Iranica Selecta: Studies in Honour of Professor Wojciech Skalmowski on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday 2503514669, 9782503514666

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IRANICA SELECTA

SILK ROAD STUDIES

VIII

Edited by an international committee G . GNOLI (Roma [I]) S KLJASHTORNY] (Sankt Peterburg [CIS]) S.N .C. L!EU (Sydney [AUS]) B.A. L!TVINSKY (Moskva [CIS]) R. MESERVE (Bloomington (IN) [USA]) G. PINAULT (Paris [F]) A. SARKOZI (Budapest [HJ) N . SIMS-WILLIAMS (Cambridge & London [GB]) A. VAN TONGERLOO (Leuven [B]), Editor-in-chief S. WHITFIELD (London [GB]), Director of the Dunhuang Monograph Series P. ZIEME (Berlin [BRD])

SILK ROAD STUDIES VIII

IRANICA SELECTA Studies in honour of Professor Wojciech Skalmowsk i on the occasion of his seventieth birthday

edited by

ALOIS VAN TONGERLO O

BREPOLS

© 2003, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2003/0095/91 ISBN 2-503-51466-8 Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paper

CONTENTS * * *

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vzz

'Bibfiograpfiical 5t66reviations ......... „

. .. . .. . .. . . . .. .. . . .. . .

ix

Professor 'Wojciecfi S/(_almowsRJ,: Cfironofogical 'Bibfiograpfiy. . .

xi

L. BEDNARCZUK, Consonant Lenition in Iranian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

W. BEX, The VisitofShah Mozajfar ad-Din to Ostend in 1902 . . . .

15

F. DE BLOIS, Pahr(ag)bed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

37

P. CHELKOWSKI, Hossein in Popular Culture. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

41

K. D'HULSTER, The Sojourn of Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar in Belgjum (1873) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

49

R.N. FRYE, Challenge and Logic in Ancient Iranian History . . . . . . .

67

B. GHARIB, Sogdian Negative and Privative Prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73

PH. GIGNOUX, Sept tiJcuments economiques en pehlevi . . . . . . . . . . .

79

B. HJERRILD, The Institution of Stürih in the Pahlavi Riväyat of Atuifarnbag. Trust settled Property. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

H. HUMBACH, Pasargadai. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

109

L. ISEBAERT, Trois mots iraniens en tokharien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 A. KRASNOWOLSKA, Introductions to Persian Epic Poems...... . .

121

G. LAZARD, La construction des propositions relatives en persan contemporain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

131

E. LIPINSKI, Qastu inAchaemenian Babylonia........ ... . . . . . . .

143

M. LORENZ, Gappo Bajew und die ossetische Literatur . . . . . . . . . . .

153

K. MACIUSZAK, Some New Lexical Observations on the Draxt i Asürig (the Assyrian Tree)............ ............ . . . . . . .

159

M. MACUCH, On the Treatment ofAnimals in Zoroastrian Law . .

167

B. M~KARSKA, Is that the Last 'Principles' oftheir Kind?..........

191

A. PANAINO, Short remarks about Ohrmazd between Limited and Unlimited Time............ .................... .....

195

vi

R. SCHMITT, Minima Cuneiformia: Bemerkungen zu Dareios' Suez-Inschriften . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

201

N. SIMS-WILLIAMS, Three Notes on Iranian Words in Arabic Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

213

W. SUNDERMANN, Notulae etymologicae. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

219

P. SWIGGERS, Autour de problemes de linguistique

indo-europeenne et generale: de Wackernagel aMeillet . . . . .

225

D. TAILLIEU, Pazandnisä.mi between Light and Darkness . . . . . . .

239

J. TAVERNIER, Drei altiranische Notizen..................

.....

247

A. VAN TONGERLOO, Two Manichaean Ladies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

257

U. VERMEULEN, ~mr Du !-Kalb, ~ntar's Last Friend . . . . . . . . . .

263

Pfates PH. GIGNOUX: Plates 1 - VIII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

213

A. VAN TONGERLOO : Plates 1 - II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

281

PREFACE

On 24 June 2003 Wojciech Skalmowski celebrates his seventieth birthday. About two years ago, the undersigned decided to consult his colleagues of the Slavonic section of the Department of Oriental & Slavonic Studies of the University of Leuven in order to compile a Festschrift. Conversations with colleagues made it quite clear that one volume to honour Professor Skalmowski, who served in three departments of the Faculty of Letters and Philosophy (Orienral Studies, Slavonic Studies, Linguistics), would be unpractical. Therefore, two volumes are being presented on this occasion, the counterpart of this book being: T. Soldatjenkova & E. Waegemans (eds.), For East is East. Liber Amicorum Wojciech Skalmowski (OLA 126), Leuven 2003. I want to extend a warm word of thanks to all those who have in any way assisted in producing this volume, in particular my two collaborators, Dieter Taillieu (Iranian Studies), and Kristof D'hulster (Turkic Studies) who were always available when needed. As in my other publications, the multifaceted expertises of my friend Peter Van Dessel (Dept. of Classics & Ancient History) merit a special mention here. Every effort has been made to achieve uniformity throughout the volume and to reproduce correcdy in this camera-ready copy the often difficult diacritical marks. Responsibility for these technical matters rests solely on the undersigned, and if any printing mistakes or :[nconsistencies have remained uncorrected, he only asks not to shoot the pianist. Ad multos annos, Wojciech!

Jllofs van 'Tongedoo

•

PRINCIPAL BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS

AfO: Archiv für Orientforschung. Graz. AI: Acta Iranica. Encyclopedie permanente des etudes iraniennes. Leiden etc. AION: Annali dell'Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli. AJPh: American Journal of Philology. Baltimore. AKM: Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Leipzig. Wiesbaden. AM (NS): Asia Major (New Series). Princeton. AMI: Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran. Berlin. AO: Acta Orientalia. K0benhavn. AOAT: Alter Orient und Altes Testament. Kevelaer etc. AOS: American Oriental Series. New Haven. AoF: Altorientalische Forschungen. Berlin. APAW: Abhandlungen der Kg!. Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Berlin. ArOr: Archiv Orientalni. Praha. BAI: Bulletin of the Asia Institure. Detroit. BIFAO: Bulletin de !'Institut Franyais d'Archeologie Orientale. Le Caire. BiOr: Bibliotheca Orientalis. Leiden etc. BOH: Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica. Budapest. BPTJ: Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa J~zykoznawczego I Bulletin de la Sociere Polonaise de Linguistique. Warszawa. BSL: Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris. BSO(A)S: Bulletin of the School of Oriental (and African) Studies. London. BTAVO: Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients. Wiesbade11. BTT: Berliner Turfan-Texte. Berlin. Turnhout. CII: Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum. London. CRAI(BL): Comptes rendus des seances de l'Academie des Inscriptions (et BellesLettres). Paris. Enclr: E. YARSHATER (ed.), Encyclopaedia Iranica. London - New York. EPRO: Etudes Preliminaires aux Religions Orientales dans !'Empire Romain. Leiden etc. EW: East and West. Roma. FO: Folia Orientalia. Krak6w. GOF: Göttinger Orientforschungun. Wiesbaden. HdA: Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft. München. HdO: Handbuch der Orientalistik. Leiden etc. IF: Indogermanische Forschungen. Straßburg. IIJ: Indo-Iranian Journal. 's-Gravenhage. IPNB: Iranisches Personennamenbuch. Wien. JA: Journal Asiatique. Paris. JAOS: Journal of the American Oriental Society. New Haven. ]CS: Journal of Cuneiform Studies. Philadelphia. JNES: Journal of Near Eastern Studies. Chicago. JSAI: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam. KZ: Kuhn's Zeitschrift. Göttingen. LB: Leuvense Bijdragen. Leuven. LOS: London Oriental Series. London etc. MSL: Memoires de Ja Societe de Linguistique de Paris. MSOS: Mitteilungen des Seminars für orientalischen Sprachen. Berlin.

X

MSS: Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft. NGWG: Nachrichten der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Berlin. OLA: Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta. Leuven. OLP: Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica. Leuven. OLZ: Orientalistische Literatur-Zeitung. Berlin. RA: Revue d' Assyriologie. Paris. REA: Revue des Etudes Armeniennes. Paris. RHR: Revue de l'histoire des religions. Paris. RLA: Real-Lexikon der Assyriologie. Berlin ecc. RND: Rocznik Naukowo-Dydaktyczny / Annales de l'Ecole Normale Superieure a Cracov1e. RSO: Rivista degli Scudi Orientali. Roma. SBE: Sacred Books of the East. Oxford. (repr.:) Bombay. SlGan: Slavica Gandensia. Gent. SOPANK: Sprawozdania Oddzialu Polskiej Akademii Nauk w Krakowie, prace historyczno-filologiczne. Krak6w. SPAW: Sitzungsberichte der Kg!. Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Berlin. Stlr: Studia Iranica. Paris. TIES: Tocharian and Indo-European Studies. Reykyavik. TP: Tygodnik Powszechny. Krak6w. TPS: Transactions of the Philological Society. Oxford. UUA: Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift. WZKM: Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. ZDMG: Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. Leipzig. ZII: Zeitschrift für Indologie und Iranistik. Leipzig. ZNUJ: Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellonskiego. Prace historycznoliterackie. Krak6w.

WOJCIEC H SKALMOWSKI

A CHRONOLOGICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY

1959 'Obecny stan badan nadj~zykiem partyjskim' II SOPANK 1959, 90-91 Reviews.

M. BOYCE, The Manichaean Hymn-Cycles in Parthian, London I NewYork I Toronto 1954 II FO 1, 2, 366-370 N.V. PIGULEVSKAIA, Goroda lrana v rannem srednevekov'e , Leningrad 1956 II ibid., 365-366 J.C. TAVADIA, Die mittelpersisch e Sprache und Literatur der 'Zarathustrier, Leipzig 1956 II ibid., 363-365

1960 'Statystyczny model komunikacji j~zykowej i kilka parametr6w perskiego' II SOPANK 1960, 278-280

_i~zyka

nowo-

1961 'Sprachstatistische Untersuchungen zur persischen Sprachentwicklung' II Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Humboldt-Un iversität (Berlin) X, 129 'Ein Beitrag zur Statistik der arabischen Lehnwörter im Neupersische n' II FO III, 171-175 'Polskie przeklady Hafiza w swietle prawa Zipfa-Mandelbrota' II SOPANK 1961, 125-127 Review:

Ph.B. LOZINSKI, The Original Homeland of the Parthians, 's-Gravenhage 1959 II FO III, 332-333

1962 'Über einige statistisch erlass bare Züge der persischen Sprachentwicklung' II FO IV, 47-80 Review:

X.H. KOROGLY, Persidskie poslovicy i pogovorki, Moskva 1961 II ibid., 358-359

xii

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF W. SKALMOWSKI

1963 'Rosyjskie wprowadzenie w j~zykoznawstwo matematyczne' // BPTJ XXI, 193-195

1964 'Gramatyki kategorialne' // SOPANK 1964, 55-56 'Pehlewijski traktat Ayätkär-i Buzurjmihr' // ibid., 358-359 'A Note on Distribution of Arabic Verbal Roots' II FO VI, 56-58 Review.

W.V. QUINE, Word and Object, New York/ London 1960 // BPTJ XXII, 215-219

1965 'Probleme der Gesetzmässigkeit in der mathematischen Linguistik'// BPTJ XXIII, 23-33 'A Note on Persian and Arabic Loanwords in Pushto' II FO VII, 313-314 'Struktura grupy nominalnej w j~zyku perskim' // SOPANK 1965, 115-117 'Stan badari nadj~zykami srednioiranskimi' // Przeglqd Orientalistyczny (Warszawa), 273-277 Reviews:

G. HERDAN, The Calculus of Linguistic Observations, 's-Gravenhage 1962 // BPTJ XXIII, 203-207 T. MILEWSKI, J ~zykoznawstwo, Warszawa 1965 // TP 49

1966 Review.

R.D. LUCE & al. (eds.), Handbook of Mathematical Psychology II (Chapters 11-13), New York/ London 1963 // BPTJ XXIV, 237-244

1967 'Das Nomen im Parthischen' // BPTJ XXV, 75-89

1968 'The "ergative construction" in Pashto' // FO IX, 99-129

1969 'Grammaire generative et linguistique generale' // Biuletynfonograficzny (Poznari) X, 109-113 'Problems of tense in generative grammar' ///TL 3, 26-38

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF W. SKALMOWSKI

xiii

Review:

Z. HARRIS, Mathematical Structures of Language, New York I London I Toronto 1968 II /TL 4, 56-61

1970 'On the notion of subcode in semiotics' II A.J. GREIMAS & al. (eds.), Sign, Language, Culture. The Hague 1970, 34-40 (with M. Van Overbeke) 'Computational Analysis of Interference Phenomena on the Lexical Level' II /TL 6, 92-103 Review:

S. SCHACHT, The Dictionary of Exceptions to Rufes of Russian Grammar II LB 59, 88-89

1971 Review:

P. SGALL & al., A Functional Approach to Syntax in Generative of Language Description II !TL 12, 86-90

1972 Reviews: B. BRAINERD, Introduction to the Mathematics of Language Study, New York I London I Amsterdam 1971 II !TL 15, 83-86 D. WUNDERLICH, Tempus und Zeitreferenz im Deutschen, München 1970 II !TL 16, 49-52

1974 'Transitive verb constructions in the Pamir and Dardic languages' II J. KURYLOWICZ & al. (eds.), Etudes Indo-Europeennes (Festschrift Jan Safarewicz), Krakow 1974, 205-212

Reviews: W.J.M. LEVELT, Formele grammatica's in lingufstiek en taalpsychologie I, Deventer 1973 II LB 63-2, 295-296 K. HEGER, Monem, Wort und Satz, Tübingen 1971 II LB 63-3, 333-337

1975 'Two stories in Afridi dialect from F.C. Andreas' notes' II AI 5, 243-249

xiv

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF W. SKALMOWSKI

1976 'Afridi-Sprichwörter aus dem Nachlass von F.C. Andreas' II OLP 8, 331-340 'Elamite and Akkadian translations of the Old Persian periphrastic perfect' II FO XVII, 217-229 'Uwagi o ergatiwie' // RND 58 (Krakow), 65-71

1977 Reviews: Commemoration Cyrus (=AI 1-3, 1974); Monumentum H. S. Nyberg I & II(= AI 45, 1975) II BiOr XXXIV, 80-81 MonumentumH. S. Nyberg III & IV (=AI 6-7, 1975) II ibid„ 201 M. BOYCE, A Reader in Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian (=AI 9, 1975) II ibid„ 201 S. INSLER, The Gäthäs ofZarathustra (=AI 8, 1975) II ibid„ 258

1978 'Verwandschaftsterminologie der Afridi nach den Aufzeichnungen von F.C. Andreas' II FO XIX, 165-171

Reviews: B.A. SEREBRENNIKOV & al., Al/gemeine Sprachwissenschaft I-III (lns Deutsche übertragen von H. ZIKMUND u. G. FEUDEL), München I Salzburg 1973-76 II LB 67-3, 341-343 W.B. HENNING, Selected Papers I & II(= AI 14-15, 1977) II BiOr XXXV, 249

1979 'Notes on the ghazals of Sa'di and Hafiz' II OLP 10, 255-279

Reviews: Varia 1976 (=Al 12, 1977) // BiOr XXXVI, 355-356 Varia 1977 (=AI 16, 1977) // ibid., 356 M. MA YRHOFER, Iranisches Personennamenbuch I: Die altiranischen Namen. 1: Die awestischen Namen, Wien 1977 II ibid„ 356-357

1980 'An Afridi tale from F. C. Andreas' notes' II OLP 11, 273-281

Review:. A. DESTREE, Lesfonctionnaires belges au service de la Ferse, 1898-1915 (=AI 13, 1976) II BiOr XXXVI, 384

BIBLIOGRAPHY OFW. SKALMOWSKI

XV

1981 'A "blasphemous" motif in Hafiz' II OLP 12, 273-281 'Algebraische taalkunde' II W. DE GEEST & al. (eds.), Twintig facetten van de taalwetenschap, Leuven 1981, 292-299

1982 'Some remarks on Avestan daenä-' II J. QUAEGEBEUR (ed.), Studia P. Naster oblata II(= OLA 13), Leuven 1982, 223-229 'History as Fiction: the Novels of Teodor Parnicki' II E. BRISTOL (ed.), East

European Literature, Berkeley I Cal. 1982, 69-84 Review: M. MAYRHOFER (Hrsg.), Iranisches Personennamenbuch 1: Die altiranischen Namen, 2: Die altpersischen Namen, & 3: Indices, Wien 1979 II BiOr XXXIX, 620

1983 'Parishan Khatak: Poet's Plea for Pashto' II L. BEDNARCZUK & A. CZAPKIEWICZ (eds.), Studia Indo-lranica (=Festschrift T. Pobozniak; PAN Oddz. w Krakowie, Prace KomisjiJ~zykoznawstwa 52), Wroclaw I Warszawa etc. 1983, 127-134

Review:

Monumentum Georg Morgenstierne 1(=AI21) II BiOr XL, 688

1984 'Wheel within Wheel: Remarks on Bundahifn' II W. SKALMOWSKI & A. VAN TONGERLOO (eds.), Middle Iranian Studies (= OLA 16), Leuven 1984, 269-311 'Old lranian Motifs in the Divan of Hafiz' II J. KELLENS & P. LECOQ (eds.), Orientalia J. Duchesne-Guillemin emerito oblata (=AI 23), 473-478 'Remarks on daulatin Hafiz' II FO 24, 131-137

ReviewS'. J. ZABLOCKA, Historia Bliskiego Wschodu w staro:tytnofri, Wroclaw 1982 II OLZ

79, 539-541 R. GOMBROWICZ, Gombrowicz en Argentine: temoignages et documents 1939-1963, Paris 1984 II TP 48

1985 'The linguistic importance of the Dardic languages' II Journal of Central Asia (Islamabad) VIIl/l, 5-11

xvi

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF W. SKALMOWSKI

'Hafiz and Shakespeare: An East-West Encounter' II A.D.H. BIVAR & al. (eds.),

Papers in honour of Professor Mary Boyce (=Al 25), 583-591 'Russian roots of S.I. Witkiewicz's philosophy?' II S/Gan 12, 191-198

1986 nowoirariskie' II L. BEDNARCZUK (ed.), lt Middle Persian new; Old Persian päda- 'foot' > Middle Persian (Manichaean) p'y, Modem Persian päy; Old Persian baga-> Middle Persian bay; Old Persian Hagmatäna- (name of town) > Middle Persian Hahmadän; Old Persian -späda 'arrny' >Modem Persian späh, etc.

112. Tenues lt is generally assumed (cf. A. Pisowicz 1985: 156-173 for further references) that Old Persian p, t, k still remained unchangecl in an intervocalic position in the Early Middle Persian period. This is attested to by the spelling of Arsacid inscriptions and Armenian borrowings from that era. lt was only in Manichaean texts and in Parthian that those consonants, as well as the old became voiced in an intervocalic

-c-,

4

L.BEDNARCZUK

position and after a nasal (lenition-inducing position). However, certain exceptions to this rule, e.g., the frequent retention of -k- in the -akasuffix even today, indicate the existence of dialectal differences. Examples: Old Persian xfap- 'night' > Middle /Modem Persian fob; Old Persian mätar 'mother' > Manichaean m' d, Modem Persian mädar; Old Persian *ni-kapa- > Middle Persian nigäh 'gaze'; Old Persian rauca- 'day' > Middle Persian *röj (spelled rwc / rwz in Manichaean texts ), Modem Persian röz. In the Late Middle Persian period, the new intervocalic b2 , d2 , g2 in the central and south-westem parts of the Persian language area changed into corresponding spirants, parallel to the Old Persian development of intervocalic b1, d1, g1 into ö, d, g, respectively. The orthographic representation of these new spirants is inconsistent. Around the 13th cent. AD, the plosive articulation -b-, -d- and -g-, typical of north-eastem dialects, became the norm.

Examples: Middle Persian borrowing from Indian fogäl or foyäl 'jackal'; bädingän / bäöinfän 'aubergine' (A. Pisowicz 1985: 131); Modem Persian rubäh 'fox', dialects of Pars [rüvä]; Modem Persian fab 'night', modern dialects fav, faw, fo (same). II.3. Glides

As has been mentioned earlier, the lenition of voiced stops may lead to their disappearance (through an intermediate stage involving glides) in an intervocalic position, and on the other hand, to strengthening of the ancient glides in a non-lenition-inducing context, i.e., mainly in initial position. This process began in the Early Middle Persian period, from which a number of instances originate which attest to the change of Old Iranian y- [i] into ]-, z-, e.g. yäm ! jäm 'cup'; yätuk ! jädug 'sorcerer, Magus'; Jav 'barley', cf. Avestan yava- 'kind of grain', etc. lt had already been attested in Parthian inscriptions, e.g., the name *Yäudayana > Parthian Z'hyn, transposed into Greek as li.tETJV. Deviations from this regularity in Middle and Modem Persian are explained by dialectal interference. Tue development of an initial w- [!f] followed a different course. This phoneme was preserved in Parthian, while in the southem part of the area, it probably became [g!;l] in the Early Middle Persian period and subsequently changed into gu-, go- before fand into b- in other

CONSONANT LENffiON IN IRANlAN

5

contexts, although numerous exceptional or unstable forms can be quoted, e.g., Greek transposition of the name fou/..ßao (3rd cent. AD), corresponding to *Varda-pati-; Modem Persian gorg 'wolf' vs. Parthian Wrkn, Pahlavi Gwrk'n < Vurkäna-; Middle Persian winjisk 'sparrow' >Modem Persian binjisk / gunjisk, etc. IL4. Sonant+ tenuis clusters (nasalization)

Lenition manifests itself through the voicing of p, t, k after nasals (nasalization) and r. Similar processes accompanied lenition in Armenian, Celtic and partly Romance. Nasalization co-occurred with the development of spirants from voiced stops in post-Classical Greek andin Albanian. According to M. Back (1978: 88, 95, 184, 276; 1981: 178-186), this process began in the Late Old Persian period, which is attested to by the orthography of Sassanid state documents (3rd cent. AD): 'ndywk-y [And(i)yox] < Greek Avnoxwv; drwnd-y 'false' < *drugvant; Zrng-y = Drangiana < *zranka-. Evidence can also be found in Iranian (e.g., in Middle Persian and Saka) of the change of -mb-, -nd- and -ng- into -m(m)-, -n(n)- and -n(n)- ? [IJ] respectively - a phenomenon known from Romance dialects and Celtic, where it accompanied lenition, cf. the altemate forms wndrfo-y / wn'rfo 'management' < *vi-ni-där-a-fo a- (M. Back, 1978: 268). The following ordering of lenition processes can be postulated on the basis of the findings and hypotheses presented above: Late Old Persian: b1, d1, gJ >: ö, d,g; (mp), nt, nk > (mb), nd, ng Early Middle Persian: ö, d,g > w, y, h; y- > J-; w- > g(y,)-f bLate Middle Persian: p, t, k > b2 , d1 , g1 Early Modem Persian (southem and central areas): b2, d2 , g2

> Öz / v , dz , gz

IIL Lenition in other Iranian ltmguages IILO. Lenition and East /ranian spirantization

The study of lenition in the remaining Iranian - and especially Modem Iranian - languages, is rendered difficult not only by the lack

6

L.BEDNARCWK

of older written records, but also by the operation of other consonant development processes, absent from Persian. These include the spirantization of voiced stops, which occurred in all the known East Iranian languages during the Middle and Modem Iranian periods, except for Ossetic, where the old b-, d- and -d- have been preserved (the development of a spirant from g may have been an independent process). Greek orthography does not give us a clue about the pronunciation of initial b-, d- and g- in Scythian and Bactrian. Tue least susceptible to such change was d- preserved in Yaghnobi, ISkasmi and Sanglici, cf. *dasa 'ten' > Ossetic däs, Yaghnobi das, ISkasmi da and Sanglici dos versus Sogdian &', Saka dasau [öasau], Pashto las< *oas, Sughni ois, Rosani oos, Sarikoli öes, Yazgulami oüs, Wakhi oas, Yidgha los (I.M. Oranskij, 1979: 136-137). As regards Ossetic b-, D.I. Edelman (1986: 188-189) claims that it initially tumed into a spirant in all contexts and then converged in initial position with the old (partly preserved) w-, giving rise to a secondary b-, e.g„ büd 'smell' < *bauda; bast 'bound' < *band, beside bar 'will, law' < ljära; byjyn 'weave, plait' < *1Jaj-. lt is a well-known fact that spirantization in East Iranian was not restricted to initial position, but - apart from Ossetic - also took place medially, in an intervocalic position. In most Middle and Modem Iranian languages this process took the form of the lenition of voiced stops. D.I. Edelman (1986: 152-153) observes that this process must have preceded the lenition-related voicing of the tenues, the result of which - b 2 , d2 , g2 did not undergo spirantization in East Iranian any more. One may, therefore, ask whether there exists a causal relationship between the development of spirants (in initial position) and lenition (in an intervocalic position), both of which yield the same results. As far as I know, no one as yet has taken note of a similar phenomenon in post-Classical Greek, where the development of spirants from ß, y, 15 occurred not only in medial, intervocalic position, but also in initial position, yet left intact consonant clusters, including, in particular, mb, nd, ng, which correspond in both language groups to old mp, nt, nk (E. Schwyzer 1939: 207-210). Tue only conceivable starting point for such a development was the intervocalic position, from which spirantization was extended onto initial position. A similar process took place in Celtic, in contexts involving a preceding word ending in a vowel (it is referred to as initial lenition), but it belongs to the domain of morphonology in that language group.

