertak is a deep-sea monster with a double row of teeth, Steijd a gorilla with black hair everywhere, Neutebeum an immense brown grasshopper, Bolmikolke a Kalmyk, bald as a hand. Taas Daamde should have been in a sideshow at the fair, being one metre high, one metre wide and one metre deep, a hunk of meat shaped like a bale of hay. Their names go together with their animal - or at any rate non-human characteristics. Only one of the pupils bears a 'normal' name: Van Beek, and he is also the only one who is not presented as a monster. He is totally out of place among the others and commits suicide after a bad term-report. The degree of reality in Bint has often been debated. Should the book be read as a realistic novel, or rather as a product of surrealism? Is it a caricature of a strict headmaster who in his own peculiar way is

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trying to educate a bunch of unprepossessing and mediocre pupils? Is it perhaps a glorification of iron discipline, and are there fascist overtones? Or does the novel contain a warning that disciplinarianism no longer works in modern society? Bordewijk himself, as always, gave no indication of his intentions, either in the book or in the rare interviews he submitted to in later life. His only pronouncement on the subject was made in a letter to W. F. Hermans, written when he was eighty years old, four months before his death in 1965, where he admitted to having stood in awe of inhuman discipline,3 which is not the same as having glorified it. When the book came out, Ter Braak emphasized in his review the realistic elements: 'Bint's programme is realistic . . . but at the same time it is quixotry because it is no longer understood by present-day society', and 'from the way in which Bordewijk represents the relationship between teachers and pupils it seems to me that he knew this relationship from his own experience.'4 There is no doubt that this was so. The characters in Bint are firmly rooted in reality and are not demons from another world. They can best be described as enlargements of reality. Bint is the enlarged portrait of a strict headmaster. He is not surreal, nor a caricature, but slightly larger than life. Kiekertak, Neutebeum, Steijd, Schattenkeinder and all the others are enlarged portraits of mediocre and troublesome schoolchildren. The key lies in their names which are enlargements of names taken from reality.

14 A Faulknerian Device in Dutch Narrative Prose Marcel Janssens

In the course of several years' work on a comparative literature project dealing with the 'multiple-I' narrative in modern prose fiction,1 I have had the opportunity to explore this project's 'Faulkner Connection' in various libraries in the United States, and to lecture on the subject in both Europe and North America, each time inviting my audience to indicate any unrecorded items. In the event I have had a positive response on virtually every occasion, and have been able to add one or two items from, say, French, Czech or Mexican literature to my collection. For example, at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, a Nigerian Professor of Literature introduced himself to me, announcing that he had published a novel in English on the civil war in his country, using the Faulknerian device of the multiple I. At the University of Pennsylvania, the Chairman of the Department of German Language and Literature provided me with yet another example of the Faulknerian device in question, namely Wilhelm Rabbe's Drei Federn, published in 1865. This research is indeed a never-ending story, for tomorrow I may encounter yet another example in Danish or in Japanese. Up to now I have found some 150 examples, among them some sixty texts from Dutch prose fiction ranging from short stories to novellas and novels (to use the traditional terminological tools, which are perhaps not entirely adequate in this context, but at least give some quantitative indication). All along I have been concerned to test the hypothesis that the narrative texts of William Faulkner, with their typical variety of points of view (both through first and third-person focuses), have exerted a powerful influence on narrative prose-writing in the twentieth century, especially with regard to the spread of the

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multiple-I narrative device, although Faulkner did not, of course, invent the device, and although many other factors may have combined to render it attractive to so many storytellers. More specifically, I have been trying for some years now to demonstrate that the use of different I-narrators may be traced back to Faulkner's novel As I Lay Dying, first published in October 1930. As is well known, Faulkner wrote the novel while working in a factory, on an overturned wheelbarrow 'to the soothing hum of the dynamo', as he was fond of saying himself. He also claimed that As I Lay Dying was a tour de force, written in six weeks on the night shift without changing a word (which is not true). The novel has fifty-nine short chapters, using fifteen I-narrators to present sequential episodes of a macabre family saga, or rather a funeral steeplechase. On a trip lasting many days the Bundren family convey their mother's corpse to the mythical town of Jefferson where it is to be buried. Every member of the family, including the mother who has passed on, comments progressively on the story in separate I-chapters. Moreover, some of the fifty-nine chapters are told by eight nonBundrens who watch the grotesque parade go by. The latter look at the story from an external focus, like the chorus in a Greek tragedy. The orchestration of all these inside and outside views produces a grotesque cacophony reminiscent of a tragi-comedy like Samuel Beckett's Waiting for Godot. A chapter in the book is narrated by the youngest son Vardaman who (like Benjy in The Sound and the Fury) represents the point of view of the insane. The chapter consists of five words: the boy finds a dead fish in a dried-up river and says 'My mother is a fish'. In this novel we see the most radical consequences of the multiperspectivism of The Sound and the Fury, published the year before, in which three interior monologues (in the first-person singular) are followed by a summary-like last chapter (in the third-person singular). Faulkner is said to have had his revenge on the American critics, who had not given The Sound and the Fury a rapturous reception, with the virtuoso performance of As I Lay Dying. In any case, his use of the multiple I was to earn him an almost world-wide reputation. The device has two key distinctive features: 1.

The I-narrators (or speakers, voices, minds, etc.) must be co-ordinate', their co-ordinate sequence constitutes the whole of the text without the interference of any other subordinating I, or he, or a frame, etc.;

154 2.

Literature The various Ps must refer to different (unequal # ) speakers. The device can be formalized as: I co / ^ .

Those distinctive features eliminate all possible combinations and variations from the corpus of texts to be examined in the research project. The 150 items in my corpus display the two distinctive (technical) features beyond any dispute. In this essay I will comment only on the spread of the device in contemporary Dutch prose fiction. I am not aware of any example in Dutch literature before 1930, the earliest instance (at least to my knowledge) dating back to 1937 (see below). It is not my intention, however, to demonstrate direct filiations or 'influences'. As I have already suggested, Faulkner may not have been the sole origin of the proliferation of the device, but it is my firm conviction that further ongoing investigation could make the links between Faulkner and this (technical, compositional) aspect of post-war Dutch prose increasingly plausible. Much research remains to be done. My own project has thus far consisted mainly in collecting and analyzing some 150 texts; in the next stage of the project more attention should be paid to meta-texts (interviews, criticism) corroborating our initial intuition, and to the whole literary system in the Netherlands after the Second World War, in which translations of contemporary American novels have played such an important role. The remodelling of Dutch prose fiction from 1945 on, both from the thematic and the structural point of view, is largely due to the introduction into the very core of the Dutch system of such authors as Hemingway, Steinbeck, Dos Passos, Caldwell and Faulkner. In the post-war period, existentialism, hard-boiled Americanism and American 'device novels' seem to have met in a European setting, with Jean-Paul Sartre functioning as an important intermediary critic. In the Atlantic Monthly of August 1946 Sartre published an article on 'American Artists in French Eyes', in which he characterized the influence of American novels as 'a technical revolution among us'. 2 Two articles on Sartoris and The Sound and the Fury, written in 1938 and 1939, were reprinted in Situations I (1947), a widely read volume which may even have been familiar to young writers like Hugo Claus (born 1929), whose early work has rightly been connected with the existentialist mood. Existentialism and Faulknerian themes (such as incest, insanity, and sultry sensuality) are united in his first novel De Metsiers (The Duck Hunt, 1950), which is a thorough-going

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Faulknerian 'device-novel', and a very accomplished imitation of the multiple-I narrative. Sartre's interpretations of Faulkner's 'trick novels' presented young writers in Europe 'with a certain concept and technique of the novel that was new, original, stimulating, and in 1947 at least, glamorous insofar as it embodied the attraction of the newly discovered and enormously popular American literature.' 3 The French 'new novel' inherited the technique of 'disconnected internal monologues', the often disconcerting switching of perspectives, the examination of a story 'from various angles, at various times, through various facets, each of these perspectives supplying a different and yet equally valid vision of the whole.'4 Of course, all that does not point to the direct influence of Faulkner's 'devices', because so many other literary filiations might have been active at the same time. Faulkner was not the only writer to display these tendencies. 'It is safer to speak of similarities or encounters than of definite borrowings or imitations', as Jean V. Alter puts it.5 But if it can safely be maintained that the shifting viewpoint in The Sound and the Fury and, even more explicitly, in As I Lay Dying foreshadows the symphony of streams of consciousness in the texts of C. Mauriac, N. Sarraute, R. Pinget and so many others, there is no doubt that the multiple-I device specifically should be traced back to As I Lay Dying, and not, for instance, to Virginia Woolf, who did not experiment with this 'trick structure' as systematically as Faulkner did. If we keep in mind that The Sound and the Fury was particularly popular in France, and that As I Lay Dying too was almost immediately translated into French, it can easily be understood that those novels, so strongly advocated by Jean-Paul Sartre in 1946 and 1947, were also quite accessible in other European countries, and especially in Belgium, where French is of course widely used among intellectuals. Hugo Claus, for instance, who spent time in Paris on two occasions around 1950, may very well have become acquainted with Faulkner through Sartre or through French translations. And before him there were writers like Maurice Roelants, and Arthur van Schendel. The distribution of about sixty examples over half a century's output of Dutch prose fiction can be shown in a diagram as in Fig. 14.1. The collection contains sixty-one items, from Maurice Roelants's Alles komt terecht (1937) to Paul Vanderschaeghe's Vrouwen voor Bakelandt. Fen Apologie (1986). The first section runs from 1937 to 1948 and has no more than six

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6 1937

4 1950

21 1955

II

22

1986

1979

1969

III

8

IV

V

Fig. 14.1: Distribution over time of multiple-I narrative works in Dutch prose fiction examples, of which Arthur van Schendel's De Wereld een Dansfeest (1938) and Piet van Aken's De Duivel vaart in ons (1946) are the most important. Frans van Isacker used the multiple-I 'trick' in De Wereld verandert (1948). The second section covers the years 1950 to 1955: in its early stages it contains two texts by Hugo Claus, the novel De Metsiers (1950), which seems to be the very root of the proliferation of the device, and the 'short story' (at least a shorter story) Gebed om Geweld (1952), and at the end Louis-Paul Boon's masterpiece Menuet (1955), which was very soon to gain paradigmatic stature. It may not have been as popular or as widely read as De Metsiers, but it generated much thoughtful criticism, and is now held to be the paragon of the 'device novel' in the Sartrian sense: indebted both to existentialism and to the American splitting of the self into multiple I's. Both De Metsiers and Menuet, then, have become 'classics' of this type of 'American novel' in Dutch literature and have been repeatedly imitated. This did not happen immediately, however, as the third section (between 1955 and 1969) shows: there is a gap of four years between Menuet and Bernard Kemp's De Dioskuren (1959), but from 1960 on the proliferation shows a remarkable increase. No less than twenty-

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one examples appear between 1959 and 1969 (it seemed convenient to let the third and fourth sections end with the decades). The next ten years (1969-79) again produce twenty-two examples. This indicates that after a short period of 'incubation', the Claus and Boon classics penetrated into the centre of the system, where they were soon 'canonized' (this process took place rapidly between 1955 and 1960). Bernard Kemp, who was also a leading critic at that time, may have added some further support at the end of the fifties, but from 1960 on the device became extremely fashionable: forty-three texts were written using Faulkner's device in the space of twenty years. The last section (from 1980 to 1986) shows the decline in the attractiveness of the device: a mere eight items in seven years. This phenomenon should be connected with the decay of so-called 'experimental' writing in all genres in the last ten or fifteen years. The multiple-I narrative belongs to the stock of modernistic techniques which dominated fictional writing in our literature roughly between 1960 and 1975. The peaks in our diagram corroborate that thesis: along with the success of experimentalism the multiple-I device reached its highest score in the popularity contest, but its popularity has slowly faded with the removal of modernism from the centre of the system. A sort of 'retraditionalization' is said to be characteristic of the spirit of the eighties. Narrative structures have also been retraditionalized through Neorealism, New Journalism and similar trends that put an end to the domination of 'new novel' techniques. The Faulknerian devices which had been of such great importance for the French 'nouveau roman', and for so many of its derivatives in Dutch prose fiction, have been pushed to the periphery. Much critical attention has been paid to Hugo Claus and to his indebtedness to Faulkner's As I Lay Dying. As far as the influence of Faulkner on Claus is concerned the stock anecdote is that a Flemish editor asked Claus, who was at the time only nineteen years old and hardly known as a poet, to try his hand at 'an American novel', and that Claus finished his in a matter of weeks.6 (He has been a literary magician from the very beginning; indeed, if the editor had urged him to write a Scandinavian novel, he might well have produced a three-volume Norwegian-style saga in almost the same period of time.) Such stories may smack of the legend of the highly talented enfant terrible (like the overturned wheelbarrow and the hum of the dynamo during the night shift), but it seems to me nevertheless much

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more plausible that Claus knew Faulkner than that he adopted the device from Maurice Roelants or from Arthur van Schendel. The indebtedness, however, was not immediately recognized. The index of names in an admittedly rather selective collection of Claus's critiques published thirty-four years after the first printing of De Metsiers does not mention Faulkner at all.7 Maurice Roelants, who had used Faulkner's device himself in 1937 and was one of the first critics to praise the gifted young newcomer's De Metsiers in Elsevier3s Weekblad of 21 April 1951, does mention Erskine Caldwell and John Steinbeck but says nothing about Faulkner, whether consciously or not. He cites instances of thematic affinities with contemporary American naturalism, and compares Bennie in De Metsiers with the younger protagonist in Of Mice and Men; but when it comes to techniques and devices, he mentions only the rather inadequate series of 'monologues interieurs' (one for each character, he (erroneously) claims), which reminds him o f . . . De Wereld een Dansfeest by Arthur van Schendel. Simon Vestdijk also wrote a very laudatory review of this 'peak in Flemish prose' in the Algemeen Handelsblad of 21 July 1951. Vestdijk's authoritative review crowned the young Flemish writer as the king of his generation as a novelist, and it may have greatly facilitated Claus's acceptance in the literary systems and circles of the Netherlands. But Vestdijk does not seem to know Faulkner either: he goes so far as to link the astonishing ease of the novel's style with French culture, which is in his opinion so large a presence in Flanders. When he discusses the device briefly, he merely notes vaguely that the author allows his characters to tell the story for themselves 'in a loose order', which occasionally produces remarkable effects, but has nothing further to say. As a result of interviews and various statements by the author himself, the name of William Faulkner has become more and more closely associated with Claus's debut as a novelist. In his excellent introduction to Hugo Claus, first published in 1970, Jean Weisgerber summarizes what was widely known at that time: the composition of the modernist novel consists of a sequence of I-narratives, 'a device that, besides numerous details, reminds us of Faulkner's The Sound and the Fury and especially of As I Lay Dying9.8 In more recent Claus criticism Faulkner and his tour deforce of 1930 appear to have become undeniable 'sources' for De Metsiers, although the structural resemblances between the two novels have not yet been analyzed in detail.9

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Faulkner is often mentioned in one breath with Caldwell, making him an exponent of the trick novel as a vehicle of hard-boiled existentialism. What early critics like Paul Rodenko10 and Louis-Paul Boon11 had noticed immediately was elaborated in the seventies by means of the concepts and tools of the theory of the novel. In the meantime much research had been devoted to the other classic of the multiple-I narrative, Menuet. I would not deduce from all this that Hugo Claus is the one and only initiator of the device as used in Dutch prose fiction after 1950.12 In 1953 Heinrich Boll published Und sagte kein einziges Wort, which displays a genuine adaptation of the Faulknerian device. And Akiro Kurosawa's film Rashomon was premiered as early as 1950, and may have been a further 'source' for the numerous uses of the literary device.13 In conclusion, while I have not been concerned to prove that As I Lay Dying generated De Metsiers or that De Metsiers has in turn generated sixty imitations of an imitation, I do take it for granted that both Faulkner and Claus (Faulkner through Claus, and Claus through Faulkner) have played a decisive role in the spread of the multiple-I device in Dutch post-war prose fiction.

Ill Social Sciences

15 The Adoption and Rejection of Elements of Marxism in the Dutch Trade Union Movement, c. 1890-1934 Theo van Tijn There is no shortage of scholarly literature on the work of Karl Marx, or on the development of Marxism in the course of the last century. It has not, however, always been made sufficiently clear why Marxism, or important elements within it, having been a doctrine with considerable attractions for much of the continental labour movement, became viewed in quite a different light, and was eventually rejected. Scholars would do well to concern themselves with the question of the practical utility of Marxist thought to these early labour movements, and of how these doctrines, in the sight of the great majority of the labour movement, eventually became more of a hindrance than a help. This chapter will address itself to those questions, and take as its case-material the labour movement in the Netherlands, with special attention to the trade unions. The history of Marxism as a serious influence in the Dutch workers' movement begins in the 1890s. In general, Marxist theory was able to spread throughout the world more easily after 1890. The abrogation of the so-called Laws on Socialism in Germany made it possible for the German party to publish and republish many of Marx's writings. The Erfurt party programme of 1891 and Kautsky's long commentary on it served as new introductions to Marxism as it then was, especially in German social democracy. It is important that Marx's treaty on Wages, Prices and Profits (a speech delivered at the General Council of the First International in 1865) was published for the first time in 1898; this is an essential text of Marxism concerning trade unions.

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Of course Marx's name was not unknown in the Dutch workers' movement before 1890. He was seen and heard at the Congress in The Hague of the old International in 1872, and afterwards at an Amsterdam public meeting, but there are no signs that his writings were studied, or that any elements of his theories were adopted. In the 1880s, when a social democratic party called the SociaalDemocratische Bond (SDB) was formed, Marx was, it is true, celebrated as the scientific theorist of workers' emancipation. As early as January 1881, Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis, just converted to socialism and beginning his career as leader of the SDB, published a very short abstract in Dutch of the first volume of Marx's Capital.1 But this was to remain his only endeavour to spread scientific socialism in print. Nieuwenhuis's lack of knowledge about Marxism became painfully clear in his speech at the founding Congress of the Second International (Paris 1889), in which he defended the iron law of wages, without, it would seem, knowing its name, or of the debates between Lasalle and Marx. In the same speech, he showed his scepticism regarding social legislation. Propaganda for social legislation was, in his opinion, good as propaganda, but if governments should be so wise to enact it, he foresaw catastrophe for the social democratic movements, because revolutionary socialist possibilities would disappear for a generation.2 After Paris, Nieuwenhuis was suspicious of the 'Marx-clique' and especially of the leaders of German social democracy, Liebknecht being his eminent personal target. At the International Socialist Congress of 1891 in Brussels, he openly broke with them, allying himself with, amongst others, the opposition of the German 'Jungen'. 3 The year 1891 also marks the first serious inner-party opposition in the Netherlands. 4 It was formed by Frank van der Goes, one of the best minds of the Netherlands and the first intellectual, after Domela Nieuwenhuis, to take an active part in the Dutch socialist workers' movement. He was the first, also, to study Marxism seriously. Marxist theory was his foremost weapon against anti-parliamentarian, anti-political tendencies which by then had begun to spread inside the SDB. Van der Goes, very active and even turbulent as an oppositionist against Domela Nieuwenhuis, met with some success in propagandizing the Marxist ideas with some Amsterdam students5 and with a handful of young Amsterdam diamond workers. As early as the latter part of 1891, he convinced himself that the SDB could not be made

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into a social democratic party in the German style. When at the Groningen Congress at Christmas 1893 the SDB decided never to participate in elections, enough oppositionists were at last won over to the idea of forming a new party. In August 1894 the new party, called the Sociaal-Democratische Arbeiders Partij in Nederland (SDAP), was founded at the call of twelve people, amongst whom were to be found Van der Goes and his friend and pupil, the Amsterdam diamond worker Henri Polak. The Dutch trade union movement in these years was weak and scattered.6 As far as it had come under socialist leadership, as was mostly the case, people who had grown up in the SDB formed its cadre and most of its members. In the years 1888-90 a few important strikes of unskilled or semi-skilled workers took place, and a few new trade unions (like the textile workers in Twente, in the east of the country) were founded, while the older trade unions of more skilled elements made a new start. As soon as non-socialist or not-yetsocialist workers entered the trade union movement in some localities and regions, it became necessary to make the unions general and neutral, or in other words, organizationally independent of the SDB. Trade union activists, mostly SDB people, became more inclined to make their oganizations independent of the party, when from 1891 onwards a factious struggle raged within it, from which they wished to protect their unions. In the same period, as we have seen, the party itself drifted away from politics. A non-political, in many cases anti-political spirit thus permeated party and trade unions alike. So, when the SDAP was founded in 1894, it had hardly any influence and had to endure much enmity from the existing trade union movement. The loose national federation of left-wing trade unions and the SDB, founded in 1893 and called the Nationaal Arbeids Secretariaat (NAS), to which the young SDAP was also affiliated, thus became a battleground between the so-called 'parliamentarians' and 'anti-parliamentarians' inside the Dutch workers' movement, the 'parliamentarians' being in a weak minority position. Nevertheless, the SDAP and Marxism held one very important stronghold in the trade union field.7 In November 1894 the first all-out strike of diamond workers broke out in Amsterdam, under the leadership of the small group of friends initiated in Marxism by Frank van der Goes; they also became the leaders of the diamond workers' trade union, founded at this juncture as the Algemeene Nederlandsche Diamantbewerkers Bond (ANDB). The ANDB was

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something of a new phenomenon in the Dutch workers' movement. In a few years it achieved its aim of organizing all diamond workers and in practice realized a situation of closed shop. With its 8,000-odd members it was by far the largest of the Dutch trade unions. The ANDB from the outset levied high fees from its members, had its own strike fund, published a regular weekly and had its salaried staff; it disciplined employers and employees alike. It was the first and highly successful emanation of what, through the propaganda of its leaders and in the struggle with the NAS, was to be called in the Netherlands 'modern trade-unionism'. As a rapidly formed mass oganization it was general and neutral. That is not to say that it was anti-political or did not know its place in the general class struggle of the workers. It was furthermore very much in favour of social legislation. Its leaders, and a growing group within the cadre, were active members of the SDAP. From about 1900, after some six years of the ANDB's existence, most Amsterdam diamond workers formed a secure electorate for the SDAP. Nevertheless, politics in the party sense of the word were outlawed from the union from its inception. It acted only on trade union matters, in which, however, propaganda for social legislation was included. Things political were done by the SDAP, and within it by individual members of the trade union. The ANDB was never affiliated to the NAS. As early as 1899, Henri Polak had openly proposed the foundation of a new, 'modern' trade union federation in opposition to the NAS. 8 He had to wait until 1905. Possibilities for this new beginning started to ripen from about 1900 onwards, when the bigger and more serious unions one after the other took their leave from the NAS, which thus became ever more a federation of many small, even ephemeral and local unions, without cadres, salaried personnel or strike funds. This kind of framework was characterized by an emphasis on local organization as opposed to national trade unions, and by its endeavours to prop up any and all strikes (of members or non-members), and the federation was without serious financial means. The principle more or less adopted by NAS people was, in opposition to 'modern tradeunionism', revolutionary syndicalist; this theory fitted well with the practical development of the NAS. 9 Thus differences inside the trade union movement regarding tactics, organizational forms and finance, hardened into differences of principle. For the protagonists of 'modern trade-unionism', as far as they had theoretical leanings, Marxism

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became a weapon against syndicalism. After the failure of the proclaimed political general strike of 1903,10 the split between the 'modern' and the syndicalist tendencies became a fact in all leftist trade unions, and in 1905 the new, 'modern' federation of trade unions, the Nederlandsch Verbond van Vakvereenigingen (NVV), was officially launched, under the guidance of the ANDB. The latter's President, Henri Polak, also became the first President of the NVV. The new federation, from its inception, was more influential than the old one and grew rapidly, especially after the economic crisis of 1907 had receded, whilst the NAS continued to decline. So classical social democracy made its headway inside the Dutch trade union movement in a vehement struggle against syndicalist tendencies and organizations, as on the party level it was formed in bitter opposition against anti-parliamentarian, anarchistic leanings. It is during those struggles and as a weapon in those struggles that Marxism developed in the Netherlands. It was vindicated in practice, in the eyes of many workers, by its first results: electoral successes, the campaigns for social legislation - with some success, particularly at the local level - and the growing strength of the modern trade union movement, striving to conclude national labour agreements in different branches of industry. What elements of Marxism were adopted by the 'modern' trade union movement? At first sight it might seem rather difficult to ascertain, because trade union leaders rarely spoke of Marx and Marxism. They spoke about the principles of the modern trade union movement, or of social democracy in general. Furthermore, the debate about the Bersteinian revision of Marxism obscures our investigation, because when speaking about 'social democracy' in general, it is not clear whether trade union spokesmen had in mind the Bersteinian or the Kautskyan variety. It can be said, however, that the theoretical struggle about revisionism did not bother the Dutch trade union leaders very much in so far as they had theoretical leanings at all. Of course, the practical activities of the NVV were reforming ones, but this does not mean that they felt an inclination for the revision of Marxism. This might have been the case in relation to one important point discussed between revisionists and Marxists, namely the validity of 'pauperization' {'Verelendung'). But in the pages of the theoretical review De Nieuwe Tijd, Dutch Marxists, by then a highly skilled group of intellectuals, denied that the idea of

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Verelendung was a Marxist one. So Dutch trade unionists had no reason to oppose Marxism when opposing Verelendung. They may have been satisfied with the words of Van der Goes, written in De Nieuwe Tijd in 1907: Those who base the tactics of the workers' movement on the unity of reform and revolution cannot possibly believe in Verelendung. An opposition between reform and revolution is only made in bourgeois arguments. So anarchists who want to struggle for the workers with bourgeois ideas are against reforms because these are thought to postpone revolution. Representatives of capitalism, on the other hand, think that revolution will be avoided by reforms. Social democracy wants reforms because the principle of all serious reform is anti-capitalist, and because its consequence at a certain point must be revolution.11 The struggle in the SDAP between Marxist intellectuals and the centre and right-wing factions of the party, which took on a high profile in 1905-9, resulted in a split, with some of the Marxists leaving the SDAP. During this struggle, as a concession to revisionists (especially to W. H. Vliegen), it had been decided to revise the party programme, which until then had been an adaptation of the Erfurt one. Once more it was especially the point of Verelendung, which Vliegen read in it, that was in debate. The revision of the programme became a less acute point of issue after the split. It was finally resolved at the Leiden party Congress of 1912. The new text was much shorter than the old one, but just as Marxist. In it we read, among other things, that competition and pursuit of profit compels capitalists to introduce better technology and to economize on wages: 'This leads to accumulation of wealth with the capitalist class, as against poverty, insecurity of existence and dependence . . . with the proletariat . . . So the working class is, insofar as capitalist pursuit of profit is not checked by its resistance, a prey of ever-growing degeneration and misery . . .'12 Reformists and revisionists were satisfied with the words 'insofar as capitalist pursuit of profit is not checked by its resistance'. Any need that social democratic trade unionists might have felt to object to Marxism was removed by this formula, for the time being. Now let us try to specify Marxist notions in the writing of prominent 'modern' trade unionists. The first clearly Marxist idea

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which was picked up with force was that labour power is a commodity. For that reason a trade union is seen as a selling agency of labour power. Of course, this can also be the idea of pure business unionism. Nevertheless, when modern trade unionists spoke not of selling labour, but of selling labour power, the Marxist origin of the idea is clear. An example: the Secretary of the diamond workers' union, Herman Kuijper, wrote on the occasion of another all-out diamond workers' strike at the beginning of 1897: 'In the name of the workers, the board of the ANDB has traded during the past two years in the labour power of the diamond workers. As such there is no difference with other trading companies.'13 For those educated by Frank van der Goes and for others who had read or had read about Marx, or who had listened to the many courses on Marxism held inside the SDAP by intellectuals like Van der Goes (and after about 1900 also by Herman Gorter, Henriette Roland Hoist and others), this business unionism, which was one of the reasons for the successes of the ANDB and NVV, was anchored in Marx's labour theory of value and in his considerations about surplus value, as for example explained in Wages, Prices and Profits. The second element of Marxist theory we can clearly discern is the point that the trade unions' struggle for better wages and other working conditions is part of a general class struggle of labour against capital, the outcome of which will be the fall of capitalism and the transition to socialist society. Jan van den Tempel, writing in 1910 when he was the Secretary of the NVV, touched on the problem of the relationship between the modern trade union movement on the one hand, and the social democratic party and its doctrine on the other hand. He wrote: In normal circumstances, social democracy dominates the ideological life of the whole of the workers' movement. In the centre of the party the fire of socialist science burns. The party is implanting socialist convictions about human life and about society in the proletariat by its manifold publications and its political, parliamentary and agitational activities. The party permeates all parts of the movement with the socialist idea. It is its first natural calling to establish a spiritual unity of the whole movement. This work, done by the party, is profitable also to the trade union movement: the vivifying spirit of socialism makes it thrive and makes it capable of pursuing its ends tirelessly.14

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And further: Our trade union movement must adopt resolutely the point of view of class struggle. It is a class oganization, which has as its aim to fight against the exploiters of the proletariat for a better life. We reject senseless neutrality, we show our colours, and this has an enormous practical significance. The only solid base for the work of propaganda amongst, and for the education of, fellow workers, as well as for the activities of the oganization, is formed by the recognition of the trade union struggle as a part of the unavoidable general class struggle, as it springs from the very structure of our society.15 And again: The international proletariat breeds its own science, fills the world with new ideas and ideals. Woe to the trade union that closes its doors to the vivifying science of socialism . . .16 This is unequivocal, but we must not forget that Van den TempeFs proclamations in this book about general and international class struggle, about socialism and socialist science, serve an end: they form, at different places in his expose, the introduction to a warning against the pretensions of Marxist intellectuals to dictate to the trade union movement what it ought to do. The trade union movement, he tirelessly explains, is independent and decides for itself, ever conscious of its limited practical goals as a trade union in existing society, even if inspired by social democratic theory and theoreticians, and having due regard to the general interests of the whole proletariat and its historical tasks. He disputes more especially with Kautsky (Der Weg zur Machf) and with Henriette Roland Hoist in this respect, and so takes issue with some of the most outstanding protagonists of Marxist theory. But he does this only for practical reasons, because we are as yet far from a revolutionary situation, and the aim of the movement now is to strengthen its oganizations and consciousness. One might say that the leadership of the modern trade union movement loved Marxism in general, but was not particularly fond of Marxists. A third example of Marxist concepts adopted by modern trade unionists was workers' internationalism. This already flowed from business unionism as long as protection of national industry was not

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asked for, because its principle is to oppose capitalist competition through wages, which is an international question. So the ANDB, for example, spent much money and effort in organizing the Antwerp diamond workers and helping their union, because this was essential in establishing an international cartel of diamond workers' labour power.17 It was also clear that the class struggle in general, being the struggle for socialism, had to be an international one. As the fourth element of Marxism clearly adopted by modern trade union leaders, we must mention historical materialism, in the sense that they were convinced that the development of capitalism must of necessity lead to the growth of the modern working class, to the growth of its consciousness and organizations, and to socialism. History was, in their opinion, with social democracy. As the fifth and last, but perhaps most important practical point for modern trade union leaders, mention must of course be made of their conviction that the class struggle on all levels could only be successful when class organizations were created, well structured, strong and disciplined. This point was hammered out incessantly in all discussions with anarchists and syndicalists. So even in their quarrels with Marxists about tactics, the leaders of the 'modern' trade union movement in the Netherlands had good reason to adopt and celebrate Marxism in general. But this situation changed immediately after the First World War. Prices rose steeply during the war and in the immediate aftermath; so did wages, but not in the same proportion. For the trade union movement and for social democracy in general it was urgent to know how and under what circumstances the real income of workers could increase again, especially in view of the radical spirit which prevailed in the working class from 1916 to 1920.18 Prominent in this debate in the Netherlands was J. van den Tempel, formerly, as we have seen, Secretary of the NVV, and by now a Member of Parliament. In his book Kapitaal en Volksinkomen of 1920,l9 he began with an attack on Marx's Wages, Prices and Profits. He argues that before the war trade unionists had no quarrel with Marx's conclusions, even if they did not for the most part realize that their opinions were in line with those of Marx. He then says that the favourable results of trade union activities obtained before the war were not achieved at the expense of profits, but from part of the results of higher labour productivity. He forgets, or at any rate does not mention, that Marx discussed this possibility in Wages,

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Prices and Profits and concluded from it that the relative share of added value of workers is in that case diminishing, even if their standard of living may be going up, urging trade unions at least to re-establish the former partition of surplus value between wages and profits by fighting for a general rise of wages. The real difference between Marx and Van den Tempel is that, according to the latter, a rising standard of living can only be obtained when and in so far as productivity of labour increases, not from changing the partitition of added value between wages and profits to the benefit of the workers. Any larger general increase of wages than allowed by increased productivity can in his view only result in rising prices (something that had become possible because during the war the relation between money and gold had to be severed, and unlimited masses of ever-depreciating paper money could be issued by governments), or else in unemployment. At the same time in Van den Tempel's opinion of 1920, capital was no longer able to fulfil its historical task of capital accumulation and realizing new investments, and hence of increasing labour productivity. Thus prospects for increasing real wages were poor. The way out, Van den Tempel thought, was that the state should take the place of capital in capital accumulation and investment, by a process that was called gradual socialization, and which would also be the road to socialism. This line of argument was immediately picked up by Roel Stenhuis, who had been President of the N W since 1920. His conclusion was that under the new circumstances the trade union movement could in general only fight against a decline in real wages, not for an increase. He also thought that the N W should become active in the struggle for gradual socialization. He wrote: T h e social question nowadays does not culminate in the question of wages, but in the question of production.' 20 In his opinion, society should be reformed in such a way that the workers' movement would become an organ serving production instead of disturbing it. This would be eventually possible in his view only after the socialization of the means of production. The campaign for gradual socialization, by the SDAP and N W together, lasted some five years, until after the first post-war depression. After that, from about 1924 onwards, when business conditions changed for the better, this campaign was largely replaced by propaganda for increasing labour productivity through rationalization of production and, of course, by new wage demands which in

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the view of the N W and SDAP were made possible by increased productivity of labour. The argument that capital was not able to increase productivity was refuted in practice. The NVV's President, Stenhuis, quite agreed with this, but he was sceptical as to the possibilities of translating increased productivity into increased wages, because of the monopolistic structure which capital had assumed. So he continued his drive for political power for the trade union movement, going so far as to ask for the formation of a Dutch Labour Party, organized like the British one on the basis of the trade unions. Consequently he was purged from the N W in 1928.21 In 1927 Van den Tempel published his doctoral thesis on power and economic law.22 In his criticism of Marx's economic ideas he took a new step. He now openly rejected Marx's theory of value, for which he substituted the theory of marginal utility. This book did not have any special influence on the activities of the trade union movement, for which it was of no practical significance to know whether unions were necessary in order to get payment according to the value of labour power, or in accordance with the marginal productivity of labour. So the open revision of Marxism concerning wages, prices and profits, which took place inside the social democratic trade union movement in the Netherlands in the twenties, important as it was, was nevertheless a limited one. Labour (power) remained, in the opinion of people like Van den Tempel and Stenhuis, a commodity for which the trade union movement was acting as a selling agency, even if the labour theory of value was abandoned. The struggle for wages remained for them part and parcel of the general class struggle of the working class, as much in the first five years after the war as in the boom period after 1924. The differences with the pre-war period were that in the immediate post-war stage the emphasis was on gradual socialization, and in the ensuing boom period on the promotion of rationalization. In both halves of the post-war decennium, only one revision of Marx's Wages, Prices and Profits really mattered: the rejection of his conclusion that a general rise of real wages can be obtained through an alternative partition of added value, at the cost of profits. This reflected the adoption of reformism as a principle, or the severance of the once proclaimed unity of reform and revolution by the eradication of revolution. This was the doctrine officially adopted after the failure of revolution in November 1918.

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Things took a new turn after 1932. In the first two years of the great depression of the thirties, it was generally argued by the social democratic leadership (of the party and of the trade unions alike) that a fall in wages ought to be resisted because lower wages would mean lower purchasing power, and by consequence a deepening of the depression. It was thought in 1930 and 1931 that Dutch capitalists followed the same reasoning, because with high unemployment the wages of those in work were not attacked. But at the end of 1931 employers started a major offensive against the level of wages. A prolonged defensive strike against it by the textile workers was lost. At the same time, the government was lowering the wages of its servants. The power of the trade unions and of the political movement of the workers to defend their standard of living was broken for the time being. Strike actions were for that reason impossible. As in 1920-3, the social democratic movement reoriented itself in the direction of a general reorganization of society. However, this was not done in a reformist-socialist sense, as had been the case in the post-war agitation for gradual socialization; it was now done by the adoption of a plan, or rather, of The Plan. The Plan, adopted in 1935 by the SDAP and N W , cleared away all remnants of Marxism, which were replaced by considerations of a Keynesian kind. The most important theoretician in bringing about this turn of events was the young economist Jan Tinbergen. He argued that the formation of power blocs (organizations of entrepreneurs and organizations of workers) had led to a situation in which not the market, but power regulated wages. This had as a consequence that wages had become distributed between different segments of the working class in an unjust way. Justice and not power should henceforward regulate wages, which meant that central bodies, on a national scale, had to fix wage standards. Because in fact the power of the workers' organizations concerning the wage struggle was broken, while social democracy could still hope to enter the government and realize its plan for organized national capitalism, Tinbergen's views were readily adopted. The social democratic movement, party and trade unions alike, concentrated its forces on the political level in the propaganda for The Plan. Class struggle, as much in the elementary form of wage struggle as in the form of a struggle for socialism, was finally rejected, as was proletarian internationalism (trade unions now asking for the protection of national industries), as was the idea of labour power being a commodity. So was the idea of the organization

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of the working class: the party had to become an organization of people of good will from all classes. This development was sealed by the adoption of a new programme by the SDAP in 1936. In summary, important elements of Marxism were adopted by the 'modern' trade union movement in the Netherlands in its phase of construction between the 1890s and 1914. Jan Oudegeest, the first Secretary of the NVV, in the second volume of his history of the independent trade union movement in the Netherlands which appeared in 1932, still hailed in a quite old-fashioned way the effects of Marxism on the NVV, something he might have hesitated to do a year or two later. He remarked . . . how much the trade union movement in the Netherlands is indebted to the Marxist theory of class struggle. Especially for its construction and the enhancing of its power, . . . at many moments the strength of this point of view became evident as against the lack of courage, not to say cowardice, shown by the leadership of the confessional trade union movements; this lack of courage is for a large part caused by their rejection of the doctrine of class struggle. For that reason they lack the principle by virtue of which the struggle of the proletariat against the possessing class is justified by the historical march of humanity.23 Within two years the principle of class struggle was abandoned, and the principles of the religious trade unions, being the organization of national capitalism in a corporative mould, were adopted. In practice, the movement had acted before 1914 in a reformist sense, which then could be very well conciliated with Marxism by the proclamation of 'unity of reform and revolution'. After August 1914, and more clearly so after the November crisis of 1918, this unity was officially abandoned: what remained was reform, but this was still seen as a gradual transition to socialism. On this reformist road, adopted as a principle, there proved to be no way back for the social democratic organizations, as the left-wing opposition in the party of 1928-32 experienced with its expulsion in 1932. The long movement away from Marxism was in progress by 1919 at the latest, and found its finishing point in 1934-6. The stages of this progression, as has been shown in this account, had been dictated primarily by the successive stages of the business cycle.

