Middle Kingdom Palace Culture and Its Echoes in the Provinces

Citation preview

Middle Kingdom Palace Culture and Its Echoes in the Provinces Regional Perspectives and Realities

Edited by

Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano Antonio J. Morales

leiden | boston

Contents List of Figures, Graphics and Tables

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Introduction 1 Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano and Antonio J. Morales 1

The Funerary Chambers of Sarenput ii and the Destruction of His Outer Coffin 16 José M. Alba Gómez

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Regional Differences in Pottery Repertoires: Two Case Studies of Early and Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Assemblages 45 Bettina Bader

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The “Prince’s Court Is like a Common Fountain”: Middle Kingdom Royal Patronage in the Light of a Modern Sociological Concept 77 Martina Bardonova

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Sinuhe: Popular Hero, Court Politics, and the Royal Paradigm Miroslav Bárta and Jiří Janák

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A Wood Workshop at Meir at the Beginning of the Middle Kingdom: The Case of the Wooden Models 119 Gersande Eschenbrenner-Diemer

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The Middle Kingdom Burial in Qubbet el-Hawa of a Woman Named Sattjeni 145 Luisa M. García González

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Some Remarks on a Multidimensional Approach to the Unique Spells in the Coffin Texts 171 Carlos Gracia Zamacona

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The Non-use of Titles in the Early Middle Kingdom Wolfram Grajetzki

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“Co-regencies” in the First Upper Egyptian Nome during the Twelfth Dynasty 239 Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano and Juan Carlos Sánchez-León

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The Issue of Residence and Periphery in the Middle Kingdom: Surveying the Delta 256 Eva Lange-Athinodorou

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The Craft of the Non-mechanically Reproducible: Targeting Centres of Faience Figurine Production in 1800–1650bc Egypt 284 Gianluca Miniaci

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Opening the Vision of Osiris Sarenput: A Contextual and Typological Analysis of the Coffin of Sarenput the Younger from Qubbet el-Hawa 330 Antonio J. Morales

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Elite Tombs at the Residence: The Decoration and Design of Twelfth Dynasty Tomb Chapels and Mastabas at Lisht and Dahshur 358 Adela Oppenheim

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Middle Kingdom Settlement Geography at the First Cataract Cornelius von Pilgrim

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Tombs and Objects of the Middle Kingdom in the Temple of Millions of Years of Thutmosis iii in Luxor 417 Myriam Seco Álvarez and Javier Martínez Babón

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The Holders of the Titles šmsw nswt and šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ Danijela Stefanović

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Djoser’s Complex as a Source of Inspiration for the Decoration of Private Coffins in the Middle Kingdom 462 Harco Willems Index

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Introduction Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano and Antonio J. Morales Principal editors of the volume

This collection of essays is the result of a conference dedicated to the study of Palace Culture and its Echoes in the Provinces in Middle Kingdom Egypt, held at the University of Jaén in Spain on June 2–3, 2016. The explicit aim of the conference was to bring together scholars who had engaged in the study of historical, archaeological, artistic, and linguistic aspects of the Middle Kingdom period, with special interest in provincial perspectives and realities. Thus, the organizers aspired to shine a light on the variegated political, social, artistic, and religious phenomena of the Middle Kingdom, and encourage reflection about the multiplicity of attested interactions between the provinces and the central state. This effort was an attempt to identify the origins of changes, influences, and developments in the cultural dynamics of the Middle Kingdom’s ‘classical period’. Advanced critical conclusions are still pending with respect to some new textual, artistic, and material evidence that has been recovered in recent years, and methodological frameworks for the analysis of some newly identified phenomena are yet to be elaborated, but as this volume will show, the re-evaluation of the available evidence has already begun. The Egyptian state of the very last part of the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom in fact underwent a process of change that can be referred to as statal re-formation. Within that process of change, the fundamental roles of the political forces, social mechanisms, and religious traditions that emerged during the years of cultural fragmentation in the provinces can and must be more fully investigated. Defining the degree to which provincial developments helped reshape the Egyptian state and its culture during the Middle Kingdom will allow scholars to better understand the period of cultural renaissance, ideological transformation, and social re-organization that took place at the beginning of the classical period. This volume is intended to be one more step in that direction. We are confident that the research and insights of the authors described in this volume will contribute to the construction of new models of interpretation, encourage a reassessment of old interpretations, and promote new and more effective avenues of research into Middle Kingdom Egypt. The organisation and success of the event would not have been possible without the assistance of researchers from the University of Jaén and the Qubbet el-Hawa Project. In this regard, the editors of the present volume would like to express their gratitude to José M. Alba, Yolanda de la Torre-Robles, Luisa

© A. Jiménez-Serrano and A.J. Morales, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_002

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García-González, and Patricia Mora Riudavets, for their academic, administrative, and personal support during the realisation of the conference. Regarding the published volume, we warmly thank the editors, peer-reviewers, and committee of E.J. Brill for accepting this manuscript for publication, in particular Katelyn Chin and Erika Mandarino for their continuous help. Special thanks are also due to David Lightbody for completing the laborious task of proof-reading, copy-editing, and offering critical remarks through the entire manuscript. The editors wish to acknowledge and thank various bodies for their financial and organizational support: the University of Jaén (uja) and its project HAR2016-75533-P “Excavación, estudio histórico y conservación de las tumbas del Reino Medio de la necrópolis de Qubbet el-Hawa (Asuán, Egipto)” (I+D project in Programa Estatal de Fomento de la Investigación Científica y Técnica de Excelencia, Ministerio de Ciencias, Innovación y Universidades, Spain), as well as the University of Alcalá (uah) and its projects HAR2017-84505-P “Proyecto Reino Medio Tebano: arqueología, epigrafía y conservación de tumbas de finales de la Dinastía xi y del Reino Medio en Tebas (Luxor, Egipto)” (I+D project in Programa Estatal de Fomento de la Investigación Científica y Técnica de Excelencia, Ministerio de Ciencias, Innovación y Universidades, Spain); cm/jin/2019-006 “Arqueología, conservación y ciencia en la antigua Tebas” (I+D project in Subdirección General de Investigación, Comunidad de Madrid); sbply/19/180501/000267 “La construcción del estado faraónico” (I+D project in Dirección General de Universidades, Investigación e Innovación, Junta de Castilla-La Mancha); and the research group “ciarq: Ciencias en la Arqueología”.

1

State Reformation and the Provinces: A Critique

The study of ancient Egypt has typically been carried out from the perspective of the royal palace. One of the main reasons for this is that most of the surviving sources of information were produced by the king or by his closest circle of high officials. In addition, it is necessary to take into consideration that many of the archaeological excavations in Egypt have focused on the royal sites at the expense of the rest of the country, and this goes some way towards explaining why the Middle Kingdom archaeology of the Delta region remains almost unknown. Despite the limitations of the available material and textual sources, they most likely do reflect the realities of the Egyptian culture to some significant extent. Indeed, it was mainly created in the royal palace and by an intimate group that lived around the pharaoh, which could take influential decisions.

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Unfortunately, this view has produced a monolithic vision of the Egyptian culture in which the state controlled every single aspect of the life of the country. The latest historiographic tendencies in Egyptology are, however, challenging this overly simplistic perspective.1 New publications tend to stress the importance of the provinces and the role played by the local elites, while taking into account the great disparities in the sizes of the groups and their capacities to mobilize resources. In this sense, regional and provincial traditions in cultural arenas such as theology, artistic production, and building trends, to mention a few key aspects, reveal different customs and practices from those of the court where the king resided. The study of variations in these domains can help researchers understand the multiplicity of cultural and social actions that gave shape to the Middle Kingdom.2 At first sight it seems clear that the local elites felt inclined to reproduce the palace culture, but they also reinterpreted or adapted the royal ideology for their own purposes, transforming it to be more appropriate for their more limited urban and architectural scales and particular local circumstances. Old Kingdom practices were adopted and remodelled at the local level during the period of decreased royal power in the First Intermediate Period. The unfettered socio-economic conditions of the provincial territories allowed them to reinvent themselves, resulting in many cases in an increase in their levels of prosperity.3 The provinces, therefore, played an important role in the creation and development of the next phase of Egyptian culture. The fact that the roots of the Middle Kingdom originated during a period of regional friction and cultural expansion is only one example showing how the development of local cultures could eventually reshape the central state and the lives of all its people. Much of the scholarly underestimation of the extents of this provincial influence is the product of the early developments in Egyptology as a subject, which took place within the colonial context of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.4 In that context, there was always a centre, headed by the colonial forces, and a periphery controlled by a colonial administration, which followed and executed the royal commands. The operation of such a system was the basis for the reconstructions of how ancient Egypt worked. The same approach was applied to understanding the Middle Kingdom culture, which was simply viewed as a revitalization of the central state, with no considera1 Recently, Moreno García, Ancient Egyptian Administration. 2 Following a process of societal reformation and cultural reaction as exemplified in “second generation” states. See Schwartz and Nichols, After Collapse. 3 Wegner, “Tradition and Innovation: The Middle Kingdom”, 119–120. 4 See Thompson, Wonderful Things 2, 281–291.

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tion of the enormous influence of the Theban region in the development of power structures, administration, religion, and society as a whole at the dawn of the classical period.5 Thus, the real situation in Antiquity was more complex than was previously considered, and a fuller understanding requires different approaches and new methodological frameworks.6 In this context, it is necessary to better characterize those periods during which the provinces enjoyed enough autonomy to create or develop their own interpretations of palace culture. These new expressions could have been adopted from models already developed in an earlier phase, or they could have been produced as new local constructions generated in response to specific local circumstances. For those phases, it should be more feasible to identify blurred frontiers between centralized palace culture and local cultural innovations and re-interpretations. Under those conditions the concepts of power, authority, and tradition were reshaped according to the political and cultural attitudes at the periphery, as well as in the palace. This was the process that gave birth to new forms of control, prestige, and display in the realm of the Middle Kingdom state.7 The political changes experienced in Egypt at the end of the third millennium bce require researchers to trace out the flux of innovations from the provinces to the central palace, and to better understand how palace culture was again reproduced in the provinces once the reunification took place during the late eleventh dynasty. In fact, palace culture and provincial practices must have been intertwined in the configuration of the state by the early Middle Kingdom, because the Theban ruling family had initiated the new period of dynamism and creativity.8 It is likely that experience gained from the end of the Old Kingdom to the end of the “period of the regions”9 had demonstrated that each province could adopt and adapt the palace culture as it saw fit, giving rise to a group of variegated and separated identities.10 In some respects, the crisis that befell the Old Kingdom central state was seen by some, not as social fragmentation, but as the emergence of a new type of society built on regional elite culture.11

5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Oppenheim, “What Was the Middle Kingdom?”, 1–8. Moreno García, Ancient Egyptian Administration, 2–6. Baines, “Les formes de l’ état en Égypte ancienne”, 308–313. Arnold, “A New Start from the South. Thebes During the Eleventh Dynasty”, 38–41. As labelled by Morenz, Die Zeit der Regionen. Seidlmayer, “The First Intermediate Period (c. 2160–2055b.c.)”, 118–147. Willems, “The First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom”, 81–100: esp. 83.

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During the fifth dynasty of the Old Kingdom, the internal government of the country was re-organised and new administrative titles were created. The titles of nomarchs or governors of provinces and territories became more and more common in the textual sources of the period, perhaps as a consequence of the development and growth of that administration.12 The new high officials of the provinces expanded their own administrative domains, and from the beginning of the sixth dynasty it is possible to observe the existence of local courts in different territories of Egypt.13 These new local courts imitated the royal court but at a smaller scale. During the years of development, the local courts also grew in complexity and became more and more sophisticated,14 but the existence of the local courts did not conflict with the authority of the royal palace as might be expected at first glance. They were complementary, and the local authorities always recognised their dependency on the king and that their own legitimation came from the king himself.15 Over the course of the sixth dynasty, however, the political situation gradually deteriorated in several respects16 culminating in a new political reality. One of the most significant changes was that the royal family and the royal residence moved from Memphis to Herakleopolis Magna, which was itself later overshadowed by the rise of its southern rival; Thebes. In this novel political environment, the local governors adopted their own strategies to retain power, avoiding threats of usurpation or interference from neighbours. In some territories such as Elephantine, El-Kab, and Balat, some notable deceased governors were deified and converted into divine ancestors, becoming substitutes for royal figures of legitimation.17 After a long period of continuous provincial development, each province opted to support one of two dynastic houses that aspired to control the whole country again. While most of southern Upper Egypt was controlled by the Theban eleventh dynasty, the Herakleopolitan ninth and tenth dynasties seem to have held sway over a territory

12 13 14

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Moreno García, Ancient Egyptian Administration, 165–172. Martinet, L’ Administration provinciale, 279–437. Not only in the provinces but also in the case of the highest officials of the state who created their own dynastic houses in the central government. See Grajetzki, “The Pharaoh’s Subjects. Court and Provinces”, 120–123. Moreno García, “Building the Pharaonic State”, 185–217: esp. 195–209. For the most recent works on the nature of the upheaval, see Moeller, “The First Intermediate Period: A Time of Famine and Climate Change?”, 153–167; Schneider, “What is the Past But a Once Material Existence Now Silenced”, 311–322; Bárta, Analyzing Collapse. The Rise and Fall of the Old Kingdom. Krämer, Die Vergöttlichung von Privatpersonen.

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that stretched south to the Thinite nome.18 Over the course of more than one hundred years, the political environment in the provinces and other peripheral territories including the oases was characterised by a high degree of autonomy. When appropriately interpreted, it is clear that such autonomy is attested in architectonic, artistic, and textual domains.19 The so-called provincial art of the First Intermediate Period consisted of the products of local workshops where new ways of expression were formulated. Such a trend led to the idiosyncratic products characteristic of provincial artists, expressing heterogeneous and unconventional ideas, styles, and patterns, revealing a multiplicity of local movements in art and architecture. This array of styles and tendencies reveals the unsettled political situation in the provinces, evidencing the absence of standardised artistic guidelines and patterns that the royal palace used to convey to the provinces in the Old Kingdom.20 In many cases, the local courts survived Mentuhotep ii’s reunification of the Egyptian territory relatively intact. Their different structures, inherited from the previous period, continued to function because they were integral to the local systems of organization and governance. In many respects, the reunification of the eleventh dynasty and the general situation across the country up to the reign of Amenemhat i demonstrates a desire to return to the stability of earlier periods, when the king and the palace were the main points of reference. In contrast to the highly centralized Old Kingdom, however, the situation had changed significantly, and the relationships between the palace and its periphery were no longer uni-directional. It is fundamentally important to analyse and better understand those new bidirectional relationships between the centre and the periphery, despite the efforts to reunify the territory. Traditional perspectives have had significant influence on the historiography of the subject and its study.21 Egyptology is a discipline traditionally characterized by its conservatism, but some new approaches have been initiated in recent years.22 Earlier approaches always considered Egypt as a cultural unity. Its periphery

18 19

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21 22

Brovarski, Naga ed-Dêr in the First Intermediate Period, 351. In fact, recent views on the reshaping of the local ritual landscapes also demonstrate the interwoven traditions between provinces during the late First Intermediate Period: see Willems, “Dayr al-Barshā and Dayr al-Baḥrī”, 25–45. As Rita Freed notes, “[l]acking central schools of artists, and in all but a few cases lacking earlier models to copy, each area evolved its own distinctive style and color palette”, in Freed, “Sculpture of the Middle Kingdom”, 882–912: esp. 882. For example, Rowlands, Larsen, and Kristiansen, Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World. De Meyer and Lange, Beyond Memphis.

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existed, but belonged to neighbouring regions23 and was not part of the central administrative, political, and cultural system. Rather than describing a uniform or bipartite entity, the present volume intends to re-analyse Egypt as a region that had, and still has, a multiplicity of local idiosyncrasies. These particularities extend beyond the visible material spheres that are more easily to detect, towards conceptual factors that helped configure the provincial administration and its official ideology. The seventeen papers in this volume therefore examine various types of processes, of influence, inspiration, and reaction that might have originated in the royal palace or in the provincial centres. Regardless of their origins, these phenomena generated an imbricated system of dependencies and forces that came to define and shape the centres of power, culture, and beliefs during four hundred years (ca. 2055–1650 bce). As a result of these forces and the subsequent consolidation of political and social conditions that took place during the Middle Kingdom, the palace culture of the provinces came to be echoed to some extent in the palaces of the new central power. In this volume, we aspire to turn the attention of scholars towards new concepts, to consider the bi-directional relationships, the levels of affinity, and the degrees of friction that existed between the central royal residence and the provinces. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to understand one fundamental premise. When the Memphite state developed its administration during the Old Kingdom, the palace and local courts were part of the same extended system of administration. It was not possible to differentiate centre from periphery beyond the physical distances involved. This is quite clear in the archaeological record, and there are several documents that confirm that the relationships between the pharaoh and the local high officials were close and that communication was frequent,24 even during the tumultuous seventh and eighth dynasties.25 Thus, it seems clear that during the Old Kingdom there was a high level of interdependency between all the departments of the state and its centralized leadership, focused on the pharaoh and his close and influential entourage. 23

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Recently, Cohen, “Periphery and Core”, 245–263; Raue, “Centre and Periphery”, 149–155; Shaw, “Non-Textual Marks and the Twelfth Dynasty Dynamics of the Centre and Periphery”, 69–82. There are several texts that mention a direct relationship between the royal palace and the provinces, such as royal decrees, records of expeditions to quarries, royal donations or dedications in provincial temples, etc. Many of these miscellanea are available in translation in Strudwick, Texts from the Pyramid Age, with references to the original sources. Cf. the Koptos Decrees dating to the reigns of Neferkauhor and Demedjibtawy: Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente aus dem alten Reich, 165–225.

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In this context, the provinces functioned as appendices to the royal palace. The central institution irradiated a designed ideology and culture, which was received and imitated by the local elites. Unfortunately, it is impossible to establish if the provincial elites adapted the palace culture to their own local particularities, because all the material expressions that have survived simply reproduced those from the palace. The extension of palace culture to the provinces of Egypt is attested from the early fourth dynasty through the installation of state officials known as “governors of the ḥwt” (ḥqꜣ-ḥwt), who were appointed by the central administration.26 It is indisputable that during the Old Kingdom the state controlled all the national resources, and also any imports to the state. Any surpluses were later redistributed to the rest of the elites, settled either in the palace or in the provinces,27 and this process reinforced the level of imbrication between central and peripheral administrations. After the reunification and during the early Middle Kingdom, Egypt witnessed a new attempt to reconstruct the central administration and reorganize the provincial system, although the nature of that period of development is still under investigation. It remains unclear if Mentuhotep ii, his two successors, and the first two kings of the twelfth dynasty orchestrated a master plan to adapt the previous economic situation, intellectual traditions, and artistic schools, to serve the recently re-unified country.28 In all probability, this action would have attempted to recover Old Kingdom structures of power and control for the benefit of the new royal palace, and more indirectly, for the administration and the country itself. The crown would have aspired to adapt the offices, agencies, and relationships extant in the provinces during the Old Kingdom to the new era, giving shape to the Middle Kingdom state and its very distinctive domains of central and local power. Such a strategy would have entailed the application of a firm political, intellectual, and social program for the control and exploitation of the country. That might have been a response to fears that the royal palace and elites had about experiencing a return to the situation that arose during the First Intermediate Period. Scholars have also proposed the existence of a much simpler (and partially unintentional) phenomenon whereby the Old Kingdom political, administrative, and artistic traditions simply served as an inspiration for the early twelfth dynasty elites, who yearned for old forms of authority. In this scenario, Mentuhotep ii’s decision to inte26 27 28

See Moreno García, “Building the Pharaonic State”, 198. Muhs, The Ancient Egyptian Economy, 41–42. Not in vain, the Admonitions of Ipuwer state that kingship was part of a past tradition, lost but defied during periods of instability: “Look, the land has been deprived of kingship by a few people who ignore tradition” (cf. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature i, 156).

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grate those traditions into the development of the new state was primarily intended to associate Thebes conceptually with Memphis and Herakleopolis, the more established centres of pharaonic power. Although both hypotheses allow for the adoption and adaption of traditions, it seems that resorting to this second hypothesis to explain the construction of the new period is artificially contrived and ultimately unconvincing. Conceptual inspiration alone cannot explain the level of detail evident in the master planning developed by the state, to establish the political, administrative, religious, and intellectual structures that gave shape to the highly productive era that was the Middle Kingdom. In addition, during the Old Kingdom the evidence shows how the palace generated distinctive new religious ideas and practices that patently contrasted with the local traditions. In many cases the cultural traditions were inherited from the Predynastic and Early Dynastic periods, but the new differences that emerged can clearly be seen. For instance, in the realm of religious buildings, Barry Kemp29 was able to distinguish what he labelled as “pre-formal” from the more “formal” types of architecture that were later developed. Evidently, these coexisting dynamics of cultural development affected many other spheres of life in the country. The central state intervened in the management of economic transactions (e.g. royal expeditions, international trade, mineral exploitation), influenced the construction of mainstream theological traditions (mainly stellar, solar, and Osirian doctrines), and fostered the development of scribal and artistic production (e.g. religious texts, ceramics, sculpture). These constituted the most important steps taken in the capital towards the construction of a royal ideology and its propagation to the rest of the country. In the provinces, local elites adapted themselves to the structures of the central administration and reproduced them for their own political, economic, and cultural advancement. Unfortunately, it remains difficult to establish the degree to which the culture of the central state penetrated into the local cultures, beyond the use of explicit ways of representing the relationship between palace and local authorities that were adopted by the provincial elites.30 The celebration of the ceremonial journey known as “the creation of order in all provinces” resembled the Early Dynastic Period procession called the “Following of Horus”, and it may reflect a desire by the royal palace to intervene and control provincial life through the celebration of religious rituals, festivals, and

29 30

Kemp, Ancient Egypt. Anatomy of a Civilization. In this sense, Dietrich Raue in his “Centre and periphery”, 149–155, refers to the autochthonous ways of expression with the term “substratum”.

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ceremonies. During these rituals, the king propitiated the local gods, priesthoods, and local worshippers. There is, however, a lack of individual written literary compositions from the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period that might reveal the degree to which the state intervened in the production of literature in the form of propaganda or legitimating texts such as are attested in later periods.31 The situation changed dramatically when the Memphite State disintegrated during the later Old Kingdom. In this new political environment, with two different dynastic houses vying to control Egypt from Herakleopolis and Thebes respectively, the local courts functioned more or less autonomously. These new conditions opened up new possibilities for the development of local traditions and the re-interpretation of those cultural aspects previously adopted wholesale from the royal palace. Although the contacts between the palace and the provincial courts still existed, it seems that the subordinate position of the provinces observed in earlier periods began to evolve into something different. In fact, any references to the king became rather vague, and it was quite rare to see a specific pharaoh mentioned in the inscriptions at all.32 This phenomenon can be seen in the biographical texts of the First Intermediate Period, and it was accompanied by several other trends that manifested certain changes in the relationship between royal palace and provincial Egypt. These mainly showed a tendency to emphasize the adherence to a local place. The inclination was to show preference for a local god, or a proclivity to stress the local identity or even a personal reputation, independent from the king.33

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See Parkinson, Poetry and Culture, 13–16. Regarding the propaganda, see Posener, Littérature et politique dans l’ Égypte de la xiie dynastie. Such a situation no doubt changed during the twelfth dynasty with the emergence of multiple compositions, some of them even reflecting the rise of local lower elite classes relatively independent from royal patronage, as stated by Loprieno, “La letteratura fra topos e mimesis”, 9–21: 14. See also Enmarch, “Middle Kingdom Literature”, 663–684; esp. 666–667. In this sense, it is very illustrative to read how Setka, governor of Elephantine, refers to the court of Herakleopolis as the “House of Khety”. See Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet el-Hawas bei Assuan 3, 1743–1744, pls. 81–82, l. 6, figs. 21–23. Also of interest is the fact that only one label with a royal name (i.e. Neferkare) can be found in the First Intermediate Period tomb of Ankhtify at Moalla. See Morenz, “Tomb Inscriptions: The Case of the I Versus Autobiography in Ancient Egypt”, 179–196. Such autonomy came to an end when some officials aimed to express associations between the Theban aspirants to power. See, for instance, stela bm ea 614 stressing the association between Tjetji and Wah-Ankh Intef ii. See Russmann, Eternal Egypt: Masterworks of Ancient Art from the British Museum, 13–14, stela Brussels E 4985 (general Djari and Intef ii: Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, 41–42), and the multiple monuments from the late eleventh dynasty for Mentuhotep ii and his high echelons in

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Mentuhotep ii’s victory over the most important regions of Egypt marked a definite change in the state’s ideology. New forms and formats of expression were developed, many of them with a markedly local Theban origin. These were combined with features drawn from the Herakleopolitan palace culture, which were in turn deeply influenced by the Memphite tradition. These places are where the roots of the Middle Kingdom State are to be found. The conscious and deliberate ambitions of the Theban kings, led by Mentuhotep ii, were to redeem the double crown from its previous errors, reinforcing the throne with old-fashioned, but re-imagined institutions and offices.34 A new state was constructed through artistic, intellectual, and religious processes invested with great political potential, and a traditional Theban spirit. Despite the new “period of fear of the royal palace”, it is clear that during the early twelfth dynasty the social and political state of the country remained uncertain. The modification of Amenemhat i’s royal titulary and in particular his incorporation of the “renaissance era” formula (wḥm-mswt) in his 7th regnal year indicate that the kingdom of the two lands was far from politically stable.35 Along with records of internal warfare, at least two coups d’ état, famine, sieges of towns, and even conflicts with Nubia, it seems likely that there would have been an intensification of the royal political programs of administrative reforms.36 Propagandistic compositions such as the Story of Sinuhe, the Instruction of Amenemhat i for his Son, and the Execration Texts from the time of Senwosret i represent exceptional examples of political propaganda, stressing the role of kingship and the crown’s reaction to any opposition, including from the highest political echelons and provincial rebels. Contrary to these undertakings emanating from the palace, it seems that some compositions of the late Middle Kingdom (e.g. Lamentations of Khakheperreseneb, Admonitions) stress the reactions of some provincial powers against the royal palace37 and

34 35

36 37

Thebes. The disappearance of nomarchs in southern Egypt and the expansion of the elite cemeteries should be taken as proof of the centralized structure consciously sought since Mentuhotep ii’s reign. See Willems, “Nomarchs and Local Potentates”, 341–392: esp. 383– 384. For a summary of the configuration of the authority held by the Middle Kingdom nomarchs and local potentates, see Willems, “Nomarchs and Local Potentates”, 352–360. As cited in Willems, “The First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom”, 90. Other aspects revealing the instability of the period are the creation of a new capital, Itj-tawy, and the coregency of Amenemhat i and Senwosret i. See Grajetzki, The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt, 28–35; and Helck, “Politische Spannungen zu Beginn des Mittleren Reiches”, 45–52. Including the mobilisation of troops to secure several regions of the country, as Willems comments in his “Nomarchs and Local Potentates”, 388. See Simpson, “The Political Background of the Eloquent Peasant”, 95–99: 99.