7

CONSONANT LENITION IN IRANIAN

III 1. Mediae

Apart from Ancient Avesta (the Gathas), which offers no evidence of the lenition of voiced stops, the process in question affected all the remaining Iranian languages. In most of these languages its operation was consistent; in some it was subsequently reversed but left some traces, while in others it did not affect orthography, but its occurrence can be deduced from the attendant changes. The spirantization of intervocalic b, d, g is attested to by Young Avesta orthography. Next to a liquid, this process also took place in other positions, e.g. in the preposition aiwi- (Gathas aib'i); avram 'cloud', Modem Persian abr; *srü-baram > srvaram (acc.) 'horny'; iöa 'here', aöa 'then' (Gathas idii, adii); ara- 'evil', uyra 'strong', etc. Occasionally, a new spirant could develop into a glide, as in uye 'both' (Gathas ube) or even disappeared, e.g., in drwa 'follower of a false religion' (Gathas dragva) (H. Reichelt 1909: 40-44; S.N. Sokolov 1979: 142, 146, 156). The Greek spelling of Scythian words with ß, ö, r does not allow one to decide in favour of their plosive or spirantic pronunciation (cf. E. Schwyzer, loc. cit.). However, the spirantization of voiced stops must have occurred before the well-documented voicing of intervocalic tenues, as is shown by evidence from Ossetic (which goes back through Alanian to one of the Scythian-Sarmatian dialects), where the widespread spirantization did not affect the new „g- < -k- any more (V. Abajev 1979: 332). On the other hand, it remains an open question whether the old -d- underwent lenition, the way it did in Ossetic. In all documented languages of the Middle Iranian period, there occurred a spirantization of voiced stops, similar to that in Persian. In Bactrian (as in Pashto, Munjani-Yidgha and the neighbouring Kafir dialects, e.g., Prasun) -d- ultimately yielded -/-, e.g., malo 'here' = Sogdian möy < *imada-; in Saka -d- and -g- yielded e.g., pai 'foot', dai 'fire' < *pada-, *diiga- (L.G. Gercenberg 1965: 59-64). The detailed study of East Iranian phonetics by D.I. Edelman (1986) allows one not only to trace the evolution of consonants in different contexts (including lenition-inducing positions) in particular languages of this group, but also to draw a comparison with Persian and thus determine the general characteristics of lenition in Modem Iranian. In all languages from this group -b- yielded -v- and intervocalic -gbecame -g-. The old -d- remained unchanged in Baluci, Ossetic, and partly in Yaghnobi, ISkasmi and Wakhi. In Pashto, Munjani-Yidgha, it

+.

8

L. BEDNARCZUK

ultimately changed into -l- while in most of the remaining languages it predictably gave rise to the spirant -d-, cf. e.g., *pada- 'foot' > Baluci päd, Ossetic fad, Yaghnobi pad, p6da, ISkasmi pu(d), Wakhi pud ! puo, Pashto calor-bolay 'quadruped', Munjani pal, Yidgha pol, vs. Sughni p'fo, Yazgulami p üo, etc. Same scholars, however, assume that the original -d- became a spirant everywhere and only underwent a secondary change into a stop in view of the phonological instability of [cfJ. This claim may be supported, for instance, by the occurrence of -z- in Alanian borrowings in Hungarian (D.I. Edelman 1986: 170-171). However, the retention of -d- in peripheral languages suggests that it can be seen as an archaism inherited from the Old Iranian period. IIL2. Tenues

Tue lenition of voiceless stops must have begun at a later stage, as it did in Persian, because it did not involve all the Iranian languages. lt reached the most advanced stage in Saka, where the old -p-, -t-, -k- and became voiced and then partly disappeared, e.g., nuva 'behind' = Old Persian nipadiy; päte [päöe] / pye 'father' < *pitar-; gyagarra 'liver' = Avestan yäkara; parrij 'set free' = Avestan paitiraecaya(L.G. Gercenberg 1965: 59-64). In Sogdian, isolated instances of lenition can be found in newer texts, e.g., nm'nyqrqy / nm'nyqrgy 'penance' (-aka-), kt'm / ko'm 'which', 'p / 'b 'water'. In Chwarezmian, Bactrian and Saka, the voicing of the old tenues took place on a nearly regular basis, e.g., Bactrian abo 'water' < *apa, Chwarezmian 'byk 'duck'; Saka personal names IT{8os-, Bpd8aKos-, Md8a vs. Iranian *pitär, *brätär, *mätär; Asparuk / Ao -nn- above), e.g., $kim- 'build' vs. Avestan skamba-; hanä 'blind' vs. Avestan anda; hamgu!ffä 'finger' vs. Avestan angusta (L.G. Gercenberg 1981: 242-248). lt can thus be seen that nasalization affected to a varying degree all the documented Middle Iranian languages, but failed to reach several peripheral ones: those which gave rise to Baluci, Yaghnobi and possibly also Wakhi. Tue diverse results of this process have parallels in other Indo-European languages. Far less susceptible to lenition are intervocalic sonants. Only in Kurdish and in two of the central dialects did -m- change into -v-, presumably through a stage involving a nasal spirant, cf. Kurdish nav 'name' < *nama- or the wavering n(i)vez / nmez 'prayer' (I.M. Oranskij 1979: 171-175); cf. Celtic lenition of-m- into -v-, preserved as nasal spirant [v] in Gaelic and Breton (H. Lewis - H. Pedersen 1937: § 74). Tue consonant -r- underwent lenition in Saka, as is shown by late texts and by Tibetan transpositions, in which it disappears, e.g., karasta 'leather' = Ti betan ka- 'a-sta. At the same time r- underwent strengthening in initial position, e.g., rraysä 'empty' vs. Avestan razah(L.G. Gercenberg 1981: 237, 245) - a phenomenon which is also parallelled in Celtic.

Iv. Conclusions The lenition phenomena described above throw some light on the historical development and spatial differentiation of Iranian consonantism and on universal characteristics of lenition. Tue fact that phonetic lenition affected the spelling and/or pronunciation of all languages from this group, except Ancient Avestan, allows us to conclude that it is a phenomenon which goes back to the Late Old Iranian period, when contacts between the already differentiated languages were still sufficiently close for innovations to spread.

12

L.BEDNARCZUK

As might be expected, lenition began with the spirantization of voiced stops, which took place in Young Avesta and probably also in Late Old Persian. Its occurrence in the East Iranian group is suggested indirectly by the spirantization of initial and intemal voiced stops. The voicing of tenues, which came to pass in the Late Middle Persian period, left only minor traces in Sogdian and failed to reach the peripheral languages: Yaghnobi, Wakhi and BaluCi. This process is accompanied - or, in Persian, preceded - by the voicing of intervocalic -mp-, -nt-, -nk-, called nasalization, which did not occur at all in Modem Iranian languages. lt seems, however, to be slightly older than the lenition of tenues. Of all the lenition-related phenomena, the least consistent one was the strengthening of initial glides. Initial w- / v-, still found on the periphery, usually changed into b-, and the cluster [gl)], characteristic of Persian, can be found in several West Iranian languages as well. The change of y- to j- attested already in Parthian, had a less extensive scope, as it came about on a regular basis only in West lranian (with the exception of TaliSi). The remaining lenition processes were of local significance only.

* * *

CONSONANT LENITION IN IRANIAN

13

LITERATURE

V.I. ABAJEV, "Skifo-sarmatskije narecija", Osnovy iranskogo jazykoznanija Drevne-iranskije jazyki, Moskva 1979, 272-364. M. BACK, Die sassanidischen Staatsinschriften (AI 18), 1978. M. BACK, "Die mittelpersische Lautverschiebung", Die Sprache 27/2 (1981), 178186. D .1. EDELMAN, Opyt istoriko-tipologiceskogo issledovanija iranskix jazykov I, Moskva 1975, 19-88. D.I. EDELMAN, Sravnitelnaja grammatika vostocnoiranskix jazykov - Fonologija, Moskva 1986. L.G. GERCENBERG, Xotanosakskij jazyk, Moskva 1965. L.G. GERCENBERG, "Xotanosakskij jazyk", Osnovy iranskogo jazykoznanija Sredneiranskije jazyki, Moskva 1979, 233-313. C. HAGEGE & A. HAUDRICOURT, La phonologie panchronique, Paris 1978. E. HAMP, "Morphonemes ofthe Keltic mutations", Language 27 (1951), 230-247. R.G. KENT, Old Persian (AOS 33), New Haven 1953. H. LEWIS & H. PEDERSEN, A Concise Comparative Celtic Grammar, Göttingen 1937. I.M. ORANSKIJ, lranskijejazyki v istoriceskom osve§cenii, Moskva 1979. A. PISOWICZ, Origins of the New and Middle Persian Phonological Systems, Krakow 1985. H. REICHELT, Awestisches Elementarbuch, Heidelberg 1909. E. SCHWYZER, Griechische Grammatik I, München 1939. B.A. SEREBRENNIKOV, Verojatnostnyje obosnovanija v komparativistike, Moskva 1974. W. SKALMOWSKI, "J~zyki nowoirariskie", J~zyki indoeuropejskie I, Warszawa 1986, 161-215. S.N. SOKOLOW, "Jazyk Avesty", Osnovy iranskogo jazykoznanija - Drevneiranskije jazyki, Moskva 1979, 129-233. R. THURNEYSEN, [rev.]: H. PEDERSEN, Aspirationen i lrsk, Kpbenhavn 1897, IF Anzeiger 2, 42-48. L. ZABROCKI, Usilnienie i lenicja w j~zykach indoeuropejskich i w ugrofinskim, Poznari 1951.

THE VISIT OF SHAH MOZAFFAR AD-DIN TO OSTEND IN 1902 DESCRIPTION OF THE ATMOSPHERE AND THE COURTIERS WHO ACCOMPANIED HIM

Wim BEX (Leuven, B)

Shah Mozaffar ad-Din visited Belgium three times: in 1900, 1902 and 1905. That is very often and one may ask why he visited such a little country three times. lt may not be forgotten that Belgium, in those days, was the fifth most important economical power in the world. lt had a large colony and King Leopold II tried very much to open his country to the world. E.g. Belgian officers were employed in the state police of Macedonia, Belgian jurists in the high administration of Siam and Egypt, in Bolivia Belgians helped to reform education .. .1. In those days many foreign dignitaries visited Belgium, e.g. Prince Tsai Cheng from China, Prince Komatsu from Japan, the Crown Prince of Siam and the King of Romania2. In this paper I shall give a short description of the atmosphere during the Shah's trip, by means of an extract from his diary3 and some newspaper articles. Moreover, short biographies of the courtiers who accompanied him will be presented4 •

1. Description of the atmosphere First I shall translate, by way of example, one day from the diary of Shah Mozaffar ad-Din. The days of his diary are all very similar and follow a fixed pattem.

1 E. LAUREYS, Beigen in Perzie, 1915-1941: verwezenlijkingen, verhoudingen en attitudes, Leuven 1996, 16. 2 De Vlaming, the 20th of July 1902. 3 Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang, Tehrän 1362 A.H.S. (anno higirae solare). 4 The transcription that I used can be found in G. LAZARD, Dictionnaire persanfram;ais, Leiden 1990.

16

W.BE X

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)l ~..:~ _:,\ ....._?d l) /,;.>1./c.r~

VISIT OF SHAH MOZAFFAR AD-DIN TO OSTEND

17

Friday, the nineteenth of Rabi' as-Sani5. In the moming We got up and got dressed. We descended to the coast, made an excursion and a walk. Since some days, there were two boats and one was sending little boats. The big boat was staying on the spot. The one that was coming forward, fired a salute. There was also a very high boat in the water, We observed it. His Excellency Atäbak A 'zam is this night the Minister of Foreign Affairs' guest at Brussels. In the aftemoon, he left for Brussels. We went upstairs, lunched and in the afternoon We took a rest. When We arose (from sleeping), there was a swordfight in the garden in front of the hotel. One had placed a chair. Everybody was there: there were many men and women. They were fighting with a sword. Faridun Xän, the son of Maikorn Xän Nezäm ad-Dowle, was (also) very capable. We ordered him to fight with a sword: he was fighting very well. Then We went to shoot doves. We have shot some seven to eight doves. The wife of the Minister Plenipotentiary of Argentina was also present. She was watching with her brother and her servants. Also Mostowfi al-Mamälek, Amir Bahädor Jang, Faxr al-Mo!k, Sams al-Molk and Basir as-Saltane were together. Seyf asSoltän came after Us, with Our musket, that he has brought recently from England. We were shooting. Sams al-Molk was also shooting with a musket that he had brought for one thousand francs from Belgium. We shot from a distance of sixty foot two doves, which We hit, in such a way that they died immediately. But usually the musket of Sams al-Molk did not hit anything. One of the two that he shot, did not die nor fall down. After the shooting, We were helped aboard a vehicle en we went for an excursion. We drove past the front of the Kursaal. We were going to a jewellers shop and also bought a diamond brooch. Afterwards We were helped aboard. We were going again to the same hotel, where We went every day in the evening. We drank tea and ate some fruit. Then We came to the residence. In the billiard room We were playing billiards. Afterwards We came to Our room. Movasseq al-Molk and Häjeb ad-Dowle have left for Brussels. Häjeb ad-Dowle returned tonight, but Movasseq al-Molk stayed there: he was performing his tasks. At eleven o'clock His Excellency Atäbak A 'zam retumed. He came to Us with the details and explained Us his trip to Brussels. Then Atäbak A 'zam went. We were sitting together and We were talking until one hour after midnight. Muräd Xän was also present. Afterwards We went to sleep6.

The following two newspaper articles concern the Shah's arrival in Belgium: Le shah de Perse

a Ostende. Par depeche de notre correspondant.

Le shah de Perse est anive a Ostende mercredi soir, a 7 heures, accompagne

d'une suite tres nombreuse, parmi laquelle nous avons remarque le general Djevad Kahn, ministre de Perse a Bruxelles, le grand-vizir, nombre de fonctionnaires de la cour de Teheran deja vus en Belgique lors du sejour que le s The 26th of July 1902. 6 Dovvomin safarndme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang, Tehran. 1362 A.H.S.,

95-6.

18

W.BEX

shah a fit, il y a deux ans, plusieurs enfants de dix a quatorze ans, dont deux restaient constamment pres de Mouzzafer ed Dine, etc. Remarque un perroquet vert couleur persane qu' on portait tres precieusement. A la frontiere beige, le general de Croes, accompagne du lieutenant Wahis, des grenadiers, avaient pris place dans le train imperial. Le general de Croes et ces deux officiers resteront attaches a la personne du shah durant son sejour en Belgique. La gare d'Ostende etait amplement pavoisee avec des drapeaux persans et belges. Quant a la ville, les rues par ou devait passer le cortege etaient tres luxueusement omees des mäts surmontes d'oriflammes aux couleurs belges et persanes. Somme toute, Ostende a fait un tres bel accueil au roi des rois. A la gare, occupee militairement par un bataillon du 3ieme de ligne avec musique et drapeaux, sous le commandement du colonel Gilson, et par la batterie d'artillerie de la garde civique, sous le commandement du capitaine commandant De Cock; nous avons remarques M. Pieters, bourgmestre, entoure de ses quatre echevins; le gouverneur de la province, comte Charles d'Ursel; le general Le Lorrain, general circonscriptionnaire a Gand, et ses aides de camp; le colonel de 3ieme de ligne; MM. Coetermans et Goldzieher, consuls generaux de Perse a Anvers et a Bruxelles; le chef de station Lanquet; le contröleur des chemins de fer Defays; le contröleur des douanes Devillers, etc., etc. Le terre-plein exterieur de la gare etait occupe par le demi-regiment d'infanterie de la garde civique d'Ostende et par un escadron du 3ieme lanciers, de Bruges, sous le commandement du colonel Goffinet. Cet escadron de lanciers a escorte le shah jusqu 'au Royal Palace Hötel, ou le souverain persan passera trois semaines. Le train, compose de voitures allemandes et belges, est entre en gare a 6 h. 50. Le shah a ete complimente par le general Le Lorrain. Puis, apres avoir passe en revue les troupes massees dans la gare, tandis que la musique jouait l'hymne persan, il est monre en voiture. La foule a longuement acclame le shah. Le cortege s'est mis en marche et, en passant par les rues de la Chapelle, d'Ouest et Royale, il a ete conduit au Palace7 .

Le Shah de Perse. Le Shah de Perse ne parait pas tres fern du progres moderne. II a mis neuf heures a aller de Liege a Ostende, parce que, de peur d'accidents, il ne veut pas voyager qu'a forte petite vitesse. En tout chose, du reste, il est tres defiant. II se mefie meme de ses entrailles, car - un confrere tient le detail de la meilleure source - il ne pretend se rendre a aucune ceremonie si l'on installe pas une chaise percee dans le salon de reception. C'est pour ce motif qu'il n'assiste jamais aux concerts du Kursaal d'Ostende. Une seule fois, apres bien des instances, il a consenti a ecouter le concert d'un salon de jeu donnant sur le rotonde, mais il lui a fallu sa chaise percee. 11 parait que c'est une manie. 11 ne voit pas le meuble en question, il s'agite et perd tout son sang froid. Peut-etre y attache-t-il du fetichisme, comme certaines personnes aux sous troues. Cela nous parait extraordinaire, mais Louis XIV, le Roi Soleil, qui donnait le ton a touts les cours, recevait bien des ambassadeurs sur sa «chaise d'affaires» et tel etait alors l'etat des mceurs que cela ne choquait personne8.

7 8

Le Journal de Bruxelles, the 14th of July 1902. La Gazette de Charleroi, the 13th of July 1902.

VISIT OF SHAH MOZAFFAR AD-DIN TO OSTEND

19

The next two articles concern his stay in Ostend and his daily pursuits: Ostende. La vie du Shah a Ostende. Le Shah de Perse, Mozaffer-ed-Din, a son arrivee, paraissait souffrant et vieilli, s'est promptement remis et se plait tellement a Ostende qu'il a prolonge d'une semaine son sejour parmi nous. Je dis parmi nous, car, a l'exemple de notre souverain, Mozaffer-ed-Din se montre a la plage, se mele a Ja foule et se livre sans crainte et sans morgue a ses plaisirs favoris. C'est surtout l'apres-midi qu'on peut le voir, soir a la salle de billards du Palace Hötel, Oll il prouve d'une force respectable, soit la carabine a la main sur l'estran Oll il fait prouve d'une adresse merveilleuse; ses serviteurs lancent dans l'air des pieces d'argent, et le Shah n'en manque pas une. D'autre fois il prend des instantanes, et choisit ses sujets parmi les promeneurs, en les priant de passer devant son kodak; quand le temps est douteux, il se tient sur la terrasse de l'hötel et suit avec une longue-vue les mouvements des bateaux. Une ou deux heures sont consacrees a des promenades en voiture; alors seulement le Roi des Rois a une escorte, formee d'agents de police cyclistes. Sa Majeste persane a grande envie de se rendre en Angleterre, qu'elle ne connait pas, mais eile craint le mal de mer. On se rappelle peut-etre qu'il y a deux ans le Shah a du retoumer a la terre forme apres quelques minutes d'excursion sur la meilleure de nos malles. Le representant de l'Angleterre a Teheran vient d'insister aupres de lui pour qu'il fasse ce voyage, mais jusqu'ici rien n'est decide. On sait seulement qu'en quittant Ostende Je Shah se rendra pour deux ou trois semaines a Contrexeville. Ces jours demiers, les fetes en l'honneur du souverain asiatique ont ete nombreuses: Concerts au Kursaal et au Palace; bal de gala et representation theätrale au meme hötel, dans la superbe salle des fetes, devant un public ultra-select. Dans la demiere soiree, le Shah a ecoute attentivement un «Apropos» fort heureusement toume de M. Emile Mathy, et applaudi avec entrain Mme Abarbanell, l'etoile du Buntes-Theater du baron de Wallzogen. De meme les courses l'interessent; il a suivi les premieres dans la nouvelle loge royale, assis a cöte du Roi; il etait gai et les nombreuses photographies prises pendant la fete nous le montrent riant et enjoue. La suite des dignitaires se plait ici aussi bien que leur souverain; le grand-vizir, les ministres des travaux publics et de l'instruction publique sont des fervents de jeu d'echecs qu'ils connaissent au fond. Le demier, nomme Mehdi-Kulli-Khan, un erudit qui a fait jadis ses etudes en Allemagne, a visire recemment en details l' Athenee royal, acheve depuis un an; on a experimente devant lui !es rayons-X, qu'il connaissait d'ailleurs deja, mais qui ne l'en ont pas moins vivement interesse. Le depart de nos hötes asiatiques pourrait bien avoir lieu seulement le 4 aofü9. Ostende. Chez le shah de Perse. 28 juillet 1902. Hier nous avons eu parmi les nombreuses societes de musique la visite du corps de musique des douaniers d' Anvers, comptant 80 executants pour assister a notre festival permanent. Re~us a la gare par leurs colleges d'Ostende, avec le contröleur M.

9

L'lndependance beige, the 26th of July 1902.

20

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Villers a la tete, ils se sont directement rendus au Royal Palace Hötel, ou ils ont donne une aubade au shah de Perse. Mouzaffer-Ed-Dine n'a decidement pas l'air de s'ennuyer en notre bonne ville d'Ostende. Outre ses longues promenades joumalieres tant en ville que le long de la plage, sans oublier nos parcs publics. 11 s' exerce joumellement a tirer des pigeons. 11 frequente aussi !es concerts et matinees qui se donnent au Kursaal et tient particulierement a assister aux course de l'hippodrome Wellington. Malgre le mauvais temps, dont le ciel nous a regale hier, Sa Majeste Imperiale n'a pas manque d'honorer de sa presence, la course du Grand Prix d'Ostende de 50.000 fr., et s'est, comme precedemment, tres interessee aux differentes epreuves. Le Roi et S.A.R. Ja princesse Clementine etaient egalement presents, aussi que le ministre M. de Smet de Naeyer, sa dame et d'autres personnalites de marqueIO.

Finally, an article regarding the Shah's departure: Ostende. Le depart du shah. 31juillet1902. L'heure de depart, etant fixee pour 5h.55m., une foule compacte se trouve abords et a l'interieur de la gare et les longues trottoirs des rues de la Chapelle et d' Ouest et de la place d' Armes, par ou le cortege doit passer. Presque tous les habitants des rues par ou le shah doit passer ont arbore Je drapeau national ou persan, dans les bassins de commerce, le coup d' ceil est ravissant car des certaines de pavillons flottent sur les bateaux et yachts, qui s'y trouvent en grand nombre. A l'interieur de la gare se trouve un detachement du 3e ligne et la batterie d'artillerie de la garde civique, avec musique en tete. Le service d'ordre etait organise par notre police. A 4h.45 le Roi Leopold II fait son entree dans la gare et est salue par la Braban9onne, jouee par la musique d'artillerie, pendant que les troupes presentent les armes. A 4h.50 arrive le cortege, precede des agents de police en velo, deja porteurs de la decoration que le shah leur a offerte, en reconnaissance des Services rendus pendant son sejour a Ostende. Suivant deux escadrons des guides, venus de Bruxelles, qui precectent et entourent !es huit voitures de gala dans lesquelles se trouvait Je shah et ses dignitaires, ainsi que Je general Decroos, Je lieutenant Vanden Branden de Reeth, des guides et l'ecuyer Wahis des grenadiers qui ont ete attache a Ja personne de Mouzaffer-Ed-Dine pendant de son sejour en Belgique. S.M.I. est re9ue sm le seuil du salon royal par le roi Leopold II, entouree de MM. Le comte d'Ursel gouvemeur de la Flandre orientale; Pieters, bourgmestre et les echevis Liebaert et Fernon, d'Ostende; de Villers, contröleur de la douane; Lanquet chef du Station, et nombre d'officiers de Ja garde civique en grand uniforme. Le salon royal etaitjoliment ctecore a l'entree, a la sortie et a l'inteneur par des riches draperies et jolies plantes. Le Roi conduit Je shah a l'exterieur de la gare, ou les deux souverains passent la revue des troupes apres avoir ete acclame par la foule; le shah et notre Roi s'adressent encore quelques mots en se serrant la main, ainsi qu' a M. Pieters le bourgmestre. Le shah monte en voiture et demeure debout devant la fenetre ouverte jusqu 'au depart du train special, a 5h.55, heure precise, une ovation enthousiaste suit le train jusqu'a ce qu'il ait quitte la gare; la musique d' artillerie joue l 'hymne persan. Le Roi rentre au

10

L'Etoile beige, the 29th of July 1902.

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salon royal ou il s'entretient encore quelques instants avec le gouverneur comte d'Ursel et le bourgmestre M. Pieters et se rend ensuite, a pied, a son chalet de la diguell.

II. Description of the courtiers who accompani ed Shah Mozaffar ad-Din during his trip to Ostend In this section I shall try to give descriptions of the course of life of some of the courtiers, whom Shah Mozaffar ad-Din mentions in his diary. "Some" persons indeed, because it is rather difficult to retrieve the identities of the people who are portrayed in the Shah's diary. In the archives of the Belgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Royal Palace lists are available regarding the people who accompanied the Shah. Generally 38 persons were counted, who are named in the archives of the Royal Palace as follows: LISTE DE LA SUITE DE S.M.I. LE SHAH

Suite officielle

Hauts dignitaireS": 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Son Altesse Aly Asgher Khan Atabek Azam; Son Excellence Mirza Mahmoud Khan Hakim-ol-Molk, Ministre de la Cour; Son Excellence le Prince Movassegh ed Dovle, Grand Chambellain; Son Excellence Amir Bahadour Djenk, Grand Marechal de Ja Cour; Son Excellence Hajeb ed Dovle, Marechal,Chef de la Maison [mperiale; Son Excellence Mirza Nezam Gaffary Mohandes ol Memalik, Ministre des rraveaux publics et des mines; 7. Son Excellence Vikil-ed-Dovle, Secretaire de Sa Majeste Imperiale; 8. Son Excellence Qavan Ussaltanet, Ministre de Perse a Vienne; 9. Son Excellence Mofakham-ed-Dolet, Ministre de Perse a Washington;

Dignitaires de Jre dasse. 10. Son Excellence Sedgh ed-Dovle; 11. Son Excellence Movassegh-ol-Molk; 12. Son Excellence Fakhr-ol-Molk; 13. Son Excellence Amine Hazret; 14. Son Excellence Chams-ol-Molk; 15. Son Excellence Aine-es-Sultan;

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L'Etoile beige, the 2nd of August 1902.