16 Ideas for a New Regime in the Netherlands after the Defeat of 1940 M. L. Smith In the confused and shocked period that followed the German invasion of the Netherlands in 1940 the question of the form in which political life might continue was an urgent one. Queen Wilhelmina and her Cabinet had left for England where they proposed to conduct a government in exile linked still to the undefeated East Indies possessions. In their absence it was widely assumed and feared that Mussert's Nationaal-Socialistische Beweging (NSB) would - as had already been the case with Quisling and his Nazi-imitating party in Norway - be invited to take power under the protection of the occupier. There was little doubt that he would accept nor, as the NSB's membership figures began in June to rise, that he would enjoy an indigenous support that, while not massive, would be sufficient to enable his government to function as the instrument of the Nazification of his country. These fears were fed by the developing general context after the defeat. As the future Socialist Prime Minister W. Drees remembered, June was the 'low-point' of the war regarding the frame of mind of the Dutch population.1 With the relentless advance of the Germans westwards, the final abject surrender of the French on 22 June and the expected certain suing for peace by Britain, Hitler's victory was now universal and irresistible. The unwelcome presence in the Netherlands from the end of May of the Reichskommissar Seyss-Inquart together with the baggage train of personnel with whom he promised to co-ordinate the administration of every facet of the occupied nation's life seemed, a month after his arrival, to be endowed with dreadful permanence. In these circumstances it is not surprising that many of the political and social leaders as well as the top civil servants who remained at their posts should have accepted the pressing necessity for some form

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of aanpassing (adaptation) of the country to a new long-term reality. For this group it was a matter of recognizing that the Netherlands was now, whether she wished it or not, within a German-dominated European system. But in making this concession to reality three conditions were accepted as necessary safeguards. First, they recognized that in seeking to find those means of expression and action that would ensure the continuity of national independence and, thereby, avoid the total subservience to the Nazi Reich which the NSB threatened to pursue, they should be careful to retain a commitment to the fundamental constitutional and historically based Dutch values of diversity and religious and intellectual tolerance. Second, encouraged by the overwhelming demonstration of popular affection for the Crown which had occurred on 29 June, Anjerdag, they took it as axiomatic that national sovereignty could not be preserved except by loyalty to the House of Orange. Lastly, it was accepted that the strategy of seeking to maintain as great an autonomy of action as possible through 'adaptation' demanded that a new nation-wide movement be created, extensive enough to provide the foundations necessary for confident and productive relations with the occupier. During the second half of June 1940 public figures from all parties began to discuss the exact basis on which such a movement should, and could, be constructed. No less a person than H. Colijn, five times Prime Minister and the dominant man of pre-war politics, led the way: first through private discussions which included soundings with the Germans as to his possible leadership of a new force, and then openly in a book, On the Boundary of Two Worlds, published on 2 July and immediately a best-seller. In this work, after putting the case of accommodation to the fact of German economic power, he argued for the urgency of forming 'a national front, represented by persons who have the right to speak for the overwhelming majority of the Dutch people' and, consequently, possessing the authority to act as intermediary between the occupier and an independent Netherlands. 2 Parallel ideas (albeit less outspoken in their advocacy of learning from Germany) came from other senior politicians. In late June a group representing the six major Parliamentary parties had also started to define the need for a new political regrouping. On 1 July they met as the committee that would later become known as the Politiek Convent and delegated three of their number - Colijn, Drees and the Catholic ex-minister, Verschuur - to construct a programme for such an entity.3

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The draft, which was completed in two days, is worth citing since it provides a clear indication of the consensus about the form and necessity of politics under occupation that had emerged by this date. Its basic premise was that a 'national bloc', insofar as it expressed a powerful and real unity of the population, would be able to stand in the breach caused by the defeat. Such a bloc, derived from the political parties as well as leading persons from other circles of society and legitimized, therefore, by the great majority of the populace, would not just be competent to deal with the occupying authorities but, more important, would provide the only firm basis for carrying through what had to be done 'both at the present time and for a Netherlands reborn in freedom and independence'. What was crucial about this formulation was that it justified adaptation to present circumstances by reference to preparing for a future in which, by implication, the country had regained its autonomy, at least in the area of the values that had always sustained it. For this reason the draft carefully listed those values - the principles of tolerance, respect for the Christian character of national life and the indissoluble relation with the House of Orange - as pledges for the future, before it sketched its prescriptions for the shorter term. But if these showed the active face of a policy of adaptation, in particular as they called for greater government authority and regulation of social and economic life while showing some reticence for parliamentary forms, they did so specifically in a context of the need to tackle unemployment.4 For this was the task whose failure to be grasped before the war had, as all who had lived in the Netherlands during the thirties knew, been the single greatest cause of disunity and disillusion with the existing political system. In sum, then, the proposed realignment of social and political forces was at once the recognition of the overriding need for unity during the stress of the Nazi occupation and, equally, by virtue of its practical focus, the instrument necessary to create a unity without which there would be no future that was truly Dutch. The progress and failure of this attempt at realignment has been examined in detail elsewhere.5 At root, the Germans saw no profit in encouraging a strong Orangist expression based on the old political allegiances - the more so as they held the divisive card of the NSB. But as important was the fact that the representatives of the parties were challenged by a new and temporarily ascendant current of opinion that drew quite different lessons from the defeat. If the members of the Convent sought to define a structure in which

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adaptation to German success was the leading motive, they did not question the validity of traditional politics itself. The suspension of a freely competitive political life for reasons of creating a union sacree did not suppose the permanent abandonment of parties as they had functioned and of their contribution to the liberal state. For the Convent members even the prospect of long-term Nazi occupation could not justify a change which they saw as moving towards the ideological orbit of their oppressor. For others there was a less negative assessment of change. Standing largely outside conventional politics and, in any case, holding politicians and Parliament in a certain contempt, they saw in defeat however unwelcome it was to their patriotism - the opportunity at last to push through a fundamental revision of the whole system. This urge was common in newly occupied Western Europe and drew on the response to the twin dangers of political extremism and mass unemployment that had flourished from the mid-thirties. In the Netherlands, in particular, there had in these years developed a distinct current of criticism and call for renewal. In conferences, interconfessional meetings and residential workshops where participants (predominantly aged under forty-five) from different backgrounds met in an atmosphere of self-consciously trying to bridge the cleavages that were conventionally expected to separate them, two views gradually coalesced: first, that there needed to be a 'breakthrough' (doorbraak) of the compartments - whether these were confessional or ideological - into which the Netherlands had divided itself; second, the belief that insofar as the Dutch parliamentary system was based on a verzuild (pillarized) politics this meant that democracy as it was practised was incapable of achieving that national unity and purpose necessary to surmount crises and create the conditions of social justice on which peaceful development depended. By late 1938 these views found a regular public forum in the monthly journal The Commonwealth.6 From the first issue in which there appeared W. Verkade's leading article 'Lines of Division in the Dutch People', that was to serve as a point of reference during the next two years, the broadly based editorial board committed itself to acting as the stimulus towards building the new national community.7 The most significant move to realize this intention came out of the Conference of 'National Alarm' which the journal helped promote and which took place on 7-8 January 1939 in Woudschoten with around 100 participants. Brought together by an expression of concern

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at the lack of national leadership in relation to the worsening international and domestic situation, the Conference advocated an urgent attack on unemployment (specifically the recommendation to set up a national youth service) without which the unity of the country was threatened. More, for the first time there was wide discussion of the need for structural changes in economic and political life. To this end it was decided to form an 'action' group: the Nederlandse Gemeenschap (The Netherlands Community). Its primary role of co-ordinating the creation of a broad movement of national unity was confirmed at a second conference held in April. Most important, in the light of later events, was that the Netherlands Community, which had essentially been conceived as a study group that would seek to put 'breakthrough' on the agenda of Dutch intellectual life, in June 1939 pushed itself towards a direct political involvement when it issued a 'Manifesto for Unity' intended to influence the composition of an administration to replace the ailing last Cabinet of Colijn.8 By the time of the defeat, then, there was a widely based initiative with an identifiable committee of notables possessing a public persona clearly associated with an impetus to reform the conditions in which Dutch politics operated. It was from within the Netherlands Community that there originated the first approach of public figures - namely, L. Einthoven, J. Linthorst Homan, J. de Quay and H. Reinink - to the German authorities in mid-June 1940 with a draft action programme.9 So too, it was these figures (less Einthoven on this occasion) who by 6 July had formed an editorial commission on a parity basis with representatives of the parties to decide the principles of a new movement. Finally, as the party representatives baulked at the German terms of dropping any mention of Orange or of the autonomy of the Netherlands as their conditions for sanctioning a new national movement, it was from this same circle that there came the decision on 24 July to press ahead regardless with recruitment to a Nederlandse Unie (Netherlands Union) that, in the event, did accept the limitations on which the Germans had insisted. There is no doubt that this Union was meant to be that national front of unity for which the majority of public and political leaders had been searching since the occupation began. Nor, insofar as it rapidly attracted a membership which reached about 800,000 by the end of 1940, did it disappoint such hopes. It is also clear that its formation was in line with what we have noted to be a widely shared acceptance of the reality of adaptation to the German presence, since

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the founders in their opening Manifesto, as well as the Programme which followed shortly after, underlined the need to recognize that circumstances had changed and that the new Union would, consequently, work in a loyal relation to the occupier.10 Yet the fact that the creation of this Union may be seen as having drawn to a practical conclusion the main reactions current after the defeat should not obscure the pedigree of its promoters. They stood firmly in the ranks of those who had long argued that just such a movement was required to introduce fundamental changes. The decision to proceed with the Union added to that argument the belief that the times presented the opportunity, hitherto lacking, to put these ideas into practice. The scope of the changes was well rehearsed within the circle round the Netherlands Community, as it continued to be in the Union's own subsequent propaganda. More problematic, and of considerable importance, is to decide what relation the Union's leaders saw between prescriptions that had been aired in the select atmosphere of conferences and journals and the movement with which they had pressed ahead and to which a large part of the population now turned. In particular, given that the Union was formed in opposition to the wishes of the remaining political representatives, the question arises as to how far the leadership intended to try to establish a new government; one, moreover, that once installed would outlast the occupation and dictate the structure of any future regime. The search for an answer to this question has at once to face the fact that whatever may have been the intention, the opportunity for the Union to take power never came about. The Germans were not willing to countenance such a development and, indeed, finally proscribed the movement in 1941. Equally, the founders consistently denied that they had ever proposed to use the Union as the means of personally coming to power.11 Nonetheless, the question remains a legitimate one, partly because the failure to achieve a goal should not be taken as evidence that it was never desired initially. Furthermore, inasmuch as the Union sought to rally together Dutch citizens on an unprecedented scale - a hope in which it patently succeeded for a time - the historian is, as a result, obliged to try to assess the full purpose behind its formation. In acknowledging this, however, it is possible to limit a judgement to two possible approaches. These can be briefly stated. On the one hand, it may be accepted that the Union was seen by its founders primarily as a defensive means to fill the vacuum in public life left after the defeat. It provided the best means

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of holding off the NSB. In this case the task of the movement to forge an alternative national unity represented only a temporary replacement of the activity of political parties for whom, in the occupation, there was no immediate or direct role. The sense and practical application of harmony that the movement was meant to engender would, it was hoped, survive the war and introduce a more purposeful and effective politics; but the Union itself would not, and should not, be a governmental party. Against this view of an essentially catalytic function for the Union may be set the argument that the decision to create what always had to be a mass movement or nothing, must have been taken in the full knowledge that this was the first step towards making a move to power inevitable. Behind this view lies the analysis that the Union was from the start intended to be the instrument that would so reshape the boundaries and nature of public discourse that there would follow a permanent change in the very basis of Dutch political life. It will be proposed in what follows that the first assessment is too limited and that the logic behind the Union's appearance cannot be separated from a consideration of what it was to be used for. This is not to say that the notion that the primary intention of the leaders was to work towards the long-term superseding of what they regarded as the paralyzing divisions in Dutch social and political organization should be dismissed. It finds support, for example, in the strong continuation of this spirit into immediate post-war politics. But it is inadequate in the context of the summer of 1940. Firstly, not only was parliamentary life suspended, but the prospects for its resumption were remote. The circumstantial evidence, already cited, that the Union's founders came from those non-conformist circles which had increasingly articulated a contempt for politics, indicates that their view of the movement's purpose was unlikely to include its contribution to continuing even a reformed parliamentary democracy. In addition, the breakdown of the front with the party representatives reflected more than a simple division of opinion. The members of the Convent had shown in their own draft programme that they were prepared to make substantial common cause with the future leaders of the Union. The two sides were not in fundamental disagreement about the need for a new movement nor about the essential safeguards for its free operation. But whereas for the politicians the need was reactive and temporary, for the Union leaders it was, as Linthorst Homan was to put it, based on the desire to prepare a better social and constitutional system in the

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post-war Netherlands. 12 The difference in these conceptions was more than that between a desire to do only what was necessary - after all, the Convent had already acknowledged the urgency of finding a form in which to tackle economic and social problems - and the wish to build something new. Rather, the politicians realized that the movement towards which they were being pushed to agree was one that from the outset would exclude them in their capacity as the representatives of established parties. Once parties had lost their formal place there was neither guarantee nor likelihood that they would function in the future. Above all, as the German unwillingness to allow a concentration of national political forces became clearer, so did the conviction that to promote a Union on these terms was to accept working within a structure so radically changed as to make inevitable either the installation of an NSB regime or - since the purpose of the negotiations was, precisely, to prevent the danger from Mussert - to accede to the governmental role of the new movement.13 Such circumstantial observations, relying as they do on assessing probable consequences, can do no more than indicate what the real intentions of the Union's founders may have been towards the role of their creation. There is more concrete evidence, however, which is provided by the nature of the discussions that were held during the first week of July 1940. This was the period during which the four men of the Netherlands Community, having already presented a brief programme to the German political commissioner, Schmidt, began to take broader soundings. To restate the chronology: on 1 July De Quay attended a meeting of the Convent; on 4 July Homan was delegated to make a second visit to Schmidt, during which he reported the progress of conversations with the party representatives; finally, on 6 July the two groups agreed to work to create a national front.14 These few days may be taken, then, as the critical period in which the precise idea of the extent of the responsibilities that a new movement should have was explored to its conclusion. It was in the middle of these intensive negotiations that there took place, on 4 July, a meeting between De Quay and a group of military and public figures; a meeting which up to the present has remained unreported, but for which minutes survive. Held in the Department of Economic Affairs in The Hague and chaired by De Quay, the session explored two areas of concern: the principles on which a 'National Movement' should be based and the

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shape of the future government.15 De Quay, welcoming the group, made clear his credentials as part of the Netherlands Community from which, he said, had originated the thoughts for a national movement. He then outlined the basis which had been put to Schmidt in June, stressing the three conditions of maintaining Dutch autonomy, loyalty to Orange, and links with the Empire. After this he delineated a programme under eight headings. These largely conformed to those already presented to the Germans for consideration, although with some variation. The most significant difference lay in the sphere of the relation between a movement and the conduct of political life. Thus, while the earlier draft programme had confined itself to recommending the discontinuance of the existing system of political parties (Art. 4) and the organic building of society (Art. 6), 16 now De Quay emphasized the need for change over the whole political system. The new movement would promote national unity (Point A); its role was to ensure community interest above that of party (Point B); and, acting outside all political systems, it would work towards building an organic structure not just of society but of the whole representative system (Point C). In commenting on this programme De Quay argued that it was essentially apolitical, although the movement would take a positive stance against the NSB. SeyssInquart was expected to be officially involved soon to approve its establishment. De Quay concluded his presentation by sketching the organization of the movement. This would consist of an executive of at most three - himself, Homan and one other - underneath which would be an Advisory Council drawn from cultural, economic and social groups and, in due course, former political figures; the whole structure would be completed by dependent regional councils. In the discussion of this project which followed it was pointed out that to proceed on the basis that had been put to the meeting was to court certain conflict with the Dutch government in London. De Quay's response, while not given in full, was somewhat evasive insofar as he advanced the fatalistic view that if conflict was to occur there was no point in letting such a fear be a deterrent to action. The acceptance of De Quay's reasoning freed the meeting to consider a more detailed programme for the organization of political and economic life. At the heart of the new Netherlands would stand a single National Movement in which were to be assembled all currents of opinion and belief and which, at the same time, therefore, would eliminate political groupings. The movement, which was defined as

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in the first instance apolitical, was recommended to set to work immediately in realizing its programme. To this end there was finally laid out a scheme of the form of government that, once the movement was in existence, would need to be established. Essentially this was a full corporatist structure in which a National Party (replacing, it should be noted, the term Movement) would be set alongside professionally based corporations. The government would consist of representatives from each of these groups chosen from within their own ranks on a hierarchic rather than universal suffrage basis. This meeting is of great interest in helping to determine what, in practical political terms, the future Union leaders were considering at the very time when they were most actively engaged in broad negotiations elsewhere. It should be added that the internal evidence of the minute suggests that De Quay was not the initiator so much as the convenor of a discussion which others had petitioned him to host. But that is not to say that the framework of the ideas expressed at the meeting, or the shape in which they were built up, were foreign to him. Even allowing for the truncated nature of the account that has come down, it is plain that the assembled group was working within a type of Salazarian corporatism. Ideas of this sort had had a long history of discussion in the Netherlands, especially in Catholic circles. De Quay himself, in his travels to the USA as well as in his capacity of Professor at the Catholic Economic College in Tilburg, had a deep-rooted professional interest in corporatism. More immediately, the issue of The Commonwealth which appeared in June 1940 had carried a long article by one of its editors, the sociologist P. J. Bouman, entitled 'Possibilities of National Construction'. Here were developed proposals which, especially as they pertained to advocating a Council for Corporations that would nominate Ministers, were clearly echoed in the meeting described above.17 So also, a corporatist basis for selecting new leaders to replace the discredited politicians and to form the backbone of a national movement above politics was proposed in the same issue of the journal by another of its editors, F. Prakke, in his article 'Our Way'; and the link with the milieu of the Union leaders was confirmed by the presence in this issue of an article by Linthorst Homan.18 These links and shared concepts should not be ignored. But to say that De Quay and his future colleagues talked a language of corporatist reconstruction in itself only suggests that they had a predeliction for realizing this sort of organization at some time in the future. The

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meeting of 4 July, however, gives strong support to the suggestion that their interest had come out of the study and went much further. This may be seen in two ways. First, De Quay's acceptance of the probable conflict with the legal government in London, his expectation of Seyss-Inquart's approval, and his insistence that the new movement should be directed by no more than a three-person executive advised by a Council from which the political representatives were to be indefinitely excluded, are all the attributes of a man who had already made up his mind to press ahead with a political initiative, and of one whose direction was equally clearly conceived. Second, the terms of the discussion were about government. In this respect it is particularly revealing that the meeting should have proceeded from De Quay's outline of what had broadly been put to Schmidt to a general proposal about the form of a quite new regime. Again, this progression does not necessarily mean that De Quay himself- let alone his later Union colleagues - subscribed entirely, or even in great part, to the precise scheme laid before him. Nonetheless, a discussion of this type must be seen as a logical and consistent sequel to his own programme and comments round it. For, in the end, the idea that a programme for national unity, in which the movement charged with its attainment would be legitimized by how well it created better social and economic conditions, could be divorced from an active consideration of power, is improbable. If the movement was to come into being it could do so - and the programmes from June onwards were unambiguous on this point - only if the whole structure that had defined Dutch political life was abandoned. In that case the vacuum that remained would be less a temporary one, brought about by the flight of the government to London, than the deliberately created precondition for rebuilding a country that those Ministers who eventually returned would not recognize. Whether the founders of the Netherlands Union were misguided, as the political representatives believed, in what they sought to start in 1940 is a matter on which historians have disagreed since the movement came into being.19 What ought to be questioned much more closely is the view that they were uninterested in taking power.

17 The Abortive Dutch Assault on European Tariffs, 1950-2 Richard T. Griffiths The early 1950s witnessed a number of initiatives on the part of the Netherlands to free European trade from the restrictions prevailing in the immediate period of post-war reconstruction. The two most famous of these, the Stikker Plan and the Bey en Plan, bear the names of the respective ministers of foreign affairs responsible for their initiation. In the historical literature these two plans are often counterposed as representing alternative, and to some extent mutually irreconcilable, ways forward to something called 'European integration' - Stikker pointing a path via sectoral integration and Beyen via a more general integration.1 If, however, the plans are examined not from the long-term perspective of some European dream but from the more limited and immediate goal of obtaining a commercial agreement within Europe, what emerges is a strong continuity rather than a discontinuity in Dutch foreign economic policy. The goal remains the same but the means are adapted to accommodate the different environments within which they are pursued. 2 This continuity is not immediately apparent in a chronological sense in the existing historical literature. The Stikker Plan was launched in June 1950 and faded out towards the end of the year; the first version of the Beyen Plan did not appear until December 1952. One of the things which this article will demonstrate is that there was another initiative, within the context of GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade), which exactly bridges the gap in the literature.3 The current Dutch historical literature is also deficient in the sense that there is very little criticism of these Dutch tariff initiatives. Their failure is usually explained by the fact that the world, or part of it, was not ripe enough, mature enough or far-sighted enough to accept the obvious wisdom of the Dutch recipe. This view has been anchored

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into the historiography by the self-serving, self-eulogizing memoirs of the participants themselves.4 The deficiencies of the Bey en Plan both in concept and in subsequent negotiating tactics have been discussed elsewhere5 but, as we shall see, this was equally true in the case of the Stikker Plan. The Stikker Plan failed, not because the English were too timid to accept it, as Stikker himself suggests,6 but because it was riddled with shortcomings and inconsistencies which were ruthlessly exposed in the early stages of the negotiations. This, in turn, is not surprising when it is realized that the plan found its origins not in an attempt to achieve * European integration' but to avoid the negative implications for the Netherlands of other 'integrative' initiatives. The limitations to trade at the end of the 1940s were threefold in nature - inconvertible currencies, quantitative restrictions, and tariffs.7 The currency problem served to depress levels of trade by virtue of the fact that countries tended to demand 'hard currencies' wherever possible for their exports and to place quite definite ceilings on their willingness to accept anything else. If the partner country was unwilling or unable to pay this, no trade took place. From its inception, the OEEC (Organization for European Economic Cooperation) had attempted to construct a network of payments arrangements but these had not developed beyond a rudimentary form when, in December 1949, the Americans proposed that the OEEC form a multilateral European Payments Union (EPU). This implied that each country in the Union would receive a 'drawing right' (rather like a credit arrangement) up to which level it could pay for its imports in its own currency or in soft currencies, but beyond which it would have to pay in gold or dollars. For countries with a chronic balance-of-payments problem (and the Dutch deficit within the OEEC was the largest in Europe) any such arrangement posed both an opportunity and a threat - the balance of potential advantage or disadvantage depending upon the level of credit granted. This problem was also faced by the UK, with its sterling-area links, and negotiations dragged on until June 1950 when the agreement was signed. In the course of these negotiations, Stikker was appointed 'political conciliator' in charge of bringing the conflicting parties to an acceptable compromise. For the Americans it was inconsistent to free the payments for commercial transactions on intra-European trade at a multinational

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level, if individual countries could restrict trade at their borders by imposing import quotas or by making the purchase of imports contingent upon the granting of licences (no licence, no foreign currency, no imports). Thus moves to reduce and eventually abolish such restrictions, known as the 'OEEC trade liberalization programme' paralleled developments on the payments front. In November 1949 the UK had suggested abolishing such restrictions on 40 per cent of each country's 'private trade', an opening offer which was overtrumped by one of 60 per cent by Stikker himself. The eventual targets agreed were 50 per cent by December 1949, 60 per cent by June 1950 and 75 per cent by December 1950. Stikker proudly mentions this in his memoirs,8 but what he fails to record is the less than enthusiastic reaction these proposals received in the Dutch Cabinet. For the Netherlands the sacrifice of this line of defence threatened to aggravate an already serious balance-of-payments problem and to jeopardize the reconstruction boom which was its underlying cause. These worries were intensified as the workings of the liberalization programme became more apparent. The first point was that 'state trade' (import orders placed directly through a ministry) was entirely exempted from the operation. Since 'state trade' was concentrated largely in agriculture, this muted the potential advantage for Dutch agricultural exports. Secondly, there was no stipulation that the percentage liberalization of private trade should be spread equally over all categories of imports, and again it was in agriculture that such restrictions tended to persist. Finally the base year, 1948, was one where such controls were prevalent and in many cases the use of this base-line implied little or no progress beyond the situation already prevailing. For these reasons the Dutch were the last of the OEEC countries to agree to the payments union and to the liberalization programme. 9 Dutch concerns were intensified by developments on the tariff front. After the war many countries had simply suspended their tariff schedules and relied instead upon quantitative controls for restricting imports. The operation of the liberalization programme led to a revision of the situation and the renewed implementation of tariffs. Moreover, these tariff schedules were often unrealistically high. The first move which GATT had made at the 1949 meeting in Annecy was the registration of tariff schedules as a prelude to a negotiating round designed to lower them. Thus a number of countries had registered 'bargaining' tariffs to enhance their negotiating position . . . but no

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negotiations had yet taken place, and it was these tariffs which began to come into force. The Dutch, who had only just previously succeeded in a joint Benelux tariff, merely registered that tariff level and, as a result, felt themselves at a considerable relative disadvantage. In April 1950 work began within the Ministry of Economic Affairs towards developing a strategy for coping with these various threats. The four separate documents which were produced can be considered the genesis of the Stikker Plan.10 The first note was almost entirely defensive in tone. It argued that the OEEC was endangering the move towards 'European integration' by accelerating progress 'at a quicker tempo than is logically possible'. It suggested that integration could not be achieved until competitive conditions had been equalized (a standpoint which was to become the rallying cry for the weak throughout the 1950s), and spent the rest of the time discussing possible measures to be taken to cope with the potential dislocation which the OEEC measures threatened to produce. Someone must have told the author that the Dutch were in no position to make assertions of that sort, because the second note contained a (very short!) paragraph entitled 'the advantages of integration'. Even so, much more space was spent analysing the possible arguments against participating in such a noble quest. The second note was also notable in that it mentioned the 'sector-by-sector' approach with which Stikker was later to become identified, but only as one possibility alongside the incorporation of tariffs into the OEEC liberalization programme. The third note, too, was focused very much towards changing the liberalization programme in such a way as to make it more palatable to the Netherlands. Both the sector approach and the question of tariffs had disappeared from the text, but in its place another Stikker concept emerged for the first time - a European Integration Fund to grant investment and redeployment assistance to workers made redundant as a result of integration measures. It was more or less in this form that the Fund was to become part of the Stikker Plan. The neo-functionalist suggestion, in the third note, that, 'It will also have the advantage that a start will be made on an inter-European budget. This will be important both as a centre for political discussions and interest and as opening the possibility for the implementation of a European financial and, possibly, counter-cyclical policy', was never taken up. Neither was the suggestion made in the fourth note that the

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Fund also pay indemnification for the capital losses resulting from closures caused by integration, at the cost of $6,000 million spread over ten years! The fourth note, written eleven days after the publication of the Schuman Plan, also reinstalled the sector approach in a central position. The plan was announced in broad outline on 2 June 1950 and was subsequently spelled out in two separate documents.11 It was recognized that the further the OEEC tried to go in the removal of quantitative restrictions, the more difficult it was going to be, with the result that progress might get stuck before the process had been completed. Since it was necessary not to lose momentum it might be better to proceed to total liberalization within certain sectors. By moving this way the eventual result might be complete liberalization; more especially since, in those sectors, not only quantitative restrictions but all restrictions were to be removed. The Council of the OEEC would choose the sectors to be considered and appoint a technical commission which would report on the difficulties anticipated by any member as a result of the integration in that particular sector and recommend any possible solutions. One possible solution was that a government could apply to receive help from the European Integration Fund (EIF). This could be used to modernize in the sector concerned or, if firms had to close down as a result of integration, a government could apply for assistance to invest in industries in other sectors (though only in sectors which had already been 'integrated'). 12 The country should first try to raise the funds itself, at home or abroad. The EIF would help, if there were difficulties, by acting as a mediator or guarantor or by granting a loan. The Council of the OEEC would decide by a three-quarters majority whether to go ahead with total integration in a particular sector. Any nation, however, had the right not to participate. If Stikker had hoped to have had the field to himself and thus to have determined the framework within which any discussion was to take place, he was to be sorely disappointed. While integration plans did not exactly rain down, June and July 1950 were certainly above the post-war average in this respect. At the same ministerial session at which Stikker planned to unveil his scheme, the Secretary-General of the OEEC, Robert Marjolin, revealed the direction in which he thought the organization should move. Marjolin's plan began by emphasizing the need for an expansion of production and consumption over the coming four years. This was to be accomplished by national

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programmes, and the role of the OEEC was limited to comparing the programmes and attempting to eliminate any imbalances that might emerge. If countries were confronted with difficulties in implementing their programmes, attempts would be made to find community solutions. The Council of the OEEC would meet at ministerial level two or three times a year to keep check of the progress made. Marjolin's proposals in fact boiled down to the OEEC doing slightly more than it had previously done, but still basically in this same old way. It was clearly an appeal to the lowest common denominator in an attempt to get the unanimous acceptance which the OEEC rules required. The plan was safe but dull, with the further disadvantage that it threatened to create another layer of bureaucracy in an already top-heavy organization without even promising to offer much by way of return. In the event he was completely upstaged by Stikker who in his verbal exposition emphasized that his plan was complementary to Marjolin's and was a way of helping to effectuate the increase in production which Marjolin envisaged. Stikker also promised that a text of the Dutch proposals would be available by the next meeting.13 By the time the OEEC Council next met, on 7 July, two further schemes had been proposed for consideration. The Pella Plan, presented by the Italian Minister for Marshall Plan Affairs, can be characterized as aspiring towards a preferential tariff area in Europe. Like the Stikker Plan it recognized that certain countries would have difficulties in advancing to higher levels of liberalization, but this meant that they would have to maintain tariffs. Yet it was recognized that something needed to be done on the tariff front. So having gained the necessary exemption status from GATT, multilateral tariff negotiations should be started with the aim of lowering tariffs on intra-European trade (i.e. existing tariffs on extra-European trade would be unaffected). Once the new tariff structures had been agreed they would all be automatically reduced by 15 per cent in three years' time and by 15 per cent again three years later. A European Integration Fund with sufficient means to finance a considerable proportion of additional investments and to facilitate the mobilization of dormant capital should also be set up. In addition to outlining specific national Italian problems, Pella's note blasted the first salvo against the Stikker Plan. Organizationally could one really expect to succeed in recasting the whole European economy on the basis of supranational plans and programmes? Might it not lead to even more controls than those now in force? The

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sectoral approach meant that compensations would have to be sought within each sector individually. Would this be possible and would not the very attempt lead to over-rigidity? If compensations were to be sought in the reorganization of other sectors, would that not hold up the entire procedure? And what of the difficulties which stemmed from years of historical development, and were not likely to disappear in a few years, and which made necessary the continuation of some form of protection? If the purpose of the approach by sectors is to establish complete freedom of trade after going through a phase of direction and reorganisation, it is to be feared that any attempt to apply it to the European economy as a whole might stop short at the stage of direction. In such a case, instead of creating a freer market, we should risk transferring to the European plane some of the rigidity caused by vested interests which have to be combatted inside each separate economy. Instead of increasing freedom and the efficiency of production, we should run the risk of eliminating that element of competition which the existence of a considerable number of markets and of national productive organisations still represents in Europe. Given that blast, it was little consolation to the Dutch that Pella's note paid tribute to the 'vision and energy' of Stikker and assured that 'the Italian Government wishes to approach the discussion with a completely open mind'. 14 An immediate Dutch reaction to the Pella note was written by Hijzen (Director in the Foreign Economic Policy section of the Economics Ministry). He felt that the Italian concern for overregulation stemmed from the fact that it was confusing the Schuman Plan with the Stikker Plan, but that it was not the intention to reorganize Europe on the basis of lots of little 'Schumans', but rather to come to complete freedom. The points on the difficulties in finding compensations were, however, conceded.15 This led to the publication of the second Dutch memorandum on the Integration Fund. On 4 July the French memorandum inspired by Maurice Petsche, the French Minister of Finance, was published proposing the formation of a European Investment Bank. The Bank should have sufficient capital to acquire an indisputable influence and authority, at least $500 million to begin with. It should also be able to borrow funds on

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private capital markets both inside and outside Europe, in addition to getting a Marshall Aid allocation, national government subscriptions and a loan from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The Bank should be under national government control through a Council of Administration made up of nominees of the governments of participating countries plus the Secretary-General of the OEEC. On this Council voting would be proportional to the importance of the participating countries. Finally, the Bank should invest in projects which would enhance the creation, modernization or specialization of enterprises which would satisfy Europe's needs, always with a European perspective in mind. These should include projects designed to reduce Europe's dollar imports or increase dollar exports and infrastructural schemes of European importance. It should not encourage the formation of cartels or monopolies, nor should it ever be the sole source of finance. The French note, too, contained implicit criticism of the Stikker Plan. In the first place the Investment Bank was considered to be forward looking, helping to dynamize the European economy; more so than the Fund with its emphasis on the past and its concern for 'compensations' and indemnifications. Rather more pointedly it observed that it was governments who had to apply for help from the Fund and governments who received the money. Yet doubt was expressed whether such a procedure was compatible with governmental systems in which a considerable area of economic activity lay outside state supervision and control.16 With such an embarrassment of riches, the Council of the OEEC never got as far as considering the plans at all on 7 July. Marjolin had apparently withdrawn from the fray, so the meeting opened with each of the national delegations outlining the advantages to European integration of their own particular plan. Then Stafford Cripps suggested that what was needed was a careful and considered examination of their respective merits and of whether or not the ideas they contained could not be unified in some way. A motion was adopted to refer all the plans to the Executive Committee17 which, in turn, set up a special working party, Working Party No. 6, for the purpose, and at the same time referred the Stikker Plan to the Textiles and the Paper and Pulp Committees for a preliminary feasibility study. Were the plans unifiable? Away from the heat of international negotiations obviously they were. The Pella Plan could guarantee quicker results than could the Stikker Plan if the agreement of GATT

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could be obtained (but that was far from certain) and if the initial negotiating round produced something substantial by way of reductions (which was unlikely). Its greatest attraction lay in the 'automatism' of the tariff reductions. As it stood, the tempo was too slow and the initiation of its operations was too late to be of much use to the Dutch, but if both of these were altered they would be a useful agent for effecting tariff adjustments. Nor, in theory, were the Petsche and Stikker Plans in conflict with each other. The Fund was designed to help governments cope with the internal difficulties of structural adjustment which integration would bring about. The Bank was designed to promote investment which would raise European productivity levels through stimulating (largely) commercial investments. The two aims were not in conflict and, indeed, if the Stikker Plan helped remove market imperfections, it would help realize the stated goal of increasing European productivity. No, there was no reason why the plans in themselves were incompatible z/one worked from the assumption that countries wanted to embark upon drawn-out technical negotiations by sector, and if they really wanted the elimination of protection at all! Working Party No. 6, comprising representatives from the OEEC countries, the USA and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, met for two weeks from 28 July to 12 August 1950. Immediately there arose a conflict over what they were supposed to be doing. The British stood, quite properly, by the standpoint that the whole thing was simply a 'research exercise', while the French, copying the tactic they had used at the start of the Schuman negotiations, wanted a declaration in principle that it was necessary to create a 'marche unique' in Western Europe, and that this required special measures over and above what was already happening in the OEEC. France managed to get general approval for the first of these principles but not for the second. None of the delegates other than those from France, the Netherlands and Italy had instructions which covered this eventuality (not even the delegation from the ECA (Economic Co-operation Administration)). For much of the time the Dutch found themselves having to clear up 'misunderstandings' about the Stikker Plan: the Bank and the Fund were not alternative but separate issues; the Fund was not intended to subsidize industries adversely affected by integration, but to afford governments compensation; the plan was not dirigist in its intention but strove for total liberalization. On the other hand the

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plan was also subjected to more telling criticism, especially from the United Kingdom. The Dutch were asked for more information about the exact conditions which would need to be satisfied before a country was eligible to apply for help from the European Integration Fund. They replied by specifying two cases: that in which the imports required for modernization would strain the balance of payments, and that in which there was a shortage of domestic capital even if there were no balance-of-payments problems. This reply immediately ran into a storm of difficulties. It was argued that what was needed in the second case was not a foreign currency loan but a liberalization of domestic credit conditions. If such relaxation of credit conditions led to balance-of-payments problems, it should be treated in the same way as the first case; but then, the British asked, why bother with an Integration Fund when this was exactly what Marshall Aid and the EPU were supposed to be doing. Matters were made worse when the Dutch admitted that aid from the Fund would be granted on an a priori basis (i.e. before the effects of liberalization became apparent). They were asked whether such a decision might not, in view of the difficulty in forecasting, subsequently prove to be without justification. An a priori condition for the granting of aid did not only create problems for forecasting balance-ofpayments effects but also for assessing whether liberalization in one sector was favourable or unfavourable in the first place. The Italians, in particular, pointed out that although the effects of liberalization in one sector might be unfavourable to a country, the overall effect might well be favourable, in which case a country would not be entitled to aid from the Fund. How, they asked, was this to be determined? It would be necessary to 'extend sector studies to the country's economy as a whole5 (which the Italian delegation regarded as impracticable) and not to determine what assistance should be given from the Fund to a particular country until the results of all the sector studies were known. The ECA added a further objection to the Stikker Plan, this time directed at the 'opting-out' clause since if this were used, they argued, there would come into existence a highly undesirable new series of intra-European discriminations. Most of these objections remained unresolved, though the Dutch did manage to extract the concession that the Working Party would recommend the expansion of feasibility studies to other technical committees of the OEEC. If the Stikker Plan had been badly mauled, the Dutch could derive some satisfaction that the Pella Plan had been more or less ignored.

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After the Italians had had their say, it was decided to suspend deliberations on their proposals until the delegations had received their governments' reactions. The Petsche Plan received rather more detailed consideration. In the first place the discussions allowed the French to clarify exactly how a European Investment Bank would be able to enhance the liberalization of trade (which is what it was all supposed to be about). They argued that the Bank would help the co-ordination of European investment 'which is incapable of solution so long as co-ordination is not attempted until programmes have been drawn up from a national point of view', and that by financing only projects which would be profitable after liberalization, 'by anticipating liberalisation measures, the Bank would create a situation in which the taking of such measures would appear simpler.' In the latter case, the sector studies envisaged by Stikker might well prove useful for the Bank as well.18 The head of the Dutch delegation, Van Tuyll, was by now extremely worried about the prospects of success for the plan. None of the delegates, he explained, showed the slightest inclination to support its practical implementation and he suggested that there should be discussions with the French (which had already been arranged) to try to come to a common standpoint, though without too much hope of success. He was even less optimistic about the chances of co-operating with the Italians. If these failed the only salvation was a policy of active lobbying involving Stikker himself.19 Working Party No. 6 reconvened for a week on 20 September. The UK delegate stated at the outset that he was not convinced that the plans submitted really constituted the best programme of action for the OEEC 'but he was nevertheless willing to allow studies to continue, though without prejudicing the eventual decision on whether to proceed by sector-wise integration'. That seemed by and large to be the general feeling and any support the Dutch received was at best half-hearted. By contrast, the Pella Plan, which had been all but ignored earlier, received the endorsement of virtually all the delegations, Sweden and Switzerland coming closest to rejection while the UK and Norway both expressed doubts of the Pella Plan being acceptable to GATT. 20 When the delegates' views on the Fund and the Bank were sought, the Dutch again were greeted with a position of almost unanimous rejection. Aside from some cautious support from France and Italy, the only two countries with a kind word to say for the Fund were Norway, which saw it as essential if

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there were to be a sector approach, and Turkey, which took the standpoint that underdeveloped countries needed all the help they could get. Every other delegation condemned the concept as theoretically and practically unsound. On the other hand the Petsche Plan received a more neutral reception. Some countries, Germany in particular, gave it an extremely warm welcome while most of the rest expressed interest in the idea once its relationship with the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development had been clarified. It was then decided that the Working Party should split into two subgroups - one for tariff and trade problems and the other for new financial institutions. Both were to report to the Working Party in plenary session on 29 September.21 It should have been clear to all that the Stikker Plan had entered the semi-viable twilight zone where its existence was guaranteed only as long as everyone was prepared to continue discussing it. Yet when Van Tuyll was phoned by Cattani who suggested that a joint FrenchItalian-Dutch initiative be prepared, he interpreted it as a sign of Italian weakness. Nevertheless a joint meeting took place and the Italians drafted a note which they thought could serve as the basis for a joint declaration at the OEEC Council meeting on 6 October. It showed exactly what they thought was salvageable from the Stikker Plan. In the Italian scheme of things the sectoral studies would continue but only to inform negotiators prior to a Pella-type round of tariff negotiations and not as a prelude towards an automatic liberalization scheme. As for Stikker's Integration Fund, it was no longer to grant 'compensations' but to help remove the economic imbalances in backward countries which prevented, in their cases, the lowering of high tariffs. That was it. The rest of the note left the Petsche and Pella Plans virtually intact. That was, of course, unacceptable to the Dutch and negotiations continued for a more face-saving rescue operation.22 On 25 October Van Tuyll pleaded with Spierenberg for a radical reassessment of the tactics to be followed vis-a-vis the Stikker Plan in the light of the fact that none of the other delegations any longer had the least interest in it. The agreement on further technical studies appeared to have been a diversionary manoeuvre. As long as the plan was being studied, no one would actually have to reject it. The Dutch delegation, he reported, had stuck loyally to its task of pushing the plan, but the more it was discussed, the more it was emptied of content. So far the discussions had been vague and polite, but he

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feared that if it were pushed much further, the tone of the reactions would become less polite and more negative. This, he felt, would do neither Dutch prestige nor the cause of European integration any good at all.23 The opportunity for changing tack came a month later. Within the OEEC the negotiations to advance beyond 75 per cent liberalization were running into difficulties and the time was ripe for a 'new initiative'. But with three initiatives already on the table, the issue was confused enough already. The French therefore suggested that an effort should be made to come up with a joint French-ItalianDutch proposal for European integration based on the existing plans. 24 The French proposals, presented at discussions which lasted from 10 to 13 November, covered the following courses of action. Firstly, the sector studies should be continued. Secondly, the tariff problem should be tackled across the board via a European preference zone. Countries should be allowed to maintain some tariffs intact (on, say, 20 per cent of their trade) while the rest should be lowered automatically each year (included in this area should be goods falling under the 'sector approach' and goods liberalized on a 'common list'). Thirdly, the relationship of the financial institutions (Fund and Bank) should be made much clearer both in respect to each other and in their contribution to the rest of the new plan. Both the French and the Dutch appeared to accept the idea in principle though the Italians held out for the multilateral negotiation approach outlined in the Pella Plan. This in turn was objected to by the others since it would duplicate the discussions already going on in GATT and would probably fail anyway. The only concession which the Italians appeared to make was that the negotiations should be preceded by an automatic cut of all tariffs by a small percentage (5 per cent was suggested) but the initial French and Dutch reaction was that this would be insufficient to guarantee success. Since none of the delegates had any instructions, it was agreed to meet again after the various governments had determined their positions. Spierenburg advised the Dutch cabinet to approve a continuation of discussions along the lines suggested by the French. The tariff proposals were, he felt, the best chance of breaking through European protectionism if they were accepted by GATT. However the possibility should be investigated of low tariff countries reducing their tariffs by a smaller percentage than high tariff countries. Also the Dutch should continue to press for the sector approach to be applied to 'a small number of

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important sectors'; this was partly to help the presentation in GATT, for the preference zone could then be viewed not as a goal in itself but as part of a wider integration scheme.25 When the group met again in December the French presented a further refinement of the tariff plan, namely that tariffs were to be reduced in the 80 per cent sector by 10 per cent per annum over five years.26 The Italians immediately objected that the pace envisaged by the French was too fast (they suggested two annual cuts of 5 per cent each, after which the situation would be reviewed). The Dutch, on the other hand, felt it was too slow and wanted two annual reductions of 20 per cent followed by one of 10 per cent, so as to reach the French target much faster. Moreover the Italians still wanted a round of tariff negotiations to which the Dutch and the French both objected. The Dutch felt that it would threaten the entire scheme, while the French delegate, Clermont-Tonnare, in a rare burst of honesty, declared that no French government would ever make important tariff reductions other than when it was forced to by an automatic system from which it could not escape. It was then the turn of the Dutch to make their points. The first was that there should be a tariff ceiling which could only be exceeded after OEEC approval and that there should be a tariff floor below which no country should be forced to go. This was accepted, in principle, by the French, while the Italians objected to the idea of a tariff ceiling. Secondly, the Dutch proposed that in the 20 per cent sector in which tariffs would not be automatically lowered, the categories of raw materials, food and end-products should be equally represented. This was accepted by the other two. It was then decided to put the text to the respective governments for their consideration.27 It was at this point that the whole operation began to come adrift since the Italians refused to countenance automatic tariff reductions on the scale agreed by the French and the Dutch. Moreover it became clear at the GATT negotiations that the nations would not agree to waiving Article 24 which stipulated that a preferential tariff zone was permissible only when all tariffs were to be eventually reduced to nil. At that point, Dutch interest swung towards trying to achieve something within GATT itself.28 The attempt to achieve a concerted action for the reduction of European tariffs, this time within the context of GATT, had begun in Torquay towards the end of 1950. The Benelux countries together

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with Scandinavia had produced a joint proposal for a round-table conference among the European countries. Even among the Scandinavian countries, however, feelings were mixed. The Danes were very much in favour. The Swedes, on the other hand, had originally been extremely cool but had shifted gradually to a more favourable position as the Torquay negotiations had dragged on (eight weeks, without even a hint of a result). Norway had expressed sympathy, but the Dutch expected little beyond moral support because Norway itself had high tariffs and a narrow range of exports. Of the larger European countries only Germany had expressed any interest - Italy, France and the UK were firmly opposed.29 At this conference the low-tariff countries would offer to consolidate their tariff schedules in return for a serious attempt on the part of high-tariff countries to lower theirs. The only reaction to this suggestion had been that such action could only be considered on a preferential basis which, as far as GATT was concerned, would more or less be the end of the whole idea. The Benelux countries had tried to counter this by suggesting that as long as the items upon which tariff concessions were made were primarily of importance to intra-European trade, their extension via the MFN (most favoured nation) clause would have little practical importance. Nonetheless the idea seemed doomed to failure and the Benelux countries had agreed to suspend the initiative as long as the Stikker/Petsche/Pella negotiations were going on within the OEEC; the reasoning being that any tariff initiative failure within the OEEC would probably, by association, drag any GATT proposal down with it. New Benelux proposals were kept, temporarily, on ice.30 When the Economic Committee of Cabinet reviewed the situation, Van den Brink had commented that the results of the Torquay negotiations were of direct importance for the further discussions on trade liberalization. During the negotiations within the OEEC, the Dutch had made their agreement to move from 60 to 75 per cent contingent upon a satisfactory result on the tariff front.31 By the end of December, however, two things had become apparent. In the first place it had become clear that no joint tariff initiative was forthcoming from the negotiations in the OEEC. Secondly, and equally importantly, the bilateral negotiations within GATT were unlikely to lead to a reduction of tariff differentials within Europe either. But if there were to be a multilateral round of negotiations and if they were to be moved in a direction which the low tariff countries wanted, there would have to be a concrete proposal. As a result it was

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decided to launch a new initiative after the GATT Christmas recess.32 The Benelux memorandum made quite clear where it thought the problem of persistent tariff inequalities lay. The GATT rule that the consolidation of a low tariff should itself be seen as a substantial concession in return for a substantial reduction of high tariffs did not work in practice. Secondly, low-tariff countries had little to offer in negotiations. In every bilateral contact they were faced with a tradeoff: consolidation against tariff reduction. But consolidation was a card which could only be played once, since such a concession was immediately extended to other countries via the MFN clause. Hightariff countries not only had more negotiating options but generally refused to agree to a tariff reduction unless they obtained similar concessions from other high-tariff countries. Low-tariff countries with nothing more than a threat of non-consolidation were in a much weaker position. It was suggested that a multilateral negotiation take place between the OEEC countries plus Canada and the USA with the aim of reducing all tariffs as far as possible to the lowest in exchange for a consolidation.33 In the meantime, Spierenburg recommended to Cabinet, the Dutch should sign no agreement with any of the major European powers which did not lead to a noticeable reduction of tariffs. On the other hand, every effort should be made to reach agreement with other countries, so as to strengthen the Dutch position against France and the UK. This standpoint received the Cabinet's endorsement.34 As a scheme for action the Benelux proposals were as unimaginative as they were likely to be successful, but that can be partly explained by the fact that the Dutch were anticipating that the French would table something similar to the compromise proposals they had evolved in the Stikker/Petsche/Pella negotiations, but within the forum of GATT. Unlike the French ideas, however, the Benelux Plan did not involve the creation of a European preference area (which the Dutch thought would fail on American and British opposition); it did exempt low-tariff countries from any reductions (until high-tariff countries had reduced to their level, when they would all reduce further together) but, finally, it did not involve an automatic tariff reduction and only committed countries to negotiate towards tariff equalization. Spierenburg warned: . . . it is virtually unimaginable that the Benelux Plan will be

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accepted. Its submission is a tactical play the main aim of which is to demonstrate that the Benelux position at the Torquay conference is not negative. Moreover, the negotiations on their plan will probably serve to demonstrate to the Americans that without preferences it will be impossible to arrive at a levelling of tariffs.35 Perhaps to their surprise, the Benelux proposals did attract American support and the US put diplomatic pressure on other European nations to accept it. However the State Department was in an ambivalent position since it was having difficulties in getting Congress to extend the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. Any sign that GATT was weak or worthless (such as any suggestion that it was the OEEC in disguise) could tip the balance. A number of informal meetings took place under the chairmanship of the leader of the Danish delegation, E. Sveinbjoersson, with delegations from France, Germany, Italy, UK, Austria, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, USA and Benelux (Canada, Turkey and Greece were represented as observers). These discussions achieved nothing, partly because a number of countries were dragging their feet, but largely through lack of time: the GATT conference had to end before Easter because the delegates all had to leave their hotels and make way for tourists! With time running out, the Benelux countries changed tack and tried to get a joint memorandum signed by the ten delegations requesting the continuation of the tariff negotiations within the OEEC. This was immediately opposed by the Americans, who saw it as a declaration of GATT's incompetence. In the end a compromise was worked out, calling for the creation of a special working party of GATT, closely associated with the OEEC. Only the UK, which wanted no reference to the OEEC, refused to sign.36 The memorandum was discussed at a special meeting of the contracting parties held from 29 March to 3 April. The UK attempted to block the initiative by suggesting that what was at issue was the method of negotiation, a question of importance to all GATT members, and not a specific European problem - a position which was more successful in the wider GATT forum than it had been in the 'Group of Ten' discussions. In the end the UK got its way to the extent that any reference to the OEEC was purged, but the resolution adopted still made clear that it was a European problem which was at stake. The resolution invited the signatories of the memorandum to form an intersessional working party (inviting others) 'to submit