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its political moves to terminate the nomarchal powers.38 The undermining of provincial powers by the king does not, however, seen to have occurred, at least, during the reigns of Senwosret i and his son Amenemhat ii who firmly supported the inheritance of provincial titles within the same family. Perhaps that was an administrative mechanism to ensure political stability and continuity of the government. The administrative changes that happened during the reign of Senwosret ii and which were most notable during the reign of Senwosret iii, saw some Old Kingdom titles such as ḥrj-tp ꜥꜣ n spꜣt, disappeared from the title strings.39 Such a political landscape reveals that the initial stages of the Middle Kingdom were challenging for the royal palace. Both Mentuhotep ii’s strategy for the reunification of the country and his eagerness to reshape the two-lands and all institutions to create a regenerated state and a powerful crown seems to have foreshadowed the royal actions undertaken later in the twelfth dynasty. Amenemhat i and his son appointed prestigious men from local families to the highest ranks in specific provinces of the country, to ensure their loyalty and continuing local stability. Similarly, Senwosret i and Amenemhat ii maintained the same practices and appointed the heirs of these men to their fathers’ offices. Furthermore, the fostering of propagandistic compositions and the level of control maintained by the royal palace over the cultural, religious, and artistic products from both the court and the provinces during the first half of the twelfth dynasty advanced the ideological system and the actual establishment, providing the country with a prosperous period of almost a century of continuous regeneration. There is little doubt that ancient Egypt once again became a centralised country from the early twelfth dynasty onwards, but the contribution of the provinces to the construction of the Middle Kingdom palace culture remains to be studied and fully understood. Finally, it is important to note that this volume cannot be described as evolutionary, since there is no one point of departure nor single destination arrived at. It is a set of studies that deal with a variety of concrete cases, presented by different reputable scholars. They address various factors that created and shaped Middle Kingdom palace culture and its echoes throughout the country. Thus, the main aim of the book is to determine the origins of those forces,

38

39

For the hypothesis of a long-term socio-political process (tiefgreifende Umwandlung) offered in Cruz-Uribe, “The Fall of the Middle Kingdom”, 107–111; and in Franke, “The Career of Khnumhotep iii of Beni Hasan and the So-Called ‘Decline of the Normarchs’”, 51–67. For the abrupt conscious decision (Beseitigung ‘Macht brechen’), initially noted by Meyer, see Geschichte des Altertums i/2, 276. Many authors. See for example, Grajetzki, Court Officials, 118.

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introduction

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whether they originated in the provinces or at the royal court, and to establish to what degrees they might have influenced each other. Even for Sinuhe, a high official, but a fugitive, and fearful of Egypt, the ties between anything provincial and the central court were so binding that he could not think on one domain without considering the other: “my house is good, my place is broad, but my thought is in the palace”.40

Bibliography Arnold, D. “A New Start from the South. Thebes During the Eleventh Dynasty.” In Ancient Egypt Transformed. The Middle Kingdom, A. Oppenheim, Do. Arnold, Di. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto, eds., 38–41. New York: Yale University Press, 2015. Baines, J. “Les formes de l’état en Égypte ancienne.” In Une histoire des civilisations: comment l’archéologie bouleverse nos connaissances, J.P. Dumoule, D. Garcia and A. Schnapp, eds., 308–313. Paris: La Découverte, 2018. Bárta, M. Analyzing Collapse. The Rise and Fall of the Old Kingdom. Cairo: auc Press, 2019. Brovarski, E. Naga ed-Dêr in the First Intermediate Period. Atlanta: Lockwood Press, 2018. Cohen, S. “Periphery and Core: the Relationship Between the Southern Levant and Egypt in the Early Middle Bronze Age (mb i).” In There and Back Again—the Crossroads ii: Proceedings Of an International Conference held in Prague, September 15–18, 2014, J. Mynářová, P. Onderka, and P. Pavúk, eds., 245–263. Prague: Charles University, 2015. Cruz-Uribe, E. “The Fall of the Middle Kingdom.” Varia Aegyptiaca 3 (1987): 107–111. De Meyer, M. and E. Lange. Beyond Memphis. The Transition of the Late Old Kingdom to the First Intermediate Period as reflected in Provincial Cemeteries. ola. Leuven: Peeters, 2021. Edel, E. Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet el-Hawas bei Assuan 3. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2008. Enmarch, R. “Middle Kingdom Literature.” A Companion to Ancient Egypt 2, A. Lloyd, ed., 663–684. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. Franke, D. “The Career of Khnumhotep iii of Beni Hasan and the So-Called ‘Decline of the Normarchs’.” In Middle Kingdom Studies, S. Quirke, ed., 51–67. Malden: sia Publishing, 1991. Freed, R. “Sculpture of the Middle Kingdom.” In A Companion to Ancient Egypt 1, A. Lloyd, ed., 882–912. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010.

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Sinuhe, B 155–156.

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Goedicke, H. Königliche Dokumente aus dem alten Reich. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1967. Grajetzki, W. The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt. London: Duckworth, 2006. Grajetzki, W. Court Officials of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. London: Duckworth, 2009. Grajetzki, W. “The Pharaoh’s Subjects. Court and Provinces.” In Ancient Egypt Transformed. The Middle Kingdom, A. Oppenheim, Do. Arnold, Di. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto, eds., 120–123. New York: Yale University Press, 2015. Helck, W. “Politische Spannungen zu Beginn des Mittleren Reiches.” In Ägypten. Dauer und Wandel: Symposium anlässlich des 75jährigen Bestehens des Kairo am 10. und 11. Oktober 1982, 45–52. sdaik. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1985. Kemp, B. Ancient Egypt. Anatomy of a Civilization. London: Routledge, 1989. Krämer, S. Die Vergöttlichung von Privatpersonen. Untersuchungen zu persönlichen Glaubensvorstellungen und Erinnerungskultur im Alten Ägypten. Die Persönlichkeiten des Alten Reiches. Philippika 120. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2019. Lichtheim, M. Ancient Egyptian Literature i: The Old and Middle Kingdoms. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973. Lichtheim, M. Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies Chiefly of the Middle Kingdom. obo 84. Freiburg-Göttigen: Universitätsverlag, 1988. Loprieno, A. “La letteratura fra topos e mimesis.” evo 14–15 (1991–1992): 9–21. Martinet, É. L’administration provinciale sous l’Ancien Empire égyptien, 2 vols. Probleme der Ägyptologie 38 (1–2). Boston: Brill, 2019. Meyer, E. Geschichte des Altertums i/2. Stuttgart-Berlin, 3rd edition: J.G. Cotta, 1913. Moeller, N. “The First Intermediate Period: A Time of Famine and Climate Change?” Ägypten & Levante 15 (2005): 153–167. Moreno García, J.C. “Building the Pharaonic State. Territory, Elite, and Power in Ancient Egypt in the 3rd Millennium bce.” In Experiencing Power, Generating Authority. Cosmos, Politics, and the Ideology of Kingship in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, J.A. Hill, P. Jones, and A.J. Morales, eds., 185–217. pmirc 6. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2013. Moreno García, J.C. Ed. Ancient Egyptian Administration. HdO i/Nahe und Mittlere Osten 104. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Morenz, L. “Tomb inscriptions: the Case of the I Versus Autobiography in Ancient Egypt.” Human Affairs 13 (2003): 179–196. Morenz, L. Die Zeit der Regionen im Spiegel der Gebelein-Region. Kulturgeschichtliche Rekonstruktionen. PdÄ 27. Leiden: Brill, 2009. Muhs, B. The Ancient Egyptian Economy 3000–30bce. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Oppenheim, A. “What was the Middle Kingdom?” In Ancient Egypt Transformed. The Middle Kingdom, A. Oppenheim, Do. Arnold, D. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto, eds., 1–8. New York: Yale University Press, 2015.

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Parkinson, R.B., Poetry and Culture in Middle Kingdom Egypt. London: Equinox, 2002. Posener, G. Littérature et politique dans l’Égypte de la xiie dynastie. behe 307. Paris: Champion, 1956. Raue, D. “Centre and Periphery: Elephantine and its Surroundings in the Third Millennium bc.” In The First Cataract of the Nile: One Region—Diverse Perspectives, D. Raue, S.J. Seidlemayer, and Ph. Speiser, eds., 149–155. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013. Rowlands, M., M. Larsen, and K. Kristiansen, eds. Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. Russmann, E.R. Eternal Egypt: Masterworks of Ancient Art from the British Museum. London: British Museum Press, 2001. Schneider, T. “What is the Past But a Once Material Existence Now Silenced? The First Intermediate Period from an Epistemological Perspective.” In The Late Third Millennium in the Ancient Near East. Chronology, C14, and Climate Change, F. Höflmayer, ed., 311–322. ois 11. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017. Schwartz, G. and J.J. Nichols. Eds. After Collapse: The Regeneration of Complex Societies. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2006. Seidlmayer, S.J. “The First Intermediate Period (c. 2160–2055b.c.).” In Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, I. Shaw, ed., 118–147. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Shaw, I. “Non-Textual Marks and the Twelfth Dynasty Dynamics of the Centre and Periphery: a Case-Study of Potmarks at the Gebel el-Asr Gneiss Quarries.” In NonTextual Marking Systems. Writing and Pseudo Script from Prehistory to Modern Times, P. Andrássy, J. Budka, and F. Kammerzell, eds., 69–82. Göttingen: Universität Göttinger, 2009. Simpson, W.K. “The Political Background of the Eloquent Peasant.” gm 120 (1991): 95– 99. Strudwick, N. Texts from the Pyramid Age. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2005. Thompson, J. Wonderful Things. A History of Egyptology 2. Cairo: auc, 2015. Wegner, J.W. “Tradition and Innovation: the Middle Kingdom.” In Egyptian Archaeology, W. Wendrich, ed., 119–142. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. Willems, H. “The First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom.” In A Companion to Ancient Egypt 1, A. Lloyd, ed., 81–100. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. Willems, H. “Nomarchs and Local Potentates: the Provincial Administration in the Middle Kingdom.” In Ancient Egyptian Administration, J.C. Moreno García, ed., 341–392. HdO i/Nahe und Mittlere Osten 104. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Willems, H. “Dayr al-Barshā and Dayr al-Baḥrī. Two Ritual Landscapes in the Time of Mentuhotep ii.” In Ritual Landscape and Performance. Proceedings of the International Conference on Ritual Landscape and Performance, Yale University, September 23–24, 2016, C. Geisen, ed., 25–45. Yale Egyptology Studies 13. New Haven: Yale Egyptology, 2020.

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chapter 1

The Funerary Chambers of Sarenput ii and the Destruction of His Outer Coffin José M. Alba Gómez University of Jaén

Abstract The funerary complex of Sarenput ii is one of several rock cut tombs built at Elephantine for the powerful local rulers who lived there during the Middle Kingdom. The tomb, now numbered QH31, has been the subject of several studies. Wallis Budge first published details of the funerary chambers in 1886, but the team undertaking the work did not completely excavate the complex. Budge did not produce complete plans for the explored chambers and did not supply detailed information regarding the material culture recovered or evidence for different phases of occupation. In 2015, the University of Jaén initiated a new project to excavate the funerary chambers.1 Survey work carried out during the season was used to produce an accurate plan of the monument. The finds included fragments of both the inner and outer coffins of Sarenput ii, which was intentionally destroyed at some undetermined time in the past. The aim of this paper is to describe and discuss the different phases of use of the inner section of the tomb during several different periods. The main focus of the investigation was on the Middle Kingdom and on identifying the reasons that could have provoked the damage inflicted on Sarenput’s coffins.

1

Introduction

Sarenput ii (Sꜣ-rnpwt) was also known as Nbw-kꜣw-Rꜥ-nḫt. He was nomarch of the Ta-Seti nome, ḥꜣty-ꜥ, i҆my-r ḥmw-nṯr, “governor and overseer of the prophets”. He was the the principal administrative official in the vicinity of Elephantine, the southernmost city of Egypt proper, between the reigns of Senwosret ii (c. 1882–1872bce) and Senwosret iii (c. 1872–1852 bce) during the twelfth dynasty. Some details about his administrative responsibilities are known from 1 Jiménez-Serrano, A. et al., “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: Las tumbas 31, 34cc y 35p. Séptima campaña (2015)”.

© José M. Alba Gómez, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_003

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inscriptions in the sanctuary of Heqaib at Elephantine,2 from his funerary complex at Qubbet el-Hawa (tomb number QH31), which is the subject of the current study, and from stela ea 8523 now in the British Museum. His titles provide further information about his high status and roles, mostly relating to the administration of Elephantine and as head of the local priesthood.4 He was the son of the previous governor Khema (H̱ mꜣ),5 and a woman named Satethetep (Sṯt-ḥtp)6 who was a daughter of Sarenput i (buried in tomb QH36) and his wife Sat-tjeni (Sꜣt-ṯnj). He was married to Dedet-Khnum (Dd(t)H̱ nmw)7 and probably had a son called Ankhu (ꜥnẖw),8 whose tomb has yet to be found. Ankhu seems to have died shortly after his father and so it is possible that Ankhu’s death provoked a dynastic succession crisis regarding who would become the next nomarch of Elephantine.9 Sarenput ii’s successor was not a direct descendant, but it is known that he was the grandfather of two individuals who held the office of governor: Heqaib-ankh and Heqaib iii who was buried in tomb QH33.10 The investigations being carried out by the University of Jaén continue to the present date.

2

Previous Work in Tomb 31 (QH31)

Tomb QH31 was first discovered and partially excavated by Bernard Pine Grenfell and his assistant Major G.T. Plunkett11 during the years 1886–1887. This work

2 3 4

5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Habachi, The Sanctuary of Heqaib. Purchased by John Gadsby, a mid-19th century traveller in Egypt. It is not known where he acquired it. Titles include: ḥꜣty-ꜥ “Governor”, jmy-r ḥmw-nṯr n Sṯt “Overseer of the Prophets of Satis”, jmy-r mšꜥ “Overseer of the army”, jry-pꜥt “noble”, ḫtmty-bjty “royal sealer”, smr-wꜥty “the sole companion”, jmy-r ḥmw-nṯr n H̱ nmw “overseer of the prophets of Khnum”, ḫrp ḥmwt wr “great controller of the artisans”, ḥry-tp Nḫb “chief of Nekheb”, rḫ nsw mꜣꜥ “true king’s acquaintance”, and mḥ-jb n nsw m ṯs pẖrt r-ꜥꜣ ḫꜣswt rsy “King’s confidant as commander of the patrol of the southern border.” Habachi, The Sanctuary of Heqaib, 43–44. Her epithet was nbt-ꜣbw—Lady of Elephantine. ḥmt nṯr Ḥwt-Ḥr: the Priestess of Hathor—cited only in Sarenput ii’s tomb. Müller, Die Felsengräber der Fürsten von Elephantine, 78, pls. 29, 31; and Habachi, The Sanctuary of Heqaib, 44. Sánchez León and Jiménez-Serrano, “Sat-tjeni: Daughter, Wife and Mother of the Governors of Elephantine,” 157. Jimenez-Sérrano, personal communication. The highest military officer in charge during their time at Aswan.

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was described by Wallis Budge12 who published13 a short description of the tomb in 1887, mentioning the quality of the paintings in the shrine and the limited excavation works that had been carried out there. In a second article he again described the tomb, its inscriptions, and paintings, and added a plan of the funerary complex, but without including the burial chambers. He also misidentified the second name of Sarenput ii, Nbw-kꜣw-Rꜥ-nḫt, proposing that it was the name of his son. The tomb was interpreted as being the burial place of the nomarch and probably also his son.14 Budge also noted that the end of the passage opening out of the large pillared hall was originally sealed off by blocks of stone, but the current investigations have been unable to comfirm this observation. It seems more likely that the passage was blocked by some sort of door that was probably removed during the excavations. Budge reported little more regarding this feature,15 but based on the marks found on the walls and floor it now appears that there may have been a door fitted between these two spaces—dividing the public space from the private space.16 Continuing with his description of other features of the tomb, Budge mentioned that some of the bearded Osiris figures were mutilated (as can still be seen). Describing the shaft and funerary chambers, he noted the existence of a large tunnel or passage to the right of the niche or shrine-chamber. Budge and the small team explored the passage to find out “where it led”, stating that the passage “went down with a rapid descent”. Here this is referring to the access ramp, and they concluded that it arrived at a “square pit about fifteen feet deep”.17 Once below, they found that one of the side walls of the shaft was made of sun-dried mud bricks, evenly and regularly laid. They removed some of the bricks and passed through into a second pit. There, Budge stated that they found another brick wall that they passed through, reaching “a third square pit like the other two”, but this time without any mud brick wall. In this third pit, Budge stated that they found a hollow about two feet deep in a corner18 that led them to a very

12 13 14 15 16

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Budge, “Excavations Made at Aswân by Major-General Sir F. Grenfell during the Years 1885 and 1886”, 4–40 (ba 4255). Budge, “Description of the Tombs”, 78–82. Budge, “Description of the Tombs”, 30. Budge, “Description of the Tombs”, 25. The project is still working on the possible reconstruction of this door that separates the public space from the private space in the tomb. Müller, Die Felsengräber, 62, pointed out that the lobby or pillared hall and the corridor were once separated by a door with a window in the overhead beam. 15 feet is 4.57m. When the archeological work began it was 5.37m deep. The actual depth of the shaft is about 7 m. 0.60 m.

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narrow passage about two feet19 wide by eighteen inches high. Budge and his team dragged themselves through this passage, at the end of which was a fourth square shaft with carefully smoothed walls. This final shaft was lined with small stones and in Budge’s opinion it was the resting place or funerary chamber of Sarenput ii, lying directly below the painted shrine. Budge contributed to the exploration of the funerary complex of Sarenput ii, but his description of the shafts and funerary chambers was not entirely factual. As will be shown later, there were not in fact four shafts or pits as he labelled them. He also did not mention the four secondary funerary chambers located around the ramp and shaft. Budge described removing some mud bricks, but it is unclear if the tomb was really sealed when it was explored. It seems more likely that the tomb was already plundered by the time he entered. He was, nevertheless, the first person to publish the burial complex even if the report was not entirely accurate. During the excavations of the tomb of Sarenput ii in 1886 by Grenfell and Plunkett, the Spanish Consul General in Cairo, Eduard Toda i Güell, took several photographs of the tomb. These included one of the west wall of the cult niche and another of the mummiform Osiride statues. If the state of preservation of these features now is compared with the old images it can be seen that some of the stones in the niche are now missing. Budge also stated in his report that: “the fallen slabs which once formed the fore parts of the side walls were removed by Maspero”.20 The conclusions of the new study indicate that what are referred to as missing parts of the niche can be seen in Eduard Toda’s photograph. At present, the first Osiride mummiform statue with inscriptions is missing parts of the wig and much of the polychrome decoration. In Toda’s image, however, the wig is complete and fully painted, but no inscription or hieroglyphic band can be seen running down its front. Gaston Maspero also visited the tomb at the time of Grenfell’s excavations in 1886 and he subsequently wrote a brief description of the tomb.21 For Maspero, tomb QH31 was one of the most beautiful tombs of the twelfth dynasty. In his report he noted that the tomb belonged to two individuals named Noubkeouri and Nakht, making the same mistake as Budge had made in attributing the tomb to two different owners. He made some interesting observations along with his basic description of the tomb: “It consists of two antechambers with19 20 21

0.60 m. Budge, “Description of the Tombs”, 82. Maspero, “Rapport à l’ Institut Égyptien sur les fouilles et travaux exécutés en Égypte pendant l’ hiver de 1885–1886”, 227–234. See the section Aswân, “Grenfell Tombs” for the description of the excavation in idem, 232.

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figures 1.1–2 Eduard Toda’s pictures from 1886. Missing stones from the niche and one of the Osiride mummiform statue of Sarenput courtesy of the biblioteca-museo víctor balaguer (vilanova i la geltrú, catalonia)

out any depiction, then a corridor lined with major figures of mummies, carved out in the rock and attached to the hill”. He noted that the statues were made of the same material as the rock of the hill, but that they were detached statues that were later re-attached to the wall. The first hall leads to a narrow vaulted corridor, two thirds of which is coated with white plaster. It has three niches on either side in which figures of Sarenput ii portrayed as the mummified Osiris stand. This corridor leads to a second pillared hall with a small niche at the rear. Maspero did not mention any of the attractive paintings on the left wall of the corridor or even in the small niche at the rear, but instead noted that “it is the first time I saw that type of decoration”—referring to the Osiride statues—adding that “the faces of these sculptures were demolished with a pick or a hammer, and the depiction of a hieroglyphic line descending along each one was also mutilated”.22

22

See the discussion below. Only one of the statues has a hieroglyphic inscription.

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In 1888 Urbain Bouriant published23 another article describing the tombs discovered by Grenfell.24 His report provides no information regarding the shaft, subsidiary chambers, material culture, or any burial equipment from QH31. In 1894 Jacques de Morgan25 embarked upon a monumental project for Le Service des Antiquités de l’Egypte, but unfortunately did not complete it. It was intended to be a description of all ancient Egyptian monuments, sites, and inscriptions. In the first volume that was published he described the site of Qubbet el-Hawa—referred to it as Cheikh Aly el-Haoua—and the tombs there that had been excavated by that time. The publication included the first plan of the necropolis including the tomb of “Si-renpitu, daughter of Satit-hotep”. A plan of tomb QH31 was included, but without any information about the ramp, access shaft, funerary chambers, or other material culture, concentrating rather on the inscriptions and decoration. De Morgan also mentioned six lifesize mummiform standing statues, painted white and adorned with wigs and triple-row necklaces. Nowadays, except for the first statue on the south side, the other statues have no traces of these necklaces. The southern statue was said to have had a broken face but the rest of the stone left intact. The wig and the collar were stated to have been painted with bright colors. The vertical band of hieroglyphs is recorded but not noted as mutilated, as Maspero had reported. Traces of the left lateral funerary chamber in the large pillared hall can be seen in De Morgan’s plan. In the current author’s opinion the feature at the corner of the ramp corresponds to a lateral chamber annexed to the ramp (the current project’s S4).26 De Morgan continued his report by describing the tomb, its inscriptions, and tomb paintings. At the end of the report he mentioned that the cult niche at the back of the small pillared room was constructed of stone slabs and that part of it was missing and had been taken to the old Gizeh Museum27 for restoration. Fragments of this structure were recovered during the current project’s recent archaeological work.28

23 24 25 26 27 28

Bouriant, “Les tombeaux d’ Assouan”, RdT (1888): 181–198. For Sarenput ii’s tomb see idem, 189–191. There are some errors in the paper, for instance the tomb is first described as tomb number three and later as tomb number four. De Morgan, “Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l’Égypte antique”, vol. 1. See the new plan of the tomb. There is no record of where these fragments are or if they were used to restore the niche. Several fragments of different sizes were found. Most of them were found in the shaft. Some carry the following register numbers: QH31/15/C2/UE5/97; QH31/15/C2/UE5/99; QH31/15/C2/UE6/98. It is not known when the niche was restored. The shaft remained

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figure 1.3 Sarenput ii’s tomb plan from De Morgan’s Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l’Égypte antique, vol. 1: Nubie à Kom Ombos, 1894

Between 1903 and 1904 Howard Carter29 partially cleared and repaired the tomb known to him as the tomb of Si-renpitusic at Gobbet-el-Howasic. In his report, Carter stated that the court in front of the tomb and the large hall, which he referred to as “the first columned chamber”, were free of sand. He also recorded that an offering table was discovered30 during the work. No other archaeological discoveries regarding the cult niche or shaft or any other finds were mentioned.

29 30

unexcavated and the current restoration lacks the fragments recovered during the 2015 season. Carter, “Report on the work done in Upper Egypt (1903–1904)”, 127–128. The offering table was not found until Carter’s time so it is clear that previous archaeological work only cleared the large hall as far as the corridor.

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Some years later, in 1922, the hieroglyphic inscription on the block-seat of the lower part of the granodiorite/black granite seated statue of Sarenput ii, discovered by Grenfell, was published.31 Unfortunately, the British Museum incorrectly dated it to the sixth dynasty and the statue arrived there in two pieces. It was not until 1997 that the pieces were recognized as being from the same seated statue.32 In 1940, Wilhelm Max Müller studied and described the Middle Kingdom tombs at Qubbet el-Hawa. In his publication33 Müller concentrated on measuring and describing the architectural features of the tomb and he described the paintings in a more detailed and comprehensive way than previous authors had. He did not mention the shaft or the burial chambers but he did emphasize the structure that separated the space between the corridor and the great hall.34 Importantly, Müller was the first to conclude that the funerary complex was never completed, a fact confirmed by some details of the programme of inscriptions that were never finished.35 In the late 1950s Elmar Edel of the University of Bonn worked in the necropolis of Qubbet el-Hawa and discovered several tombs while conducting an epigraphic survey. Tomb QH31 is mentioned only briefly in his publication36 since he only excavated37 the exterior of the tomb. The tomb was used as a workroom and office during Edel’s work documentating and studying artifacts found elswhere.38 It can assumed that the objects found during the current project in the upper chambers of the tomb (such as the large pillared hall or the small pillared room) come from the occupation of the spaces by Edel and are artifacts from his excavations and not from the original construction and use of QH31.

31 32

33 34 35 36 37 38

Hieroglyphic texts from Egyptian stelae in the Brithish Museum, Part vi, No. 157, pl. 20. Fay, “Missing parts”, 97–112, figs. 4–19. The upper part was catalogued in 1887 with the number EA98 and the base as EA1010. EA1010 was purchased by Wallis Budge and possibly EA98 was as well. Müller, Die Felsengräber. Müller, Die Felsengräber, 62. Müller, Die Felsengräber, 81. Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan, 423; idem, Beiträge zu den Inschriften des Mittleren Reiches in den Gräbern der Qubbet el Hawa. Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 423; idem, Beiträge. Edel, Beiträge, 423. During the archaeological work of the University of Jaén a pair of glasses were found in unfinished shaft (A1) of the pillared hall, perhaps belonging to Edel or a member of his team. A photographic film box was also found from the same period. These objects confirm Edel’s presence and the use of the tomb as a workroom.