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16. S.E. Debir Sultan; 17. S.E. Sir Hug Adcock, Medecin en chef de Sa Majeste Imperiale; 18. S.E. Honorable Docteur Lindley, Second medecin en chef de Sa Majeste Imperiale; 19. S.E. Docteur Ibrahim Kahn, Adjoin du medecin en chef de Sa Majeste Imperiale; 20. S.E. Mirza Aly Khan, Interprfae de Sa Majeste Imperiale et Chef du Cabinet des affuires etrangeres; Suite non officielle. 21. Nedim os-Soltan;

22. Nasser-el-Memalik; 23. Agha Seid Hoceine; 24. Arsalan Khan; 25. Sef-es-Sultan; 26. Bessir-es-Saltaneh; 27. Nassr-Allah Khan; 28. Mirza Hossein Khan Monyed Khalwad;

Valets de chambre. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38.

Mirza Ibrahim Kahn; Mohammed Khan; Ismail Khan; Mohammed Kahn; Mirza Abdul-Kerim Kahn; Monrad Kahn; Mirza Hassan; Mohammed Ibrahim; MirzaJevad Khan; Abbas Khanl2.

Here follows a brief description of the lives of Shah Mozaffar ad-Din and the courtiers who accompanied him on his trip to Ostend: 1. Mozaffar ad-Din Siih Qiijiir

The sons of Sah Näser ad-Din were by far inferior. Mozaffar ad-Din (1853-1907) was already an old man when he ascended the Peacock Throne. He waited a long time and his father neglected him. The most 12 Archives of the Royal Palace: "Archive du Grand Marechale de la Cour (gouvemement de Leopold II, 1865 - 1909)", file 367, 16.

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incompetent people surrounded him. Being very superstitious, he considered lightening and storms as signs of heaven against his opponents. Moreover, he was very timid and lazy13, had many imaginary illnesses and was very concemed about his health and safety 14. In Paris he was called mauvaise affaire de Din. On the other hand, he was known as very pious and he was fond of cats15. When he was proclaimed Shah, his only wish was to travel to Europe, probably for health reasons. Of course he needed much money, so he borrowed from the Russians and they took the custom taxes of the most important ports as security. Fora second trip to Europein 1902 he borrowed again. By 1906 almost all the revenues of the Persian Empire were in Russian hands. Before 1900 the Persian foreign debt was only f500,000, an amount lent from the British hnperial Bank as compensation for the cancellation of the tobacco concession. In 1914 the debt increased to f6.8 million andin 1919tof10.6 million. In 1901 the Briton William Knox d' Arcy obtained a concession for the extraction, production and sale of oil and other mineral raw materials. When in 1908 oil was pumped up, it was clear that the British military presence was permanent. Already with earlier protests against the concessions, an alliance was formed between the religious leaders and the reformists. At the beginning of the 20th century there was such an alliance that demanded the end of despotism and the foundation of a "House of Justice". By 1903 a general movement was formed that demanded reforms. Tue sparks of the French Revolution began to jump over to the Orient. Tue Russians and Britons terrified the Persians less. Japan defeated the Russians in 1905 and the Boers defeated the Britons in South Africa. By 1904 the demand for a "House of Justice" changed into the demand for a Parliament, like the British House of Commons. In 1906 there were mass demonstrations. On the 5th of August 1906, on the Shah's birthday, a Constitution was granted and a Parliament was summoned. In October 1906 the Shah ratified the Constitution but died shortly afterwards, in January 190716. Shah Mozaffar ad-Din was ill for several years. He suffered from a serious form of albuminury. On the 8th of January 1907 he was lying 13 C. GHANI, Iran and the Rise of Reza Shah: From Qajar Collapse to Pahlavi Rufe, London-New York 1998, 6-7. 14 G.M. WICKENS, "Shah Mozaffar ad-Din's European Tour", E. BOSWORTH and C. HILLENBRAND (eds.), Qajar Iran: Political, social and cultural change 1800-1925, Edinburgh 1983, 38-39. 15 H. AMIRSADEGHI, Twentieth-Century Iran, London 1977, 4. 16 C. GHANI, op. cit. (n. 13), 6-9.

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on his deathbed in a room fully decorated in European style. At 10 o'clock he requested to turn his bed in the direction of Mecca. His sons were present, including Crown Prince Mohammad 'Ali. Some time later the harem lost its master. In accordance with the tradition, a prince had to wash the corpse and the face had to lie in the direction of Mecca. Shah Mozaffar ad-Din was buried in Karbala11. 2. Atäbak-e A 'zam, Mirzä 'Ali Asqar Xän Amin as-Soltän

He is mentioned very often in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar adDin Säh be Farang as Janäb-e Afraf-e Atäbak-e A'zam. As one of the most powerful men of his time he was subordinate only to the Shah. He had many contacts, e.g. with the ruling family of Gilan, the Baxteyari tribe and the governor of Xuzestan, Hoseyn Qoli Xan Nezam asSaltane. In this light, it does not surprise that he had very powerful enemies like prince Mas 'ud Mirza Zell as-Soltän or prince Kamran Mirza Na'eb as-Saltane, the brothers of Shah Mozaffar ad-Din1s. Amin as-Soltan was Grand-Vizir under three Qajar rulers. Tue title Atäbak-e A'zam19 was given to two prominent persons: Mirza Taqi Xan Amir Kabir and Mirza 'Ali Asqar Amin as-Soltan. lt was also given to 'Abd al-Majid Mirza 'Eyn ad-Dowle, but he was not known by it 20 • Mirza 'Ali Asqar Xän was the grandson of a Georgian Christian prisoner of war of Shah Aqa Mohammad. Thus his father, Aqa Mohammad Ebrähim Amin as-Soltän, was bom a slave and was a possession of Mahd-e 'Olya, the mother of Shah Naser ad-Din. She gave Ebrahim and his three brothers to her son, the Crown Prince. Ebrähim assisted the "cupbearer" of the Shah; later he was promoted and became the cupbearer himself. Despite his illiteracy he became very powerful. When he died in 1883, he was treasurer and Minister of Taxes21. 17

A. KADJAR, Les Rois oublies: L' epopee de la dynastie Kadjare, Paris 1992, 306-

7. 18 A. REZA SHEIKHOLESLAMI, The Structure of Central Authority in Qajar Iran: 1871-1898, Atlanta 1996, 122-123. 19 Tue title Atäbak is derived from the Turkish word atabeg (father + ruler) and appears for the first time under the early Seljuks. An atabeg was a dignitary who was appointed as a private teacher for the son of the ruler. He often married the mother of the boy. With the exception of Nezäm al-Molk, who was both the Grand-Vizir and the atabeg of the young Malek Sah, all the atabegs were military leaders. But already under the Seljuks the meaning of the title changed. Under the Ayyubids of Aleppo, the Rum-Seljuks, the Mamluks and even in the Christian Kingdom of Georgia it became an honorary title. lt was a warlord who took care of a juvenile and instructed him. 20 J. CALMARD, "Atäbak-e A'zam, Mirza Ali-Asqar Khan Amin as-Soltän", Enclr 1, 878. 21 A. REZA SHEIKHOLESLAMI, op. cit., 123.

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Mirzä 'Ali Asqar Xän was bom on the 6th of January 1858. In 187374 he inherited the title janäb-e jan (Head of the Royal Transport) from his father. In 1878, when his father accompanied Shah Näser adDin on his trip to Europe, he fulfilled functions at the court. In 1880/1 he became the treasurer of the army and in 1883 he inherited all the titles of his father; his own titles were given to his brothers. There was much commotion when Shah Näser ad-Din appointed the 25 year old Mirzä 'Ali Asqar Xän. Despite the fact that Mirzä Yusof Xän Mostowfi al-Mamälek was the official ra'is al-vozarä' and sadr-e a'zam (both mean Prime Minister), 'Ali Asqar was de facto the GrandVizir. Tue Shah had more confidence in him, than in Mas'ud Mirzä and Kamrän Mirzä, his own sons, who became very hostile. His term of office was during a period of hostility between Russia and the U.K. conceming Persia and after the cancellation of the Reuterconcession in 1873, his pro-British policy stopped the reviving influence of the Russians. He replaced the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mirzä Y ahyä Mosir ad-Dowle. Through his successor 'Abbäs Xän Qaväm asSaltane, 'Ali Asqar was more able to influence foreign affairs. In this period very unfavourable concessions to the Britons were done. The Russians tried to stop him, without success. The most important concession was one that gave a complete monopoly over the production, sale and export of tobacco to Major Talbot for a period of fifty years. Soon there were protests coming from Kämrän Mirzä and Jamäl ad-Din Asadäbädi "al-Afqäni". In the spring of 1891 there were demonstrations in all major cities, supported by the merchants and the 'olamä'. Because of a fatva pronounced by Mirzä Hasan Siräzi that prohibited smoking, there was even opposition within the court. In January 1892 the concession had to be cancelled, but the Persian govemment had to pay a compensation of f 500,000 to the U .K. and Persia became even more dependent. Opposition against 'Ali Asqar continued and things became more complicated because of his behaviour. After his retum from Europe he started to drink alcohol in public and to gamble. One said also that he had an affair with one of the wives of the Shah22 • A. Bricteux wrote about him: On l' a dit «russophile» et Oll l' a oppose al' «anglophile» Amin ad Dowleh. En realite, aucun grand vizir n 'aurait pu, a cette epoque, se maintenir sans l'appui de la Russie ou de l'Angleterre. J'ose esperer pour leur honneur, que le cceur n'y etait pour rien, et qu'ils aimaient assez leur patrie pour ne se 22

J. CALMARD, art. cit. (n. 20), 879-881.

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resigner que malgre eux aSe mettre SOUS la tutelle des deux grands empires qui humilient et ne la laisser subsister comme nation independante que parce qu'il le faut bien23.

When Shah Naser ad-Din was murdered in 1896, 'Ali Asqar carried his body to his carriage and told the attendants that the Shah was only hit in bis shoulder and that he would become better when he was back in the capital. During the ride to Tehran 'Ali Asqar kept the dead body of the Shah in a sitting position and he took the arm of the Shah to make salutes to the public. He sent a telegram to Crown Prince Mozaffar ad-Din in Tabriz and informed the Russian and British embassies, to make the succession to the Peacock Throne very smooth24. Tue new Shah confirmed 'Ali Asqar's position and dismissed his enemy Kamran Mirza and sent Amin ad-Dowle to Tabriz. But bis former ally 'Abd al-Hoseyn Mirza Farmanfarma became an opponent. On the 23rd of November 1896 'Ali Asqar was dismissed. Tue new government was not very successful and on the 12th of July 1898 'Ali Asqar was reappointed as Grand Vizir. Despite the fact that the Empire was bankrupt, the Shah wanted to make a trip to Europe, so he bad to borrow money. Because the demands of the Britons were too high, he tumed bis face to the Russians and they gave a loan of 25.5 million rouble (f2.5 million). The opposition, coming from the people, the 'olamä' and Farmanfarma increased. In November 1901 'Ali Asqar made an agreement that favoured trade with Russia. On the 29th of November 1902 a Belgian, Joseph Naus2s, became Minister of State. Despite British protestations, another 10 million rouble were lent by the Russians and were completely spent for another trip to Europein 1902. Without knowledge of the Russians, f200,000 was borrowed from the British. Insurrections started in Tehran, Tabriz and Yazd in the summer of 1903. Furthermore, 'Ali Asqar was accused of murdering Hakim alMolk. He was even proclaimed infidel. On the 15th of September 1903 he was fired for the second time; he started traveling now. When Mohammad 'Ali became Shah in 1907, he reappointed 'Ali Asqar. Tue Grand Vizir advised the Shah about the benefits of parliamentarianism and he was in favour of the Constitution. Nevertheless there were still disturbances with reformists. Moreover there was 23

A. BRICTEUX, Au pays du Lion et du Solei!, Brussels 1908, 328.

24 C. GHANI, op. cit. (n. 13), 3-5.

25 Joseph Naus became Minister of Customs and Postal Services, administrator of the customs, treasurer, chief of the Department for Passports and a member of the Supreme Council. A. DESTREE, Les fonctionnaires belges au service de la Perse: 18981915 (AI 13), Leiden etc. 1976, 151.

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Ottoman pressure on the Persian border and local rebellions threatening the authority of the govemment. Although the Shah believed he would help him in overthrowing the Constitution and the Parliament, 'Ali Asqar endeavoured to strengthen moderate members of the Parliament. But soon 'Ali Asqar aroused opposition from both the radical and reactionary sides. On the 31st of August 1907 'Ali Asqar was hit by several bullets and died; the circumstances of his assassination remain unclear26. 3. Amir Bahädor lang, Hoseyn Päsä Xän

Almost every day he is mentioned in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang under the name Amir Bahädor Jang. He was the head of the royal guard, kesikCi-bafr, and Minister of the Court during the govemment of Shah Mozaffar ad-Din. Under Shah Mohammad 'Ali he was still head of the royal guard and he also became Minister of War. He was bom around 1855 in a family with a military tradition. In 1884 he served Crown Prince Mozaffar ad-Din as yüz-basi27. In 1886 he was promoted to qullar-agasi"-basris andin 1891/2 to aiudan-basi29. Finally he got the rank of Amir Bahädor3o Jang in 1892/3. When Mozaffar ad-Din ascended the Peacock Throne, he immediately replaced the head of the royal guards, 'Abd Alläh Xän Nezäm asSaltane, by Hoseyn Päsä Xän and so he was in charge over the palace security. In 1903 he was promoted as sardär3I and he replaced Mirzä Mahmud Xän Hakim al-Molk as Minister of the Court. When in 1905 the army was reformed, he was in charge of 9,000 soldiers. In December of the same year he tried, without success, to crush a rebellion against 'Eyn ad-Dowle. Shah Mozaffar ad-Din had very much confidence in him; he obtained a great influence at the court and became very rich. He accompanied Mozaffar ad-Din during his three trips to 26 J. CALMARD, art. cit. (n. 20), 881-886. Turkish for "head of one hundred": yüz = 100 and ba§ = head. Turkish for "head of all men (soldiers)". Turkish for "head-adjutant". Bahädor is a Turco-Mongolian honorary title, which means "hero", and it is often attached to a proper name. Nomadic people in the north and the west of China used this word as baqatur since the beginning of the 7th century. One can find this term one century later in Old-Turkish as batur in the Köktürk-khanate. The Proto-Bulgarians used the expression baqatur from the 9th century. Since the rule of Genghis Khan it is used as an honorary title, given as a reward for services rendered. C. FLEISCHER, "Bahador", Enclr III, 436-437. 3! Persian for "leader": sar =head and där is derived from the verb dästan =to have, to possess. 27 28 29 30

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Europe3z. An interesting anecdote is the appearance of Imam Hoseyn in a dream of Amir Bahädor Jang, who told him that the reforms of the finances by the Belgians would be catastrophic33. When Shah Mohammad 'Ali succeeded Mozaffar ad-Din in 1907, he initially neglected Amir Bahädor Jang. But in his struggle against the constitutional movement, the Shah reappointed Amir Bahador Jang as head of the royal guard. Despite his oath of loyalty to the Parliament, the constitutionalists hated him very much. In the beginning of 1908 he got the complete control over the Silaxor-regiment, which was located near the palace. Shah Mohammad 'Ali considered this regiment as his only protection. In May 1908 there were demonstrations for the dismissal of Amir Bahador Jang and on the 2nd of June he was dismissed. In the meantime he was, together with the Shah, involved in a complot against the constitutionalists. He obtained asylum in the summer residence of the Russian embassy in Zargande, where he stayed until the 7th of June. After the coup d'etat of the 23rd of June, the Shah appointed him commander-in-chief of the army (sepahsalar-e a'zam) on the 9th of July. He obtained very great influence on the Shah and his Empire. Because of the pressure from Russia and the United Kingdom he was in 1909 again dismissed, but he remained at court. After the victory of the constitutionalists on the 17th of July 1909, he followed the dethroned Shah, under the protection of Russia and the United Kingdom. Together with the Shah, he was exiled on the lst of September to Russia and afterwards elsewhere in Europe. He was also in company with the Shah during the unsuccessful coup d'etat of the 17th of July 1911. Afterwards he resided in Vienna and some years later obtained permission to retum to Tehran, where he died in 191834 .

4. Mirza Mahmud Xan Borujardi, Hakim al-Molk, Vazir-e Darbar Mirza Mahmud Xän Borujardi is often mentioned in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang as Vazir-e Darbar, "Minister of the Court". He was the son of Mirza 'Ali Hakim Bä.SJ3 5 Esfahani, who lived in Borujard. Fora long time Mirza Mahmud Xan was in the company of dr. Tholozan, the personal physician of Shah Naser ad-Din, while he was studying medical science. After the death of his brother Mirza Abu 1-Hasan, the chief physician of Crown Prince J. CALMARD, "Amir Bahädor Jang, Hosayn Pasha Khan", Enc Ir III, 437. A. DESTREE, op. cit. (n. 25), 97. 34 J. CALMARD, art. cit. (n. 32), 437-438. 35 Chief doctor. 32 33

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Mozaffar ad-Din, in 1885, he became also a member of the corps of physicians of the Crown Prince. One year later he obtained the title mosir al-hokamä'36. Mohammad Hasan Xän E 'temäd as-Saltane wrote in his memoirs that Mosir al-Hokamä ' visited him at his house after the murder of Shah Näser ad-Din in 1886 confiding E'temäd as-Saltane that dr. Feuvrier treated the Crown Prince for fertility problems. When Mozaffar ad-Din ascended the throne, Mosir al-Hukamä' got the title hakim al-mo/k37 and he became the personal physician of the Shah. A certain Moxber ad-Dowle wrote in his memoirs that the Shah's first servant was 'Eyn as-Dowle and later Amin as-Soltän. Hakim alMolk, Sayyed Bahreyni, Basir as-Saltane and Amir Bahädor were very important for the Shah's physical condition: Hakim al-Molk was responsible for his health, Sayyed Bahreyni took care of his prayers, Amir Bahädor was the protector of his life and Basir as-Saltane accompanied the Shah everywhere and took advantage from almost everything. In 1896, after the first resignation of Amin as-Soltän, Hakim al-Molk became Minister of Public Works (vazir-e abniye), Minister of Mintage (vazir-e maskukät o där al-zarb). Around 1900 Hakim al-Molk obtained the title vazir-e darbär (Minister of the Court). Afterwards, the Britons tried to use him in their struggle against the Russians and Amin as-Soltän. He was successful in occupying the most powerful functions and perhaps this is the reason there was hostility between him and Amin as-Soltän. The Britons preferred Hakim al-Molk as Grand-Vizir of Persia, but with the help of the Russians he could be dismissed by Amin as-Soltän and became govemor of Gilän. After two months he died in Rast on the 15th of August 1903. He left behind much money, but most of it disappeared. Some say that he was poisoned by Amin as-Soltän38.

5. Hasan Mostowfi, Mostowfi al-Mamälek He can be found in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang under the name Mostowfi al-Mamälek. He was one of the most popular Persian politicians of the twentieth century. He was bom in 1871 and was the son of Mirzä Yusof Mostowfi al-Mamälek. His father was from 1858 Minister of Finance; from 1863 he was considered as powerful as the Prime Minister. He kept this position until he died in Arabic: guide of the doctors. Arabic: doctor of the royalty. 38 M. BAMDAD, Sarh-e häl-e rejäl-e lrän V, Tehrän 1966, 35-38. 36 37

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1885. In 1881 Hasan Mostowfi got, at his father's request, the title Mostowfi al-Mamiilek. Father and son behaved like gentlemen. Both were friendly, honest, persistent, modest and generous. During World War I Hasan Mostowfi kept good contacts with Russia and the United Kingdom. Between 1900 and 1907 he mostly lived in Paris. After his retum he was six times rninister. He died in 193239.

6. Eshaq Xän, Mofaxxam ad-Dowle He is mentioned only once in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar adDin Säh be Farang under the name Mofaxxam ad-Dowle. Nevertheless he is a very interesting person. Eshaq Xän was the son of Mirzä 'Abd al-Qani. Through the kind offices of Najaf 'Ali Xän40 he was employed at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and he was for some time active in the Ottoman Empire. He was known as an intelligent person with a great love for Europe. At the time when Mirzä Mahmud Xän 'Alä' al-Molk Dibä acted as ambassador in St-Petersburg, around 1890, Eshaq Xän worked for him. Afterwards he became chief-ambassador in Istanbul and later chief-consul in Cairo. Between 1893 and 1898 he obtained a great fortune through the death of a rieb Persian without heirs in Egypt. The wealthy Persian's name was Häjj Mirzä Hoseyn Sarif Kasäni. Several years he worked for the British Empire on the Indian Subcontinent. For his years of service he obtained f 100,000 and he was adrnitted in the Order of Bath. He lived very luxuriously in Egypt; it was said that he had a chariot with four horses and a barem of four wives. Nevertheless, he had no children. On the orders of Eshaq Xän was he poisoned; his only heir, Häjj Seyx Mahdi (his brother), was in the meantime in Tehran. When the latter heard that his brother had died, he travelled immediately to Egypt. For one week his arrival in Egypt was delayed because of a broken bridge between Thilisi and Batumi. In the meantime the Persian consulate in Cairo forged the proofs of ownership and Eshaq Xän had already sold all possessions. Häjj Seyx Mahdi had to retum emptyhanded to Tehran. Eshaq Xän also retumed to Tehran and he asked Shah Mozaffar adDin perrnission to stay at his court, which was granted. His crime kept 39 C. GHANI, op. cit. (n. 13), 17. Najaf 'Ali Xän was for some time a correspondent in the province of Gilän and afterwards was a political representative in Egypt. In some books his name is Najaf 'Ali and elsewhere Najaf Qoli. M. BAMDAD, op. cit. 1 (n. 39), 109.

40

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31

following hirn and a certain Seyx Mohsen Xän Mosir ad-Dowle investigated it, without results. But around 1900 the Minister of Foreign Affairs exerted pressure on Eshaq Xän and he had to pay the legitirnate heir, Häjj Seyx Mahdi, the whole arnount of five rnillion reyäl. These events had no bad irnplications for his career. Afterwards, he becarne Persian arnbassador in Washington andin 1906 he received the title Prins in Vienna41. 7. Xän Jän, Basir as-Saltane He is very often rnentioned in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar adDin Säh be Farang under the narne Basir as-Saltane. He was bom around 1852 and he belonged to the courtiers who were closest to Crown Prince Mozaffar ad-Din in Tabriz. lt is said that he was involved in rnany intrigues at the court and that he was very corrupt. When Mozaffar ad-Din ascended the Peacock Throne in 1896, Xän Jan accornpanied hirn to Tehran. In the following years he increased his influence at the court. He stole and he cheated the other courtiers and the relatives of the Shah to get even rnore influence. As usual, he succeeded. He becarne the chief of sorne tribes in the neighbourhood of Tehran and he obtained very high positions at the court. He got rnany opponents; the rnost powerful of thern was Amin as-Soltän. Because of the hate against hirn, Xän Jan had to leave Tehran and he retired in Ardabil. He died in 192242. 8. Ahmad Qaväm, Qaväm as-Saltane

The narne Qavärn as-Saltane appears a few tirnes in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang. He was bom in 1875 and was the younger brother of Vosuq as-Saltane43 . In 1911 he becarne Minister of Interior and during his term of office the state police was formed. He had the reputation of being a good adrninistrator. Between 41 M. BAMDAD, op. cit. 1(n.38), 108-111. 42 M. BAMDAD, op. cit. V (n. 38), 91. 43 Hasan Vosuq, Vosuq ad-Dowle (1868-1951) was a member of a very important family which brought forth three Prime Ministers. In 1911 Hasan Vosuq became Minister of Finance, in 1913 Minister of Foreign Affairs and from August 1916 until May 1917 he was again Minister of Foreign Affairs. Between August 1918 and June 1920 he was Prime Minister and afterwards he had to leave the country. In 1926 he returned and in June of the same year Rezä Säh appointed him as Minister of Finance and later as Minister of Iußtice. In November 1926 he resigned and became a member of the parliament. Rezä Säh consulted him often andin 1936 he was appointed as chairman of the Iranian Academy for Culture. Cf. C. GHANI, op. cit. (n. 13), 24.

32

W.BEX

1914 and 1918 he was Minister of Finance and again Minister of the Interior. Between 1918 and 1921 he was governor of Xoräsän andin 1921 he was twice shortly Prime Minister. In 1922/3 he was accused of trying to eliminate Rezä Säh andin 1923 he was sent in exile. In 1930 he retumed to Persia and resided on his estates in the north. In 1942, 1946 and for few days in 1952 he became again Prime Minister. The British embassy described him as cunning and unreliable, but also as capable and anglophile, although not suitable to lead an honest govemment44.