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considered proposals for multilateral or other procedures designed to achieve on a non-discriminatory basis a reduction of disparities in the tariffs of the European countries concerned, taking into account to the extent necessary the disparities in the economic and social structure of the different countries.'37 Before the Group of Ten had met, the French had approached the Benelux delegation with a suggestion that they attempt to arrive at a joint proposal. Benelux maintained the old idea of the removal of tariff differentials in three annual stages on all goods of importance in intra-European trade. This provoked a counter-proposal from the French which emphasized the structural problems within Europe. Whatever happened, the French wanted to exempt products for which structural differences existed from the 'levelling' exercise (going so far as to recognize a veto right for governments for any product); they rejected any form of automatism and finally they wanted the whole exercise limited to the OEEC 'liste commune' for liberalized products. As far as this last point was concerned, they argued that there was no point in achieving non-discrimination in tariffs if one was willing to acknowledge discrimination in the form of quantitative restrictions. This, it was recognized, had a compelling logic, and there was much discussion within the Benelux delegation on what to do about it. The Dutch had suggested out-trumping the French by suggesting that any product on which tariffs had been levelled should automatically be liberalized, but this foundered on Belgian concern for its agriculture. On the other hand the Dutch could not accept a Belgian compromise for a 'limited levelling' of tariffs in certain sectors. It was feared that countries with high tariffs might refuse further liberalization (thus retaining those products within the scope of the limited operation). The only way to break this would be to get those products into the OEEC common list, which would imply that low tariff countries would have to 'pay' for tarifflevelling with a further extension of liberalization. The Dutch, therefore, refused to consider any proposal dependent upon the goodwill of the participating countries. Despite all these difficulties, Van den Brink informed the Dutch Cabinet, it was important to try to agree a compromise text 'in which we will . . . have to add some water to our extreme wine, as long as we can be sure that the French will support us in resisting any attempt to use a supply constructed plan in order to empty it out of any content.' Any further delay, he warned, and the Dutch would risk losing the initiative. Water in the

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wine . . . but how much? In any event, there should be no link with the 'common list'; some form of automatism had to be involved and the structural opting-out exercise had to be founded upon some concrete principles and not left to arbitrary decisions of individual governments.38 On this basis the Benelux countries worked out a more concrete set of proposals. The basis of the scheme was that high-tariff countries would agree to lower their tariffs by a fixed percentage of the difference between their existing tariffs and the average (or lowest) tariff for a particular product. These concessions would then be made to all other GATT members not via MFN but in return for reciprocal concessions on their part. This plan they presented at the Group-ofTen meeting in Geneva in September. The new Benelux Plan never really got into the agenda at all since the ground was immediately swept from under its feet by the launching of the Pflimlin Plan for tariff reduction by the French. The plan was aimed at all members of GATT and proposed a reduction in tariffs of 10 per cent per annum for three years. These reductions were not to be applied on each individual tariff but on the weighted average level of tariff protection calculated for each major sector of the economy. This would allow countries to choose to exempt certain economically or socially strategic sectors, but then of course other tariffs in the sector concerned would have to be reduced by more. 39 In a second memorandum in October the scheme was further elaborated. Among the more fundamental specifications was the information that the French envisaged five major sectors (raw materials, semimanufactures, foodstuffs, capital goods and consumer goods). The memorandum also specified how the average weighted tariff was to be calculated. This was to be total customs revenue, assuming the Torquay tariffs were in force, on trade for a specific year (1948-9 or 1950 were suggested) divided by the total value of imports in that year. Duties levied for purely fiscal reasons were to be exempted. This figure would be determined for each sector and was, then, to be reduced by 30 per cent.40 The initial Dutch reaction, rather uncharitably, was that Pflimlin had launched the plan with the sole intention of scuppering the Benelux initiative, but after he had visited The Hague they were willing to give him at least the benefit of the doubt. Working from the premise that the French intentions were honourable, the Benelux delegation in GATT was instructed to tactically withdraw their own

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plan and throw their support behind the Pflimlin initiative. There were a number of reasons behind this. In the first place, if the Benelux countries insisted that their plan be discussed first, as they had at one stage contemplated doing, the very existence of an alternative would give objectors a shield to hide behind. Secondly, the UK, which from the start had opposed 'Europeanizing' the tariff question, had made it clear that they would back further discussion on the Pflimlin Plan only. And finally it was hoped that the French could exercise more influence and leverage in getting a tariff plan accepted by GATT. As far as Benelux aspirations were concerned, the Pflimlin Plan was far from perfect. The fact that it was aimed at all GATT countries diminished its chances of success because it could expect considerable opposition from developing countries and from the USA. The Benelux scheme might have been inelegant but it had envisaged a far greater reduction in European tariff levels than the reciprocal concessions from other GATT members. Secondly, the plan aimed at a general reduction of tariffs, though, of course, a fixed percentage reduction would mean more for high-tariff countries than for low. Besides, the opening had been left so that very low tariff countries could argue that it was unreasonable to expect them to reduce their tariffs further and that they should be exempted. Thus it might approach the Benelux goal of 'levelling' tariffs even if that was not its explicit intention. Finally, it was argued, the way in which the weighted averages were calculated meant that truly protectionist tariffs could be left entirely intact without much in the way of costs in the form of higher reductions elsewhere. The argument ran as follows. An extremely high tariff aimed at excluding goods would be reflected in an extremely small level of trade within the sector and an extremely small level of customs duties. Leaving such a tariff alone would not make much impact on the weighted average. Nonetheless the Dutch considered that, with a few amendments, the Pflimlin Plan provided a workable starting point for the reduction of tariffs. Those amendments would be made in the direction of having more sectors (to reduce the room for manoeuvre in maintaining highly protected sectors), a 'decapitation' of the highest duties and the introduction of a minimum level. Both these last ideas were a reflection of the Dutch position in the last stages of the Stikker/Petsche/Pella negotiations.41 In discussing the French Plan, the Group of Ten called into existence an 'Intersessional Working Party on the Disparity of Euro-

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pean Tariffs' comprising fourteen countries (half European, half non-European), later expanded to twenty. This, in turn, created a subgroup of twelve (the nine European countries which had signed the original Memorandum plus USA, Canada and the UK), instructed to study the implications of the French Plan 'from the point of view of its application to themselves'.42 In the course of those discussions, the Benelux delegation had won a majority support for the creation of thirteen sectors for industry alone (and within each sector a distinction between raw materials, semi-manufactures and end-products). There was no similar proposal made for agricultural products because the Belgians flatly refused to budge from the standpoint that agriculture in its entirety should form one sector, while the Dutch wanted to see it divided into four sectors, if not more. In the interests of Benelux unity, no proposal was made by the delegation and the Dutch even went as far as refusing to back a Danish amendment for the same end. The Benelux delegation also produced a scheme to deal with the problem of tariff differentials. A weighted average tariff level was to be calculated for each item. Any tariff 30 per cent higher than the average was to be considered a 'high tariff and had to be reduced to the upper limit before any other tariffs were reduced (i.e. an accelerated reduction). Tariffs 30 per cent below the average were to be considered 'low tariffs' and those countries with predominantly low tariffs were to be exempted from part of the 30 per cent reduction in that sector.43 By September the subgroup had completed is deliberations. With the exception of one single point, there was no issue upon which the countries represented were agreed. The Dutch were by no means under the illusion that a report which was itself a summary of conflicting views would fare much better in the Intersessional Working Party where countries opposed in principle to lowering tariffs were represented. Within Benelux, too, opinion was divided - the Dutch wanted to achieve a maximum even if it meant lowering the Benelux tariff, the Belgians favoured keeping the Benelux tariff intact and hoping for the best from the high-tariff countries. A second problem was that the French did not seem to appreciate the need for compromise if the Pflimlin Plan were to have any chance of success (though the absolute disinterest of the UK and Italy made the chances of its success remote). Whatever might happen, the Dutch felt that it was important, once the chances of the French Plan succeeding had dimmed completely, to admit it immediately. This

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might help the problem to be aired in another, perhaps more favourable forum, or allow other plans a chance, like the Council of Europe Plan for 'decapitating' European tariffs.44 The report which the Group of Twelve produced faithfully recorded the full extent of division on any but the most elementary points. The Dutch, surveying the situation, considered that there was little possibility that the countries in the Intersessional Working Party would agree among themselves to a compromise plan. Within the Group of Twelve the UK and Italy were flatly opposed to the letter and the spirit of the Pflimlin Plan, however amended, while the USA and Canada both had serious reservations. Within the larger forum of the Intersessional Working Party the support was even less, since the developing nations, which had been excluded from the study group, felt little enthusiasm for the automatic lowering of their tariffs. Moreover, the Republican victory in the United States raised the spectre of renewed protectionism there and reduced even further the already small chances of the plan's success. The only reasons which the Dutch could find for continuing to push for tariff reductions within GATT were, firstly, that a clear rejection of the plans by a non-European majority would legitimize a separate initiative within Europe to resolve the tariff problem and, secondly, that by keeping the Intersessional Working Party alive there would be a precedent and a forum for considering any automatic schemes.45 Such an automatic scheme, of course, was exactly what Beyen was preparing for the six foreign ministers of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) due to meet in Rome in February 1953. The Pflimlin Plan continued its official existence in the twilight world of the Intersessional Working Party, to be joined, in September 1953, by the 'Low Tariff Club' idea. The idea of the Club was the introduction of maximum duties - 25 per cent end-products, 15 per cent semi-manufactures and 5 per cent raw materials - within three years. Ten per cent of each country's imports could be exempted from the operation. The Pflimlin Plan continued to be modified and the 'maximum levels' envisaged by the Low Tariff Club incorporated into it. In November 1954 it disappeared from view altogether as the parties concentrated discussions on the need to amend GATT rules to make the creation of free-trade areas much easier. Before that point, Beyen's plan to form a European customs union among the six ECSC countries had also foundered on the French refusal to ratify the European Defence Community treaty.

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This chapter set out to demonstrate the fatally flawed nature of the Stikker Plan and also to argue that Dutch foreign economic policy was characterized by an essential continuity of purpose. However, it has also served to shed interesting light on the French position, together with its ramifications for Franco-Dutch co-operation. Within the short time-span covered, we have captured the French Government making serious and positive proposals for the reduction of levels of European protectionism. Less than two or three months before this account begins and the Stikker Plan was launched, the French had been so fixated by the fear of West German industrial competition that they refused point-blank to consider any reduction in tariffs to which West Germany would be a partner.46 Six months after Beyen's proposals had been tabled, in the late summer of 1953, it was again the French who resolutely refused even to consider talking about a customs union within the context of the European Political Community negotiations.47 Part of the explanation lies in the fact the newly constructed Germany appeared initially surprisingly weak. Barely had they entered the European Payments Union when the German balance-of-payments position lurched into deficit. In November 1950 they had been forced to negotiate extra credits from the EPU and in February 1951 they were compelled to suspend their liberalization measures, in the event until 1952. In the course of 1952 it was the turn of the French balance of payments to spiral into the red and the turn of the French to deliberalize, as a result of which their attitude towards further reductions in protectionism became far less positive. Thus, the present account captures the French basking in the comforting illusion of competitive safety, and confident enough to take a lead. And this lead, in turn, brought in its wake a period of close co-operation between Dutch and French policy-makers, not only on the tariff front but on questions of agriculture as well,48 which again stands out in shrill contrast to the image of the French and the Dutch at opposite ends of the policy spectrum in European issues throughout the 1940s and 1950s.

18 Political Culture in Belgium Wim Blockmans

In his address on the occasion of the Constitution Day celebrations on 21 July 1987, King Boudewijn revealed that he had found it difficult to explain to foreigners that, even during the six months of Belgian presidency of the European Community, the Government had been under constant and considerable pressure concerning the position of a burgomaster of a village of hardly four thousand inhabitants. We can, of course, only guess at the impression produced by the king's analysis. I propose to seek the explanation for such apparent anomalies in what may be called the political culture of the country. This concept refers to the whole body of unwritten rules, procedures, attitudes and practices considered normal within a political system. For alongside the formal structures of political life, like parliament, government, the constitution, and various regulations, political culture seems a necessary complement to a right understanding of the ongoing conflicts. I shall deal mainly with events at the national level during the 1970s and 1980s.

THE DAILY LIFE OF AN MP

The Belgian citizen is represented by 175 senators and 212 members of the Second Chamber at a rate of one MP to 24,000 inhabitants, whereas in the Netherlands the proportion is one to 80,000. It might seem that the Belgian citizen is much closer to those elected, and might therefore have a firmer control over the authorities. In a way, this may well be the case. A Belgian MP devotes on average twenty hours each month to interviews in his constituency. Each year he receives about three thousand demands for intervention from (poten-

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tial) electors. Obviously, the inquiries and personal contacts necessary for the solution of these problems occupy most of our MP's time. What kind of problems is he dealing with? Every conceivable and inconceivable one. All those areas in which a modern impersonal bureaucracy erects barriers between the individual and his aspirations are covered by the gentle and concerned care of the 'local' MP. A place in a home for the elderly, where a long waiting list demotivates all regular applicants; a posting to a better, nearby garrison for a young conscript soldier; rapid and advantageous sorting out of a pension; a nomination or a promotion in the civil service; the filling-in of tax forms: in all cases the MP lends a sympathetic ear; he often does so in a local bar, taking notes, drinking beer and generously offering to stand his round, shaking hands and promising to do his best. In the months before elections, this kind of 'social service' is somewhat more prominent, but in fact it goes on all the time. Politicians with a good social service performance receive many thousands of preference votes, which make them both interesting for and powerful within their party. In small towns, most votes are won by the candidate offering the best and most successful social service; his party allegiance is of much less importance.1 This way of maintaining contacts between the electorate and MPs can be considered a positive benefit in that contacts are frequent and, indeed, often even personal. Politicians devote most of their time to these activities, and they clearly offer the best chances for electoral gains. They keep careful track of their contacts and know how to use them during their electoral campaigns. It is clear that a party in office offers better opportunities for the fulfilment of the elector's wishes than an opposition party. The other side of the coin, however, is that the Parliament building itself is generally empty. The electoral regulations favour candidates who look after their constituencies, providing new public buildings and roads, favouring companies and persons in that region, rather than those who see their task as legislating and controlling government in Brussels. In any case decision-making takes place not in Parliament, but in small committees of varying composition. If an ordinary MP comes to Brussels, it is on business with the civil service for his constituency, or for the final votes where he just follows the broad rule: yes, if the party is in government; no, if it is in opposition. The Belgian Parliament, indped, is less a place for discussing and amending the various political projects than is the Dutch one. In

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Brussels, differing coalitions for differing items of legislation, such as frequently occur in The Hague, are quite unthinkable and would immediately lead to a 'vote of confidence', imposing a rigid discipline on the parties. Perhaps the larger dimensions and the theatrical style of the House add to the greater distance between the political blocs, who often shout and become abusive. Fighting, even bloodshed, is not unknown, and most recently occurred in 1987. None of these attitudes have ever been seen in the Binnenhof in The Hague, where every word is carefully weighed and usually read from a script. In Brussels the style of rhetoric recalls Latin models. The fact that for three and a half of the last six and a half years (1981 to mid-1987) the governments obtained 'exceptional prerogatives' contributed more than ever to the reduction of Parliament to an applause machine in which opposition is not heard - or not listened to - and in which the government parties are absolutely docile.2 So there are many reasons for an MP to consider social service in and for his constituency as his primary task. Gathering a high score of preferential votes may eventually strengthen his position within his party to the point where he may become a minister and obtain real personal power. The Belgian MP can thus be described as a typical power-broker, using his political contacts to help ordinary people, making them dependent upon him because they will repeatedly need his help; in return they will offer their votes to their protector and feel fortunate to be close to a man of importance. Legislative work and government control are far from the preoccupations of the 387 Belgian MPs: since 1970 only 10 per cent of new legislation has been initiated by MPs. Add to this the large number of decrees issued by the government, and it becomes clear that Parliament plays a very different role in Belgium to that foreseen in the Constitution.3 Governments are no longer formed or fall in Parliament; the Houses simply have to enact the decisions reached in all kinds of conclaves, and can consider themselves fortunate if, by a stroke of luck, they are informed of those decisions before the press is.

PARTIES AND PILLARS

Political parties certainly have a much broader sphere of influence than any regulation formally allows them. Since the introduction in 1919 of universal male suffrage, three major parties have dominated

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the scene: the Catholic, the Socialist and the Liberal. Until the early 1960s the Catholic party won about 40 per cent of the votes nationally and 60 per cent in Flanders; on the other hand, the Socialists were always in a good second place, with 30 to 37 per cent of the national electorate, but around 50 per cent in Wallonia. Only from 1949 to 1954 was a government formed by the Catholic party alone; all the others were coalitions in which the Liberals, with their 12 to 18 per cent of the electorate, held a strategic position. The Belgian political system was based solidly on these ratios until the 1960s: it was impossible to legislate against the interests of an important minority, Catholic or Socialist, who held a majority (or close to one) in one half of the country. The Catholics made this clear in 1955 by launching the 'School War'; the Socialists in 1950 and 1960 by their fierce opposition to King Leopold and by a general strike. All these conflicts were resolved in the spirit of compromise which normally prevailed and which can be considered as typical of Belgian politics: all parties could claim the recognition of their fundamental policies in a package deal drawn up among a small group of negotiators. Pragmatic solutions, in which the logic is sometimes hard to find, and where the victory of all participants is bought at the expense of heavy claims on the state budget, are the formula of Belgian 'sofa polities'. This realism is based on the notion that all policy, whatever the composition of the government, must respect the fundamental aspirations of the three political movements, since each of them disposes of the means to immobilize the country, as the Liberals did in 1925 by their financial manoeuvring. This equilibrium was broken in the 1960s: both the Catholic and the Socialist parties lost their regional majorities in one part of the country. The de-industrialization of Wallonia, and the rapid industrialization of Flanders with its accompanying secularization, undermined their traditional strongholds. Church attendance in Flanders fell from 55 per cent of the population in 1965 to 30 per cent in 1985. As the bishops lost part of their grip on the political choices of the flock, the Catholic party lost one third of its voters to the Liberals and to the nationalists. Such items as the splitting of the Catholic University of Louvain on linguistic lines made it absolutely clear that the new generation no longer listened to the patriarchal exhortations of the clerical hierarchy. At the same time, the traditional Belgian establishment had to look for new devices as the pressures on the old system became increasingly strong. Nationalist or regional

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parties weakened the firm bases of the three leaders: in the early 1970s they achieved peaks of nearly 20 per cent of the votes in Flanders and Wallonia and 40 per cent in Brussels. These shifts provoked a dramatic change in the political agenda. The three traditional parties reacted by taking up some of the demands for more regional autonomy in a moderated form, and started a series of constitutional reforms. The regional parties were lured into the government, just long enough to throw them into deep internal schisms because their electorate was not expecting them to compromise a la beige. The results were disastrous for them: the Rassemblement Wallon disappeared, the Front des Francophones fell to 10 per cent of the votes and only the Flemish nationalists could retain about 15 per cent of the electorate, although they too suffered a split. So in 1985 the three traditional parties again became masters of the game, admittedly with the two largest in a decidedly diminished form. In fact the changes in electoral behaviour, and the corresponding shifts in the allocation of seats in Parliament and many other political or politicized institutions, had only a slight influence on the real power structures. In the mid-1980s, just as in the mid-1950s, the national executives of the main parties, often personified in their presidents, determine the fate of governments and policies. They choose the ministers and work out the coalition agreements. It has even occurred that two presidents of major parties (Van Miert and Verhofstadt) took part in negotiations about the formation of a government before they were elected to Parliament and thus without any legal mandate. The documents drawn up during coalition negotiations tend to become ever more extensive and binding: the party executives thus dictate the programme of the ministers whom they actually appoint or dismiss. In this respect, the term 'particracy' adequately expresses what is really taking place. A minister gains promotion by becoming a party president; thereafter he can reasonably expect to reach the post of vice-prime minister at least. But it is still not possible to grasp the nature of practical exercise of power in Belgium unless we extend our scope from the parties to all the parallel institutions connected with them. In the Netherlands the term 'pillar' has become generally used to illustrate that four political 'families' together support the establishment through a series of organizations through which each of them distributes the benefits of the welfare state to their members. It is assumed now that a strong

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'depolarization' has been taking place since the late 1960s, starting with the break-up of the Roman Catholic Party. In Belgium the same concept of pillarization offers an adequate characterization of the power structure in the twentieth century. Since the introduction of universal suffrage, the Catholic and the Socialist parties have felt the need to bind together their electorates by a wide range of organizations of a more or less prominent political or ideological character. Youth movements, women's guilds, trade unions, insurance companies, health insurance schemes, co-operatives, newspapers, banks, the (Catholic) farmers' union, hospitals, clubs for sports and cultural activities . . . a vast range of organizations has developed in the shadow of the parties. Typical of the current Belgian situation is that the links between all these organizations, and whichever of the three leading political 'families' sponsors them, are both very tight and publicly acknowledged. It is generally known that banks like the Kredietbank, the Raiffeisenkas, the Volksdepositokas belong to the Catholic pillar, while the Prevoyance Sociale is Socialist. Compulsory membership of a health insurance scheme implies the choice of one of the three dominating political movements. Trade unions are openly associated with the same parties and thus cannot operate freely when 'their' party is in government. It is remarkable that in Belgium the pillars have scarcely lost any of their influence during the last decade, notwithstanding secularization and the decline of the two largest parties' votes. Most remarkable in this respect is the continuing success of the Catholic educational system which accounts for 75 per cent of all pupils in the age group of twelve to eighteen. Although the choice of Catholic schools is no longer considered a 'struggle for the soul of the child', as it was in the 1950s, and although many non-Catholics choose them for the presumed better quality of education without taking the ideology seriously, the Catholic school network remains one of the foundations of Catholic power in Belgium. It is essential to understand that many pillar organizations, private and ideological as they are, are actually funded by the state and fulfil state functions. The large Flemish Catholic cultural organization, the Davidsfonds, and its Liberal counterpart the Willemsfonds, both manage libraries and use the public broadcasting system with the aid of state subsidies. Catholic schools and hospitals are paid by the state but controlled by private boards. Health insurance payments, unemployment benefits and redundancy payments are provided by the state through the agency of pillar organizations like insurance com-

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panies, trade unions and their substructures. The High Court of Accounts (Rekenhof) has indeed commented that in this way the state dispenses employment and funds without retaining control over their management. It has even suggested the possibility that these private organizations may well use these advantages for other purposes. A judicial enquiry made public in September 1987 has indicated that this has indeed been the practice for several years on a wide scale: prominent politicians have been held responsible and have not issued denials.4 The close interdependency of political parties and these pillar organizations guarantees the continuation of these collective raids on the state exchequer: all parties take a part of the gains, and agree to keep the management of the welfare state in their own hands.

THE PATRONS AND THEIR COURTS Belgium is not only blessed with a relatively high number of MPs, but also boasts no less than forty-nine ministers and secretaries of state belonging to the national or regional governments. Each of them has at his disposal a so-called cabinet. There are nearly 3,000 persons in ministerial cabinets, or on average sixty per minister or secretary of state. Of course, senior ministers have much larger staffs than the average. Cabinet members come and go with their minister, and are quite distinct from the established civil servants in the relevant department. One may consider cabinet members as personal advisers to the minister who enjoy his personal confidence and belong to his party. Some are recruited from the civil service, but they also come from the private sector. The secretary of State for Energy, for instance, is advised on a part-time basis by a manager of an electricity corporation, and the Minister of Defence by a car-manufacturing executive. Persons belonging to the civil service normally retain their original functions during their time in a cabinet; they can hope, however, to be rewarded by promotion after giving good service for some time. Cabinet members are strategically placed to seize interesting jobs; it is whispered that many of them have been successful in arranging their own appointments to university chairs or directorships-general and the like. Such stories are certainly more than unfounded gossip. In June 1987, for instance, nine appointments were made at the highest level of the administration; seven of the lucky candidates were members of ministerial cabinets. Why do Belgian ministers need to be advised so extensively?

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Certainly not because their departments are understaffed: whereas in 1960 they had 91,653 personnel, by 1982 this number had increased by almost 50 per cent to 135,527.5 Admittedly, the total number of civil servants increased even more, by 80 per cent, from 500,000 in 1960 to 900,000 in 1980,6 but the growth of the ministries remains impressive by any standards. Furthermore, the two highest levels of the civil service experienced the fastest growth in relative terms, with 24 and 28 per cent respectively, which would normally lead one to expect that the quality of service should have improved. In my opinion, the answer is to be sought in Belgian political and administrative culture. Unlike Great Britain and the Netherlands, the Belgian civil service lacks a proper standard of values, an esprit de corps fed by high standards of professional competence. Instead, the Belgian civil service is highly politicized by recruitment and advancement based on party membership. This practice dates back to long before the Second World War, but exploded after 1945 with the creation of new ministries. The Socialist party, for instance, displays a continuing interest in the departments of Labour, Social Security, Education and Economic Affairs, where they have provided jobs for thousands of loyal party members.7 The phenomenon is so general that a young ambitious applicant knows he has to base his ambitions on membership of a party or a trade union; this may help to explain the very high degree of union membership (70 per cent). Not only are the boards of semi-independent institutions like the universities, the public banks, and the broadcasting corporation composed of proportionally weighted numbers of party representatives; in their turn, these administrators monitor closely the appointment of a sufficient number of members of their own colour. All ranks and occupations are subject to political choice. In the course of the negotiations for a coalition government, precise agreements are made about the number of appointments which each participating party may claim in the various departments at appropriate ranks. A permanent committee of prominent cabinet members (most of them in fact 'chef de cabinet'), supervised by the prime minister, has for many years been dealing weekly with the distribution of appointments, in accordance with the agreed proportions and recommendations presented by the parties. Equally each party has developed its own clearing house to select the party candidate for each job. Thus it has actually occurred that a qualified applicant for tenure as professor was summoned by the rector who bluntly explained to

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him that his application could not be considered because he was 'yellow' and the post was designated for a 'red' person. The candidate was later appointed in another university. Large institutions have 'organigrams' where the functions are literally coloured in, from bottom to top: each vote counts. Professor Storme, himself a former senator for the Catholic party, recently complained that 50 per cent of the judges, appointed by political support, would not pass a selection procedure based on competence. He believes that the government, having successfully emasculated parliament, is now trying to break down the independence of the judicature by means of political appointments. 8 Prominent politicians occasionally launch appeals denouncing the system of political appointments. They do not always sound convincing because all parties have been involved in the practice and there is no record in history of any power consciously giving up vital resources. It is known, indeed, that each political appointment or promotion means seventeen votes for the party or its broker. The President of the Socialist party, in opposition since 1981, recently launched an appeal against political appointments. By adding, however, that his own party had not obtained what it expected in the broadcasting company and the judiciary, where nearly all leading positions were to be occupied by members of the Catholic and Liberal parties, he made it clear that in fact he simply wanted guarantees of his proper share. More remarkable, however, is the statement of the Minister of Finance, Marc Eyskens, in July 1987, calling the placing of political friends in high public offices 'immoral and harmful to the efficiency of the public service and especially of the semi-public institutions': remarkably precise, just a few weeks after the spate of appointments mentioned above, on the part of a senior minister. Moreover we will see that he may have good reasons for his precise statement. Even more remarkable, however, was the quick reaction of other ministers, such as the Secretary of State for the Public Office, who bluntly declared that he had no objections at all to political appointments, and even considered them unavoidable. The minister responsible at the highest level had now removed the last vestige of shame about public secret number one in Belgium.9 The reasons for the extraordinarily large numbers of cabinet members are to be seen in the logic of the politicization of the civil service: a minister needs reliable experts for the occasion when he is placed at the head of a department predominantly run by staff from a

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different political party, who can therefore be expected to lend him as little co-operation as possible. This deplorable mentality, sharply contrasting with the loyalty and expertise of Dutch and British civil servants, is a direct consequence of the appointment system which places political loyalty above competence. Cabinet posts are also needed to provide career opportunities for particularly active party members. It has even become customary to add a member of the coalition party to the cabinet of each minister, as a so-called spy. The term speaks volumes about the kind of strategic manoeuvres which take place within a cabinet. In some ways the cabinet takes over the most delicate parts of the work of the civil service, and this regularly provokes open conflict, for the established civil service is constantly frustrated by the courtiers around the minister. In addition, the cabinet has to clear all demands for services from within the party, collected, as we saw, by MPs. This kind of activity interrupts the regular procedures of administration to favour the friends of a friend of the minister. Again, the tension between cabinet and civil service appears to be extremely counter-productive. As a big boss in a position above any number of political clients, a minister needs many reliable people around him to do all the dirty jobs which add to his political success to the same extent that they undermine his work as the head of a department of state. In the course of 1987 a series of political scandals has exposed improprieties in the conduct of the members and even the chiefs of the cabinets for Justice and Defence.10 Indeed, a former premier, two vice-premiers and several ministers have actually been found guilty or convicted of corruption offences. But still the public hardly reacts at all.

THE IMBROGLIO

Since competence is not the first or only requirement for the Belgian civil service, and since it is inherent in the political system that links of personal and party loyalty prevail over administrative quality, one wonders about the effect on public life. In fact, the Belgian citizen plays his part in the game. He expects his politicians to arrange his little personal affairs, legally if possible, illegally if not. On the other hand, the Belgian citizen is much more tolerant than the Dutchman or the Englishman of the morality of his representatives and rulers: although he has a vague knowledge of irregularities of all kinds, he

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will not ask for severe sanctions on that account, nor change his voting behaviour. And since the citizen regularly finds his way blocked by an unfriendly, extremely slow and incompetent state bureaucracy, he is glad enough to find a faster way through all the regulations thanks to the personal intervention of the local strong man. The weakness of the citizen, clearly greater in times of economic crisis, strengthens his dependency on political patronage, particularly when state resources can no longer be equally generous to everyone. The mentality of the Belgian public service is typically illustrated in the most successful comedy programme created by Flemish television in recent years, T h e Colleagues'. This series showed with great humour the complete and senseless frustration and lethargy in some departments, where the power of the trade unions blocked every initiative while the management of political appointments occupied all minds. The series had to be extended and repeated: the public could not stop laughing at its own reflected image. Is it really all that bad? I am afraid so, and, moreover, on a much wider scale than that of personal careers. Can a country go on systematically being governed by 3,000 cabinet members working against 135,527 civil servants, and working in fact against the rules of efficiency and equity? It is well known that the public debt is higher in Belgium that in any other country of the European Community. Although the Government makes a show of great efforts to reduce it, there have been years of expensive compromises a la beige, where all parties get what they want even if they do not need it, where expenditures are duplicated just to accommodate the other side (whether linguistic or ideological), and where nothing can be abolished because of the need to maintain delicate equilibriums. These collective raids on the exchequer, as Professor Huyse has called them, continue to cost 25 per cent of the budget in financing the debt. This currently amounts to twice the EEC average (550,000 francs per head, as against 246,000 in the Netherlands, 142,000 in France and 140,000 in Germany). But even then political life in Belgium seems so absurd as to be almost a hallucination. Although senior ministers regularly spend all day, for weeks on end, finding solutions for budget problems (they have begun to be called the 'ministers in conclave'), the state budget for 1987, which should have been presented to Parliament by October 1986, was only introduced in March 1987 and adopted in July, at the same time as that for 1986! Professor Leemans, the President of the

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Senate, was obliged to make a solemn protest before the Government returned to legality, eighteen months late.11 This was not an isolated incident. The High Court of Accounts commented in its annual report that the general accounts of the state were submitted four years late. It then appeared that considerable overspending had taken place, which made it necessary to vote additional credits in 1987 for expenditure incurred in 1982. The same Court has indicated numerous deficiencies in the control of expenditure, inefficiency and technical failures in such amounts that they obviously point to systemic deficiencies rather than to accidental errors or individual corruption. The most prominent problems are in the public works sector, for which no accounts could be produced by the Department for the last ten years. The documents actually submitted revealed large-scale negligence in the administration, leading to monstrous supplementary burdens for the state and a suspicion of advantages for the contractors. Repeated comments of the Court to the ministers were in many cases not answered or had no practical consequences. On 1 February 1986, the Court was awaiting answers from ministers to 1,673 letters dating back more than three months, of which 714 dated back more than thirteen months.12 The High Court had made similar comments in previous years, without any reaction from the MPs to whom reports were addressed. This reveals that more than technical incompetence is at issue understandably when one considers the procedures and criteria for appointments. Nevertheless it is hard to imagine that all Belgian civil servants are incompetent or corrupt; the better ones must feel terrible frustration at the systematic overrulings of political favouritism. Since ministers do not take the criticism of the independent Court seriously, and since Parliament does not dismiss such ministers, we can only conclude that they all belong to the same spoils-system. It is not surprising that 39 per cent of MPs are recruited from the politicized civil service, and another 23 per cent from the equally politicized educational networks.13 On the other hand, civil servants who dare to denounce the shocking abuses around them in public are penalized with administrative sanctions, while journalists publishing the scandals are forced by justices to reveal the names of their informants. It now becomes clear precisely why the Finance Minister in the interests of administrative efficiency opposed political appointments. It also becomes understandable why the measures worked out by ten

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senior ministers in conclave with a handful of cabinet collaborators often fall far short of reality. In July 1986 the Government decided to cut 10 per cent of the education budget within two school years. In September the application of the measures already appeared to have led to a cut of 10 per cent within the first year. It is, incidentally, quite usual to decide about reforms two months before the start of the new school year in which they have to be put into operation. One year later the precise data necessary for the appropriate measures were still not available. The Government seems enmeshed in its own deficiencies.

REAL AND OTHER PROBLEMS

All these matters are the real problems of Belgian political life, but they are hardly ever discussed. Political debate in Belgium is generally rather dull: 95 per cent of printed media belongs to the Catholic and Liberal pillars, now in government, and is therefore docile towards its patrons. An independent quality press is badly lacking. Belgian Radio and Television (BRT) might be considered such a medium, and in my own opinion it performs extremely well, within the limits of the restricted means at its disposal. Is it therefore right that the government parties should systematically attack this institution and some journalists, personally and in a most venomous way, and should try every possible method of creating a competitive situation which would be commercial and thus acquiescent? There is nevertheless no shortage of political rhetoric: the media and electoral campaigns create an image of benign political leaders acting for the best, like fairy godmothers. These media never tell the citizen about the system of double power held by the most influential political leaders; they do not explain how on the one hand, as the incarnation of the common weal, they forbid a schoolteacher to earn a little extra by giving evening classes, while on the other hand they pile up, besides their offices in local, regional and national councils, ever more well-paid positions on the boards of public or private banks, communications corporations, semi-public corporations for social housing, for health insurance, and public works, etc. Even when Liberal ministers plead for the the privatization of public enterprises, they always make the reservation that the public sector the political parties and pillars - must retain a substantial share.

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The news provided for the Belgian citizen is a kind of exhibition about symbolic problems: subsidies for a school with ten Flemish pupils in a predominantly French-speaking city, the refusal of the burgomaster in a small bilingual village to use the official Dutch language. As long as such pseudo-problems take the limelight, even on the international scene, the political system can keep quiet about the real, formidable administrative problems which have been created by the system of patronage and brokerage prevailing for decades at the expense of debts on the shoulders of future generations. To understand Belgian political culture it is useful to be a medievalist or an anthropologist. Both disciplines offer insights into power structures based on personal relationships, dependency and protection, clientism and patronage. Power consists of being able to dispose of many clients; a politician mobilizing many thousands of preference votes has such a power base. His party will have to offer him some scope to build up the network for the continuation and extension of his base. High politics can be summarized as the arrangements made between the big bosses who have at their disposal such strongholds, and their friends, followers and clients. The boss must be generous to them, and does so by distributing state resources which he controls. 'Arrangements' can never touch the foundations of these power bases, so that rational and efficient solutions are hardly possible. I do not know whether King Boudewijn explained to his foreign guests that the linguistic problems, so prominent in Belgian politics, are merely a smoke-screen for the defence of the empires of manifold bosses and pressure groups, all of whom have to be handled with care because the whole Belgian compromise rests on the complicity of all major parties and political concerns. For decades they have accumulated assets - parts of the resources of the state - to such a formidable extent that electoral losses of between 10 and 30 per cent do not really touch them. Their battlefield is no longer Parliament, but the boards of semi-public organizations beyond any democratic control. The three great political concerns divide among themselves the actual and future wealth of the nation, keeping out new political formations like nationalists, ecologists, and many others. New parties therefore lack the means to offer social services and protection to the citizens who, in the long run, understand that their interests are safest within the traditional concerns. A complex situation indeed, hard to explain to foreigners in a few words.

19 Social Development in the Netherlands in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: A Review of Historical Research since 19701 Jan Lucassen DEFINITIONS

The study of social history entered a phase of acceleration some ten years ago. The founding of highly influential periodicals at the time testified to intense new interest in the subject: Social History and The History Workshop Journal in England, Geschichte und Gesellschaft in German-speaking areas, and the Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis in the Netherlands and Belgium.2 Expansion of outlets for publication led to an increase not only in the number of studies produced but also in their variety.3 In this paper I shall attempt to evaluate this process for Dutch history since about 1800, and to sketch some perspectives for future research. In deciding to concentrate on the nineteenth and twentieth centuries we are immediately confronted with an essential problem within socio-economic history. Just as the Enlightenment and the French Revolution have traditionally served as crucial lines of demarcation in leading accounts of the cultural and political history of modern times, in socio-economic history it is the Industrial Revolution which has been used to mark the fundamental watershed between the present and the past. Historians have come to use the terms 'preindustrial' and 'industrial', without any hesitation, to express a self-evident opposition.4 Fuelled by developments in English historiography, and by historical materialism, Dutch research in economic history has until recently been obsessed with the significance of the Industrial Revolution.5 Both the liberal and socialist traditions in

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Dutch historiography have reflected this preoccupation. The liberal version has found its best-known exponent in I. J. Brugmans, while the socialist viewpoint found its first voice in Henriette Roland Hoist's Kapitaal en Arbeid (Capital and Labour) in 1902. Since then the idea has crystallized of the Netherlands experiencing only sluggish economic development from the time of the French Revolution until about 1850-70, in contrast to a subsequent period of dynamic economic activity.6 This version of history would have us regard the new (and therefore positively evaluated) epoch which dawned after 1850-70 as characterized by the introduction of steam-driven machinery, a transition to liberal economic politics and even, from the 1880s onwards, by a cultural renaissance (led, in particular, by Van Gogh). Out of this approach to Dutch history grew the debate about why the Netherlands lagged behind other countries: the exchange of opinions centred on the relative influence of 'psychological factors' (the lack of initiative, or Jan Saliegeest) and 'economic circumstances', such as the lack of mineral resources. This debate had not yet drawn to a conclusion when, in 1969, J. A. de Jonge convincingly fixed 1895 as the date of the Dutch Industrial Revolution in the sense of a true economic 'take-off'.7 Perhaps the most radical point in De Jonge's analysis was the portrayal of Dutch economic growth as proceeding on all fronts, in contrast to Rostow's theory of a single 'leading sector', but the consequences of such a position were not realized by others at the time. Some ten to fifteen years later Jan de Meere and Richard Griffiths, individually but later in collaboration, came to the conclusion that during the greater part of the last century the Netherlands, in Griffiths's pregnant wording, was not 'backward', not really 'behind', but above all 'different'.8 If one may label this criticism of the historiographic primacy of the Industrial Revolution 'internal', then 'external' criticism is also possible, deriving from new understanding of proto-industrial and agricultural history.9 Proto-industrialization is the introduction of domestic industry into rural areas. It took place on an extensive scale at least as early as the seventeenth century in the Dutch countryside, especially in the east and south. Of central importance is that the concentration of these industries in factories occurred gradually, and without seismic shocks. The Industrial Revolution in Twente around I860, for example, did not consist of the rise of a textile industry, which had long been present in the area, but rather in the shift of production

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from cottages to newly built textile mills.10 Dutch agricultural history, thanks to the studies of Jan de Vries, Roessingh and Van Zanden in particular, has made clear how prominent the agrarian sector has always been in the Dutch economy. The notion that the Industrial Revolution involved an essential shift from the primary to the secondary sector also appears, for the Netherlands, untenable. Despite a gradual decline in relative importance, agriculture continued to occupy a prominent place in the economy, especially as far as its contribution to national income was concerned, but also with respect to its share of the economically active population.11 It is clear, then, that to speak of an 'industrial period' in Dutch history is of doubtful validity; where, then, should we begin our survey? Before a satisfactory answer to this question can be advanced, it is necessary to place the mass of social historical work produced in recent years in some kind of framework, and to do that requires a definition of social history.12 The working definition I wish to put forward is that social history primarily concerns the changing interactions between groups of people. These groups enjoy unequal access to scarce goods and therefore are characterized by differences in income and wealth. Related to these differences, the groups also have unequal access to knowledge, power and influence. If we accept this broad working definition as our point of departure, together with the fact that during the last decades social history has become extremely multi-faceted, then two possible principles present themselves as a means of imposing order on the mass of social historical work which has been produced. The first involves drawing up an inventory of topics and subject areas which have attracted attention. Following our own taste and convictions, we could apportion praise and blame, finally to arrive at a list of desiderata in comparison to what has been achieved outside the Netherlands. 13 Thus we might, for example, point to the lack of elementary data on Dutch wage development in the nineteenth century. 14 But any such inventory, however interesting, would inevitably all too soon degenerate into a plea for yet more, and ever more diverse, versions of what already has been attempted. For this reason I prefer the second approach, which involves attempting to locate a meaningful central principle in relation to which contributions to social history may be interpreted.15 Despite my criticism of those historians who use the concept of Industrial

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Revolution as a principle in this way, I also am in favour of forging a link between social history, economics and economic history. The formulation of my working definition of social history, which connects social differences with differences in income and wealth, already betrays this preference. The most important economic changes to take place at national level are development and growth.16 Both phenomena in and of themselves carry only a neutral charge, that is to say, they can prove to be either negative or positive. Economic development refers to change in the sum total of national income, whereas economic growth analyses this change in per capita terms. In the following paragraphs we shall see that the analysis of these phenomena of economic development and economic growth provides a tool for imposing order on social history, albeit with important qualifications. The changes in the tempo of economic development and growth in the Netherlands will hopefully offer an alternative to breaking down the past into periods which, until now, have hinged upon the dating of the Industrial Revolution. In this way I hope to tackle two problems at the same time: the establishment of that point in the past best suited as a starting point for this analytic review; and the identification of a principle for imposing order. What can be learned from a general overview of the information at our command about economic development and economic growth in the Netherlands during the last two centuries or so? My first assumption is that the continuous population growth which began tentatively during the second half of the eighteenth century, and can be charted clearly from 1795 onwards, was more likely to have been accompanied by positive economic development than negative.17 Jan de Meere's work has indicated that the Netherlands was already experiencing positive economic growth as early as 1825-30, and that from this time the trend of real per capita income rose steadily. The two decades between 1810 and 1830 are generally considered to be problematic;18 the pfeceding period displays an extremely variable picture and no comprehensive conclusion is yet possible: trade and associated activities declined after the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War (1780-4), but agriculture flourished.19 We can say, then, that positive economic development in the Netherlands had probably commenced by the second half of the eighteenth century, but in any event was under way by 1800. Probably dating from this same period, but certainly

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from no later than 1825-30, there was positive economic growth as well. This situation of development and growth also obtained, with varying degrees of intensity, for subsequent periods. With this realization, an alternative is at hand to the Industrial Revolution as a starting point. If, after a century of stagnation or even negative economic growth, a true reversal in the direction of positive economic growth took place around 1800, we may indeed ask ourselves whether there were not important social developments also set in train at the same time. We shall proceed as follows. In the next section the relationship between social change and the supply side of economic development and growth will be examined; we shall then move on to an analysis of the links between social change and economic development on the demand side; a summary of the interaction between economic and social development in a broader context will follow, and finally, an evaluation of the potential advantages and disadvantages of such an approach.