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Tomb QH31 and the Archaeological Work Carried Out during the 2015 Season39

Sarenput ii’s tomb, first listed as Tomb 31 and now numbered QH31, is one of the three largest Middle Kingdom complexes in the necropolis. It can be found at the south end of the upper terrace.40 Excavation of its shaft and funerary chambers has provided important new information and material for understanding the original use of the tomb, as well as its later reuse. The 2015 season gave the project team an opportunity to recover evidence of the original Middle Kingdom use of the tomb as well as later, mainly New Kingdom and Late Period, reuse. During the work several burials in sectors C0, C1, C2, and C3 were documented including some secondary burials in chambers S1, S2, S4, S5, and S6. This data facilitated the construction of a chronology for the occupation and reuse of the tomb. The evidence was crucial since it provided important information allowing the development of a more comprehensive archaeological record and assisted the team when differentiating stratigraphic sequences—mainly Middle Kingdom overlaid by New Kingdom and then Late Period above. The funerary complex of Sarenput ii was used by several different members of the ruling family based at Elephantine.41 During the excavations at least 48 individuals of all ages and sexes were found. It is important to note that none of the individuals were recovered in their original positions, having been displaced in the past as a result of the different phases of reuse and plundering. Unfortunately, neither Grenfell nor Carter recorded any burials during their excavations, therefore the number of individuals in the tomb could have been much greater when it was first excavated. The assumption made, however, was that each of the burials was originally placed in one of the funerary chambers C3, S2, S3, S4, S5,42 or S6. The burial chambers are small and rectangular with just enough space to take a rectangular coffin and a few other objects. Rooms C2 and S5, however, are antechambers 39

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Since 2008, Dr. Alejandro Jimenez of the Universidad de Jaén has led a multidisciplinary team researching the tomb, including excavating the shaft and previously unexcavated burial chambers, as noted above. Jimenez Serrano, “Middle Kingdom Funerary Statues Of Governors In Qubbet El-Hawa,” 325. Müller, Die Felsengräber, 62–88; Martínez Hermoso, “Geometry And Proportions in the Funeral Chapel of Sarenput ii,” 287–309; idem, “The construction of tomb group QH31 (Sarenput ii) through QH33”, 25–44. Müller, Die Felsengräber, 64, pointed out that the Osiride statues in the corridor could be for the other members of the family. See plan in fig. 1.2.

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figure 1.4 New plan of tomb QH31 after the archeological work carried out by the University of Jaén author: juan antonio martinez hermoso © project qubbet el-hawa

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where objects may have been stored. None of the chambers were found intact but the objects found there were typical of Middle Kingdom burial customs. For example, the remains of wooden models and boats were found, as well as personal jewellery such as an uninscribed amethyst scarab. These are appropriate finds for Middle Kingdom burials. Large quantities of pottery that once contained food offerings for the deceased were also found.43 3.1 The Access Ramp (C0) and Shaft (C1) In the area C0 where the access ramp is located, sherds of hemispherical cups with a red rim were discovered—dating to the end of twelfth dynasty and the beginning of the thirteenth dynasty (within the current project’s Group iii44). Objects recovered from the ramp area included bones, bandages, mud bricks, fragments of wood—some with polychrome decoration—and other organic material such as date pits, fragments of Middle Kingdom cartonnage with faience inlays, a plumb bob, and calcite vessels and lids. Material from the modern era included an Egyptian newspaper from 1925, matches, light bulbs, cables, and so on. The plumb bob is made of hard brown limestone adorned with suspension holes for a cord. Similar examples date from the third dynasty onwards45 but this example appeared to date to the twelfth dynasty.46 A small and carefully modelled limestone head with a pony-tail was also found. It appears to be from an acrobat figure.47 Most of the material from this area dated to the Middle Kingdom. 3.2 The Antechamber (C2) The antechamber is a rectangular space 2.10m wide × 3.10 m long × 4.79 m high. Along its long walls are two stone benches 0.37 m wide × 0.38 m long × 1.95 m high that may have served to facilitate the introduction of coffins into the burial chamber and/or for storing offerings. Below a layer of sand, chippings, and stones on the floor was Middle Kingdom pottery, mainly from drinking cups, but also some fragments of hyperboloid bowls and large jars. A fragment of a Middle Kingdom coffin for a person named Heqaib-D[i] was found, but their 43

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45 46 47

All the findings are not detailed in this paper, but reference will be made to material that can illustrate the context of the different spaces within the tomb. A final report of all the findings and research will be published at a future date. Schiestl and Seiler, Handbook of the Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom i, 277; Alba Gómez, Periodos de ocupación de la tumba QH31 en Qubbet el-Hawa (Asuán) a través del estudio preliminar de algunas cerámicas procedente de las cámaras funerarias, forthcoming. Petrie, Tools and Weapons, 42, 118. Petrie, Tools and Weapons, pl. 48 [B68], is quite similar. Alba Gómez and Tooley, “Finds from the tomb of Sarenput ii (QH31) in 2015”.

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relationship to Sarenput ii is unknown.48 In addition, the remains of wooden models, miniature calcite vessels, food offerings (bovine), and an electrum ring with incised decoration were discovered. Other important lithic material included flints, fragments of polychrome decorated stone from the cult niche of Sarenput ii, and a fragment of the granodiorite statue of Sarenput ii now in the British Museum. Necklace beads and the uninscribed amethyst scarab date to the twelfth dynasty. Material dating to the New Kingdom found in this area included fragments of early New Kingdom pottery such as a yellowish canopic jar, a spindle jar (slender with one handle) made of light red clay, and a mummy mask with delicate facial features. The most important discovery in this area, however, was part of the foot end of the inner coffin of Sarenput ii and many other related fragments. Based on style, type, and other characteristics of the pieces recovered they are the remains of both the inner and outer coffins of the normarch. All the New Kingdom material including the mummy mask was located in the upper layers of the tomb fill and in the outermost chambers. The Middle Kingdom fragments of the statue and the polychrome decorated stone niche were also found in these areas. 3.3 The Burial Chamber (C3) The burial chamber is an irregular rectangular space measuring 1.21 m high × 1.50m wide × 3.18m long. There are two rails 15 cm high carved into the rock of the floor.49 Middle Kingdom material was found below a layer of sand, chippings, and stones, including fragments of wooden models. Wooden figures with short wigs were found, one in a bent position—probably represents a sailor. A lotus-shaped element and polychrome rods from a boat model as well as arms, legs and heads from other figures were found. One significant discovery was a box with a hieratic text that contained fragments. Necklace beads, a quantity of linen bandages, clay jar stoppers, and oyster shells were also found. Pottery fragments included sherds from a carinated bowl with a modelled rim with incised decoration applied to it dating from the late twelfth to thirteenth dynasty. A few sherds of hemispherical cups with red rims and fragments of jars were recovered from this area as well as a gilded mummy mask of New Kingdom date. Additional finds included a bovine/cow scapula,50 miniature calcite vessels, 48 49 50

Possibly a son of Sarenput ii. The fragment preserves the title jmy-r pr. These rails were built to help move the coffin into the burial niche. Animal remains of this type were also found in other tombs at Qubbet el-Hawa. A bovine head was a typical offering placed in some burials including in tombs QH102, QH105, and QH107, amongst others.

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figure 1.5

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C3: blocked entrance of burial chamber before its excavation

figure 1.6 C3: burial chamber after the archeological works

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and fragments of the inner and outer coffins of Sarenput. Further fragments of polychrome decorated stone from the cult niche were also found in this location.

4

The Outer Coffin of Sarenput ii

Several fragments corresponding to different sides of a massive high quality coffin were found at the bottom of the antechamber and in chamber C3. The boards found were 11cm thick and came from the two long sides of the coffin. At least two false doors or a palace-façade design can be seen on the fragments, incised and painted in red, blue, and green on a yellow background. The conservation work on these fragments has not yet resulted in a full reconstruction, but it is clear that the epigraphic analysis will be profitable. The study of these fragments continues to date, but the preliminary examination indicated that the coffin was made of Lebanese cedar.51 Its decorative program and the textual schemes used suggest that a reconstruction may be possible, probably according to Willems’ types iia or iib. The incorporation of iconographic motifs such as the palace-façade or false door, however, make this example a little atypical. Its decoration does deviate from the more standard types.52 The outer coffin was seemingly designed with a limited textual program comprising a horizontal line of ornamental hieroglyphs running along the four sides (although only two sides have been found so far). A few vertical columns of ornamental texts were positioned below the horizontal line.53 As H. Willems noted, the positions of Osiris and Anubis could be alternated in these arrangements, together with the relevant innvocations. The front text could be placed on the back and the back text on the front. Based on the use of just a few verticle columns, perhaps in an experimental way, the coffin may reasonably be assigned to type ii.54 The inscriptions are incised in bas-relief with traces of pigment and a few traces of pigment on the side panels are in ochre, green, and red. It appears that the interior of the coffin was not decorated, which is usual for type ii coffins. They typically have interior decoration but that rule does not appear to apply to Sarenput ii’s outer coffin. During the late Middle Kingdom interior decoration disappeared from the typical program. Based on the marks on the wood, the outer coffin was deliberately destroyed with heavy blows using a hard tool. 51 52 53 54

The analyses were carried out by Dr. Oliva Rodríguez Ariza from the University of Jaén. Dr. A. Morales personal comunication. Alba Gómez and Morales, “The outer and inner coffins of Sarenput ii”, forthcoming. Willems, Chests of Life, 128; also Ikram and Dodson, The Mummy in Ancient Egypt, 198.

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The Inner Coffin of Sarenput ii

A fragment of the foot-end of the coffin was recovered along with another fragment from the outside of the head-end of the inner coffin, in antechamber C2. In contrast to the outer coffin, the inner coffin appears to have been decorated and inscribed with many colorful texts and scenes. Only a few fragments have been recovered so the current understanding of its scenes remains tentative. It does, nevertheless, seem that there are no traces of deliberate damage (i.e. ritual defacement and destruction). The hieroglyphs on the exterior are of the ornamental type, engraved and painted in blue over a yellow or light orange background. The false door and the vertical columns of texts appear to have been made separately as small strips of wood that were later attached to the panels of the coffin. The interior depicts scenes with two upper registers. The uppermost register is a monumental inscription in blue and below this a register in curvise hieroglyphs incorporates some iconography representing three pairs of sandals, two ankh-signs, and two groups of jars. In general terms, the distribution of the texts and images follows the canonical arrangement for the inner sections of the foot-ends of Middle Kingdom coffins.55 The texts include parts of the Coffin Texts. The script used for those texts is somewhat cursive so that it can be dated to the end of the twelfth dynasty or to the beginning of the thirteenth dynasty, but most likely to the twelfth dynasty during the reign of Senswosret iii. It includes details anticipating later coffins.56

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Upper Antechamber and Burial Chamber (S1–S6)

S1 is a small antechamber with a shaft that gives access to two burial chambers, S5 and S6. This complex reproduces the burial complex of Sarenput ii but on a smaller scale and with the exception that S5 is a lateral chamber. Chamber S6 was divided by a rough stone wall—probably erected during the eighteenth dynasty when the space was re-used and the original burial was pushed towards the back of the chamber. Two fragments of Middle Kingdom coffin were recovered from this area as well as a quantity of Middle and New Kingdom pottery, bones, hair, fragments of wood, mummy cartonnage, a gilded ear, fragments of wooden models, fragments of a small box with hieratic inscriptions, ropes, and other remnants of textiles.

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Alba Gómez and Morales “The outer and inner coffins of Sarenput ii”, forthcoming. Dr. A. Morales. Personal comunication.

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figure 1.7 Fragments of the inner and outer coffin of Sarenput ii

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figure 1.8 Fragments of the inner and outer coffin of Sarenput ii

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The first coffin fragment, QH31/15/S1/UE16/30, is part of a Middle Kingdom painted coffin. It is inscribed with Coffin Text 335,57 which is a spell that equates the deceased’s passage from the tomb to daylight with the sun’s journey from night to day.58 One of the longest spells, it is also one of the most frequently attested formulae on Middle Kingdom coffins. The account relates to the conflict between Horus and Seth and in this example the text is reduced to around 17 columns of cursive hieroglyphs. At present it is the first example of this decoration found at Aswan and it is also an example in which the author changed the names of the protagonists.59 Fragment QH31/15/S5/UE21/29 is a fine example of the inner face of the footend of a coffin decorated with a granary scene. This is a type of decoration typical for the twelfth dynasty.60 It shows a columned hall containing a number of silos for the storage of grain or other cereals. The hall has two storeys supported with papyriform columns, a main door, and stairs. Within the structure are men working with baskets. One man picks up a basket of grain while another holds a basket upside-down. Another man throws a basket.61 This is a representation of a Middle Kingdom granary complex, which, according to Willems, was intended to make large quantities of grain available for the deceased in the after life.62 Another significant discovery made in this area was of five fragments of inscribed linen mummy wrappings, catalogued as QH31/15/S1/UE16/13. Made to be placed over the central section of a mummy, these were used in the same position as New Kingdom cartonnage examples, commonly inscribed with the names and titulary of kings or high priests. Several examples from royal mummies are known. This was also a tradition during the twenty-first dynasty when they served as symbols of divine protection and blessing.63 This example references the deceased Amenemopet,64 venerated before the god Imsety.65 57 58 59

60 61 62 63 64 65

Book of the Dead spell 17. Allen, “From Coffin Texts Spell 335 = Book of the Dead Spell 17 (1.10).” Consulted online on 9th July 2019. Dr. A. Morales. Personal comunication. It identifies the deceased with the creator. According to Taylor, Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, 51, “this spell was to ensure that the owner could demonstrate his knowledge of religious secrets if challenged in the afterlife.” Willems, Chests of Life, 48. Alba Gómez and Bardonova, “A granary scene from a Middle Kingdom coffin in Qubbet el-Hawa”, forthcoming. Willems, The Coffin of Heqata (Cairo JdE 36418), 123. Goff, Symbols of Ancient Egypt in the Late Period: The Twenty-first Dynasty, 146–147. I҆mn-m-i҆pꜣt. Ranke, Die Ägyptischen Personnennamen i, 27.18. Attested in New Kingdom (nineteenth and twentieth dynasties), twenty-second dynasty, and later. Dr. A Morales. Personal comunication. The name is typical of the New Kingdom and indi-

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Evidence of Destruction within Tomb QH31

It was necessary to carefully assess the damage evident within the tomb and how it may have come about. Apart from the damage to the outer coffin of Sarenput ii noted above, there is additional evidence indicating an intentional damnatio memoriae. The focus of cultic activities in the tomb—the statue of Sarenput ii in the central niche—was destroyed, although its two incomplete parts are now reunited.66 The statue was found by Grenfell and was mentioned by Budge as fragments found “scattered about the floor”.67 This type of statue was intended to eternally manifest the essence and presence68 of its ascribed owner, in this case Sarenput ii. Its destruction was likely the action of thieves, but the extent of the desecration of Sarenput ii’s tomb suggests that the evidence could be a permanent reminder of a dynastic transiental feud.69 As mentioned above, the damage was possibly a manifestation of animosity between Sarenput’s successors as well as being an act of tomb robbery. It is clear, however, that one purpose of the acts was to plunder items of value, even if the act of grave robbing was also intended to be a transgression towards the deceased.70 The tomb robbers purposefully destroyed both coffins to gain access to the more valuable items. The sheer size of the outer coffin within its niche meant that the only means of access was to deliberately dismantle it, to access the inner coffin and mummy as well as any vaulable items contained within them. For this reason, no intact mummy or fully equipped funerary assemblege was found. In fact, not a single burial was found in its original position. All of the bodies found in the tomb were left thrown out of their coffins and in several different parts of the tomb.71 This disarray was certainly the result of several different phases of plundering over the years.

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cates that tomb QH31 was reused during the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties as can also be seen in the archeological record. Jiménez-Serrano et al., “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: Las tumbas N.31, 33, 34aa, 34bb, 35n, 35p y 122. Octava Campaña (2016)”, 11–61. The two fragments were reunited when the statue was being prepared for the Nubian Gallery at The British Museum in 1991. Fay, “Missing parts”, 97–112. Budge, “Description of the Tombs”, 82. Harrington, Living with the Dead, 130. Harrington, Living with the Dead, 130. Morschauser, Threat-formulae in Ancient Egypt, 179. Jiménez-Serrano et al., “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: Las tumbas N.31, 33, 34aa, 34bb, 35n, 35p y 122. Octava Campaña (2016)”, 11–61. Forty-eight individuals of all age groups and sexes were found. From C0: 2 individuals; from C1, C2 and C3: 14 individuals; from S1, S5 and S6: 22 individuals; from S4: 9 individuals; from S2: 1 individual.

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Thieves might break a cult statue into several parts in order to destroy the essence/ka of the deceased that inhabited it and the ankh that it depicted,72 in this case to protect themselves against Sarenput ii’s ire. In the ancient Egyptian belief system the pillaging of mummies and tombs was severely punished. Looters tried to protect themselves from the revenge of the dead by mutilating the body of the deceased or by setting it on fire.73 Damage to the Osiride mummiform figures in the tomb corridor included damage to the upper part of the wigs and the complete mutilation of the faces. The statues are depictions of the deceased in Osirian form—as mummies wearing a funerary mask. The statues can be divided into two groups. The first group depicts five anepigraphic figures with black or red ochre skin and white painted hair and body. The second group is represented by one example only that has a polychrome painted wig, an elaborate broad collar, and a vertical band of hieroglyphs on the front of its body. This incorporates the name and titles of Sarenput ii. The fact that the figures are Osiride may explain why they were left relatively untouched while the cult statue of the nomarch in the cult chapel was destroyed. In the majority of the cases, only the faces of the Osiride figures were mutilated—by hammering or chiselling. In the figure inscribed for Sarenput ii the text band has been left untouched. In fact, the rest of the figures with black or red ochre and painted skin but without inscriptions or any other decoration seem to have been left unfinished and this supports the hypothesis that the tomb was left unfinished. Maspero mentioned that the columns of hieroglyphs down each statue were present but also damaged, but only one figure is now inscribed. It is possible that Grenfell’s team may have restored this inscription. In Müller’s publication the inscription is complete but in the photograph taken by Eduard Toda i Güell it is impossible to discern any text. It appears that some of the polychrome paint on the wig of this figure has been lost in more recent times, based on comparison with Toda’s image. By way of contrast, the tomb paintings depicting Sarenput are well preserved and, significantly, were left undamaged. The fact that these representations of the nomarch were left untouched could invalidate any theory of a deliberate destruction of his image and memory carried out by a member of the local community. Why would they only destroy his coffins, his cult statue, and some of the faces of the Osiride figures, but leave his image and name in the wall paintings without a single scratch?

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Harrington, Living with the Dead, 130. Dębowska-Ludwin, Early Burial Customs in Northern Egypt, 33.

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To this body of evidence can be added the statuary and reliefs of Sarenput ii located in the Heqaib sanctuary, which are also complete. One explanation is that the cultic complex was a public area in contrast to the private space in the tomb. The private and isolated nature of the tomb space may have facilitated the sacrilegious destruction of the nomarch’s coffin as it could be carried out without discovery. Such an assualt would be far more difficult to carry out in a public area such as the Heqaib sanctuary than it would be within a tomb in the necropolis. It is certainly worth considering that tomb robbers were responsible for the destruction of the cult statue as a means of avoiding the retaliation of the deceased. The dismantling and smashing of the massive outer wooden coffin could then have been carried out in order to reach the valuable funerary possessions of the nomarch. On the basis of the valuable fragments found by the current team there was certainly motivation enough for tomb robbers. Evidence of the actions of looters and thieves after robberies can be found at several tombs from ancient Egypt, for instance in the Teti cemetery at Saqqara or in tombs from the Ramesside Period.74 Bodies were burnt, left decapitated, statues were broken, and inscriptions erased. No one particular event or reason can fully explain the destruction evidenced within tomb QH31. At present, not enough information regarding the troubled dynastic rivalry at the end of the twelfth dynasty has been uncovered that could help identify any particular person or group that might have acted against the nomarch at Qubbet el-Hawa. Moral values typical of those expressed in Old and Middle Kingdom biographical texts are reflected in a phrase attributed to Sarenput himself: (4) (5) (S) jr.j jw ḫftw n ḏws nbyw (Š) ḏd.f bjnj ḥꜣty-ꜥ Sꜣ-rnpwt mꜣꜥ-ḫrw nb jmꜣḫ (4) I did no injustice in consequence, I did not defame anyone (5) (when) he spoke maliciously. The governor, Sarenput, justified, possessor of veneration. This sentence could indicate that during his lifetime Sarenput had opponents who spoke badly about him while he remained patient with them, but it 74

Kanawati, The Tomb and Beyond, 14–15.

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could also simply represent a social ideal rather than a historical reality. Unfortunately, no further information regarding enemies of Sarenput ii is available that may have helped the team develop a clearer view about what he might have been alluding to in this inscription. Destruction and vandalism was not only perpetrated by tomb robbers in antiquity. Damage could have been caused during the (re)discovery of the necropolis, by early excavators, or by tourists. Indeed, a fragment of the outer coffin of Sarenput ii appears to have been used to either set fire to or illuminate the tomb at an unknown time.75 Modern material found within the tomb is evidence of more recent activity. The tomb was thoroughly looted and disturbed as evidenced by fragments of a spindle-shaped jar with one handle that were found in several sectors of the shaft and antechamber of the tomb. Body sherds were found in sectors C1 in levels UE3 and UE4, and in sector C2 in level UE5. Base fragment were found in sector C1 in level UE10 and rim sherds in S1 in level UE16. This example illustrates the extent of the movement of objects as a result of “intruders” into the tomb. Similarly, sherds of an ellipsoid jar with incised and applied decoration dating to the early twelfth dynasty (Amenenhat i) were found in sectors C2 level UE6, C3 level UE7, and S1 level UE14.

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Palace Culture, Provincial Style or Local Tradition in Sarenput ii’s Tomb

As nomarch, Sarenput was an official of the highest rank. As befits this rank he was laid to rest with two imported Lebanese cedar wood coffins. Such coffins reflect his position close to royalty from the point of view of both tradition and quality of materials. This prestigious wood was used from the Predynastic Period through the Ptolemaic Period.76 Another indication of status is the quality of the ornamentation on the inner and outer coffins, which were clearly decorated by skilled craftsmen. They may have been artisans from a temple or palace workshop in the Aswan region. It 75 76

A large fragment of wood with incised hieroglyphs was found with traces of burning at one of its corners. There are several examples of Lebanese cedar being used for coffins during the Middle Kingdom: bm EA6654 (outer coffin), bm EA41572 (inner coffin), bm EA6655 (inner coffin), bm EA30839 (outer coffin), bm EA30841 (outer coffin), bm EA30840 (inner coffin), bm EA30842 (inner coffin), bm EA55315 (inner coffin), bm EA46644 (two end walls of an inner coffin), bm EA35285 (inner coffin), bm EA29570 (inner coffin), bm EA32051 (inner coffin), bm EA35285 (inner coffin) in Gale, Gasson, Hepper, and Killen, “Wood”, 334–371.

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should be noted that one of Sarenput ii’s titles was ḫry ḥmwt wr, the Great one who controls the craftsmen.77 Consequently, Sarenput ii probably oversaw the construction of his own tomb and coffins. On first impressions the coffins of Sarenput appear to be regional variations from a local workshop producing items for Egypt’s elite. There are no close parallels for the outer coffin78 and fewer still for the inner coffin. It appears that the local governors/nomarchs at Elephantine did not borrow the designs of court type coffins.79 Unless more coffins with these arrangements are discovered at Qubbet el-Hawa they are best described as being in a provincial style or as the products of a local workshop. The outside of the foot-end of the inner coffin is decorated with a false door made of separate strips of wood applied onto the panels (edge joints with dowels). There are no comparable examples of this particular form of decoration.80 Based on this information, attaching false door details within the composition was a regional development made only at Qubbet el-Hawa and not at any other necropolis during the Middle Kingdom. Two other inner coffins with false door details found at Qubbet el-Hawa also exhibit some differences in the designs and use of polychrome. Four colours are used: blue, red, white, and green. The false door on Khema’s inner coffin uses the same colour scheme as that of Sarenput ii’s inner coffin, but these are false doors and not palace facades. The inner coffin with a false door belonging to Sat-tjeni is different from the other two examples81 in using only blue, red, a small amount of white line with black dots, and a blue horizontal blue line with black vertical lines. None of the other known examples of coffins from Qubbet el-Hawa have comparable false doors.82 This level of variation indicates that there was no centralised workshop producing court style iconography in the region and that the Elephantine regional elite were also not following provincial styles from other areas. Apart from Saren-

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Ward, Index of Egyptian Administrative, 88. Ns. 729: wr ḫrp ḥmw.t and 730 wr ḫrp ḥmw.t m pr.wy; wr ḫrp ḥmw “Great (one) of those who control the craftsmen”. El-Sharkawy, “A New List of the High-Priests of Ptah at Memphis (Part 1)”, 21–47; and idem, “A New List of the High-Priests of Ptah at Memphis (Part 2)”, 69–85. Coffins from the Egyptian Museum that are quite similar in material and dimensions to the outer coffin of Sarenput include CG28119, CG28099, CG28092, CG28091, CG28088. It is difficult to be certain because there are so few examples for comparison. The author tried to find some parallels for this technique but without success. Jiménez-Serrano et al., “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: Las tumbas N.31, 33, 34aa, 34bb, 35n, 35p y 122. Octava Campaña (2016),” 19–20; and Jiménez-Serrano, A. et al., “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: trabajos arqueológicos de las tumbas QH32, QH33, QH34aa, QH34bb, QH122, QH35p y QH36”, 27. Heqata and the coffins published by Edel do not present a false door or palace-façade.

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put’s inner coffin, no other coffin from Qubbet el-Hawa exhibits a complex and elaborate palace-façade. Sat-tjeni’s inner coffin only has a false door under the wadjet-eyes. Outside the region around the First Cataract coffins from Deir el Bersha and Qurna/Thebes were decorated with false doors and palace facades, but are very different in design from the examples studied here. Palace-façade decoration is typical of late Middle Kingdom coffin designs from the reign of Senwosret iii of the twelfth dynasty until the middle of thirteenth dynasty, by which time all the exterior decorative panels between the vertical bands of inscriptions were designed with this motif. The false door motif appeared earlier and was placed under the wadjet-eyes on the exterior of the east sides of coffins.83 It appears that the outer coffin of Sarenput followed this pattern, but without incorporating vertical inscriptions. It was fully adorned with false doors and palace-façade designs, as far as can be reconstructed from the fragments recovered. This design makes the coffin somewhat atypical. One example of an outer coffin in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo follows the same rules but it has no deeply incised palace-façade. CG28099,84 originally belonging to ḏḥwti҆-nḫt and usurped by ꜣnḫw was discovered in the north chamber in the tomb of Sitipi at Deir el Bersha. Both long sides of the coffin are divided by four vertical lines of text over which is a single large horizontal band of hieroglyphic text. Polychrome false doors in red, green, and blue were placed in the panels between the vertical bands forming a palace-façade (although it is now mostly lost). The external margins of the doors were carved out and the rest of the decoration was simply painted. The wadjet-eyes have now disappeared but were originally framed by painted black lines without any carving. Dated to the early twelfth dynasty, this coffin is also made of cedar wood and appears to belong to a local tradition of coffin making at Bersha—another regional style. Influence from the court can be seen in some aspects of the architecture of the tomb. The vaulted corridor with three niches on each side contained mummiform figures of Sarenput ii portrayed as Osiris, and in this respect it is similar to the covered causeway leading from Senwosret i’s mortuary temple to his pyramid, at Lisht. In that monument the space was flanked on both sides with niches containing large limestone Osiride statues of the pharaoh. These standing figures, like those of Sarenput ii, are carved in limestone and affixed to the passage wall with mortar.85 On the other hand, the figures of Senwosret i

83 84 85

Oppenheim, Arnold, Arnold, and Yamamoto, Ancient Egypt Transformed, 232–233. Daressy, “Fouilles de Deir el Bircheh (Novembre-Decembre 1897),” 25; pm iv, 183. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt 1, 185; Arnold, Arnold, and Dorman, The South Cemeteries of Lisht, vol. i, 21–22, fig. 3 in p. 41; pls. 7a–b.