9. Sa'd ad-Dowle, Mirzä Jeväd Xän In Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang he is called Sa'd ad-Dowle. Around 1897 he was Minister Plenipotentiary of the Persian Empire in Brussels, together with the Belgians Naus, Priem 45 and Theunis 46 . He favoured the reforms of the customs by the Belgians. Afterwards he became their enemy. He was an opportunist and had no political conviction: firstly he joined the revolutionary side and later the reactionary side In 1905 he became Minister of Trade and Industry and became the worst opponent of the Belgians. When Naus returned to Persia from the Ottoman Empire, he told the Shah that he would not work for him, unless Sa'd ad-Dowle was dismissed. So the Shah dismissed him and appointed him as govemor of a remote area. After the Constitutional Revolution he was recalled and became one of the most active members of the new Parliament47. A. Bricteux wrote about him: M. Naus, a la finde 1905, fit un voyage a Constantinople ou il negocia un traite de commerce entre la Porte et la Perse. Quand il revient, vers avril 1905, il rencontra a Bakou, le chäh qui partait pour l'Europe; il lui declara qu'il ne rentrerait pas en Perse, si son ennemi Saad ed Dowleh n'etait demis. Mozaffar, ne pouvant se passer des services de M. Naus, s'empressa d'obtemperer et l'adversaire des Belges fut envoye en exil, comme gouvemeur d'un petit district situe au milieu du desert, aKhor, je crois. Le Bruit de la

44 C. GHANI, op. cit. (n. 13), 40. 45 In 1898, Priem was appointed by the Persian Government. He inspected customs

in Kermänsäh. In 1903 he became provincial director in Tabriz. He had to leave the city because the mullahs provoked insurrections against him, but he retumed soon. In 1906 he became administrator-general of the customs; in 1907 he had to leave the country. A. DESTREE, op. cit. (n. 25), 345-346. 46 Theunis was also appointed in 1898 and inspected customs in Azerbaijan. In the same year he had to leave the country because of health problems. A. DESTREE, op. cit.(n. 25), 347. 47 A. DESTREE, op. cit. (n. 25), 119-120.

VISIT OF SHAH MOZAFFAR AD-DIN TO OSTEND

33

mort se repandit meme. Quand la revolution triompha, la chäh fut oblige de le rappeler: il rentra avec les palmes du martyre, et plus de cinquante voitures allerent au devant de lui aplusieurs farsakhs de Teheran48.

During the reign of Shah Mohammad 'Ali, in 1907, Sa'd ad-Dowle demanded that all Belgians be sent away. Only Naus and Priem were dismissed, but the other Belgians stayed. After the removal of N aus, he tumed from a revolutionary nationalist into a reactionary russophile. After the coup d'etat of Shah Mohammad 'Ali, Sa'd ad-Dowle was dismissed to please the constitutionalists. When the Shah was sent in Exile, in 1909, Sa'd ad-Dowle can be found with him in the Russian embassy. Finally he went to Paris49. 10. Abu l-Fath Mirzä, Mo' ayyed ad-Dowle He is mentioned in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang as Mo'ayyed ad Dowle. He was the son of Soltän Moräd Mirza Hesam as-Saltane, who was appointed in the govemment of Yazd auround 1870. Nevertheless he did not go, because he was reappointed as govemor of Xorasan, but sent his son to Yazd. Later, Abu 1-Fath was appointed by his father in the govemments of Kordestän and Kermansäh. In 1880 Hirn was granted the title Mo'ayyed ad-Dowle. Later, acting as govemor of Kordestan, because of his good relations with Amin as-Soltän, he became govemor of Xorasan. Nevertheless he stayed in Tehran in the house of Amin as-Soltän. Around 1907 he became govemor of Pars, but in the same year he was dismissed and he retired. He died in 1911/250. 11. Abu l-Hasan Xän Ardalän, Häjj Faxr al-Molk We meet his name quite often in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang, he is called Faxr al-Molk and his task was to record the speeches of the Shah. He is bom in 1862/3 in Tehran; his father, Reza Qoli Xän, was the govemor of Kordestan and his mother, Tuba Xanom, was a daughter of 'Abbas Mirza. In 1889/90 he obtained the title Faxr al-Molk, which first belonged to 'Abd al-Hoseyn Xän "alKofri", who lost it because of his bad behaviour. In 1896/7 he became govemor of Hamadan, and in 1902/3 he was appointed Minister of Trade. He died in 192651. 48 A. BRICTEUX, op. cit. (n. 23), 341. 49 A. DESTREE, op. cit. (n. 25), 130-196. 50 M. BAMDAD, op. cit. 1 (n. 38), 51-53. 51 M. BAMDAD, op. cit. 1 (n. 38), 32-33.

34

W.BEX

12. Akbar Xän, Nä' eb Näzer, Seyf as-Soltän, Sardär Näser Despite the fact that he is mentioned often in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang as Seyf as-Soltan, not very much is known about him. In 1885/6 he became Na'eb Nazer (deputy overseer) andin 1892/3 he tried to become Mir Axvori (stable master) 52.

13. Maqrur Mirzä, Movasseq ad-Dowle He is mentioned in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang as Movasseq ad-Dowle. He was the grandson on of Hasan 'Ali Mirza Soja' as-Saltane. In his youth he served as a page in the harem of Shah Naser ad-Din. Around 1869 he served the Crown Prince in Tabriz andin 1896 he accompanied Mozaffar ad-Din to Tehran. One year later he became xänsalär (table setter). He was also appointed in the govemment of KaSän. Some time later he gave the title Xansalär to his son Mohammad Hasan Mirza 'Eyn as Soltän. Movasseq ad-Dowle became govemor of Mazandaran in 1902 and finally, under Shah Ahmad, Minister of the Court53.

14. Mohammad Hasan Mirzä, 'Eyn as-Soltän He is mentioned only one time in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang as 'Eyn as-Soltän. As mentioned before, he was the son of Maqrur Mirza and obtained the title Xänsalär. In 1896 he was govemor of KäSän and was given the title 'Eyn as-Soltän. He married the tenth daugter of Shah Mozaffar ad-Din, Aqdas as-Saltane. During three days and three nights dignitaries proposed to marry her, the most eligible bride of the Empire. Some time later 'Eyn as-Soltän was only interested in drinking54.

15. Mirza Neziim ad-Din Xiin, Mohandes al-Mamälek His name is encountered with several times in Dovvomin safarniimeye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang as Mohandes al-Mamälek. He was bom in 1844 in Barzäbäd in the province of Kasan. Ca. 1858 he was sent to France to study different sciences. When he retumed to Persia, he was considered one of the greatest mathematicians and astronomers of the Empire. He had good relations with Amin as-Soltän; in 1898 he became Minister of General Benefits (vazir-e favä' ed-e 'ämmi) and 52

M. BAMDAD, op. cit. 1 (n. 38), 147. (n. 38), 294-295. (n. 38), 229.

53 M. BAMDAD, op. cit. V 54 M. BAMDAD, op. cit. V

VISIT OF SHAH MOZAFFAR AD-DIN TO OSTEND

35

Minister of Culture. When Hasan Mostowfi was Grand Vizir in 1914 and 1915, he became Minister of State and again Minister of General Benefits and Culture. In 1915 he died in Tehran55. 16. Arsalän Xän, Näser Homäyun He is known as Näser Homäyun in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang. He was the son of Amir Xän Qäjär, studied music in the Där al-Fonun and became a music teacher. He served Crown Prince Mozaffar ad-Din in Tabriz and followed him to Tehran, where he became one of his closest courtiers 56 . 17. Soltän Mas'ud Mirzä, Zell as-Soltän, Yamin ad-Dowle Although he is mentioned as Yamin ad-Dowle in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang, he is absent in the official list of persons who accompanied the Shah during his visit in Belgium. He was bom in 1850 as the eldest son of Shah Näser ad-Din, but he was no heir to the throne because his mother was only a siqe (temporary wife). In 1860 he became govemor of Mäzandarän and one year later of Färs. Later he govemed two fifth of the Empire and he had control over two third of the taxes. After some trouble in his provinces around 1885 and because of the hostility from his brother Kämrän Mirzä and Amin as-Soltän, he was dismissed in all provinces except Esfahän. When his brother Mozaffar ad-Din became Shah, he could only submit to him57. He died in 1915/658. 18. Mirzä Mohammad, Sams al-Molk, 'Azod ad-Dowle Entitled Sams al-Molk we meet this person often in Dovvomin safarnäme-ye Mozaffar ad-Din Säh be Farang. He was the only son of 'Eyn ad-Dowle and was known as a loafer, who wasted the entire fortune of his father and ended in poverty59. 'Abd al-Mostowfi only reminds that Sams al-Molk was a very handsome young man6°.

55 M. BAMDAD, op. cit. IV (n. 38), 383-387. 'A. MOSTOWFI, Sarh-e zendegäni-ye man yä ta'rix-e ejtemä'i-ye o edäri-ye dawre-ye Qäjäriye II, Tehran 1961, 151-152. 57 A. REZASHEIKHOLESLAMI, op. cit. (n. 19), 129-137. 58 M. BAMDAD, op. cit. IV (n. 38), 99. 59 J. CALMARD, " 'Ayn-al-Dawla, Soltän 'Abd-al-Majid Mirzä Atäbak-e A 'zam", Enclr II, 140. 60 'A. MOSTOWFI, op. cit. II (n. 56), 54. 56

PAHR(AG)BED Fran~ois

DE BLOIS

(Cambridge, GB - Hamburg. BRD)

Tue Avesta contains a good number of passages which enumerate always in the same ascending sequence - the four levels of organisation (originally presumably along lines of kinship, but later geographical) of ancient Iranian society: nmäna- ('family' or 'house'), vis- ('clan' or 'village'), zal)tu- (perhaps 'moiety' or 'district'), and dailjhu- ('tribe' or 'land'); in Zoroastrian religious texts in Middle Persian these are represented respectively by män, wis, zand and deh. Each of the four levels has its leader, the nmäniia- ratu- or nmänö.pati- (mänbed), the v'fsiia- ratu- or v'fs.pati- (wisbed), the zal)tuma- ratu- or zaI)tu.pati(zandbed), and the däxiiuma- ratu- or dail]hu.pati- (dahibed) andin a few texts these are followed by the leader of whole Zoroastrian community, either Zara8ustra himself, or else the 'person most like Zaraeustra' (zaraßuströ.tama-)1. In the Manichaean texts in Middle Persian four of the five sons of the Manichaean deity known as the Living Spirit (in Middle Persian Mihr, i.e. the Avestan Mi8ra-) are called mänbed, wisbed, zandbed and dahibed. Tue remaining son, however, is called pährbed or pähragbed, 'the lord of the guard-post'. In what is evidently the oldest, and most authoritative, compendium of Manichaean doctrine in Middle Persian, Manes' Säbuhragän, there are two passages (lines 32-3 and 205-6 of MacKenzies's edition)2 where the five are listed in the order: mänbed, wisbed, zandbed, dahibed, pähragbed; that is to say, the first four are in the canonic ascending order in which they invariably occur in the Avesta, with the (apparently) non-Avestan pähragbed completing the See the discussion in 1. GERSHEVITCH, The Avestan hymn to Mithra, Cambridge 1959, 265-266, commenting especially on Yast 10:115 and 19:18. Marquart's hypothesis according to which in the latter passage 'Zara0uStra' is not the name of the prophet, but the title of the leader of the church, was rejected by Gershevitch, but has subsequently been revived (though without explicit reference to Marquart) by H. HUMBACH, The Gäthäs ofZarathustra and the other Old Avestan texts 1, Heidelberg 1991, 45, 49. 2 D.N. MACKENZIE, "Mani's Säbuhragän", BSOAS 42 (1979), 500-534, and 43 (1980), 288-310. 1

38

F. DE BLOIS

list. Tue series man ud wis, zand ud deh, padgös [ud wi]mand, [p]ähr (' ... regions and borders, guard-posts') seems to occur in lines 260-1 of the same text. In M7984 II R i 21-233 we find once again the series man ud wis ud zand ud deh ud wimand ('border') ud pahr,. but just a few lines later (R i 34 - R ii 2) we find pahrbed, manbed, ud wisbed, zandbed ud dahibed; that is: again with the standard Avestan sequence man, wis, zand, deh 4 , but with a different positioning of the pahr(ag). Naturally, it was realised lang ago what is happening heres. Tue five sons of the Living Spirit figured already, with Semitic names, in the original Aramaic formulation of Manichaeism. When, for the benefit of his patron, the Sasanian monarch Säbuhr 1, Manes reformulated his doctrine in pseudo-Zoroastrian religious vocabulary, he quite arbitrarily equated four of the five sons with the stereotyped Zoroastrian tetrad manbed, wisbed, zandbed and dahibed. But, since the Manichaean deity has not four sons, but five, it proved necessary to expand the series by a fifth name. 1 shall not address the question of which one of the five Iranian names corresponds to which one of the five Manichaean deities, as everything relevant to this point has already been said by Sundermann6. 1 do, however, wish to make a suggestion as to why the Iranian list was expanded by, of all things, the name pahr(ag)bed, for this has not as yet found any satisfactory solution. Tue first thing that needs to be said is that the Manichaean terms pahr, pahrbed and pahragbed occur only in the five already cited passages from just two texts: Sabuhragan and the closely related M7984. They are, in other words, attested only in the same context as the Avestan series of the four ranks and their respective leaders and are thus very likely to be technical terms. Their meaning is nonetheless unproblematic. They belang with Avestan pa8ra-, 'watch', Sogdian p'8r,p'r8,p's, 'watch, service, respect', and Manichaean Parthian7 p/:lr, 3 F.C. ANDREAS - W.B. HENNING, "Mitteliranische Manichaica aus Chinesisch-Turkestan [I]", SPAW 1932/ X, 173-222 (178). 4 One notices the influence of the late Old Persian accent in *dahiyäwam > deh, versus *dahiyu-patim > dahibed. a becomes e before a posttonic (lost) i, but remains a before a pretonic (preserved) i. s See already ANDREAS, apud F.W.K. MÜLLER, Handschriften-Reste in EstrangeloSchrift aus Turfan, Chinesisch-Turkestan II (APA W), Berlin 1904, 110. Then SCHAEDER, in R. REITZENSTEIN - H.H. SCHAEDER, Studien zum antiken Synkretismus aus Iran und Griechenland, Leipzig - Berlin 1926, 282-283. 6 Cf. W. SUNDERMANN, "The Five Sons of the Manichaean God Mithra", U. BIANCHI (ed.), Mysteria Mithrae (EPRO 80), Leiden - Roma 1979, 777-787; ID„ "Namen von Göttern, Dämonen und Menschen in iranischen Versionen des manichäischen Mythos", AoF 6 (1979), 95-133. 7 In the light of the immanent publication of the Middle Persian and Parthian section of the Dictionary of Manichaean texts 1 can dispense with textual references.

PAHR(AG)BED

39

p/:irg, 'watch-post', p/:irbr, p/:irgb'n, 'watchman', with the abstract derivative p/:irgb'nyft. Parthian pahrag (older pahrak) and pahragbän are reflected also by Armenian pahak and the Iranian title cited in Syriac 8 as phrgbn' (for pahragbän with the Aramaic suffix -ä). Tue regular Persian equivalents of Parthian pahr and pahrbän are the very common Middle and New Persian words päs 'watch' and päsbän 'watchman'. In the late Zoroastrian Middle Persian text Sahr'ihä 'i Erän § 18 (Pahlavi Texts, 20, 1. 6) we do find an apparently unique occurrence of the form p' /:il, which could be read either as pähr or more probably as pahr ; cf. b'/:il for bahr, as against b'l (=graphic b/:il) for bär. Tue context is

unclear; if it does mean 'watch-post' then it is likely tobe a loan word from Northwest Iranian. Tue Manichaean fragment M2 (in its present form a late text compiled in Central Asia) mentions the pahrag 'i KüSän ('watch-post/fronti er of Kushan'). pahrag is either a Parthianism or eise the whole phrase (Pahrag 'i Küsän) is to be taken as a Parthian proper (geographical) name in the MP text. Finally, the lndo-Persian dictionary Burhän i qäti' has an entry pahra, defined as päs. This supposedly Persian word has been mentioned in most of the relevant modern etymological literature but to the best of my knowledge it does not actually exist in Persian9. As mentioned, the Persian word is päs. pahr( ag) is Parthian. pähr( ag) is a Manichaean technical term in Middle Persian and recalls Avestan päOra- (pä()räi). Avestan pä()räi was analysed by Bartholomae (AiWb, 888) as an infinitive of the verb pä-, 'protect', but is better taken to be the dative singular of a noun pä()ra-,10 which must in any case underlie the adjective päOrauuaI}t-, 'offering protection'. päOräi occurs twice in the Avesta (Yasna 55,3; Yast 5,6). As it happens, in the latter passage it follows immediately after an enumeration of the four levels of organisation. lt is stated namely that Ahura Mazda brought forth the goddess Argduui Süra Anähita for a specific purpose, namely: frada(}äi. nmänaheca. vlsaheca. zaI)täitSca. daif]häu§ca. pä(}räica. har (2.1) with adjectives makes negative adjectives: B nw 'fry'n'k "unfitting, unworthy'', M nwßznyy "without gratitude"4 ; C nw ryzqyn "unwilling"; M nws' cy "not suitable".

SIMS-WILLIAMS 1990, 284-285. SIMS-WILLIAMS 1990, 284-285. 3 GERSHEVITCH 1954, § 1155. 4 YOSHIDA 1984, 148, instead of"shameless". 1

2

SOGDIAN NEGATIVE AND PRIV ATIVE PREFIXES

75

(2.2) with nouns makes negative adjectives: M nw 'nwt "without help"; or nouns B nw rrß'k / M nwyrß'y "ignorance"; M nwptfr'wcyk "oubliettes"; M nwryjy B nwryz "dislike". Tue Sogdian prefix nü- is compared with the Persian nü- in nüsepäs "without gratitude", which is a loan word from Sogdian, and also to the Khotanese prefix anau in: anaulsa "without desire"; anau$kämjsia "not etemal"; anvastä "hostile"; anvathä "not despondent". Compare to Greek avEu; Gothic inu; Old Saxon ano; IE eneus.

mand- < mnd / mnt / mn > (3.1) with nouns (mainly abstracts in y'(k): M mnd'nöyqy' "lack of function"; C mnt z'wrny' "weakness"; M mndfrnqy' "unhappiness", M mndm'nky' "carelessness"; M, B mndyrß'ky' (kh) "ignorance"; S mnt xws'nty' kh "dissatisfaction"; C mnt wrnqy' "unbelief'; B, C mnt zprty', B mnt'zprtyh/y' kh "uncleanness"; C mntp(t)z'ny' "lack of understanding". (3.2) with simple nouns: B mntw'ry "absence of water". (3.3) with adjectives makes negative adjectives: M mndyrß' k, B and C mntyrß' kl q "ignorant"; and M mndyrß' kstr "more ignorant"; M and C mndxwpy(y) "improper"; M mndzprt, M(S) mnt'zprt, B mntzp'rt(h), M and C mnzprt "unclean". S (Mt. Mugh doc.) mnt"ywzk "undisturbed"; S(M) mnt'nöyk 'immoral"; B mntywnc "colourless"; *mntynp(wn) "painless"6 ; C mntm'ny "thoughtless"; C mntptz'ny "ignorant"; C mntwrny "unbelieving". (3.4) with adverbs makes negative adverbs: S (Ancient Letters) mntnymk: "untimely". As far as known Sogdian is the only Middle Iranian language to possess this privative prefix.

5 6

BAILEY 1979, 4. SUNDERMANN 1997, 145 n. 130.1.

76

B. GHARIB

pü- < 'pw / pw, pww > (4.1) with nouns makes negative adjectives: Mpw'mb'r "insatiable"; B (' )pw "y'm "endless"; C pw' bywnc "ugly = colorless"; B pw' nßnt "boundless"; B pw 'nt'wrc "without sorrow"; B pw'nwt "insupported"; B (' )pw'pzrn "sorrowless"7; B pw 'ps'yö, M pww psyyö "faultless"; M pw'ry, B 'pw'rr "priceless"; M pw 'rq "workless"; S 'pw"sty'kh "inconstant"; M 'pw "zrmy', B 'pw"zr "without harm"; B 'pw ößn "without doubt"; C pw dbn "without fear"; M pw qßys "painless"; S pw öwmpy "without tail"; C pwyw'n "fautless"; S pw yw'ncyk "sufficient"; S pw yyörpk "without fault"; M pww jyst'wc "without hatred"; M pw kus kyr'n "unlimited"; B (')pw kyr'n "unlimited"; B 'pw nm'n'k "without regret"s; B 'pw nyz' r "without pain"9; B pwp' s "dishonourable"; B 'pw pcyw'k "without obstacle"; B 'pw pckwyr, M and C pw pcqwyr "fearless"; C pw pcywp "unchanging"; B 'pw pökh "illegal"; M pw prm'n "pitiless"; B 'pw pryt'tt" "without love"; Mpw ptcxfoy "not seizable"; B 'pw ptm"k, M and B pw ptm'k "immeasurable"; B pw ptyn'wk "without exception"; B, M and C (' )pw ptsm'r "countless"; M pw ptw'rt "without retum"; B 'pw ptzm'n "insatiable"; Mpw px'ns "not moving"10; S (Anc. Letter) 'pw r'ßw "not ill"ll; M 'pw rm"n "without grief'; S pwryph "without fault"; M pw s' k( h) "numberless"; M pwslifty "unobjecting"; B 'pw Sß'rm'k "sexless"; C pwwr' "worthless"; C pw xwrt "foodless"; B 'pw ym" n "faultless"; B 'pw zn' kh "ignorant"; S pw z'rcn'wk(w) "pitiless"; C pwfy'wr "heartless". (4.2) with nouns makes negative nouns: B 'pw "stnyh "impermanence"; M (')pw "zrmy'(h) "unhurtfulness"; C pw'zwny "isolation"; M pw nwryjyy "hatelessness"; B (' )pw pckwyr' k( h), M pw pckwyr' k "fearlessness"; B pw r'ßy' kh "health, without illness"; B 'pw rywfoy' kh "ignorance, without light".

(4.3) with nouns makes negative adverbs: B pw"y "without delay"; pw'nc'n "continuously"; B 'pw 'pstnh "without delay"; S 'pw r'ß "without illness".

Vessantara Jätaka, 82 and 562, 320. Vessantara Jiitaka, 82 and 562, 320. Vessantara Jiitaka, 82 and 562, 320. 10 SUNDERMANN 1997, 151n.150.6. 11 SIMS-WILLIAMS 1998, 92.

7 8 9

SOGDIAN NEGATIVE AND PRIV ATIVE PREFIXES

77

(4.4) with pronouns makes privative: S pw c'ß' "without thee".

lt is interesting that sometimes pw before a negative noun makes a positive meaning, like: pw nwryjyy "hatelessness", which contains two negative prefixes: pw and nw.

* * *

BIBLIOGRAPH Y

BAJLEY, H.W„ Dictionary of Khotan Saka, Cambridge 1979 BENVENISTE, E., Vessantara Jätaka, Paris 1946 GERSHEVITCH, I., A Grammar of Manichean Sogdian, Oxford 1954 GHARIB, B „ Sogdian Dictionary. Sogdian-Persian-English, Tehran 1995 HENNING, W.B., "Sogdian Loan-Words in New Persian", BSOAS X (1939-42), 93-106 (= SP 1, [639] - [652]) SIMS-WILLIAMS, N„ "Sogdian Fragments of Leningrad II. Mani at the Court of Shahanshah", BAI 4 (1990), 281-288 SIMS-WILLIAMS, N. (with F. GRENET and E. DE LA VAISSIBRE), "Sogdian Ancient Letter V", BAI 12 (1998), 91-104 SUNDERMANN, W„ Der Sermon von der Seele (BTT XIX), Tumhout 1997. YOSHIDA, Y„ "Sogdian Miscellany", St/r 13 (1984), 145-149

SEPT DOCUMENTS ECONOMIQUES EN PEHLEVI PHILIPPE GIGNOUX (Paris, F)

Dans un volume d'hommages au professeur Helmut Humbach 1 j'ai publie sept documents pehlevis sur soie, faisant partie de la nouvelle collection de textes economiques de Berkeley2. Mais les difficultes de lecture et d'interpretation de ces textes, ecrits dans une cursive tardive (du 7eme siecle de notre ere) sont telles que mon experience insuffisante dans ce genre de documents m'a fait commettre beaucoup d'erreurs, si bien qu'une nouvelle publication, permettant de foumir une edition beaucoup plus correcte et de maniere a en manifester tout l'interet, s'averait necessaire. Depuis quelques six mois, l'aide de Dieter Weber, qui prepare un nouvel ouvrage3 et avec qui j'ai pu discuter de nombreux problemes, m'a encourage a republier ces sept documents. II desirait le faire lui-meme en l'ajoutant a son travail en cours, mais il m'a laisse genereusement la liberte de l'entreprendre4 • En le remerciant vivement pour son fair play, je suis heureux d'offrir au professeur W. Skalmowski cette nouvelle etude, en hommage a sa longue carriere d'enseignement et de recherches au sein de la Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. Les documents que je presente a nouveau, le seront dans un ordre different: ainsi ceux numerotes 1 et 5 doivent etre etudies ensemble, dans

1

Festschrift Hwnbach 2001. Comprenant environ 260 documents deposes al'Universite de Califomie, Berkeley, dans la Bancroft Library. Leur publication m'a ete confiee, depuis que je m'interesse a cette importante archive a la fin des annees 80 du siede passe. D. Weber (lettre du 28.09.2002) m'indique que certains documents de Berlin sur tissu, faisant partie de la meme collection a n'en pas douter, et qu'il s'apprete a publier, sont bien en soie, et non en lin. 3 Apres ses Ostraca, Papyri und Pergamente (London 1992), l'auteur va publier entre autres, une nouvelle collection de Berlin, faite d'une trentaine de documents semblables aceux de Berkeley. 4 Je tiens a indiquer par le sigle DW (Dieter Weber) les lectures ou remarques que je dois al'ingeniosite de mon collegue, dont la maitrise dans l'etude de ces textes n'est plus a demontrer. 11 m'a communique en particulier son interpretation des documents 1 et 5, que j 'ai adoptee en grande partie. 2

80

PH. GIGNOUX

la mesure ou le donateur5 indique en tete du document est le meme, ainsi que les personnes nommees dans la suite du texte.