SOCIAL CHANGE AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND GROWTH: A SUPPLY-SIDE APPROACH

Positive economic growth in the period with which we are concerned was connected to increased labour productivity. This meant first and foremost the more efficient use of labour. Labour potential was more fully exploited and organized in new ways, including standardization and mechanization. In the second place, increasing labour productivity implied a realignment of the balance between the production factors of capital, land and labour. Three social groups can be distinguished according to their relation to production factors: those with capital and land of their own who exploit other men's labour; those who may have limited capital and land of their own but who generally exploit only their own labour; and those who have only labour at their disposal and who therefore provide this production factor for the first group. In the context of the growth of a market economy, a numerical increase in the size of the first and third groups is to be expected, and, as a consequence, a shrinkage of the second. There were not only

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quantitative changes, however, but also important qualitative ones. The relative size of the three groups was changing, but so was the character of the individual groups themselves. For the second group, commercialization figured significantly; for the third, the exploited, analysis of their proletarianization should be given priority. The first group, the employers, increased in number and significance. What do we know of the origins of this group? For the Netherlands, we must concede, very little. Most research focuses on the group of industrial employers.20 The histories of the families and lineages of the textile barons in particular have begun to emerge, although there is as yet no single comprehensive study. With other sectors the situation is far less promising: the history of the industrial magnate in the Netherlands remains to be written.21 But employers in the agrarian sector have been far more seriously neglected, probably because there were few really large-scale farmers, and because of the presumed 'pre-industrial' nature of their agricultural practice.22 Shipping, trade and the services have as yet received only minor attention. 23 So we know next to nothing about the origins of Dutch entrepreneurs. Neither has their behaviour as a group (which can be presumed to reflect their origins) been more than superficially studied. We know that institutional structures existed, such as the employers' organizations celebrated in commemorative publications.24 In reading these records, however, what emerges is how difficult it was to unify employers. They were prepared to work together only towards specific goals and under specific circumstances. It seems that the study of their group behaviour and group characteristics requires a broader approach.25 This is even more the case with the second group, the 'selfexploiters': small farmers, craftsmen, shopkeepers. In the writing of history it is this group in particular which has fallen between the stools of capital and labour. Opposition between entrepreneurs and the proletariat has traditionally been portrayed as a struggle between titans. The self-exploiters, on the other hand, are usually regarded as a historical remnant, doomed to disappear for the most part into the proletariat, and to a lesser extent into the ranks of the employers. But this is of course an over-simplification. Let us examine some of the subgroups in question. Did small farmers become factory workers, leave for the city, emigrate to America, or just remain small farmers? On the basis of

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studies concerning the agricultural crises of the 1840s and 1880s some partial answers are possible.26 Here, too, there has been a one-sided emphasis on institutional history: there are commemorative histories of the main Dutch farmers' organizations. But even these testimonies make it quite clear that any group behaviour on the part of Dutch farmers, or a group mentality, developed outside these organizations.27 Craftsmen and shopkeepers, traditionally assigned to the 'middle class' (middenstand), constitute an as yet largely unknown social category, especially because of the absence of organizations comparable to those which farmers joined, which means the absence of the sequence of organization - archive - anniversaries - commemorative publications. Such beginnings as De Jonge's remarks concerning shopkeepers in nineteenth-century Delft deserve to be expanded upon in the spirit of Benson's The Penny Capitalists,28 a work also of importance when dealing with the proletarian group.29 The third group, the proletarians, has attracted by far the most attention from historians, and especially so from social historians. Here, as for the two previous groups, group formation needs to be differentiated from group behaviour. The group formation of those who have only their own labour to offer, owning no other means of production, is usually described in terms of expropriation. Small farmers in particular, after being dispossessed, are alleged to have headed for the towns and cities. Urban craftsmen, having lost everything, are said to have entered the factories.30 This scheme of things, derived primarily from English historiography, is also advanced for the Netherlands, although its accuracy has yet to be established. Criticism of the Industrial Revolution concept with respect to historical developments in the Netherlands already contains within it a fair measure of doubt concerning the validity of such an explanation for the burgeoning of the Dutch proletariat. Thus, bearing in mind the discussion of proto-industrialization above, we might reasonably expect to discover some early form of proletarianization in rural areas, especially North Brabant and Twente. 31 Furthermore, with the exception of the period of agricultural crisis lasting from 1878 to 1896, the small but resilient agricultural sector in the Netherlands will have played only a minor role in proletarian recruitment, certainly in the nineteenth century.32 As additional sources of the Dutch proletariat, urban 'self-exploiters' should certainly be examined, as well as city paupers and immigrants. Yet we know hardly anything about the origins of the Dutch

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proletariat. A history of the labour market is a first prerequisite for progress in this area. A number of partial studies, such as Knotter's on the Amsterdam labour market for construction workers, have begun to point the way towards the full-scale treatment necessary.33 The pauper problem, however, is one which can help show how the proletariat acquired its rank and file, and will be reviewed below. Of even more importance than the preliminary question of how proletarianization took place are the consequences of the process, the full implications of the term 'proletarianization'. I would also like to see answered the inseparable question of whether such implications are valid for all proletarians: was the proletariat a single entity, and if so, in what respect? Authors who have recently presented proletarianization as an important phenomenon (including, prominently, Charles Tilly, Rina Lis and Hugo Soly) commonly distinguish, not necessarily in the same breath, between two aspects of the process: 'expropriation' and 'alienation'.34 Two historical approaches to the Industrial Revolution point to a connection between the two aspects. In Marxist dialectics the relation between comparative expropriation and alienation of the worker, a double 'Verelendung', occupies a central position.35 Meanwhile the 'standard-of-living debate', concerning welfare levels in Great Britain at the time of the Industrial Revolution, appears to have generated the provisional conclusion that alienation occurred in the wake of increasing poverty. Expropriation as the general consequence of the Industrial Revolution, with the exception of the period of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, is no longer put forward as all-important in itself, but rather elements of alienation that arose as a result of poverty, such as the disruption of family cohesion, and of group and emotional relationships within the family, have come to receive primary emphasis.36 Simultaneous (relative) impoverishment or expropriation of the proletariat as a whole and positive national economic growth are only possible where the inequalities of income increase, as Marx and Engels believed they could observe for England during the first half of the nineteenth century. In the Netherlands, research concerning incomes and the distribution of wealth is still in its early infancy, though Jan de Meere and Nico Wilterdink have taken up the challenge.37 From their work we can at least deduce that positive economic growth in the Netherlands was in general not characterized by any increment of inequality. This does not imply that there has been no impoverishment in the Netherlands during the last two centuries. Consider, for example,

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periods of no positive economic growth (e.g. 1810-30)* or of temporary stagnation of positive growth accompanied by serious unemployment (e.g. the First World War, the 1930s and the post1970 period). Or consider the circumstances of certain specific groups such as those handicapped by some form of work disability.38 Consequently we must address the implications of proletarianization primarily in the sphere of 'alienation', or, in other words, in the sphere of the emergence of a 'proletarian culture' and/or a 'proletarian consciousness'. Inquiry into the implications of proletarianization, I would suggest, can be broken down into four successive questions.39 Was there such a thing as a 'proletarian culture' in the Netherlands? Was there a 'proletarian consciousness' in the Netherlands which manifested itself in the first place in solidarity? Were these 'proletarian culture' and 'proletarian consciousness' characterized by 'alienation', or possibly by a resistance to 'alienation'? And finally, to what extent did different groups of proletarians undergo alienation in the same way, or to what extent did all proletarians, all those who experienced proletarianization, have a proletarian culture or consciousness in common? It is too early to answer the question of the extent to which proletarian culture may have existed in the Netherlands in this period. If we assess the current state of affairs in social history, then there are many reasons we can give for our inability to come to terms with this question. In the first place, a Dutch proletariat was already in existence much earlier than the period under discussion here. To date, the history of the mentality of this group has hardly figured as a subject of study.40 This is a serious omission, given the realization that a certain degree of continuity may be supposed between this 'early proletarian culture' (usually called the culture of the volksbuurten (proletarian neighbourhoods) in the professional literature), and that of the last century (referred to as the culture of arbeiderswijken, or factory workers' districts).41 In the second place, proletarian culture has generally been examined locally: the Oosterparkbuurt in Groningen, Wijk C in Utrecht, and other such neighbourhoods.42 Certain cities with an extensive workers' population, such as Helmond, have also been the subject of research.43 What have not been undertaken, however, are national studies which embrace an adequately broad terrain spanning an adequate period of time. 44 Especially when we consider the research on proletarian culture which has taken place

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in England in recent years, and also in other countries, the Dutch lag drastically behind. To cite an example: whereas a British Journal of Sports History has been published since 1984, the social history of sport is virgin territory in the Netherlands.45 Other aspects of how people spend leisure time, such as the social history of cafes and the consumption of alcohol, music-making, tourism and the life at coastal resorts, have also been virtually ignored.46 To a lesser extent the same can be said about culture related to various professions and branches of industry, especially those aspects which receive their expression at the place of work: we are familiar only with seafarers, textile workers, miners and a small handful of other vocations.47 In addition, there are also methodological problems here, such as difficulties connected with the use of oral history, and the danger of historians describing whatever they have newly discovered in emotional, elevated terms. 48 In short, no general statement can yet be ventured concerning the rise and development of proletarian culture in the Netherlands. Dutch social historians in recent decades have bestowed most of their attention on the emergence of a proletarian consciousness, and more particularly on the beginnings of one specific manifestation of this consciousness: the corporate life of wage labourers. In part thanks to the rich collections of institutes such as the IISG (International Institute of Social History) in Amsterdam, the history of socialism and the workers' movement has flourished. To mention only the periodicals more or less specifically related to this topic: from 1953 to 1974, forty-six issues of the Mededelingenblad (Newsletter) appeared, first under the auspices of the Sociaalhistorische studiekring (Circle for Social History) and then, after 1967, from its successor, the Nederlandse Vereniging tot beoefening van de Sociale Geschiedenis (Dutch and Belgian Society for Social History);49 from 1976 to 1981, five numbers of xhz Jaarboek voor de Geschiedenis van Socialisme en Arbeidersbeweging in Nederland (Yearbook for the History of Socialism and the Labour Movement in the Netherlands) were published, the continuation of which, in a certain sense, has been embodied since 1983 in the Bulletin Nederlandse Arbeidersbeweging (Bulletin on the Dutch Labour Movement);50 in addition Cahiers over de Geschiedenis van de CPN (Publications on the History of the Communist Party of the Netherlands) and the Jaarboek voor het Democratisch Socialisme (Yearbook for Democratic Socialism) have been appearing since 1979. The wealth of publication possibilities is

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in itself evidence of intense interest in this subject, an impression confirmed when we consider publishers' lists (of such houses as SUN, SUA and Van Gennep) until a few years ago. Special mention in this context should be made of the IISG series De Nederlandse Arbeidersbeweging (The Dutch Labour Movement).51 These publishers have also produced many monographs on aspects of the Dutch workers' movement or on the movement as a whole.52 In summary, the rise of Dutch unions, especially as far as their organization is concerned, has been treated thoroughly by authors including Giele, Harmsen, Perry, Reinalda, Van Tijn and Welcker. The socialist mainstream has received the most attention, but Catholic, Christian and anarcho-syndicalist groups have not been forgotten. Although the national and therefore central level has figured pre-eminently in most accounts, the local level is beginning, hesitantly, to gain attention. And neither has the formation of explicitly proletarian political parties such as the SDB (Social Democratic League), the SDAP (Social Democratic Labour Party) and CPN (Communist Party of the Netherlands) been neglected. Does this extensive documentation give rise to feelings of satisfaction? Only in small part. The problem is that the history of workers' organizations has been written in general by insiders, who rely on party or union archives and in particular on periodicals, supplemented by personal archives. Internal and external strategic and tactical questions occupy the front stage. As a result, what tends to be missing is any analysis of recruitment and selection of members, as well as any explicit comparison between different organizations as far as the composition of their membership and leadership, their internal organization, and their degree of internal criticism are concerned.53 Van Tijn's challenging ideas about the emergence of class consciousness and his explanation for the success of the union movement represent a fortunate exception, together with the extension of Van Tijn's work by Alberts and others on strikes among the textile workers in TWente.54 Given the uncertainty which prevails concerning the way in which the Dutch proletariat arose, and given the partial state of our knowledge about its organization, it should hardly come as a surprise that the question of whether proletarianization in the Netherlands was characterized by alienation has scarcely been examined. In contrast, a number of writers have emphasized matters related to impoverishment.55

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Although it is evidently premature to answer the question at hand, if we bear in mind the direction of research outside the Netherlands, then several hypotheses suggest themselves.56 First, proletarianization and proletarian culture are characterized by values derived from the culture of craftsmen and semi-independent domestic workers, the predecessors of proletarians. This hypothesis accords well with Van Tijn's ideas concerning 'populist consciousness'. As a reaction to the commercialization of social relations in the Netherlands at the end of the nineteenth century, socialist and Christian workers' consciousness emerged together out of this 'populist' background. Second, proletarianization and proletarian culture are affected by the problems which migration entails, from outside the Netherlands, from country to city, or from one centre of population to a larger one. Thus geographic alienation possibly exerts more influence than class alienation.57 Although as a result of nagging uncertainties which enshroud the first three questions posed above, the fourth, concerning the possible universality of proletarian culture or proletarian consciousness, can hardly be answered with assurance, a series of assertions carrying the bones of an answer can in fact be made. The Dutch proletariat, in the broadest significance of the term, that of workers dependent on wages, certainly did not constitute an entity in every respect: gaping crevasses can be discerned both along lines of religious denomination and category of employment. Not only was there a breech between socialist and Christian unions, but even co-operation between Catholics and Protestants remained exceptional; and what is more, within the separate confessional-political groupings, there were several distinct organizations coexisting at various periods. The socialist camp, moreover, was no model of unity. Since diversity here was largely reflected in clear-cut organizational differences, a large number of relevant studies once again have analysed the situation.58 In the light of the hypothetically major significance of proletarianization for the consciousness of the workers, however, the origin of so much division, and why it took the specific forms it did, still deserves serious investigation. Suggestions about the 'false consciousness' of the oppressed, subtle manoeuvres on the part of the oppressing classes, and other such notions do not seem truly adequate explanations.59 Even more urgently in need of remedy, however, is the virtual neglect of the many Dutch categorale bonden: professional groups which operated independently of the main socialist, Catholic and Protestant national labour unions (known after the Second

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World War as NW, KAB, CNV).60 Closely connected with this point is the issue of why so many proletarians did not organize. Two characteristics of those who either didn't organize or else organized by 'professional group' or 'category' are pertinent here: schooling and professionalization on the one hand; salary level on the other. In many instances 'categorically' organized workers are to be found among the best paid and trained salaried employees: persons with middle and upper management functions in private-sector industry and in the government sector, groups which also displayed a disproportionate increase with the expansion of positive economic growth.61 Considering their organizational behaviour, we can assert that a majority of those belonging to these groups did not have a proletarian consciousness. Weren't they alienated then? Or were they appeased by means of higher wages? Was their relative freedom of action and initiative sufficient compensation, or did their social prestige instead prevent alienation? Recruitment, behaviour, mentality and certainly the internal differentiation of this group are all crucial topics which up to now have regrettably escaped Dutch historians' notice almost entirely.62 Indeed, in the light of what we know now about proletarianization, further study is called for concerning recruitment, but also, and especially, concerning the high degree of differentiation which characterizes this group. This overview of the social history of the three social classes which can be distinguished by virtue of their relation to production factors requires several critical qualifications, for certain complexities may indeed prevent the questions as posed above from ever being answered to full satisfaction. To begin with, a fair proportion of individuals will have belonged to more than one of the stated classes in the course of a lifetime, at times even at the same moment. In my own study of migratory labour, I made use of the concept of the 'work cycle' to provide a framework within which to present the composite sources which contributed to annual family income.63 Migrant workers apparently belonged to both the class of self-exploiters and the class of wage earners. Benson with his 'penny-capitalists' established the same fact for many English proletarians during the nineteenth century, just as Olwen Hufton has succeeded in doing with her concept of 'economies of make-shift' for eighteenth-century France. In all these instances, the likelihood that some or all family members would be without work from time to time was taken into account.64 For the Netherlands there is a special problem that should once

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more be raised in this context: how to interpret the pauperism of the nineteenth century? A slight digression here may prove useful. It is above all in connection with the current historical debate about industrialization that Joel Mokyr and Jan de Vries, among others, have recently proposed that one of the consequences and also one of the causes of late industrialization in the Netherlands was the voluntary and intentional preservation of pauperism. This is said to have been achieved through a preposterously high level of poor relief, as a result of which the wage structure remained virtually frozen.65 Many historians have discredited such a version of events. P. C. Jansen has pointed out that the assumption concerning the relation between wage levels and alms was erroneous. Bruijn and Lucassen have called attention to the factor of migration which promoted equilibrium between supply and demand on the labour market. Noordegraaf has demonstrated that wages were more variable than had been supposed. And above all, De Meere has delivered a death-blow to the argument of excessive poor relief by calculating that the average recipient of such support in the first half of the nineteenth century could only have stretched the annual sum provided to cover his needs for several weeks, let alone months. 66 In this event, exactly how paupers - the temporarily unemployed and those apparently without work altogether - managed to keep going becomes all the more pressing a question. In his study of the city of Utrecht at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries, 't Hart established (to his amazement) that, given the development of prices, wages and poor relief, a large part of the lowest stratum of the population should have perished from starvation. Yet demographic data demonstrate irrefutably that the population actually expanded.67 The history of Dutch 'economies of make-shift', the economy of making ends meet, still remains to be written. 68 Before leaving this subject area, we should mention Dutch research into social stratification. Some years ago various social historians and other scholars waged a rather abstract debate about how Dutch society was composed of social layers determined by class criteria.69 Before long this subject died a more or less natural death. The reason for its demise might lie in the fact that, although the central goal of social stratification was never lost sight of, it was nonetheless not reached.70 This goal, to be more specific, entailed an explanation, possibly even a 'prediction', of group behaviour - at least if the

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assumption that a social echelon or class manifests collective behaviour were true. Evidence of any such shared mentality or common behaviour remains to be found. Only Boudien de Vries, coupling stratification with intermarriage and sociability, has accomplished anything significant in this direction.71 Her meticulous stratification research into the upper crust of Amsterdam during the second half of the nineteenth century proves capable of illuminating group behaviour in the light of economic growth.

SOCIAL CHANGE AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND GROWTH: A DEMAND-SIDE APPROACH

Through positive economic growth, more goods, and therefore more time, became available to more people. This meant that on average an inhabitant of the Netherlands enjoyed new and better material conditions for securing his welfare. During the production of this growing stream of goods and services, choices were made concerning kinds of goods and their destination; what most concerns us here is the distribution of such goods and services among various social groups or classes.72 In the making of these choices and in determining the destination and purpose of goods and services, it proves possible in many instances to distinguish between more individual and more collective components. In line with this distinction it is possible to analyse the relationship between positive economic growth and its social consequences in no less than four separate ways: more individual choice patterns: goods versus time; more collective choice patterns: collective facilities and social security; the direction of individual choices: the history of popular culture; and the direction of collective choices: socio-political conflict. That we are concerned here with an analytical framework perhaps deserves extra emphasis: the nature and the direction of the choices are not independent of each other. It should be made clear initially that although we are primarily concerned with social groups or classes, it is the household which remains at the heart of the discussion as the basic unit of consumption and production. This is not to say that where the opposition of interests by sex or age within the household becomes clear, or where the disintegration of the nuclear family can be demonstrated, these developments will be ignored.73

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Personal decisions about how to use the increasing real incomes which were becoming available per household are linked to the 'standard-of-living debate'. This debate, carried on with such spirit especially in England, has been extremely tame in the Netherlands. 74 Regardless of whether the approach of choice has been based on real wages or on household budgets, there has been practically no resume of available data to date. This is true to an even greater degree for the final element of both methods: employment opportunities. To start with, as far as the study of real-wage development is concerned, Leo Noordegraaf has done much to clarify the situation between 1450 and 1650 and thereafter, even though sources for this period remain far less accessible and less easy to interpret than those for the nineteenth century.75 There are almost no studies in which wage and price shifts during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are examined within one geographical and social setting. The same holds true for research on budgets. Dirk van der Veen, whose doctoral dissertation on workers' budgets is in preparation, is the only Dutch historian to have undertaken a major study in this area.76 Others have addressed themselves to mere bits and pieces of the topic. The most developed sub-area here appears to be historical nutrition research.77 Research into living conditions has also begun.78 A complete budget records not only all expenditures, but all income as well. In practice, figures for income are frequently sketchy at best. Yet an overall picture of family income is essential for coupling budget research or the calculation of real wages with analysis of standards of living. This returns us once more to the 'work cycle' approach referred to above. At stake here is family income, an extremely interesting but until now all but neglected phenomenon. As Chayanov among others has demonstrated for Russian 'peasants', man does not automatically strive for ever-increasing consumption, but weighs the balance between effort and yield.79 Where increased consumption for the same amount of input appears obtainable, a man may well choose instead to maintain his present level of consumption, while reducing the requisite effort. This preference can assume various guises: the male head of the family may stop doing odd jobs and concentrate on his primary source of income; or, as probably happened more often, the family may opt to relieve certain members of some part of their workload, or else exempt them from wage

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labour completely. Women and children especially, from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, were under less pressure to contribute to family income. The history of child labour legislation in the Netherlands has frequently been subject to scrutiny.80 The changing position of the child within the work cycle as a result of positive economic growth, however, is a topic which remains to be studied properly. Related subjects should include school attendance, compulsory education and, in this century, the emergence of specific youth cultures. It would be worth while both to examine the extent to which these differ from youth cultures in earlier periods, and also to determine whether in this way traditional, more or less ritual antitheses between the old and young come to vary in content and significance.81 Another topic which, in this light, has an urgent claim on the future attention of social historians is the remarkably weak participation of women in the Dutch labour market in comparison with other countries.82 Why was there such a strong preference in the Netherlands for the reproductive task of women? We need harbour no illusions on this point: Dutch women did not, of course, simply sit with their hands folded in their laps. Here, important perspectives open up for the history of women, families and sexuality.83 Closely connected topics would include people's preferences for numbers of children, and ideas about child-raising. Significant reduction of working hours apparently occurred only later, further delayed perhaps by the introduction of artificial lighting. The struggle for shorter working hours, in this instance for the family breadwinner in particular, has been concentrated in the twentieth century. The struggle, moreover, has not yet been fought to its conclusion.84

More collective choice patterns: collective facilities and social security In addition to individual decisions at the family level, other important moments of choice arise: collective ones. These may involve collective expenditures through the government, or through voluntary co-operative organizations such as pension funds and insurance arrangements. Where the government does not participate, churches, associations (of which membership in the Netherlands is often ideo-

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logically determined) and also commercial enterprises play a role. Despite the importance of such public bodies, here I shall restrict consideration to the government. Government income and expenditure not only grew along with positive economic growth, but they exhibited a disproportionate increase: citizens collectively acquired more education, more armed power and, especially after the First World War, more welfare facilities. Van Loo, Van der Valk and others have mapped the history of welfare facilities quite satisfactorily, although further studies of the system of poor relief and related policies, and especially of those whom they were meant to help, remain desirable.85 The direction of individual choices: popular culture Up to now I have emphasized goods and time as alternatives to each other, or individual versus collective facilities. A considerable number of other possibilities, however, remain to be considered: does someone prefer more food or a better stove? If food, then white bread or brown?86 All such choices exhibit a certain coherence where persons with a particular income are concerned, and thus also within any given income group. This coherence has been studied, pre-eminently under the aegis of so-called 'popular culture' research, which recently crossed the Channel from England and has become known in the Netherlands through the work of Peter Burke.87 The 'popular culture' approach in the Netherlands has primarily infiltrated into the study of what is spoken of as the 'pre-industrial era'. It has hardly figured at all in research about the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.88 Above all, social historical research into the 'mass culture' of the twentieth century is still in its infancy, but research into the culture of the upper classes since the turn of the century also has far to go. It is true that other types of historians have occupied themselves with these subjects, including literary historians, film critics, art historians and journalists. The emphasis in their work indeed falls far more heavily on art-historical than social-historical issues. Basic social-historical questions, like which group consumes what culture and how, are still too seldom raised.89 One final round of related questions also deserves consideration in this context. Did increased prosperity, which found expression, among other ways, in additional education, additional welfare facilities and additional communication possibilities, lead in part to individualization, because these welfare gains were enjoyed within smaller families?

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Did older and younger generations come to face each other more informally? Did more ease enter into relations between women and men? What role did changes in sexual experience play, certainly after the spread of simple and effective contraceptives? Did a sexual revolution actually take place? Much research has been initiated in this area in recent years, not least as part of women's studies.90 Yet here, too, as so often in relation to other topics, institutional and organizational descriptions have largely dominated. And where such accounts 'imposed from above' prevail, social-historical questions about group identity are not accorded their due attention. The direction of collective choices: socio-political conflict Questions of immediate relevance here have in large part already been reviewed above in the course of discussing the current state of social history with regard to collective facilities and social security, In addition, because collective patterns and direction of choices, as determined by the government, and so in principle a result of debates in parliament and city councils, are the outcome of socio-political conflict, they comprise a theme explored more fully in the next section.

SOCIAL CHANGE AND ECONOMIC GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT: THE SUPPLY- AND DEMAND-SIDE APPROACHES INTEGRATED

Up to this point, for the sake of the preceding historiographic review, certain social developments connected with production or supply-side aspects of economic growth have been differentiated from other developments connected with consumption or demand-side aspects. It is now time to integrate both aspects and to arrive at a framework for analysing economic growth and social development in their mutual interaction. A first reason for such a procedure is that 'consumer' and 'producer' are continually united in one and the same person: we may distinguish various aspects of a man's behaviour, but he remains a single individual who (as emerged during discussion of the question of preference for goods versus time) makes coherent decisions about what to do, whatever aspects of his character these decisions may reveal. A second reason is simply that, in what has been presented previously, groups have been treated too readily as if they were neutral in relation to one another: one group makes furniture, the other ploughs,

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one 'consumes' pilgrimages, the other films. This static, harmonious picture does not match reality, where by definition every economic good, every means of production, is scarce, or where, in other words, competition is ever rife within the ranks of groups of producers and groups of consumers. If we are now to proceed from the more neutral, static, or classifying activity of the identification of groups and group behaviour to the study of competitive relations, we need first to describe the arena, where the strife in which we are interested is played out, more specifically than simply as 'the Netherlands in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries'. This arena includes (to an everincreasing extent) government bodies with their laws and regulations. Through legislation, diverse social groups try to consign each other to the places which best suit their own version of the competitive struggle. To enumerate a few examples: in the matter of labour relations, the right of association was prohibited until 1874; with respect to the non-Dutch in the Netherlands, legislation for foreigners was drafted in 1849; women only became legally entitled to vote much later than men; the propertied gained the vote before the property-less; eighteen-year-olds only attained voting rights recently, and so on. Legislative, executive and judicial power was deployed in the struggle of social competition, either defensively or in the offence. In this way we have reached a borderline where the planes of traditional 'political' and 'social' history intersect. But it is precisely at this intersection that research should be undertaken: how do social groups, and not merely small categories, attempt to reach their goals through political means?91 The government's role is so important not only because its share in national production has risen sharply, but also because its share in national consumption (made possible through heavier taxation) has increased even more dramatically. In short, as employer of a vastly enlarged corps of public servants and as the institutional distributor of social welfare (including education), the state, its organs and legislation are also the subject matter of social history. In practice, however, the segregation of political and social history still makes itself strongly felt, to the detriment of research. In this regard we may express our admiration for the exemplary work of the leading lights of the German Gesellschaftsgeschichte, such as Wehler and Kocka. Here we might take inspiration not only from their 'Bielefeld School', but also from the work of the American, Charles Tilly.92 The reverse side of the legitimization of specific group interests, the

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object of these lines of thought, is the monopolization of power. How has this developed, by whom is power exercised, and at whose cost? On this point, yet again, we are still groping in total darkness. Where is the social history of the police, or military police, and where is the history of the domestic use of the army?93 We know too little about social aspects of criminal law and its application, although Ippel and Van Ruller have lifted a corner of the veil concerning the death penalty.94 Just as with the study of real wages, here too we can only reach the remarkable conclusion that more analyses of penal law and criminal sentencing during the ancien regime are available than similar studies about the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.95 The same holds true for the objects or victims of state repression. Who were our thieves, murderers and corruptors of public morality? Born criminals, good-for-nothings from the word go, or pitiful proletarians - not deported to Australia for the poaching of a hare perhaps, yet nonetheless ultimately the victims of class justice? In this context, I would also draw notice to an extraordinary group of persecuted people, who, living more or less outside the law, have been profiled in detail since the beginning of this century: caravan-dwellers and gypsies.96 Their systematic expulsion and persecution, precisely because it has been so extreme, might cast light on the workings of the system as a whole. During the first section of this review I temporized by taking no stance on the question of whether or not any immediate and direct connections could be constructed between economic and social developments. Considering the various links discussed in the preceding pages, at this point we can assert that such connections in all kinds of ways, immediate and with appreciable delays, direct and indirect, can be demonstrated. Between the economic crisis in the 1930s, government measures, and riots in the working-class neighbourhood of Amsterdam, for example, the connection was quite swift and straightforward. By way of contrast the hesitant economic growth of the second quarter of the nineteenth century probably seemed at first more like a manoeuvre to recover lost ground. While paupers in large cities in the west of the country acquired work, the living standard of the proletariat would not have risen at once because, temporarily, either no changes in income distribution took place, or else the changes that did occur were minimal, and prices increased. In this instance therefore the social consequences of positive economic growth remained limited for some time. Time and again the historian must attempt to indicate how direct a connection there was between

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specific economic and social developments, and whether this connection was immediately evident, or only after some delay.

BALANCE-SHEET AND PERSPECTIVES

The coupling of economic and social development emerges from this review as a useful approach for assessing the success of current practice within the field of social history in illuminating social change. At the same time the concepts of 'economic development' and 'economic growth' seem to offer a reasonable alternative for the study of change to the dubious, outmoded theoretical framework of the Industrial Revolution. The question remains of whether the chosen construction is anything more than a convenient, facilitating guide: can links between economic and social developments not only yield a balance-sheet, but also open up new avenues of exploration? In order to answer this question, three evident objections to the chosen approach deserve to be broached. As so often in defining the subject of an analysis, our choice of terms limits not only the scope of what is undertaken, but also the overall value of the result. Consider the task set at the outset of this article, to review 'economic growth and development in the Netherlands in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in relation to social change'. To discover objections to this research framework, let us unravel this statement of purpose into its three constituent elements. To begin with, the concept of 'economic growth' involves a major disadvantage compared to the kindred, but essentially different, concept of 'economic development'. Demographic expansion can indeed nullify economic growth because of its per capita method of calculation, for equal rates of economic and demographic development result by definition in zero economic growth. Nevertheless it would be absurd to discount the likelihood of social change under such a set of circumstances. Because of the strong emphasis on economic growth in the preceding pages this is one possibility which I have overlooked. In the second place confining attention to the Netherlands entails a drawback. Even leaving major regional differences out of consideration, it must be said that the Netherlands has never consisted of a single, closed society. Although it is true that the entity formed by

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state and law cannot be denied, production factors such as capital and labour have steadily and effortlessly entered and made their departure. In the proposed analytic framework there is insufficient space allowed for the international flow of either resource. As a result, justice has not been done to the history of migrants, ethnic minorities, assimilation and discrimination - or, in other words, to the allocation of social position to newcomers and their descendants.97 In the third place the decision to concentrate on the most recent period of positive economic growth, which probably began during the second quarter of the nineteenth century, constitutes another source of difficulties. Earlier periods, and especially the transition from the preceding period, remain underilluminated through this new demarcation: to what extent did the original situation at the beginning of the nineteenth or end of the eighteenth century, considered as the result of peculiar developments before this time, determine the possibilities and directions of subsequent social developments under the influence of economic growth? The Dutch socio-economic situation from the late sixteenth to the early nineteenth century was unusual indeed if we take into consideration that this country could boast probably the highest per capita national product in Western Europe: under the influence of comparative prosperity in the Netherlands during the seventeenth century, known as the Golden Age, and of urbanization which at that time was already strong, was female participation in the labour market perhaps already weak? Was it traditionally at such a low level that this gave a decisive twist to choices made in the second half of the nineteenth century when it was once again economically feasible - in the direction of a still greater reduction of female participation in the labour market? So much for the three evident disadvantages. Are they sufficiently serious to mean we should remain wary of the analytic framework presented here? Or does this framework offer sufficient means to prevail against the widely feared dissipation of social history into countless sub- and sub-sub-specialities? This review indicates that the concept of economic growth can serve profitably as a basis for problem-oriented research in social history, and in this way a remedy against the danger of academic splintering might prove possible. Yet the question persists: even if it is a good remedy, is there none better? If for our indicator of 'better' we take the linkage of more aspects within a single proposed logical construct, then it seems to me that an analytical framework which derives from economic growth scores

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quite well in comparison to others advocated in the past by Dutch historians, such as Hofstee's 'diffusion of modernization' theory, Wieners' 'feudal-system' (overherigheid) theory, or even the 'figuration sociology' of Norbert Elias.98 What we cannot avoid facing up to in this context, ultimately, is the ideal, powerfully advanced in the Netherlands in recent years, of 'integral historiography' (integrate geschiedschrijving). This ideal entails that all essential interconnections within the process of social development be laid bare. Any discussion of the advantages of the approach sketched in these pages compared to, or as a part of, the ambition to write history integrally should concentrate in the first instance on the interconnections assumed to be meaningful in both approaches. Since, where integral history is concerned, these interconnections have (unfortunately) remained less than explicit, any discussion of comparative merits must for the time being be postponed," although this in no way represents a rejection of integration on my part. More to the point, however, is how best to achieve it. My preference would be to lay emphasis on the attempt itself: 'historiography aimed at integration' would, accordingly, be a more congenial way to phrase the desired undertaking. The ideal of integral historiography in the Netherlands is rooted primarily in the work of Jan Romein. For Romein, however, the ideal meant not only an integral approach, but also (and certainly not less importantly) integral presentation, the ideal of creating a summarizing 'portrait' of a society at a certain period and in a certain place, as he offers in his Op het Breukvlak van twee Eeuwen (At the Fissure between two Centuries). Such a portrait is an artistic ideal. I am afraid that the systematic approach outlined above, should it prove successful, would yield a far more complicated construction, difficult to grasp as a whole, nearly impossible to represent in unified form. It is not my intention to suggest that a systematic approach may be neglectful of presentation, nor that an artist's view is less meaningful than a scholar's. Effective communication through clear and (why not?) agreeable presentation is a worthy goal. Presentational techniques, however, must be distinguished from the analytic framework in use, the socio-historical construction as such.

IV The Visual Arts

20

Godfried Schalcken's Allegory of Virtue and Riches Christopher Brown The subject of this chapter is a small painting on copper by Godfried Schalcken in the National Gallery, London. 1 It was painted in Dordrecht in about 1675 and traditionally has been identified as an illustration of a poem by Catullus. In my view this identification is incorrect and the painting is in fact an allegory whose meaning can be elucidated with the help of other paintings, prints with explanatory inscriptions, and emblem books. The elucidation of this allegory, a subject which gives due weight to text and image, seemed appropriate to honour Peter King who has always been fascinated by the relationship between the two, and has written about that relationship so perceptively. The painting (Fig. 20.1) shows a young, elegantly dressed woman holding a pair of scales. Her orange-brown gown is open to reveal a low-cut blue corsage decorated with gold thread and her hair is elegantly coifed and decorated with a single white ostrich feather. On one side of the scales is a small bird; the other is heaped with jewellery and coins. She is in the process of placing a string of pearls on this side of the scales. The bird outweighs the jewellery and as she observes this with a melancholy smile, the woman weeps, tears coursing down her cheeks. Her right elbow rests on a plinth on the front of which, in bas-relief, are the figures of a pair of putti, a boy and girl, embracing. (They are, in fact, in flagrante delicto.) Behind her right hand, set within a niche, is a sculpture of a single reclining weeping putto who wipes away his tears with a cloth. In the background on the right is a mountainous, wooded landscape, glowing in the evening sunlight. In his catalogue of the Dutch School in the National Gallery, which was published in 1960, Neil MacLaren retained the traditional

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\

Fig. 20.1: Godfried Schalcken, An Allegory of Virtue and Riches (reproduced by permission of the Trustees of the National Gallery, London)

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identification of this scene as Lesbia weighing her sparrow against jewels.2 (This identification occurs for the first time in the catalogue of the sale of the collection of Philippe Panne in London in 1819.)3 The pet sparrow of his mistress Lesbia is mentioned in two poems in the Carmina of Catullus: number 2, 'Ad passerem Lesbiae', and number 3, 'Luctus in morte passeris'. Since the woman is shown with tears on both cheeks and there is a weeping putto in the background, MacLaren thought it possible that Schalcken had in mind a particular passage in 'Luctus in morte passeris' in which Lesbia mourns the death of her sparrow: Passer mortuus est meae puellae Passer deliciae meae puellae Quern plus ilia oculis suis amabat. Since the publication of MacLaren's catalogue, we have learnt much more about the depiction of scenes from classical literature by seventeenth-century Dutch artists, largely through the work of Eric Jan Sluijter,4 and although this identification is ingenious, it is certainly mistaken. In the first place this scene, if it did in fact show Lesbia, would be the only representation of this subject or indeed of any subject exclusive to Catullus painted in the North Netherlands in the seventeenth century. Schalcken was, it is true, the son of the Rector of the Latin School in Dordrecht5 and so presumably read Latin himself. Latin editions of Catullus' poems had been published under the title Fragmentis quae extant in Amsterdam in 16406 and 1651,7 but no Dutch translation was published during the seventeenth century. While it is therefore possible that Schalcken read Catullus, it is unlikely that he represented the subject. More crucially for this identification, Catullus' poem does not accord with details in the painting. In the first place the bird (whose plumage is blue with a yellow flash above its beak and is therefore not a sparrow) is not dead: in fact, it is remarkably bright-eyed. Secondly, the poem does not describe Lesbia weighing her sparrow against jewels. The traditional interpretation of the subject thus involves Schalcken taking a literary personage and inventing a new episode in her life. The notion that a Dutch seventeenth-century artist would take such liberties with a classical text is entirely a-historical as can be seen from a study of the examples given by Sluijter.8 In fact, a far more satisfactory explanation, in line with recent

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research into the meaning of Dutch seventeenth-century genre paintings, can be proposed. Its principal features were established by Brigitte Kmittel in an article published in 1966.9 Her suggestion that the painting was an allegory of virtue and wealth was incidental to her detailed arguments about the subject of a painting by Schalcken's contemporary, Adriaen van der Werff, which were shown to be incorrect when an eighteenth-century inventory describing the painting in detail subsequently came to light10 - a cautionary tale for the iconographer. All symbolic elements within a painting depend for their precise meaning on the context in which they appear: the same object or creature can possess different moral value, that is, can be interpreted in bono or in malo, or can be given either a religious or a secular meaning. The context of the present painting is clearly secular and is, equally clearly, erotic love. The intimate embrace of the putti on the bas-relief could scarcely be more explicit and the sensual tone of the picture is evident in the woman's beauty, dress, ostentatious ostrich feather and, most particularly, her deshabille.11 It is within this context that we must examine the meaning of the scales in which the bird outweighs - which is to say, has greater moral weight or value than - the jewels. A glimpse at the relevant section of Henkel and Schone's great emblematic handbook12 reveals that a bird can possess a bewildering variety of meanings, some radically different, in the emblem literature of the seventeenth-century. Two particular meanings might be thought relevant to Schalcken's painting, one in malo and the other in bono. In the former a bird is associated with lasciviousness: thus in an engraving by Jacob Matham after a design by Hendrick Goltzius (Fig. 20.2)13 the alluring, half-naked figure of Luxuria (or Libido) is shown accompanied by a goat, holding up a bird on her left hand. Similarly, in a painting by Abraham Janssens (Fig. 20.3)14 the naked figure of Lascivia (identified by an inscription on the strap above her breasts) supports a pair of sparrows on her left hand as she admires herself in the mirror. (This erotic tradition has been traced by De Jongh.)15 However, the bird in Schalcken's painting outweighs the baubles and vanities of the world and so must be interpreted in bono. It should be placed, therefore, in the visual and literary tradition which identifies the bird with a woman's honour or, more specifically, her virginity. This is a very familiar symbol in the Netherlands in the seventeenth century and has been traced a number of times.16 In its most familiar form it shows a young

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Fig. 20.2: Jacob Matham (after Hendrick Goltzius), Luxuria (reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, London)

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%,

Fig. 20.3: Abraham Janssens, Lascivia (reproduced by permission of the Musees Royaux des Beaux-Arts, Brussels)

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Fig. 20.4: Reperire, perire est (from J. Cats, Alle de Wercken, zoo Oude als Nieuwe, 1665)

woman releasing a bird from a cage. For example, in an emblem first published in Jacob Cats' Silenus Alcibiadis, sive Proteus in 1618 (see Fig. 20.4), a richly dressed young woman is seen in an interior with a bed prominent on the left and an older woman peering around the door on the right. She releases a bird from a small basket. The inscriptio is Reperire, perire est and the subscriptio warns against the loss of virginity: Virgineum Cajeta decus dum laudat Alumnae, Virginitas ubi sit, Lydia nosse cupit, Dum, mage suspectum ne consulat ilia, veretur; Exiguam nutrix pyxide claudit avem: Hoc cape, virginitas latet hie, ait; area repente, Ut stetit in thalamo sola puella, patet. Vix bene tegmen hiat, volat irrevocabilis ales, Hei mihi virginitas, dum reperitur, abit.17 If the bird in Schalcken's painting is considered in this sense its

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meaning is clear: the woman weeps for the loss of her virtue. All the jewels she can cram on the scales cannot outweigh the value of her lost virginity. It is for this loss that the putto also weeps. There is, however, one problem with this interpretation which it would be dishonest to fail to mention. The iconography of a bird as female virtue requires the presence of a birdcage, box or basket from which the bird escapes. If Schalcken meant the bird to be understood as female virtue, as I believe he did, he was developing an established iconography in an original manner: I know of no other Dutch seventeenth-century painting which shows a bird and jewels in the pair of scales in this way. (Kmittel18 related the scales to an emblem by J. H. Krul19 with the inscriptio: 'Minst gheacht, meest kracht'. The pictura shows a pair of scales in which a virtuous and a rich suitor are being weighed to the disadvantage of the rich man.) Such a creative use of allegory would be entirely consistent with our historical knowledge of Schalcken who was a well-educated and articulate artist. There is an additional piece of evidence which supports this allegorical interpretation of the painting. The picture is recorded for the first time by Gerard Hoet in his Catalogus of Naamlyst van Schilderyen, published in 1752, as being in the collection of Mr Griffier Fagel in The Hague:20 'Een Vrouwtje dat Juweele weegt, door G. Schalcke'. The next item in this list is 'Een Vogeltje in een Kistje door Frans van Mieris'. The latter painting, which shows a young woman releasing a bird from a box while making an admonitory gesture with her left hand, is today in the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam (Fig. 20.5).21 It has been interpreted as an allegory of virginity.22 The two pictures are of a similar size - the Van Mieris is 17.5 x 14 cm - and both painted in the highly finished technique of the Leiden Fijnschilders. The fact that they have consecutive numbers in Hoet's catalogue suggests that they were considered at that time to be a pair and they were described as pendants in the catalogue of the Greffiers [sic] Fagel sale in London in 180123 and subsequently in the Panne sale of 181924 (where the Schalcken is identified for the first time as Lesbia weighing her sparrow), and the John Smith sale of 1828.25 There is no firm evidence that they were originally intended as a pair although they were certainly painted at about the same time: the Van Mieris is dated 1676 and the Schalcken must have been painted in the mid-1670s. Although Van Mieris worked in Leiden and

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Fig. 20.5: Frans van Mieris, The Flown Bird: Allegory of the Loss of Virginity (reproduced by permission of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam)

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Schalcken in Dordrecht at that period, it is perfectly possible that a single patron commissioned a pair of paintings on closely related themes from the two artists. What one can claim with some certainty is that already by the mid-eighteenth century the pictures were thought of as a pair and that this pairing implies a relationship between the subject matter of the two. Both were presumably considered to be allegories of the loss of innocence. In the interpretation of Schalcken's painting presented here the picture reclaims its true status and authority as a moral allegory very much in accord with the spirit of the age in which it was painted.