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differ from those of Sarenput ii in that they have their arms crossed and wear a type of crown. Both sets, however, are painted and almost life-sized. Arnold considers that the Senwosret i Osiride figures were a new type of royal statuary.86 It is possible that the architect of Sarenput’s tomb was aware of that royal monument and copied its design for Sarenput ii’s tomb, even if that tomb was constructed many years later. The collection of wooden models found in the tombs of the elite at Lahun resembles those found at Qubbet el-Hawa. Fragments of boats, human figures, and the legs of furniture87 were found. Parts of wooden models were found in tombs. Parts of boats, oars, and poles88 were found in tomb QH30, while human figures, parts of boats, and other decorative elements of boats89 were found in tomb QH34e. By way of comparison with other sites, as Tooley notes, there appears to have been a regional preference at Qubbet el-Hawa for boats, granaries, offering bearers, bakeries, and combined bakery and brewery models.90 This was a more restricted repertoire of designs than has been found at some other sites.91

9

Conclusions

Further excavation and research is needed to find parallels for the material culture thus far recovered from QH31, both to refine the dating of the site and to identify the degree of palace culture influence at Qubbet el-Hawa during the Middle Kingdom. That work is underway, but it already seems appropriate to speak of a provincial style with some royal influence. With respect to the damage suffered by Sarenput ii’s outer coffin, the cult statue, and the Osiride corridor figures, it is the author’s opinion that this was due to the actions of the looters who first entered the tomb. The dimensions of the outer coffin were virtually the same as the space into which it had been

86 87 88 89

90 91

Arnold, Arnold, Dorman, The South Cemeteries of Lisht, vol. i, 21. Tooley, Middle Kingdom Burial Customs, 52. There are several examples in ucl. Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 377. Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole, 491. There are also human figures from tombs QH89 and QH90. Also from QH98 came a boat model and a granary. Tomb QH103 yielded some fragments of figures and unidentified fragments. Tomb QH105 contained the bow or stern of a boat, a sunshade/ umbella, and a pole. Some fragments of figures were found in QH109 and a seated figure in tomb QH110. A pole from a boat and some arms were found in tomb QH206. Tooley, Middle Kingdom Burial Customs, 69. Tooley, Middle Kingdom Burial Customs, 69.

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placed so the looters had no option but to destroy it to gain access to all that it contained. The tomb was designed to contain more than one burial. The upper complex areas S1 and S5 were used during the Middle Kingdom for another burial in addition to Sarenput who was located in C2 and C3. The Upper Complex mirrors the architectural features of Sarenput ii’s burial complex. The preliminary report on the pottery from this area dates it to between the end of the twelfth dynasty and the beginning of thirteenth dynasty. The chronology of the other chambers leading off the pillared room are, as yet, unknown. The preliminary examination of the material from the funerary chambers of the tomb of Sarenput ii shows that it is consistent with typical Middle Kingdom burial paraphernalia. Wooden models of boats, scenes of craftworkers, and scenes of food production and storage are all attested. All are typical of elite “nomarch” burial equipment assemblages. The location of objects including the wooden models found within the tomb chambers was disorderly so that it is not possible to establish specific places designed for their storage. It is reasonable to assume, however, that grave goods like offerings and models could originally have been placed in the antechamber C2 since it was closed off by a wall of mud bricks that separated it and the burial from the shaft. The burial chamber itself was only large enough to take the outer coffin. The outer coffin was a rectangular box of high quality imported cedar wood, decorated only on the outside. As such, it does not adhere to the Middle Kingdom custom of interior decoration with respect to both images and text. Instead, its design anticipates the tradition of making coffins with plain interiors that appeared during the later Middle Kingdom, perhaps indicating that this practice began in the provinces. The inner coffin was decorated inside and out with incised texts and false doors. These were made of small strips of painted wood applied to the box of the coffin. All in all it was a special type of Middle Kingdom coffin, without parallel, and perhaps attests to a tradition used only by the nomarchs of Elephantine. No canopic jars or weapons were found. A few items of jewellery common to burials at this time such as the amethyst scarab were found, along with some personal items like the fragments of an inscribed box. These small items and fragments helped the team determine the range of material once deposited in the tomb. All the wooden models should be dated to the reigns of Amenemhat ii and Senwosret iii, after which time models were not included as grave goods for the elite.

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Middle Kingdom pottery recovered from the tomb can be dated to two main phases. The first is from late in the reign of Senwosret iii and the second is from the thirteenth dynasty. The date for the earlier pottery coincides with the death of Sarenput ii. The sherds that date to late Middle Kingdom or thirteenth dynasty demonstrate that the tomb remained in use after his death.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Angela Tooley for editing the English in this paper and for her suggestions on how to improve the discussion. I would also like to thank the Biblioteca-Museo Víctor Balaguer (Vilanova i la Geltrú) for allowing me to use the images of Eduard Toda i Güell. This project was supported by the Ministry of Science and Innovation for the Universities of Spain. Project reference HAR2016-75533-P (I+D+I): Excavación, Estudio Histórico y Conservación De Las Tumbas Del Reino Medio De La Necrópolis De Qubbet El-Hawa (Aswan, Egipto).

Bibliography Alba Gómez, J.M. Periodos de ocupación de la tumba QH31 en Qubbet el-Hawa (Asuán) a través del estudio preliminar de algunas cerámicas procedente de las cámaras funerarias. Forthcoming. Alba Gómez, J.M. and A.J. Morales. “The outer and inner coffins of Sarenput ii”, in Proceedings of the Second Vatican Coffin Conference, Edizioni Musei Vaticani. Forthcoming. Alba Gómez, J.M. and M. Bardonova. “A granary scene from a Middle Kingdom coffin in Qubbet el-Hawa.” Forthcoming. Alba Gómez, J.M. and A.M.J. Tooley. “Finds from the tomb of Sarenput ii (QH31) in 2015: An unusual limestone head”, in Art-facts and Artefacts.Visualising the Material World in Middle Kingdom Egypt, L. Hudáková, P. Jánosi, and U. Siffert eds., 1–13. mks 8. London: ghp, 2019. Allen, J.P. “From Coffin Texts Spell 335 = Book of the Dead Spell 17 (1.10).” In Context of Scripture Online, W. Hallo, ed., consulted online 09 July 2019. Arnold, Di., Do. Arnold, and P.F. Dorman. The South Cemeteries of Lisht, Vol. i: The Pyramid of Senwosret i, Publications of The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 22. New York: mma, 1988. Bouriant, U. “Les tombeaux d’Assouan”, RdT 10 (1888): 181–198. Budge, E.A.W. “Description of the Tombs of Mechu, Ben, and Se-Renpu, discovered by

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Major-Gen. Sir F. Grenfell.”Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 9 (1886– 1887): 78–82. Budge, E.A.W. “Excavations made at Aswân by Major-General Sir F. Grenfell during the Years 1885 and 1886.” Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 10 (1888): 4– 40. Carter, H. “Report on the work done in Upper Egypt (1903–1904).” asae 6 (1905): 127– 128. Daressy, G. “Fouilles de Deir el Bircheh (Novembre-Decembre 1897).” asae 1 (1900): 17– 43. Dębowska-Ludwin, J. Early Burial Customs in Northern Egypt: Evidence from the Pre-, Proto-, and Early Dynastic Periods. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2013. De Morgan, J. Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l’Égypte antique, vol. 1: Nubie à Kom Ombos. Wien: Holzhausen, 1894. Edel, E. Beiträge zu den Inschriften des Mittleren Reiches in den Gräbern der Qubbet el Hawa. Münchener Ägyptologische Studien 25. Berlin: Bruno Hessling, 1971. Edel, E. Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan i. Abteilung: Architektur, Darstellungen, Texte, archäologischer Befund und Funde der Gräber [qh 24–qh 209]. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2008. El-Sharkawy, B.S. “A New List of the High-Priests of Ptah at Memphis (Part 1).” Abgadiyat 3 (2008): 21–47. El-Sharkawy, B.S. “A New List of the High-Priests of Ptah at Memphis (Part 2).”Abgadiyat 4 (2009): 69–85. Fay, B. “Missing parts.” In Chief of seers: Egyptian studies in memory of Cyril Aldred, E. Goring, N. Reeves, and J. Ruffle, eds., 97–112. Studies in Egyptology. London: Kegal Paul International, 1997. Gale, R., P. Gasson, N. Hepper, and G. Killen, “Wood.” In Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., 334–371. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Goff, B.L. Symbols of Ancient Egypt in the Late Period: The Twenty-first Dynasty. The Hague: Mouton, 1979. Habachi, L. The Sanctuary of Heqaib. Elephantine 4. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 33. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1985. Harrington, N. Living with the Dead: Ancestor Worship and Mortuary Ritual in Ancient Egypt. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2013. Hayes, W.C. The Scepter of Egypt: A Background for the Study of the Egyptian Antiquities in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York: mma, 1953. Hieroglyphic texts from Egyptian stelae in the Brithish Museum, Part vi, London: British Museum Press, 1922. Ikram, S. and A. Dodson, The Mummy in Ancient Egypt: Equipping the Dead for Eternity. London: Thames and Hudson, 1998.

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Jiménez-Serrano, A. “Middle Kingdom Funerary Statues Of Governors In Qubbet ElHawa.” In Ex Aegypto lux et sapientia. Homenatge al professor Josep Padró Parcerisa, N. Castellano, M. Mascort, C. Piedrafita, and J. Vivó, eds., 321–333. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. Jiménez-Serrano, A. et al. “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: Las tumbas 31, 34cc y 35p. Séptima campaña (2015).” baede 24 (2015): 7–88. Jiménez-Serrano, A. et al. “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: Las tumbas N.31, 33, 34aa, 34bb, 35n, 35p y 122. Octava Campaña (2016).” baede 25 (2016): 11–61. Jiménez-Serrano, A. et al. “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: trabajos arqueológicos de las tumbas QH32, QH33, QH34aa, QH34bb, QH122, QH35p y QH36.”baede 26 (2017): 13–109. Kanawati, N. The Tomb and Beyond: Burial Customs of Egyptian Officials. Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 2001. Martínez Hermoso, J.A. “Geometry And Proportions in the Funeral Chapel of Sarenput ii.” Nexus Network Journal. Architecture and Mathematics 17/1 (2015): 287–309. Martínez-Hermoso, J.A. et al. “The construction of tomb group QH31 (Sarenput ii) through QH33. Part i: The exterior of the funerary complexes.” The Journal of Ancient Egyptian Architecture 3 (2018): 25–44. Maspero, G. “Rapport à l’Institut Égyptien sur les fouilles et travaux exécutés en Égypte pendant l’hiver de 1885–1886.” bie 2/7 (1886): 196–271. Morschauser, S. Threat-formulae in Ancient Egypt: A Study of the History, Structure and Use of Threats and Curses in Ancient Egypt. Baltimore: Halgo, 1991. Müller, H.W. Die Felsengräber der Fürsten von Elephantine. Aus der Zeit des Mittleren Reiches. Ägyptologische Forschungen 9. Glückstadt: Augustin, 1940. Oppenheim, A, Do. Arnold, D. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto. Eds. Ancient Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom. New York: mma, 2015. Petrie, W.M.F. Tools and Weapons. London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1917. Ranke, H. Die Ägyptischen Personnennamen i. Glückstadt: J.J. Augustin, 1935. Sánchez León, J.C. and A. Jiménez-Serrano. “Sat-tjeni: Daughter, Wife and Mother of the Governors of Elephantine.” zäs 142/2 (2015): 154–166. Schiestl, R. and A. Seiler. Handbook of the Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. 1. The Corpus Volume. Wien: Verlag der Österreich. Akademie Der Wissenschaften, 2012. Taylor, J. Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead: Journey through the afterlife. London: British Museum Press, 2010. Tooley, A.M.J. Middle Kingdom Burial Customs. A Study of Wooden Models and Related Material. PhD Thesis, University of Liverpool. Ward, W. Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Tittles of the Middle Kingdom, Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1982. Willems, H. Chests of Life: A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins. mveol 25. Leiden: Ex Oriente Lux, 1988. Willems, H. The Coffin of Heqata (Cairo JdE 36418): A Case Study of Egyptian Funerary Culture of the Early Middle Kingdom. Leuven: Peeters, 1996.

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chapter 2

Regional Differences in Pottery Repertoires: Two Case Studies of Early and Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Assemblages Bettina Bader Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna

Abstract Regional differences in pottery production occur in terms of raw materials used, manufacturing technologies employed, and the range of vessel shapes created. The shapes were not only determined by the intended use contexts—for example in a settlement/funerary/cultic activity/industrial location—but also depend on the chronological period in which the vessels were made. It is, however, often difficult to date material culture precisely within dynasties unless an undisturbed context can be connected with a well dated monument. A separate analysis is required for each case study in order to find explanatory models for the observed differences. In Egypt, except during the Middle Kingdom, differences in pottery repertoires over time have often been explained by the strengthening or weakening of the central administration, which is thought to have governed pottery production to a significant extent. This holds true for some of the material recovered, but an inadequate number of pottery workshops have been found to clearly support the hypothesis. Pictorial evidence and three-dimensional models of vessels, workers, and industrial buildings indicate that larger estates may also have included pottery workshops. This paper argues that estate production may explain some of the differences seen in the material assemblages. Two case studies are used to illustrate this, as well as the challenges and questions that arise when studying regional variations in pottery production. The first focuses on the early Middle Kingdom period at the sites of Ihnasya el-Madina/Herakleopolis Magna and Dayr al-Barsha, and the second focuses on the late Middle Kingdom at the sites of Tell el-Dabʿa/Avaris and Kom Rabia/Memphis.

1

Introduction

During post-excavation work on several projects in Egypt, the author has noticed a number of differences in contemporary ceramic vessel corpora between

© Bettina Bader, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_004

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sites, including in the raw materials used to make vessels. Pottery finds from different periods exhibit these variations, notably those from the late Old Kingdom through the early New Kingdom, and at a variety of sites from the Delta south to Thebes. Importantly, the sites covered include cemeteries with a variety of tomb types, as well as settlements. The purpose of the current paper is to highlight some of the differences in the pottery repertoires by way of two case studies. The first concentrates on material from the sites of Ihnasya al-Madina/Herakleopolis Magna and Dayr alBarsha, dating to the early Middle Kingdom, while the second looks at selected pottery types and their morphological differences from the sites of Tell elDabʿa/Avaris and Kom Rabia/Memphis, during the late Middle Kingdom. The fact that regional differences existed in pottery production during the First Intermediate Period to the early Middle Kingdom and then in the late Middle Kingdom to the Second Intermediate Period has been known for some time thanks to the work of Arnold,1 Seidlmayer2 and Bourriau.3 This variation has very much complicated efforts to synchronise sites from these periods and has called into question the usual procedure used to date the ceramic corpora of sites—by comparison with external parallels or with other object classes. This situation can often mean that local relative sequences of pottery types built up from the available material cannot be securely tied to the sequence of pharaohs or even dynasties without the help of external material. The dangers of creating circular arguments arising from implementing the procedure described in these situations needs to be emphasized. The current case studies were chosen for two reasons. First, because they represent different forms of variation: a) a comprehensive difference in the shape repertoire of pottery types, and b) the same types but showing distinct morphological developments. In addition, various explanatory models can be proposed for each site depending on the type of site studied and the type of information available. The usual explanation given for differences of pottery corpora in various regions is that it is a symptom of a weakened central administration.4 The central authority did not manage to sufficiently control a unified production as it did during times of strong central administration—e.g. in the twelfth dynasty from the recently founded residence at Lisht.5 1 2 3 4 5

Arnold, “Pottery”, 143–146. Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder aus dem Übergang vom Alten zum Mittleren Reich. Bourriau, “Relative Chronology”, 11–37. Franke, “Erste und Zweite Zwischenzeit—Ein Vergleich”, 124. Arnold, “Pottery”, 146; Bourriau, “Patterns of Change in Burial Customs”, 7, 10–11.

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This concept probably developed as a result of a conviction that royal authority had a monopoly over all areas of craft production and that it was, therefore, able to strictly regulate production of items and to control access to these items of craft production.6 This view was most likely based on early observations of craft production scenes in the tombs of members of the royal élite in the early Old Kingdom. This hypothesis was widely accepted, although there is evidence of private and royal commissions being made.7 These tomb scenes show various kinds of ‘estates’ involved in many areas of production, from making foodstuffs to textiles, and sometimes pottery, for the benefit and endowment of the respective tomb owners and the needs of their household.8 It may suffice in this paper to mention one example for each major period: the tomb of Ti,9 the tomb of Djehutihotep,10 and the tomb of Rekh-mi-Re.11 While these scenes (and Middle Kingdom tomb models fulfilling the same function) were taken to truly reflect the procedures of craft production,12 it remains unclear how far these idealised depictions can be thought of as reflections of craft production organisation. It may be reasonable to suggest that access to certain high status and luxury products such as jewellery and highquality furniture was restricted, but it seems less practicable that objects in daily use throughout the country could have been controlled in this way, such as chipped stone tools and pottery. Interestingly, for the production of chipped stone tools two distinct modes of supply and production existed during the Middle Kingdom for the same site: ready-made tools were imported as well as raw materials that were made into tools at the site.13 This might provide evidence against the notion that everybody lived in strictly controlled settlements that were endowed with all the articles needed for daily life—all obtained from specific and sizeable craft production centres. It may be more

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Assmann, “Zum Konzept der Fremdheit im Alten Ägypten”, 90; Assmann, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis, 170. Drenkhahn, Handwerker, 134–135. Drenkhahn, Handwerker, 2–3. Steindorff, Das Grab des Ti. Newberry, El-Bersheh i. The Tomb of Tehuti-Hetep. Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re’ at Thebes. For pottery see Holthoer, New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites, 5–37; Nicholson, and Doherty, “Arts and Crafts: Artistic Representations as Ethno-Archaeology”, 435–450. The presence of flakes is thought to indicate a production site for chipped stone tools. Such tools were finished at Tell el-Dabʿa in the orthogonal settlement of the early twelfth dynasty, cf. Czerny, Tell el-Dabʿa ix, 113–114; locally manufactured during the later twelfth dynasty cf. Czerny, Tell el-Dabʿa xxii, 401–402 and Tillmann, “Zur wirtschaftlichen Bedeutung von Silexartefakten im Alten Ägypten: Eine Provokation”, 384, 386.

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likely that a combination of different supply systems also satisfied the demand for pottery production (e.g. of marl clays14). The extant archaeological record does not readily support the notion of large workshops supplying large areas with all materials because none have been found so far, whilst this argument (ex silentio) does not prove such workshops did not exist. Smaller pottery workshops may also be difficult to recognise,15 particularly if the turning device has been dismantled or removed. Perhaps due to the relatively late development of archaeological interest in pottery production in Egyptology, which was initiated and conditioned by Petrie’s typological approach to object groups in general, study and observation of variety in contemporary pottery corpora has been somewhat neglected. This lack of knowledge is in part due to the incomplete state of archaeological research on settlements in ancient Egypt. The best known settlement type in the Middle Kingdom is the orthogonal town at Kahun,16 but it is likely that many other settlements existed along the Nile that are now deeply buried by sediment and overbuilt by modern settlements.17 Unlike at Kahun, these may likely have been self-organised and irregular in layout like the late Middle Kingdom settlement at Tell el-Dabʿa. While Tell el-Dabʿa in the late Middle Kingdom was quite sizable, it remains virtually unknown in the archaeological record how a typical village was organised in terms of street plan, architecture, and material culture including pottery. Because Middle Kingdom pottery has not been published in sufficient detail throughout Egypt, doubt remains about the proposition of total uniformity.18 Before this proposed uniformity can be evaluated, many more comparative and detailed studies are required—of raw materials, manufacturing technologies, the chaîne opératoire,19 and morphological details. The effort must start with detailed recording and publication of these parameters.

14 15 16 17 18 19

Arnold, “Ägyptische Mergeltone (»Wüstentone«) und die Herkunft einer Mergeltonware des Mittleren Reiches aus der Gegend von Memphis”, 161–191. Verner, Abusir iii. The Pyramid Complex of Khentkaus, 25–27. Petrie, Kahun, Gurob and Hawara; Petrie, Illahun, Kahun and Gurob, 1889–90. Coring in the village of modern Lisht demonstrated that the ancient settlement was located many metres below the sediments. Cf. Bader, unpublished. See Schiestl and Seiler, The Handbook of Pottery, published in Vienna in 2012 for a good start. Gosselain, “Materializing Identities: An African Perspective”.

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Case Study 1: Ihnasya al-Madina/Herakleopolis Magna vs. Dayr al-Barsha

2.1 The Necropolis of Ihnasya al-Madina/Herakleopolis Magna First Intermediate Period through early Middle Kingdom material was excavated in the necropolis of Herakleopolis Magna from 2000 to 2013, by Carmen Pérez Díe.20 The necropolis is situated close to the entrance of the Fayum just a few kilometres south of Sedment,21 which has a more modest cemetery of roughly the same period but with a different architectural and topographical lay-out. A few rock-cut tombs and numerous shaft tombs of variable depth (between 0.76m and 4.57m22) were built there. The necropolis of Herakleopolis is laid out in parallel ‘streets’ running eastwest with the burial chambers built above ground from stone and/or mud brick. The tombs are orientated north-south with the entrance in the north. There are no shafts, presumably because the ground was too waterlogged to allow excavation to a reasonable depth. Although there are more than 27 names and titles preserved on the false door stelae, no king’s name or titulary appears on them.23 The titles of the deceased await final publication. Offering tables and the false door stelae were placed outside the burial chambers, seemingly in the open. The pottery found was deposited around or close to those stelae, but rarely in situ in the tombs because they had been robbed and partly burnt.24 In one area (C15) a vertical sequence of strata was excavated and contained mostly ceramic material from the Old Kingdom to the early Middle Kingdom. This material provides a sequence of overlying tombs.25 Nevertheless, this sequence of material culture from the site remains firmly relative as it cannot be associated with particular pharaohs, reigns, or dynasties.

20

21 22 23 24

25

For an overview and more references see Pérez Díe, “Ehnasya el Medina (Herakleopolis Magna). Excavations 2004–2007 at the Necropolis of the First Intermediate Period/Early Middle Kingdom”, 393–409. Petrie and Brunton, Sedment i; Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 247–341; Bader, “Sedment”, 209– 235, figs. 1, 4; Grajetzki, Sedment. Petrie and Brunton, Sedment i, pls. 36–39. Pérez Díe, “The False Door at Herakleopolis Magna (i). Typology and Iconography”, 357– 393. Pérez Díe, “La nécropole de la Première Période Intermédiaire—début du Moyen Empire à Héracléopolis Magna—nouvelles découvertes et résultats récents (campagne 2001)”, 239–254; Bader, “The Late Old Kingdom in Herakleopolis Magna?”, 13–41; Bader, “Preliminary Observations”. The final report for this area is being prepared for publication by B. Bader, A. Goméz Laguna, and M.C. Pérez Díe.

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figure 2.1 Plan of the necropolis at Herakleopolis Magna after c. pérez díe 2015, pl. 2

2.1.1

The Pottery Corpus of the Main Archaeological Phase (Late fip/Early mk) (Fig. 2.1) The scope of this paper only allows a cursory overview of the pottery types from Herakleopolis but does not provide space for a site specific discussion. Most open vessel shapes are covered with a dark red slip and are medium to large size bowls with direct rims of moderate wall thickness. Their rim diameters are between 18.0 and 22.0cm but can sometimes be up to 30.0 cm. The manufacturing technology used to make them is revealed by traces of the edges of coils and a typical, almost pattern-like, trimming of the exterior of the bases with some (wooden?) tool (Fig. 2.2a). This pattern was not removed at the time of manufacture. Most of the material was made from Nile B2 or a slightly rougher Nile B2/C1 clay. Thick-walled large dishes with decorative rope impressions are

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made from Nile C2 clay (Fig. 2.2b). Dishes or bowls with more complicated contours and carinations, which are derived from Old Kingdom ‘Meidum bowls’, also occur. This, what the author calls ‘Meidum style’ is characterized by a much softer fabric (not as highly fired), simpler carinations, an overall lack of high quality, and an almost metal-like polished finish (Fig. 2.2c). A variety of miniature vessels were also found, notably model jars, dishes, and squat bowls. It is important to note that most of the model dishes are flat-based (cut with a string or wire) and that the base diameter is considerably smaller than the rim diameter (ig. 2.2d–e). The most commonly found type of jar, or rather bottle, has slender narrow body shapes with more-or-less pointed bases (Fig. 2.2g).26 Due to the manufacturing process used to make them—a hand-built base with coiling, subsequent addition of the upper part made in the same way, and then turning to finish on a turning device, these bottles look quite irregular in shape. Their rim diameters are usually between 3.0 and 5.0cm and they have cylindrical and rather narrow and short necks. Sometimes they become narrower towards the orifice plane. The rims vary from direct to a flattened rim or have a more bulbous lip. Several examples show a lack of precision during manufacture as the folded lip does not go all the way around the rim. Most of the bottles were slightly smoothed by hand (vertically, or irregularly from below the shoulder downwards) and are red-slipped on the exterior. They are distinctly different from a rarer type of jar that has a funnel neck and that was made and finished much more carefully— although the manufacturing principles used are the same as those described above (Fig. 2.2f).27 The shape of the body can vary from ovoid to shouldered. The bodies may also vary in proportion (Fig. 2.3a). Very typical for the site corpus from this cemetery at Herakleopolis are medium to large beakers in two variants: entirely handmade with vertical striations (Fig. 2.3b) and a handmade base with coiled top that was then turned on a turn table or another turning device (Fig. 2.3d). Bread trays and tubular bread moulds of greater width than those typical for the Middle Kingdom also occur.28 Rarer vessel types included hes-vases, which occur quite frequently in Sedment, and basins with a spout29 (which do not). Finally, the usual marl clay vessel of this period is a pointed narrow jar with a funnel-shaped, flaring neck (Fig. 2.3c). It occurs in several variants of Marl C and other marl clay fabrics. Only one extremely rare Nile clay fabric vessel type may find parallels at Dayr al-Barsha (Fig. 2.4), which is rather tall 26 27 28 29

Bader, “Preliminary Observations”, figs. 2.22, 23.36, 24.54, 24.56, 24.59, 25.62, and 25.66–69. Bader, “The Late Old Kingdom in Herakleopolis Magna?”, fig. 6; Bader, “Preliminary Observations,” figs. 2.18–19. Bader, “The Late Old Kingdom in Herakleopolis Magna?”, figs. 8.a-d. Bader, “The Late Old Kingdom in Herakleopolis Magna?”, figs. 3.j and 4.a.