Document 1 (Festschrift Humbach, 274) 6 Au-dessus de la premiere ligne, un mot ecrit verticalement, difficile comprendre 1. whmn (?) Y gw[l]'n1

W ahman i Görän

2.MNpdy 'L

azpay ö

1

3. bwn ZNH BYRl:I

bunenmäh

4. 'p'n Y SNT

Abän i säl

5. 40-4-4

48

6. 'wcyn8n Y

uzenisn i

1

7. lwt 'MYtl Y

Rödmädari

8. hwslwd'n l'd

Husröyän räy

9. I:ILB' 3 dwlk

sir 3 dölag

10. 'L plst'l

ö paristär

11. 'YS L'YN'

kas pes

12. YI:IBWNt1 (SLM)

däddröd

a

Traduction Wahman fils de Gör, de la reserve [qui est] dans la maison, ce mois de Abän de l'an 48, a (charge) de la depense de Röd, mere de Xusröyän, a remis trois sceaux de lait (donnes) auparavant ala servante. Salut !

Commentaire 1. Wahman devrait etre ecrit *whwmn (DW) mais je ne vois pas comment lire autrement ce nom. 2. L'expression az pay ö bun qui apparait sur un tres grand nombre de documents, est difficile a traduire. C'est une formule juridique toute faite, qui semble indiquer l' origine de la remise, a savoir que la marchandise est prelevee sur le capital (bun) de la famille. 4-5. L'annee mentionnee ici est la meme que celle indiquee sur le document 5, ce qui peut aussi confirmer l'origine commune des deux textes. 6. uzenifo, non atteste dans le CPD de MacKenzie, peut etre rapproche de uzenag (CPD 85: "expense, cost"), tous deux pouvant

5 On trouvera dans ma communication au Colloque de Budapest (2-3 octobre 2002) la distinction que j' ai elaboree entre les differentes sortes de documents, et qui devra sans doute etre plus tard ametioree, dans la mesure ou je n 'ai pas acheve l' etude complete de la collection de Berkeley. 6 Ce document porte le n° 33a dans la numerotation de l'archive de Berkeley.

SEPT DOCUMENTS EN PEHLEVI

81

venir d'un verbe *uzen- litt. "faire sortir", d'ou depenser (?). Le membre de phrase, allant jusqu'a räy, signifie qu'il revient a la mere de Xusröyan, prenommee Röd (que DW prefäre lire Rödag, par analogie au nom deja connu en SKZ 29, mais jene pense pas que la lettre finale puisse etre un -k, mais simplement le trait suivant un n de payer la marchandise octroyee par Wahman. 9. fir (DW) est sfirement prefärable a *I:ILY' = sik, auquel on pourrait aussi penser. Sur dölag, cf. Gignoux 1996, 64. 10. paristär (lecture de DW) considere comme un feminin par MacKenzie, CPD 63 "maidservant", peut etre a mon avis des deux genres, si l'on se refäre au persan moderne (Lazard, DFP 75 s.v. parastär). 11. L'expression kas pes däd (lue par DW) presente quelque difficulte. Elle apparait assez souvent comme une formule stereotypee, et semble signifier que la remise (däd que l'on ne peut traduire par "donne" puisqu'il ne s'agit pas d'un simple don, puisque le coüt en est mentionne plus haut) a ete faite plus töt, anterieurement, a un serviteur ou une servante. Par ailleurs le verbe däd doit avoir aussi comme sujet la personne citee en tete du document, comme cela est clair sur la majorite des documents de ce type. 12. dröd (DW) est bizarrement ecrit, mais l'on peut bien s'attendre a une conclusion de cette sorte. 1

Document 5 (Festschrift Humbach, 294) 7 1. whmn Y gwl'n'

Wahman i Görän

2. ZNH BYRl:I mtr' Y

enmäh i

3.

7

SNT 40-4-4

säl 48

4. MN 'wcynsn (?) Y 'MYtl Y

az uzenisn i madar

5. hwslwd'n l'd ... „

Husröyän räy ....

6. PRG dwlk W pnyl

nem dölag ud panir

7. 2 mn' grmk'

2man garmak

8. 10-3-2 gwc'

15 guz

9. 3-2-100 I:IS 10. 3-2 dwlk'

5 dölag

11. 'L plsfl 12. 'YS L'YN'

kas pes

500may

ö paristär

13. YI:IBWNt ck'

dadcak

14. pl'd I:ITYMWNt

Fräy äwist

N° 24 selon la numerotation de Berkeley.

82

PH. GIGNOUX

Traduction Wahman fils de Gör, ce mois de Mihr de l'an 48, a (charge) de la depense de la mere de Xusröyän, un demi seau de ... , et deux mans de fromage, quinze melons, cinq cents noix, cinq seaux de vin, a remis auparavant ala servante. Fräy a scelle la facture.

Commentaire

1. L'ecriture de ce document montre clairement qu'il est de la meme

main que le precedent: cela se voit notamment dans la maniere d'ecrire riiy a la ligne 5, comme le meme mot a la ligne 8 du doc. 1. 4. Par analogie avec le doc. 1 ligne 6, il semble qu'il faille lire le meme mot uzenifo, ecrit de maniere tres contractee, car les deux documents sont tres semblables dans leur phraseologie. Comme il faut certainement lire apres le nom du fils de Röd (non nommee ici) la postposition riiy, il y aurait ici une double preposition az ... riiy. 5. Le demier mot de la phrase echappe encore a la lecture, mais il devrait s' agir d 'un liquide, peut-etre ecrit ideographiquement, car sa quantite est indiquee ligne 6 par le mot dölag. Il ne peut s'agir de vin puisqu'il est mentionne plus bas ligne 9. 6. L'ideogramme PRG est atteste sur d'autres documents, mais DW prefäre lire PWL =purr, car il semble y avoir un l avec une tres grande hampe a moitie effacee et rejoignant le mot hwslwd' n de la ligne precedente. Cette lecture donne aussi un bon sens "un plein seau". 7. Le man est une mesure de poids d'environ trois kilogs, ce qui convient pour la denree indiquee a la fin de la ligne 6, le fromage. Le mot garmak a ete lu par ow, qui m'indique que ce nom est deja atteste dans Hansen, n° 29. Il s'est conserve en persan (cf. Lazard, DFP 352: "sorte de melon printanier"). 8. La mention de noix, assez etonnante dans cette liste de marchandises, pourrait orienter vers la region de l'Iran concemee, dans la mesure oii le noyer n'y est pas partout acclimate. 1113. Ces lignes sont semblables aux lignes 10-12 du doc. 1. 13. cak doit avoir le sens de "facture, note", tandis que padiriiy (decouvert par DW) a celui de "re9u, accuse de reception"s. La personne qui a certifie le document par son sceau, l'a fait sur de nombreux documents.

8 J'ai propose cette distinction dans ma communication au Colloque de Budapest, cf. note 5.

83

SEPT DOCUMENTS EN PEHLEVI

Document 2 (Festschrift Humbach, 285) 9 1. ZNH BYRl:l hwrdt Y 2.

SNT 40-2 w YWM 'twr

3. MKBLWNym plhw hlglyk 4. Y lwsngw8nsp'n 5. LWfH plhwtl gw8nw'l

en mäh Hordäd r säl 42 ud röz Adur padrrem Farrox-(Hargarrg) r Rö8n-Gu8naspän

6. pt' l's YBLWNtny

abäg farroxtar Gusnwär pad räh burdan

7. l'dMN ......... .

räy az ........ .

8. 'YSMN ....... .

9. MKBLWNym MN wnd't (?) 10. Y mnwchl'n' dyn'l 11. (100)

krt MN sVdlY

12. dhywpt' pylk' 13. ...

w ptgl'd

kas az ........ . padrrem az (Windäd) r Manucihrän denär (100) kard az sar /dar r dahibed Pirag

15. gwk'dmwdl'n Y ....... .

.... udpadrräy Farrox-(Hargarrg) pad gugäy-muhrän I ..... .

16........ HTYMWNt

......... äwist

14. plhw hlglyk Pt'

Traduction

Ce mois de Hordäd de l'an 42, et le jour de Adur, je re~ois, (moi) Wahräm(Hargarig) fils de Rö8n-Gu8nasp, avec le tres fortune Gusnwär en vue de l'accompagner en chemin (?), parmi ... quelqu'un (du village de ... ?). Je rei;ois de la part de Windäd fils de Manucihr, cent dinars (?) apportes de la maison du gouvemeur (?) Pirag, ... et le rei;u, Farrox-(Hargarrg) l'a scelle avec le(s) sceau(x) qui en temoigne de NN fils de NN.

Commentaire

Ce texte comporte plusieurs parties tres difficiles a lire et a interpreter, notamment des noms de personnes qui resistent jusqu 'ici a toute elucidation. D'autres noms sont lus avec reserve et en attendant peutetre Une meilleure Solution. 3. Le second element du nom propre ne peut etre Wahräm comme je l'ai lu dans le Festschrift Humbach, 285, mais j'adopte la proposition de DW. Toutefois cette lecture *Hargarig (ou peut-etre *Harsar'ig ?) n'a guere de sens d'un point de vue etymologique. 4. La lecture Röfo me semble correcte, car on peut voir que la hampe du l a ete effacee en son milieu, mais il en reste bien la partie superieure. 5. La personne nommee Gufowär est souvent citee dans l'archive de Berkeley, et ce 9

N° 27 dans la numerotation de Berkeley.

84

PH. GIGNOUX

doit etre un personnage assez important car il est qualifie frequemment defarroxtar. 6. L'ideogramme verbal se termine par un groupe de lettres representant l'infinitif -tny, cf. Weber 1992, 215. Sima lecture est correcte, la sequence aux lignes 6 a 8 pourrait signifier que ce Gusnwar a ete accompagne (ou a accompagne) par quelqu'un venant d'un lieu que je ne peux dechiffrer. Ce personnage devait etre present a la transaction decrite a partir de la ligne 9' ce qui a entraine la repetition du verbe padiriftan dont le sens est explicite plus loin ligne 13 par l'abstrait padiräy "re~u, accuse de reception". 9. Le nom de Windäd est de lecture douteuse, mais possible car il existe dans ces textes de nombreux noms composes avec -windäd comme second element. 10. Le demier mot de cette ligne est difficile a lire, et ma proposition demeure assez aleatoire, mais c'est certainement l'objet de la transaction. 11. Le premier mot pourrait etre comme attendu un nombre, mais s'il s'agit de 100, la graphie ne correspond guere a ce qu'on attend. De toutes fa~ons la paleographie des chiffres n'est guere conforme au systeme etabli par MacKenzie, CPD 145. Cela n'est guere etonnant puisque l'on a affaire a une ecriture cursive, tres differente de celle du pehlevi des livres. L'expression kard az sar i, si la lecture est plausible (on peut lire aussi mwdl Y = muhr I, mais le contexte doit nous faire rejeter cette option), est traduite tres librement et semble faire refärence a ce qui suit a la ligne 12.: le titre de dahibed n'est qu'une lecture tres conjecturale, mais le nom propre qui suit est connu ailleurs comme le nom d'un des quatre spähbeds, cf. Gyselen 2001, p. 40-41. Le nom peut etre lu aussi bien Tirag, car le nom du mois de Tlr est exactement ecrit de cette maniere. 13. Le premier mot semble etre un chiffre (11 ?) mais ne conviendrait pas au contexte. 14-16. Les dernieres lignes ne presentent pas de difficulte, si ce n'est que le nom et le patronyme de celui dont le (ou les) sceau a ete utilise demeure problematique: le premier serait a lire peutetre hwmtr = Hu-Mihr , mais le patronyme est peu lisible.

Document 3 (Festschrift Humbach, 288)

1o

Ce document est inscrit sur les deux faces, mais il est lacunaire en raison d'une dechirure qui a endommage les lignes 6 a 8. Le verso ne comporte apparemment que trois a quatre lignes, et n'a pas ete dechiffre dans le Festschrift Humbach. Il semble que le tissu ait ete reutilise

10

N°29 selon la numerotation de Berkeley.

SEPT DOCUMENTS EN PEHLEVI

puisque le nom du "donateur" est different et qu'il est ecrit par rapport au recto.

85

a l'envers

Recto: au-dessus de Ja premiere ligne, un mot ecrit verticalement. 1. gwlyk1 / gwl'n 1 Y pt1 (gl'n lwglyk) Görig/Görän r pad ....... . 2. ZNH BYRI:I 'p'n Y SNT 40 en mäh Abän r säl 40 3. lwcyk l'd (l;IS) 2 ....... . rözig räy (may) 2 ..... . 4. 'L .... [p ]Ist'! ö .... paristär 5........ „. 6. SP[Y]L .„„. weh .... .

7. W2 .[„ .... 8. SP[Y]L „ „ .... 9. GBR"n Yl;IBWNt

ud2 .... .

weh ... „. 1

1

10. d't plhw I:ITYMWNt

mardän däd Däd-Farrox äwist

Traduction Görig/Görän qui (habite) a ......... , ce mois de Abän de l'an 40, pour la (ration) joumaliere, deux .. „ (de vin), a la Servante ..... et deux ...... bons.„ ... a donne. Däd-Farrox a scelle.

Commentaire

Le morceau de tissu manquant rend impossible une comprehension continue du texte. 1. Le nom en tete du document peut se lire au moins de deux manieres comme je le propose, mais cela meme n 'exclut pas d 'autres lectures possibles. 3. L'ideogramme pour may n'est qu'une lecture conjecturale. De plus la mesure attendue qui suit le nombre 2 n'est manifestement pas dalag, ce qui accroit le doute. 9. mardän pourrait etre le second membre d'un compose, mais rien ne peut l'assurer. 10. Le nom de Däd-Farrox est lu sous toute reserve, mais cette personne est connue sur de nombreux documents comme celle qui appose le sceau. Verso: 1. hwgw5n 1 MN pdy ('L)„ ..

2 ... „

...

Yl;IBWNt1 •••••••

Hu-gufo az pay (ö) ..... . ..... däd .. „ ..

3. deux cercles entrecroises, quelques caracteres et au-dessous une sorte de signature.

Traduction

Hu-gusn, de la reserve. .... a donne ...

Commentaire

Le nom propre est atteste dans d'autres documents de Berkeley.

86

PH. GIGNOUX

Document 4 (Festschrift Humbach, 292) 11 1. hwlyn' MN pdy 'L bwn' ZNH

X waren az pay ö bun en

2. BYRI:I 'mwrdt Y SNT 40-4-4

mah Amurdäd i säl 48

3. lwcyk l'd I:IS 10-3-2 dwlk'

rözig räy may 15 dölag

4. 'L gwfosp L YI:IBWNt' ck'

ö Gufoasp man däd cak

5. pl'd I:ITYMWNt

Fräy äwist

Traduction [1] X waren, de la reserve dans la maison, ce [2] mois d'Amurdäd de l'an 48, [3]

pourla ration journaliere, j'ai donne quinze sceaux de vin [4]

aGufoasp. [5] Fräy

a scelle la note.

Commentaire 1. Le nom de ce donateur appara!t frequemment dans les documents, et en conjonction avec celui qui scelle, Fräy. 2. On observera que les caracteres -dt , Y, SN- qui se suivent sont pratiquement ecrits de maniere identique, ce qui montre les problemes souvent insurmontables que pose cette cursive. 4. Jene suis pas sür qu'il faille lire Gufoasp, car le 1 qui suit pourrait faire partie du mot, la presence du pronom personnel devant le verbe n'etant nullement necessaire.

Document 6 (Festschrift Humbach, 296) 12 1. d'tynwnd't Y pt' ...... d'lyk

Däden-windäd I pad ...... därig

2. ZNH BYRI:I mtr' Y SNT 40 W YWM

en mah Mihr I säl 40 ud röz

3. z'md't dwlwck' pt' ......... .

Zämdäd dö-rözag pad ...... .

4. KI:IDH (3) Y dynp'nk' Y

hammis (3 ?) I Den-pänag I

5. dyl'm (I:IS) ..... .

Dil-räm (may) .....

6. 10 dlck 'L dynp'nk'

10 darzag (?) ö Den-pänag

7. YI:IBWNt' ck' 8. gwfow'l

dädcak

9. I:ITYMWNt

äwiSt

Gufowär

Traduction Däden-windäd qui (habite) a ....... Därig, ce mois de Mihr de l'an 40 et le jour de Zämyäd, (en) deux jours ....... , ensemble (les trois ?) de Den-pänag fils de Dilräm, (du vin) ..... dix ..... a donne a Den-pänag. Gusnwär a scelle la note.

11

12

N° 30 dans la numerotation de Berkeley. N° 32 selon la numerotation de Berkeley.

SEPT DOCUMENTS EN PEHLEVI

87

Commentaire

1. Le nom du donateur est parmi ceux qui sont le plus souvent cites. Ce qui le suit doit etre un toponyme, car le second element -Där'ig est tres frequent sur nos documents avec un premier membre qui se 1it Namtar mais dont jene puis expliciter le sens. 3. Le mot dö-rözag est nouveau, mais il fait pendant a dö-mähag (atteste sur le doc. n° 22) et l'on peut le rapprocher de s'i-rözag, car il n'est pas possible de lire ici comme sur la plupart des documents, *rözfg. Toutefois le contexte ne me pennet pas de comprendre la signification de ce mot: s'agit-il de deux joumees d'une prestation quelconque, il est impossible de le dire. 4. Le nom propre doit se lire de la meme maniere qu'a la ligne 6 ou apparait clairement la meme graphie, mais ce qui suit l'ideogramme KI:IDH serait, d'apres Hansen, un nombre fractionnaire, ce qui ne convient pas ici comme dans beaucoup d'autres contextes. 5. Dil-räm "au creur heureux" peut etre un compose comme l'oppose de dil-tang (cf. Lazard, DPF, 186) et les nombreux composes persans avec dil-. Toutefois, si d'apres l'orthographe normale du pehlevi, il n'est pas necessaire de redoubler le /, la graphie dy- ne s'explique pas, ce qui rend problematique mon interpretation, mais de toutes fa *lkäkräwpiwl, d'ou käkropu 'rassemble' (de krop- 'rassembler, entasser').

Cette regle est valable egalement pour le tokharien B, meme si elle ne semble s'appliquer qu'aux sequences ICeCeCel et ICoCoCol, a l'exclusion de ICäCäCäl 2, comme le montrent des exemples comme: tokh. B (part. passe) *tsetserefifiu- > tsetserfiu (de tserefifi- 'tromper'). tokh. B *sonopoträ > sonopträ 'il oint' (de sanäp- 'oindre, enduire', inf. sanäpatsi) tokh. B *kolokoträ > kolokträ 'il suit' (de kaläk- 'suivre', inf. kaläkatsi*) tokh. B *wolokoträ > wolo[kträ] 'il demeure, reside' (de waläk- 'suivre', inf. waläkatsi*)

Nous voudrions, dans cette contribution en hommage au Professeur W. Skalmowski, qui nous a initie aux langues iraniennes, montrer que la regle de rectuction vocalique pennet de retrouver l'origine de trois mots tokhariens, dont l'etymologie n'a pas ete elucidee jusqu'ici et Oll nous proposons de voir des emprunts a l'iranien ancien. 1 W. WINTER, "Syncope in Tocharian A", In honorem Holger Pedersen. Kolloquium der indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 26. bis 28. März 1993 in Kopenhagen (ed. J.E. RASMUSSEN & B. NIELSEN), Wiesbaden 1994, 401-415 (cf. en particulier 403 et 413). 2 Cf. les formes participiales tokh. B papaikau 'ecrit', kakraupau 'rassemble' cor-

116

L. ISEBAERT

2. Parmi les nombreux mots nouveaux que l'edition recente du Maitreyasamitinätaka en tokharien A3 a livres figure le nom A kanak, que les editeurs ont traduit comme 'vetement de coton, drap de coton' (adj. derive kanak!ji 'du vetement de coton') 4 • Ce nouveau temoignage s'accorde avec les occurrences deja connues du substantif B kenek, qu'on a rendu par 'tissu de lin's ou 'tissu de coton'6. Quel que soit le sens ultime de kenek (ce mot a pu designer le 'lin' avant d'etre applique au 'coton')7, l'interpretation de kenek comme 'linceul' (allem. 'Leichentuch') 8 est depassee maintenant. C'est pourquoi on ne peut plus suivre A.J. Van Windekens qui, dans son lexique etymologique du tokharien9 , a propose de ramener kenek a une forme proto-indo-europeenne (PIE) *gwhon-okw-s 'qui a l'aspect de la mort', 'se rapportant a la mort', un adjectif compose dont le premier terme *ken- proviendrait de la racine *gwhen- 'frapper, tuer' (cf. hitt. kuenzi, skt. hanti, gr. 8E{vw, etc.). Pour D.Q. Adams, l'auteur du recent dictionnaire du tokharien B, l' origine de kenek est inconnueio; avant lui, respondant a tokh. A päpeku, käkropu. 3 Fragments of the Tocharian A Maitreyasamiti-Näfaka of the Xinjiang Museum, China. Transliterated, translated and annotated by JI XIANLIN in collaboration with W. WINTER and G.-J. PINAULT (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs 113), Berlin-New York 1998. 4 Fragments ofthe TocharianA Maitreyasamiti-Näfaka, 220-221 (releve des attestations), p. 284; l'equivalent en oui:gour ancien est böz 'Baumwollstoff'. 5 Cf. E. SIEG, "Die medizinischen und tantrischen Texte der Pariser Sammlung in Tocharisch B", KZ 72 (1955), 63-83 (specialement 81: loc. kenekne, 'auf Leinen' en PK 8 a 3; - p. 69 sur le syntagme PK 3 B a 2 kenekämiie §welesa 'mit einer Leinenbinde'); le passage voisin PK 3 Ba 6 kampäsä!f!fe §welesa 'mit einer Baumwollbinde' implique que kenekdesigne une autre etoffe que kampäs 'coton' (emprunte aune forme präkrite de karpäsa-). 6 Cf. G.-J. PINAULT, "Economic and Administrative Documents in Tocharian B from the Berezovsky and Petrovsky Collections", Manuscripta Orientalia 4/4 (1998), 3-20 (specialement 8, 10 n. 11 sur le perlatif keneksa en SI B Toch./11 ligne 6). 7 C'est le cas pour le grec ßUoßEf.., simply means that the translator did not understand qst and left it out, contrary to the opinion of l.L. SEELIGMAN, "Indications of Editorial Alteration and Adaptation in the Masoretic Text and the Septuagint", VT 11 (1961), 201-221, who regards qst as an addition inspired by Jer. 46, 9 (ibid., 206).

QASTU IN ACHAEMENIAN BABYLONIA

147

Tubal", as the land of Täbal in eastem Anatolia was called in Hebrew31. In the following century qst-n occurs in two Aramaic Afoka inscriptions from Afghanistan32, dating to the 3rd century B.C. This word qst-n must designate a locality33, the final -n being probably the Old Persian affix -ana, often added to place names34 that could preserve it, like the districts known to the Greeks as Drangiana ( < Zranka) or Sogdiana (< Sugda). Much later, the treatise Erubin 55a of the Babylonian Talmud refers to "a town treated like a hamlet" ('yr h'swyh kqst), while a village is called Qasta in the treatise Baba Batra 41b of the same Talmud. Traces of such place names may even occur in present-day toponymy. Thus a Lebanese village, built on a hilltop in the area of Byblos, at 900 m altitude, is called nowadays Ra~ Qesta3s, "the hill of the village", while another village, situated near Sidon, bears the name Bqesta36, "the ground-plot of the village" or "community". These toponyms do not contain the Greek proper name Constans or Constantine37, but reflect the well-known Arabic change > s and the spreading of the velarization which leads to the formation of new emphatic consonants3s. Moreover, qifot (plural qawassi) happens to be a "hamlet" in Tigre39. This is an important factor from the point of view of comparative Semitics, because it indicates that the root qssl existed also in Ethiopian.

s

qss

3l Dictionnaire encyclopedique de la Bible, Tumhout 1987, 1283-1284. 32 A. DUPONT-SOMMER, "Une nouvelle inscription arameenne d'Asoka trouvee dans la vallee de Laghman (Afghanistan)", CRAI 1970, 158-173 (see 163, line 2); G.D. DAVARY - H. HUMBACH, Eine weitere aramäoiranische Inschrift der Periode des Afoka aus Afghanistan (Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Mainz. Abhandlungen zur Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse 1974/1), Mainz 1974, 11, line 5. B.N. MUKHERJEE, Studies in Aramaic Edicts of Asoka, Calcutta 1984, does not bring new elements to the discussion on the meaning of qstn. 33 H. HUMBACH, in op. cit. (n. 32), 13. A place name Gi-sa-at or Gi-sa-ut occurs often on tablets from Persepolis dating to 501 or 500-496 B.C.: H. KOCH, Verwaltung und Wirtschaft im persischen Kernland zur Zeit der Achämeniden (BTA VO B/89), Wiesbaden 1990, 213-216. One wonders whether this name does not correspond to Qefat. 34 R.G. KENT, Old Persian (AOS 33), New Haven 1953, 51, §147. 35 Grid ref. 150/242, according to Liban. Repertoire des noms des lieux habites. 36 Grid ref. 119/182. 37 This is suggested by St. WILD, Libanesische Ortsnamen. Typologie und Deutung (Beiruter Texte und Studien 9), Beirut 1973, 135 and 150. 38 For a füll discussion of this phenomenon in Lebanese Arabic, see S. NAIM-SAMBAR, Le parler arabe de Räs-Beyrouth, Paris 1985, 69-76 and 151-163. 39 E. LITTMANN - M. HÖFNER, Wörterbuch der Tigre-Sprache. Tigre-DeutschEnglisch, Wiesbaden 1956-62, s.v.; S. RAz, Tigre Grammar and Texts (Afroasiatic Dialects 4), Malibu 1983, 22.