21 Theo van Doesburg: 'Art/Criticism' Allan Doig

From 1912 Theo van Doesburg was active as a critic to supplement his work as an artist. As one would expect, his development in these two areas proceeded in parallel. In 1926 he looked back over these early years in the introduction to the article 'Painting: from Composition to Counter-composition', and the tale unfolds as follows: In 1912 I published my first drafts concerning the new art under the title 'Specimen for a New Art Criticism'. I attempted to test my own development against the general development of art as objectively as possible and recognised the universal as the new content and the straight line as the new expressive means for the future. These two elements, I thought, must lead to a new style. I concluded this period with a composition abstracted from naturalistic form ('Girl with Buttercups'). In 1916, having been released from military service, I founded De Stijl, not without some considerable enthusiasm.1 Clearly art and criticism stand in a close, not to say problematical, relationship in Van Doesburg's work. The artist had taken up the pen, had analysed himself and estimated the value of his own work, and had begun to place his own work in the wider context of the history of art. From this perspective Van Doesburg intended to determine a new direction for his own work and for art in general. In July 1916 Van Doesburg published his first book, The Painter De Winter and his Work - a Psychoanalytic Study. The title itself gives an impression of his ideas about art and criticism. He began the study with an 'Intimate Introduction' in which he described his first impressions of the painter and his painting. The painting he used as

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an example was called T h e Pure Reason' and Van Doesburg explained that 'it was just at the time that I was looking for good abstract works which would serve as illustrations for a series of lectures demonstrating how the new artistic will was unfolding right before us.' 2 Van Doesburg continued: The following morning there was an opportunity to see more of De Winter's works. He showed me some portfolios with pastels and paintings in tempera [now in the Leering-Van Moorsel Collection] which in an instant opened a new psychic dimension for me. There were strange fantasies, plant-like forms, dragons beside orchids, and a few completely abstract paintings without subjects. Everything was in a rather dark tone. De Winter tried to explain each colour and to relate the meaning of each passage of form or colour to a psychological characteristic of the individual or situation which had inspired him. I experienced a peculiar emotion, although / didn't know whether it was an aesthetic emotion. I was deeply impressed and felt as if everything about the artist and his work created a demonic atmosphere that surrounded me like red incense, [p. 4] This clarifies the role played by psychology, and the connection with the theories of Kandinsky is easy to see: 'De Winter tried to explain each colour and to relate the meaning of each passage of form or colour to a psychological characteristic of the individual or situation.' This 'Intimate Introduction' was written in July 1916, at which point Van Doesburg's presentation of De Winter was not entirely positive, since 'the black smokey atmosphere in which De Winter lives and creates is also monotonous' (p. 5). Likewise Van Doesburg considered the paintings to be unbalanced and tragic. Six months earlier, however, the judgement had been quite different. In a poem entitled T h e Artist/Priest', dedicated to De Winter, Van Doesburg wrote: Man enters the light! Man is now born! Art becomes religion, The Artist, the priest, who expresses the universal will in forms, colours,

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words, sounds, the Priest, to whom We give thanks for the new life. [Eenheid, no. 294, 22 January 1916] In Van Doesburg's assessment, De Winter's art was not just psychological expression, but also transcendental revelation. The religious aspect was later given less emphasis in the book and the ideas were presented in more philosophical than theosophical terms. The task of the artist was unhesitatingly explained in the 'psychoanalytic study': Human life with its spiritual operations is the subject of art. Sensually perceptible nature is only one part of life, a phenomenon. It is self-evident, then, that an artist who with paints touches upon this life, gives signs which are more or less understandable for us according to the degree to which they deviate from nature. The more closely these signs are associated with objects well-known to us, the more easily we understand the language which the artist speaks, because art is Language and it doesn't matter whether that language is made of words, sounds, colours, or stones. Art is language and what matters is to understand that language, [p. 6] The 'translation' of emotion and experience, and the transformation of sensually perceptible nature within the spirit of the artist was presented as his task. It then follows that art should not imitate nature because it was precisely the painterly departures from material nature which were bearers of the spiritual content. The greater the departures the more difficult it became to understand the painterly language. The task of the critic, therefore, was to make this language accessible by explaining its vocabulary. This was not a serious problem in traditional art where the departures from nature were not very pronounced. There the job of the critic was much simpler and, according to Van Doesburg, was most often carried out by a sensitive layman. The situation was completely different for the new art. For Van Doesburg, as for Kandinsky in Uber das Geistige in derKunst, the painterly language was no longer generally accessible to the layman a fact quite evident, claimed Van Doesburg, from the rubbish passed off as criticism in the newspapers.

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During August 1916, the month following the publication of his book on De Winter, Van Doesburg continued to develop his ideas concerning the role of the critic: Criticism, which must be capable of making good the public's deficient understanding, stands on a level with, if not often much lower than, the public itself, and wallows hopelessly within the limitations of an old and worthless idea of art. In the meantime criticism attempts to make good its deficiency in artistic consciousness by appealing to the artists. What a parody! Was Criticism not intended to nurture the artist and to give the lead, rather than the other way around? In all honesty shouldn't the critics stop reviewing works which have an aesthetic value beyond their critical capabilities?3 This is why Van Doesburg took the task of the critic upon himself, and why in July he had been prepared to proceed with an analysis of the elements of the visual linguistics in terms of the characteristics of line and colour. In order to clarify his theory he returned to a much more generally accessible example: I have traced the element which I call the 'descending' (because of the cloudy colours and the direction of formal movement) into the past to see where I emerged and where this element (which at the same time is the only really inner element of De Winter's work) was available in history. I drew my parallels and emerged . . . in the grotesque imagery of mediaeval late Gothic, [p. 7] In order to underpin his own conception of late Gothic and De Winter, Van Doesburg referred to another critic - remarkably enough that critic was Ruskin. The history of art played an important role in Van Doesburg's art-critical stance. As early as 1915 in his lecture The Development of Modern Painting', later published in Three Lectures on the New Plastic Art, he divided the historical development of painting into three stages according to the three manners of expression in art. In the first phase the means of expression (colour and form) are directed towards a practical end, namely liturgical use; in the second, art has become more independent since the means of expression are used

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more as artistic elements for their own sake as opposed to being used for the purpose of narrative; finally, during the third period, art is totally emancipated from storytelling and the imitation of nature. The third great period of painting opens with Kandinsky's abstraction of art from nature, the disappearance of the object from painting, the pure painting, and the expression of our spiritual experiences by the composition of line and colour. In this way painting became what music has been for ages, the pure subjective organ of the human spirit. Formerly nature was a means of reveal Idea, and the natural image was the form of the Idea. With Kandinsky, Form and Idea flow together and we can go so far as to say that the Idea is the Form. 4 According to Van Doesburg, at that point it was possible for art to reach its ultimate goal. In opposition to Schopenhauer he considered that the transcendental Idea could be fully expressed by the work of art, provided that the form was completely separated from the 'material' (that is to say the individual circumstances), and then it would be possible that the 'universal concept' would be fully expressed in the work of art. For Schopenhauer the 'universal concept' could only be approached through philosophy; for Van Doesburg the new art as an abstract language was sufficient.5 In the third period of art identified by Van Doesburg, art would become an absolute art in which man could reach and understand absolute thought; formulated in terms of Spirit by Professor Bolland, quoting his master Hegel: 'the absolute is that in which the relative comes fully into itself. While Hegel also wrote that 'the beautiful sets itself apart as the sensible appearance of the Idea', both philosophers, as opposed to Van Doesburg, considered that beauty could never be perfected. Bolland again quoted Hegel saying 'that Idea in its essence is process, passage of time, history'.6 The history of this process of man's coming to awareness was for Hegel and Bolland the history of philosophy, while for Van Doesburg it was the history of art. All three saw rational process in, and an ultimate goal for, the workings of history. Such historicist argument would later lead Van Doesburg to the conclusion that the artists of De Stijl were the conscious instruments of an irresistible historical process of development. It has been protested that 'what is wrong is to impute the logic of the historians

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to the actors and perpetrators of the deeds' as far as history is concerned,7 but for Van Doesburg the history of art was itself intrinsically logical. For him the aim of the history of art was a developmental process towards abstraction as the revelation of Absolute Spirit. He considered himself to be simply a kind of midwife at the birth of the new style. These ideas were also to be found in section III of Van Doesburg's 'psychoanalytic study' of De Winter: The understanding is the flowering of the intuition, the form of the instincts: animals have evolved into reasonable creatures men. In art two large groups can be distinguished: intuitive artists and conscious artists. De Winter belongs to the first group. As long as a feeling or sensation is not mediated by the understanding which is the ordering and assimilating element, no pure work of art will be created. This constructive and consciously spiritualising factor, which is the prevalent factor in Cubism, is what is missing to such an extent in De Winter's work that I cannot say that I recognise an artistic principle of the first order. The more reasoned art becomes, the more human it is; the extent to which it remains instinctual, the more animal it is. De Winter's work does not have balanced reason, [p. 12] This theme was often reworked and extended in Van Doesburg's writings, for example in Classic - Baroque - Modem, written in 1918, and again in T h e Will to Style' in 1922 in which he stated that 'instead of the theory of rise, expansion, and decline [and to Van Doesburg a swing towards naturalism was a decline], I prefer the concept of a continuous evolution. This continuous evolution is one of the spirit in life and art, but in space and time it takes the form of rise, expansion and decline.'8 This conception of history is in agreement with Schopenhauer's idea of 'true history' that looks beyond the deceptive appearances of occurrence to reveal the repetition of a specific theme by mankind as a whole, just as an individual applies reason to discover a solution for a specific problem. The proper application of this 'true history' would extend man's 'narrow present of perception' to his much broader past experience and 'only in this way does he have a proper understanding of the present itself and can he also draw conclusions as to the future'. 9 This was precisely Van Doesburg's intention in his so often repeated summary of the history of art. For example in his Three Lectures on the New Plastic Art, on a thoroughly presented historical basis (The Development of Modern

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Painting'), he built a theoretical structure (The Aesthetic Principle of the New Plastic Art') in order to reveal The Style of the Future'. In brief, Van Doesburg's method as critic can be explained in the following way. In the first place, art which is not completely objectively produced is in the final analysis a reflection or image of the self or a kind of symptom of the spirit of the artist. That is why he included so much biographical detail in his study of De Winter. Secondly, art was understood by Van Doesburg as a language, a language fully capable of expressing abstract philosophical concepts, including the Universal. To 'read' works in this language is the task of the critic, but according to Van Doesburg it must be the professional artist as critic, not a layman or amateur. Thirdly, in order to support his 'reading' and to give evidence for his 'pronouncements' as an artist, he used an Hegelian analysis of the operation of the human spirit. For Van Doesburg that entailed the principle that 'the more reasoned art becomes, the more human it is, the extent to which it remains instinctual, the more animal it is'. Thus the reason or rather the 'pure reason' (which was also the title of Bolland's magnum opus) in art, or in other words abstraction, was for Van Doesburg the most perfect revelation of the human spirit. It was only possible for De Winter's work to be used by Van Doesburg as a very limited example of this kind of revelation. Most especially De Winter's work, which is completely intuitive, must also reach us through the channel of the intuition. The universal content of life, insofar as it is known by man or is possible to know, is expressed along three lines, or what can be understood as lines: a. the rising line, or ascending b. the descending line c. the horizontal line, without movement and floating In all works of art one of these lines is dominant as spiritual movement. A short time ago I observed a very clearly dominant 'rising line' in a superb painting by Piet Mondriaan. His last work convinced me that he is now about to exercise control over all directional movement. When it deals with universal values, the work of art is becoming impersonal and as such also becomes an illustration of the operation of the human spirit. In the above-mentioned work by Mondriaan the human spirit can also be seen to work in a variety of directions.10

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Not long after meeting De Winter in September 1915 Van Doesburg came into contact with Piet Mondriaan and was deeply impressed. On 7 February 1916, precisely one month after writing 'The Priest/Artist', Van Doesburg wrote to Antony Kok about a visit he had made to Laren: Yesterday we spent the whole day in Laren. It was very lively indeed! Mondriaan, Van Domselaar, Schoenmaekers, Alma and the ladies were all there. We had a lot to discuss. I had taken a couple of works by De Winter with me. The others thought it was quite good work but not very spiritual. They got the impression that the procedure was one of the transformation of nature, and Dr Schoenmaekers considered them to be mere illustrations of astral visions. In general I got the impression that Van Domselaar and Mondriaan are wholly dominated by Dr Schoenmaekers' ideas. Schoenmaekers has just published a book on Plastic Mathematics. The whole basis of his ideas is mathematical. He considers mathematics to be the only pure basis and the only pure measure for our emotions. Therefore in his estimation a work of art must always have a mathematical foundation. Mondriaan applies this by using the two purest forms for the expression of feeling, that is to say the horizontal and the vertical line.11 Van Doesburg clearly considered Mondriaan to be the champion of the new style, 'the style of the future', and he was proud to be able to inform Kok that the group in Laren knew of him 'through his articles in Eenheid and Avondpost. They set great store by the purity of my judgement, which is gratifying if you are under the impression that *no one takes notice of your writings. I don't think that they were able to see the full value of De Winter's work, but naturally that doesn't detract from its worth.' 12 By the time he wrote his 'psychoanalytic study' in July 1916, Van Doesburg had come to agree with the judgement of the Laren group. The motive for Van Doesburg's first correspondence with Mondriaan was the exhibition by Mondriaan, Leo Gestel, Jan Sluiters, Schelfhout and Le Fau£onnier in the Stedelijke Museum, Amsterdam. Van Doesburg wrote a review of the exhibition on 18 October 1915 and it appeared in Eenheid (no. 283) on 6 November under the title 'Art/Criticism'. He wrote of Mondriaan's work:

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The spiritual is of paramount importance in this work. The impression it makes is of Rest, the impassiveness of the soul. In its planned construction 'becoming' is more important than 'being'. That is a pure artistic element, because art is not 'being' but 'becoming'. This 'becoming' is presented in black and white and it bears something of the theory of Picasso and Uexkull. The former arrived at a meta-mathematical palette, reducing prismatic colouring to white, black, grey and sepia. My own experience from years of painstaking work, without having known the theories of Uexkull or Picasso, has led in the same direction to the discovery of the white-black-grey palette to stand for works of pure spiritual content. The aesthetic emotion I felt before painting number 116 was pure spirituality, almost religious . . . The other works by Mondriaan should be counted as colour architecture. Here too there is a development of one colour out of another, the mutual influence of colours. In some of the paintings the underlying motifs can stil be recognised . . . The World Spirit has manifested itself in the artists of Europe as a 'Gesamtgeist'. The T has become 'gesamt-ich'. From this review it is evident that Van Doesburg considered Mondriaan to be the most advanced of the exhibitors by far, not only in his formal painterly development but also in the theoretical principles underlying his work. In his art these two had been perfectly fused together, or as Bolland demanded, 'beauty must be unity of form and content'.13 Form and idea must become one and according to Van Doesburg, with Mondriaan as with Kandinsky, 'Form and Idea flow together and we can say that the Idea is the Form'. The title of Van Doesburg's review of the exhibition in the Stedelijk Museum significantly is not 'Art and Criticism' but 'Art/ Criticism'; art is now the bearer of its own critique and we need only learn how to read it. Van Doesburg placed his own work within the same movement. He had already begun work in this direction (for example an 'Abstract Composition', c. 1915),14 but it was not until 1916 that his abstractions from natural subjects were based on geometry. In 1917 he began literally to produce a 'coloured architecture' in collaboration with the architect J. J. P. Oud.

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The ideas treated in Van Doesburg's articles before 1916 were concerned primarily with painting, not surprisingly since he was a professional painter, but he by no means remained exclusively focused on painting. As he later wrote in 'From "Nature" to "Composition"': In architecture as in painting and sculpture, and also in music, literature and dance, there are certain common characteristics. We see that architecture is increasingly liberating itself from the arbitrary, capricious and disorderly encumberances of the picturesque, becoming more constructive and the result of logical necessity and mathematical order or monumentality. The same has been true of painting and sculpture for years. The result is that in the final analysis all the arts face one and the same problem, whether separately or together. This problem is the problem of balanced relationship, or creative harmony.15 Such ideas were already common in contemporary intellectual circles in the Netherlands. Bolland was in the forefront as professor of philosophy in Leiden. Hegelian structure and theosophical infill were hallmarks of his writing. His student Dr A. Pit summarized BoUand's wide-ranging studies in the area of aesthetics in his book Logic in the Development of the Plastic Arts, published in 1912. In his presentation of BoUand's position he described a cyclical history of art, and in the introduction he described works of art as symptoms of 'the age-old drama of realization and alienation'.16 For example, medieval art used natural symbols as images of divine intentions. For these people nature 'bears witness to God' (p. 15). Individual artists were dominated by the spirit of the age and participated in a collective struggle towards common aims: 'One can now speak of a collective consciousness', he wrote of the Renaissance (p. 57). In the chapter on 'Logic in the Development of Architecture', he described each style as a moment in the abstract architectural development of consciousness. The historian who is concerned with architecture and stays strictly within that category will notice that the emphasis of his story falls on those monuments which in the above-described sense develop ideas. Keeping in mind that the point is the negation of spatial thought, it can be unnoticed that here the line takes on the

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practical significance of strut, beam or rib, the plane is signified by the wall, ceiling or vaulting, and the geometrical solid by the architectural whole. . . . What I refer to as 'coming to consciousness' within the category of architecture . . . can be seen in space-determining thought, as just described. Each style represents a moment in this 'train of thought', and as in painting and sculpture each monument in architecture, insofar as it is the expression of logic, represents a relative liberation and a relative beauty which was enjoyed as such by its contemporaries, and by us must be encountered in all reason. There is no other explanation to be sought for the incessant changes in architectural style than the continual changes in thought itself. All attempts to explain modifications of the taste, or vision of architects by rational characteristics, religion, customs, etc. have eventually proved to be vain attempts, [pp. 67-71] As early as 1916 Oud was aware of the ideas of Van Doesburg, BoUand and the critic Just Havelaar, especially concerning the relationship between painting and architecture. In September 1916 Oud wrote an article about the meaning of modern painting for architecture. In that he used concepts, as he had understood them, from the philosophy of Bolland and the criticism of Van Doesburg, Erich Wichman, and Just Havelaar. Oud came to the conclusion that: . . . it appears that when painting had escaped the imitation of nature to achieve style, it entered a phase (hopefully it will be less reactionary in a later stage) which is of the utmost importance for architecture because modern painters and modern architects are striving towards one and the same goal, namely the rendering of aesthetic emotion in the purity of means without extraneous elements.17 A concise summary of Havelaar's ideas which were of most interest to Oud and Van Doesburg is to be found in his book of 1918, The Symbolism of Art: We have already remarked that symbolical art is architectonic art; the art where the idea of 'style' evolved into the conception of an anti-naturalistic 'stylisation' [in the sense of an anti-naturalistic

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expression of an 'inward idea', or Platonic form]. This is an art which emerges from a rhythmical expression. (All architecture is in this sense ornamental.) We have already seen, and will presently even more clearly see, that such an art only arises when the general level of cultural life has built up with sustained spiritual tension towards the exalted dream of one all-embracing concept of the world. The culmination of symbolical and stylised art is in architecture. No longer is architecture first and foremost the creation of the isolated individual; it is the creation of the whole of mankind at this particular stage in its development. Each monumental spiritual act is a collective spiritual act. Religion is not a particular part of belief, it is the belief of the community.18 In his article, following Van Doesburg's lead, Oud developed out of such ideas the principle of an architectonic art without any naturalistic subject and based on a pure visual structure. This went further than Havelaar, Pit or Bolland had gone, or indeed wished to go; they would deny the possibility of such an absolute art.19 In any case, the new direction taken by Van Doesburg and Oud is clear, and it was the intention that these theories would be put into practice in their collaborative work, especially in the summer retreat house, 'De Vonk'. Van Doesburg went further in his article 'Introducing two Architectural Fragments (the Hall of a Vacation House [De Vonk] in Noordwijkerhout)': With the acceptance of the notion that the Understanding expresses itself in Form and Form in the Means of art, monumental art underwent an important change. The illustrative and decorative character was rejected as being completely in contradiction with its essential nature which is to create within the constructive, closed plane by means of colour relationships and aesthetic space (extension). Architecture produces constructive and thus closed form. In that it is neutral as opposed to painting which produces open form through planar coloured images. . . . Architecture connects and binds, Painting loosens and separates. Precisely because they have essentially different functions to carry out, an harmonious union between the two is possible. Harmonious unity is created not by characteristic likeness, but precisely by characteristic opposition. In this opposed yet complementary relationship of architecture and

Theo van Doesburg: 'Art I Criticism'

271

painting, or plastic form and planar colour, is the foundation of pure monumental art. . . . The understanding expresses self in form and the form expresses itself in the material. By these means the observer is forced to see architecturally.20 Architecture and painting act critically upon one another producing a new 'pure monumental art' as the result of the constructive/destructive operation of both. This constructive/destructive principle can be seen more clearly in Van Doesburg's work with the young architect Cornells van Eesteren. In May 1924, after working together on a project for a hall for Amsterdam University and models for a Maison particuliere and a Maison d''artiste, Van Doesburg refined his theoretical position in an article on 'La Signification de la couleur en architecture': Alors la couleur ne sert pas seulement a l'orientation, c'est-a-dire pour rendre visible la distance, la position, la direction des volumes et des objets, mais surtout afin de satisfaire le desir de rendre visible les rapports mutuels entre les espaces et les objets, de direction a la position, de mesure a la direction, etc. C'est dans l'ordonnance de ces proportions que reside le role esthetique de l'architecture. Si alors on atteint a l'harmonie, on atteint egalement au style. II n'est pas necessair d'entrer dans d'autre demonstrations; un equilibre ne peut etre atteint que par un partage judicieux entre l'ingenieur, l'architecte et le peintre. Arrivee a ce stade, l'architecture aura depasse sa periode purement constructive, durant laquelle elle s'est epuree. Aussi elle ne se contente plus de montrer son anatomie, elle est de venue un corps indivisible et anime.21 Art/Criticism was an important part of the growth of artistic consciousness and at each stage he carefully analysed his own work. In May 1924 he wrote 'Architecture/Diagnosis (with reference to the Architectural Exhibition by the "De Stijl group" in the Galerie Rosenberg, Paris)'. In that he continued to speak of form in linguistic terms, and he referred to the Dadaists as an example with decisive consequences for his view of traditional form: The Dadaist is absolutely right when he contends that all our words have been worn out and have no more expressive power.

272

The Visual Arts

Our whole Euclidean image of the world in space and time has indeed become a parody, and because of the inadequacies of language, which can lead to the reasonable presentation of antithetical statements within an argument, we are forced to use outdated words for new conceptions. The same is true in architecture. 22 The meanings of words and traditional forms were for Van Doesburg completely useless and outdated, and a new elementary formal language had to be evolved. His colour compositions, particularly those for the Maison d'artiste, were experiments in a new 'manner of speaking', in, and about, the new coloured monumental architecture. The compositions are exercises in criticism as much as they are architecture, but such criticism is more useable in pratice than pure theoretical analysis: The architecture of our time (although in reality not yet fully realised) is one which, as opposed to all subjective styles of the past, is antipathetic to form, type, and (in short) to style in the traditional sense. Indeed, considering the new elementary architecture we would be better to talk of a non-style because this architecture has gone beyond style. That is its style. In this new idea of a non-style the opposite poles of formlessness and style are united. . . . In order both to emphasise these essential differences, which is not at all difficult for the new elementary thinking architect, and to have a control for one's own work, an enlightening formulation of the essential creative concepts is always fruitful. Theoretical analysis, however, will only produce one result if the reader at least has some creative imagination. What isn't just presupposition in science, how much is just imagined, in short how much is just not seen, before one accepts the usefulness of a learned hypothesis, and what is worse, before one even realises the consequences.23 The ultimate consequences for Van Doesburg's work are to be found in his projects of 1926-7. Again he carefully analysed his own development: Ich selbst habe wahrend meiner Zusammenarbeit mit dem Archi-

Theo van Doesburg: 'Art/Criticism'

273

tekten C. van Eesteren (1923) versucht, die Farbe als Verstarkungsmittel der architektonischen Raumgestaltung zu verwenden. . . . Seit beginn der Stijlbewegung haben wir diese Frage praktisch und theoretisch zu lossen versucht. . . . Es entstand eine Beziehung von Farbe zum Raum und von Farbe zum Menschen. Durch diese Beziehung vom 'Bewegenden Mensch' zum Raum ergab sich eine neue Empfindung in der Architektur: die Empfindung der Zeit namlich. . . . Konstruktion und Komposition, Raum und Statik und Dynamik in einem Griff gefasst. Die gestaltende Raum-Zeitmalerei des 20. Jahrhunderts ermoglicht dem Kiinstler, seinen grossen Traum zu Verwirklichen: Den Menschen statt vor - in die Malerei zu stellen.24 When this was written Van Doesburg had, in collaboration with Hans Arp and Sophie Taeuber-Arp, finished his transformation of the Aubette, an entertainment complex within a listed building by Blondel in the main square of Strasbourg. The two most important rooms in the complex were the Cine-dancing and the Petite Salle 'Dancing'. Both rooms were designed by Van Doesburg himself who covered the walls and ceilings with colour-compositions in low relief. The compositions in the two rooms were based on opposite principles. In the Cine-dancing the white bands of the composition were recessed into the wall, giving the impression that the coloured planes were floating in space, whereas in the Petite Salle 'Dancing* the planes were inset in the wall with the neutral lines of the composition used to bind the elements together within the visual structure. The colour ranges were the same in both rooms, but within each colour-scheme tensions were created by the use of two different tones of the same colour next to one another. The oppositions of colour, the particular use of relief, and most importantly the oppositions between the compositions in the Petite Salle and the counter-compositions in the Cine-dancing (the compositions had a balanced horizontal and vertical structure, while the counter-compositions employed a counter-structural, dynamic and active diagonal) were the basis of the new Elementarist architecture. These two rooms were a realization on a monumental scale of the two diagrams published in Tainting: from Composition to Counter-composition', an article written in 1926 as a continuation of his 1919 article 'From "Nature" to "Composition"'. In the intervening period Van Doesburg's ideas had evolved considerably. The main points of his 1926 article can be briefly summarized.

274

The Visual Arts

What is missing in 'natural' man is: opposition, contrast, resistance, struggle, or in a word - spirit. . . . My understanding of spirit is very different from our ancestors' understanding or the ideas of modern mediums, fortune tellers, and Theosophists. Because of old-fashioned associations, the word 'spirit' (in terms of its being the superior principle in man) has lost its meaning and therefore its expressiveness. That is why it is difficult to describe in words the spirit that can be immediately revealed in art.25 According to Van Doesburg the language of criticism was almost exhausted, although he continued to write criticism himself. On the other hand the revitalised architectural 'language' was directly accessible as Art/Criticism, that is to say as a revelation of the meaning of 'spirit': The above considerations, are intended to be no more than an approximate indication of that which is directly expressed by the diagonal in opposition to natural and architectural structure. The new painting can only have meaning as a spiritually expressive procedure, to the extent that it is in opposition to architectonic structure rather than in agreement with it. Such agreement is expressed by the exclusively H[orizontal] V[ertical] painting within the H.V. architectural construction. The former emphasises the latter. The extension of the coloured plane and line is in the same direction as the natural and bound architectural structure. (See Figures III and IV in which the hatched bands represent the natural or architectonic structure based on H.V., and the black lines represent the classical abstract painting.) In the 'contrast painting' or counter-composition the extension of coloured plane and line is in opposition to the natural and architectonic structure, that is to say in contrast with the latter. These two extremes offer a large number of intermediate possibilities. Creative intuition under the direction of intellectual insight, that is what is necessary for the new man. 26 Both methods, composition and counter-composition, offered a large number of possibilities, and both were followed to their logical conclusion in the Aubette. Van Doesburg began his architectural solution with functional considerations. Control of circulation and

Theo van Doesburg: 'Art I Criticism'

275

the layout of spaces and furniture was given the simplest and most direct solution possible. As in his earlier architectural projects, this method was based on a Rationalistic and Constructive understanding of architecture, but in the intervening period he had progressed far beyond those conceptions. In a series of articles about 'Stained Glass in the Old and the New Architecture' published in Het Bouwbedrijf, in a further series in Het Binnenhuis, and in 'Colour in Space and Time', Van Doesburg repeatedly emphasized that the perfect realization of a functional and constructive architecture would perhaps be sufficient for the material side of life, but: From a Rationalistic and purely functionalistic point of view no artistic form is defensible. I have often before had the opportunity to show one-sided materialistic thinkers that nothing is more useful or needed than 'useless' works of art, because through these man could evolve further.27 In the Aubette he intended to stimulate the intellectual and spiritual life: 'The design of the interior must be based on creative tension. On the one hand the interior which fulfils these demands must put us at our ease, on the other it must produce spiritual acuity in us.' 28 Van Doesburg wrote this in July 1930. From that time on his health rapidly deteriorated and he tried desperately to complete the Studio House in Meudon for his wife. Before it was finished Van Doesburg died of a heart attack in Davos, Switzerland, on 7 March 1931. He had continually experimented with the elements of pure form in painting and stained glass, and on those experiments he developed an elementary 'style of the future' for architecture. Right up until the end he continued to write criticism, but his real importance within the history of art is not just as an artist, or even as a theoretician, but as an introspective artist, that is, for his contribution to Art/Criticism, or perhaps more simply, a self-reflexive art and architecture.

Notes

PART I! LANGUAGE AND TRANSLATION Chapter 2: T. Hermans 1.

2.

3.

4. 5.

6.

T h e Epistle of John Trevisa . . . upon the Translation of the Polychronicon into our English Tongue' [1387] in A. W. Pollard (ed.), An English Garner. Fifteenth Century Prose and Verse (1903), pp. 209-10. 'Vertaling van de ene taal in de andere is dus bij eigennamen, in tegenstelling tot wat het geval is bij soortnamen, niet werkelijk mogelijk.' M. C. van den Toorn, 'Samenstellingen met Eigennamen in de Germaanse Talen, Speciaal in het Nederlands', Glot, 9 (1986), nos 1-2, 119. For our present purposes the category of proper names will be restricted to personal names. See Van den Toorn, 'Samenstellingen', pp. 118-19, and, in more detail, Rudolf Zimmer, 'Die Uebersetzung von Eigennamen' in his Probleme der Uebersetzung formbetonter Sprache. Ein Beitrag zur Uebersetzungskritik (Tubingen, 1981), pp. 58ff. Zimmer's essay also gives full bibliographical references concerning the translation of proper names. Otto Jespersen, as quoted in Zimmer, 'Die Uebersetzung', p. 59. ' . . . dat ook aan eigennamen slechts dan eene plaats mag worden verleend, wanneer zij tot de Nederlandsche taalkunde rechtstreeks in betrekking staan'. M. de Vries, Tnleiding', Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal. Eerste Deel (A-Ajuin) (Leiden, 1882), p. LIV. 'Wanneer een naam, in onveranderden vorm, het eigendom is van alle beschaafde talen; wanneer b.v. of een vreemde naam hier te lande zijne oorspronkelijke gedaante behoudt, of een inlandsche in den vreemde geene wijziging ondergaat, die meer betreft dan de uitspraak en de spelling: dan is er geene reden om dien eene plaats te verleenen in een Nederlandsch taalkundig woordenboek. Maar zoodra onze taal voor eenigen naam een eigenaardigen vorm vertoont, in tegenstelling van

278

7.

8.

9.

10. 11.

12.

13.

Notes to pp. 12-15 andere talen . . . dan staat zulk een naam tot de taal in nauwere betrekking, en heeft derhalve recht om vermeld te worden.' (Ibid.) T o t zooverre dan, maar ook niet verder, behoort aan eigennamen eene plaats te worden toegekend. Het is echter verkieselijk, hun die plaats niet in het lichaam zelf des werks, maar in een opzettelijk daartoe bestemd aanhangsel te verleenen. Hoe nauw toch de hier bedoelde namen tot onze Nederlandsche taal in betrekking staan, zij maken niet in den eigenlijken zin een bestanddeel der taal uit.' (Ibid.) 'Het gebeurt somtijds, dat eigennamen zich spreekwoordelijk in de taal hebben gedrongen, of tot bloote aanduidingen van zekere eigenschappen zijn afgedaald. Alsdan zijn zij ontwijfelbaar een stellig deel van den taalschat geworden, en moet hun eene plaats in het Woordenboek zelf, doch alleen voor zooverre, worden ingeruimd.' (Ibid. p. LV.) Jacques Derrida, 'Des tours de Babel' in J. F. Graham (ed.), Difference in Translation (1985), pp. 210, 215. Derrida makes roughly the same points in the 'Roundtable on Translation' in C. V. McDonald (ed.), The Ear of the Other. Otobiography, Transference, Translation (1985), pp. lOOff. See J. M. Lotman, Die Struktur literarischer Texte (Munich, 1972), pp. 24ff. Ernest Claes, De Witte (Amsterdam, s.d., 1st edn 1920). Ernest Claes, Flachskopf, trans. Peter Mertens (Wiesbaden, 1954). Ernest Claes, Whitey, trans. Charles Dowsett (London, 1970). See Multatuli, Volledige Werken, ed. G. Stuiveling (Amsterdam, 1950-), vol. 1. The translations referred to are as follows: Multatuli, Max Havelaar or the Coffee Auctions of the Dutch Trading Company, trans. A. Nahuys (Edinburgh, 1868). Multatuli, Max Havelaar oder die Hollander auf Java, trans. Th. Stromer (Berlin, 1875). Multatuli, Max Havelaar, trans. A. Nieuwenhuys and H. Crisafulli, (Rotterdam/Paris, 1976). Multatuli, Max Havelaar, trans. W. Spohr (Zurich, 1965, 1st edn 1900). Multatuli, Max Havelaar or the Coffee Sales of the Netherlands Trading Company, trans. W. Siebenhaar (London/New York, 1927). Multatuli, Max Havelaar or the Coffee Auctions of the Dutch Trading Company, trans. Roy Edwards (Leiden/London/New York, 1967). Multatuli, Max Havelaar, trans. Mme Roland Garros (Paris, 1968). Multatuli, Max Havelaar o las subastas de cafe de la Compania Comerrial Holandesa, trans. Francisco Carrasquer (Barcelona, 1975). An exact count is problematical because the status of some of the names (family name or nickname?) may be unclear. This is the case, e.g., with names like 'Rezien Boer', 'Fien Pandoer', 'Mie Boot', or 'Sus-Haas' (sic)

Notes to pp.

14.

15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

21. 22. 23.

24. 25. 26. 27.

15-21

279

as compared with 'Sooi Haas', and Tist Haas' elsewhere in the text. In the German and English translations, too, precise counts are difficult: 'Wannes Raps' appears in the German version both as 'Wannes Raps' and as 'Johannes Raps', and Tolleke Voets' is, in the English text, Tolleke Voet'. The question, incidentally, whether or not 'Mauriske van de statiechef should be regarded as a proper name may be left open. Local usage appears to treat it as one. The form stands halfway between appositions of the type 'Victalis, de stroper' or 'Tjeef, de hakkelaar' (rendered, interestingly, as 'Victalis the poacher' and Tjeef the Stutterer' in English) on the one hand, and, on the other, a name like 'Nand van de Weef', where 'Weef' could also be read as a dialect word for 'widow'. Dowsett, 'Translator's Postscript', Whitey, p. 166. Ibid. For the terms 'acceptability' and 'adequacy' see Gideon Toury, In Search of a Theory of Translation (Tel Aviv, 1980), pp. 29, 55. Dowsett, 'Translator's Postscript', Whitey, p. 166. Y. M. Lotman, Analysis of the Poetic Text (Ann Arbor, 1976), p. 133. The abbreviations are as follows (see also note 12, above): Dl and D2 for the German translations by Th. Stromer (1875) and Wilhelm Spohr (1900, reissue 1965); El, E2 and E3 for the successive English translations by Alphonse Nahuys (1868), W. Siebenhaar (1927) and Roy Edwards (1967); Fl and F2 for the French translations by A. J. Nieuwenhuys and Henri Crisafulli (1876) and by Mme Roland Garros (1968); S for the Spanish translation by Francisco Carrasquer (1975). On the German, English and French translations of Max Havelaar see, respectively: R. Vanrusselt, 'Multatuli in Duitsland', Ons Erfdeel, 27 (1984), 201-9; Ria Vanderauwera, 'Max Havelaar in English', Dutch Crossing, 12 (1980), 34-45; and S. Kolenberg, 'Multatuli en France (1860-1901)', Les hemes Romanes, 25 (1971), 16-49, 153-77, 270-309. Multatuli, Verzameld Werk, vol. 10, pp. 117-18. See Multatuli, Brieven, ed. M. Douwes Dekker-Hamminck Schepel, 2nd edn (Amsterdam, 1912), pp. 95-6. See the entry on 'Droogstoppel' in the Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal, vol. 3, part 2 ('C-EHEM'), ed. J. A. N. Knuttel (1916): 'iemand zonder eenig gevoel voor het ideale of ook voor de genoegens des levens. Het woord is ontleend aan den naam van een persoon uit MULTATULI's Max Havelaar.' Multatuli, Verzameld Werk, vol. 10, p. 117-18. See Kolenberg, 'Multatuli en France', p. 32. Multatuli, Verzameld Werk, vol. 1, p. 309. Multatuli, Max Havelaar, trans. R. Edwards, p. 328.

280 28. 29.

30.

Notes to pp.

21-9

Multatuli, Verzameld Werk, vol. 1, p. 383. 'Nachwort Willem Enzinck' in Multatuli, Max Havelaar, trans. W. Spohr (1965), pp. 512-13. The point was first made by R. P. Meijer, Max Havelaar 1860-1960 (Melbourne, s.a. [I960]). See P. K. King, Multatuli (New York, 1972), p. 50.

Chapter 3: P. Vincent 1. 2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

18.

19. 20.

Western Times, 26 November 1872. Letter to Willem de Clercq, 16 February 1824, Reveil-archief, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Amsterdam. See also Bowring's Autobiographical Reflections (1877), p. 91. Memorial Volume of Sacred Poetry (1873), p. xix. New Series, 15 (April 1821), 444. Letter from Bowring and Van Dyk to De Clercq, 15 April 1823, Reveil-archief. See A. Pierson (ed.), Willem de Clercq naar zijn dagboek (Haarlem, 1888), vol. 2, p. 67. 4 (April 1829), 36-78. 10 (January 1829), 36-51. Foreign Quarterly Review, 3 (January 1829), 602-30. Morning Herald, 26 October to 26 December. Some material also appeared in the English Chronicle and the Gleaner in the same period. G. F. Battle, T h e Political Career of Sir John Bowring (1792-1872) between 1820 and 1849', unpublished M.A. dissertation, London (1959), p. 443. Ibid. Letter to De Clercq, 30 June 1823, Reveil-archief. Reveil-archief, Verzameling De Clercq. Morning Herald, 30 October 1829. Letter to De Clercq, 7 September 1829. The review appeared in the Foreign Quarterly Review, 5 (November 1829), 222-31. Fifty-nine letters from Bowring to De Clercq are preserved in the Reveil-archief, Amsterdam, and three letters from De Clercq to Bowring in the Houghton Library, Harvard University. The essay was written in 1821 and subsequently published as Over den invloed der vreemde letterkunde op de Nederlandsche taal- en letterkunde (1824). Margaretha H. Schenkeveld, Willem de Clercq en de literatuur (Groningen, 1962), passim. 'Over godsdienstige & staatkundige onderwerpen wilde ik niet met hem strijden, op het veld der letterkunde hebben wij elkaar ontmoet. Het is inderdaad iemand van veel kunde & die zeer hartelijk was.' Letter of 20 October 1827, Reveil-archief.

Notes to pp. 29-34 21.

22. 23. 24.

25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.

32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39.

40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47.

281

' . . . zonder zich juist of misschien zelfs eenigszins met de daarin vervatte gevoelens te vereenigen, maar alleen door het talent, om zich geheel in de plaats van een ander te kunnen stellen.', Willem de Clercq naar zijn dagboek, vol. 2, p. 72. Letter of 16 December 1831, University of Kentucky. Letter from Van Hogendorp to Bowring, 12 November 1833, Houghton Library. Letter from Rochussen to Bowring, 29 May 1849; undated letter from Duymaer van Twist to Bowring (received 8 May 1854), University College, London, Ogden Ms. 62(l)a. Review of Batavian Anthology, LM (March 1824), pp. 300-4. Amsterdam, 1829. See T h e Magyars versus Dr Bowring', Freiser's Magazine (May 1830), 433-42. See letters to Brougham, 13 September, 28 September 1827, 1 January 1828, University College, London, Brougham Mss. Quoted in Battle, T h e Political Career of Sir John Bowring', p. 421. J. S. Neal, Wandering Recollections (1869), pp. 288-9. New edn, 1908, p. 374. See also W. I. Knapp, The Life, Writings and Correspondence of George Borrow (1899), passim. Borrow's translations were later published as Romantic Ballads (1826). Bartle, T h e Political Career of Sir John Bowring', pp. 423ff. Ibid., p. 443. Letter to De Clercq, 16 February 1824, Reveil-archief. See J. Bauer, The London Magazine 1820-29 (Copenhagen, 1953), p. 87. See J. W. and A. Tibbie, John Clare: His Life (1932), pp. 11 Iff. T h e Light Guitar', British Library, Add. Ms. 428728, fols. 258-61b. LM (July 1823), 45-6; LM (August 1823), 141-4; Batavian Anthology, pp. 197-9; 87-94. Letter of 16 February 1824. In her useful study Willem de Clercq en de literatuur, Professor Schenkeveld attributes the majority of the translations in the anthology to Van Dyk ('Van zijn hand waren de meeste vertalingen.', p. 139n), but produces no evidence to support the assertion. Letter of 4 October 1828, Houghton Library, quoted by permission of the Houghton Library. Autobiographical Reflections, p. 270. Letter to De Clercq, 7 September 1829, Reveil-archief. Undated jotting, Reveil-archief. Vaderlandsche Letteroefeningen, 1829, p. 449. Ibid., p. 399. Bowring's reply was translated into Dutch by De Clercq. See Anna E. C. Simoni, 'Lulofs to the Rescue: a Contribution to the History of Vondel Studies', Dutch Crossing, 8 (July 1979), 55-65. Bowring's comparison of Huygens and Voltaire (Batavian Anthology,

Notes to pp. 35-8

282

48. 49. 50.

51.

p. 155) can be traced back to a suggestion of Lulofs's in a letter of 21 April 1823 (Houghton Library). See Bowring's letters to De Clercq, passim. See P. K. King, 'De ontvangst van Multatuli in Engelse vertalingen', Juffrouw Ida, 31 (April 1987), no. 1, 19-23. See P. Vincent, 'Sir Edmund Gosse and Frederik van Eeden: Some Reflections on an Unpublished Correspondence', Modern Language Review, 66 (January 1971), no. 1, 125-38. B. W. Downs, 'Anglo-Dutch Literary Relations 1867-1900', Modern Language Review, 31 (1936), 289-346.

Chapter 4: J. Irons 1.

2. 3.

e.g. bloesem, schemering, bloed, sneeuw, avond, wolk, ziel, spiegel, aarde, geluk, bloed, dauw, hemel, lach, traan, blind, liefde, open, leven, dood, brand, nacht, dag, ster, schaduw. e.g. bloed, hart, schaduw, blind, open, schijn (excluding the meanings 'appearance', 'deception'), zalig, zuiver. In 'Perelaar': hemel/aarde, dag/nacht, bloed/dauw, wortlend/vrij, leven/dood; /bloesem/, /spiegel/, /schemering/, /ster/, /avond/. In Bezonnen Verzen: Doorbrekend Eden waar in bloei van rozen Al tijdlijk schoon tijloos verheerlijkt staat. ('Avondgloeden') In liefdes avondklaren Straalt heel de wereld tentoon: Een bloei, een openbaren, Een tuin van verheerlijkt schoon. ('Ziende trouw')

4.

Take, for example, the words heard at the border between desire and love in 'Droom' from the collection Carmina: Gezegend zij de ziel die sterk en schoon Breekt in eenzelfde levens kort getij Ten tweeden male in liefdes witten bloesem. Haar oogenglans kan liefdes waarheid zien En haar verduren en haar overleven . . .

Notes to pp. 38-55

283

For a more detailed discussion of these themes I would refer to my article in Dutch Crossing, 28 (April 1986), 22-37. 5. I would hasten to point out that these translations have come into being with more than a little help from colleagues and friends. Their constructive suggestions have been invaluable. 6. De Muze in het Kolenhok (Amsterdam, 1983), p. 59. 7. This link between dew and manna is made in Strofen uit de nalatenschap van Andries de Hoghe (1919), no. XVIII, Lines 3-6. I am indebted to Prof. dr. W. Blok for pointing this out to me and for his many astute suggestions for possible improvements to the German and English translations. 8. Dutch Crossing, 28 (April 1986), 35.

Chapter 5: J. Hulstijn and E. Marchena 1.

2.

3. 4. 5.

6. 7.

8. 9.

10.