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figure 2.2 Pottery from Herakleopolis Magna: a) HM06-C20-U266-b103 b) HM08-C15-UE242-b46 c) HM02-C4-un3-niv4-capa2 d) HM08C15-UE242-b153 e) HM02-C14-niv3-capa4-b11 f) HM02-C14-un5-b60 g) HM09-C17-un9-b12

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figure 2.3 Pottery from Herakleopolis Magna: a) HM06-C20-un262-b42 b) HM06-C20-un262-b90 c) HM01-C11-capa9-un5 d) HM02C14-un5-b56

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figure 2.4 Pottery from Herakleopolis Magna: HM06-C20-un262-b91

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(41.5cm) and ovoid.30 The majority of the vessels recovered have close parallels at Sedment31 and can therefore be roughly associated with the chronological sequence developed for that site by Seidlmayer.32 2.2 The Necropolis of Dayr al-Barsha The topographical situation of the necropolis of Dayr al-Barsha in Middle Egypt is entirely different due to its close proximity to the mountains on the east side of the river Nile. Rock-cut shafts and chamber tombs built for the elite dominate the cliffs, while other roughly contemporary shaft tombs were found on the desert-edge plain. They bear little resemblance to those already studied at Ihnasya al-Madina. A fundamental difference in the geographical setting exists between the two cemeteries and this resulted in different architectural solutions to satisfy ritual requirements for the burial. The pottery and other finds from Dayr al-Barsha were mostly obtained from shaft fills, which were to a greater or lesser degree relocated. A number of the tombs can be attributed to known individuals and reigns of particular kings so it is possible to associate the material culture more precisely with the chronological sequence,33 although there is no vertical stratigraphy that could tie the material assemblages together as at Herakleopolis. 2.2.1

The Pottery Corpus from the Tomb of Ahanakht i (Late fip/Early mk) A significant amount of post-excavation analysis of the pottery from across the site (Fig. 2.5) has been carried out,34 but this paper focuses on pottery retrieved

30 31

32 33

34

Petrie and Brunton, Sedment i, pl. 31, type 51c shows the same general shape and technology but is only half the size. The parallels at Sedment are as follows, in typological order as mentioned: 16e–k; 7d and p with rims; 9k; large dishes Fig. 2.b do not have parallels at Sedment; 86d, n, q-u and 89b, d-k, n-w; 62c, f, j and 63k, m, s and 64b–u; 35f, m, p and 36b–o; bread trays do not occur at Sedment; 33r and 34; 83h and all variants of type 84; 90f–w. For the typology see Petrie and Brunton, Sedment i, pls. 34–35; for newer drawings of some of these types see Bader, “Sedment” and Op De Beeck and Vereecken, “Pottery from Sidmant and Haraga”, 731–750; all early Sedment pottery in British museums has been drawn and recorded by B. Bader in the course of a Fellowship at the British Academy and is being prepared for publication. Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 395, fig. 168; Bader, “Sedment”, 229–234. For an overview of work at the site with bibliography see Willems et al., “Report of the 2004–2005 Campaigns of the Belgian Mission to Deir al-Barsha”; and Willems, Dayr alBarsha i. Op De Beeck, Peeters and Willems, “Pottery from Deir el-Bersha”, 237–260; Stefanie Ver-

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from the shafts in the tomb of Ahanakht i.35 He was an overseer of priests, nomarch, and vizier active during the late eleventh dynasty (reign of Mentuhotep ii), after the re-unification of Egypt.36 Two of the shafts with side chambers carry the numbers 17K85/1B and 17K85/1D and were recently reexcavated. The archaeological material in 17K85/1B was still uncontaminated in the lowest part of the tomb chamber,37 although most of the pottery was broken and had been moved. The assemblage lends itself to a comparative study with Ihnasya as the pottery corpora are roughly contemporary38 and the social circumstances of the tomb owners, in the upper echelons of society, are at least similar if not exactly the same. The open vessel shapes identified are slightly more thickly-walled and shallower than those found at Herakleopolis. While they were mostly left without the application of a dark red slip, the fabric and manufacturing technology used to make them was largely the same: coiling and then turning on a turning device with a trimmed base (almost in a pattern). This was typical for that period (Fig. 2.6a) and for the early Middle Kingdom in general. The hemispherical cups recovered provide evidence that this vessel type evolved in southern Egypt, because the type was entirely lacking at Herakleopolis. Although only cup fragments were found in the shafts, there was no indication of cups belonging to the later Middle Kingdom there (Fig. 2.6d–g). The same holds true for the small hand-modelled conical cups39 (Fig. 2.6h) that appear in Dayr al-Barsha40

35 36 37 38 39

40

eecken currently analyses large quantities of material from the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period. Some of the material in the mfa Boston has already been published cf. Op De Beeck et al., “Pottery from Deir el-Bersha”. Willems, Chests of Life, 71; Willems, Dayr al-Barsha i, 84–88. Willems, “Die Grabkammer des Djehutinakht (i.?) in Dayr al-Barsha”, 140–158. Ihnasya can be tied to Seidlmayer’s Sedment analysis but there are differences. It remains unclear if these very small vessels should be considered as models because no normal sized examples were found for comparison. Seidlmayer’s chronological result for Dendera is based on the amalgamation of many different morphological groups and he dates them from the eleventh dynasty and later: Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 118–123. This coincidental occurrence at both Dayr al-Barsha and Dendera is noteworthy because these sites are far apart, but it may be too early to use the re-unification as a terminus post quem for its occurrence (see Willems, Dayr al-Barsha i, 87). Another point is the relative isolation of the small conical beaker type at Dayr al-Barsha. A very wide range of shapes and sizes exists at Dendera, but later work in the settlement at the site did not reveal equivalent material, suggesting it belongs to the tomb repertoire above all, cf. Marchand, “Fouilles récentes dans la zone urbaine de Dendara”. Willems, Dayr al-Barsha i, 26 and 87, nos. 1106/1125/1104, pl. 57, from the tomb of Djehutinakht K1117K1174/1101; Op De Beeck et al., “Pottery from Deir el-Bersha”, 253, fig. 223 from the tomb of Ahanakht i excavated by Reisner.

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figure 2.5 Plan of Zone 2 at Dayr al-Barsha after de meyer and dils 2012, fig. 1

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but are missing at Herakleopolis. They seem to represent another southern tradition of pottery manufacture.41 As for model dishes, they occur with round bases (Fig. 2.6b) and this is a type not previously observed at Herakleopolis but which is known from Sedment (type 9d). The flat-based model dishes look different from those found at Herakleopolis in that the base and rim diameters are of very similar widths (Fig. 2.6c). The most common bottle shape found at Dayr al-Barsha has a wider mouth than those from Herakleopolis, with a sharply defined shoulder and elongated body (Fig. 2.6l–m). The technology used is similar to that used for the ovoid jars with funnel neck (cf. Fig. 2.2f) but not to that used for the more common bottles (Fig. 2.2g). Another major difference is that the lower edge of the lip is very sharply trimmed with a tool. This type of bottle is also common in Zone 9 dating from the transition of the fip to the early mk.42 Several very small rim fragments recovered could belong to a larger vessel type that was found in the tomb chamber of the shaft, but this cannot be verified due to the extent of fragmentation (Fig. 2.6i–k).43 It may be possible that the vessel type is related to the large ovoid jar, of which only one example is known so far (cf. Fig. 2.4). Summing up the comparison of the pottery corpora: (i) some vessel types occur at Dayr al-Barsha that are unknown at Herakleopolis and vice versa; (ii) some types show morphological variations between the sites; (iii) the surface treatment is different (red slip/no red slip); (iv) the observed manufacturing technology is similar overall; (v) the raw materials of Nile clay fabrics are slightly different. This could be due to different ‘recipes’ being used in the workshops or different geological contexts, while marl clay fabrics do not occur at all at Dayr al-Barsha. Even if the chronological match is not entirely accurate and it cannot be synchronized with reigns, the pottery repertoires seem to differ and this difference seems to last over a period of time.

41

42 43

Dendera: Petrie, Dendereh 1898, pl. 18.86, the pottery type is not discussed; only dated roughly to the period between Old and Middle Kingdoms; Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 120, fig. 145, group K left. Op De Beeck et al., “Pottery from Deir el-Bersha”, 246–247 and fig. 213. Op De Beeck et al., “Pottery from Deir el-Bersha”, 254–255, figs. 225, 227.

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figure 2.6 Pottery from Dayr al-Barsha: a) 1412/115-1 b) 1412/99-1 c) 1411/67-13 d) 1400/32-3 e) 1403/1-1 f) 1405/205-1 g) 1400/32-4 h) 1403/13-1 i) 1411/6712 j) 1403/13-7 k) 1405/205-248 l) 1405/205-3 m) 1405/205-243

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Case Study 2: Tell el-Dabʿa/Avaris and Kom Rabia/Memphis

The second case studied concerns the late Middle Kingdom and the beginning of the Second Intermediate Period in the north eastern delta and Memphite region. Previous work suggests that regionalization of material culture occurred again in the late Middle Kingdom. This is especially visible in the pottery repertoires from various sites excavated.44 Some difficulties are encountered when undertaking a comparative study of material culture such as that based on pottery repertoires from the settlements of Kom Rabia and Tell el-Dabʿa. One of the main problems in synchronising the sequences is that conventional historical points in time such as the beginning of the Second Intermediate Period or the beginning of the eighteenth dynasty are not clearly reflected in the material culture45 because the changes/development taking place were most likely gradual processes rather than radical breaks.46 Further, these historical points are retrospect as is the division in dynasties and kingdoms. In addition, instances where ceramic material was found undisturbed in-situ together with structures datable to particular reigns are very rare.47 Three different settlement areas dating from the late Middle Kingdom to the end of the Second Intermediate Period were used to construct the sequence for Tell el-Dabʿa.48 No single area was entirely made up of settlement layers, but each included different context types such as temples, palaces, and cemeteries. As the archaeological remains in Kom Rabia were clearly from a settlement context, the comparative material selected from Tell el-Dabʿa had to reflect that type of assemblage. In turn, the archaeological exposure at Kom Rabia in 44

45

46

47 48

Cf. Bourriau, “Relative Chronology”; Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix; Bader, “A Tale of Two Cities: First Results of a Comparison between Avaris and Memphis”, 249–268; Bader, “Avaris and Memphis in the Second Intermediate Period in Egypt (ca. 1770–1550/40bc)”, 207–224; Ayers, “Settlement Pottery from the early Second Intermediate Period at Tell Edfu”, 27–45; Seiler, “The Second Intermediate Period in Thebes: Regionalism in Pottery Development and its Cultural Implications”, 39–53. Aston, “New Kingdom Pottery Phases as Revealed by well-dated Tomb Contexts”, 142, 145; Hein, “Untersuchungen und vorläufige Bilanz zur Keramik aus cEzbet Helmi, speziell Areal H/V”, 138–140; Bourriau, “Beyond Avaris: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives”, 159–182. The same holds true for the classic Middle Kingdom cf. Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 439; Arnold, “Pottery”, 146. But breaks have been observed e.g. at Tell el-Dabʿa at the transition from Phase E/3 to E/2–1, cf. Bietak, Forstner Müller and Mlinar. “The Beginning of the Hyksos Period at Tel el-Dab’a: A subtle Change in Material Culture”, 171–181. So far the only well dated find relevant here is at the Pyramid of Amenemhat iii, cf. Arnold, “Keramikbearbeitung in Dahschur 1976–1981”. Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, 43–50 with an extensive bibliography for the site.

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the lowest levels consisted of a trench of approximately 5.0 m by 25.0 m, and thus the exact nature and layout of the settlement structures being excavated remained quite unclear.49 Nevertheless, a very large quantity of ceramic material and other objects were recovered from this trench.50 The paradigm that similar material dates to similar periods, even if no other independent dating criteria (relative or absolute) are present, was applied in order to synchronize the beginning of the late Middle Kingdom sequences (Fig. 2.7). The sites are in close spatial proximity and the material could also to be compared to assemblages from the nearby pyramid complex of Amenemhat iii at Dahshur.51 These circumstances favour the use of this paradigm to synchronise the beginning of the late Middle Kingdom sequences. The comparison between the ceramic sequences of Tell el-Dabʿa and Kom Rabia had to be made by typology rather than by context due to the nature of the data set. The most frequently found pottery types including hemispherical cups, so-called ‘beer’ jars, and Marl C pottery were first analysed in order to match-up the morphological development of their sequences over time.52 The result of this approach was that level viii of Kom Rabia and Phase G/4– 3 of Tell el-Dabʿa could be paralleled with Complexes 3, 4 and 6 at Dahshur due to the similarities between the pottery assemblages. As well as the hemispherical cups, the rough Nile C ‘beer’ jars helped equating the beginning of the sequences, although ceramics from the very beginning of the sequence were not well represented at Kom Rabia.53 It should be mentioned, however, that the ‘levels’ or ‘phases’ for the sites remain abstract, because it was not possible to estimate absolute durations of use or to judge whether they lasted for similar lengths of time.54 After this phase discussed above, in Phase G/3–1 at Tell el-Dabʿa that is equated with Level vii in Kom Rabia in the current study, subtle differences in some vessel types began to show. These differences consist of quite small features in morphology and technology, e.g. a very long, folded lip in kettle ‘beer’ jar rims (Fig. 2.8)55 that has not been paralleled at other sites so far.

49 50 51 52 53 54 55

Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, 50–57; Giddy, Kom Rabi’a: The Late Middle Kingdom Settlement. Bourriau and Gallorini. Survey of Memphis viii; L. Giddy is currently preparing the volume on the objects from this excavation. Arnold, “Dahschur”; Arnold, “Pottery Use and Disposal in a “Priest’s House” at Dahshur”, 161–183. Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, 149–186, 199–243, 680–707. Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, 187–199; Bourriau et al., Kom Rabia viii, 39. In this respect, the chart in fig. 2.7 is idealised. Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, 176, fig. 189.

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figure 2.7 Comparative stratigraphy of Tell el-Dabʿa, Kom Rabia and Dahshur based on Bietak 2011

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figure 2.8 ‘Beer’ jar rims from Tell el-Dabʿa with wide folded kettle rim

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A much higher proportion of quartz particles was also found in the Nile C fabric than was the case at Kom Rabia.56 This characteristic may have been caused by the local geology and the proximity of the gezirahs at the bottom of the settlement in the Delta, but because not all Nile clay fabrics show this same degree of sandiness, even at Tell el-Dabʿa, it was very likely added during the production process. A striking difference was the presence of many different pottery types in low percentages at Kom Rabia, as opposed to a more restricted type repertoire in higher percentages at Tell el-Dabʿa.57 The almost total absence of bread moulds and so-called meat containers at Tell el-Dabʿa, which appear at Kom Rabia in quite high percentages, proved to be another difference.58 This may reflect a functional or organisational difference between the settlements. Unfortunately, little is currently known about settlement function or variations in functions for the general period studied. During the very ill-defined transition from the late Middle Kingdom to the early Second Intermediate Period, the pottery repertoires at Kom Rabia and Tell el-Dabʿa drifted apart even more as morphological variety developed. The ‘type fossils’ present no exception to this rule. The development of the shapes of hemispherical cups took different directions (Fig. 2.9) and the bases were trimmed in different ways. A jar rim type belonging to the ‘beer jar’ typology59 (Fig. 2.10, right bottom) based on fabric, firing technology, surface treatment, and also quantity is only known to have existed at Kom Rabia to date. The fact that it appears quite early in the Memphite sequence, namely in Level vii,60 and apparently neither at Dahshur nor at Tell el-Dabʿa or further south, seems to demonstrate that development in the Delta diverged from elsewhere. As for Dahshur, the data suggests that the sequence came to an end there before the type was in use, or that despite the short distance, another line of development has to be assumed. Currently, there is no evidence to support the latter proposition. Another type of ‘beer’ jar neck/rim is known to have developed, although

56 57 58 59 60

Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, 622–628. Best depicted in Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, 559–601. Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, 367–369, 374–377 type 375; Bourriau et al., Kom Rabia viii, 3–4, type 506. Bourriau et al., Kom Rabia viii, e.g. fig. 94.19.95.95–19.95.12, photo on pl. 92.g; Bader, “Tale of Two Cities”; Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, 160–183, 364.366, fig. 214.167e. According to the sector division of the final publication these rims start to appear in Level vii and infrequently in sectors ne, NC3 and NC2. In sector nw they only appear in level vie and vid but are most frequent there.

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figure 2.9 Development of hemispherical cups in Tell el-Dabʿa and Kom Rabia

so far it has only been found in tombs in Thebes.61 This detail helps to build up a better picture of the regional variety of this very widespread pottery type. The ceramic repertoires of Tell el-Dabʿa and Kom Rabia developed in quite independent ways after the late Middle Kingdom which made it increasingly

61

Seiler, “Regionalism”, fig. 4.1–2; Bader and Seco Álvarez, “Results of Five Years”, fig. 18.f-g.

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figure 2.10

‘Beer’ jar rims from Tell el-Dabʿa and Kom Rabia

difficult to compare the data sets. The challenges include:62 far fewer SyroPalestinian imports at Kom Rabia, including amphorae, burnished juglets, and Tell el-Jahudiya ware. There is also no Middle Bronze Age cooking pottery, and except for a few dipper juglets and other juglets no local copies or imitations63 of the Middle Bronze Age corpus were present. At Tell el-Dabʿa, the typical beer jars were replaced by other closed Nile B2 vessel forms by the later Second

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Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, for the details of these types. For the definition of these see Bader, “The Imitation Game”, in press.

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Intermediate Period Phases E/1–D/3, whereas they continued in use into the New Kingdom at Kom Rabia.64 These issues severely complicate the synchronisation of the contexts/sequences from different regions. The problem is exacerbated by the high degree of fragmentation of pottery in settlements, leading to problems in identification of types present and in deciding from which point onwards a type is residual.65 The tentative correlation between the relative levels at Tell el-Dabʿa, Kom Rabia, and Dahshur is shown in Fig. 2.7. Future work will be able to refine and expand this relative chronological scheme and to this end the author initiated the comparative project Beyond Politics: Material culture in the Second Intermediate Period, Egypt and Nubia.66 This project will analyse the material culture of the sip in their contexts at a number of sites all over Egypt and Nubia in order to gain better insight into local developments and create local relative chronologies based on all types of material culture occurring in context. This analysis will initially treat the material culture independently from any dynastic system, where this cannot be narrowed down with certainty. Dynastic assignations seem to be counterproductive, especially during the course of the later sip outside the centre of Thebes and Avaris. The work will also show whether regional differences can be identified in other object classes.

4

Discussion

In considering why these pottery repertoires might differ from each other, it must be said beforehand that there is no comprehensive answer covering both case studies. The first step in the analysis is a survey of what is currently known about the organisation of pottery production in Egypt. Scenes of pottery-making occur in some tombs from the Old Kingdom and this continued through the Middle Kingdom, when wooden models also appeared. The last known scene is from the tomb of Qenamun (eighteenth dynasty—Amenhotep ii).67 A survey of scenes and models was compiled from all the available sources.68 64 65 66 67 68

Bourriau, Kom Rabia: The New Kingdom Pottery, level v and iv, fig. 6: bottles; fig. 17: bottles, residual. Cf. Bader, “Processing and Analysis of Ceramic Finds at the Egyptian Site of Tell elDabʿa/Avaris (“eves” and other strange animals)”, 209–233. Project no Y754-G19; www.orea.oeaw.ac.at/forschung/material‑culture‑in‑egypt‑nubia/ After this time, the pottery-making scenes show mainly Khnum, who fashions mankind in the widest sense. Holthoer, Pottery, 5–37; For some different interpretations see Bourriau, Nicholson and Rose, “Pottery”, 135–136.

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From this corpus of evidence it seems that the workshops were usually shown in an assembly line lay-out, although it is unclear whether the sequence shown is temporal or spatial. The number of people involved in the fabrication process therefore remains unclear. While some of the tomb scenes show up to 17 people (e.g. Beni Hasan),69 pottery workshop models only show two or three.70 The 17 might all have worked at the same time or the scenes may represent the same two or three people shown working on several different tasks. This makes interpretation of the scale of production difficult.71 In some pottery workshop models the potters sit outside the workshop building, while workers are engaged in other trades inside.72 It is, therefore, possible that pottery making did not always or usually take place within a formal pottery workshop, which has immediate implications for the visibility of pottery workshops in the archaeological record. Previous scholarship has questioned how much information on the economic circumstances, organisation, or industrial scale of production can really be gleaned from these scenes, because their purpose was to serve the deceased tomb owner in the netherworld.73 On the other hand, it seems reasonable to assume that these scenes are modelled on situations seen in the real world. If this line of thought is followed, it may be reasonable to say that the scenes reflect the mode of pottery production considered ‘normal’ during the Old and Middle Kingdoms, when the tomb owner’s estate or the royal estate for which the tomb owner was working included pottery workshops. If this is valid, then there must have been quite a large number of such workshops altogether, and they would not necessarily all have produced exactly the same vessels in terms of shape, raw material, manufacturing technology, and morphological details. Thus, differences would not be the result of centralised or pre-planned political control (at the residence) but be due to decisions taken on a more practical and administrative level and on smaller scale, even if the existence of some larger and perhaps specialised (e.g. using marl clay) (manu)-factories cannot be ruled out. For the purposes of the argument presented here, the existence of additional workshops of whatever size or specialisation do not pose a problem. Pottery vessels may even have been made in the ‘back yard’ if particular vessels were needed quickly or if there were other households eager to use these

69 70 71 72 73

Holthoer, Pottery, figs. 14–15. Holthoer, Pottery, 10–11. Drenkhahn, Handwerker, 156–159 thinks there are many workers who practiced with a division of labour. Bourriau et al., “Pottery”, 136. Bourriau et al., “Pottery”, 135–136.

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products. Unfortunately, contemporary variation in pottery corpora from single sites is not well studied. The last known pottery workshop scene in a tomb context was in the tomb of Qenamun, so it is possible that during the eighteenth dynasty the organisation of production had become a larger scale enterprise that operated in a different mode. This would fit the fact that differences are less obvious in the New Kingdom pottery corpus than they were before.74 It is also possible, however, that the disappearance of pottery workshop scenes was related to a change in tomb decoration programmes.75 It is known that no more daily life scenes occurred during the nineteenth dynasty due to differences in the underlying belief system. The current author considers the hypothesis of a change in production mode to be entirely speculative, although the ceramic material in the mortuary temple of Thutmosis iii shows some indications of industrial manufacturing mode.76 The lack of archaeological evidence for pottery workshops, especially from before the New Kingdom, is a severe set-back for the study of the subject area, but it seems to be connected to the low archaeological profile of such installations, especially if they were small. The presence of kilns/firing installations and turning devices would have been necessary, but there is a lack of excavated settlements in general. The textual sources from the Middle Kingdom are neither very clear nor plentiful. One compounding issue is that qd means either ‘builder of walls’ or ‘potter’ and only the addition of nḏs clearly identifies a potter. This assignation is typically missing on stelae. The preserved texts are either literary in nature (satire of trades77) or are from the planned settlement of Kahun78 where more strictly organised procedures may be expected. But this evidence does not provide information on the organisation of pottery production in other types of settlements and in other parts of Egypt.

74 75 76 77 78

Especially from Phase 2A (Hatshepsut/Thutmosis iii) onwards. Cf. Aston, “New Kingdom Pottery Phases”, 145. Cf. Manniche, “The So-called Scenes of Daily Life”, 42–45. Bader et al., “Results of Five Years”. Holthoer, Pottery, 17–18. Stefanović, “A Note on the Middle Kingdom Potters”.

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Conclusions

Obvious differences between the choices of pottery types in the first case study suggest that they are the result of either an underlying functional/ritual or organisational difference, particularly in the provision of pottery for the mortuary cult. It is, however, more difficult to interpret the more numerous and subtle differences observed in the second case study. Vessel shape repertoires differ between settlements and tombs,79 so it is important to compare like with like. It would, however, be desirable to have settlements and tomb repertoires at the same location in hand in order to confirm if this is a general rule at every site. The differences observed between pottery repertoires in the first study are emphasized in part because of the sites’ proximity to the ‘Upper and Lower Egyptian divide’.80 If such a difference is interpreted from a political view point it would result in the suggestion that uniformity in paraphernalia for the mortuary cult ended after the late Old Kingdom due to political fragmentation of the country. During the First Intermediate Period, independent regions then developed their own versions of cult vessels for the mortuary cult, and the variation probably included architectural features and the general lay-out of tombs. The development of tomb architecture is quite different in various places and the reasoning needs also include local topography and social circumstances and variation should not be ascribed solely to political developments.81 It may be possible then that pottery manufacture developed variety due to local social factors more than political ones. Social factors would include the way knowledge like craft working traditions was transferred between generations or moved between regions. The extent to which pottery production was initiated and governed by a local ‘potentate’ across an area congruent with a ‘region’ remains questionable.82 In conclusion, it seems unlikely that local pottery production would correspond to a political sphere of influence, because socio-economic and other structural considerations also need to be taken into account.

79 80 81 82

Bourriau, “Cemetery and Settlement Pottery of the Second Intermediate Period to Early New Kingdom”. Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 394–397, 438–439. See Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 398–412, esp. 400, and 431–442. Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 438 “Der Formwandel in den Dorftöpfereien Oberägyptens hat mit dem Wachstum der politischen Ambitionen der oberägyptischen Gaufürsten nichts zu tun”.

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Turning to the second case study. the differences observed were quite different in nature. In addition to different vessel types being present at both sites, similar pottery types of presumably similar use differed in several respects. Morphological details, raw materials, and manufacturing details all showed variation. Contrary to the author’s previous interpretation83 of the causal factors behind change, it now seems that a mainly political hypothesis for the changes in pottery manufacture and use observed between different regions is too simple and monocausal an explanation. It seems more likely that the tendency to use materials and objects in a certain way—as seen in adjustments of objects by use traces—is rarely based on a single incentive. Many different influences play a role in the production of pottery and in its use and as long as there is so little known about possible types of settlements (planned for certain tasks versus self-organised ones) and their contents and organisation, it is difficult to provide clear arguments as to why such differences exist. The degree of uniformity in (residential?) pottery production in periods of political stability has to be tested in detail and depth before any solely political explanation can be proposed. The evidence from tomb depictions suggests more local variation than hitherto acknowledged. To date, there are too few securely dated twelfth dynasty pottery assemblages published in sufficient detail to consider all the factors outlined above can be considered and understood. The widely differing features of local pottery productions during the (First and) Second Intermediate Period are evident and recently became more widely known, mainly because the variety creates considerable difficulties when synchronising local sequences of sites. If there is already a certain degree of variation visible in pottery repertoires during politically stable periods, there is additional reason to seek a much wider range of interpretation for less stable periods. It seems doubtful that pottery production was a domain managed by the Middle Kingdom palace culture, but more evidence needs to be uncovered in order to develop a clearer picture of the organisation and distribution of the ubiquitous products of this craft. Variation may have developed due to a higher number of workshops in private estates, in royal estates, in planned settlements, as well as in self-organized ones. Household production may also have played a larger role than is currently acknowledged. Even if only some of these factors are valid, they create a situation with much more variation than has hitherto been acknowledged.

83

Bader, Tell el-Dabʿa xix, 680; Bader, “Avaris and Memphis”.