148

,

E. LIPINSKI

Tue phrase bit qasti does not occur so far in Neo-Assyrian, but eqel qastisul qassifo (A.SA gi~BAN-fo) is found in a letter addressed to king Sargon II and conceming an Itü'aean chief4o. Since the 'Itü' or 'Utü' were an Aramaean tribe, the word qastu in this phrase should have a meaning close to "hamlet" or "village" and refer to the field of the Itü'aean "community". As a consequence, also the Neo-Babylonian blt qasti must have been an "estate of the community", instead of being a "bow land". Tue same word qst followed by a proper name appears on Aramaic ostraca from the late 4th century B.C., found in the Maqqeda area of Idumaea41. lt designates a "hamlet" or "community" and has no link with the Akkadian word qfüu, "wood". Tue latter was borrowed by Aramaic in a form similar to Neo-Assyrian qlssu and it occurs in Late Aramaic dialects as qlssa or, with dissimilation, as qfnsa42. Tue meaning of qst, "community", is confirmed in the Achaemenian period by references to communal estates belonging to townsmen: blt qasti fo LU Barsippa 43 , "an estate of a community of Borsippa people", bit qasti fo LU Dilbat44, "an estate of a community of Dilbat people", "an estate of a community of Nippur people"4s. Further confirmation is provided by the adjectives ufozzaytu and pä'i$tU that sometimes qualify qastu. Both have a positive connotation and seem to aim mainly at justifying high taxation rates. Tue qastu ufozzaytu is thus a "well-established community"46 and the qastu pä'i$tU or päyi$fU is a "thriving community", as suggested by Arabic fä'ic), "abundant"47 . Neither adjective can refer to a "bow" or a "bow (land)". Sometimes texts mention qasäti ufozzayyiti u pä'i$eff4S, "well-established and thriving communities", while other times they simply call them qaSäti 4o

B. LANFRANCHI - S. PARPOLA, The Correspondence of Sargon II II (State Archives of Assyria V), Helsinki 1990, No. 16, 6. 41 1. EPH'AL - J. NAVEH, Aramaic Ostraca of the Fourth Century BC from Idumaea, Jerusalem 1996, Nos. 39, 1; 40, 1. 42 St. KAUFMAN, The Akkadian Influences on Aramaic (Assyriological Studies 19), Chicago 1974, 86. 43 0. KRÜCKMANN, Neubabylonische Rechts- und Verwaltungstexte (TMH 2/3), Leipzig 1933, No. 169, 10. 44 M.W. STOLPER, "Late Achaemenid Texts from Dilbat", Iraq 54 (1992), 119-139 (see 133, line 3). 45 M.W. STOLPER, "The faknu of Nippur",JCS 40 (1988), 127-155 (see 131). 46 W. VON SODEN, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch III, Wiesbaden 1981, 1443b: "bestehend". 47 This connotation is not attested in earlier times for Akkadian pa' ä$u that basically seems to express the idea of expanding, scattering (root pw!y

wälin(?) hem wrahnpäyän 1.) i.J.. • Li Li

u

...)!

--~·•< r==_

nälen hem brahn(ag) päöän 1.) i.J• Li• Li•

'food' cf. Nyberg II, 66 and 108; MacKenzie 47, i.e. 'They abandon your daevic fodder, properly like cattle'. People eat its daevic fruits (dates) and spit them out (stones), just like cattle chewing the cud. 1 ],

5. gör-wara k

Verse 68 (40):

J.M. Unvala (657): M. Navväbi (67):

gwl wlg klynd

.;J 1J

t;'

whsyk bwc psmyn'

döl hac man karend (u) vaxslk (i) büz- pa.\'men "They make fromme the bucket and the finest garmcnt ofthe goat's hair" warak (?) az man karend wax.~(i)g buz pasmln

Ch. J. Brunner (293): "They fushion cloaks with the fine goat-hair".

Navvä bi Jul warg or gut warg (?)17, Oriyän: only warak (= NP barak), Blochet 'jug', Anklesaria: yül 'onagre ', Unvala: dol 'bucket ' 18 • MSS JJ, Ta: [ywsntt Unvala 652, note 28 . 17 Navväbi 66, 67. 18 Unvala 657, footnote 4oc. 15 16

LEXICAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE DRAXT l ASüRIG

165

[gwl wlg] gor-warak 'a horse-cloth (made of animal's hair)' hrpa- or *g:Jr:Jpa-, not the attested kahrpuna-. On the other hand, the Pahlavi translators of the Avestan text often included their own interpretations of A vestan words they did not understand correctly into the Pahlavi commentaries and may very well have thought of the cat in this instance, since the commentary to this word includes the explanation: saglhä ed kü abäz ö kun nfüned "lt is like a dog, since it sits on its bottom", which suits a cat rather than a lizard. The other passage cited by BOYCE (ibid., n. 40) from the New Persian Riväyats (see UNVALA 1922, 1, 276.16-277.5; translation by DHABHAR 1932, 270), in which the cat is mentioned among other noxious creatures (the serpent and the mouse), is from a comparatively late period and could be interpreted as a reaction to the general acceptance of the cat by the Muslims, comparable to the classification of the dog as "unclean" by the Shiites as a reaction to the special attention given to the dog as a beneficent animal by the Zoroastrians. There is, however, another attestation in RivDd 8e9, where the word for "cat" is written kwlbk' *gurbag and listed together with ywwc yöz "cheetah" in an enumeration of xrafstar, which seems to indicate that the Zoroastrian abhorrence of the cat, observed and described by later voyagers in Muslim Persia, was probably of older provenance. On the cited RivDd passage see WILLIAMS 1990, I, 54f.; II, 13. 5 Vd. 13.16; 13. 51f.; 14.1 (DARMESTETER 1892-3, II, 197f., 208, 211; WOLFF 1910, 398, 403, 404); RivDd 21b4 (WILLIAMS 1990, 1, 114f.; part II, 46). 6 Vd. 13.16 (DARMESTETER 1892-3, II, 197f.); RivDd 2lb4 (WILLIAMS 1990, l, l 14f.; II, 46). 7 RivDd 2lb6 (WILLIAMS 1990, 1, 114f; II, 46). 8 Sn§ 10.31(TAVADIA1930, 143); RivDd2lb3 (WILLIAMS 1990, 1, 114f.; II, 46). 9 RivDd 46.26-27 (WILLIAMS 1990, 1, 164f.; II, 74f.). Other wild animals that may not be killed, such as the hare, the hawk, the owl, the magpie, the thrush and the swallow, are named Sns 10.9 (TAVADIA 1930, 129). 10 On the killing of good and evil creatures see for example RivDd 21 (WILLIAMS 1990, 1, 112f.; II, 45f.). 11 Vd. 14.8; 18.2 (BARTHOLOMAE 1904, 538); see also BOYCE 1975, 298. 12 Vd. 14.8; 18.2 (BARTHOLOMAE 1904, 538); see also BOYCE 1975, 298. The term is also attested in the greater Bundahifo, the Denkard and the Hazär dädestän with different spellings, see DkM 697.6 (m'rgn'); MHDA 14.16 (m'rnk'), see MACUCH 1981, 158, n. 43.

THE TREATMENT OF ANIMALS IN ZOROASTRIAN LAW

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of leather attached to the endB, a device clearly conceived as a weapon against insects and reptiles. This well-known attitude of Zoroastrians towards diabolic creatures must, however, be contrasted with the genuine concem given to the well-being of beneficent animals of the good creation. According to the lost Avestan Dämdäd nask, "Division on Creation", of which summaries are given in the Bundahifo and the Wizfdagfhä i Zädsparam, these animals were grouped into five classes comprising domestic and wild animals as well as birds, fishes and those that burrow beneath the earth, and were again subdivided into genera and species1 4 • These were all pictured in the creation myth as descendants of the primeval bull, the "uniquely-created Bull" (Av. gauuaeuuö.däta-, MP gäw i ew-däd), the first animal to live on earth, that was slain by the Evil Spirit, but brought forth from his purified seed all species of beneficent animalsl 5 • These had souls (uruuan-), which went to the hereafter as those of humans, and stood under the protection of Vohu Manah, hence concem for their welfare was regarded as incumbent on man16. Tue different attitude expected from Zoroastrians towards good and evil creatures is also reflected in the descripton of the rewards or punishments the souls of the departed receive in paradise or hell after death. In the Ardä Wlräz Nämag the souls of humans who took care of cattle and all the beneficent creatures of Ohrmazd, fed them and protected them from the cold, from wolves, thieves and violent people 17 , dwell at ease in paradise together with those of men, who slayed numerous noxious creatures1s. On the other hand, hell is füll of the souls of those who killed oxen, sheep and other quadruples "unlawfully" (adädihä)19, gave no food to shepherd dogs and guardian dogs, beat and killed them20, slayed their mounts and cattle illegally21, deprived

See BARTHOLOMAE 1904, 538; BOYCE 1975, 298. GBd. 13.9; see also BOYCE 1975, 146; WiZ 3.53 (GIGNOUX-TAFAZZOLI 1993, 51). A slightly different classification of beneficent animals is given RivDd 46.22ff.: the total of 282 species of animals are divided into five kinds comprising those whose hooves are cloven, like the ox; those whose hooves are round, like the horse; those that have feet, like the camel; birds and fish. See WILLIAMS 1990, 1, 164f.; II, 74. 15 See BARTHOLOMAE 1904, 25 (aivö.däta-) with references. On the anomalies of the Zoroastrian creation myth see BOYCE 1975, 139. 16 Sns, Suppt. XV.9-11(KOlWAL1969, 59-61; see BOYCE 1975, 117 and 298). 17 AWN 13.3 (GIGNOUX 1984, 166); 15.1 (GIGNOUX, ibid„ 168); 17.13 (GIGNOUX, ibid„ 172). 18 AWN 14.6 (GIGNOUX 1984, 167). 19 AWN 30.3 (GIGNOUX 1984, 180). 20 AWN 48.4 (GIGNOUX 1984, 188). 21 AWN 74.4 (GIGNOUX 1984, 203). 13 14

170

M. MACUCH

them of food and water22, forced them to work, when they were wounded, weak and ill, gave them no remedy2 3 , and killed the waterbeaver as well as other animals of Ohrmazd24. This long list of offences clearly demonstrates the manner in which the true adherent of the Good Religion was expected to behave towards animals of the good creation. lt was strictly forbidden to kill a domestic or tarne animal "unlawfully" (adädlhä), that is, without observing the prescribed rituals exactly, so that destruction should be limited to the physical life of the animal and its spirit set free to depart to the hereafter 25. Although the prophet Zoroaster himself was probably vehemently opposed to animal sacrifice, there is nevertheless, as Boyce rightly stresses, overwhelming material on animal offerings in later Zoroastrianism26. Interestingly, however, the obligation to kill tarne animals solely according to the prescribed ritual is explained with compassion for them, since it prevents wanton slaughter, which seems to correspond with the spirit of the alleged original teaching of the prophet, even though blood sacrifice, practised before Zoroaster, was not totally abolished after the establishment of the Mazdayasnian religion (which is not surprising if we take into consideration that practically no religion reaches in its later development the high ethical standards set by its founder). Paradoxically, the practice of slaying all domestic animals ritually corresponds with the Zoroastrian obligation to protect beneficent animals, since it leads to "less killing of cattle" (kam-kusifolh i gospand27), as they are not killed "unlawfully and rashly" (adädihä ud halagfhä28), which would be the case if no religious prescriptions had to be followed. One of these rules protecting young 22 AWN75.3-4 (GIGNOUX 1984, 203). 23

AWN77.3 (GIGNOUX 1984, 204).

24 AWN98.3 (GIGNOUX 1984, 213).

BOYCE 1970, 71, and 1975, 149. See also Sns 10.8 (TAVADIA 1930, 128f.) in which it is said that those who unlawfully slaughter beneficent animals (göspand) will be punished by the hair of the slaughtered animals, which will become sharp like spear-heads and kill the slaughterer. 2o Although Boyce is known to question the "almost universally held conviction among scholars that Zoroaster was passionately opposed to animal sacrifice" (BOYCE 1975, 214), the Gathas nevertheless allow an interpretation underlining the premise that characteristic features of the original teaching show "an inner religiosity that is emphatically antiritualistic and antisacrificial", as GNOLI 1980, 183, puts it. We are, however, concemed only with the later development of Zoroastrianism. On the ritual of sacrifice see especially BOYCE 1966 and 1970 and RivDd 58.69-79 (WILLIAMS 1993, II, 102-103). Particulars on slaughtering sheep lawfully are transmitted in Denkard book 8 (WEST 1892, 15f.). On the covenant between Ohrmazd and animals see RivDd 14 (WILLIAMS 1993, II, 26f.). 27 DkM 466.15. 28 lbid. 25

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171

creatures prohibited the slaughter of an animal that had not yet reached maturity (usually less than a year old), since according to doctrine, each creation of Ohrmazd should be allowed to grow to its füll capacity, and hence be able to fulfill its duty in the cosmic struggle29. Moreover, as Benveniste3o has shown, sacrificial animals bad to be stunned with a log (cöb) before being killed with the knife, so that they may feel no pain, a practice for which mainly two reasons are stated in the Denkard (DkM 466.12-18): (12) göspand cöb pes az kärdfräz burdan ud hammis abärlg (13) i andar

än dar kuniSn Cim .... „ (16) ek abaxsiSn i abar göspand pad-iz än räh kam bimih (17) ud kam dardih i-s az fräz bari§n (i) kärd ud ne halagihä (18) züd züd pad har zamän ärzög tezfhä özadan i göspand.

(12) The reason for having to strike the cattle before (applying) the knife (is) - together with other matters in the same chapter - ...... (16) first compassion with the cattle; in this way (there is) less fear (17) and less pain through the application of the knife, and it prevents the killing of cattle rashly, (18) quickly any time one wishes to on impulse31.

Both reasons, compassion with the creature and prevention of its being killed on impulse, underline the concem given to the welfare of animals belonging to the good creation. A number of texts referring to religious regulations demonstrate clearly that caring for the needs of domestic animals and behaving kindly towards them was an important moral obligation to the Zoroastrian, and it seems certain that it also left its mark in Zoroastrian law, since several sources suggest that offences against animals were to be punished severely not only in the other world, but in this life32. fu the following I would like to try to determine the manner in which the treatment of animals was incorporated into Zoroastrian law and also the category to which offences against animals belonged. Were they comparable to offences against fellow men, and is it possible to speak of "animals' rights" in this context? Or 29 See BOYCE 1975, p. 297ff. The lamb and the kid are named among animals which are not tobe slaughtered, see Sns 10.9 (TAVADIA 1930, 129). The ägabrid (< *ävikabritä-) "(lamb) with shorn fleece" mentioned as an animal tobe sacrificed in the Säbuhr inscription on the Ka'ba of Zoroaster, was one year old, since the fleece of lamb was shorn at the end of their first year, see PERIKHANIAN 1983. 30 BENVENISTE 1964. 31 The whole passage is quoted by ZAEHNER 1972, 52. See also BENVENISTE 1964, 55. 32 See especially Vd. 13 and 15. On the extreme corporal punishment designated in this source for certain offences against animals see below.

172

M.MACUCH

did the correct treatment of animals only belong to the norms of the socalled "informal" kind (as we would call them today), the violation of which was definitely disapproved of in the Zoroastrian community and sanctioned by the priests, but was not a matter to be taken care of by juridical instances? According to the Pahlavi texts, sins or offences which were punished in the Zoroastrian community were divided into two main categories, called the winäh i ruwänlg "sins pertaining to the soul" and the winäh i hamemärän or hamemälän33 "offence/sin regarding opponents", defined in the following manner in the Frahang i olm: Fiö 25a: winäh i andar mardomän winäh i hamemälän än i abärlg winah i ruwän'ig xwän'ihed. Offences against people are called "sins regarding opponents". Other (offences) are called "sins pertaining to the soul"34.

According to this passage, winäh i hamemälän denoted offences by which other persons were harmed, whereas winäh i ruwänig was used of offences endangering the soul of the delinquent. These categories reflect, of course, the two main fields of work of the priests who were in an early age mediators and arbitrators, later jurists and judges, and at the same time responsible for the moral guidance of the community. In order to understand the division of offences into these two categories, we should bear in mind that religion and law were inseparable in a early stage of Zoroastrian jurisprudence. Tue prophet himself was pictured in a Pahlavi source as the foremost lawgiver who caused the transition from a society in which the members took the law into their own hands to a community in which exact legal proceedings were developed35. As in other legal cultures of an early period, law was primarily religious law, there was no separation of morality and legal norms comparable to the situation in today's Western societies, in which law is no longer legitimized by religion, due to the process of gradual secularisation of jurisprudence over the centuries. Western ethics have become largely individualistic, leaving the personal choice of ethical convictions to the 33 In the following the latter fonn is used, which is attested in Judeo-Persian (see MACKENZIE 1971, 40) andin the New Persian Riväyats (see UNVALA 1922, 1, 202, 1. 2). 34 REICHELT 1900, 206; KLINGENSCHMITT 1968, no. 686; compare SHAKED 1990, 22. 35 WiZ 23.5 (GIGNOUX-TAFAZZOLI 1993, 82-85). On the transition from the practise of the blood-feud to the development of criminal law, punished by the state, see MACUCH 2002.

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individual, as long as he abides by the law of the state, whereas the moral standards of early societies were collectivistic, the individual having to conform in his private life with the ethical rules set by the community in which he lived36. Of course, this difference has to be seen in relative terms, since people in all societies have to abide by certain unwritten norms which are intemalized in the process of socialisation of the individual, even if these norms are not explicitly mentioned in the law, since no community could function without complex rules determining the behaviour of its members. However, there is a fundamental difference if law is seen as an expression of the Divine Will or only as one of the methods of deliberately shaping the society in which one lives. Although in both cases law might only regulate the extemal behaviour of a person, not his inner attitude, divine law strives to form the individual according to its moral standards by punishing misdemeanours which violate them, whereas secular jurisprudence is restricted to giving judgement in controversial cases and persecuting crimes which are harmful to other individuals as well as to society. The Pahlavi terms mentioned above demonstrate an interesting attempt to divide religious law according to these two main fields of priestly work regulating: 1. moral offences against religious prescriptions (winäh i ruwänig); 2. offences directed against other members of the Zoroastrian community (winäh i hamemälän). These two categories clearly originate from an early stage of Zoroastrian law, not exactly dateable, but in any case pre-Sasanian, in which jurisprudence had not yet evolved into the complex independent discipline reflected in the Sasanian Law-book Hazär dädestän "A Thousand Judgements"3 7 - independent in so far that it no longer solely relied on prescriptions in the Holy Scripture, but developed its own special categories. Tue terms are also reminiscent of a period in which Zoroastrian law did not differentiate between the two main categories of jurisprudence known today as civil law, dealing with the rights and duties of private persons, and criminal law, treating offences committed against the laws of the land, prosecuted and punished by the state. According to the definition above, the expression winäh i hamemälän "sin regarding adversaries" must have originally comprised both civil and criminal offences, since it was used off all types of offences leadSee WESEL 1984, 37, and 1985, 354. See MACUCH 1981 and 1993. On the date and the title of the unique Law-book see the latter work, pp. 9-11.

36

37

174

M.MACUCH

ing to clashes between men. These could be controversies regarding the right to a certain property or loans and debts (which would belong to civil law nowadays) as well as complaints relating to criminal acts, such as theft, robbery, assault, manslaughter, murder etc. (that is, belonging to criminal law). In the latter case, the delinquent was not necessarily prosecuted by the community (or the state, as is the case today), but had tobe sued by the offended party in order tobe punished by legal instances. These replaced the avenger of an earlier stage of jurisprudence, in which the offended party or his friends and relations took the law into their own hands and blood feud was practised3 8 • Tue procedure was probably the same in both civil and criminal cases at this stage of jurisprudence. By the Sasanian period, however, these two categories were differentiated at least in practice (if not in theory), since we have ample evidence that different transcripts were taken of court proceedings in civil and criminal cases, and certain offences defined as margarzän "worthy of death", which were assessed as dangerous to the ruling classes were prosecuted by the state, such as blasphemy, rebellion, heresy39. However, since its origin is to be sought in an earlier period, we may assume that the term winäh i hamemälän designated different offences of both a civil or criminal kind by which another person was harmed, and which could not be atoned for simply by repenting and following prescribed rituals for the redemption of sins, but only by satisfying the offended person and compensating the damage: DkM 696.16-18: abar winäh (17) i hamemälän be andar xwad-iz hamemäl pad any ec kirbag ne (18) +töiihistan+. On the "sin regarding opponents" (winäh i hamemälän): except towards the Opponent himself, it (= the offence) cannot be atoned for by any (other) gooddeed.

RivDd 15b5: u-s winäh i hamemälän hufoüd be abäyed kardan u-s az-is andar hamemäl pad petit be abäyed büd.

38 See MACUCH 2002. 39 See MACUCH 1981, 217f. The transcript taken in a civil case was called saxwan-

nämag, "record of statements", that in a criminal case pursifo-nämag, "record of questioning (or investigation)", see MACUCH 1993, 730 and 727 with further references. As to the prosecution of the criminal offences mentioned above during Sasanian reign, the Syriac Acts of Martyrs offer numerous examples, see WIESNER 1967.

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And for an "offence regarding opponents" (winäh i hamemälän) one must make amends and one should confess to it (= the offence) in the face of the opponent40.

RivDd 18g2: ud paydäg bawed kü winäh i hamemälän ka-s hamemäl hufoüd ä-s wizärd bawed. And it is revealed that an "offence regarding opponants" (winäh i hamemiiliin) will only be redeemed when the opponent is satisfied41.

Interestingly, the terminology used in this context is not only applied in theological treatises, but is also weil known in Sasanian law: both verbs töxtan and wizärdan, meaning "to atone, expiate" and "to fulfil, redeem" respectively in religious discourses have the very concrete meaning of "to pay, reimburse, remunerate" in legal texts and are used in the context of loans, debts and compensations to be paid for a damage4z. Tue common terminology not only elucidates the origin of jurisprudence in religious norms, but also demonstrates the difficulties we are confronted with in translating texts of an ambiguous nature, which could be interpreted both theologically and legally. Tue following attestations give concrete examples of offenses which were regarded as belonging to the winäh i hamemälän type, namely contract-breaking (mihrödrujfh), offences regarding loans (abämfhä), defamation of other persons (drög bohtän), adultery (zan i kas-e nazdfkfh kardan) and theft (duzdfh): Dd 13.3: abar winäh i hamemälän i 6 mihrOdrujän kunlhed get/glh-iz abar tan (ud) näf ud äwiidag i mihr-drozän madan guft ested. On the "sin regarding opponents" (winäh i hamemiiliin), which is applied to the contract-breakers (mihrödrufiin), it is said, that also in the material world (its result) comes to the contract-breakers themselves as weil as to their families and descendants43.

RivDd 15b2: än i hamemälän abämlhä padis +ä-s+ pad tan i pasen ahlawdäd be kunend ...

40 41 42 43

Compare WILLIAMS 1990, 1, 84f.; 2, 29. Compare WILLIAMS 1990, 1, l lOf.; 2, 43. See MACUCH 1993, 734 and 738, with further references. K 35, fol. 116r, 2-4; compare JAAFARI-DAHAGm 1998, 62f.

176

M.MACUCH

Those who have (committed) the "(sin regarding) opponents" through debts (abämihä) should give alms in the Future Body ... 44.

ZXA 69.5-7: kas-e(w) ke abar drög bohtän +kuned+ ayäb (6) abäg zan i kas-e(w) nazdikih +kuned+ ayäb Cis i (7) kas-e(w) duzdih kuned än winäh räy hamemäl göwed. (When) a person defames (another person; drög bohtän kuned) or commits adultery with the wife of another person (abäg zan i kas-e[w] nazdikih +kuned+) or steals something (belonging) to another person (duzdih kuned), this offence is called the hamemiil-(sin)45.

We may conclude that the winäh i hamemälän comprised, according to these meagre definitions, offences which are also prosecuted in civil and criminal law today, especially those regarding the right of property of other persons, which could only be atoned for by recompensing the damage46. Tue term winäh i ruwänig, on the other hand, was used of offences of a completely different nature committed against religious norms by which the delinquent harmed his own soul. The difference between these two categories is further explained in the following passages: Sns 8.1: winiih i hamemäliin andar hamemiiliin wiziirifo ud än (i) ruwiinig andar radän wiziirifo ud ka ce den radiin framäyend kunend winiih be fawed ud kirbag (i) az iinfräz kunend uspurrig be rased. Tue "offence regarding opponents" (winiih i hamemiiliin) is tobe atoned for towards the opponents; the "(sin pertaining) to the soul" (iin [i] ruwiinig) is tobe atoned for towards the spiritual masters (radiin). And if they do what the radiin command, then the sin goes away, and the good deed which they perform afterwards reaches them completely47.

Sn§ 8.15-16: (15) winäh (i) hamemäliin ka-s mädag wiziird ii-s päyag wizärd ast ke edön göwed kü päyag-as ö bun nest ast ke edön göwed ay edön Ciyön draxt-e(w) ke warg be ösäned. (16) winäh (i) ruwiinig ka pad 44 Compare WILLIAMS 1990, 1, 82f.; 2, 29. 45 Compare DHABHAR 1963, 135. The definitions of sins given here are late and lack the precision of earlier legal texts. However, the passage is interesting, since it lists a few concrete offences which were included in the category of law under discussion. 46 The details given in Pahlavi sources are confirmed by the New Persian Riväyats, see on the hamemälän sin DHABHAR 1932, 45 and 210. 47 See TAVADIA 1930, 104.