Professor Peter King, in whose honour this essay has been written, is a perfect example of those rare L2 learners whose L2 production does not reflect LI interference. The first author of this essay is convinced that Peter King's Dutch exhibits no covert under- or over-representations of any kind. M. Dagut and B. Laufer, 'Avoidance of Phrasal Verbs - a Case for Contrastive Analysis', Studies in Second Language Research, vol. 7 (1985), no. 1, 73-9. Ibid., p. 79n. Ibid., p. 78. This study was designed and supervised by the first author, and carried out by the second within the framework of her Master's thesis in the English Department of Leiden University. Unfortunately, Professor Dagut no longer had the original test materials, and thus could not make them available to us. No information is given about the instructions and procedures used for the administration of the tests by multiple choice, translation, or memorization. Dagut and Laufer, 'Avoidance of Phrasal Verbs', pp. 77-8. Actually our tests contained twenty-one sentences with which we aimed to measure phrasal-verb preferences. However, for various reasons, six sentences had to be omitted from the analyses, one because only a minority of the native speakers preferred the phrasal verb, and five others because after a thorough scrutiny they turned out not to contain true examples of phrasal verbs. E. Kellerman, Towards a Characterization of the Strategy of Transfer in Second Language Learning', Interlanguage Studies Bulletin, 2 (1977), 58-145.

284

Notes to pp. 60-75 Chapter 6: R. Vismans

1.

2.

3.

4. 5.

6.

Thanks to Graham Rhind for valuable statistical help, to Dr Gertrud Buscher for sound advice and to Peter King for invaluable inspiration. Any errors remain, of course, my own responsibility. First in a seminar in the Language Teaching Centre, University of Hull, during the Spring Term 1984, and subsequently during the IEC/CILT CALL workshop in September 1984. The report was published in the workshop's proceedings as: Roel Vismans, 'Validating and evaluating CALL on basis of the Hull program', Report of the IEC/CILT computerassisted language learning workshop 'Learner/machine interaction in computerassisted language learning', held at St Martin's College Lancaster on 18th and 19th September 1984 (1985). J. L. M. Trim, et aL, Levend Nederlands. Ben Audiovisuele Cursus Nederlands voor Buitenlanders (1975). Levend Nederlands is a widely used audio-visual Dutch language course. This was true at the time. Nowadays drills sessions are supervised. Levend Nederlands actually consists of 24 lessons, but Lesson 1 deals exclusively with pronunciation and spelling and is therefore irrelevant as far as this study is concerned. All statistical calculations in this study have been carried out according to the Mann-Whitney Latest, as defined in Christopher Butler, Statistics in Linguistics (1985). This test is particularly useful for small samples, as in this study. Statistical tests of significance, such as the Mann-Whitney Latest, are used to determine whether differences between data are incidental or central to the hypothesis being tested. The significance level is expressed by p (the probability level at which an observed difference is deemed to be significant), which for each statistical test is coupled with a critical value. If the outcome of the test (js in Table 6.3 and U in Tables 6.4-6.6) lies below this critical value, the difference between the two sets of data is not significant. This is the case in all the tests carried out in this study.

PART II: LITERATURE

Chapter 7: A. M. J. van Buuren 1. 2.

I wish to express my gratitude to my colleague and friend Mrs Orlanda Lie for her translation of the text. H. Joldersma, ' "Het Antwerps Liedboek": a Critical Edition', unpublished PhD thesis, Princeton University, 2 vols, 1982; see vol. 1, no. LXXIII, pp. 84-5, and vol. 2, pp. 138-40 (with bibliog.). With regard

Notes to pp. 75-8

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

285

to the interpretation of the text, see also K. Vellekoop, H. WagenaarNolthenius, et al. (eds), Het Antwerps Liedboek: 87 Melodieen op Teksten uit 'Een Schoon Liedekens-Boeck' van 1544, 2 vols, 2nd edn (Amsterdam, 1975); see vol. 1, pp. 76-7, and vol. 2, pp. 179-83. More recently, see also T. Duinhoven, 'Het Daghet inden Oosten' in C. Hamans, J. Luif, and I. Schermer (eds), In Dienst van de Tekst: 17 Interpretaties van Poezie (Amsterdam, 1987), pp. 14-22. Duinhoven does not mention Joldersma's work. loannes BoUandus (ed.), Acta Sanctorum quotquot Orbe coluntur, vel a Caiholicis Scriptoribus celebrantur (Antwerp, 1643), vol. 1, Ianuarius, pp. 349-53. Cf. M. Carasso-Kok, Repertorium van Verhalende Historische Bronnen uit de Middeleeuwen (The Hague, 1981), pp. 35-6 (with bibliog.). Cf. Joldersma, '"Het Antwerps Liedboek"', p. 138, sub. A; and Vellekoop et al., Het Antwerps Liedboek, vol. 2, pp. 179-80; John Meier (ed.), Deutsche Volkslieder mit ihre Melodien: Balladen (Berlin, 1954), pp. 154-65. Up to 1943 the most important publications were the following: J. F. Willems, Oude Vlaemsche Liederen (Ghent, 1848), p. 113; W. Moll, Johannes Brugman en het Godsdienstig Leven onzer Vaderen in de Vijftiende Eeuw, 2 vols (Amsterdam, 1854), vol. 2, pp. 103-4; P. F. X. de Ram, Hagiographie nationale (Louvain, 1864), vol. 1, pp. 66-7; G. Kalff, Het Lied in de Middeleeuwen (Leiden, 1883), pp. 154-5 and 628-31; J. te Winkel, 'Het Middeleeuwsch Lierdicht', De Tijdspiegel, 3(1884), 194211 and 286-310, esp. 294-5; J. te Winkel, De Ontwikkelingsgang der Nederlandsche Letterkunde, 2nd edn (Haarlem, 1922), vol. 2, p. 79; J. G. R. Acquoy, 'Het Geestelijk Lied in de Nederlanden voor de Hervorming', Archief voor Nederlandsche Kerkgeschiedenis, 2(1886), 1112, esp. 32 and 42-3; J. ten Brink, Gerbrand Adriaensz. Bredero. Historisch-aesthetische Studie van het Hollandsche Blijspel der 17de Eeuw, 2nd edn, 2 vols (Leiden, 1888), vol. 2, pp. 118-20; J. ten Brink. Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Letterkunde (Amsterdam, 1897), pp. 214 and 246; D. F. Scheurleer (ed.), Een Deuoot ende Profitelyck Boecxken (The Hague, 1889); J. A. N. Knuttel, Het Geestelijk Lied in de Nederlanden voor de Kerkhervorming (Rotterdam, 1906), pp. 43-4. Mathias Goossens, 'Enige Bemerkingen betreffende Geertruid van Oosten', Studia Catholica, 29 (1954), 207-16. The book is now in the University Library of Utrecht: Collectie Thomaasse, rariora, kast 2, no. 83. Rena Pennink, 'Een Liedje van Pseudo (?) Geertniide van Oosten', in Prosper Verheyden gehuldigd ter Gelegenheid van zijn Zeventigste Verjaardag 23 October 1943 (Antwerp, 1943), pp. 245-54. See note 6.

286 9. 10. 11.

12. 13.

14.

15.

16. 17.

18.

19.

Notes to pp. 78-82 A. J. M. van Seggelen, Het Liedboek van Liisbet Ghoeyuaers (Zwolle, 1966). The characteristics mentioned by Goossens are very impersonal. See D. P. Oosterbaan, Delftsche Courant, 4, 11, 18, and 25 January 1958, reprinted in: Delft 1962. Verslag van de gemeente Delft over hetjaar 1962, pp. 73-87. See also D. P. Oosterbaan (ed.), 'Kroniek van de Nieuwe Kerk te Delft', Haarlemse Bijdragen, 65 (1958), 3-304, esp. 76-8; and idem, De Oude Kerk te Delft gedurende de Middeleeuwen (The Hague, 1973), pp. 120-22 and p. 189 (notes 43-54). Michiel Vosmeer's letter is in the archives of the Oud-Bisschoppelijke Clerezie at Utrecht. See Delftsche Courant, 25 January 1958, and Oosterbaan, 'Kroniek van de Nieuwe Kerk te Delft', p. 76, note 9. J. te Winkel, 'Het Middeleeuwsch Lierdicht', pp. 294-5. Since Oosterbaan's research no new data have been published. The authors mentioned in note 2 pay no attention to the problem of Geertruyd van Oosten. The article by G. de Moor in Delftse Vrouwen van Vroeger door Delftse Vrouwen van nu (Delft, 1975), pp. 17-32 ('Geertruid van Oosten (± 1320-1358)') is based on the literature mentioned by her on pp. 216-17 and, for some data, on my 'doctoraalscriptie' (MA thesis) written in 1959, a copy of which is in the municipal archives in Delft. Carasso-Kok, Repertorium, pp. 326-8 (Joannes a Leydis) and pp. 35-6 (Johannes Gielemans); J. Romein, Geschiedenis van de Noord-Nederlandsche Geschiedschrijving in de Middeleeuwen. Bijdrage tot de Beschavingsgeschiedenis (Haarlem, 1932), pp. 208-11 (Divisiekroniek). Lavrentivs Svrivs, De Probatis Sanctorum Historiis, Tomus VII. '. . . Nunc primum opera atque studio F. Iacobi Mosandri Carthvsiani collectae & in lucem editae . . .' (Coloniae Agrippinae, 1581). See J. vanden Gheyn, Catalogue des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique, vol. 5: Histoire - Hagiographie (Brussels, 1905), sub. 3446. Heribertus is Heribertus Rosweydus, a confrere of Bollandus. He is the editor of Het Leven der HH. Maeghden (Antwerp, 1626), and (in collaboration with Petrus Ribadineira) of Generale Legende der Heylighen (Antwerp, 1629). In the Acta Sanctorum one reads on p. 349 'Rex caelestis', while Surius has (p. 14): 'Rex caelestis & immortalis'. On p. 350 the Acta has 'meditans in vita Iesu & eius passione' and Surius (p. 15): 'in vita & passione Christi meditanda & commemoranda'. On p. 350 in the Acta Sanctorum: 'mirabatur . . . quod nihilominus adhuc ad nos dignatur venire' and in Surius (p. 15): 'mirabaturque . . . immo etiam quotidie venire in animas nostras'. Paul Holt, 'Laurentius Surius und die kirchliche Erneuerung im 16. Jahrhundert', Jahrbuch des Kolnischen Geschichtsvereins, 6/7 (1925), 52-84; B. A. Vermaseren, De Katholieke Nederlandsche Geschiedschrijv-

Notes to pp. 83-7

20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

25. 26. 27. 28.

29.

30. 31.

32. 33.

34.

35.

36.

287

ing in de XVIe en XVHe Eeuw over den Opstand (Maastricht, 1941), pp. 16-17. See above. See above. See the publications of Rena Pennink and of Mathias Goossens (notes 6 and 7). See notes 6 and 7 above. J. J. Bniggeman, Inventaris van de Archieven bij het Metropolitaan Kapittel van Utrecht van de Roomsch Katholieke Kerk der Oudbisschoppelijke Clerezie (The Hague, 1928), p. 110. For the Diarium, see J. Bniggeman, Diarium Litterarum O. B. C. Inleiding. (1473) 15801621 (Utrecht, Rijksarchief, 1982). Bniggeman, Inventaris, p. 110. Ibid., p. 110. Ibid., p. 110. P. Gerlach, 'De Studietijd van Sasbout Vosmeer te Leuven 1563-1579', Archief voor de Geschiedenis van het Aartsbisdom Utrecht, 72 (1953), 152-71, esp. p. 169. W. L. S. Knuif and R. G. R. Smeets, 'Sasbout Vosmeer', Archiefvoor de Geschiedenis van het Aartsbisdom Utrecht, 41 (1915), 321-407 (esp. p. 328), and 43 (1917), 135-92. See Bruggeman, Inventaris, p. 102, sub. no. 45. Anne Rouzet, Dictionnaire des Imprimeurs, Libraires et Editeurs des XVe et XVIe Siecles dans les Limites Geographiques de la Belgique Actuelle, Collection du Centre National de l'Archeologie et de l'Histoire du Livre, no. 3 (Nieuwkoop, 1975), p. 62. Rouzet, Dictionnaire, p. 63. P. Gerlach, Tilman Vosmeer (1556-1634)' in Miscellanea Historica in Honorem Alberti de Meyer Vniversitatis Catholicae in Oppido Lovaniensi iam Annos XXV Professoris (Leuven, 1946), pp. 993-1009. P. Gerlach, 'Autobiografische Aantekeningen van Sasbout Vosmeer', Archief voor de Geschiedenis van het Aartsbisdom Utrecht, 72 (1953), 125-51. P. Gerlach, 'Autobiografische aantekeningen'; P. Gerlach, 'Familie en Jeugdjaren van Sasbout Vosmeer 1548-1563', Archief voor de Geschiedenis van het Aartsbisdom Utrecht, 72 (1953), 1-52; P. Gerlach, 'De Studietijd' (see note 28); P. Gerlach, 'Tilman Vosmeer'; Knuif and Smeets, 'Sasbout Vosmeer'; Vermaseren, De Katholieke Nederlandsche Geschiedschrijving, p. 50; B. A. Vermaseren, 'Sasbout Vosmeer en het Voormalig Kapittel van Sion in 1592. Delft als Bisschopszetel?', Archief voor de Geschiedenis van de Katholieke Kerk in Nederland, 23 (1981), 189-219. See e.g. A. Bach, Deutsche Namenkunde, 5 vols (Heidelberg, 1952-6),

288

37. 38. 39.

Notes to pp.

87-90

§235; and P. J. Meertens, De Betekenis van de Nederlandse Familienamen (Naarden, 1941), p. 30. Van Oordt, 'Van Oosten', De Navorscher, 74 (1925), 75. See also p. 191. Letter from Mr A. van Oosten dated 19 April 1958. Letter from Mr S. W. A. van Oosten dated 30 June 1958.

Chapter 8: W. M. H. Hummelen 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6. 7.

8. 9.

L. van Puyvelde, 'Het ontstaan van het modern tooneel in de oude Nederlanden', Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Vlaamsche Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde (1922), 950-1, mentions a play about the Prodigal Son at Dendermonde (1421), about Susanna at Tielt (1427), and about the XII Gheslachte van Israel (the twelve tribes of Israel) at Damme (1432). To this may be added a play about Abraham at Beek (province of Limburg) (1466), and a play about King Aszwerus at Deventer (1476), from the last four decades of the fifteenth century, not dealt with by Van Puyvelde. Cf. J. A. Worp, Geschiedenis van het Drama en van het Tooneel in Nederland (Groningen, 1904-8), vol. 2, p. 20. Cf. W. M. H. Hummelen, Repertorium van het Rederijkersdrama 1500ca. 1620 (Assen, 1968); H. van Dijk, W. M. H. Hummelen, W. Hiisken and E. Strietman, 'A Survey of Dutch Drama before the Renaissance', Dutch Crossing, 22 (April 1984), 97-131. K. Langvik Johannessen, Zwischen Himmel und Erde. Eine Studie iiber Joost van den Vondels biblische Tragodie in gattungsgeschichtlicher Perspektive (Oslo, 1963), pp. 38ff. W. M. H. Hummelen and C. Schmidt, Naaman Prinche van Sijrien. Een Rederijkersspel uit de Zestiende Eeuw. Uitgegeven naar een Handschrift van 1553 met een Inleiding en Aantekeningen (Zutphen, 1975), pp. 31-2. Naaman (before 1553); Vanden wijngaert ende tsteenen van Naboth den ysraeliet (Oudenaarde, 1554); De vernieling van Sanherib (Haarlem, 1541); Koning Josaphat (Haarlem, 1544); Ammon en Thamar (Lier, 1557); Job (Lier, 1559); Van coninck Acab ende den profete Elias en Van Horam, coninck van Israel, ende de vertroostinghe vanden coninck van Samarien, deur den prophete Eliseus (Oudenaarde, 1557). Worp, Geschiedenis, vol. 1, p. 40. He regarded the large cyclical mystery plays as compilations of independent smaller plays, thus placing the question of the origin of those smaller plays further back in time. F. de Potter, Schets eener Geschiedenis der Gemeentefeesten in Vlaanderen (Ghent, 1870), p. 32, nl. D . J . van der Meersch, 'Kronyk der Rederykkamers van Audenaerde', Belgisch Museum, 6 (1842), 383.

Notes to pp. 10.

11.

12. 13. 14. 15.

16. 17.

18. 19.

20. 21.

22. 23.

91-4

289

Cf. the invitation to the competition at Hulst (1483) and that for the Haagspel at Antwerp (1561). The fact that, contrary to the situation at Lille, the specifications for serious drama are more stringent than those to be met by low comedy is possibly due to the inter-urban character of these contests. For this is not a compilation of dramatized Bible stories, but of dramatized Bible sections: the five books of Moses, Judges 13-16, 1 Samuel 1-7, 1 Samuel 16, 1 Kings 3 (& 10), and the books of Job, Tobias, Daniel, Judith and Esther. For a survey see E. de Bock, Opstellen over Colijn van Rijssele en Andere Rederijkers (Antwerp, 1958), pp. 5-8. For all these corrections compare the numbering in Appendix 8B. J. H. Gallee, Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis der Dramatische Vertooningen in de Nederlanden gedurende de Middeleeuwen (Haarlem, 1873), p. 115. A. W. Wybrands, 'Opmerkingen over het Geestelijk Drama hier te Lande in de Middeleeuwen', Studien en Bijdragen op het Gebied der Historische Theologie, 3 (1876), 288-9. Van Puyvelde, 'Het ontstaan van het modern tooneel', p. 935. S. A. P. J. H. Iansen, 'Speurtocht naar het Leven van Matthijs Castelein, Archivalia en Onzekerheden', Verslagen en Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde (1970), 392. Van Puyvelde, 'Het ontstaan van het modern tooneeP, pp. 942-4. The latter relation to a pageant, which is in fact a double relation, was not unknown as such; see E. van Autenboer, Volksfeesten en Rederijkers te Mechelen (1400-1600) (Ghent, 1962), pp. 36ff for Mechelen; and Worp, Geschiedenis, vol. 1, p. 50 for Lier. Hummelen, Repertorium van het Rederijkersdrama, 2:08, 2:14, 2:16, 2:17, 3F 1-6. According to Iansen, 'Speurtocht naar het Leven van Matthijs Castelein,, pp. 391-2, Pax Vobis took over the four wagons of the Minorites in 1504. These were St Quirijn int harnasch, Gideon int harnasch, Moyses doorne and the Presentacie Marie and according to D. J. van der Meersch, 'Kronyk der Rederykkamer van Audenaerde', Belgisch Museum, 7 (1843), 64, this chamber showed these three subjects in 1565 too (see Appendix 8B, nos. 48, 49 and 51). As Iansen informs us, in 1532 St Agneete was (incidentally?) added to these and in 1543 they were (also incidentally?) replaced by dbreken vander helle and the Victori Christi. The other chamber, De Kersouwe, showed by tradition David ende Abigail and Coninck Kaerle; from 1529 onwards also scrijven ende fariseen te peerde (see Appendix 8B, between nos. 32 and 33). See the fifty examples given by Worp, Geschiedenis, vol. 1. J. Britte-Ashford, Le Theatre Populaire en Bourgogne au Quinzieme Steele (1972), p. 18, mentions a contest with the question Pour quoy pais ne venoit en France?, which was held at Arras as early as 1431.

290 24.

25.

26.

Notes to pp. 95-108 J. F. Willems, 'Oorkonden van Rederijkkamers. I. Pryskaerte van de Rederykkamer der Stad Hulst: De Transfiguratie. 7 September 1483% Belgisch Museum, 4 (1840), 413. I have counted a total of more than sixty for the fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century there were three times as many. Almost two thirds of these were to be found in what is now Belgium. Many (approximately sixty) chambers are first mentioned in the second quarter of the sixteenth century, but are presumably slightly older. A research project is at present being set up at the University of Nijmegen, which will centre on this problem and study the Dutch plays in comparison with those of Lille.

Chapter 9: L. Forster 1.

2.

3.

For Calvete see Joan Puig i Pujol, El catala Joan Cristdfol Calvet d'Estrella (Barcelona, 1969); S. A. Vosters, 'De Bekendheid met de Nederlandse Letterkunde in het Spanje van de Gouden Eeuw', Verslagen en Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks (1986), no. 1. On the entry see John Landwehr, Splendid Ceremonies: State Entries and Royal Funerals in the Low Countries 1515-1791, a Bibliography (Nieuwkoop and Leiden, 1971), especially pp. 72ff., and works cited in note 11 below. Contrary to expectation Irmengard von Roeder-Baumbach, Versieringen bij Blijde Inkomsten gebruikt in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden gedurende de 16e en 17e Eeuw (Antwerp, 1943) has little that is relevant. Calvete, ed. Artigas 1, p. 294. The text has been checked against the original 1552 Antwerp print, fol. 105v, thereby revealing one misreading by Artigas (who in line 4 has selpfo, misled by the long V of the original) and one misapprehension by Calvete (who in line 6 reads tegan, though the woodcut of the arch by Joan Liefrinck clearly reads thegan). See also note 21 below. The disposition of the texts on the arch was no concern of Calvete's; it can be seen in Liefrinck's woodcut (see below, note 11) reproduced here as Fig. 9.1. Paul Piper, Otfrids Evangelienbuch (Freiburg, 1882-7); the passages read in his text (following a different manuscript): 1.1.58 'Sie sint so sama chuani selb so thie romani', and 1.1.64 'zi uuafane snelle so sint thie tjiegana alle', and in Rhenanus's text (Rer. Germ., p. 106), as he claims 'nulla litera mutata': Sie sint so sama kuani Selpso thie Romani . . . Zi uuafani snelli So sint thie thegan alle.

Notes to pp. 108-11

4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

9. 10.

11.

12. 13.

291

See also H. Butzmann, 'Otfrid von Weissenburg im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert', in Festschrift fur Hermann Heimpel, vol. 1, (Gottingen 1971). Rhenanus, Rer. Germ. p. 106. Piper, Otfrids Evangelienbuch, vol. 1., pp. 204f, 44f. Eduard Sievers, Tatian lateinisch und altdeutsch, mit ausfUhrlichem Glossar (Paderborn, 1892), p. 46. Ibid., pp. xi-xviii. On all these see R. G. van de Velde, De Studie van het Gotisch in de Nederlanden, Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde, Vie reeks, no. 97 (Ghent, 1966). On Cassander see also L. van den Branden, Het Streven naar Verheerlijking, Zuivering en Opbouw van het Nederlands in de 16e eeuw, Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde, Vie reeks, no. 77 (Ghent, 1956), p. 39, with good bibliography; J. W. Schulte, 'Gothica minora', Zeitschrift fur deutsches Alteram, 23 (1879), pp. 51ff and 318ff.; J. H. Hessels, Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum (Cambridge, 1889), vol. 2, pp. 11, 53, 56. Van de Velde, De Studie van het Gotisch in de Nederlanden, pp. 18ff. 'Celebris etiam fuit ante annos XL ob insignem qua praeditus erat omnis antiquitatis historiarum linguarumque cognitionem Antonius Schoonhovius, qui nobis Eutropium castigauit, aliaque reliquit praeclarae eruditionis monimenta; latitantia tamen pleraque apud amicos, neque adhuc in vulgus emissa; e quibus etiam apud me exstat doctissima De origine Francorum dissertatio, quam quidem Antonium Schoonhovium nescio an huius Commentarioli de lingua Getica authorem faciam.' (Vulcanius, De Litteris et Lingua Getarum, pp. *4v-5r. This passage shows how well aware Vulcanius was of the pioneer work done by his predecessors forty years before, many of whom he had known personally: 'Viri doctf etc., op. cit., p. *6r. On Johannes Otho see Biographie Nationale de Belgique, vol. 16, s.v. Jean Otho; Hessels, Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. 2, pp. 58 and 80; H. de Vries de Heekelingen, Correspondance de Bonaventura Vulcanius 1573-77 (The Hague, 1923), pp. 5 and 61; Marcel Lageirse, 'La Joyeuse Entree de Prince Philippe a Gand en 1549' in Jean Jacquot, Les Fetes de la Renaissance II: Fetes et Ceremonies au Temps de Charles V (Paris, 1960), p. 300; more fully in Marcel Lageirse, 'La Joyeuse Entree du Prince Heritier Philippe a Gand en 1549' in Anciens Pays et Assemblies d'Etats - Standen en Landen, 18 (Louvain/Paris, 1959), pp. 33ff., with plates of the four triumphal arches. Lageirse, 'La Joyeuse Entree', pp. 45ff. Elisabeth Karg-Gasterstadt and Theodor Frings, et al. (eds), Althochdeutsches Worterbuch (Berlin, 1968): 'bilidi' vol. 1, A-B, col. 1034,

292

Notes to pp.

112-17

'furisto' vol. 3, E - F , col. 1400. The form thie for the nominative singular masculine of the relative pronoun is quite well attested in the manuscripts, where it is often emended to ther, so it is conceivable that in the manuscript which the author of the inscriptions used it may have stood for the definite article too. See Sievers, Tatian, p. 455. 14. See note 11. 15. T h e medieval world was not a congenial soil for any Roi SoleiF, Fritz Kern, Kingship and Law in the Middle Ages (1948), p. 68. See also the classic investigation by J. Neville Figgis, The Theory of the Divine Right of Kings (1896). 16. This is the sense in which Calvete understood it; he translated it 'El principe que es imagen de Dios\ 17. Joseph Seemiiller, Die Handschriften und Drucke von Willirams deutscher Paraphrase des Hohen Liedes, Quellen und Forschungen, no. 24 (Strasbourg, 1877), p. 9. 18. Schulte, 'Gothica minora', p. 63. 19. Seemiiller, Die Handschriften und Drucke von Williram, p. 70. 20. Schulte, 'Gothica minora', p. 63. 21. I am grateful to Helen F. Grant for the rendering of Calvete's translation. His reading tegan for thegan (see note 2) and his translation 'contra todos', despite Beatus Rhenanus's clear pointer ('Item alio loco praedicantur ad arma prompti & uiri fortes omnes. Nam hoc significat thegan Francis, unde Deganberti siue Dagoberti nomen et Degenhardi', Rer. Germ., p. 107), shows that the word was associated with Dutch tegen by his informant. If his informant was Otho, then this suggests that it was not Otho who drafted the text of the inscription.but Cassander, and that Otho did not fully understand the wording. There are other misunderstandings too; Calvete says that the inscription 'compara los franceses en el animo y esfuergo a los romanos' and even in his translations of the Latin inscriptions he understands 'French' where it is clear that the Franks are intended. This can hardly be Otho's fault. 22. Hessels, Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. 2, p. 58.

Chapter 10: H. van Gorp 1.

2.

In the following discussion I have made use of the unpublished 'licentiaat' dissertations of two of my students, F. van Moortel, 'R. Head: Den Engelschen Schelm (1679)', Leuven, 1986; and C. Simoens, 'Vergelijkende vertaalstudie van Moll Flanders (1722) en Vlaamsche Mie (1752)', Leuven, 1987. Claudio Guillen, The Anatomies of Roguery (1953), p. 220.

Notes to pp. 3. 4.

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

117-26

293

J. J. Richetti, Popular Fiction before Richardson. Narrative Patterns 1700-1739 (1969), p. 35. R. Head, The English Rogue, Described in the Life of Meriton Latroon, A Witty Extravagant (1665, reprinted 1928); Den Engelschen Schelm: afgebootst in 't Leven van Meriton Latroon, Een doorslepen Guit (1679); D. Defoe, The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Famous Moll Flanders (1721; reprinted 1971); Levensgevallen en Bedryven van Vlaamsche Mie (Amsterdam, 1752). P. J. Buijnsters, Levens van Beruchte Personen. Over de Criminele Biografie in Nederland gedurende de 18e Eeuw (Utrecht, 1980). See H. Pleij (ed.), Van Schelmen en Schavuiten. Laatmiddeleeuwse Vagebondteksten (Amsterdam, 1985). Cf. Chandler, The Literature of Roguery, and F. Monteser, The Picaresque Element in Western Literature (1975). 'Preface to the fourth part' (1671), in Head, The English Rogue, 1928 edn. Head, Den Engelschen Schelm, preface. Ibid. Buijnsters, Levens van Beruchte Personen, pp. 9-10. Head, Den Engelschen Schelm, preface. Ibid. Ibid. Richetti, Popular Fiction before Richardson, pp. 30-1. Ibid., p. 54. Buijnsters, Levens van Beruchte Personen, p. 10. Richetti, Popular Fiction before Richardson, p. 45. Levensgevallen . . . Vlaamsche Mie, see note 4. See G. Howson, 'Who was Moll Flanders?', Times Literary Supplement (18 January 1968). Levensgevallen . . . Vlaamsche Mie. Howson, 'Who was Moll Flanders?' G. A. Starr (ed.), Moll Flanders (1971), introduction. Levensgevallen . . . Vlaamsche Mie, p. 209.

Chapter 11: A. L. Sotemann 1. J. C. Bloem, Verzamelde Beschouwingen (The Hague, 1950), pp. 48-9. 2. 'Wat is de grootste litteraire zegen? / Om in De Beweging mee te bewegen / En leggen elk versch poetisch ei / In 't roode nestje van Verwey.' In A. L. Sotemann and H. T. M. van Vliet (eds), J. C. Bloem: Gedichten, Historisch-kritische uitgave (Amsterdam/Oxford/New York, 1979), vol. 2, p. 15. (Verwey's review had a red cover.) 3. H. A. Wage, Dagend Dichterschap; Een Onderzoek naar de Ontwikkeling

294

4. 5. 6.

7.

8. 9. 10.

11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

Notes to pp.

126-9

van de Dichter P. N. van Eyck tot en met de Italiaanse Periode (Leiden, 1967), vol. 1, p. 107. De Beweging, 7 (1911), part 3, 215-22. Tweemaandelijksch Tijdschrift, 7 (1901), 286-314. Reprinted as 'Dichters in Europa', in Proza, vol. 7 (1921-3), pp. 74-108. Tweemaandelijksch Tijdschrift, 5 (1899), no. 1, 383-6 ('De Vaas') and 209-37 ('De Man en de Sirene'). Reprinted in M. Nijland-Verwey (ed.), Dichtspel (Amsterdam, 1983), pp. 357-81. Verwey's friend and co-editor of the Tweemaandelijksch Tijdschrift, Lodewijk van Deyssel, had previously met Dowson in 1894 (H. G. M. Prick (ed.), De Briefwisseling tussen Lodewijk van Deyssel en Albert Verwey (The Hague, 1985), p. 31). It was no doubt at Van DeyssePs instigation that in 1897 Verwey tried to establish contact with the poet. On 4 May 1897 he wrote to Van Deyssel: 'In London I have not found the person but the works of Dowson. Your impression is wholly correct. He is the only one who will last.' (Ibid., p. 233.) Tweemaandelijksch Tijdschrift, 4 (1897), no. 1, 53-64. Reprinted in Stille Toernooien (Amsterdam, 1901), pp. 189-202. M. Nijland-Verwey (ed.), Albert Verwey en Stefan George. De documenten van hun vriendschap (Amsterdam, 1965), p. 38 (letter of 30 April 1897). Proza, vol. 7, p. 79. In the Tweemaandelijksch Tijdschrift, 6 (1900), no. 1, 305, Verwey had already published a sonnet 'Ernest Dowson: In Memoriam' as one of a series of pro-Boer and anti-British Tijdzangen' (Songs of the Age). Reprinted in Oorspronkelijk Dichtwerk (Amsterdam/ Santpoort, 1938), vol. 1, p. 376. Proza, vol. 7, p. 101. Proza, vol. 7, p. 85. P. N. van Eyck, Verzameld Werk (Amsterdam, 1958-64), vol. 3, pp. 120-43. An unpublished poem, first published by H. A. Wage in his dissertation (see note 3), vol. 2, pp. 79-81. Boutens's only other private edition of a foreign author contained his translations of D. G. Rossetti, a poet of special importance for his own work. Van Eyck, Verzameld Werk, vol. 3, pp. 142-3. Ibid., vol. 3, p. 124. Ibid., vol. 3, p. 120. De Beweging, 9 (1913), part 3, 200-1. Van Eyck, Verzameld Werk, vol. 4, p. 274. Ibid., vol. 7, pp. 684-94. Auction Catalogue J. L. Beijers, Utrecht, 26, 27, 28 September 1972. P. N. van Eyck, Benaderingen. Vertaalde gedichten 1916-1943 (The Hague, 1945), pp. 31-2.

Notes to pp. 129-35 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29.

30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46.

47. 48. 49. 50. 51.

295

G. J. Dorleijn, A. L. Sotemann and H. T. M. van Vliet (eds), J. C. Bloem: Brieven aan P. N. van Eyck (The Hague, 1980), vol. 1, p. 53. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 107. A. Kets-Vree (ed.), J. C. Bloem: Brieven aan Aart van der Leeuw (The Hague, 1979), p. 20. Dorleijn et al. (eds), J. C. Bloem: Brieven aan P. N. van Eyck, vol. 1, p. 148. De Beweging, 11 (1915), part 2, pp. 67-71. Reprinted in Poetica (1969), 7-12. 'Swinburne', in C. Gerretson [Pseud.: Geerten Gossaert], Verzamelde Werken, vol. 1 (Baarn, 1973), p. 195. The essay was first published in 1911, in the same year as Gossaert's essay on Francis Thompson (pp. 213-32) who apparently fascinated the Dutch poets of 1910. Bloem, Verzamelde Beschouwingen, pp. 77-8. Poetica, p. 79. Kets-Vree (ed.), J. C. Bloem: Brieven aan Aart van der Leeuw, pp. 46-8, % and 99. W. B. Yeats, preface to O. St John Gogarty, The Collected Poems (1951), p. vii. The title was taken from Catullus's poem on the death of Lesbia's sparrow (Carmina, III, 11-12). The translation, on p. 10, is dated August 1958. J. C. Bloem, De Dichter en de Dood (Haarlem, 1958), p. 9. As I was Going Down Sackville Street (1937) and It Isn't This Time of Year At All (1954). Introduction to Robert Frost, Selected Poems (1955). J. C. Bloem, Persoonlijke Voorkeur (The Hague, 1958), p. 8. Some of these books appeared only after the war had ended. Poetica, p. 80. Verzameld Werk. Proza (Amsterdam, 1983), vol. 1, p. 355. Verzameld Werk. Proza, vol. 2, p. 710. Ibid., pp. 677-81. Ibid., p. 677. In the same address Hoist also mentioned the influence of Boutens and Van de Woestijne, which he had undergone together with his contemporaries. Verzameld Werk. Poezie (Amsterdam, 1981), vol. 1, pp. 506-11 and vol. 2, p. 1274; Proza, vol. 2, p. 675. In conversation. Bloem was mistaken, however, in citing T h e Kingdom of God'; the source of Hoist's inspiration was 'Scala Jacobi Portaque Eburnea'. Verzameld Werk. Proza, vol. 1, pp. 147 and 150. Ibid., vol. 2, p. 804.

Notes to pp. 52. 53. 54. 55.

56.

135-51

Ibid., vol. 2, p. 668. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 467 and vol. 2, p. 831. Ibid., vol. 2, p. 810. Bloem once said in conversation that Apollinaire was the last French poet he really appreciated, and that the German expressionists were little to his liking. Verzameld Werk (The Hague, 1954-61), vol. 3, pp. 245-410 and 538-47.

Chapter 12: F. Lulofs 1. 'Langs een wereld' = literally 'Along a world'. 2. Translated into English by Peter King as Tour Zero Hour. An English translation of Nijhoff s "Het Uur U " ' , in M. M. H. Bax, K. Iwema and J. M. J. Sicking (eds.), Wie veel leest heeft veel te verantwoorden. . . (Groningen, 1960), pp. 247-57. 3. Frank Lulofs, Verkenning door varianten: de redacties van 'Het Uur IT van M. Nijhoff stilistisch onderzocht, 2nd edn (Utrecht, 1980), p. 20. 4. P. K. King, 'De verkeerde wereld in "Van den Vos Reynaerde'", De Nieuwe Taalgids, 70 (1977), 291-300. 5. In his analysis of Nijhoff s 'De moeder de vrouw' (in W. A. P. Smit (ed.), De Nieuwe Taalgids (1968), p. 143), with which I in other respects entirely agree, A. L. Sotemann gives what is in my opinion an incorrect explanation of 'een minuut of tien'. He says himself that he is not sure: 'Waarom die toestand met zoveel nadruk een minuut of tien moet duren, is mij nog niet helemaal duidelijk: juist lang genoeg om een staat van volledig vervuld aardse rust te bereiken . . . en niet zo lang dat de rest als een droomvisioen kan worden opgevat?' It seems to me that the actual number of minutes here is relatively unimportant, and that here, too, it is a question of the time indicating reality being unexpectedly interrupted by a moment of eternity.

Chapter 13: R. P. Meijer 1.

2. 3. 4.

'Deze namen zijn, verbeelden wij ons, gekozen naar den klank, naar de psychologische voorstelling welke zij vermogen op te roepen, naar het gezichtsbeeld, dat er als associatie aan vast is te maken (en dat dienovereenkomstig door Bordewijk wordt aangegeven).' Victor E. van Vriesland, F. Bordewijk, een Inleiding tot een Keuze uit zijn Werk (The Hague, 1949), p. 29. F. Bordewijk, Verzameld Werk (The Hague, 1982-6), vol. 1, p. 81. W. F. Hermans, 'Bordewijks Jeugdportret', NRC Handelsblad, 23 March 1979. Menno ter Braak, Verzameld Werk (Amsterdam, 1949-50), vol. 5, p. 420.

Notes to pp.

152-9

297

Chapter 14: M. Janssens 1.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10. 11. 12.

13.

Some publications which have arisen from the project are: 'Nederlandstalige Romans met Meervoudige ik-vertellers', Uyt Goeder Jonsten. Studies aangeboden aanprof. dr. L. Roose (Leuven, 1984), p. 221-31; 'The Faulkner Connection. Multiple-I Narratives in Dutch Literature', in W. H. Fletcher (ed.), Papers from the Second Interdisciplinary Conference on Netherlandic Studies, held at Georgetown University 7-9 June 1984 (1986), pp. 85-98; 'Kennismaking met het ikjes-verhaal', in W. Hesling and L. van Poecke (eds.), Communicatie: van Teken tot Medium. Liber Amicorum Professor J. M. Peters (Leuven, 1985), pp. 91-102; 'Het Meervoudig ik-verhaal. Een Onderzoeksproject', Verslagen en Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde (1986), no. 1, 153-64. Jean-Paul Sartre, 'American Artists in French Eyes', Atlantic Monthly, no. 178, (August 1946), 117-18. Jean V. Alter, 'Faulkner, Sartre, and the "Nouveau Roman"', Symposium (Summer 1966), 102. Ibid., p. 105. Ibid., p. 110. Johan de Roey, Hugo Claus. Een Poreuze Man van Steen (Tielt, 1964), p. 41. Hans Dutting, Over Hugo Claus via Bestaande Modellen. Beschouwingen over het Werk van Hugo Claus (Hadewych, 1984). Jean Weisgerber, Hugo Claus. Experiment en Traditie (Leiden, 1970), p. 20. See Georges Wildemeersch, Hugo Claus of Oedipus in het Paradijs (Bruges, 1973), p. 27; Michel Dupuis, Hugo Claus (Antwerp, 1976), p. 11; Bert Kooijman, Hugo Claus, 3rd edn (Antwerp, 1984), p. 53. Paul Rodenko, 'Een Amerikaanse Injectie', Critisch Bulletin, 18 (1951), 363-8. Louis-Paul Boon, 'Van de Eendejacht naar de Jacht op Bea\ De Vlaamse Gids, 37 (1953), 556-64. When, for instance, in 1983,1 asked the South African writer Andre P. Brink where he had derived the structure of his novel The Ambassador, he answered without hesitation: 'From Hugo Claus'. In the view of Kooijman (Hugo Claus, p. 53) Claus was primarily indebted for the multiple-I device to 'his favourite medium, film', but such an unsubstantiated view ignores the evidence for the attractiveness of the Faulknerian prototype.

298

Notes to pp. 163-7 PART III: SOCIAL SCIENCES

Chapter 15: T. van Tijn 1. 2. 3. 4.

5. 6. 7.

8. 9.

10. 11. 12.

Karl Marx, Kapitaal en Arbeid, edited by F. Domela Nieuwenhuis (The Hague, 1881). Protokoll des Internationalen Arbeiter-Congresses zu Paris, abgehalten vom 14. bis 20. Juli 1889 (Nuremberg, 1890), p. 47. F. Domela Nieuwenhuis, Van Christen tot Anarchist: Gedenkschriften (Amsterdam, 1910), pp. 290f., 338f. On Dutch social developments, including social movements, in the period 1844-1914, see T. van Tijn, 'Het sociale leven in Nederland' in D. P. Blok et al. (eds), Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 15 vols (Haarlem, 1975-83), vol. 12, pp. 131-65; vol. 13, pp. 77-100, 295326. Specifically on the history of the SDB and the founding of the SDAP: W. H. Vliegen, De Dageraad der Volksbevrijding: Schetsen en Tafereelen uit de Socialistische Beweging in Nederland, 2nd edn, 2 vols (Amsterdam, 1921-3); D . J . Wansink, Het Socialisme op de Tweesprong (Haarlem, 1939); S. Bloemgarten, 'De Tweede Internationale en de Geboorte van de SDAP (1889-18%)', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 22 (June 1981), 101-41. J. Saks, 'Uit Vroeger Dagen', in J. Saks, Socialistische Opstellen II (Rotterdam, 1923), pp. 5-23. See J. Oudegeest, De Geschiedenis der Zelfstandige Vakbeweging in Nederland, vol. 1 (Amsterdam, 1926). T. van Tijn, 'Geschiedenis van de Amsterdamse Diamanthandel en -nijverheid, 1845-1897', Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, 87 (1974), 16-69 and 160-201; idem, 'De Algemeene Nederlandsche Diamantbewerkersbond (ANDB): een Succes en zijn Verklaring', Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 88 (1973), 403-18; idem, 'A Contribution to the Scientific Study of the History of Trade Unions', International Review of Social History, 21 (1976), 212-39. H. Polak, Een Federatie van Vakvereenigingen (Amsterdam, 1899). A. J. C. Riiter, De Spoorwegstakingen van 1903: een Spiegel der A rbeidersbeweging in Nederland (Leiden, 1935), pp. 83-148, especially pp. 139-40. See Riiter, De Spoorwegstakingen van 1903. F. van der Goes, 'De "Verelendungs"-Theorie volgens Prof. Treub (Derde Artikel)', De Nieuwe Tijd, 12 (1907), 29-40, especially p. 37. The text of the programme of 1912 is printed in: W. H. Vliegen, Die onze Kracht ontwaken deed: Geschiedenis der Sociaaldemocratische Arbeiderspartij in Nederland gedurende de Eerste 25 Jaren van haar Bestaan (Amsterdam, 1923-5), vol. 2, pp. 424-7.

Notes to pp. 168-78

299

13. 14.

De Diamantindustrie (8 January 1897). J. van den Tempel, De Nederlandsche Vakbeweging en haar Toekomst (Rotterdam, 1910), pp. 137-8. 15. Ibid., p. 149. 16. Ibid., p. 151. 17. T. van Tijn, 'Geschiedenis Amsterdamse Diamant . . . ', pp. 195-6; C. A. van der Velde, De A.N.D.B.: een Overzicht van zijn Ontstaan, zijne Ontwikkeling en zijne Beteekenis (Amsterdam, 1925), pp. 38f., 140f., 214f., 342f., 418f., 423f. 18. Much in the following pages is taken from: A. Knotter, 'Sociaaldemocratische Opvattingen van Loon en Loonstrijd in Nederland (1918— 1940)', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 17 (March 1980), 3-44. 19. J. van den Tempel, Kapitaal en Volksinkomen (Haarlem, 1920). 20. R. Stenhuis, 'Openleggen Bedrijfsrekening en Medezeggenschap', De Vakbeweging (1923), 129-35; quoted by Knotter, 'Sociaaldemocratische Opvattingen', p. 15. 21. For the opinions and the career of R. Stenhuis see H. F. Cohen, Om de Vernieuwing van het Socialisme: de Politieke Orientatie van de Nederlandse Sociaaldemocratie 1919-1930 (Leiden, 1974). 22. J. van den Tempel, Macht en Economische Wet: een Onderzoek naar de Betekenis van Economische Macht voor de Inkomensvorming, in het Bijzonder ten Aanzien van het Arbeidsloon (Haarlem, 1927). 23. J. Oudegeest, De Geschiedenis der Zelfstandinge Vakbeweging in Nederland II (Amsterdam, 1932), p. 75.

Chapter 16: M. L. Smith 1. 2.

3. 4. 5.

6.

7.

W. Drees, Van mei tot mei (Assen, 1958), p. 23. H. Colijn, Op de Grens van twee Werelden (Amsterdam, 1940), pp. 43-6, 53. L. de Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden in de Tweede Wereldoorlog (The Hague, 1972), vol. 4, pp. 414-15. De Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, vol. 4, pp. 528-9. Text in J. Linthorst Homan, Wat zijt ghij voor een Vent: Levensherinneringen (Assen, 1974), pp. 63-4. De Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, vol. 4, pp. 523-45; see also the oral testimony in Enquetecommissie Regeringsbeleid 1940-1945 (The Hague, 1955), vol. 7C, passim. A brief summary of the incorporation of the main 'breakthrough' currents in the journal Het Gemenebest may be found in W. Verkade, 'Vijftien Jaar Gemenebest', Het Gemenebest, 15 (1953), no. 12, 362-70. 'Verantwoording', Het Gemenebest, 1 (1938), no. 1, 1-3; W. Verkade, 'Scheidslijnen in het Nederlandse Volk', ibid., pp. 8-22.