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Acknowledgements The research drawn upon for this paper was conducted over many years and financed by various projects of the Austrian Science Fund (project no P13627SPR, sfb Sciem 2000—F014-Egypt, Y754-G19 Beyond Politics: Material Culture in Second Intermediate Period Egypt and Nubia), the Museo Arqueológico Nacional (Madrid) and a Visiting Fellowship of the British Academy in 2006. Thanks are also due to the directors of the excavations for permission to study material, namely M. Bietak, J. Bourriau, M.C. Pérez Díe, and H. Willems, as well as to the Austrian Archaeological Institute, Museo Arqueológico Nacional Madrid, and the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. The author would also like to thank D. Aston and C. Knoblauch for correcting the English.

Bibliography Arnold, Do. “Ägyptische Mergeltone (»Wüstentone«) und die Herkunft einer Mergeltonware des Mittleren Reiches aus der Gegend von Memphis.” In Studien zur altägyptischen Keramik, Do. Arnold, ed., 161–191. sdaik. Mainz: Von Zabern, 1981. Arnold, Do. “Keramikbearbeitung in Dahschur 1976–1981.” mdaik 38 (1982): 25–66. Arnold, Do. “Pottery.” In The Pyramid of Senwosret i Volume i, Di. Arnold, ed., 143–146. Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 22. New York: mma, 1988. Arnold, Do. “Pottery Use and Disposal in a “Priest’s House” at Dahshur.” In Handbook of Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom, R. Schiestl and A. Seiler, eds., 161–183. Wien: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2012. Assmann, J. Das kulturelle Gedächtnis. Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen. München: Beck’sche Reihe, 1992. Assmann, J. “Zum Konzept der Fremdheit im Alten Ägypten.” In Die Begegnung mit dem Fremden. Wertungen und Wirkungen in Hochkulturen vom Altertum bis zur Gegenwart, M. Schuster, ed., 77–99. Stuttgart, Leipzig: 1996. Aston, D.A. “New Kingdom Pottery Phases as Revealed by well-dated Tomb Contexts.” In The Synchronisation of Civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium b.c. ii, M. Bietak and E. Czerny, eds., 135–162. Wien: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2003. Ayers, N. “Settlement Pottery from the early Second Intermediate Period at Tell Edfu.” In Vienna 2—Ancient Egyptian Ceramics in the 21st Century, B. Bader, C. Knoblauch and E.C. Köhler, eds., 27–45. Leuven: Peeters, 2016. Bader, B. “A Tale of Two Cities: First Results of a Comparison between Avaris and Memphis.” In The Synchronisation of Civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium b.c., iii, M. Bietak and E. Czerny, eds., 249–268. Wien: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2007.

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Bader, B. “Avaris and Memphis in the Second Intermediate Period in Egypt (ca. 1770– 1550/40bc).” In Proceedings of the 5th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, Madrid April 3–8 2006, 207–224. Madrid: Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 2008. Bader, B. Tell el-Dabʿa xix: Auaris und Memphis im Mittleren Reich und in der Hyksoszeit. Vergleichsanalyse der materiellen Kultur. uöai 31. Wien: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2009. Bader, B. “The Late Old Kingdom in Herakleopolis Magna? An Interim Interpretation.” In Studies in Old Kingdom Pottery, T.I. Rzeuska and A. Wodzinska, eds., 13–41. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Neriton, 2009. Bader, B. “Processing and Analysis of Ceramic Finds at the Egyptian Site of Tell elDab’a/Avaris (“eves” and other strange animals).” In Analysing Pottery. Processing— Classification—Publication, B. Horejs, R. Jung and P. Pavúk, eds., 209–233. Bratislava: Comenius University, 2010. Bader, B. “Preliminary Observations on Ceramic Material found at Herakleopolis Magna (Ehnasiya el-Medina).” cce 9 (2011): 37–69. Bader, B. “Sedment.” In Handbook of Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. Volume ii: The Regional Volume, R. Schiestl and A. Seiler, eds., 209–235. Wien: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2012. Bader, B. “The Imitation Game: Vessel Shapes made of Varying Materials in Egypt: An Approach towards Identification and Classification of a Phenomenon.” Ägypten und Levante 26 (2016): 157–262. Bader, B. and M. Seco Álvarez. “Results of Five Years of Pottery Analysis in the Temple of Millions of Years of Thutmosis iii in Western Thebes (2011–2015).” In press. Bietak, M., I. Forstner Müller and C. Mlinar. “The Beginning of the Hyksos Period at Tel el-Dab’a: A subtle Change in Material Culture.” In Contributions to the Archaeology and History of the Bronze and Iron Ages in the Eastern Mediterranean: Studies in Honour of Paul Åström, P. Fischer and P. Aström, eds., 171–181. Wien: Austrian Archaeological Institute, 2001. Bourriau, J. “Cemetery and Settlement Pottery of the Second Intermediate Period to Early New Kingdom.” Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar 8 (1986–1987): 47– 59. Bourriau, J. “Patterns of Change in Burial Customs during the Middle Kingdom.” In Middle Kingdom Studies, S. Quirke, ed., 3–20. New Malden: sia, 1991. Bourriau, J. “Beyond Avaris: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives.” In The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives, E.D. Oren, ed., 159–182. Philadelphia: University Museum Press, 1997. Bourriau, J. Kom Rabia: The New Kingdom Pottery. The Survey of Memphis iv. London: ees, 2010. Bourriau, J. “The Relative Chronology of the Second Intermediate Period: Problems

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in Linking Regional Archaeological Sequences.” In The Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth-Seventeenth Dynasties). Current Research, Future Prospects, M. Marée, ed., 11–37. ola 192. Leuven: Peeters, 2010. Bourriau, J. and C. Gallorini. Survey of Memphis viii, Kom Rabia: The Middle Kindom and Second Intermediate Period Pottery. ees Excavation Memoir. London: ees, 2016. Bourriau, J., P. Nicholson and P. Rose. “Pottery.” In Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, P. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., 121–147. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Czerny, E. Tell el-Dabʿa ix: Eine Plansiedlung des frühen Mittleren Reiches. uöai 15. Wien: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 1999. Czerny, E. Tell el-Dabʿa xxii: “Der Mund der beiden Wege” Die Siedlung und der Tempelbezirk des Mittleren Reiches von Ezbet Ruschdi. uöai 38. Wien: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2015. Davies, N.D.G. The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re’ at Thebes. New York: mma, 1943. Drenkhahn, R. Die Handwerker und ihre Tätigkeiten im Alten Ägypten. Ägyptologischen Abhandlungen 31. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1976. Franke, D. “Erste und Zweite Zwischenzeit—Ein Vergleich.” zäs 117, (1990): 119–129. Giddy, L. Kom Rabi’a: The Late Middle Kingdom Settlement (Levels vi–viii). The Survey of Memphis vi. London: ees, 2012. Giddy, L. Kom Rabi’a: The Objects from the Late Middle Kingdom Installations Levels (viviii). The Survey of Memphis ix. London: ees, 2016. Gosselain, O. “Materializing Identities: An African Perspective.” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 7/3 (2000): 187–217. Grajetzki, W. Sedment: Burials of Egyptian Farmers and Noblemen over the Centuries. London: ghp, 2005. Hein, I. “Untersuchungen und vorläufige Bilanz zur Keramik aus cEzbet Helmi, speziell Areal H/V.” Ä&L 11 (2001): 138–140. Holthoer, R. New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites. The Pottery. sje 5:1. Lund: Esselte Studium, 1977. Manniche, L. “The So-called Scenes of Daily Life in the Private Tombs of the Eighteenth Dynasty: An Overview.” In The Theban Necropolis: Past, Present and Future, N. Strudwick and J.H. Taylor, eds., 42–45. London: British Museum Press, 2003. Marchand, S. “Fouilles récentes dans la zone urbaine de Dendara: La céramique de la fin de l’Ancien Empire au début de la xiie dynastie.” cce 7 (2004): 211–238. Newberry, P.E. El-Bersheh i. The Tomb of Tehuti-Hetep. The Archaeological Survey of Egypt. London: Quaritch, 1895. Nicholson, P.T. and S. Doherty. “Arts and Crafts: Artistic Representations as EthnoArchaeology. A Guide to Craft Technique.” In Vienna 2—Ancient Egyptian Ceramics in the 21st Century: Proceedings of the International Conference held at the University

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of Vienna, 14th–18th May 2012, B. Bader, C.M. Knoblauch and E.C. Köhler, eds., 435– 450. ola 245. Leuven: Peeters, 2016. Op De Beeck, L., C. Peeters and H. Willems. “Middle Kingdom Pottery from Deir elBersha.” In Handbook of Pottery of the Middle Kingdom. Volume ii: The Regional Volume, R. Schiestl and A. Seiler, eds., 237–260. Wien: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2012. Op De Beeck, L. and S. Vereecken. “Pottery from Sidmant and Haraga in the Royal Museums of Art and History Brussels.” In Under the Potter’s Tree. Studies on Ancient Egypt presented to Janine Bourriau on the Occasion of her 70th Birthday, D.A. Aston et al., eds., 731–750. ola 204. Leuven: Peeters, 2011. Pérez Díe, M.C. “La nécropole de la Première Période Intermédiaire—début du Moyen Empire à Héracléopolis Magna—nouvelles découvertes et résultats récents (campagne 2001).” In Des Néferkarê aux Montouhotep—Travaux archéologiques en cours sur la fin de la vie dynastie et la Première Période Intermédiaire, L. Pantalacci and C. Berger-El-Naggar, eds., 239–254. Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, 2005. Pérez Díe, M.C. “The False Door at Herakleopolis Magna (i). Typology and Iconography.” In Perspectives on Ancient Egypt. Studies in Honor of Edward Brovarski, Z. Hawass, P. Der Manuelian and R.B. Hussein, eds., 357–393. Supplément aux Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte Cahier 40. Cairo: sca, 2010. Pérez Díe, M.C. “Ehnasya el Medina (Herakleopolis Magna). Excavations 2004–2007 at the Necropolis of the First Intermediate Period/Early Middle Kingdom.” In Proceedings of the Tenth International Congress of Egyptologists, P. Kousoulis and N. Lazaridis, eds., 393–409. ola 241. Leuven: Peeters, 2015. Petrie, W.M.F. Kahun, Gurob and Hawara. London: eef, 1890. Petrie, W.M.F. Illahun, Kahun and Gurob, 1889–90. London: D. Nutt, 1891. Petrie, W.M.F. Dendereh 1898. London: eef, 1900. Petrie, W.M.F. and G. Brunton. Sedment i. bsae. London: Quaritch, 1924. Schiestl, R. and A. Seiler. The Handbook of Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom, Vol. 1 Corpus Volume. Wien: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2012. Seidlmayer, S.J. Gräberfelder aus dem Übergang vom Alten zum Mittleren Reich. saga 1. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1990. Seiler, A. “The Second Intermediate Period in Thebes: Regionalism in Pottery Development and its Cultural Implications.” In The Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth— Seventeenth Dynasties), Current Research, Future Prospects, M. Marée, ed., 39–53. ola. Leuven: Peeters, 2010. Stefanović, D. “A Note on the Middle Kingdom Potters.” gm 238 (2013): 101–105. Steindorff, G. Das Grab des Ti. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1913. Tillmann, A. “Zur wirtschaftlichen Bedeutung von Silexartefakten im Alten Ägypten: Eine Provokation.” In Timelines. Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak, E. Czerny et al. eds., 381–387. ola 149. Leuven: Peeters, 2006.

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Verner, M. Abusir iii. The Pyramid Complex of Khentkaus. Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, 1995. Willems, H. Chests of Life. A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins. mveol 25. Leiden: Ex Oriente Lux, 1988. Willems, H. Dayr al-Barsha i—The Rock Tombs of Djehutinakht (No. 17K74/1), Khnumnakht (No. 17K74/2), and Iha (No. 17K74/3). ola 155. Leuven: Peeters, 2007. Willems, H. “Die Grabkammer des Djehutinakht (i.?) in Dayr al-Barsha—Methodologische Aspekte der Rekonstruktion des Ablaufs des Bestattungsrituals anhand eines neuentdeckten Beispiels.” In Die Variation der Tradition. Modalitäten der Ritualadaption im Alten Ägypten, Akten des Internationalen Symposions vom 25.–28. November 2012 in Heidelberg, A.H. Pries, ed., 133–170. ola 240. Leuven: Peeters, 2016. Willems, H. et al. “Report of the 2004–2005 Campaigns of the Belgian Mission to Deir al-Barsha.” mdaik 65 (2009): 377–432.

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chapter 3

The “Prince’s Court Is like a Common Fountain”: Middle Kingdom Royal Patronage in the Light of a Modern Sociological Concept Martina Bardonova Charles University, Prague

Abstract Patronage, in the many senses of the word, has been discussed extensively in Egyptology in recent years. It has become clear that it was one of the basic realities of ancient Egyptian socio-economic relations.1 The existence of patron-client bonds during the Middle Kingdom is a generally accepted fact, and Middle Kingdom society provided many opportunities for the formation of patron-client relationships at various levels. These could be formed among the elites or between the elites and lower classes. Questions remain, however, about the details of these types of relationship, for example if they could exist between the king and some of his subjects. This study examines the challenges encountered when studying this particular topic and how they can best be overcome. This paper is intended to introduce and describe Middle Kingdom royal patronage relationships and, as part of that process, it strives to create a framework within which to study this particular subject matter. In the first instance, it seeks to identify the key topics to be discussed, and it then discusses the most fruitful directions for future research efforts. These issues will be studied by way of an examination of the textual sources relating to six elite officials from both central and provincial administrations, all dating to the time span between the reign of Mentuhotep ii and the end of the twelfth dynasty.

1 See e.g. Eyre, “How Relevant was Personal Status”, 157–186; Franke, “Fürsorge und Patronat”, 159–185; Gnirs, “The Language of Corruption”, 148; Moreno García, “Limits of Pharaonic Administration”, 89; Moreno García, “The ‘Other’ Administration”, 1030–1031, 1042–1056; and others.

© Martina Bardonova, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_005

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Introduction

The title of this paper is based on a phrase from John Webster’s play The Duchess of Malfi. It is set in Early modern England which was in part a patronagebased society. The fountain represented contemporary perceptions of and rhetoric about royal patronage. The metaphor alluded to two different aspects of monarchy: as the never-ending source of reward and as a continual recirculation, like water returning to its source.2 I used this quote because the concept also resembles the phraseology employed by Middle Kingdom kings in ancient Egypt. Texts of that period also stressed the generosity of the pharaoh towards loyal followers, such as: dd⸗f kꜣ.w n nt.jw m šms(.w)⸗f sḏfꜣ⸗f mḏd mṯn⸗f He gives nourishment to those in his following, he provides for the one who is loyal to him.3 The pharaoh, furthermore, claimed that the only way to obtain wealth and have a comfortable life was to serve him well.4 Royal patronage was certainly considered to be a means of attracting servants capable of running the country, of gaining the loyalty of the elites, and for controlling the elites by creating hierarchies and a competitive environment.5 Royal patronage was, furthermore, intrinsically related to royal ideology and the functioning of royal courts.6 Historians have long recognised the importance of royal courts,7 which seem to have been indispensable companions of monarchs and other autocratic rulers.8 Whenever there is an individual who holds a significant level of political power, people are encouraged to congregate around him because of the possibility of personal advancement as a result of his personal favour and so attempts were made to gain from that influence. This type of situation then promotes specific forms of behaviour.9 Royal courts, were (and are) places of constant negotiation between the ruler and his elites. As such, they could either serve the ruler as a means of controlling noble-born courtiers, or to serve the elites as a means to control the ruler.10 Royal courts

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Levy-Peck, Court Patronage, 1. Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 224 (lines 14–15). See e.g. the further phrases of the loyalist teachings in Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 225. See e.g. Brosius “New Out of Old?”, 17–57; Levy-Peck, Court Patronage; Paterson, “Friends”, 121–229. Ancient Egyptian society is sometimes referred to as a court society. See e.g. Grajetzki, “The Pharaoh’s Subjects”, 121; Spence, “Court and Palace”, 267–328. Elliot, Espaňa y su mundo (1500–1700), 180. See e.g. Elias, The Court Society; Spawforth, ed., The Court and Court Society. Spence, “Court and Palace in Ancient Egypt”, 273. Paterson, “Friends”, 133.

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were often subdivided into the inner and the outer court. The criteria used to distinguish between members of each were generally based on the degree to which the members were present in the court. The inner court was typically formed by the permanent entourage of the sovereign, while the structure of the outer court was more changeable. The people belonging to that outer group were often changed and at least some of them were also connected to the provinces.11 The Persian satraps, for example, who represented the pharaoh at the local level, and even formed their own courts, were considered members of Persian royal court society.12 Courts were organizations of humans operating near the centre of larger structures, and they served to connect the sovereign to his kingdom via various types of complex relationships,13 including patronage. There are several important problems typically encountered when studying royal patronage in ancient Egypt. The first concerns the definition of patronage and the question of how to approach the subject.14 The second difficulty is concerned with sources, mainly their scarcity, relevance, and methods for interpreting them.15 The third difficulty concerns the language of patronage in its broader sense, including not only specific phrases but also gestures and actions. It is necessary to point out that all the problems are strongly interrelated and any given source is likely to contain all of them to some degree. The penultimate section of the article, therefore, focuses on potential recipients of royal patronage, and examines all individual problems on particular cases involving five officials and one kinship group. The first of the chosen individuals is the vizier Antefiqer, who lived at the end of the reign of Amenemhat i until that of Senwosret i.16 The second is the treasurer Mentuhotep, dating to the reigns 11 12 13 14

15 16

See e.g. Spawforth, Introduction to The Court and Court Society, 4. Brosius, “New Out of Old?”, 20. Gomes, The Making of a Court Society, 34. This problem has already been addressed by the author in the paper presented at the Current Research in Egyptology symposium in Krakow (May 2016). See Bardoňová and Nováková, “Generous Patrons, Loyal Clients? Middle Kingdom Elites in the Light of a Modern Sociological Concept”. Also treated in the above-mentioned paper; Bardoňová and Nováková, “Generous Patrons”. No biography of his is preserved, only several rock inscriptions survived: riln 73 and 10a (Žába, The Rock Inscriptions of Lower Nubia, 39 (no. 10a) and 98–109 (no. 73)); the stela of Weni at Wadi el Hudi nr. 8 (Sadek, Wadi el-Hudi i, 22–24); the stela of wḥmw Ameny at Wadi Gawasis (see Sayed, “Discovery of the Site of the 12th Dynasty Port”, 170). He is also known from Pap. Reisner ii D, E G (Simpson, Papyrus Reisner ii, 20–23) and from execration figurines je 63955–63956. Two tombs are also related to this person in Lisht tomb 400

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of Senwosret i and Amenemhat ii.17 The third is the military official Khusobek, who was active between the reigns of Senwosret ii and Amenemhat iii.18 The fourth individual is Antef, son of Tjefi.19 He was overseer of the ẖnrt and an official in the Herakleopolitan nome. He was active at the very beginning of the Middle Kingdom. The fifth individual is the local potentate or leader Wepwawetaa, from the middle of the twelfth dynasty (Amenemhat ii).20 Finally, the royal family of Byblos21 is studied (only the late Middle Kingdom period was taken into account for that group).

2

Patronage, Royal Patronage and Other Dependency Relations

Who is the patron and what is patronage? The Oxford on-line dictionary gives four meanings for the word patron and five for the word patronage. Patron denotes a person who gives financial or other support to a person, organization, or cause (e.g. a distinguished person who takes an honorary position in a charity), and the remaining meanings are all to some extent derived from this general definition. One definition is of a saint who protects or guides a person or place.22 Another meaning describes a regular customer of a shop or restaurant. The next one relates to a particular position in ancient Roman society. A further meaning of the word is linked to British history (and European history in general) and denotes a person or institution with the right to grant a benefit to a member of the clergy.23 Similarly, the word patronage can also have up to five different meanings. The first three of them are of some relevance to the current study. The first sense of the word patronage denotes the support given

17 18

19 20

21 22 23

(see Arnold, The Middle Kingdom Architecture at Lisht, 69–71); and Theban Tomb TT60 belonging to Senet (see de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Antefoker, Vizier of Sesostris i, and of his Wife, Senet). Stela cg 20539. Two Abydos stelae of his are known: Manchester 3306 (anoc 69.1) which mentions Senwosret iii (edition used: Lándgráfová, It is my Good Name, 210–213), and stela bm ea 1213 (anoc 69.2) dating to Amenemhat iii’s reign (edition used: Lándgráfová, It is my Good Name, 214–215). Quoted because of his stele mma 57.95 of unknown provenance (the edition used: Lándgráfová, It is my Good Name, 28–31). Two Abydos stelae of his have been analysed: Leiden V4 (anoc 20.1) (edition used: Lándgráfová, It is my Good Name, 156–160) and München Gl. waf 35 (anoc 20.2) (edition used: Lándgráfová, It is my Good Name, 162–166). Montet, Byblos et l’ Égypte: quatre campagnes de fouilles 1921–1924. https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/patron_saint (accessed 31. 10. 2016). https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/patron (accessed 31. 10. 2016).

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by a patron. The second defines the power to control appointments to offices or the right to privileges, and the third one alludes to a specific patronizing or condescending manner. The fourth meaning is concerned with specific relationships in ancient Roman society, and the final one relates to commerce.24 This investigation into the concept of patronage in ancient Egypt is generally concerned with the first two of the above mentioned definitions of patronage. This can be more appropriately summarized as follows. The first concept is of protection in exchange for loyalty.25 The second concept relates to corruption or influence caused by the creation of patron-clients bonds.26 This latter relationship should be considered as an unofficial system coexisting and overlapping with official structures. The word patronage also relates to a sociological concept as it denotes a specific relationship between a patron and a client. Such relationships appear in practically every society (even in contemporary ones)27 and consist, at a general level, of a variety of ill-defined and unpredictable exchanges related only by their referencing of values deeply embedded in a particular ideology.28 The relationship is characterized by reciprocity, intimacy, inequality, its voluntary nature, and it is not legally-enforceable.29 It can be studied on two levels: relational and systemic. Patronage system is not simply a cluster of individual patron-client relations30 operating within it. Patron-client relations of any kind are very similar to other dependency relations, for example lord-serf, master-slave, and so on, and even resemble kinship and friendship relations to some extent. The only differences are often the voluntary nature of the ties, the non-existence of legal or blood bonds, and/or a requirement for reciprocity.31 A very important characteristics of patronage is its dynamic nature and adaptability to socio-economic changes.32 Several different kinds of patronage can be considered such as political patronage, patronage among elites, patronage of the poor, or patronage of artists or craft workers. Differ-

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/patronage (accessed 31. 10. 2016). See e.g. Franke: “Fürsorge und Patronat in der Ersten Zwischenzeit und im Mittleren Reich”, 159–185. See e.g. Eyre “Patronage, Power and Corruption in Pharaonic Egypt”, 701–711; or Gnirs, “The Language of Corruption”, 125–155. Wallace-Hadrill, Introduction to Patronage in Ancient Society, 5. Wallace-Hadrill, “Introduction”, 5. Johnson and Dandecker, “Patronage”, 220–222. Johnson and Dandecker, “Patronage”, 222. Johnson and Dandecker, “Patronage”, 221–222. Johnson and Dandecker, “Patronage”, 220–222.

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ences of purpose and/or means of maintaining the relationship might also be detected33 comparing them. For many, the phrase royal patronage mostly implies a notion of a king’s generosity and magnanimity towards his subjects. Gift-giving, promotions, and royal praise were certainly employed as political tools and were, without doubt, fundamental aspects of royal patronage. Royal patronage, furthermore, was not necessarily limited to the pharaoh’s subjects. It might also be used as an instrument of foreign policy.34 Just as the word patronage has several different meanings, the phrase royal patronage can imply several related concepts. First, it can denote the pharaoh’s support of artisans. Second, it can denote a specific aspect of royal policy based on gift-giving and promotion within the hierarchy. Third, it may refer to the particular patron-client bond between the king and other individuals. It is clear that Egyptian pharaohs used gifts, promotions, and praise as political instruments, even though it remains unclear exactly how the system worked. It is also unclear whether specific patron-client bonds might have existed between pharaohs and other individuals. This study focuses on royal patronage as a form of political patronage, potentially based on reciprocal, intimate, unequal, and voluntary relationships between pharaohs and other people, which were not legally-enforceable. This type of relationship would have been used by the sovereign as a means to gain the loyalty of some of his prominent subjects, and at the same time to control powerful individuals who might otherwise have challenged his own power and become a threat.35 It is important to remember that patronage was only one possible mechanism used to bind elites to the king. Vassalage, for example, might serve in the a similar way.36 Patron-client relations of the type examined here would have represented an unofficial political instrument coexisting with other official means. The ancient Egyptian pharaoh would have been a special patron. The preserved sources indicate that his status differed from that of other members of the Egyptian population in that he had neither superiors nor direct peers and the degree of loyalty expected from his subjects was unconditional. If one of the most important characteristics of the patronage system was its voluntary

33 34 35 36

See e.g. Wallace-Hadrill, “Introduction”, 1–13; Wallace-Hadrill, “Patronage in Roman Society: from Republic to the Empire”, 63–87; Westbrook, “Patronage”, 212. Westbrook, “Patronage”; Pfoh, “Some Remarks on Patronage”, 363–381. They wrote about patronage taking place between great and lesser kings in the Ancient Near East. See e.g. Brosius, “New Out of Old?”; Levy-Peck, Court Patronage; Wallace-Hadrill, “Introduction”, 1–13. Gomes, The Making, 209.

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nature, then the unconditional nature of the relationship seem a contradiction. The environment seems to have been one where the choices were loyalty or being sentenced as a traitor. The pharaoh also seems to have been a kind of universal employer.37 It could be argued that the patronage of Roman Emperors or early modern European rulers operated in a similar way within their own societies,38 but the reality is that the Egyptian king was a specifically Egyptian phenomenon. This is reflected in scholarship by the fact that the Egyptian rulers are more often referred to as pharaohs; a term that is never used for any other sovereign.39 Within that pharaonic system, does it make a sense to search for evidence of something as elusive as a particular type of Middle Kingdom royal patronage? It is clear that an individual cannot rule a whole country alone, and this point was well argued by Bruce Trigger who stated that the central role of a king was quite a common phenomenon in early civilizations. Even though the king was the most central figure, however, the real decision-making process was more accurately being executed in the king’s name rather than performed by the king himself.40 As noted above, those with whom the power was shared represented a potential threat,41 and this could create a fruitful ground for royal patronage and its brokerage.42 It is vital to understand what combination of principles the pharaohs used to direct the delegation of power and to control those with whom they shared the power. The details of this system are particularly important in the case of the Middle Kingdom, which was marked by complex relationships and a switching power-balance between the centre and the provinces.43 Even if the conclusion is that patron-client bonds were not the governing principle of pharaoh’s relationships with his subjects,44 it is important to investigate if these particular bonds existed and what form they took. 37 38 39 40 41 42 43

44

Vymazalová, personal communication. See e.g. Levy-Peck, Court Patronage; Marek, La Embajada; Paterson, “Friends”; WallaceHadrill, “Patronage”, 63–87. Baines, “Kingship, Definition of Culture, and Legitimation”, 3. Trigger, Understanding Early Civilizations: a Comparative Study, 74. Paterson, “Friends”, 229. The context of brokerage was often court society: Paterson, “Friends”, 135. See e.g. Grajetzki, The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt; Grajetzki, “Setting a State Anew: The Central Administration from the End of the Old Kingdom to the End of the Middle Kingdom”; Willems, Les textes des sarcophages; Willems, “Nomarchs”; Spence, “Court and Palace”, 270. The latter describes the situation from the perspective of royal court studies. There are certainly some social environments in which the creation of patron-client bonds is more probable than in others. Several preconditions are required. The most important of them is, obviously, that the status of the king must be such that the service to him is beneficial for one’s own social status and wealth.