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petit bawed ä-s abäz ested ud ka be wizäred ä xüb ud ka be ne wizäred ä-s pad sedös pädifräh be kunend ahlaw. (15) The "offence regarding opponents" (winäh i hamemälän): when the substance has been atoned for, then the grade (of sin) has been atoned for. There is one (theologian) who says: "The grade (of sin) does not go to his account". There is (another theologian) who says: "Like a tree that throws down its leaves". (16) Tue "sin pertaining to the soul" (winäh i ruwänlg): when one confesses to it, then it ceases, and when one atones for it, then it is good. And if one does not atone for it, then it is punished in the sedös (ceremony) (and one is) righteous (= redeemed)48.

As already mentioned above, the terminology used in these passages is ambiguous, since it is also applied in a very concrete sense in legal texts of the Sasanian period: wizärdan "to redeem, atone for" has the meaning of "to pay, reimburse, recompense" in a legal context; mädag "substance" is used in the sense of "money"49. Seen in the light of the legal use of these words we may also translate Sns 8.1: winiih i hamemiiliin andar hamemiiliin wiziirifo ud iin (i) ruwiinzg andar radiin wiziirifo "(Compensation for) the 'sin regarding opponents' is to be paid to the opponents; and that for the 'sin pertaining to the soul' is to be paid to the rad'. Sns 8.15 may be also understood as follows: winiih (i) hamemiiliin ka-s miidag wiziird ä-s piiyag wiziird "Tue 'sin regarding opponents': when the money (= compensation) is paid, then the grade (of sin) is atoned for". These passages suggest that both offences of the hamemiil and the ruwiinlg kind were subject to fines with the difference that compensation in the f ormer case had to be paid to the offended person himself, whereas the spiritual masters, or radiin, received the remuneration designated for the latter category of sins. As Darmesteter rightly pointed out over a century ago, the corporal punishments listed in the Videwdiid with the aspahe astra-5o "horse-whip" (MP asp astar51) and the sraosö.carana-52 "whip" (MP sröSöcarniim53), beginning with 5 strokes leading up to 10,000 (!) strokes for offences which seem even minor to us, were certainly not carried out entirely in the manner prescribed, but 48 Compare TAVADIA 1930, 112. On the phrase pad petlt baw- "confess" see WILsedös, prayers said by relatives for a deceased member of their family in the first three days after death, see ibid., 2, 150 n. 5. 49 See MACUCH 1993, 738 and 718, with further references. so For references see BARTIIOLOMAE 1904, 263. 51 See e.g. Vd. 4.19. 52 For references see BARTIIOLOMAE 1904, 1636f. 53 See e.g. Vd. 4.19. LIAMS 1990, 1, 328; on the

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could be atoned for either by performing a certain number of meritorious deeds or by paying a fixed fine according to the grade of the offence54 . We may assume that corporal punishment was indeed largely replaced by fixed fines. Tue process of replacement is demonstrated by the use of the term srösöearnäm (which originally denoted the whip with which the penalty was carried out) as a designation for a minor sin in a later Pahlavi text and described as the equivalent of the sum of one drahm and three dängs (the sixth part of a drahm)55 or three drahms and one half däng 56 . Tue monetary equivalences of offences are, however, transmitted differently in the Pahlavi texts, probably due to the change in the value of currency over the centuries, on the one hand, and to the lenient or rigid view taken by the rad regarding the correct equivalence of the fine to be paid, on the other hand57. In any case, we may conclude from the quoted sources that both hamemäl and ruwänig offences could be atoned for by paying a certain sum of money either to the opponent as a recompensation in the former case or to the rad responsible for chastising the violation of ethical norms harming the soul in the latter case. According to the Hazär dädestän, the rad was not only a religious dignitary in the Sasanian period, but also one of the state officials (kärdärän) with the same judicial authority as the judge (dädwar), whose decisions were binding and who had the right to enforce compliance with the laws5 8 • Older sources also indicate that the Av. ratu had a judicial function in Zoroastrian society and was not only regarded as a priest responsible for spiritual matters59. The rad is also enlisted in a passage of the Denkard indicating the development of judicial proceedings from a very early (clearly pre-Sasanian) stage of law, leading from mediation and arbitration to the judgement pronounced by a rad i xwes, "(a person's) own judge", and finally to the judicial dispute (pahikär-radih)6o. We may therefore safely conclude that the ratulrad had the authority to pass judgement in the case of offences categorized as ruwänig and to sentence the delinquent to either corporal punishment or to paying a fine besides performing a certain number of meritorious deeds. 54 See DARMESTETER 1892-93, II, XVI-XXIV. Offences and their equivalent corporal punishments according to the Vd. are listed pp. XVIII-XX. 3s Sns, Suppl. 11.1-2 (KOTWAL 1969, 22). 56 Sns, Suppl. 16.5 (KOTWAL 1969, 69). 57 See the table of sins and their money-values in KOTW AL 1969, 115. (Strangely, the equivalents of the sröSöcarnäm are not given correctly in the table, compare Sns, Suppl. 11.2 and 16.5). 58 See MACUCH 1981, 15, and 189. 59 For the Av. sources see BARTHOLOMAE 1904, 1498ff.

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If we take the definitions given above on the categorization of sins into consideration, it seems reasonable to assume that offences against animals belonged to the category of sins denoted as "pertaining to the soul" (ruwän'ig ). This is in fact confirmed in the chapter on "large cattle", the störestän of the Duzd-sar-nizad-nask which is summarized in the Denkard as follows: DkM 728.5-23: (5) 35 fradom brlnag störestän (6) mädayän abar ruwänlg winäh i az adädlhä zanifo ud res i (7) abar störän göspandän tözifo ud täwän i ö göspand-xwes (8) padis ud än i ka stör än i ka anume pad gyän än i (9) ka-Sän pad daxfag än i ka-Sän pad pahlüg zaned (10) än i ka-Sän pefag än i ka-Sän pahlüg edön (11) zaned hamäg-zanifoih bawed zanifo-iz abärig hannämän än i (12) pefog-zanifoih i ka zanifo ud än i ka edön zaned i (13) ö pahlüg-zanifoih ne hamäg-zanifolh. ud iin i ka edön (14) i ö pahlüg-zanifolh hamiig-zanifo hiiwand rased ud iin (15) i [än i] ka pust ud än i ka göst az-is be abganed än i (16) ka-s brin än i ka-s xemän ayäb mälün iin abar-iz sag i (17) pasus-hörw gung kardan. abar murwän hannäm-zanifolh ud parr-rünifolh Ciyön (18) än i ka hamäg-zanifoih ud Ciyön iin i ka ne hamäg-zanifofh (19) ud a-dädfhä zanifo i abar mählgän än i ka-Sän göSt (20) a-xwarifo kuned ämär i andar nigerifoig ud südaglhä zanifo [i (21) südagfhä zanifo] i göspandän abar ce ewenaglhä dädestän i (22) jud jud südagihä zanifo i pad nigerifofg zanifofh därifo (23) was dädestän i ce andar im dar. (5) The first 35 divisions (of the Duzd-sar-nizad), the "chapter on large cattle" (störestän), (is) (6) essentially about "offences pertaining to the soul"

(ruwänlg winäh), which (occur) because of striking and wounding (7) large and small cattle unlawfully (a-dädlhä). (lt is about) the retribution (tozifo) and the fine (täwän) (tobe paid) for it (= for striking) small and large cattle to the proprietor of the cattle (gospand-xweS) (8). And (about cases) in which one strikes on the vital spirit of large cattle, (cases) in which one strikes (on that ot) sheep; (cases) in which (9) one beats them on (their) brand, (cases) in which one beats them on the ribs (10); (and cases) when one strikes their limbs, when one strikes their ribs in such a manner ( 11) that it is complete striking (= killing; hamäg-zanifoih6 1). Also (about) beating the other limbs; (cases) in which (12) limbs are struck, (cases) in which (13) ribs are struck, without complete striking (= killing). And also (cases) in

60 DkM 693.16-20;

see MACUCH 2002. hamäg-zanifoih, lit. "complete smiting" is the expression for stiiking or beating the animal until it dies, see the definition Vd. 13.12 (translation below) and KLINGENSCHMITI 1968, no. 116. 6!

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which (14) beating the ribs amounts to complete striking (= killing). And (cases) (15) in which one tears (lit.: casts oft) the skin, (cases) in which one tears the flesh; (cases) (16) when a cut, when wounds (are afflicted) to it or (by) rubbing. Also about making (17) the shepherd's dog dumb. About striking the limbs and plucking the feathers of birds, how (it is assessed) (18) when it amounts to complete striking (= killing), and how (it is assessed) when it does not amount to complete striking (= killing). (19) And (about) striking fish unlawfully and (about) making their flesh (20) uneatable. (About) taking into consideration (ämär) the intentional (andar nigeriSn"ig) and negligent (südagihä) beating of (21) cattle. About the separate forms of judgements (22) for striking (animals) negligently (südagihä) which have tobe considered as striking them intentionally (pad nigerifoig), (23) (and) many (other) judgements on matters on this subject62.

This remarkable passage not only informs us that offences against beneficent animals belonged to the ruwän"ig category, but also that judgement in these cases had to take into consideration (ämär), whether the offence was committed wilfully and intentionally (andar / pad nigerifo"ig) or by negligence (südag"ihä). In fact several sources suggest that sins against animals (and also other offences) were divided into two further general categories according to the intention of the delinquent. Tue technical terms for these two categories are defined in the following manner: FiÖ25a: az bödöwarst frahist bödözed än i göspandän pad nigerifo bödözed pad südagih kädözed.

Most of the bödöwadt ("wilful offences") are classified as bödözed. Those (sins) against cattle are (called) bödözed when deliberate (pad nigerifo) (and) ködözed by negligence (pad südagih)6 3.

Tue three legal terms bödöwarst, bödözed and ködözed, used in the quoted passage are defined in the FiÖ as follows: Fiö 25a: baoöaja[ bödözed baoOö.vadtahe bödöwadt Ciyön wenagih zad bawed ud abar zaxm ud tabäh kardan i Cis i nigerifoig wes göwend.

(Av.) baoöajat (= baoOöjaiti- "striking consciously, wilfully, intentionally"): (MP) bOdözed; (Av.) baoOö.vadtahe ("conscious, wilful deed"): (MP) has a largely different translation, since he was not acquainted with the legal technical terminology used in the text. 63 REICHELT 1900, 206; KLINGENSCHMITT 1968, no. 685.

62 WEST 1892, 84f.,

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bödöwar§t. (The words) mean: "beaten seeingly (= consciously)", and are mainly used of deliberately (nigerifolg) wounding and ruining something64 .

FiÖ 25a: +kädözed+ kastärlh zad Ciyön zaxm (ud) tabäh kardan i Cis i pad südaglh +Kädözed+6 5 (is) "beaten diminishingly". lt means: wounding and ruining something through negligence (pad südaglh)66.

We may conclude from these definitions that the technical terms bödözed67 (nbyck probably contains the same suffix as its antonym >ndryck "inner"19. Beyond that, its etymology is quite unclear. lt would probably be too daring to suggest a connection with Greek aµ{ "around, about, on all sides", Latin amb-, am-, even if one could be certain that these represent the necessary fullgrade *h 2embhf20, since such a form is not securely attested anywhere in Indo-Iranian. lt seems rather more likely that >nbyck may contain an element -b- or -by- cognate with Sogdian ßyk etc., perhaps with the prefix *ham- as proposed by Morgenstieme, but I know of no good parallel for such a formation. I have also contemplated the possibility that the initial >n- is borrowed from the antonym >ndryck "inner", but such a formation could only be recent, and in that case one would probably expect * >nßyck, with the normal development of initial * b. to ß.

3. "Kirikhar" The historian TabarI recounts the following incident, which is

19 in Kratylos XIX (1974) [1975], 63. According to H. RIX in MSS XXVII (1969), 90-92, the Greek and Latin forms may derive from zero-grade *h21flbh[ (like Indo-Iranian *abhf and most of its IE cognates).

20

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supposed to have taken place in the year 116/734 during the revolt of al-f.lä.rith b. Surayj21: " 'Atä' al-Dabiisi was one of the horsemen. He said to his servant on the Day of Zarq 'Saddle my horse forme, that 1 may play with this female donkey.' He called out offering combat. A man from the inhabitants of alTälaqän came out to face him, saying in his language, 'O Kirikhar! '"

In a footnote, the translator observes that this last word is an "obscure

term, apparently Iranian". In fact the expression "Kirikhar", or more exactly ker-i xar, is not so obscure: it is not a vestige of an otherwise unknown Iranian dialect of Tä.laqä.n, but standard Persian for a "donkey's penis". Tue phrase ker-i xar is attested in indigenous Persian dictionaries such as the Bahiir-i 'Ajam, where it is euphemistically glossed as "a fool". Tue equivalent Sogdian expression xry kyr is also attested in a note scribbled on a Chinese Buddhist scroll from Dunhuang22: "This book belongs to Pw>y. He who does not believe (it), (may) a donkey's penis enter (his) anus". Or, to translate in a register more appropriate to the context: "If you don't believe it - a donkey's prick up your bum". Once one recognizes the literal meaning of ker-i xar, one can see how appropriate it is as a riposte to the mockery of 'Atä.' al-DabüsI. The latter's insulting reference to the enemy as a "female donkey" also has parallels in Sogdian, where derivatives of the nouns *xara- "donkey" and especially *xarf- "female donkey" provide a series of words meaning "fomication", "lewd" and "unchaste woman"23.

21 1 cite the translation of Kh. Y. BLANKINSIDP, The History of al-"[abarl XXV: The end of expansion, Albany, N.Y. 1989, 110. For the Arabic text see M. J. DE GOEJE et al., Anna/es quos scripsit Abu Djafar Mohammed ibn Djarir at-Tabari II. 3, Leiden 1885-9, 1572, lines 10-13. 22 N. SIMS-WILLIAMS in l/J XVIII (1976), 66. 23 N. SIMS-WILLIAMS, The Christian Sogdian manuscript C2 (BIT 12), Berlin 1985, 177-8.

NOTULAE ETYMOLOGICAE Werner SUNDERMANN (Berlin,

BRD)

Mit einigen Etymologien, die, wie ich hoffe, das Interesse meines alten Freundes seit Studientagen finden werden, reihe ich mich ein in die Zahl der Kollegen, die Wojciech Skalmowski, dem septuagenario, ihre Glückwünsche darbringen. Mein kleiner Beitrag bietet mir die Gelegenheit, in meiner nunmehr fast dreißig Jahre alten Edition Mitte/persische und parthische kosmogonische und Parabeitexte der Manichäer (BTT 4, Berlin 1973) einige Lücken zu schließen und Fehler zu berichtigen.

„sysn V

Das Wort ist in dem mittelpersischen Fragment M 506 !R/5/ bezeugtl, das den in Mitte/iranische Manichaica I veröffentlichten kosmogonischen Text enhält und sich mit ihm z.T. überschneidet. In dem ergänzenden Teil steht "syfo an Stelle von grm' g in der Publikation von Andreas und Henning. Daraus schloß ich auf eine verwandte Bedeutung und übersetzte das Wort als "*Brennen". Zur Erklärung berief ich mich auf ein von Eilers aus einem Ortsnamen rekonstruiertes persisches *äs "Feuer" und dessen Ableitung aus airan. *ä8ra-2. Was ich übersehen hatte, ist, daß das Wort zu einer wohlbelegten idg. Wurzel "brennen, glühen" gehört, von der sich u.a. das deutsche "Esse" herleitet3. Zu lesen ist äsifo, und dies ist ein regelmäßig gebildetes Abstraktnomen, abgeleitet von einem nicht überlieferten mittelpersischen Verbalstamm *äs- "brennen; austrocknen". Eilers selbst hat diese Erkenntnis 1974 in seinem Aufsatz "Herd und Feuerstätte in Iran" nachgeliefert4, wo er armen. aCioun, aind. äsa"Asche" und aind. ä$frf- "Feuerstelle" von der Wurzel ableitete.

as-

as-

1 SUNDERMANN 1973, 68. 2 SUNDERMANN 1973, 113. 3 POKORNY 1994, 68-69; RIX 1998, 229: *h2ehls, "(durch Hitze) vertrocknen". 4 In: Antiquitates Indogermanicae. Gedenkschrift für Hermann Güntert (Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 12), Innsbruck 1974, 310 und 317.

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grcg Mittelpersisch grcg ist in einem von mir aus M 1001 und acht weiteren Stücken zusammengesetzten Fragment in N/i/12/ belegt5. Seinerzeit ließ ich das Wort unübersetzt und vermutete nur "ein Körperteil"6. Das ist deshalb so, weil das Wort in Parallele zu 'stg "Knochen", rg "Adern" und pyt "Fleisch" gesetzt ist. Im Körper muß es häufig vorkommen, denn seine Zahl wird mit 200 angegeben. Dies legt eine Verbindung von grcg mit parthisch gryhcg nahe, als dessen Bedeutung Henning zwar (Andreas folgend) "pit" ermittelt hat7, das aber in T ii D 406 = M 6450 /31/ offensichtlich ein Körperglied bezeichnet, auch wenn Henning wiederum auf parthisch "pit, prison" verwiess. gryhcg steht dort in einer Wortliste in einer Reihe von Körperbezeichnungen: dyl "Herz", gryhcg, sn'wm (vgl. soghd. sn'w "Sehne, Muskel"), n'z'g 'y ["das feinbewegliche (wtl. stolzierende) des [", gws 'wd w(y)[n "Ohr und Se[hen (oder wynyg "Nase"?)", xwn "Blut". In diesem Sinne leite ich gryhcg als Diminutivbildung von mittelpersisch grih "Knoten''9 ab und lese grihcag. Hübschmann hat np. gereh "Knoten" auf ap. *gra8a- zurückgeführt und auf aind. grath- "verknüpfen" verwiesenlO. Das mittelpersische grcg kann man gracag lesen und dies als Verkürzung eines diminutiven *grahcag erklären. Als "kleiner Knoten" bedeutet im anatomischen Sinn grcg gewiß den articulus, der ja auch als "Gelenk, Knoten, Knöchel" übersetzt wird. Daß np. gereh im anatomischen Sinn "Gelenk" bedeutet, bezeugt Rubincik 11.

hwn, hwny'z hwn ist in dem parthischen Text M 5932 /8/ belegt12. Es wurde von mir unübersetzt gelassen. Ihm vorauszugehen scheint jene kosmogonische Szene, in der der Urmensch oder der Lebendige Geist in den Ge5 SUNDERMANN 1973, 17. 6 SUNDERMANN 1973, 123.

7 W.B. HENNING, "A List of Middle-Persian and Parthian Words", BSOS 9 (1937), 83. Vgl. M. BOYCE, The Manichaean Hymn-Cycles in Parthian (LOS 3), London e.a. 1954, 80-81, wo das Wort neben zynd'n "Gefängnis" steht. 8 W.B. HENNING, Sogdica, London 1940, 56 und 58. 9 MACKENZIE 1971, 37. 10 H. HüBSCHMANN, Persische Studien, Strassburg 1895, 93, vgl. auch M. Mo'IN, Borhän-e Qiite', Teheran 1983, 1803. 11 Ju.A. RUBINCIK, Persidsko-russkij slovar' II, Moskva 1983, 394. 12 SUNDERMANN 1973, 61.

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wändem von Wasser, Feuer und Wind den "Mächten und Angreifern" (z'wr'n ° 'bd'g'n) erscheint. Daß das dann nach einer Lücke erscheinende hwn ebenfalls ein dämonisches Wesen bezeichnet, ist denkbar. Unter dieser Voraussetzung kann man das Wort von av. hunu- " 'Sohn' usw. daevischer Wesen"l3 herleiten. hwny'z ist mittelpersisch in M 871 N?/7/ bezeugtl4 in folgendem Kontext: "Und das zweite hwny'z ... zur Erde hinabstürzte", oder: "Und das hwny'z zweitens ...".Zuvor wurden finstere Mutterleiber "ausgezogen und abgelegt". Das dürfte von Fall der Aborte der weiblichen Archonten handeln, dem die Verführung der Archonten durch den Dritten Gesandten vorausgingl5, und daher übersetzte ich "*Fehlgeburt(?)". In ersten Teil des Wortes wird man das oben besprochene hun "Dämonensohn" erkennen dürfen, das folgende ny'z läßt sich als ni-äz"hinabtreiben" erklären, dessen äz- zu av. az- "agere"l6, zu mpT. pdy(y)z- "forttreiben"l7, parth. pdyzb- "id.", khot. hays- "to drive, send"l8 usw. gehört. Ich lese hun-niyäz "Hinabtreibung der Dämonensöhne".

p'dmwhr In M 2309 (parth.) heißt es: "](Als) er die qswdg-[Welt] errichtete, das p' dmwhr von Erde und Himmel, ..."19. p' dmwhr übersetzte ich als "*Grundstein", weil ich damals annahm, daß die qswdg-Welt ein Teil des Kosmos sei, wahrscheinlich die fünfte Erde20. Erst später erkannte ich, daß qswdg "klein" bedeutet und die qswdg-Welt den Mikrokosmos des menschlichen Körpers21. Mein Übersetzungsversuch von p' dmwhr war damit auch hinfällig geworden. Das Wort sollte vielmehr zum Ausdruck bringen, daß der Mikrokosmos das getreue Abbild des Makrokosmos ist, wie das z.B. in dem anderen parthischen Text M 384 (zusammengesetzt mit vier weiteren Fragmenten) N/1-3/ deutlich gesagt wird22. Es liegt dann nahe, p' dmwhr zu erklären als den "Siegelabdruck" auf einem Dokument ("Siegel" ist ja die eigentliche Bedeutung 13 BARTHOLOMAE 1904, col. 1831, zu idg. *se1:fll1 "gebären", RIX 1998, 487. 14 SUNDERMANN 1973, 66. 15 SUNDERMANN 1973, 65. 16 BARTHOLOMAE 1904, col. 223-224. 17 W.B. HENNING, "Das Verbum des Mittelpersischen der Turfantexte", ZII 9 p933), 253. 8 R.E. EMMERICK, Saka Grammatical Studies (LOS 20), London 1968, 148. 19 SUNDERMANN 1973, 75-76. 20 SUNDERMANN 1973, 127. 21 In AoF 10, 1983, 233, n. 11. 22 SUNDERMANN 1973, 57, verbesserte Lesung in AoF 10 (1983), 233, n. 11.

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von muhr) und p' d als Fuß zu verstehen. päd-muhr wäre, was "zu Füssen des Siegels" entsteht. Ich vergleiche dieses Kompositum mit np. päy-taxt "Hauptstadt", wtl. "(was) zu Füßen des Throns (ist)". Für weniger wahrscheinlich halte ich eine Bildung mit dehnstufigem päti- der Art pädifoöhr "Lohn, Vergeltung'', die dann wohl eher "Gegensiegel" bedeuten würde. Ein beglaubigendes und bestätigendes Gegensiegel auf einem Dokument ist gewiß eine sinnvolle Vorstellung, würde aber den Gedanken der Ebenbildlichkeit nicht ausdrücken.

prdwc Das in dem manichäisch-mittelpersischen Text M 263f + M 292 + M 5228 und, mit stark zerstörtem Kontext, in M 495 und M 5662 bezeugte Wort23 hatte ich 1973 "*Abkömmling, *Ausgeburt" übersetzt. Diese Bedeutung wird nahezu sichergestellt durch M 5662 /4-5/ 'ymys'nz frzynd 'wd prdwc ('y) dyn ... "Auch diese Kinder und prdwc der Kirche ... ". Weniger eindeutig ist der Sinn des zuerst zitierten Textes M 263f usw: "Auf das Trockene und das Feuchte regnete es. Jener Teil, der in das Meer fiel, fand darin sein eigenes Selbst, das prdwc der drei [Grä]ben." Ich verstehe in dieser Selbstwerdung jenes Wesen, das in den koptischen Kephalaia der Meeresriese (nl'H'b.c tteb.t\.b.ccb.) genannt wird. Er gehört zu den Erscheinungen, die nicht durch Zeugung entstanden. Vielmehr enstand er aus dem, was der Vater des Lebens aus der Sphaira ausfegte (finsteres Wasser, Finsternis und finsteres Feuer) und ins Meer goß. Dort formte der Stoff sich zum Gebilde durch "sein eigenes Feuer und seine eigene Enthymesis"24 und wirkt bis heute. Aus einer anderen Stelle der Kephalaia folgt, daß die Entstehung des Meeresriesen der Ausgießung der "drei Fahrzeuge" des finsteren Wassers, der Finsternis und des finsteren Feuers in die drei Gräben, die die Erde umgeben, folgte25. Aus diesem Grunde kann, so vermute ich, der Meeresriese bildlich (er wurde ja nicht gezeugt) ein Kind der drei Gräben genannt werden. Er ist von derselben Substanz wie der Inhalt der Gräben, und das Nacheinander wird hier zu einem Von- und Auseinander. Unter der Voraussetzung, daß prdwc "Abkömmling, Ausgeburt" bedeutet, lese ich das Wort fradöz oder fraduz, in dessen dauj-/duj- ich das Verb *daug- "melken" vermute. Es wird von Pokorny zu idg. dheugh- gestellt, als dessen Bedeutungen er "berühren (sich gut tref23 SUNDERMANN 1973, 48, 131. 24 Kephalaia 1940, 136, 23-27. 25 Kephalaia 1940, 116, 3-10.