300 8.

9.

10.

11. 12. 13.

14. 15.

16. 17. 18. 19.

Notes to pp.

179-86

'Conferentie van Nationale Verontrusting', Het Gemenebest, 1 (1939), no. 4, 123-5; De Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, vol. 4, pp. 507-8. Details of this meeting together with the text of the ten-point draft programme which the Four presented, in De Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, vol. 4, pp. 437-9, 519-21. 'Manifest aan het Nederlandsche Volk', in Enquetecommissie, op. cit., vol. 7A/B, appendix 13, p. 25. 'Program van het Nederlandsche Unie', De Unie, 1 (1940), 12. De Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, vol. 4, pp. 543-5; Enquetecommissie, op. cit., vol. 7C, pp. 446-50, 488-94. Linthorst Homan, Wat zijt ghij voor en Vent, p. 65. Drees, Van mei tot mei, pp. 31-9; W. Drees, 'Uit de Voorgeschiedenis van de Nederlandse Unie', in J. J. van Bolhuis (ed.), Onderdrukking en Verzet: Nederland in Oorlogstijd (Amsterdam/Arnhem, 1955), vol. 2, pp. 92-3. De Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, vol. 4, pp. 439 > 529-31. Rijksinstituut voor Oorlogsdocumentatie, Archief Nederlandse Unie, no. 181/2. Citations from this meeting are all from the same source. All emphases are in the original text. De Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, vol. 4, p. 520. P. J. Bouman, 'Mogelijkheden van Nationale Opbouw', Het Gemenebest, 2 (1940), nos 8-9, 244-52. F. Prakke, 'Onze Weg', ibid., pp. 225-32; J. Linthorst Homan, 'Vooruif, ibid., pp. 233-41. M. L. Smith, 'Neither Resistance nor Collaboration: Historians and the Problem of the Nederlandse Unie', History, 235 (1987), 251-78.

Chapter 17: R. T. Griffiths Abbreviations used in the notes to this chapter: ARA: Algemeen Rijksarchief BEB: Buitenlandse Economische Betrekkingen dd: dated DGEM: Directoraat-Generaal Voor Economische en Militaire Samenwerking EUI: European University Institute MEZ: Ministerie van Economische Zaken Min. BZ: Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken MR: Ministerraad RE A: Raad voor Economische Aangelegenheden 1.

For a recent exposition of this approach, see A. M. Manning, 'Die

Notes to pp. 186-91

2.

3.

4.

5.

6. 7. 8. 9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

301

Niederlande und die Europaische Integration', Vierteljahresheft fur Zeitgeschichte, 1 (1983). This is more fully explored in R. T. Griffiths, 'De Eerste Fase van de Westeuropese Eenwording' in T. P. W. M. Krogt, et al (eds.), Big is Beautiful? Schaalproblemen in de Overheid en Samenleving (The Hague, 1987), pp. 435-53. The most recent work in this area mentions the GATT tariff plans but fails to make any connection with either the Stikker or the Beyen Plans: J. M. M. J. Clerx, Nederland en de Liberalisatie van het Handels- en Betalingsverkeer (1945-1958) (Groningen, 1986), pp. 111-12. D. U. Stikker, Memoires. Herinneringen uit de Lange Jaren waarin ik Betrokken was bij de Voortdurende Wereldcrisis (The Hague, 1966), pp. 163-6. J. W. Beyen, Het Spel en de Knikkers, Een Kroniek van Vijftig Jaren (Rotterdam, 1968), pp. 204-8, 227-30. R. T. Griffiths and A. S. Milward, T h e Beyen Plan and the European Political Community' in W. Maihofer (ed.), Noi si Mura. Selected Working Papers of the European University Institute (Florence, 1986), pp. 595-621. Stikker, Memoires, pp. 165-6. The fullest recent account of these associated problems is A. S. Milward, The Reconstruction of Western Europe, 1945-1951 (1984). Stikker, Memoires, p. 153. R. T. Griffiths, Economic Reconstruction Policy in the Netherlands and its International Consequences 1945-1951, EUI Working Paper no. 76 (Florence, 1984), pp. 46-8. ARA, The Hague, MEZ, BEB, 1021, Werkprogramma voor een Memorandum inzake de Europese Integratie, dd. 26.4.1950; DiscussieGrondslag inzake de Europese Integratie, dd. 6.5.1950; Europese Integratie, dd. 12.5.1950; Europese Integratie, dd. 20.5.1950. ARA, Ministerie van Algemene Zaken, Kabinet, 351.88 (4): 33.19 Plan of Action for European Economic Integration/C (50) 159/ and ARA, MR, 586 Working Paper of the Netherlands Delegation on the Functioning of a European Integration Fund, dd. 7.7.1950 / (50) 197/. This second document attempted to pick up some of the points of criticism made by the Italians. See below (REA, 18.7.1950). This rather awkward construction was aimed at answering Italian criticism on 'compensation' and the slowing down of the pace of sector integration. ARA, MR, 586 Note Spierenburg beginning Tijdens de Councilbesprekingen te Parijs, welke in de periode van 31 Mei tot 3 Juni zowel op ambtelijk als op ministerieel niveau werden gehouden . . .' (REA, 7.6.1950). ARA, MR, 586 Proposals and Remarks Submitted by Mr. Pella on behalf

302

Notes to pp. 192-201

of the Italian Government concerning Methods to be adopted on the Organisation of the European Market, dd. 28.6.1950/C (50) 183/ (REA 18.7.1950). 15. Min. BZ, DGEM, 6218/1342, Nota betreft Italiaans Memorandum over Europese Integratie dd. 1.7.1950. 16. ARA, MR, 586 Projet de Creation d'une Banque Europeenne d'lnvestissements (Projet de la Delegation Franqaise), dd. 4.7.1950/C (50) 198/ (REA 18.7.1950). 17. ARA, MR, 586 Verslag Council-Vergadering te Parijs op 6 en 7 Juli 1950, dd. 12.7.1950 (REA 18.7.1950). 18. Min. BZ, DGEM, 6117/1262 De Behandeling der Plannen Stikker, Petsche en Pella door Werkgroep No. 6 van het Executive Committee 28 Juli - 12 Augustus 1950, dd. 16.8.1950. ARA, MR, 589 OEEC Working Party No. 6 of the Executive Committee: Analytical Summary of the Discussions at the First Session of Working Party No. 6 (E/WP6 (50) 3) (REA 3.10.1950). 19. Min. BZ, DGEM, 6117/1262. Letter, Head of Dutch mission at the OEEC to Spierenburg, dd. 16.8.1950. 20. Min. BZ, DGEM, 6117/1263 OEEC Economics Directorate, Minutes of the Session of Working Party No. 6 of the Executive Commute held on 22nd September, DE/NI/50/22. 21. Ibid., OEEC Economics Directorate, Compte-Rendu de la Seance du 23 Septembre Wh. 30 du Groupe de Travail No. 6 du Comite Executif DE/NI/50/26. 22. Ibid., Telegram Van Tuyll to Van der Beugel and Blaisse, dd. 25.9.1950. 23. Ibid., Letter, Head of Dutch mission at the OEEC to Spierenburg, dd. 25.10.1950. 24. Ibid., Note, Blaisse to Spierenburg, Betreft: Integratie Plan Stikker, Parijs dd. 8.11.1950. 25. Ibid., Nota betreffende Integratie. dd. 21.11.1950. 26. Ibid., Propositions Frangaises concernant les Mesures a prendre en 1951 en vue de VIntegration Economique de VEurope Occidentale, dd. 1.12.1950. 27. Min. BZ, DGEM, 6218/1342. Letter, Head of Dutch mission at the OEEC to Spierenburg, dd. 29.12.1950. 28. ARA, MR, Note betr. Europese Integratie, dd. 9.1.1951 sent to REA. 29. ARA, MR, 590 Rapport van de Wnd. Voorzitter van de Nederlandse Delegatie naar de Multilaterale Tariefconferentie te Torquay over de Stand der Onderhandelingen per 18 November 1950 (REA 13.12.1950). 30. Min. BZ, DGEM, 6117/1263 Nota inzake het Europese Tariefprobleem, dd. 23.11.1950. 31. ARA, MR, 572 Minutes of Economic Committee of Cabinet 13.12.1950. 32. ARA, MR, 591 Tweede Rapport inzake de Stand van de Tariefonder-

Notes to pp. 201-8 33. 34. 35.

36.

37.

38.

39. 40.

41. 42. 43.

44.

45.

46.

47.

303

handelingen in Torquay per 22 December 1950 (REA 17.1.1951). ARA, MR, 591 Memorandum by the Delegation of the Benelux Countries on European Tariff Negotiations, dd. Jan. 1951 (REA 17.1.1951). ARA, MR, 572, Minutes of Economic Committee of Cabinet 5.1.1951. ARA, MR, 591, Nota betreft Tariefonderhandelingen in Torquay dd. 8.1.1951 (REA 17.1.1951), ARA, MEZ, BEB, 1172 Memorandum Soumis par les Pays de V Union Douaniere Benelux au Sujet de la Resolution adoptee par les Parties Contractantes au GATT a Torquay le 2 Avril.1951, dd. 6.9.1951. ARA, MR, 592, Derde Verslag van de Conference inzake de Tarieven te Torquay, dd. 27.3.1951. Memorandum, dd. 10.3.1951 GATT/CP/103 (REA 18.4.1951). The 'summary records' of these meetings are to be found in ARA, MEZ, BEB 217B. ARA, MR, 592, Conference in Torquay (De bijzondere zitting van de Contracting Parties en de ondertekening van het protocol van Torquay), dd. 6.4.1951 (REA 18.4.1951). ARA, MR, 594, Het Vraagstuk van het Evenwicht der Europese Tarieven, dd. 26.7.1951 (REA 24.8.1951). ARA, MEZ, BEB 1172 Nota Rechttrekking Europese Tarieven (verder overleg met de Fransen), dd. 8.5.1951. ARA, MR, 595 Proposition Frangaise tendant un Abaissement General des Tarifs Douaniers, dd. 19.9.1951. GATT/CP 6/23 (REA 5.12.1951). ARA, MR, 595 Note de la Delegation Frangaise concernant la Proposition Frangaise tendant un Abaissement General des Tarifs Douaniers, dd. 12.10.1951. GATT/IW, 2/5 (REA 5.12.1951). ARA, MR, 595 Het Franse Plan tot Verlaging der Tarieven, dd. 19.11.1951 (REA 5.12.1951). ARA, MR, 596 Verslag van de 6e Zitting van de Verdragsluitende Partijen bij het GATT (Geneve 17 September - 27 October 1951) (REA 9.1.1952). NB. This formulation was not in the event actually accepted. ARA, MR, 598, Door Nederland in te nemen Standpunt in de Bijeenkomst van de Subgroep van het GATT (15 Juli a.s. te Geneve) terzake van de Studie en Uitwerking van het Franse Plan tot Algemene Tariefverlaging, dd. 4.7.1952 (REA 9.7.1952). ARA, MR, 598 Derde Bijeenkomst van de Verdragsluitende Partijen van de Algemene Overeenkomst inzake Tarieven en Handel (GATT), dd. 18.9.1952 (REA 24.9.1952). ARA, MR, 599, De 7e Zitting van de Verdragsluitende Partijen van de Algemene Overeenkomst inzake Tarieven en Handel (GATT), dd. December 1952 (REA 10.12.1952). R. T. Griffiths and F. M. B. Lynch, 'L'Echec de la "Petite Europe": les Negotiations Fritalux/Finebel, 1949-1950', Revue Historique, 274 (1985), 159-93. Griffiths and Milward, T h e Beyen Plan'.

304 48.

Notes to pp.

208-23

See R. T. Griffiths and A. S. Milward, The European Agricultural Community 1948-1951, EUI Working Paper no. 254 (Florence, 1986).

Chapter 18: W. P. Blockmans 1.

2. 3. 4.

5. 6. 7. 8.

9. 10.

11. 12.

13.

Lieven de Winter, 'De Socialistische Partij en Politiek Dienstbetoon' in Jaak Brepoels et al., Eeuwige Dilemma's: Honderd Jaar Socialistische Partij (Leuven, 1985), pp. 128-33. For general factual information see T. Luykx and M. Platel, Politieke Geschiedenis van Belgie (Amsterdam, 1986). See also H. de Ridder, Geen Winnaars in de Wetstraat (Leuven, 1986); idem, De Keien van de Wetstraat (Leuven, 1987); and L. Huyse, De Verzuiling voorbij (Leuven, 1987). Namens, vol. 1 (1986), no. 5, 242-74. Luc Huyse, De Gewapende Vrede: Politiek in Belgie na 1945 (Leuven, 1986), p. 112. Leo de Haes (ed.), Belgisch Blunderboek: het Rekenhof over het Wilde Wanbeheer (Louvain, 1987), pp. 22-3. See also De Standaard (7 September 1987) and following issues; and M. van Haegendoren and L. Vandenhove, Het Verdriet van Vlaanderen (Antwerp, 1985). De Haes, Belgisch Blunderboek, pp. 31-2. De Winter, 'De Socialistische Partij . . .', p. 132. Ibid., pp. 137 and 270; and J. Burgelman, 'De politisering in de BRT', Ons Erfdeel, 31 (1988), no. 1, 87-96. 'De Rechters van het Laatste Uur', Knack Magazine (21 August 1985), 13-15. A similar standpoint was taken by the dean of the Ghent law faculty in October 1987: De Standaard (26 October 1987), 8. Knack Magazine (22 July 1987), 6. De Morgen (21 September 1987); Knack Magazine (7 October 1987), 12-17. See also A. van Bosbeke and J. Willems, Kirschen en Co. (Berchem, 1987). E. J. Leemans, 'Parlement-Regering', Namens, 2 (1987), no. 3, 123-4. De Haes, Belgisch Blunderboek. Similar occurrences are found at other administrative levels such as Ghent University: Knack Magazine (7 October 1987), 18. L. Puylaert, 'Profiel van de Belgische Parlementairen', Namens, vol. 2 (1987), no. 4, 221.

Chapter 19: J. Lucassen 1.

Thanks to Karel Davids, Eric Fischer and Theo van Tijn. This article is a revised translation of 'De Sociale Ontwikkelingen van Nederland gedurende de Laatste twee Eeuwen: het Historisch Onderzoek sinds circa 1970' in: F. van Besouw, et al. (eds), Balans en Perspectief

Notes to pp. 223-5

2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

7. 8.

9.

10.

11.

305

(Groningen, 1987). My thanks to Don Bloch for the translation, and to Michael Wintle for assistance with the revision. For general surveys on this topic, see D. Roorda, 'Sociale Geschiedenis: een Situatieschets' in J. van Herwaarden (ed.), Lofder Historie. Opstellen over Geschiedenis en Maatschappij (Rotterdam, 1973), pp. 47-83; P. B. M. Blaas, 'De Nederlandse Geschiedschrijving na 1945' in W. W. Mijnhardt (ed.), Kantelend Geschiedbeeld. Nederlandse Historiografie sinds 1945 (Utrecht, 1983), pp. 9-47; K. Davids and J. Lucassen, 'Sociale Geschiedenis: een Momentopname', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 10 (1984), 359-67. See also F. L. van Holthoorn (ed.), De Nederlandse Samenleving sinds 1815. Wording en Samenhang (Assen, 1985). Initiated in, respectively, 1976 (see K. Nield and J. Blackman, 'Editorial', Social History, 10 (1985), 1-7), 1976, 1975 and 1976. Davids and Lucassen, 'Sociale Geschiedenis', p. 362. These terms are central to the work of the Rotterdam University 'History of Societies' programme. See P. Deane, The First Industrial Revolution (1969), p. 2, citing Toynbee. E. J. Fischer, 'De Geschiedschrijving van de 19e-Eeuwse Industrialisatie' in Mijnhardt, Kantelend Geschiedbeeld, pp. 228-55, esp. pp. 231, 355, n. 1; H. Blink and P. J. Blok are other representatives of this school: see E. J. Fischer and J. L. J. M. van Gerwen, 'De Bijdrage van Buitenlanders aan de Geschiedschrijving over de Economische Ontwikkeling in Nederland in de Negentiende Eeuw', Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 100 (1985), 647-62, esp. 648-51. Fischer, 'De Geschiedschrijving'. R. T. Griffiths, Achter, Achterlijk of Anders; Aspecten van de Economische Ontwikkeling van Nederland in de 19e Eeuw (Amsterdam, 1980); J. J. M. de Meere, Economische Ontwikkeling en Levensstandaard in Nederland gedurende de Eerste Helft van de Negentiende Eeuw (The Hague, 1982). P. Kriedte, H. Medick and J. Schlumbohm, Industrialisierung vor der Industrialisierung. Gewerbliche Warenproduktion auf dem Land in der Formationsperiode des Kapitalismus (Gottingen, 1978); L. A. Clarkson, Proto-industrialization: the First Phase of Industrialization? (1985). There are no explicit Dutch applications of this model. E. J. Fischer, Fabriqueurs en Fahrikanten. De Twentse Katoennijverheid en de Onderneming S.J. Spanjaard te Borne tussen circa 1800 en 1930 (Utrecht, 1983). J. de Vries, 'Landbouw in de Noordelijke Nederlanden 1490-1650' in Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, vol. 7 (Bussum, 1980), pp. 1243; H. K. Roessingh, 'Landbouw in de Noorderlijke Nederlanden

306

12. 13.

14.

15.

16. 17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

Notes to pp.

225-8

1650-1815', ibid., vol. 8 (Bussum, 1979), pp. 16-72; J. L. van Zanden, 'De Economische Ontwikkeling van de Nederlandse Landbouw in de Negentiende Eeuw, 1800-1914', A. A. G. Bijdragen, 25 (1985). See e.g. Davids and Lucassen, 'Sociale Geschiedenis', pp. 360-1. e.g. W. W. Mijnhardt, 'De Geschiedschrijving over de Ideeengeschiedenis van de 17e en 18e Eeuwse Republiek' in Mijnhardt, Kantelend Geschiedbeeld, pp. 204-5; G. de Bruin, 'De Geschiedschrijving over de Gouden Eeuw', ibid., pp. 115-16. See L. F. van Loo, Armelui: Armoede en Bedeling te Alkmaar 1850-1914 (Alkmaar, 1986); E. J. Fischer, 'Economische Theorie en Historisch Onderzoek; de Theorie der Prijsvorming en de Loonontwikkeling op de Twentse Arbeidsmarkt 1865-1930', Economisch en Sociaal-Historisch Jaarboek, 47 (1984), 45-66. Material is, however, to hand: I. J. Brugmans, Statistieken van de Nederlandse Nijverheid uit de Eerste Helft van de 19e Eeuw, 2 vols (The Hague, 1956) and Supplement (The Hague, 1979); T. L. M. Kint, 'Industriele Lonen in de Pre-industriele Negentiende Eeuw' in P. Boomgaard et al. (eds), Exercities in ons Verleden. Twaalf Opstellen over de Economische en Sociale Geschiedenis van Nederland en Kolonieen 1800-1950 (Assen, 1981), pp. 6-27. I do not exclude other general desiderata in social history. See A. A. van den Braembussche, Theorie van de Maatschappijgeschiedenis (Baarn, 1985); and P. H. H. Vries, 'Geschiedbeoefening, Historisme en Positivisme. Een Overzicht van Intenties, Pretenties en Misverstanden in de Debatten over de Aard van de Huidige Sociaalwetenschappelijke Geschiedbeoefening', Theoretische Geschiedenis, 12 (1985), 141-78. See note 18. For the demographic development see A. M. van der Woude, 'Demografische Ontwikkeling van de Noordelijke Nederlanden 1500-1800' in Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, vol. 5 (Bussum, 1980), pp. 10268. De Meere, Economische Ontwikkeling, p. 32. For the problems of measurement see R. T. Griffiths and J. J. M. de Meere, 'The Growth of the Dutch Economy in the Nineteenth Century: Back to Basics?', Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, 96 (1983), 563-72; the most recent longterm calculations are in J. L. van Zanden, 'De Economische Ontwikkeling', pp. 378-83. Van Zanden, 'De Economische Ontwikkeling', sees growth at the start of the century, but not in the second quarter. A definitive survey 1750-1830 still eludes us. Examples in P. W. Klein, Traditionele Ondememers en Economische Groei in Nederland 1850-1914 (Haarlem, 1966); more comprehensively: F. van Waarden, 'Regulering en Belangenorganisatie van Ondememers', in Van Holthoorn, De Nederlandse Samenleving, pp. 227-60. For the textile barons see J. P. A. van den Dam, Arnold Leon Armand

Notes to pp. 228-30

307

Diepen 1846-1895. Industrieel en Publicist over Economische en Sociale Vraagstukken (Tilburg, 1966); Fischer, Fabriqueurs en Fabrikanten', and a number of articles in Textielhistorische Bijdragen. The Jaarboek voor de Geschiedenis van Bedrijfen Techniek (1984- ) may also provide a stimulus in this direction. 22. Even Van Zanden, 'De Economische Ontwikkeling', does not discuss agricultural entrepreneurship. 23. For one of the rare examples from an earlier period see M. G. Buist, At Spes nonjracta. Hope & Co. 1770-1815. Merchant Bankers and Diplomats at Work (The Hague, 1974). There is material available - particularly in genealogical publications. 24. See J. P. Windmuller and C. de Galan, Arbeidsverhoudingen in Nederland, 2 vols (Utrecht, 1970), vol. 1, pp. 177ff. 25. See e.g. A. Flierman, Het Centrale Punt in de Rederswereld: de Koninklijke Nederlandse Redersvereniging 1905-1980. Vijfenzeventig Jaar Ondernemingsgeschiedenis in de Zeevaart (Leiden, 1984). 26. H. de Vries, Landbouw en Bevolking tijdens de Agrarische Depressie in Friesland (1878-1895) (Wageningen, 1971); P. R. D. Stokvis, De Nederlandse Trek naar Amerika (Leiden, 1977). 27. See W. D. Brouwer, Bibliografie van de Nederlandse Landbouwgeschiedenis, 2 vols (Wageningen, 1974), especially on farmers' co-operatives and agricultural societies. 28. J. A. de Jonge, 'Delft in de 19e Eeuw. Van Stille Nette Plaats tot Centrum van Industrie', Economisch- en Sociaal-Historisch J aarboek, 37 (1974), 145-247; J. Benson, The Penny Capitalists. A Study of NineteenthCentury Working-Class Entrepreneurs (Dublin, 1983). 29. See below; cf. also Benson's subtitle in note 28. 30. C. Tilly, As Sociology meets History (New York, 1981), pp. 179ff. 31. C. Lis and H. Soly, Poverty and Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe (Hassocks, 1979), pp. 148-9. 32. Van Zanden, 'De Economische Ontwikkeling', p. 325, documents this absence of major expropriation as well as the growth of a wagedependent rural labour force before the agricultural crisis. His concept of proletarianization differs from that used here. 33. A. Knotter, 'De Amsterdamse Bouwnijverheid in de 19e Eeuw tot ca. 1870. Loonstarheid en Trekarbeid op een Dubbele Arbeidsmarkt', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 10 (1984), 123-54. 34. Tilly, As Sociology meets History; Lis and Soly, Poverty, C. Lis, H. Soly and D. van Damme, Op Vrije Voeten? Sociale Politiek in West-Europa (1450-1914) (Leuven, 1985). 35. With the exception of the Communist Manifesto, in which they refer to absolute expropriation, Marx and Engels frequently discuss expropriation in the sense of alienation: in other words, as a psychological category (verbal communication, Theo van Tijn).

308 36.

Notes to pp. 230-1

For instance, A. Burr-Litchfield's contribution in A. S. Wohl (ed.), The Victorian Family. Structure and Stresses (1978). 37. J. J. M. de Meere, 'Inkomensgroei en -ongelijkheid te Amsterdam 1877-1940. Een Schets', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 5 (1979), 3-46; idem, 'Long-term Trends in Income and Wealth Inequality in the Netherlands 1808-1940', Historical Social Research: Quantum Information, 27 (1983), 8-37; N. Wilterding, Vermogensverhoudingen in Nederland. Ontwikkelingen sinds de Negentiende Eeuw (Amsterdam, 1984); see also H. van Dijk, 'Wealth and Property in the Netherlands', Mededelingen Centrum voor Maatschappijgeschiedenis, 8 (1980). 38. An increase in the inequality of incomes should not be excluded, as shown locally by Fischer, Fabriqueurs, pp. 189-94; nor should impoverishment in certain phases of proto-industrialization, see Lis, Soly and Van Damme, Op Vrije Voeten? 39. The following pages rely on material derived from a student workgroup in Utrecht; my thanks to C. Jansens, V. Maduro, I. Mol, S. Ringeling and R. Stuut. 40. On mariners see e.g. J. R. Bruijn and J. Lucassen (eds), Op de Schepen der Oost-Indische Compagnie. Vijf Artikelen van J. de Hullu, ingeleid, bewerkt en voorzien van een Studie over de Werkgelegenheid bij de VOC (Groningen, 1980), and literature quoted there. 41. Cf. e.g. C. R. Dobson, Masters and Journeymen. A Prehistory of Industrial Relations 1717-1800 (London, 1980); a Dutch beginning in: A. J. Deurloo, 'Bijltjes en Klouwers. Een Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis der Amsterdamse Scheepsbouw, in het Bijzonder in de Tweede Helft der Achttiende Eeuw', Economische- en Sociaal-Historisch Jaarboek, 34 (1971), 4-71, esp. pp. 54-65; for a comparison of volksbuurten and arbeiderswijken see J. A. A. van Doom's discussion, De Proletarische Achterhoede, een Sociologische Kritiek (Meppel, 1954) and J. Haveman, De Ongeschoolde Arbeider (Assen, 1952). For a sociological discussion see also J. Simonse, Belemmerde Kansen, Sociologie van een Volksbuurt (Alphen, 1974); and F. Griinfeld and J. Weima, Leven in een Rotterdamse Randzone (Rotterdam, 1957). 42. C. van Eijl, et al., 'Het Vergeten Voetvolk. Een Onderzoek naar de Leefwereld van SDAP'ers in de Utrechtse Wijk Ondiep 1920-1940', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 11 (1985), 1-29, and literature quoted there. 43. See G. van Hooff, Ermoei Troef. De Helmonders 1850-1940 (Helmond, 1978); also earlier sonographic literature, such as A. Blonk, Fabrieken en Menschen; een Sociografie van Enschede (Enschede, 1929). 44. J. Giele, Arbeidersleven in Nederland 1850-1914 (Nijmegen, 1979), although broadly based, shows a rather static picture, and it is difficult to determine to what extent his texts are representative.

Notes to pp. 232-3 45.

46. 47. 48.

49.

50.

51.

52.

53.

54.

309

The British Journal of Sports History was first published in March 1984; for the Netherlands see e.g. J. C. Dona, Sport en Socialisme: de Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Arbeider Sportbond 1926-1940 (Amsterdam, 1981) and literature cited there. See Davids and Lucassen, 'Sociale Geschiedenis', pp. 365-6, n5. See articles in: Tijdschrift voor Zeegeschiedenis; Textielhistorische Bijdragen; and Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis. See also note 48. For example: Giele, Arbeidersleven; K. Slager, Landarbeiders. Verhalen om te onthouden (Nijmegen, 1981); W. Nijsten, J. Bours and M. Hautvast, Mijnwerkers. Verhalen om te onthouden (Nijmegen, 1979), and the relevant review by L. Kreukels, 'Verhalen om te onthouden', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 8 (1982), 76-7. The successor of the Mededelingenblad, Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, is not mentioned here, as it covers a wider field than the exclusive study of the history of the Dutch labour movement. The fact that the Bulletin considered itself to be the successor of the Jaarboek is apparent from the editorial T e n geleide' in vol. 8 (March 1986, p. 1) on the composition of the editorial board. Moreover, since 1980 a provincial G.A.L. Bulletin has been published (the abbreviation stands for 'Geschiedenis Arbeidersbeweging Limburg'). P. Boomgaard, 'Arbeidersgeschiedenis in Nederland, een Proeve tot een Sociale Psychologie', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 10 (1984), 368-79, in particular 368-9. e.g.,G. Harmsen, Idee en Beweging. Bekommentarieerde Bibliografie van de Geschiedenis van Socialisme en Arbeidersbeweging in Nederland (Nijmegen, 1972); G. Harmsen and B. Reinalda, Voor de Bevrijding van de Arbeid. Beknopte Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Vakbeweging (Nijmegen, 1975); see also references in Boomgaard, 'Arbeidersgeschiedenis in Nederland'. But see studies of recruitment to the SDB in P. van Horssen and D. Rietveld, 'De Sociaal Democratische Bond. Een Onderzoek naar het Ontstaan van haar Afdelingen en haar Sociale Structuur', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 1 (1975), 5-71, and 3 (1977), 3-54; F. Dieteren and I. Peeterman, Vrije Vrouwen of Werkmansvrouwen? Vrouwen in de Sociaal-Democratische Bond (1879-1894) (Utrecht, 1984). T. van Tijn, 'Voorlopige Notities over het Ontstaan van het Moderne Klassebewustzijn in Nederland', Mededelingenblad, Orgaan van de NVSG, 45 (1974), 33-48; and T. van Tijn, 'A Contribution to the Scientific Study of the History of Trade Unions', International Review of Social History, 21 (1976), 212-39; W. H. M. N. Alberts, et al., Marges van de Vakbeweging. Een Analyse aan de Hand van de Twentse Katoenstakingen in 1923-1924 en 1931-1932 (The Hague, 1982); L. Kreukels, Mijnarbeid: Volgzaamheid en Strijdbaarheid. Geschiedenis van

310

Notes to pp. 233-6

de Arbeidsverhoudingen in de Nederlandse Steenkolenmijnen, 1900-1940 (Assen/Maastricht, 1986). 55. e.g. Giele, Arbeidersbestaan. 56. E. Lucas, Arbeiterradikalismus. Zwei Formen von Radikalismus in der Deutschen Arbeiterbewegung (Frankfurt, 1976); Tilly, As Sociology meets History; T. van Tijn, 'Verkenningen inzake Ideologic in de Arbeidersbeweging' in C. A. Admiraal, P. B. M. Blaas and J. van der Zande (eds), Historicus in het Spanningsveld van Theorie en Praktijk. Opstellen, aangeboden aan Dr. H. Klompmaker (Leiderdorp, 1985), pp. 5-20. 57. Lucas, Arbeiterradikalismus. 58. Windmuller and De Galan, Arbeidsverhoudingen; Harmsen and Reinalda, Voor de Bevrijding van de Arbeid; cf. also M. Campfens, De Nederlandse Archieven van het Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis te Amsterdam (Amsterdam, 1984). 59. e.g. Harmsen and Reinalda, Voor de Bevrijding van de Arbeid, p. 152ff, which rejects (pp. 24-5) simplistic theories of conspiracy. Some form of conspiracy probably did exist, though: cf. Kreukels, Mijnarbeid. See also Van Tijn, 'Verkenningen inzake ideologic', p. 9. 60. On professionalization see H. Lintsen, Ingenieurs in Nederland in de Negentiende Eeuw: een Streven naar Erkenning en Macht (The Hague, 1980); C. A. Davids, 'De Zeevaartkunde en Enkele Maatschappelijke Veranderingen in Nederland tussen 1850 en 1914', Mededelingen van de Nederlandse Vereniging voor Zeegeschiedenis, 40/41 (1980), 51-83; N. Disco and H. Lintsen, 'De Vervlechting van Ingenieursberoep and Industrie 1890-1925', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 9 (1983), 343-69; G. M. W. Acda, 'De Ontwikkeling van het Beroep van Scheepsofficier' in 'Tot een Rechtschapen en Kloek Zeeman toe te rusten\ 1785-1985. Tweehonderd Jaar Kweekschool voor de Zeevaart en Rogere Zeevaartschool (Amsterdam/Zutphen, 1985), pp. 51-84, in particular 78-80. 61. See Windmuller and De Galan, Arbeidsverhoudingen, vol. 2, pp. 155-8. 62. Systematic research into the social origins of teachers, civil servants, defence personnel, engineers, etc., is called for. 63. J. Lucassen, Naar de- Kusten van de Noordzee. Trekarbeid in Europees Perspektief, 1600-1900 (Gouda, 1984), pp. 120ff. 64. Benson, The Penny Capitalists; O. Hufton, The Poor of EighteenthCentury France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). 65. J. Mokyr, 'Capital, Labour and the Delay of the Industrial Revolution in the Netherlands', Economisch- en Sociaal-historisch Jaarboek, 38 (1975), 28-99; J. de Vries, 'An Inquiry into the Behaviour of Wages in the Dutch Republic and the Southern Netherlands, 1580-1800', Acta Historicae Neerlandicae, 10 (1978), 79-97; see the extensive discussion in L. Noordegraaf, Daglonen in Alkmaar 1500-1950 (Alkmaar, 1980), pp. 87-104.

Notes to pp. 236-8 66.

67.

68.

69.

70. 71.

72. 73.

74.

75.

311

P. C. Jansen, 'Nijverheid in de Noordelijke Nederlanden 1650-1780' in Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, vol. 8 (Bussum, 1979), pp. 10223, in particular 114-6; Noordegraaf, Daglonen, pp. 87-104; De Meere, Economiscke Ontwikkeling, pp. 42-52; large differentials in wages for identical labour should also be taken into account: see Fischer, 'Economische Theorie en Historisch Onderzoek', p. 55ff. P. D. 't Hart, De Stad Utrecht en haar Inwoners. Een Onderzoek naar Samenhangen tussen Sociaal-economische Ontwikkelingen en de Demorgrafische Geschiedenis van de Stad Utrecht 1771-1825 (Utrecht, 1983). e.g. F. Bovenkerk and L. Brunt, De Rafelrand van Amsterdam. Jordaners, Pinda-chinezen, Ateliermeisjes en Venters in de Jaren Dertig. Vier Sociografische Schetsen (Amsterdam, 1977). See the summary of this debate in W. C. Ultee, 'Het Aanzien van Beroepen, op Andere Plaatsen en vooral in Andere Tijden. Een Analyse van een Aantal Historische Studies', Tijdschrift voorSociale Geschiedenis, 9 (1983), 28-48, especially p. 48, n. 31; J. L. van Zanden and D. van der Veen, 'Boeren, Keuters en Landarbeiders: de Sociale Structuur van Salland aan het Begin van de Negentiende Eeuw', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 10(1984), 155-93; B. M. A. de Vries, Electoraaten Elite: Sociale Structuur en Sociale Mobiliteit in Amsterdam 1850-1895 (Amsterdam, 1986). Except perhaps Van Tijn, 'Voorlopige Notities'. De Vries, Electoraat. See also N. Bos, 'De "Deftige Lui". Elites in Maastricht tussen 1850 en 1890', Tijdschrift voorSociale Geschiedenis, 12 (1986), 53-89. There is a major objection to this, dealt with below. As well as the nuclear family, there are of course other forms of loyalty along kinship lines, e.g. mixed households (see H. de Haan, 'Het Huishouden in Nederlands Verleden. Een Studie over de Literatuur', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 6 (1980), 45-78; D. Haks, Huwelijk en Gezin in Holland in de 17e en 18e Eeuw (Utrecht, 1985)). We cannot, of course, make any simplistic distinctions between the family as a unit of production and the kin-group as one of consumption. Surveys in De Meere, Economische Ontwikkeling, p. 77ff; A. Knotter and H. Muskee, 'Conjunctuur en Levensstandaard in Amsterdam 1815-1855. Een Onderzoek op Basis van de Plaatselijke Accijnzen', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 12 (1986), 153-81. L. Noordegraaf, Hollands Welvaren. Levensstandaard in Holland 14501650 (Bergen, 1985); see also the debate between Noordegraaf and Van Uytven in Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 12 (1986), 99-103; Noordegraaf, Daglonen; J. A. Faber, Dure Tijden en Hongersnoden in Pre-industrieel Nederland (Amsterdam, 1976) and the reaction to it: J. J. M. de Meere, 'Misoogst en Hongersnood: Beschouwingen naar Aanleiding van een Inaugurele Rede', Tijdschrift voorSociale Geschiedenis,

312

Notes to pp.

238-40

3 (1977), 83-96; De Meere, Economische Ontwikkeling: Knotter and Muskee, 'Conjuntuur'. 76. D . J . van der Veen. 'Standard of Living of Working Class Families: an Analysis of Expenditures', paper delivered to the conference on Income and Wealth, Utrecht 22-24 August 1986; J. L. van Zanden, 'Kosten van Levensonderhoud en Loonvorming in Holland en Oost-Nederland 1600-1850. De Voorbeelden van Kampen en Alkmaar', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 11 (1985), 309-23. 77. See the special issue of Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis on this subject: 31 (1983). 78. P. M. M. Klep, et al. (eds), Wonen in het Verleden 17e-20e Eeuw; Economie, Politiek, Volkshuisvesting, Cultuur en Bibliografie (Amsterdam, 1987). 79. D. Thorner, B. Kerblay and R. E. F. Smith (eds), A. V. Chayanov on the Theory of the Peasant Economy (Homewood, 1966); this theory might well be further applied outside the 'peasant economy'. 80. e.g. J. C. Vleggeert, Kinderarheid in Nederland 1500-1874. Van Berusting tot Beperking (Assen, 1964). 81. e.g. P. de Rooy, 'Vetkuifje waarheen? Jongeren in Nederland in de Jaren vijftig en zestig', Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 101 (1986), 76-94. 82. W. N. Schilstra, Vrouwenarbeid in Landbouw en Industrie in Nederland in de Tweede Helft van de Negentiende Eeuw, 2nd edn (Nijmegen, 1978), pp. 56ff and 104; S. Leyesdorff, Verborgen Arbeid- VergetenArbeid. Een Verkenning in de Geschiedenis van de Vrouwenarbeid rond negentienhonderd (Assen, 1977), pp. 17-24. 83. See C. Lis, 'Gezinsvorming en Vrouwen-arbeid tijdens een Versnellingsfase in de Ontwikkeling van het Kapitalisme, 1750-1850', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 10 (1984), 380-405. 84. D. J. van der Veen, 'Arbeidsduur in Nederland van ca. 1890 tot ca. 1925', in E. and P. Scholliers (eds), Werktijd en Werktijdverkorting (Brussels, 1983), pp. 40-59; L. Heerma van Voss, 'Een Case-Studie naar het Nederlandse Overheidsbeleid inzake Werktijd, 1919-1929', ibid. 85. L. A. van der Valk, Van Pauperzorg tot Bestaanszekerheid. Armenzorg in Nederland 1912-1965 (Amsterdam, 1986); T. van Tijn, 'De Opbouw van de Sociale Zekerheid', unpublished paper delivered to the Nederlands Historisch Genootschap conference in Rotterdam, 1 April 1980; J. Mannoury, 'De Ontwikkeling van het Sociale Zekerheidsstelsel' in Van Holthoon (ed.), De Nederlandse Samenleving, pp. 187-202; F. L. van Holthoon, 'De Armenzorg in Nederland', ibid., pp. 175-85; L. F. van Loo, 'Den Arme Gegeven . . .'. Een Beschrijving van Armoede, Armenzorg en Sociale Zekerheid, 1874-1965 (Amsterdam, 1981).

Notes to pp. 86.

87. 88.

89.

90.

91.

92. 93.

94.

95.

96.

240-5

313

J . J . Voskuil, 'De Weg naar Luilekkerland', Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 98 (1983), 460-83; B. Althena and D. van der Veen, 'Een Onbekende Enquete naar Broodconsumptie in Nederland in 1890', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 12 (1986), 135-52. P. Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (London, 1978). German and French developments have also been an inspiration, as is manifested in the work of one of the pioneers, D. J. van der Ven, who founded the Open Air Museum. NB also the P. J. Meertens Institute in Amsterdam as a centre for the study of popular culture. On the 'consumption' of literature, see the special issue of Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 10 (1984); on film see G. Convents, 'Beeldvorming over Zwart Afrika: Films over de Belgische Congo 1897-1914', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 8 (1982), 389-414; D. Unger, 'De Nederlandse Historische Speelfilm', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 9 (1983), 108-39. Although conspiracy theory is not entirely absent, one might mention: A. de Regt, Arbeidersgezinnen en Beschavingsarbeid. Ontwikkelingen in Nederland 1870-1940; een Historisch-sociologische Studie (Amsterdam, 1984); and L. E. van Rijswijk-Clerkx, Moeder, Kinderen en Kinderopvang. Verandering in de Kinderopvang in Nederland (Nijmegen, 1981). A good example is T. van Tijn, Twintig Jaar Amsterdam: de Maatschappelijke Ontwikkelingen van de Hoofdstad van dejaren '50 der Vorige Eeuw tot 1876 (Amsterdam, 1965); idem, 'Het Sociale Leven in Nederland 1844—1875' in Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, vol. 12 (Bussum, 1978), pp. 131-66; idem, 'Het Algemene Karakter van het Tijdvak 1875-1895', ibid., vol. 13 (Bussum, 1978), pp. 78-100. Tilly, As Sociology meets History, pp. 191-210; J. Kocka, Sozialgeschichte, 2nd edn (Gottingen, 1986), chapter IV. Davids and Lucassen, 'Sociale Geschiedenis', p. 366, n. 6. Recently a new group has been formed to study 'Police, law and society in historical perspective' set up by the Police Museum in The Hague, the University of Amsterdam (J. C. H. Blom inter alia), and the Catholic University of Brabant. S. van RuUer and P. Ippel, 'Diefstal, Doodstraf en Lijfsgenade in de Negentiende Eeuw', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 10 (1984), 3-33. e.g. S. Faber, Strafregtpleging en Criminaliteit te Amsterdam, 1680-1811. De Nieuwe Menslievendheid (Arnhem, 1983); cf. P. Spierenburg, 'Criminele Geschiedenis: een Literatuuroverzicht', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 7 (1981), 251-64. J. Lucassen and R. Penninx, Nieuwkomers, Immigranten en hun Nakomelingen in Nederland 1550-1985 (Amsterdam, 1985), pp. 117-21, 154-8.

314 97.

98.

99.

Notes to pp. 245-51 Ibid.; D. van Arkel, 'Historisch Racisme-onderzoek: Achtergronden, Benaderingen, Problemen', Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 10 (1984), 438-62. e.g. E. W. Hofstee, De Demografische Ontwikkeling van Nederland in de Eerste Helft van de Negentiende Eeuw: een Historisch-demografisch en Sociologische Studie (The Hague, 1978), p. 163ff; A. J. Wichers, De Oude Plattelandsbeschaving: een Sociologische Bewustwording van de 'Overherigheid' (Wageningen, 1965); N. Elias, Het Civilisatieprocess: Sociogenetische en Psychogenetische Onderzoekingen, 2 vols (Utrecht, 1982), and the summary of the debate over his ideas in W. Frijhoff, 'Impasses en Beloften van de Mentaliteitsgeschiedenis,3 Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 10 (1984), 406-37, especially pp. 413-17. T. van Tijn, 'Geschiedenis als Bron van Inzicht in de Maatschappelijk Structuur van Noord-Brabant; het Platteland van de Meijerij in de 19e en 20e Eeuw' in Plaatsbepaling van het Historisch Onderzoek betreffende Noord-Brabant binnen de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis van het Zuiden van Nederland, vol. 54 (Tilburg, 1982), pp. 123-33; and idem, 'Integrate Geschiedschrijving/Sociale Geschiedenis', unpublished paper delivered to the NVSG, 8 October 1983.

PART IV: THE VISUAL ARTS

Chapter 20: C. Brown 1. 2.

3.

4. 5.

Inv. no. 199, oil on copper, 17.1 x 13.1 cm. N. MacLaren, The Dutch School: National Gallery Catalogues (London, 1960), pp. 389-90. In identifying the scene as Lesbia and her sparrow, MacLaren was following the description of the painting in the Panne (1819) and Smith (1828) sales (see below, notes 3 and 25). It is described as 'Lesbia, weighing her bird against pearls and other gems' in John Smith, Catalogue Raisonne of the Works of the Most Eminent Dutch and Flemish Painters (London, 1833), vol. 4, p. 278, no. 47; and as 'Lesbia weighing jewels against her sparrow' in C. Hofstede de Groot, A Catalogue Raisonne of the Works of the Most Eminent Dutch Painters of the Seventeenth Century (London, 1913), vol. 5, p. 335, Schalcken no. 91. It was Hofstede de Groot who first precisely identified the literary source of the subject as 'Catullus, Carmen iii'. Philippe Panne sale, London, 26-28 March 1819, 3rd day, lot 80: Schalken: Lesbia weighing her favourite bird, the companion [to lot 79: Francis Mieris: Lesbia with her Sparrow]. E. J. Sluijter, De 'Heydensche Fabulen' in de Noordnederlandse Schilderkunst circa 1590-1670 (The Hague, 1986). A. Houbraken, De Groote Schouburgh der Nederlantsche Konstschilders en

Notes to pp.