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Sources

Two preconditions for the study of patronage are relevant sources and an appropriate methodology. The challenges of obtaining these have already been outlined in an article by the current author entitled “Generous patrons, loyal clients”,45 in which the scarcity of sources and the discrepancy between the sources used to study patronage in Egyptology were highlighted,46 compared to those employed in other historical disciplines such as in European history and in Classical Antiquity.47 The earlier study also pointed out the difficulties of observing patronage in purely archaeological and iconographic sources.48 Other problems relate to the use of autobiographies, which were employed to create an idealized concept of self and to persuade visitors to make offerings or utter the offering formulae, rather than to represent a reality.49 Yet one more problem relates to working with ancient Egyptian sources. The patronage relationships were unstable and changed very dynamically, they could adapt to a variety of changes in Egyptian society including demographic and economic ones.50 Even if the existence of patronage in general and of royal patronage in particular during all historical periods can be proven, it was likely to have had different characteristics depending on each particular era. The majority of the written sources currently available are directly or indirectly related to royal and individual self-presentation. With respect to the rhetoric used, it is important to be aware of the modifications it underwent during the Middle Kingdom when it generally stressed the king’s generosity, magnanimity, and benevolence towards those who were loyal to him. The texts employed expressions of love,51 confidence, and trust,52 as well as motifs telling 45 46

47

48 49 50 51 52

Bardoňová and Nováková, “Generous Patrons”. Autobiographies, spatial distribution of tombs, iconography, and partially on some literary compositions (see e.g. Campagno, “Patronage”, 1–33; C. Eyre, “Patronage, Power and Corruption in Pharaonic Egypt”, 701–711; Franke, “Fürsorge”, 159–185; Gnirs, “The Language”, 125–155, Moreno García, “The Limits”, 88–101; Moreno García, “The ‘Other’ Administration”, 1030–1065; Seidlmayer, “People at Beni Hassan”, 351–368). Letters, literature, pamphlets and sometimes other see e.g. Marek, La Embajada en la corte imperial 1558-1641; and Marek, “Klientelní strategie”, 40–88; McLean, The Art of the Network; Millet, “Patronage and its Avoidance in Classical Athens”, 16–48; Westbrook, “Patronage”. Bardoňová and Nováková, “Generous Patrons”. See the discussion in Bardoňová and Nováková, “Generous Patrons”. Johnson and Dandecker, “Patronage”, 228. Epithets, such as: mry nb⸗f (see e.g. Louvre C 15 last line) or smr-wꜥtj n mrw.t (see e.g. cg 20538 line 1) used by officials. Phrases, such as: mḏd-mṯn (n smnḫ sw) (bm ea 581, line 25); jmj-jb (ꜥḳ-i҆b) nb⸗f (Louvre C2, line 9) or ḥꜣ nb⸗f m wꜥꜥ.w (cg 20520, line 9).

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of selection by and education by the ruler.53 The image of an ideal sovereign was at that time one of a perfect patron, meanwhile his ideal officials were represented as perfect clients. This is not particularly Egyptian in nature and similar concepts can be found in other cultures as well, for example in ancient Roman sources which exemplify the patronage society par excellence. In that civilization the creation of an empire did involve some systemic changes, but it did not abolish the existence of patronage. The power and centre of the patronage system was still perceived as ultimately residing in one man: the emperor.54 Consequently, access to and recognition by the emperor became the key to a successful and secure public life.55 In order to make such systems work, it is necessary that the emperor is seen as a fair and generous redistributor.56 The subjects, on the other hand, must represent themselves as worthy recipients of rewards.57 Nevertheless, as already mentioned above, the mechanisms of power used and the roles performed by Roman emperors and Egyptian pharaohs differed within their respective societies, and analogies might, therefore, be misleading. Despite appearances, the rhetoric encountered in Egyptian sources does not necessarily relate to the existence of royal patronage in a political sense. The above-mentioned challenges, together with the fact that individuals not only acted according to who they were but often also according to who they wished to become,58 probably veils the reality more than the scarcity of the sources. The best available means to at least partially overcome these challenges is to carry out a detailed analysis of the sources. In such a study it is necessary to establish the titles, rank, and provenances of sources and/or dating of monument(s) for a particular official, and assess the occurrences of royal names on the monument, and the variety of phrases and epithets used. Statements concerning being loved, trusted, praised, appointed, or rewarded by the pharaoh, plus others dealing with the official’s eloquence, good counsel, self-control, respect, or of being a self-made man, are also of relevance. Such an analysis, when combined with data from archaeological sources, can help reveal certain patterns, and even more importantly, anomalies in these patterns. This approach can help lift the veil hiding the reality beyond the ideal. An

53 54 55 56 57 58

See e.g. bm ea 101 (line 12). Paterson, “Friends”, 129. Paterson, “Friends”, 129. Paterson, “Friends”, 135, 138, 155. Paterson, “Friends”, 121. See e.g. McLean, The Art of the Network, 1.

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example of a similar analysis is carried out in the work of Nathalie Favry entitled Le Nomarque sous le règne de Sésostris Ier. Although the subject matter is somewhat limited, it demonstrates important concepts such as the variations in usage of various terms designating the pharaoh in the nomarcal autobiographies, which can consequently indicate that particular relationships existed between the actors.59

4

Language

The language of patronage is another important theme that remains unclear in some respects. In many cultures a specific conventional language is related to patronage. This can be imagined as something similar in its nature to that used in diplomacy or in court or as part of a restricted noble language. This language of patronage would have existed as both a spoken language and as a specific mode of conduct. The spoken language of patronage, on the one hand, consisted of specific terms denoting patrons and clients and of specific phrases used to initiate and maintain the patron-client bond.60 The latter used regular words and phrases, often related to the language of affection and friendship,61 which within the patronage context took on new meaning.62 Terms for patron and client are often based on terms related to kinship and/or friendship, and on feelings of affection. Words associated with the first two included father, son, or friend, while expressions similar to early modern Spanish terms aficionado and confidente63 would have expressed affection. With respect to Middle Kingdom patronage in particular, several terms were used that are considered to be expressions for patron such as: nb t64 and jtj.65 Words for clients included nḏs,66 mḥnk,67 tw3,68 and ẖrd⸗f.69 The terms

59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69

Favry, Le Nomarque, 322–325. see e.g. McLean, The Art of the Network. Johnson and Dandecker, “Patronage”, 232. The above mentioned subject is nicely treated in e.g. McLean, The Art of the Network. See e.g. Marek, La Embajada en la corte imperial 1558–1641; and Marek, “Klientelní strategie”, 40–88. Gnirs, “The Language”, 138. Franke, “Fürsorge”, 175. This term is supposed to designate a person of free status, who was therefore a potential client: Franke, “Fürsorge”, 170, 175. Gnirs, “The Language”, 138. Franke, “Fürsorge”, 175; Gnirs, “The Language”, 138. Moreno García, “The Limits”, 91.

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mḥnk and tw3 are, furthermore, thought to refer to two different type of clients. The difference between the two being primarily economic: twꜣ.w according to Gnirs resembled Roman clients, while mḥnk.w enjoyed the patron’s generosity as a special favour for their services. The phase was used as an expression of personal attachment.70 From about ninety studied autobiographies only the composition belonging to jmj-rꜣ ẖnrt n rꜣ ꜥꜣ Antef son of Tjefi dating to the reign of Mentuhotep ii included a term recognised by scholars as denoting a royal client, mḥnk (nswt),71 among the phrases and epithets of love and trust. The phrases and conduct employed to initiate and maintain a bond between a patron and his clients also tended to emphasise trust, love, and eventually friendship, or, they might be based on more patrimonial language. Autobiographies of elite officials dating to the Middle Kingdom were dominated by epithets and phrases presenting officials as being loved by the king, having access to the king, being loyal to the king, or being rewarded by the king.72 This emphasis is certainly indicative of a tendency, which could be explained at a general level by the observation that a strong period of rule brings about more focus on the king.73 It has been proposed that certain phrases found in the First Intermediate Period and in a smaller numbers of Middle Kingdom or Second Intermediate Period autobiographies74 are expressions of concern about the wellbeing of people under the patronage of powerful men. These phrases are considered to be ones from an earlier period that were adopted and adapted by the Middle Kingdom sovereigns.75 Assmann claims that kings who during the Middle Kingdom showed concern for their subjects in fact incorporated First Intermediate Period symbolic forms into the royal ideology and propaganda to present themselves as sympathetic patrons.76 These statements expressed principles of vertical solidarity and protection in exchange for loyalty.77 According to some scholars, the image of the pharaoh as a patron was perhaps contrary to what might otherwise be expected for the period, more accentuated in the 70 71 72 73 74

75 76 77

Gnirs, “The Language”, 138. mma 57.95, line 2: see Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 29. See e.g. Favry, Le nomarque; Landgráfová, It is my Good Name. Franke, “Fürsorge”, 176–179. See e.g. Franke “Fürsorge”, 159–185; Campagno, “Patronage”, 1–33. See the discussion concerning the other possible interpretation of such phrases in Bardoňová and Nováková, “Generous Patrons”. Assmann, Egypt; Gestermann, “Sesostris iii”, 37–47. Assmann, Egypt, 30–31. Assmann, Egypt, 30–31.

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later twelfth dynasty during the reign of Senwosret iii and in the first half of the reign of Amenemhat iii.78 Several explanations can be proposed for this situation, included an unrepresentative preservation of sources or the misinterpretation of some sources (such as the royal statuary of Senwosret iii and Amenemhat iii), or indeed the king’s requirement to attract new officials for the growing bureaucracy. There are two related factors making accurate interpretation of such phrases problematic. The first is that the phrases appear in sources that eulogised the deceased, therefore, these might express conventional moral obligations, which is also known from other cultures. Some statements could also simply demonstrate someone’s concern about doing their job well.79 The second problem is that these phrases may refer to the notion of patronage as meaning protection in exchange for loyalty, rather than the particular concept of political patronage. A focus on patronage related forms of behaviour means being mostly limited to studying just one form: gift-giving. Even the so-far only known mḥnk nswt, Antef son of Tjefi, recorded, besides others, a reward given to him by the king: ḫ(w)d.kwj pr-ḏ.t m rdj.t.n n(⸗j) ḥm n nb(⸗j): I am rich in pr-ḏ.t from that which the Majesty my lord gave me.80 Gift-giving is certainly a key topic that can be studied from many points of view, however, there are also challenges encountered when researching that subject. Presents and rewards were not only features of the relationships between patrons and clients, but they were also used in diplomatic relations, contractual relations between employers and employees, relations between a lord and his servants, and even as an aspect of kinship and friendship bonds. As a result, the first question that arises is how to distinguish patronage related gifts from other types of gifts? In answer to this question, it is necessary to first study in detail the kinds of royal rewards and on which occasions they were given. It must be remembered that gifts and rewards could sometimes be turned into an obligation, such as in ancient Rome where some rewards later became regular salaries.81 Under some circumstances, such obligatory gifts might even become a burden for the giver, for example when they did not possess adequate resources to fulfil obligations.

78 79 80 81

Gestermann, “Sesostris iii”, 46–47. Bardoňová and Nováková, “Generous Patrons”. Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 31 (column 3). Paterson, “Friends”, 155.

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Who?

In the previous chapters, we have seen that the sources available for studying Middle Kingdom royal patronage are far from ideal. While the picture painted here is incomplete, encouragement can be gained from the section dedicated to the definitions of royal patronage, where it became clear that understanding the human element is key. The current author has already proposed that detailed analysis of sources can help to partially overcome the disadvantages present within them, but this approach is not the only one that can lead to better understanding of the historical reality. Once the nature of and the possibilities inherent in the patron-client bonds have been established and clarified, groups of people that kings may have tried to control via possible patronage can be selected for study. Two facts cannot be forgotten in the process. First, the political position, power, and resources at the disposal of Middle Kingdom rulers were constantly changing variables. The potential targets, the motivations, or even the necessity of using royal patronage as a tool to gain loyalty may all have changed considerably in the course of the Middle Kingdom. Second, the power of a particular official did not derive only from his respective rank and social networks, but also from the pharaoh’s confidence in and sympathies for the individual, and the extents of these subjective feelings are difficult to ascertain on the basis of sources in which everyone boasts of being close to or indeed closest to the king. Who might have belonged among the group of potential clients of a Middle Kingdom sovereign? First of all, kings were most probably patrons of craft workers and artisans. The scope of the current study does not, however, cover this particular kind of patronage. Potential royal clients can also be expected to have had certain characteristics, such as being endowed with a degree of power independent of the king, or being difficult to control by other more regular means.82 The group that most obviously fulfils this criterion includes local potentates. It is likely that most of them were necessarily difficult to control due to their geographical distance83 from the pharaoh’s centre of power. Furthermore, their power was probably, at least partially, rooted in local social networks and local material possessions.84

82 83 84

See discussions about the function of patronage especially in Wallace-Hadrill, “Patronage”, 73 and Levy-Peck, Court Patronage, 135. See more about the aspect of distance in the chapter “Gift-giving”: the case of Wepwawetaa. See e.g. Willems, “Nomarchs”, and Favry, Le nomarque.

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The relationships between the king and the local governors, although they probably underwent frequent modification, seems to have been reciprocal.85 Already in the First Intermediate period the king appeared in some sources as a point of reference in the governors’ self-presentation funerary scenes. Favry states that the king’s level of appreciation of a governor’s qualities may have played a role in the legitimization of that governor’s power.86 On the other hand, the loyalty of the governors was indispensable to any king as they controlled provincial resources including manpower and comprising soldiers.87 It seems that, at least during the reign of Senwosret i, that relations were particularly close.88 It is also clear that even though the royal appointment of a governor seemed to be a sine qua non, in a number of cases it was rather a confirmation of the position as the kinship relationships of any new governor seem to have been at least as important as the new governor’s approval and appointment by the king.89 Individuals who may have been educated in the royal court and then appointed to a position as a provincial potentate, however, also appear in the historical record.90 Complex and sometimes contradictory relations can be seen in the autobiographies and other inscriptions. These connections between local governors and the kings were studied in detail by Nathalie Favry91 and although she focused on the reign of Senwosret i, some of her general remarks are applicable to the other historical periods in chronological proximity. In principle, the same type of the phrases of praise and love occur in the biographical texts of these local potentates, although fluctuations in the use of particular terms can be observed, for example the terms she relates to royal praise appear slightly more often during the first half of the twelfth dynasty than in the First Intermediate Period and the later Middle Kingdom.92 Favry adds that this royal praise expressed in texts had its material counterparts and it probably included recognition using some expressions that were previously royal prerogatives.93

85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93

Favry, Le nomarque, 374. Favry, Le nomarque, 324. Martina Bardoňová, Vznik, průběh a úpadek egyptské Střední Říše. Prague: Unpublished ma Thesis: Faculty of Arts, Charles University, 2011, 98–99. Favry, Le nomarque, 375. Favry, Le nomarque, 316, 375. See e.g. Mentuhotep appointed by the Senwosret i to the head of the Fourth Upper Egyptian nome: Favry, Le nomarque, 316–317. Favry, Le nomarque. Favry, Le nomarque, 326–328. Favry, Le nomarque, 376–377.

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A very good example of all possible problems relating to relations between kings and local leaders is the local potentate Wepwawetaa. Wepwawetaa is supposed to have been a leading person in the Thinite nome, connected as was habitual for man of his standing with the Abydos temple. He is well known for the description of his visit to the pharaoh’s palace described in one of the monuments. He explicitly stated that he was appointed to the office by Senwosret i: (the king) dj wj m-m smr.w⸗f.94 He enumerated all his fine qualities which had led the king to make this appointment. Wepwawetaa also stated the following: Jnk zꜣ sr wr n Tꜣ-wr ꜥꜣ m pr⸗f wr m sḫ.t⸗f wr wꜥb.yt m ḥw.t-nṯr jtj.w(⸗j) nb.w ḏr tp.jwꜥ ms.w pr.t n.t jm.jw-ḥꜣ.t sꜥḥ.w n.w zp-tp.j: I am a son of a great official of Thinite nome, a magnate in his house, one great in his fields, one rich in meat-offerings in the temple. My fathers were lords since the ancestors, children and seed of the primaeval ones, and officials of the first time.95 Wepwawetaa was without doubt an important person in a key position. Abydos temple and the whole locality was important and the king was certainly interested in controlling its leader. The distance between the nome and the palace at Lisht is almost 500km. The journey between the two sites could take as much as 10 days.96 To closely control the actions of someone with whom communication concerning any question may have taken around three weeks seems almost impossible. The role of trust and its enforcement at this distance seems more crucial than in the cases of elite officials working in the palace in proximity to the pharaoh’s own centre of power. However, in the absence of more biographical sources it seems reasonable to believe the testimony of Wepwawetaa who stated the following: ḫd.n⸗j ḫnt.n⸗j m ẖnw rḫ(⸗j) n jr⸗j ḥꜣ.w ḥr mdw.wt I fared down and upstream from the residence, so that (I) would know. I did not do more than was said.97 This not only emphasises that despite the distance he regularly travelled between Abydos and the palace, he also explicitly stated that had never acted independently, and that everything he did was according to the king’s orders. When Senwosret i died, Wepwawetaa travelled to Itjtawy in order to pay homage to the new king.98 During his visit he was apparently warmly welcomed with curtsies and received special honours. Wepwawetaa stated that 94 95 96

97 98

Leiden V4, line 7 (Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 158). Leiden V4, end of line 12 and line 13 (Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 160). The length of the journey is, of course, only an estimation. First, we do not know the exact location of Itj-tawy, and second, we based the estimates on testimonies of ancient authors and estimated speeds of travel in pre-industrial times. See e.g. Moreno García, Hwt et le milieu rural égyptien, 264. Leiden V4, line 8 (Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 158–159). Stela München Gl. waf 35.

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the pharaoh appointed him as jmj-ḫnt ꜥꜣ m ꜣbḏw and as an jmj-rꜣ ḥm.w-nṯr, which means that Amenemhat ii confirmed Wepwawetaa’s position. Besides the appointments, the pharaoh awarded him an income from Osiris’s temple: dj.n ḥm⸗f sft⸗j jwꜣ.w m ḥw.t-nṯr n.t Wsjr Ḫnt.j-jmn.tjw m Tꜣ-wr ꜣbḏw pr.n n⸗j ḥr mskꜣ.w jr.y m-ꜣꜥ.t-n: His majesty let me slaughter bulls in the temple of Osiris Khentamenti in Abydos in the Thinite nome, and (income) came to me from their skins.99 Was the reward simply an obligatory courtesy for someone of Wepwawetaa’s standing, a reward for his continued services, or a particular example of royal patronage? It seems reasonable to assume that the second scenario is more realistic, because quite apart from the specific titles of Wepwawetaa’s official positions the temple income he received seems to have established a long-term arrangement. This kind of gift has a significantly different impact on an individual’s actions when compared to a one-time gift. On the other hand, the sources also seem to insinuate that Wepwawetaa had a more particular and personal relationship with Senwosret i, and that Amenemhat ii merely confirmed his position. Intimacy is one important characteristic of patron-client bonds. The potential clients of the Egyptian kings, however, did not necessarily have to be Egyptians.100 The words of one of the most famous compositions of ancient Egyptian literature, The Tale of Sinuhe, state that His Majesty sent to me with provisions of the royal bounty. He rejoiced the heart of this servant like as might be done for a ruler of a foreign land.101 Although the references to the foreign activities of Middle Kingdom kings are, of course, not restricted to this literary composition, it is clear that Middle Kingdom rulers were active outside the Egyptian borders, even if they had not yet created the imperial system that would be established during the New Kingdom: They are rulers of renown who have grown up in the love of you.102 Foreign princes seemingly established relationships with pharaohs that including gifts-giving, and these relations were during the late Middle Kingdom most intense in the case of Byblos. It is not within the scope of this study to examine the whole complex web of relations which bound the port of Byblos to the Egyptian rulers, but the attachment of the princes of Byblos to Egyptian interests was without doubt of importance to the pharaohs. Their power was independent of the Egyptian sovereign and was rooted in local networks, but at some point they also started 99 100 101 102

Stela München Gl. waf 35, lines 19–22 (Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 165). See among others Westbrook, “Patronage”; Pfoh, “Some Remarks”, 363–381. They wrote about patronage taking place between greater and lesser kings in the Ancient Near East. Simpson, ed., The Literature of Ancient Egypt, 61 (170). Simpson, ed., The Literature of Ancient Egypt, 63 (220).

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to use an Egyptian title ḥꜣtj-ꜥ n Kpn( j) and adapted Egyptian writing for their own use.103 The relationship between the two parties, the kings and royal family of Byblos and the pharaohs of Egypt, must have been mutual advantageous to both groups.104 Adopting Egyptian culture and sending “gifts” that were advantageous to the pharaohs could in turn help to strengthen the position of the kings Byblos in relation to their own subjects.105 The relationship between the two ruling parties was necessarily deeply affected by diplomatic relations, possible military threats, and by trade.106 While it may not be possible in this case to distinguish diplomacy from patronage, it is notable that in the latter part of the twelfth dynasty certain changes took place in relations with Byblos. The Egyptian gifts, which in earlier times were sent mainly to the local temple of Balaat-Hathor, were now directed mainly to royal family.107 Last but not least, the administrators of the central government should be taken into consideration. In the first instance, it is reasonable to suppose that officials belonging to this group had closer relations with the pharaohs on whose decisions they depended than any other group of persons. Apparently, even before centralized royal power was consolidated during the Middle Kingdom, pharaohs were the central focus of the lives and work of the highest court officials.108 The question is whether their relationships with the pharaoh could incorporate the principles of patronage, or whether their bond with the sovereign was exclusively of different nature, such as a contractual relationship like “lord-serf” or similar. The question is certainly difficult to answer. Could any one of the king’s closest assistants act with independent power or be difficult to control? It can be argued that such officials did exist, less often during times of unification and more so during moments of dynastic change. But can such individuals be seen in the sources?

103 104

105 106 107 108

See e.g. Montet, Byblos et l’ Égypte; Tallet, Senwosret iii. Besides providing cedar wood, Byblos served as an intermediary between Egypt and the Near East up to Mesopotamia (Tallet, Sesostris iii). In the Annales of Amenemhat ii, we may read that an expedition to ḫnty-š, an area identified with today’s Lebanon, brought metal, wood, and even fragrances and essences, including medical ones (Obsomer, Sesostris Ier, 595–607). Byblos is supposed to receive gold, ivory, and linen in return (Montet, Byblos et l’ Égypte). See how the Egyptian culture was used by Near-Eastern and other elites to model their symbols of power and social distinction: Diego, Abriendo los caminos de Punt, 39–42. See e.g. Allen, “The Historical Inscription of Khnumhotep at Dahshur”, 29–39. Montet, Byblos et l’ Égypte. However, Marwan Kilani pointed out that such a statement is problematic due to the unbalanced preservation of sources (personal communication). See e.g. the autobiography of treasurer Tjetji (reigns of Antef ii and Antef iii) bm ea 614 (Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 11–14).

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Vizier Antefiqer is relatively well-known even though no biography of his is preserved. He was one of the few officials who were allowed to be buried in a tomb within the pyramid complex of a pharaoh, in the mid-sized stonebuilt tomb “Lisht 400”.109 It is thought that he might have had a special relationship with Amenemhat i because of their common Theban background.110 Knowing the situation around the Amenemhat’s takeover of the throne, it is easy to get the impression that he must have been an important supporter of the new pharaoh who received the privilege of being buried near to his lord. Antefiqer, however, seemingly belonged to a younger generation and is known primarily as the servant of the subsequent ruler Senwosret i. Could he have maintained a prominent position because he was an important supporter of the new dynasty? Antefiqer was not the only person buried within the pyramid complex of Amenemhat i. In total, two other mastabas were located there111 and this arrangement seems to have been something quite particular for Amenemhat i’s complex. A quite different case is that of Khusobek. Senwosret iii’s reign was not marked by any weakness in the pharaoh’s wielding of power. On the contrary, it is considered to have been an era when the centralizing tendencies of twelfth dynasty kings peaked. Khusobek’s inscriptions mention military expeditions undertaken during the reign of Senwosret iii, most notably one against the Asiatics. As a result, his biography is one of the most quoted texts of military official of the late twelfth dynasty. His biographies also emphasize that he was selected and taught by the pharaoh himself. Besides this, Khusobek describes rich rewards for his achievements: ꜥḥꜥ.n rdj.n⸗f (wj) r sḥḏ šmsw rdj(.w) n⸗j s 100 m fkꜣ.112 and then the (king) appointed me as sḥḏ šmnsw.w. I was given 100 men as a reward.113 ꜥḥꜥ.n rdj.n⸗f n⸗j sṯs m ḏꜥm … mtpn.t ḥnꜥ (mds) bꜣk.w m ḏꜥm.114 then he (the king) gave me a staff of electrum … a sheath together with a dagger adorned with electrum.115 It is easy to imagine how important it was for any king to

109 110

111

112 113 114 115

Dieter Arnold, Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht. Arnold, Middle Kingdom, 69. In tt 60 Antefiqer appears with the title foster-child of the kings. This may mean that he grew up in the royal court close to Amenemhat i (Grajetzki, Court Officials, 29). Mastaba 384 of Rehuerdjersen (Arnold, Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 63) and mastaba 493 of jmj-rꜣ pr wr Nakht (Arnold, Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 72). Furthermore, mastaba 470 of Senimeru was also partially inserted into the pyramid precinct (Arnold, Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 71). After the expedition to Nubia. Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 212 (line 15). After the expedition to Asia. Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 213 (line 20).