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fen), drücken, ausdrücken, melken, reichlich spenden" angibt26. Rix reduziert den Bedeutungskreis auf "nutzbar machen, (Ertrag) produzieren"27, in dessen "produzieren" man den Gedanken des Melkens und (Aus)drückens wiederfinden kann. "Melken" ist aber die im indoiranischen Bereich bestimmende Wortbedeutung und sollte auch in diesem Fall berücksichtigt werden. Das Wort hat eine Parallele in aind. pra-duh "milking"28, bzw. ved. pra-duh "ganz ausmelken"29. Das mittelpersische Wort kann auf ein altpersisches *fra-döja- bzw. *fra-dujazurückgeführt werden, das "der Melkende" bedeutet. Zwar sind kleine Kinder keine Melker, aber als Säuglinge nähren sie sich von der Milch ihrer Mutter, und in diesem Sinne verstehe ich prdwz als "Säugling"30 und im weiteren Sinn als "(leibliches) Kind". Das pr von prdwc als fra- zu lesen ist nach den Regeln der manichäisch- persischen Orthographie möglich. Gegen eine Lesung par- aus para- oder pari- spricht, daß ein altes *pari-dauja- (usw.) zu *palöz oder *paröz werden sollte. Eine Voraussetzung meiner Hypothese ist, daß hier das Verb daugohne jene s-Erweiterung erscheint, die später zu mittelpersisch dös"melken" und neupersisch düs- (aus *dauxs-) führte31. Wenn meine hier gemachten Annahmen zutreffen, dann könnten sie Kents nicht unumstrittene Erklärung des altpersischen ha(n)duga"record, statue" als (wörtlich) ex-pressio aus altpersischem unsigmatischem *daug- "to milk, press out" unterstützen32.

* * *

26 POKORNY 1994, 271. 27 RIX 1998, 129. 28 M. MONIER-WILLIAMS, A Sankrit-English Dictionary, Oxford 1899 = 1951, 680b. 29 H. GRASSMANN, Wörterbuch zum Rig-Veda, Delhi 1999, 620. 30 In den Kephalaia scheinen "Säuglinge" die im Glauben Ununterwiesenen zu sein, cf. Kephalaia 1940, 7, 1-3. 31 MACKENZIE 1971, 27. 32 R.G. KENT, Old Persian. Grammar Texts Lexicon (AOS 33), New Haven 1953, 213a, mit Reserve zitiert von W. BRANDENS1EIN - M. MAYRHOFER, Handbuch des Altpersischen, Wiesbaden 1964, 124.

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WIEDERHOLT ZITIERTE LITERATUR

BARTHOLOMAE, Chr., 1904: Altiranisches Wörterbuch, Strassburg 1904 =Berlin 1961

Kephalaia 1940: Manichäische Handschriften der Staatlichen Museen Berlin. 1. Kephalaia 1. Hälfte [ed. H.J. POLOTSKY, A. BöHLIG], Stuttgart MACKENZIE, D.N., 1971: A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, London

POKORNY, J., 1994: Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch 1, Tübingen und Basel

Rix, H., 1998: L/V =Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben, Wiesbaden SUNDERMANN, W., 1973: Mitte/persische und parthische kosmogonische und Parabeitexte der Manichäer (BTT IV), Berlin

AUTOUR DE PROBLEMES DE LINGUISTIQUE INDO-EUROPEEN NE ET GENERALE: DE WACKERNAGEL A MEILLET Pierre SWIGGERS (Leuven, B)

Dans cette contribution, cordialement offerte a notre collegue et ami W ojciech Skalmowski, nous voudrions presenter quelques extraits de la correspondance entre Jacob Wackernagel (1853-1938)1 et Antoine Meillet (1866-1936)2. Il s'agira plus particulierement de themes de linguistique indo-europeenne et generale qui sont abordes dans la correspondance conservee ala Bibliotheque du College de France, dans le legs Meillet3, ou 40 missives (lettres ou cartes postales) envoyees par Wackemagel a Meillet constituent un des dossiers les plus interessants de la correspondance (partiellement conservee) envoyee a Meillet. Voici le releve des missives, dans l' ordre chronologique: 1. 15 decembre 1895 2. 11 mars 1899 3. 7 juillet 1900 4. 14 juiller 1900 5. 10 octobre 1900 6. 29 aolit 1902 7. (?) fevrier 1903 8. 21 juillet 1906 9. 31decembre1906 10. 22 decembre 1907 11. 9 fevrier 1908 12. 24 janvier 1909 13. 10 mai 1910

14. 13 octobre 1910 15. 16 avril 1911 16. 16 decembre 1911 17. 31mars1912 18. 6 novembre 1912 19. 21 mars 1916 20. 25 avril 1916 21. 29 novembre 1916 22. 31decembre1916 23. 18 juin 1917 24. 26 janvier 1918 25. 25 juin 1919 26. 14 fevrier 1921

27. 8 novembre 1921 28. 21 fevrier 1922 29. 4 septembre 1922 30. 25 avril 1923 31. 17 juillet 1923 32. 9 septembre 1924 33. 20 juin 1925 34. 21 juiller 1927 35. 23 fevrier 1928 36. 27 octobre 1929 37. 27 juillet 1930 38. 6 juin 1931 39. 16 ocrobre 1931 40. 6 octobre 1932

1 Sur Wackemagel, voir R. SCHMITT, "Wackemagel, Jacob". H. STAMMERJOHANN (ed.), Lexicon grammaticorum, Tübingen 1996, 986-987 (avec un aper9u de la litterature secondaire). 2 Sur Meillet, voir P. SWIGGERS, "Meillet, Antoine", H. STAMMERJOHANN (ed.), Lexicon grammaticorum, Tübingen 1996, 622-624 (avec un aper9u de la litterature secondaire). 3 Voir a ce propos P. SWIGGERS, "Les Archives Meillet au College de France: additions et corrections al'inventaire", BSL 86 (1991), 367-370.

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Les lettres (ecrites en allemand Oll en fram;ais) s, echelonnent sur une longue periode - plus d'un tiers de siede - et concernent une multitude de themes: problemes d'etymologie indo-europeenne et de linguistique indo-iranienne, sujets de grammaire comparee et de linguistique historique, questions de linguistique generale, themes de la religion indoeuropeenne. Elles touchent aussi, de fac;:on sporadique, au contexte politique de l'epoque, a la vie academique, voire - bien que tres rarement - a la sphere personnelle. Dans cette contribution, nous nous bomerons4 donc a presenter les themes de linguistique indo-europeenne et de linguistique generale5 ; ceux-ci sont generalement abordes par Wackemagel en rapport direct avec les publications que Meillet lui avait envoyees. Meillet, de son cöte, a publie des comptes rendus de plusieurs ouvrages de Wackemagel et a dit tres hautement l'estime qu'il portait a son collegue suisse. Rendant compte6 du premier volume des Vorlesungen über Syntax7 , Meillet ecrivait: Panni les linguistes, M. Wackemagel a, comme son ancien eleve et collegue, M. Niedermann, le rare merite de joindre a une connaissance complete de la langue une maitrise egale en philologie classique. Personne ne peut, avec autant d'autorite que lui, parler de syntaxe. De par ses qualites eminentes de philologue, M. Wackemagel a ete amene a presenter une serie d'observations, plus ou moins detaillees, sur !es diverses questions qui se posent, plutöt qu'a faire un systeme d'ensembles.

Le compte rendu des Sprachliche Untersuchungen zu Homer9 n'etait pas moins elogieux: Une publication de M. Wackemagel sur le grec est toujours un regal. M. Wackemagel unit la maitrise en grammaire comparee a une connaissance 4

Nous avons opere une selection de passages particulierement interessants pour notre propos; l '6dition complete de la correspondance de Wackemagel et Meillet est en preparation (en collaboration avec Jean-Claude Müller). Dans les citations d'extraits de lettres, nous avons respecte l'orthographe et la ponctuation des manuscrits originaux. 5 Pour l'edition et un commentaire de la correspondance de J. Wackernagel avec Hugo Schuchardt (1842-1927), voir J.-C. MÜLLER - P. SWIGGERS, "« ... Uber der Spezialforschung suche ich das Allgemeine nicht zu vergessen». Briefe von Jacob Wackemagel an Hugo Schuchardt", Historische Sprachforschung 103 (1990), 167177. 6 Dans BSL 22 (1921), 205-209. 7 J. WACKERNAGEL, Vorlesungen über Syntax, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung von Griechisch, Lateinisch und Deutsch. Erste Reihe, Basel 1920. Plus tard, Meillet a fait un compte rendu de la Zweite Reihe (Basel 1924) dans BSL 25 (1925), 55-58. 8 BSL 22 (1921), 206. 9 J. WACKERNAGEL, Sprachliche Untersuchungen zu Homer, Göttingen 1916.

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exacte de la philologie grecque et le don d'invention, la fmesse au sens juste de la realite. 11 voit les choses a la fois au point de vue indo-europeen et au point de vue grec. Tous ceux qui voudront faire du travail personnel sur la langue grecque trouveront en lui un modele, dont il est malaise d'approcher, mais qui leur donnern une idee de ce vers quoi il faut tendrelO.

Et rendant comptell de la Festschrijr12 pour Jacob Wackemagel, Meillet ne tarissait pas d'eloges: En offrant un recueil de melanges a M. Wackemagel, ses eleves, ses arnis et ses collegues n'ont pas eu l'illusion de s'acquitter envers lui: la linguistique lui doit trop. Par le contact etroit qu 'il a etabli entre la grammaire comparee la plus large et la philologie la plus precise, par la nouveaute des rapprochements qu'il a proposes et par leur singuliere ingeniosite qui comporte toujours l'apport de faits positifs non remarques jusqu'a lui, par la richesse en idees et en donnees de ses ouvrages comme de ses memoires, M. Wackernagel a ete l'un des savants qui, depuis 1876 13 , ont le plus contribue a edifier la linguistique indo-europeenne. La liste de ses publications par ou se clöt le recueil montre comment, chaque annee, M. Wackernagel a donne au moins une trouvaille nouvelle a nos etudesl4.

Dans la premiere lettre conservee, Wackemagel reagit a un article de Meillet, ou celui-ci avait propose une nouvelle explication du mot grec \'.nnos-. Wackemagel se montre peu enclin a suivre l'hypothese de Meillet. II propose par ailleurs une explication "naturelle" (a fondement onomatopeique) de l'aspiration initiale du mot: J'ai lu avec interet l'article sur \'.nnos- que vous avez bien voulu m'envoyer15. Je regrette de ne pouvoir vous ecrire que je sois convaincu de votre 10 A. MEILLET, compte rendu de J. WACKERNAGEL, Sprachliche Untersuchungen zu Homer [cf. n. 9], dans BSL 20 (1916), 166-168 (ici p. 166). 11 Dans BSL 25 (1925), 46-49. 12 'AvT{owpov. Festschrift Jacob Wackernagel zur Vollendung des 70. Lebensjahres am 11. Dezember 1923 gewidmet von Schülern, Freunden und Kollegen. Mit einem Bildnis, Göttingen 1924. 13 Date de la publication de la these de Wackemagel: De pathologiae veterum initiis, Basel 1876. 14 BSL 25 (1925), 46-47. En 1929-30, Meillet fera aussi l'eloge de Wackernagel en rendant compte du volume III de l'Altindische Grammatik: "Voici qu'on retrouve cette rigueur de methode linguistique, cette exactitude de philologue parfait, cette critique jamais en defaut, cette penetration toujours presente, cette production exhaustive et des faits et de Ja bibliographie, que M. Wackemagel porte avec aisance" (BSL 30 [1929-30], 66). l511 s'agit de: A. MEILLET, "Varia: I. \'.nnos-. II. v. sl. zejq. III. Lat. auonculus. IV. Le traitement de i.-e. o en indo-iranien. V. Position dialectale de l'armenien. VI. Arm. ;md. VII. Arm. hngetasan, i;orekhtasan", MSL 9 (1895-96), 136-159.

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theorie. Meme en admettant la forme *uq-qwos, on ne peut expliquer l'i. Le Changement de EU en El dans le VOiSinage d'un U OU d'un fest treS facile a comprendre et est assure par fEtml.v et par Elt..Ei8uta. Mais u simple ne pouvait devenir t que dans les temps et les contrees ou l'on pronorn;ait ü. La transition de au en m est encore moins probable, du reste l' originalite de la diphthonge [sie] m en alnus est garantie par aitj!a ancien instr. de atnos. Quanta l'aspiration de i'.nnos, j'ai toujours pense qu'elle est en rapport avec le hi- de hinnire, c'est-a-dire que le nom de l'animal a subi l'influence du son qu'il emet (lettre du 15 dicembre 1895).

Un des sujets qui revient frequemment dans les premieres lettres est celui de l'accent et de l'intonation en indo-europeen, probleme que Meillet a traite dans quelques articles publies a la fin du 19e et au debut du 2()e siecleI6. Ihrer an sich plausibeln Erklärung des Akzentunterschiedsl 7 zwischen äv8pwnos- und nmöEuos- [sie] stehn einstweilen nicht bloss die Wörter mit Länge+ Konsonant in der Schlusssilbe entgegen, sondern auch alle Wörter, die auf einen andern Vokal als m, ot schliessen; z.B. das -TJ -a des Nom. sg. der ersten Deklination wirkt, wie nach Ihnen bloss circumflektierte Längen wirken, und hat doch sicher "intonation rude". Ebenso d:yyE/../..w usw. Man wird also sagen müssen entweder dass im Griechischen alle langen Endsilben ausser m, ot nachträglich "intonation douce" erhielten, oder eher, dass man allmählich darauf kam die Akzentwirkung der circumflektierten Endsilben auf alle Schlusslängen auszudehnen, ausser wo, wie bei -m -ot der nominalen & verbalen Paradigmen, die Tradition zu stark war. Ist das ein wahrscheinlicher Vorgang? Die vedische Vokalzerdehnung macht grosse Schwierigkeit. Da sie bei den Schlusssilben in evidenter Beziehung steht zu dem Unterschied der beiden lntonationen, wird man auch die Zerdehnung der Innensilben von alter "into16 Rappelons que Wackernagel a lui-meme consacre plusieurs travaux fondamentaux a des problemes d'accentuation grecque: "Der griechische Verbalaccent", Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 23 (1877), 457-470; "Die epische Zerdehnung", Beiträge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen 4 (1878), 259-312; Das Dehnungsgesetz der griechischen Composita, Basel 1889; Beiträge zur Lehre vom griechischen Akzent, Basel 1893; "Akzentstudien 1, II, III", NGWG 1909, 50-63; 1914, 20-51 et 97-130. Tous ces travaux ont ete inclus dans J. WACKERNAGEL, Kleine Schriften, Göttingen 1955-1979 (3 tomes). 17 Wackernagel renvoie ici au contenu d'une lettre que Meillet lui avait adressee. On verra aussi A. MEILLET, "D'un effet de l'accent d'intensite", MSL 11 (1899), 165172. Dans cet article, Meillet presente des arguments pour un troisieme type d'effet du a l'accent d'intensite pour les voyelles des syllabes non intenses (les deux effets traditionnellement reconnus etant: perte de la duree, d'ou tendance vers la quantite zero, et perte de l'articulation propre, d'ou rectuction a une voyelle neutre): le troisieme effet serait la tendance a la fermeture.

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nation douce" herleiten. Anderseits stimmt das A vestische hier ganz sicher zum Veda nur im Gen. pi., in Formen wie gäm und wie gos, und dann in sudäs-. In letzterm kann die Zerdehnung etymologisierend sein. Also steht nicht-etymologisierende Zerdehnung im Indoiranischen nur für Endsilben fest. So würde man sagen, dass die Rishis bhuutu wagten, weil sie von nuu und von a-urnos her zu zerdehnen gewohnt waren und Zerdehnung von Längen in der Poesie überhaupt etwas Naheliegendes ist, cf. die delphischen Hymnen (lettre du 14 juillet 1900). Gestern nach Basel zurückgekehrt, komme ich erst jetzt dazu Thre mir gütigst zugesandte Abhandlung über den Accent d'intensite en Perse [sic]l 8 zu lesen und Ihnen dafür zu danken. Was Sie über die ursprüngliche Akzentstelle sagen, leuchtet mir ein. Dagegen kann ich nicht einsehen, warum aus der Genetivform des Pron. pers. notwendig folgen soll, dass auch beim Nomen die Gen.-Form zu grunde liege; beweiskräftig ist bloss der Plur. -änI9. Auffällig war mir auch Ihre Bemerkung auf S. 820 , dass hy früh aufgehört habe Position zu bilden; doch werden Sie zu dieser Annahme gute Gründe haben, die ich als Nicht-Iranist eben nicht einsehe. - Dem Prinzip nach einverstanden bin ich auch mit Ihren Bemerkungen über die Metrik der Gäthäs2I. - Noch schulde ich Ihnen Dank für Thren Brief über die Circumflexfrage. Wollen Sie entschuldigen, dass ich 18 II s'agit de: A. MEILLET, "La declinaison et l'accent d'intensite en perse", JA IX.15 (1900), 254-277. Meillet y defend l'hypothese de l'existence en iranien d'un accent d'intensite tantöt sur la pen_µltieme tantöt sur l'antepenultieme, suivant que la penultieme est longue ou breve. A la finde cet article, Meillet avance meme: "L'accent du persan n'est donc que le representant actuel de l'accent atteste par la metrique gäthique; et cet accent lui-meme repond a l'ictus du sanskrit dont la place est reglee par la quantite. Il semble ainsi qu'il soit legitime de reporter le point de depart de cet accentjusque dans la periode indo-iranienne et sans doute jusqu'a l'indo-europeen. Le fait que la quantite influe sur la place qu'il occupe est une survivance de l'epoque indo-europeenne Oll le rythme etait purement quantitatif' (p. 277). l9 Selon Meillet, les pronoms personnels persans, singuliers et pluriels (man, ta, mä et fomä) reposent sur d'anciens genitifs (manä et tavä, a(h)mäxarn et srnäxarn). Il suit en cela une idee emise et defendue par James Darmesteter. Meillet considere que c 'est par l' ancienne finale de genitif pluriel -änärn que s 'explique le mieux le pluriel ~ersan -än. o II doit s'agir d'une reference a la pagination du tire il. part, car le passage se trouve il. la p. 257 de l' article: "Ceci pose, le passage de kärnahyä il. kärn s 'explique aisement. Le groupe hy ayant du cesser de bonne heure de faire position, la penultieme de kämahyä etait breve et l'accent tombait sur kä-". 2! Voir A. MEILLET, art.cit. [n. 18], 271-272: "On admettra donc ici: 1° Que tout mot phonetique des gathäs a au moins un ac-cent principal; 2° Que cet accent tombe sur la penultieme de tout dissyllabe et, dans le cas des polysyllabes, sur la penultieme si celle-ci est longue, sur l'antepenultieme si la penultieme est breve; 3° Que, dans un mot de 4 syllabes au moins, i1 peut y avoir un accent secondaire sur !'initiale, et qu'un mot plus long comporte necessairement un accent secondaire. Des lors, la metrique des gäthäs devient claire: chacun des hemistiches comporte un nombre determine d'accents dont la place n'est pas fixe, exactement comme le vers fran~ais".

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vorläufig die Diskussion nicht fortsetze, so lehrreich sie für mich bis jetzt gewesen ist. Ich weiss jetzt kein neues Moment beizubringen & freue mich, in vielem mit Ihnen einverstanden zu sein (lettre du 10 octobre 1900).

En decembre 1907, Wackernagel reagit a l' envoi par Meillet de son article 22 sur le nom du dieu iranien Mitra. Dans cet article, Meillet avait combattu l' opinion re9ue selon laquelle le dieu Mitra serait une divinite lumineuse (et plus particulierement le soleil); de meme, il y precisait l'explication par l'etymologie du nom (skr. mitra- "ami", mitra- "amitie", av. miera- "contrat"). "Mitra- est la personnification du contrat, comme en Grece 8E µ1s et MKTJ sont des personnifications de la justice, et a Rome Venus, de la gräce feminine [... ] l'indo-iranien Mitra- est le contrat, la puissance mystique du contrat, et une personne; et les trois notions s'interchangent constamment"23. Wackernagel marque son accord de principe, mais n'omet pas de relever des aspects problematiques de l'explication "sociologique"24 de Meillet: Für Ihren Brief vom 5. Nov. und Ihren "Mitra" danke ich Ihnen bestens. Prinzipiell bin ich in sofern einverstanden, als die Naturbedeutung einer Gottheit nicht das Ursprünglichste zu sein braucht. Aber bei t.{KT) wei bei Savitr- u. allen ähnl. bezieht sich der Gottesname auf eine vom Gotte selbst ausgeübte Tätigkeit: allein bei mitra- wäre es anders 25 . Und wie erklären Sie das indische Appellativum? (lettre du 22 decembre 1907).

Dans plusieurs lettres, Wackernagel fournit des remarques sur des publications de nature diverse que Meillet lui avait envoyees: on y voit comment Wackernagel, marquant toujours son eventuel desaccord, mais ne cachant pas non plus son admiration, a apprecie l'activite de Meillet dans les domaines de la linguistique generale et de la linguistique historico-comparative: 2211 s'agit de: A. MEILLET, "Le dieu indo-iranien Mitra", JA X.10 (1907), 143-159. 23 A. MEILLET, art.cit. [n. 22], 145-146, et voir ibid„ 156. Notons que l'article contient aussi une longue digression sur le nom de Varu.(Ja-.

24 Cf. A. MEILLET, Le dieu indo-iranien Mitra, a.c. [n. 22], 159: "la puissance immanente du contrat-dieu, omniscient, surveillant tout, ayant pour reil le soleil, voyant tout, allant partout, soutenant l'ordre du monde, et chätiant avec une force redoutable les infractions commises par les hommes et par les dieux: ce n' est pas un phenomene naturel, c'est un phenomene social divinise". 25 Dans son article, Meillet semble considerer l'association avec une eventuelle activite comme secondaire; cf. A. MEILLET, Le dieu indo-iranien Mitra, a.c. [n. 22], 154: "Miera ne dispose pas seulement de Ja lumiere - diurne et nocturne - qui eclaire et fait apparaitre toutes !es transgressions, il a aussi la force de punir; de Ja le caractere guerrier, qui apparait en quantite de passages du Yast X, et qui distingue le Miera iranien du Mitra vedique. Ce caractere guerrier a ete de grande consequence pour le cteveloppement ulterieur du culte de Miera".

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Mit besonderm Genuss & mit Zustimmung in allem Wesentlichen habe ich Ihren Beitrag zur Scientia gelesen26. Ihre Darlegungen sind bewundernswert klar & einleuchtend. - Ihre Korrektur Y. 11,5 von yasäiti in yasäl scheint mir sicher, wie ich auch Ihre Auffassung der Avesta-Überlieferung teile. Ob man aber bestimmt zeigen kann, dass Tim Urtext unbezeichnet war, ist mir noch zweifelhaft27. - Und ebenso endlich war mir Ihr Beitrag zu den Met Havet28 in vielen Stücken lehrreich: doch komme ich bei beiden Artikeln zunächst nicht über einige Bedenken weg. Vielleicht führt mich weiteres Nachdenken auch hier zur Zustimmung. Also nochmals vielen Dank! ich schätze es sehr, dass ich Ihre schönen Arbeiten alle als Ihre Gaben besitzen darf (lettre du 24 janvier 1909).

Les lettres de Wackernagel nous informent egalement sur le travail de longue haleine que fut sa Altindische Grammatik, dont la publication s 'est etendue sur plusieurs decennies29 et sur sa collaboration avec Friedrich Carl Andreas (1846-1930) apropos des Gäthäs. Dans une lettre du 13 octobre 1910, Wackernagel s'ouvre a Meillet sur son reuvre en cours d'elaboration. 11 y annonce aussi la publication imminente d'un fascicule sur les Gäthäs. De plus, on apprend par cette lettre que Wackernagel avait re st sind nicht uniranisch. Ohne eine abschließende Lösung des etymologischen Problems von ardastäna- anzubieten, möchte ich doch die Theorie von Skalmowski hiermit zur Diskussion stellen.

3) Die Entwicklung ldg. /gn/ und /kn/ im Altiranischen Es besteht keine Zweifel daran, dass die Kombination einer indogermanischen Palatale und /n/ im Avesta und Altpersischen erscheint als /sn/36. Es gibt aber auch Formen mit einem Kluster /sn/, z.B. aw. vasna und yasna-. Zur Erklärung dieser Diskrepanz zwischen Wörtern mit /'Sn/ und Wörtern mit /sn/ haben sich im Forschungsbereich zwei Gruppen gebildet37: (1) /Sn/ evolvierte unter dem Einfluss koexistierender Formen mit /s/ < idg. /*k/ zu /snf38. Zwei Beispiele können auf diese Weise erklärt werden. Das erste Beispiel, aw. vasna, ist analog zu Formen wie vasami, "ich suchte" entstanden. Das zweite Beispiel ist yasna-. Protoiranisch *jadzna- müsste normalerweise zu aw. *yafoa- werden, aber aufgrund des Präsens yaza hat *yafoa- sich zu *yazna- ent35

Täna- ist eine Ableitung von tan-, "ausbreiten, ausziehen".

36 Chr. BARTHOLOMAE, "Vorgeschichte der iranischen Sprachen'', in GrlrPhil 1.1, 13-14; DERS., "Zu gen altpersische Inschriften von Behistun", WZKM 22 (1908), 7374; A. MEILLET - E. BENVENISTE, Grammaire, 69; H. HARTMANN, "Zur neuen Inschrift des Xerxes von Persepolis", OLZ 40 (1937), 156-157; R.G. KENT, Old Persian, 35; K. HOFFMANN - J. NARTEN, Der sasanidische Archetypus: Untersuchungen zu Schreibung und Lautgestalt des Avestischen, Wiesbaden 1989, 86-87; M.B. GARRISON - P. DION, "The Seal of Ariyäramna in the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto", JNES 58 (1999), 17; PH. HUYSE, Die dreisprachige Inschrift Sabuhrs I. an der Ka