6. 7. 8. 9.

10.

11.

12. 13. 14.

15.

16.

17.

18. 19.

251-6

315

Schilderessen (Amsterdam, 1721), vol. 2, p. 175. Catullus, Fragmentis quae extant, Apud Ioann. Ianssonium (Amsterdam, 1640). Catullus, Fragmentis quae extant, Typis L. Elzevirii (Amsterdam ,1651). See note 4. B. Kniittel, 'Spielende Kinder bei einer Herculesgruppe', Oud Holland, 801 (1966), 245-58. The National Gallery's Schalcken is discussed on pp. 247-8. The inventory mentioned was published by J. Becker, 'Dieses emblematische Stuck stellt die Erziehung der Jugend vor', Oud Holland, 90 (1976), 77-107. Compare, for example, the neckline in Schalcken's portrait of his wife painted in 1679 and now in the collection of the Prince of Liechtenstein in Vaduz (Inv. no. 588, oil on copper, 43 x 32 cm.; exhibited in 1987 in the Kunstmuseum, Basel, in the exhibition 1m Lichte Hollands and illustrated in the exhibition catalogue as no. 90). A. Henkel and A. Schone, Emblemata, rev. edn, (Stuttgart, 1967), cols 743ff. W. Strauss (ed.), The Illustrated Bartsch, (New York, 1980), vol. 4, B273. Brussels, Musee des Beaux-Arts. See J. S. Held, T h e Burdens of Time, a Footnote on Abraham Janssens', Bulletin des Musees Royaux des Beaux Arts de Bruxelles (1952-3), 11-12. E. de Jongh, 'Erotica in Vogel Perspectief: de Dubbelzinnigheid van een Reeks 17de Eeuwse Genrevoorstellingen', Simiolus, 3 (1968-9), 22-74. See for example De Jongh, 'Erotica', pp. 48ff; idem, Zinne en MinneBeelden in de Nederlandse Schilderkunst van de 17de Eeuzv (Amsterdam, 1967), pp. 34-42; catalogue of the exhibition, Tot Lering en Vermaak, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 1976, cat. nos 40, 50, 58 and 59. Also Kniittel, 'Spielende Kinder bei einer Herculesgruppe', and Becker, 'Dieses emblematische Snick stellt die Erziehung der Jugend vor'. The Dutch version of the subscriptio reads: Waer dat den Maeghdom leyt ginck Els haer voester vraghen, De min dacht, segg'ick 't niet, sy mocht daer van gewagen Aen Ritsaert, dat's een boef, die soud'haer doen bescheyt; Dies sprack sy, neemt dees doos, hier in de Maeghdom leyt: (Int doosken sat een vinck.) De min was nau vertoghen, De doos was op-ghedaen, de voghel was ontvloghen. Ach Maeghdoms meeps ghewas! dat ons soo licht ontglijt, Met soecken jaeght-men 't wegh, met vinden wert-men 't quijt. Kniittel, 'Spielende Kinder bei einer Herculesgruppe', p. 248, n. 14. J. H. Krul, Minne-Beelden toe-ghepast de Lievende Ionckheydt (1634), p. 28.

316 20. 21.

22. 23. 24. 25.

Notes to pp. 257-65 G. Hoet, Catalogus of Naamlyst van Schilderyen, met derzelver pryzen (The Hague, 1752), vol. 2, p. 412. P. van Thiel, et al., All the Paintings of the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam (1976), p. 387. (Inv. no. C182, panel, 17.5 x 14 cm., signed and dated 1676.) O. Naumann, Frans van Mieris the Elder (Doornspijk, 1981), vol. 2, cat. no. 108. E. de Jongh, Zinne en Minne-Beelden in de Nederlandse Schilderkunst, pp. 40-2. Greffiers Fagel (of The Hague) sale, London, 22-23 May 1801 (2nd day, lot 40), 51 guineas. See note 3. John Smith sale, London, 2-3 May 1828, (lot 29): Lesbia and her Sparrow, 56 guineas. (By 1833 the painting was in the collection of Richard Simmons who bequeathed it to the National Gallery in 1847).

Chapter 21: A. Doig 1. 2. 3.

4.

5.

6.

7. 8. 9. 10.

Theo van Doesburg, 'Schilderkunst: Van Kompositie tot Contra-compositie', De Stijl, vol. 7, series 13, no. 73/4 (1926), pp. 17-27 (p. 17). Theo van Doesburg, De Schilder De Winter en zijn Werk - Psychoanalytische Studie (Haarlem, 1916), p. 2. Theo van Doesburg, 'De Nieuwe Beweging in de Schilderkunst', De Beweging, 8 (August, 1916), 148-56 (pp. 149-50); see also idem, De Nieuwe Beweging in de Schilderkunst (Delft, 1917), p. 29. Theo van Doesburg, 'De Ontwikkeling der Moderne Schilderkunst' in his Drie Voordrachten over de Nieuwe Beeldende Kunst: haar Ontwikkeling, Aesthetisch Beginsel en Toekomstigen Stijl (Amsterdam, 1919), p. 27. For a more extended study of the philosophical sources of Van Doesburg's theory see particularly the Introduction of Allan Doig, Theo van Doesburg: Painting into Architecture, Theory into Practice (Cambridge, 1986). See G. J. P. J. Bolland, Zuivere Rede en hare Werkelijkheid, 3rd edn (Leiden, 1912), pp. 31 and 559 (for his quotations from Hegel); lecture delivered on 2 November 1906, published in Bolland3s College over Schoonheid en Kunst, vol. 2, reprinted from the periodical Denken en Leven (1939), p. 91; and the lecture of 12 October 1906, Bolland's College, vol. 1, Denken en Leven (1938), p. 28. Hans Hesse, Pictures as Arguments (London, 1975), p. 133. Theo van Doesburg, 'Der Wille zum StiF, De Stijl, vol. 5, no. 2 (February 1922), pp. 23-32 (p. 25). Arthur Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Representation, translated by E. F. J. Payne (Indian Hills, Col., 1958), see pp. 444-5. Van Doesburg, De Schilder De Winter, pp. 6-7.

Notes to pp. 266-75 11.

317

Letter of 7 February 1916, now in the Van Doesburg Archive, Schenking Van Moorsel, Rijksdienst Beeldende Kunst, The Hague, published in Evert van Straaten (ed.), Theo van Doesburg, 1883-1931; een Documentaire op Basis van Materiaal uit de Schenking Van Moorsel (The Hague, 1983), p. 56. 12. Ibid., p. 61. 13. Lecture of 19 October 1906, Bolland's College, vol. 1, p. 63. 14. Now in the Van Doesburg Collection, no. AB 4737, illustrated in Van Straaten, Theo van Doesburg, p. 37. 15. 'Van "natuur" tot "kompositie"', De Hollandsche Revue, vol. 24, no. 8 (25 August 1919), 470-6 (p. 470). 16. A. Pit, Het Logische in de Ontwikkeling der Beeldende Kunsten (Utrecht, 1912), unpaginated. 17. J. J. P. Oud, 'Over Cubisme, Futurisme, Moderne Bouwkunst, enz.', Bouwkundig Weekblad, vol. 37, no. 20 (16 September 1916), 156-7. 18. J. Havelaar, De Symboliek der Kunst (Haarlem, 1918), p. 42. 19. See Havelaar, De Symboliek der Kunst, pp. 90-1; Pit, Het Logische in de Ontwikkeling der Beeldende Kunsten, rarely mentions modern art and was hardly able to imagine an art without a natural subject, but see p. 63 concerning his conception of the relationship between idea and technique. Pit apparently agreed with his mentor Bolland, whose opinion about the possibility of an 'absolute art' can be found in his lecture of 2 November 1906, Bolland's College, vol. 2, pp. 91-2. 20. Theo van Doesburg, 'Aantekeningen over Monumentale Kunst: naar Aanleiding van twee Bouwfragmenten', De Stijl, vol. 2, no. 1 (November 1918), 10-12. 21. 'La Signification de la Couleur en Architecture', La Cite, vol. 4, no. 10 (May 1924), 181-7 (p. 187). 22. Theo van Doesburg, 'Architectuur-Diagnose', Architectura, vol. 28, no. 15 (17 May 1924), 61-3 (p. 61). 23. Ibid., p. 62. 24. Theo van Doesburg, 'Uber das Verhaltnis von malerischer und architektonischer Gestaltung', Der Cicerone, vol. 19, no. 18 (1927), 564-70 (pp. 569-70); see also Van Doesburg's article 'Farben im Raum und Zeit', De Stijl, special Aubette number 87-9, series 15 (1928), 26-36 (PP. 33-6). 25. Van Doesburg, 'Schilderkunst', pp. 24-5. 26. Ibid., pp. 26-7. 27. Theo van Doesburg, 'Het Glas-in-Lood in de Oude en Nieuwe Architectuur', Het Bouwbedrijf, vol. 7, no. 6 (14 March 1930), 122-5 (p. 125). 28. Theo van Doesburg, 'De Beelding van het Interieur', Het Binnenhuis, vol. 12, no. 16 (31 July 1930), 181-4 (p. 184).

Bibliography: The Principal Publications of Professor P. K. King

Twee Symbolische AUegorieen in Vondels Adam in Ballingschap', Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde, 72 (1954). T h e Sacramental Thought in Vondel's Drama', Modern Language Review, 51 (1956). (With M. King) Concise Dutch-English Dictionary and Grammar, London, 1958. 'Multatuli's Psyche', 'Modern Language Review, 53 (1958). 'Eva en de Dichter', Spiegel der Letteren, 3 (1959). Articles on Dutch Literature, Encyclopaedia Britannica (1959). Idem, Chambers' Encyclopaedia (1959). 'Vondel tussen Imitatio en Imitatio Christi', De Nieuwe Taalgids, 58 (1965). 'Drie Afwijkingen in het Nederlands', Leuvense Bijdragen, 55 (1966). Chapters on Dutch in: Guide to Foreign Language Courses and Dictionaries, 2nd edn, London, 1967; 3rd edn, 1977. Articles on Dutch Literature in The Penguin Companion to Literature, vol. 2, Harmondsworth, 1969. 'Nederland van Buitenaf gezien', Neerlandia, 74 (1970). Dawn Poetry in the Low Countries, Amsterdam, 1971. 'Netherlands?', De Nieuwe Taalgids, 64 (1971). 'Multatuli: Some Reflections on Perk, Kloos and Boon' in: European Context: Studies in the History and Literature of the Netherlands presented to Theodoor Weevers, edited by P. K. King and P. F. Vincent, Cambridge, 1971. Multatuli, New Haven, Connecticut, 1972. 'Flos Veneris', in Litterae Textualis. Essays presented to G. I. Lieftinck, vol. 2, Amsterdam, 1972. 'Dutch Studies at Cambridge', Escape, vol. 4, no. 3 (1972). Word-indexes to Vondel's 'Bespiegelingen van Godt en Godtsdiensf and 'Lucifer*, Cambridge, 1973. 'Dutch Studies written in English 1962-71', Dutch Studies, vol. 1, The Hague, 1974.

320

Bibliography

(Contributor) Levend Nederlands. Een Audio-visuele Cursus Nederlands voor Buitenlanders, Cambridge, 1975. T h e Series Spectrum van de Nederlandse Letterkunde' (review article), Dutch Studies, vol. 3, The Hague, 1977. 'De Verkeerde Wereld in Vanden Vos Reinaerde', De Nieuwe Taalgids, 70 (1977). 'Festivities of Pain and Grief for the Translator', Dutch Crossing, 4 (1978). 'Reject from a Diseased Organism' (Jan Wolkers), Adam, 41 (1978). 'Three Translations of Vondel's Kinder-lyck\ Dutch Crossing, 8 (1979). ' "Vondels Lucifer": een Mislukt Theologisch Toneelstuk' in Visies op Vondel na 300Jaar, The Hague, 1979. (With Rex Last) 'The Design and Implementation of a CAL package for Modern Language Teaching', British Journal of Educational Technology (October, 1979). 'Nijhoffs "Het Uur U" in Engelse Vertaling', LEKR, Lulofsnummer (Groningen, 1980). 'Vondel, a Prophet in his own Country', Dutch Crossing, 11 (July 1980). Gezelle and Multatuli: A Question of Literature and Social History, Hull, 1977. Also published in Gezelle Kroniek, 14 (1980). 'lets over de Metafoor in Hoofts Vers' in Uyt Liefde geschreven. Studies over Hooft, 1581-16 maart 1981, Groningen, 1981. 'Petrarch and the Dutch Movement of 1880' in Festschrift fur Leonard Forster, Baden-Baden, 1982. Concordances of the Works of J. van den Vondel, vol. 1: Maria Stuart of Gemartelde Majesteit; vol. 2: Leeuwendalers, Goppingen, 1982. 'Aims and Methods in Foreign Language Teaching', in Linguistische en Socio-Culturele Aspecten van het Taalonderwijs, Ghent, 1982. 'Dutch Studies', in The Year's Work in Modern Language Studies, 19 (1958)48 (1986). 'The Voluptuous Man: Translation of De Wellustige MenscK with an introduction, Dutch Crossing, 28 (1986). 'Dutch Landscape Art and Literature in the Seventeenth Century', Dutch Crossing, 31 (1987). 'De Ontvangst van Multatuli in Engelse Vertalingen', Juffrouw Ida, 13 (1987). 'Kanttekeningen over de Ontvangst van Nederlandse Literatuur in Engeland', De Gids, 100 (1987). 'Genre Painting and the Contemporary Theatre' in Images of the World: Dutch Genre Painting in its Historical Context, London, 1987. 'Vondel en de Emblematiek' in Jetzt kehr ich an den Rhein, Cologne, 1987. 'Multatuli's Contribution to Colonial Literature', Dutch Heights (December 1987). Multatuli's 'Max Havelaar3: Fact or Fiction?, Hull, 1987. (With M. J. Wintle) The Netherlands, Clio World Bibliography Series, Oxford, 1988.

Index

[For personal names with a prefix, e.g. J. de Jong, see under the main stem, viz. Jong, J. de.] ADULT (Association of Dutch Language Teachers), 2 Acta Sanctorum quotquot Orbe coluntur, 75, 77, 79-83, 86 Aernoutsbroeders, 118 Aken, P. van, 156 Alberts, W. H. M. N., 233 Algemeen Handelsblad, 158 Algemeen Nederlandsche Diamantbewerkers Bond (ANDB), 164-6, 168, 170 Alle de Wercken (Cats), 255 'Allegory of Virtue and Riches' (Schalcken), 249-58 Alles komt terecht (Roelants), 155 Alphen, H. van, 20 Alter, J. V., 155 Althochdeutsches Worterbuch, 111 Amorie van der Hoeven, A., 28 Amsterdam, 28, 133, 149, 163-5, 230, 232, 237, 243, 251, 256-7 Amsterdam University, 52, 138, 271 Anarchism, 166-7, 170, 233 Anglo-Dutch Wars, 226 Anglo-Netherlands Mixed Commission, 2 Annecy, 188 Antwerp, 105, 110, 170 Ardingly College, 1

Area studies, 3 Arp, H., 273 'Art/Criticism' (Van Doesburg), 259-75 Artigas, M., 105 As I Lay Dying (Faulkner), 153, 155, 157-9 Atkins, E., 122-4 Atlantic Monthly, 154 Augsburg, 109 Australia, 243 Austria, 202 Awdeley, J., 116 BRT (Belgian Radio and Television), 221 Balkema, A. A., 133 Barrett, J., 32 Bartle, G. F., 28, 31-2 Bataviaasch Genootschap, 30 Batavian Anthology, 27, 29, 32-3 Baudelaire, C. P., 126, 129-30 Becanus, Goropius, 110 Beckett, S., 153 Bede, 105 Bedford College, London, 1 Beets, N., 36 Belgian Revolution, 29

322

Modern Dutch Studies

Belgium, 28-9, 155, 203, 206, 209-22, 223 Benelux, 189, 199-206 Benelux Plan, 200-5 Benson, J., 229, 235 Bentham, J., 26, 30 De Beweging, 126-7 Beyen Plan, 186-7, 207-8 Bezonnen Verzen (Boutens), 38 Bible, The, 93, 109-10, 112, 114 Biblical plays, 88-104 Bilderdijk, W., 28-9, 32-4 Bilthoven, 87 Binnenhof, 211 Het Binnenhuis, 275 Bint (Bordewijk), 6, 148-51 Biographies, criminal, 116-25 Biondo, Flavio, 105 Blake, W., 130, 133 Bloem, J. C , 6, 126-35 Boer War, 127 Boll, H., 159 Bolland, G. J. P. J., 263, 265,

British Critic, 27 British Journal of Sports History, 232 Broekhuizen, J. van, 27 Bronte, E., 133 Brooke, R., 130-1 Brougham, H. P., 30 Browning, R., 129, 131-2 Bruges, 128 Bruggeman, J., 84 Brugmans, I. J., 224 Bruijn, J., 236 Brussels, 163, 210-11 Brynmor Jones Library, Hull, 2 Buijnsters, P. J., 118, 125 Bulletin Nederlandse Arbeidersbeweging, 232 Burgerhart, S., 20 Burgundy, 91 Burke, P., 240 Burne-Jones, E., 130 Burns, R., 133 Business unionism, 168-9 Byron, Baron G., 29

267-70 Bollandus, I., 77, 79-81, 83 Bolton, 26 Boogaard-Bosch, A. C , 78 Boon, L-P., 156-7, 159 Bordewijk, F., 6, 148-51 Borrow, G., 31-2 Boudewijn, King, 209, 222 Bouman, P. J., 184 Boutens, P. C., 5, 38-47, 126, 128, 131-2 Het Bouwbedrijf, 275 Bowring, Sir John, 5, 25-37 Braak, M. ter, 148, 151 Bredero, G. A., 32 Bridges, R. S., 128 Brink, A. P., 297 Britain, 91, 116-25, 126-53, 172, 175, 187-208, 216, 218, 223, 229-30, 232, 235, 238, 240

CALL (Computer Assisted Language Learning), 5, 60-72 CILT (Centre for Information on Language Teaching), 60 CNV (Christelijk Nationaal Vakverbond), 235 CPN (Communist Party of the Netherlands), 233 Cahiers over de Geschiedenis van de CPN, 232 Caldwell, E., 154, 158-9 Calvete de Estrella, J. C , 105, 108, 110-12, 114-15 Calvinism, 29 Cambridge University, 1, 36 Canada, 201-2, 206-7 Canton, 26 Capital (Marx), 163 Carmina (Catullus), 251, 295

Index Cassander, G., 110-15 Catalogus of Naamlyst van Schilderyen (Hoet), 256 Catholic Party (Belgium), 212, 214, 217, 221 Cats, J., 255 Catullus, G. V., 249, 251, 295 Caveat or Warming (Harman), 116 Chandler, F. W., 116 Charlemagne, 107-8, 110, 112 Charles V, Emperor, 107 Chatterton, T., 133 Chayanov, A. V., 238 China, 26 Chronicon (J. a Leydis), 82 Civil service, 215-21, 242 Claes, E., 4, 14-18, 23 Clare, J., 32 Classic - Baroque - Modern (Van Doesburg), 264 Claus, H., 6, 154-8 Clerq, W. de, 27-9, 32-3 Cleves, 114-15 Cobbett, W., 34 Codex Argenteus, 110 Coens, M., 83 Colijn, H., 176, 179 T h e Colleagues', 219 Collins, W., 133 Cologne, 79, 86, 110-134 Colonel Jack (Defoe), 121-2 Colonies, 3, 29-30, 36, 127, 175, 183 Commonwealth, The, see Het Gemenebest Communism, 232-3 Computers, 5, 6-72 Conference of National Alarm, 178-9 Confessional labour movement, 233-4 Constanter Genootschap, 30 Corporatism, 174, 184

323

Costa, I. da, 28-9 Council of Europe, 207 Cowper, W., 133 Cripps, S., 193 Dadaism, 271 'Daghet in den oosten', 5, 75-87 Dagut, M., 49-51, 57, 282 Dale, Van, 21 Davidsfonds, 214 Davos, 275 Dawn poetry, 5, 75 Day Lewis, C , 132 De Litteris et Lingua Getarum (Vulcanius), 109-10 De Probatis Sanctorum Historiis (Surius), 79, 83, 85 Defoe, D., 6, 116-25 Deken, A., 148 Dekker, T., 133 Delfland, 87 Delft, 5, 75, 78, 86, 229 Denmark, 200, 202, 206 Depillarization, 214 Derrida, J., 13 Deysell, L. van, 294 Diarium (Bruggeman), 84 Diatessaron (Tatian), 109 Dickinson, E., 133 Dictionnaire des Imprimeurs (Rouzet), 85 De Dioskuren (Kemp), 156 Divisiekroniek, 79, 83 Doesburg, T. van, 7, 259-75 Donne, J., 133 Doorbraak, 178-9 Dordrecht, 249, 251, 258 Douglas, A., 128 Dowsett, C , 15 Dowson, E., 127-8 Drees, W., 175-6 Drie Voordrachten (Van Doesburg), 262, 264

324

Modern Dutch Studies

Dryden, T., 133 De Duivel vaart in ons (Van Aken), 156 Dundee, 60 Dutch School, 249 Duymaer van Twist, A. J., 29 Dyk, H. S. van, 27, 31, 33 ECA (Economic Co-operation Administration), 194-5 ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community), 207 EPU (European Payments Union), 187-208 Easter plays, 89 Ecologists, 222 Edwards, R., 20 Eenheid, 266 Eenige Toelichtingen en Bedenkingen (Lulofs), 34 Eesteren, C. van, 271, 273 Egmond, 113 Einthoven, J., 179 Elias, N., 246 Eliot, T. S., 129, 133, 135 Elseviefs Weekblad, 158 Enea Silvio, 105 Engels, F., 230 Den Engelschen Schelm (Head), 118, 120 England, see Britain English poetry, 126-35 The English Rogue (Head), 6, 116-25 Enlightenment, 223 Enschede, J. (printer), 133 Enzinck, W., 21 Erasmus, D., 108, 114 Esbattement vanden Appelboom, 32 Esveldt, S. van, 125 European and Modern Dutch Studies, 4 European Community, 209, 219 European Defence Community, 207

European integration, 186-208 European Integration Fund, 189-208 European Investment Bank, 192-4, 196, 198 European Political Community, 208 Exeter, 26 Eyck, P. N. van, 6, 126-35 Eyskens, M., 217 Fabri, F., 85-6 Fabri, P., 85 Fagel, H., 256 Falck, A., 28 Faulkner, W., 6, 152-9 El felicisimo viaje del muy alto, 105 Fielding, H., 122 First International, 162-3 Fitzgerald, E., 132-3 Flacius Illyricus, M., 109 Flanders, 212-13, 218, 222 The Flown Bird' (Van Mieris), 256-7 Foreign Quarterly Review, 27 Fortune's Fickle Distribution (Defoe), 123 Fragmentis quae extant (Catullus), 251 France, 26, 126-8, 130, 132, 135, 155, 158, 175, 192-208, 219, 235 Franks, 107-8 Fraternitye ofVacabondes (Awdeley), 116 Free University, Amsterdam, 52 Freising, 108-9 French Revolution, 223-4, 230 Frisian, 27-8, 30, 33 Front des Francophones, 213 Frost, R., 132 Fugger, U., 109 GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade), 186-208 Gallee, J. H., 93

Index

325

Groningen University, 1, 30, 34 Galway, 122-3 Grotius, 1 Gardner, H., 133 Gualtherus, C., 110-11, 113-15 Garros, R., 20 Guicciardini, L., 105 Gassar, Achilles Pirmin, 109 Guillen, C., 117 Gebed om Geweld (Claus), 156 Guzman de Alfarache (Mabbe), 118 Geertruyd van Oosten, 75-87 Gysbeek, W., 34 De Gemeenschap, 131 Het Gemenebest, 178, 184 Haarlem, 133 Generate Legende der Heylighen Hague, The, 75, 86, 163, 182, 204, (Rosweydus), 81, 86 211 Geneva, 204 Hardy, T., 128-9, 132-3 Gennep, Van (publishers), 233 Harman, T., 116, 120 George S., 127, 129 Harmsen, G., 233 Germania, 108 Hart, P. D. 't, 236 Germany, 132-3, 135, 162-4, Havelaar, J., 269-70 175-80, 182-3, 197, 200, 202, Head, R., 6, 116-25 208, 219, 223, 242 Hebrew, 49-51, 53, 56-7 Gertrudis of Delpht, 78 Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 223, 242 Hegel, W. F., 262, 265, 268 Heidelberg, 109 Gestel, L., 266 Helmers, J. F., 34 Ghent, 5, 105-15 Helmond, 231 De Gids, 36 Hemingway, E., 154 Giele, J., 233 Henkel, A., 252 Gielemans, J., 79 Hermans, W. F., 151 Glide van de Blauwe Schuit, 118 Herzog-August Bibliothek, 90 Godson, Mary, 124 Higden, R., 11 Goes, F. van der, 163-4, 167-8 High Court of Accounts (Belgium), Gogarty, O. St J., 131-3 215, 220 Gogh, V. van, 224 The Highland Rogue (Defoe), 122 Gold standard, 171 Historiography, 7, 223-46 Goltzius, H., 252-3 History Workshop Journal, 223 The Gondola (Van Dyk), 32 Hitler, A., 175 Goossens, M., 76-8, 83-4 Hoet, G., 256 Goropius, J., 110 Hofstee, E. W., 246 Goiter, H., 134, 168 Hogendorp, G. K. van, 29 Gospel Harmony (Otfrid), 107 Hogeschool Holland, 52 Gossaert, G., 130 Holland, County of, 75, 87 Gosse, Sir Edmund, 36-7 Hollandsche Maatschappij voor Goths, 109-10 Letterkunde, 28 Gray, T., 130, 133 Holy Roman Empire, 110 Greece, 202 Homosexuality, 128 Greene, R., 117 Hong Kong, 26 Griffiths, R. T., 224 Hood, T., 26 Groningen, 164, 231

326

Modern Dutch Studies

Hopkins, G. M., 133 Housman, A. E., 128, 131-3 Howson, G., 124 Hufton, O., 235 Hull University, 1-8, 60-72 Hulst, 94 Humberside, 2 Huyse, L., 219 IISG (Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis), 232-3 I-narrative, 118, 123, 152-9 Iansen, S. A. P. J. H., 93 Immerzeel, J., 28 Index Sanctorum Ianuarij, 80-1 Industrial Revolution, 223-7, 229-30, 244 Industrialization, 236 Institute of Modern Dutch Studies, Hull University, 1-8. Integral history, 246 Interference, LI, 48-59 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 193-4, 197 International Socialist Congress, 163 International Society for the Study of Medieval Theatre, 90 Ippel, P., 243 Isacker, F. van, 156 Italy, 191-208 Itinerarium Germaniiae, 109 Jaarboek voor de Geschiedenis van Socialisms, 232 Jammes, F., 129 Jansen, P. C., 236 Janssens, A., 252, 254 Java, 30, 36 'Jesus die is ghecomen', 77, 86-7 Johannessen, K. L., 88-9 Johnson, Capt. Ch., 125 Johnson, S., 133 Tonce, J. A. de, 224, 229

Jongh, E. de, 252 Joseph of Arimathea, 112 Joyce, J., 129, 132 Jungen, 163 KAB (Katholieke Arbeiders Bond), 235 Kampen, N. G. van, 28 Kandinksky, W., 260-1, 263, 267 Kapitaal en Arbeid (Roland Hoist), 224 Kapitaal en Volksinkomen (Van den Tempel), 170 Karakter (Bordewijk), 149 Kautsky, K., 162, 166, 169 Keats, J., 128-31, 135 Kellerman, E., 55 Kemp, B., 156-7 Keynes, J. M., 173 Kilmarnock, 26 King, Moll, 124 King, Peter Kenneth, 1-8, 39, 60, 75, 138-9, 145, 147, 249, 282-3, 319-20 King's College Choir School, 1 Kinker, J., 34 Kipling, R., 127 Kirkman, F., 119-20 Kneppelhout, J., 36 Knight, A., 90-1 Knotter, A., 230 Kmittel, B., 252, 256 Kocka, J., 242 Kohlbrugge, H., 29 Kok, A., 266 Komrij, G., 39 Koninklijk-Nederlandsch Instituut van Wetenschappen, 30 Kredietbank, 214 Kroniek van de Nieuwe Kerk te Delft, 78 Krul, J. H., 256 Kuijper, H., 168 Kurosawa, A., 159

Index Labour movement, 6-7, 162-74, 232-5 Labour Plan, 6, 173-4 Lageirse, M., 112 Lancelot, of Denmark, 89 Het Land van Herkomst (De Perron), 148 Lange, A. de, 29 Langendijk, P., 34 Langres, 109 'Langs een Wereld' (Nijhoff), 6, 136-47 Language-teaching, 3, 5, 48-59, 60-72 Laren, 266 Lasalle, F., 163 'Lascivia' (Janssens), 252, 254 Last, R., 60 Laufer, B., 49-51, 57 Lawrence, D. H., 21, 22, 129 Leemans, E. J., 219 Leering-Van Moorsel Collection, 260 Leeuw, A. van de, 129 Leeuwarden, 30 Leiden, 109-11, 113-14, 167, 256 Leiden University, 52 Leigh Hunt, J. H., 132 Lennep, D. J. van, 28, 36 Lennep, J. van, 19 Leopardi, G., 133 Leopold, J. H., 129 Leopold I, King, 29 Leopold III, King, 212 Leven der HH. Maeghden, 81 Levend Nederlands, 61-2 Levens van Beruchte Personen (Buijnsters), 121 Levensbeschrijving van Kolonel Jack (Defoe), 121-2 Levensbeschrijving van wylen den Heere Jonathan Wild (Defoe), 122 Levensgevallen en Euveldaden (Defoe), 125

111

Leverhulme Trust, 1-2 Leydis, Johannes a, 79, 82 Liberal Party (Belgium), 212, 217, 221 Liberalism, 223-4 Lie, O., 284 Liebknecht, K., 163 Liefrinck, J., 112 Life and Actions of Moll Flanders, see Moll Flanders Life and Death of Moll Flanders, see Moll Flanders Lille, 88-95, 101-4 Linthorst Homan, J., 179, 181-4 Lis, C , 230 Literature of Roguery (Chandler), 116 Logic in the Development of the Plastic Arts (Pit), 268 London, 122-3, 125, 127-9, 183, 185, 249-51, 256 London Magazine, 30, 32 London University, 1, 30 Loo, L. F. van, 240 Lotman, Y. M., 18 Louis the Pious, 107, 112 Louvain, 78, 83, 85-6, 110 Louvain, Catholic University of, 212 Low Tariff Club, 207 Lowell, R., 135 Lucassen, J., 236 Lulofs, B. H., 28, 34-5 'Luxuria' (Goltzius), 252-3 Maatschappij der Nederlandse Letterkunde, 1 MacLaren, N., 249, 251 Maerlant, J. van, 27 Man, H. de, 6 Mann-Whitney U-lest, 65, 284 Mare, W. de la, 129 Marjolin, R., 190-1, 193 Marsh, E., 130

328

Modern Dutch Studies

Marshall Plan, 191, 193, 195 Marx, K., 162-3, 166, 168, 170-2, 230 Marxism, 6, 162-74, 230 Mase, J., 85 Masefield, J. E., 129 Matham, J., 252-3 Mauriac, C , 155 Max Havelaar (Multatuli), 5, 11, 14-15, 18-24, 29, 36, 148 Mededelingenblad, 232 Meere, J. J. M. de, 224, 226, 230, 236 Memorial Volume of Sacred Poetry, 26 Menuet (Boon), 156, 159 Meredith, G., 131, 134 Mertens, P., 15 Merula Paulus, 113-14 De Metsiers (Claus), 154, 156, 158-9 Meudon, 275 Mew, C , 133 Meynell, A., 131 Mieris, F. van, 256-7 Miert, K. van, 213 Mill, J. S., 30 Milton, J., 128, 132, 134 Miracle plays, 89 Mistere du Viel Testament, 91 Modern Dutch Studies, discipline of, 2-8, 62-5 'Modern' trade unionism, 165-70, 174 Mokyr, J., 236 Moll Flanders (Defoe), 6, 116-25 Mollett, I. S., 28 Mondriaan, P., 265-7 Morality plays, 89, 93 Morillon, the brothers, 110, 114 Morning Herald, 27, 35 Morris, W., 135 Mosander, J., 79-81

Multatuli, 5, 14-15, 18-24, 29, 36, 148 Multiple-I narrative, 152-9 Mussert, A. A., 175, 182 Mystery plays, 89-90, 93 De Muzen, 36

Naaman Prinche van Sijrien, 89 Nahuys, A., 19 Napoleonic Wars, 230 Nationaal Arbeids Secretariaat (NAS), 164-6 Nationaal-Socialistische Beweging (NSB), 175-7, 181-3 National Gallery, London, 7, 249-50 National Movement, 182-3 National Party, 184 Nationalism, 212-13, 222 Navy, Royal Dutch, 1 Nazism, 175-8 Neal, J. S., 30-1 Nederlandsch Verbond van Vakvereenigingen ( N W ) , 166, 170-4, 235 Nederlandsche Handelmaatschappij, 28 De Nederlandse Arbeidersbeweging, 233 Nederlandse Gemeenschap, 179-80, 182-3 Nederlandse Unie, 7, 175-85 Nederlandse Vereniging tot beoefening van de Sociale Geschiedenis, 232 Netherlands Community, see Nederlandse Gemeenschap Netherlands Union, see Nederlandse Unie New Oxford Book of English Poetry, 133 Newgate, 124

Index Nierstrasz, J. L., 28 Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant, 129 De Nieuwe Tijd, 166-7 Nieuwenhuis, F. D., 163 Nijhoff, M., 6, 135, 136-47 Nijmegen University, 52 Noord Brabant, 229 Noordegraaf, L., 236, 238 Norway, 175, 196, 200, 202 Novak Sanctorum, 79 OEEC (Organization for European Economic Co-operation), 187-208 Of Mice and Men (Steinbeck), 158 Old Bailey, 123-4 Old High German, 105-15 Oosten, A. van, 87 Oosten, Geertruyd van, see Geertruyd van Oosten Oosterbaan, D. P., 78, 84 Op de Grens van twee Werelden (Colijn), 176 Op het Breukvlak van twee Eeuwen (Romein), 246 Orange, House of, 176-7, 179, 183 Origines Antwerpianae (Becanus), 110 Otfrid von Weissenburg, 107-8, 114 Otho, J., 111-15 Ottheinrich, Elector Palatine, 113 Otto von Freising, 105 Oud-Bisschoppelijke Clerezie, 78, 84-5 Oudegeest, J., 174 Oudenaarde, 88-95, 98-101 Oxford Book of Modern Verse, 131 Oxford University, 134 Owen, W., 133 Pageants, 88-104, 105 Palm, J. H. van der, 28

329

Panne, P., 251, 256 Parable plays, 90-1 Paris, 78, 155, 163 Particracy, 213 Tassing worlds' (Nijhoff), 136-47 Passos, J. R. dos, 154 Patmore, C. K. D., 134 Paulus Diaconus, 105 Pella Plan, 191, 193, 195-8, 200-1, 205 Pennink, R., 77, 84 Pennsylvania University, 152 The Penny Capitalists (Benson), 229 Terelaar' (Boutens), 38-47 Perpignan, 90 Perron, C. E. du, 139 Perron, E. de, 148 Petsche, M., 192 Petsche Plan, 192-4, 196-7, 200-1, 205 Pflimlin Plan, 204-7 Philip, Crown Prince of Spain, 105-7, 114-15 Phrasal verbs, 48-59 Picaresque novels, 116-25 Picasso, P., 267 Pinget, R., 155 Pit, A., 268, 270 Plan socialism, 173 Polak, H., 164-6 Politiek Convent, 176-8, 181-2 Polychronicon, 11 Pope, A., 133 Potgieter, E. J., 36 Potter, F. de, 90 Prakke, F., 184 PreRaphaelitism, 130 Prevoyance Sociale, 214 Proper names, 4, 11-24, 148-51 Prophets' plays, 89 Puyvelde, L. van, 93 Quay, J. E. de, 7, 179, 182-5

330

Modern Dutch Studies

Quisling, V., 175 Rabbe, W., 152 Raffeisenkas, 214 Rashomon (Kurosawa), 159 Rassemblement Wallon, 213 Reinalda, B., 233 Reinink, H., 179 'Reperire, perire est' (Cats), 255 Rerum Germanicarum Libri III (Rhenanus), 108, 110 Rervm Belgicarvm Annates Chronici et Historici (J. a Leydis), 79 Reveil, 29 Revisionism, 166-7 Rhenanus, Beams, 105, 108-10 Rhetoricians, 5, 88-104 Rhine, 113 Richetti, J. J., 117, 121-2 Rijksmuseum, 256-7 Rijnland, 87 Robinson Crusoe (Defoe), 122, 124 Rochussen, J. J., 29 Rodenko, P., 159 Roelants, M., 155, 158 Roessingh, H. K., 225 The Rogue (Mabbe), 118-19, 121 Roland Hoist, A., 6, 126, 133-5 Roland Hoist, Henriette, 168-9, 224 Romans, 108, 114 Romany Rye (Borrow), 31 Rome, 207 Romein, J., 246 Ronsard, P. de, 129 Rossetti, Christina, 130, 133-4 Rossetti, D. G., 130, 133-4 Rostow, W. W., 224 Rosweydus, H., 81-4, 286 Rotgans, L., 34 Rouzet, A., 85 Royal Library, Brussels, 80 Ruhr, 100 Ruller, S. van, 243

Ruskin, J., 262 Russia, 238 Und sagte kein einziges Wort (Boll), 159 St Bernard, 84 St Corbinian, 109 St Edmund's House, Cambridge, 1 St Gall, 109 St Gregory, 84 St Sebastian, 146 Salazar, A. de O., 184 Sarraute, N., 155 Sartoris (Faulkner), 154 Sartre, J-P., 154-6 Saxo Grammaticus, 105 Scandinavia, 200 Schalcken, G., 7, 249-58 Schendel, A. van, 155-6, 158 De Schilder De Winter en zijn Werk (Van Doesburg), 259-75 Schmidt, F., 182-3, 185 Schone, A., 252 School War, 212 Schoonhovius, A., 110, 114 Schopenhauer, A., 263-4 Schulte, J. W., 113-14 Schuman Plan, 190, 192, 194 Scott, W., 28 Second International, 163 Secularization, 212, 214 Seemuller, J., 113 Selkirk, A., 124 Sermon on the Mount, 109 Seyss-Inquart, A., 175, 183, 185 Shakespeare, W., 34, 133 Shelley, P. B., 128, 130, 135 Sheridan, R. B., 148 Siegenbeek, M., 29 Silenus Alcibiadis (Cats), 255 Situations I (Faulkner), 154 'Sketch of the Language and Literature of Holland' (Bowring), 27, 29-30, 33-4

331

Index Slauerhoff, J. J., 139 Sluijter, E. J., 251 Sluiters, J., 266 Slymering, J., 19 Smith, Capt. A., 125 Smith, J., 256 Sociaal-Democratische Arbeiders Partij (SDAP), 164-5, 167-8, 171-4 Sociaal-Democratische Bond (SDB), 163-4 Sociaalhistorische Studiekring, 232 Social History, 223 Socialism, 6-7, 162-74, 223-4, 232-5 Socialist Party (Belgium), 212, 214, 216-17 Sociedad de Bibliofilos Espanoles, 105 Soly, H., 230 Song of Songs, 109, 112 Sotemann, A. L., 296 The Sound and the Fury (Faulkner), 153-5, 158 South Africa, 127 Spain, 117 Spandaw, W. G., 28 Specimens of the Russian Poets, 27 Spelen van zinne, 93 Standard of living debate, 230, 238 Staring, A. C. W., 34 Starr, G. A., 124 State entries, 90, 105 Stedelijke Museum, Amsterdam, 266 Steinbeck, J., 154, 158 Stenhuis, R., 171-2 Stijl, De, 7, 259-75 Stikker, D. U., 7, 186-92 Stikker Plan, 186-208 Storme, M., 217 Strasbourg, 273 Stromer, T., 19 Studies in the Literature of Northern

Europe (Gosse), 36 Surius, L., 79-83, 85-6 Sveinbjoersson, E., 202 Sweden, 196, 200, 202 Swinburne, A. C., 130 Swinderen, T. van, 33 Switzerland, 196, 275 De Symboliek der Kunst (Havelaar), 269 Syndicalism, 165-6, 170, 233 Tableaux vivants, 90, 92-4 Tacitus, 105, 108 Taeuber-Arp, S., 273 Tandberg Computers, 60 Tariffs, 186-208 Tatian, 109, 111-14 Tempel, J. van den, 168-72 Tennyson, A., 131-2 Thackeray, W. M., 127 Theatrical Portraits, 32 Thomas, D., 129, 135 Thomas, E., 132 Thompson, F., 129, 134 Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 223 Tijn, T. van, 233-4 Tilly, C , 230, 242 Tinbergen, J., 173 Tollens, H., 28, 32, 35 Toorn, M. C. van den, 11 Torquay Conference, 199-202, 204 Trade unions, 162-74, 214-16, 219, 232-5 Translation, 4-5, 11-24, 25-37, 38-47, 50, 53-6, 58, 116-25 Trevisa, Sir John, 11 Tschudi, Aegidius, 105 Turkey, 197, 202 Twente, 164, 224, 229, 233 Tynan, K., 131 Uber das geistige in der Kunst (Kandinsky), 261

332

Modern Dutch Studies

Ulfilas, 114 Unitarianism, 26, 29 United States, 132, 135, 152-9, 184, 187, 194, 201-2, 205-7, 228, 242 University College, London, 1 Utilitarianism, 26 Utrecht, 80-2, 84-5, 231, 236 'Het Uur U' (Nijhoff), 138, 141, 144, 146

Wages, Prices and Profits (Marx), 162, 168, 170-2 Waiting for Godot (Beckett), 153 Wallonia, 212-13 Der Weg zur Macht (Kautsky), 169 Ween, 76, 85 Weisgerber, J., 158 Welcker, J. M., 233 Welfare State, 213, 215, 240 Werden, 110 De Wereld een Dansfeest (Van Vaderlandsche Letteroefeningen, 33 Schendel), 156, 158 Valk, L. A. van der, 240 De Wereld verandert (Van Isacker), Vanderschaeghe, P., 155 156 Vaughan, H., 133 Werff, A. van der, 252 Veen, D. van der, 238 Westerbaen, J., 32 'Het Veer' (Nijhoff), 146 Westminster Review, 26-7, 31 Verelendung, 166-7, 230 Whitey (Claes), 16 Verhandehng over het belangrijke van Whitman, W., 133 Hollands Grond (Van Lennep), 36 Wichers, A. J., 246 Wilde, O., 128, 135 Verlaine, P., 126-7 Wilhelm, Duke of Cleves, 114 Verschuur, T. J., 176 Wilhelmina, Queen, 175 Verwey, A., 126-7, 129 Willem I, King, 28, 30 Verzuiling, 178, 213 Willems, J. F., 28 Vestdijk, S., 158 Willemsfonds, 214 Victoria, Queen, 127 Wilierami abbatis, 113 Vienna, 109 William and Mary Tercentenary, 2 Vlaamsche Mie, see Moll Flanders Williram, 109, 112-14 Vliegen, W. H., 167 Wilterdink, N., 230 Volksdepositokas, 214 Winkel, J. te, 79 Vondel, J. van den, 1, 34 De Wine (Claes), 4, 14-18, 23 Voorburg, 75, 78, 83, 87 Woestijne, K. van de, 126-7 Voorspielszene, 89-90 Wolfensbiittel, 90-1 Vormen (Nijhoff), 138 Wolff, E., 148 Vosmeer, Michiel, 78-9, 84 Vosmeer, Sasbout, 78, 84-6 Women, 124, 239, 241-2, 245 Vosmeer, Tilman, 84, 86 Woodrow Wilson International Vries, B. de, 237 Center, 152 Vries, Jan de, 225, 236 Woolf, V., 155 Vries, M. de, 12 Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal, Vriesland, V. E. van, 134, 148-9 12, 19, 112 Vrouwen voor Bakelandt Wordsworth, W., 128-9, 131 (Vanderschaeghe), 155 World War One, 133, 170-1, 231, Vulcanius, B., 109-14 240

Index World War Two, 6-7, 131, 133, 175-85, 216, 234-5 Woudschoten, 178 Wybrands, A. W., 93

Yeats, W. B., 6, 128-9, 131-4 Zanden, J. L. van, 225 'Zero Hour' (Nijhoff), 138

333