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have loyal bodyguards and military officials, but is it reasonable to go so far as to call it patronage? This case bears more resemblance to a relationship between a competent employee and a content employer. In the section dedicated to definitions of patronage, I mentioned the important role of brokering royal patronage, a function that was usually performed by the courtiers.116 In theory, anyone of the pharaoh’s closest companions could fulfil this role, but to identify the pharaoh’s potential brokers in the historical record seems almost impossible. Even though the focus of the attentions of lower officials were often high officials,117 this situation does not necessarily mean that all high officials acted as brokers. I decided to demonstrate this problem using the case of treasurer Mentuhotep who lived during the reigns of Senwosret i and Amenemhat ii.118 Besides the typical phrases relating to royal praise, his excellent qualities, and even the “helped to the needy” phrases, Mentuhotep also stated that he was a sn.nw n nswt m nḏ-ḥr rn119 and in wsḫ.t ꜥꜣ.t;120 jw.t n⸗f šn.yt one to whom the courtiers come,121 and dd z wn⸗f mꜣꜥ who appointed a man so that he was true,122 and dd kꜣ.w sḫnt jꜣ.wt who gives nourishment and promotes offices.123 Therefore, he boasted that he was second only to the king in some particular matters, and that he promoted officials and gave nourishment to whoever was the recipient. One more interesting fact about Mentuhotep should be stated here. Significant burials in Lisht are generally surrounded by lesser shafts believed to belong to household members and their descendants (including clients).124 Mentuhotep’s monument is, however, an exception because of the absence of such burials.125 Could this somehow relate to his potential role as a broker, or does it reflect what was expected with respect to his office? This demonstrates how difficult it is to rely on biographies and to consider “help to needy” phrases as patronage related, because it is unlikely that the burial of someone who presented himself as a patron would actually lack the

116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124

125

Paterson, “Friends”, 135. Grajetzki, “The Pharaoh’s Subjects”, 122. Stela cg 20539. Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 174. Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 176. Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 175. Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 175. Landgráfová, It is my Good Name, 176. This is a typical feature of the Middle Kingdom but also First Intermediate Period necropolises: see Arnold, Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht; Seidlmayer, “People at Beni Hassan”. See further discussion in Bardoňová and Nováková, “Generous Patrons”.

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presence of any possible clients after his death. On the other hand, if he acted as a broker, then his potential clients, who were at the same time king’s clients, might have felt more of a sense of attachment to the latter. It is clear that any such clients would be of a different social class than the owners of lesser shafts in the vicinity of major mastabas.

6

Conclusions

The aim of this article was to point out several significant problems relating to the study of patronage in Egyptology, and more specifically with royal patronage in ancient Egypt. Future discussions could examine whether or not Middle Kingdom ideology was newly formulated in response to situations that arose after the First Intermediate Period. Topics encompassing the concepts of social responsibility and a moral economy126 could be addressed with reference to ideas of loyalty and vertical solidarity in systems of patronage.127 It is most likely that the new royal ideology of the Middle Kingdom partially adopted topics developed by local governors of the First Intermediate Period. At that time the pharaoh had to be persuasive and accommodating to get his will through.128 Once the Middle Kingdom pharaohs had consolidated power, is it realistic to talk patronage at all? Could someone who had no superiors and no peers, and, who was in theory an “employer” of everyone and everything, act as a true patron? In other words, could he maintain relationships with some of his subjects that were based on reciprocity, intimacy, inequality, and a voluntary nature, and which existed in the absence of legal enforcement?129 It is true that Roman emperors or early modern European kings used patronage to execute power,130 but did Middle Kingdom pharaohs use it in the same way in the a comparable position? Is a more precise definition of royal patronage required, which might be quite particular to the Egyptian Middle Kingdom cases? The Middle Kingdom sources available131 do not adequately reveal the relationship between the pharaoh and his subjects. This article has attempted to

126 127 128 129 130 131

Richards, “Modified Order”, 36. Assmann, Egypt, 30–31. Gundlach, “Die Legitimation”. Wallace-Hadrill, “Introduction”; Levy-Peck, Court Patronage. See e.g. Levy-Peck, Court Patronage; Marek, La Embajada; Wallace-Hadrill, “Patronage”, 63–87. See the chapter sources and the discussion in Bardoňová and Nováková, “Generous Patrons”.

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demonstrate that a clearer definition of patronage, based on modern sociological concepts, could at least help to identify possible participant in a system of patronage. Individuals who could be expected to attract or require royal patronage may be identifiable in the historical record, even though the available sources are scarce. The problem is that not only are the sources scarce and liable to be affected by biases, but the language of patronage used, both spoken and in depicted gestures and actions, is far from clear. Some notion of terms designating patrons and clients in general is of use, but they are largely missing for the sources related to royal patronage. This situation is not surprising given the nature of the available sources and the pharaoh’s particular position in the society. Furthermore, many other aspects of the language of patronage, such as the concept of gift-giving have not been studied in depth. Based on this brief survey of sources, this article has attempted to demonstrate that some records can be interpreted as reflecting royal patronage. Such an interpretation is, however, not definitive and other explanations remain possible. Gift-giving, for example, although very important in initiating and maintaining the patron-client bond, is also an intrinsic element of many other types of relationship, from diplomacy to friendship. It is nevertheless reasonable to assume the existence of a hidden and complex web of relations behind the official picture painted by “royal propaganda”. Relationships based on many types of bonds and varied power dynamics undoubtedly influenced different parts of the country.132 Based on this brief survey, it is not possible to conclude that political patronage as defined above was the fundamental principle underpinning133 the ancient Egyptian society or the pharaoh’s position within that society. More detailed study of both phraseology and gift-giving could, however, reveal more specific patterns and anomalies that would shed more light on the question of possible royal patronage, despite the problematic sources. At a broader level, an interdisciplinary comparative discussion examining traces of royal patronage in different societies could be beneficial.

Acknowledgements The present work was supported by the European Regional Development Fund-Project “Creativity and Adaptability as Conditions of the Success of Europe in an Interrelated World” (No. CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_019/0000734).

132 133

Hana Vymazalová, personal communication. Moreno García, “The Limits”, 89.

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Bibliography Assmann, J. Egypt ve světle teorie kultury. Praha, Oykumene, 1998. Allen, J.P. “The historical inscription of Khnumhotep at Dahshur at Dahshur: preliminary report.” basor 352 (2008): 29–39. Arnold, Di. The Middle Kingdom Architecture at Lisht. New York-New Haven: mma, 2006. Arnold, Di. Middle Kingdom tomb architecture at Lisht. New York-New Haven: mma, 2008. Baines, J. “Kingship, Definition of Culture, and Legitimation.” In Ancient Egyptian Kingship, D. O’Connor and D.P. Silverman, eds., 3–47. PdÄ 9. Leiden: Brill Publishers, 1995. Bardoňová, M. Vznik, průběh a úpadek egyptské Střední Říše. Prague: unpublished ma Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, Charles University, 2011. Bardoňová, M. and V. Nováková. “Generous patrons, loyal clients? Middle Kingdom elites in the light of a modern sociological concept.” In press. Brosius, M. “New out of old? Court and court ceremonies in Achaemenid Persia.” In The Court and Court Society in Ancient Monarchies, T. Spawforth, ed., 17–57. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Campagno, M. “Patronage and other logics of social organization in ancient Egypt during the iiird millennium bce.” JEgH 7/1 (2014): 1–33. Davies, N. de G. The tomb of Antefoker, vizier of Sesostris i, and of his wife, Senet. London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1920. Diego Espinel, A. Abriendo los caminos de Punt. Barcelona: Bellaterra, 2011. Elias, N. The Court Society. Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2006. Elliot, J.H. Espaňa y su mundo (1500–1700). Madrid: Taurus, 2007. Eyre, C.J. “How Relevant was personal status.” In La dépendance rurale dans l’antiquité égyptienne et proche-orientale, B. Menu, ed., 157–186. Cairo: ifao, 2004. Eyre, C.J. “Patronage, power and corruption in Pharaonic Egypt.” International Journal of Public Administration 34 (2011): 701–711. Favry, N. Le Nomarque sous le règne de Sésostris Ier. Les institutions dans l’Égypte ancienne 1. Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2004. Franke, D. “Fürsorge und Patronat in der Ersten Zwischenzeit und im Mittleren Reich.” sak 34 (2006): 159–185. Gestermann, L. “Sesostris iii.—König und Nomarch.” In Selbstverständnis und Realität, R. Gundlach, ed., 37–47. Ägypten und Altes Testament 36. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1997. Gnirs, A. “The Language of Corruption: on Rich and Poor in The Eloquent Peasant.” In Reading the Eloquent Peasant: proceedings of the international conference on The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant at the University of California, Los Angeles, March 27–30 1997,

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A. Gnirs, ed., 125–155. Lingua Aegyptia 8. Göttingen: Seminar für Ägyptologie und Koptologie, 2000. Gomes, R.C. The Making of a Court Society: Kings and Nobles in Late Medieval Portugal. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Grajetzki, W. The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt: history, archaeology and society. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, 2006. Grajetzki, W. Court Officials of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. London: Duckworth, 2009. Grajetzki, W. “Setting a State Anew: The Central Administration from the End of the Old Kingdom to the End of the Middle Kingdom.” In Ancient Egyptian Administration, J.C. Moreno García, ed., 215–258. Leiden, Brill, 2013. Grajetzki, W. “The Pharaohs subjects. Court and Provinces.” In Ancient Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom, A. Oppenheim, Di. Arnold, Do. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto, eds., 267–328. New York: mma, 2015. Johnson, T. and C. Dandecker, “Patronage: relation and system.” In Patronage in Ancient Society, A. Wallace-Hadrill, ed., 219–242. London: Routledge, 1989. Lándgráfová, R. It is My Good Name that You Should Remember. Prague: Faculty of Arts, Charles University, 2011. Levy-Peck, L. Court Patronage and Corruption in Early Stuart England. London: Routledge, 1990. Marek, P. “Klientelní strategie španělských králů na pražském císařském dvoře konce 16. a počátku 17. Století.” český časopis historický 105 (2007): 40–88. Marek, P. La Embajada en la corte imperial 1558-1641. Figuras de los embajadores y estrategias clientelares. Prague: Faculty of Arts, Charles University, 2014. McLean, P.D. The Art of the Network: strategic interaction and patronage in Renaissance Florence. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2007. Millet, P. “Patronage and its avoidance in classical Athens.” In Patronage in Ancient Society, A. Wallace-Hadrill, ed., 15–48. London: Routledge, 1989. Montet, P. Byblos et l’Égypte: quatre campagnes de fouilles 1921–1924. Beirut: Terres du Liban, 1998. Moreno García, J.C. Hwt et le milieu rural égyptien du iiie millénaire: économie, administration et organisation territoriale. Paris: Librarie Honoré Champion, 1999. Moreno García, J.C. “Limits of Pharaonic Administration.” In Diachronic trends in ancient Egyptian history: studies dedicated to the memory of Eva Pardey, M. Bárta and H. Küllmer, eds., 88–101. Prague: Charles University of Prague, Faculty of Arts, 2013. Moreno García, J.C. “The ‘other’ administration: patronage, factions, and informal networks of power in ancient Egypt.” In Ancient Egyptian administration, J.C. Moreno García, ed., 1029–1065. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Obsomer, Cl. Sesostris Ier: etude chronologique et historique du regne. Bruxelles: Connaissance de l’Egypte ancienne, 1995. Paterson, J. “Friends in high places. The creation of the court of the Roman Emper-

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ors.” In The Court and Court Society in Ancient Monarchies, T. Spawforth, ed., 121–156. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Pfoh, E. “Some Remarks on Patronage in Syria-Palestine During the Late Bronze Age.” jesho 52/3 (2009), 363–381. Richards, J.E. “Modified order, responsive legitimacy, redistributed health: Egypt, 2260– 1650bc.” In Order, legitimacy, and wealth in ancient states, J.E. Richards and M. van Buren, eds., 36–45. New Directions in Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Sadek, A.I. The amethyst mining inscriptions of Wadi el-Hudi i: Text. Modern Egyptology. Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1980. Sayed, A.M.A.H. “Discovery of the site of the 12th Dynasty port at Wâdi Gawâsîs on the Red Sea shore.” RdE 29 (1977): 138–178. Seidlmayer, S.J. “People at Beni Hassan: contributions to a model of ancient Egyptian rural society.” In The archaeology and art of ancient Egypt: essays in honor of David B. O’Connor, Vol. 2, Z. Hawass and J. Richards, eds., 351–368. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2007. Simpson, W.K.S. Papyrus Reisner ii: Accounts of the Dockyard Workshop at This in the Reign of Sesostris i. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1965. Simpson, W.K.S. Ed. The Literature of Ancient Egypt: An Anthology of Stories, Instructions, Stelae, Autobiographies, and Poetry. Yale University Press, 2003. Spawforth, T. Ed. The Court and Court Society in Ancient Monarchies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Spence, K. “Court and palace in ancient Egypt: Amarna period and later Eighteenth Dynasty.” In The Court and Court Society in Ancient Monarchies, T. Spawforth, ed., 267–328. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Tallet, P. Sesostris iii et la fin de la xiie dynastie. Paris: puf, 2005. Trigger, B. Understanding Early Civilizations: a comparative study. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Wallace-Hadrill, A. Introduction to Patronage in Ancient Society. London: Routledge, 1989. Westbrook, R. “Patronage in the Ancient Near East.” jesho 48/2 (2005): 210–233. Willems, H. Les textes des sarcophages et la démocratie: éléments d’une histoire culturelle du Moyen Empire Égyptien. Paris: Cybele, 2008. Willems, H. “Nomarchs and Local Potentates: The Provincial Administration in the Middle Kingdom.” In Ancient Egyptian Administration, J.C. Moreno García, ed., 341– 392. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Žába, Z. The Rock Inscriptions of Lower Nubia. čeu 1. Prague: Charles University, 1974.

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chapter 4

Sinuhe: Popular Hero, Court Politics, and the Royal Paradigm Miroslav Bárta Charles University, Prague

Jiří Janák Charles University, Prague

Abstract The Story of Sinuhe is one of the best preserved, best known, and most often read, translated, analysed, and discussed literary texts from ancient Egypt.1 It has been known for more than a century and has inspired both Egyptologists and fiction writers.2 Yet, despite all that modern scholarship has achieved so far, many would agree that the story has not been fully understood with regards to its form, meaning and context.3

1

Introduction

The complexity of the Story of Sinuhe can be displayed by the following ambiguity: many of the topics and motifs attested in the Story of Sinuhe would fit nicely into modern definitions of popular, or even pulp literature,4 but it is also rightfully acclaimed as one of the masterpieces of ancient (Egyptian) literature and for its sophisticated use of language and symbolism. The present paper focuses on this complexity and analyses possible parallels to the Story of Sinuhe, and its main message. Parallels are drawn with characters from modern-day popu-

1 The story was relatively frequently read in ancient Egypt, and it is certain that it has been very frequently read in the field of Egyptology. For the ancient history of the text see for instance Winand, “The Tale of Sinuhe”, 216–217. For a recent Egyptological bibliography on Sinuhe, see Lüscher, Sinuhe-Bibliographie. 2 Parkinson, Reading Ancient Egyptian Poetry, 246–256. 3 Feder, Hays, Morenz, “Introduction: The Alpha and Omega of Sinuhe”, 1. 4 Janák, Landgráfová, “Populární a braková literatura ve starém Egyptě”.

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lar fiction and with well-known figures from the Hebrew Bible like Abraham, Josef, and most notably Job. Despite the fact that the whole account in the story is fictional, its individual elements of construction are realistic and fit neatly into what is known today about ancient Egypt and the Levant at the time of the Patriarchs. That was the Middle Bronze Age ii, i.e. the 20th century bc and the beginning of the twelfth dynasty, where the plot was set.5 The text of the Story of Sinuhe was composed at some point during the Middle Kingdom. Later copies come from the late (Ramesside) New Kingdom, proving that the text was still copied and read almost eight centuries after its original composition.6 The adventurous tale tells a dramatic personal story of a self-imposed exile, adventures in foreign lands, and also of inner struggle and personal bias. It follows traditions of Egyptian autobiographies, wisdom literature, admonitions, and (inner) disputes, mixing them into a single complex narrative. In fact, the Story of Sinuhe explicitly and deliberately uses the styles of many different genres. It begins as a commemorative autobiography, which is followed by a description of a personal breakdown, that leads to a panicked, seemingly chaotic flight. The tale, however, encompasses even more topics, styles, and genres. It contains an itinerary of the journey of the flight, narratives of military conquests and combat (royal as well as personal), a description of Syria and Palestine during the mb iia, descriptions of the customs and lifestyles of transhumant populations, eulogies to the king, prayers to gods, royal decrees, and official letters, and ends with a summarization of funerary rites and a detailed description of the ideal tomb and burial, awarded to the main protagonist by the Egyptian pharaoh.7 Regardless of the style or genre used, the recurrent theme that forms a backdrop to the tale is a personal meditation about civilization’s (i.e., Egyptian) values, and the position of the individual within society and the state. From this perspective, the Story of Sinuhe, although adventurous, thrilling, vivid, and realistic, follows the traditions of Egyptian moral teachings. Several details also make it reasonable to propose that it builds on the tradition of First Intermediate Period autobiographies.

5 Kitchen, “Sinuhe: Scholarly Method Versus Trendy Fashion”; Rainey, “Sinuhe’s World”; Bárta, Sinuhe, The Bible and the Patriarchs; Bárta, “Biblical Archaeology and Egyptology: Old and Middle Kingdom Perspective”, with references to earlier works. 6 Jean Winand, “The Tale of Sinuhe”. 7 Parkinson, Reading Ancient Egyptian Poetry, 246–256; Allen, Middle Egyptian Literature, 55– 56.

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The tale itself is told by Sinuhe as if it were a commemorative, self-presenting text from his tomb,8 addressing the visitors, his successors, and future generations. From his titles and other hints mentioned in the story, it can be deduced that Sinuhe was a servant of the royal apartments, familiar with the prince’s children and even with his wife. At the beginning of the actual narrative Sinuhe is following the crown-prince Senwosret on his military expedition to Libya. On his return from that successful campaign, the royal son and assumed successor to the throne, Senwosret, is secretly informed that his father Amenemhat, the king of Egypt, has died and has probably been murdered as a consequence of a plot at the court. Sinuhe by chance overhears the report of the royal envoys, and it is exactly this terrifying circumstance, not intended for his ears, that sets off the main plot of the Story of Sinuhe. When the news of the death of the king arrives (R 19–20), the two main protagonists of the story, Sinuhe and the prince, react in exactly opposite ways. The prince leaves immediately and returns swiftly “as a falcon” to the capital with only a few followers, leaving everything behind including his army (R 20–22). Sinuhe, on the other hand, collapses under the unbearable burden of the situation and undergoes a psychological breakdown, and in panic and fear leaves the army and runs away to save his own life. This is in part because he is one of the possible suspects as one of the high courtiers closest to the king (B 1–4). From this point on the story focuses only on Sinuhe, who chaotically flees from the Libyan Desert across Egypt, avoiding the royal residence at Lisht which he expects to be in dangerous turmoil.9 It seems that Sinuhe originally planned to take refuge in southern Egypt, but the wind causes him to sail northwards (B 10–19). Eventually, he has to cross the border into Palestine and the realm of the Beduins where he is well received.10 During this journey, he undergoes a social and cultural transformation from a civilised Egyptian of high rank into a member of a Bedouin clan, and eventually becomes a chieftain of one of their tribes. At the start of his flight, when he is about to die of thirst after crossing the Egyptian border, he is rescued by a Bedouin chieftain (B 21–28). Then, after moving from place to place for a year and a half, Sinuhe reaches his final destination in exile in Upper Retjenu, where he is received by the local ruler Ammunenshi (B 29–34). The ruler adopts Sinuhe and marries him to his daughter (B 78–79). Thus, Sinuhe settles into a new environment and his health, 8 9 10

Allen, Middle Egyptian Literature, 56. Allen, Middle Egyptian Literature, 66; Hays, “Sinuhe the Coward”, 23, even speaks about “royal paranoia”. Goedicke, “The Route of Sinuhe’s Flight”.

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wealth, and social prestige are restored (B 79–85). As a chief of a tribe, he becomes a very important, successful, and rich person of Upper Retjenu, and even his children grow into successful men of the region (B 85–109). In spite of all his success and good fortune, however, Sinuhe’s longing for his homeland grows. At the climax of the story the hero is challenged to fight against a local champion, a “strongman” of Retjenu (B 109–113). After winning the duel and overcoming the enemy (B 129–141), Sinuhe meditates on the differences between his successful life in a barbaric (godless) country and ultimate salvation in his homeland (B 147–156), and so he calls to the god who sent him away for absolution (B 156–164). He then unexpectedly receives a letter from the new Egyptian king (the former prince from the beginning of the story), in which he is absolved of any guilt and invited to return home (B 173–177). Sinuhe responds to the king with a letter explaining his situation, ascribing his original panic and escape to a divine plan and he puts himself at the king’s mercy (B 204–238). Now, his decision to return is made rapidly and without the slightest doubt or hesitation. He simply hands his tribe and possessions over to his eldest son and heads back home (B 238–241). At this point, Sinuhe begins a reverse transformation from a “barbarian” into a civilised person, i.e. an Egyptian (B 241–249). After his return to Egypt at the end of the tale, Sinuhe is received by the king with pardons for his doubts and flight and with gratitude for his loyal service abroad (B 249–295). The king even grants Sinuhe a tomb of almost royal proportions, and thus a guaranteed, blessed, and well-equipped afterlife (B 295–310).

2

Popular Literature Motifs in the Story of Sinuhe

Modern popular literature is very often written with the purpose of attracting as large an audience as possible and often also for making a profit. Such writings may, however, lead to the author’s alienation from his or her own views, ideas, artistic ambitions, and aesthetic tastes, and it is often schematic and easy to understand, but simplistic and repetitive as a result. It also imitates popular, established and proven themes and topics including adventure, sex, fantastic or exotic beings, heroism, idealism, patriotism, and pathos. It therefore produces an easily digestible, generally acceptable form of entertainment.11 It is obvious that some of these criteria cannot be applied to ancient Egyptian literature, for example since there definitely was no mass-consumption of literature or

11

See, e.g., Szendi (ed.), Einführung in die Trivialliteratur, 13–28; Swirski, Popular and Highbrow Literature, 8–12.

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texts in general at least as understood from our modern perspective.12 Ancient authors’ alienation from personal views often represented a drift towards an ideal rather than towards a debased form.13 On the other hand, popular motifs found their way into Egyptian literature and art and can be traced even in official sources promoted by the elites.14 The Story of Sinuhe may serve as a good example as it covers many topics and aspects inherent to modern popular fiction. The reader can appreciate its dramatic plot, adventurous journey, overcoming of dangers, encounters with exotic or alien societies, heroic deeds and battles, divine providence, as well as its moral ethos and the justification of a fallen hero. Nevertheless, the central message of the tale (which will be dealt with in more detail below) has more in common with Egyptian moral teachings and eulogies for the king, or official ideological documents. Thus, it represented a sophisticated composition of educational fiction rather than a work of popular literature written for pure amusement. Both the complex form of the tale and its high aesthetic style destined the Story of Sinuhe to become a classical text of educational or acculturating fiction. It was equipped with all the required elements. As well as containing the appropriate structure and a neat writing style, it was entertaining, acculturating, and easy to remember. It also contained the required elements of courtly culture. Adventurous motifs meet therein with the topics of loyalty and patriotism.15 Since it was meant to be studied, understood, copied, remembered, and transmitted by members of the Egyptian elite (scribes and their pupils, i.e. the current and future state-employees), it was an ideal teaching text. It was also copied and studied in the Egyptian scribal milieu and it is still used today as a classroom teaching text in Egyptology. Although Parkinson doubted the existence of a comparable modern “state” literature,16 similar pieces of ideological and indoctrinating literary fiction do exist, mainly (but not exclusively) in totalitarian societies. Thus, it may even be tempting to include Sinuhe in the company of other renowned heroes of “propaganda” fiction17 like the Czech 12 13 14 15

16 17

Baines, Literacy, 49–50. Assmann, Cultural and Literary Texts, 1–15; Parkinson, The Tale of Sinuhe, 1–18; Baines, What is Art, 1–21. Janák, Landgráfová, “Populární a braková literatura ve starém Egyptě”. Compare the most recent discussion in Hill, Jones, Morales (eds.), Experiencing Power, Generating Authority. Cosmos, Politics, and the Ideology of Kingship in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. Philadelphia, November 5–11, 2007. Parkinson, The Tale of Sinuhe, 14. Although R.B. Parkinson doubts the existence of a comparable modern “state” literature (Parkinson, The Tale of Sinuhe, 14), similar pieces of ideological indoctrinating literary fiction do (or at least did) exist. Mainly, but not exclusively in totalitarian societies.

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communist series of Major Zeman,18 the American Captain America, or even the British James Bond.19 The latter may serve as the best example as Sinuhe acted abroad as a loyal emissary of the Egyptian king, and thus (partly unwittingly) worked in His Majesty’s “secret” service. Such a parallel, however, covers only one aspect of the Story of Sinuhe and follows only a superficial reading of the tale. To find a deeper understanding and more fitting parallels for this complex work of literature, the scholar must concentrate on the main message of the story rather than on its plot.

3

Transformation of Fates and Persistence of Faith

By focusing on the message of the Story of Sinuhe it becomes clear that several cardinal motifs stand out. It is a tale of doubt, temptation, misery, and exile, but also of faith, loyalty, and virtues, as well as a story about success, grace, and redemption. Although the narrative of Sinuhe’s life reads partly as “a catalogue of fallibility”20 and “our hero is certainly not the most fortunate of human beings”,21 the main theme of a very individual internal struggle leads to a deep meditation on civilization’s values, and it encourages reflection on the nature of Egyptian life. The king’s divine authority and almost omnipotent power are presented as the central pillar amongst all other values. Loyalty to the sovereign is presented as the cardinal virtue and so the main message and the genre of the Story of Sinuhe is similar to the almost contemporary Loyalist Instruction and other non-narrative treatises on obedience, loyalty, and faith in the Egyptian state-system. There they were presented as key principles on the exclusive path to personal success.22 The Story of Sinuhe presents a reflection of Egyptian values and personal identity and there is constant tension between the real, true, and lasting, and the substitute, chaotic, and disordered.23 The first is represented by the Egyp-

18

19 20 21 22 23

The main protagonist of this fictional series, Jan Zeman, is a police investigator in the former Czechoslovakia whose career and life is portrayed in the episodes, following his return from a Nazi concentration camp, from 1945 to 1973. The series had a strong political background and as its first episode was aired in 1974 (a year after the fictional end of the series’ story) it served the state as propaganda to support approved social attitudes and the official view of history according to the communist party. Bílek, “The 30 Cases of Major Zeman”. Parkinson, The Tale of Sinuhe, 15–16. Kaper, “Sinuhe’s Art of Happiness”, 59. Allen, Middle Egyptian Literature, 56; Parkinson, The Tale of Sinuhe, 21. Parkinson, The Tale of Sinuhe, 22.

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tian civilization, the latter by barbaric foreign lands, and thus the issues of home and foreignness is at the core of the story.24 In light of this view, boundaries and their crossing have a significant meanings in the tale and point towards a liminal experience.25 After overhearing the terrifying news about the death of the king, Sinuhe begins to change. The horror and unbearableness of the information undermines the roots of his world-view and beliefs,26 and while fleeing, Sinuhe transforms from a successful man into a desperate outlaw, from an Egyptian into a Bedouin. It must also be noted that Sinuhe is saved and accepted first by the Bedouins and then by the Levantine ruler also for being an Egyptian. The Bedouin pathfinder who saves Sinuhe from dying in the desert is said to “have once been in Egypt” (B 26) and Ammunenshi, the ruler of Upper Retjenu, welcomes Sinuhe as a beneficial agent from the Egyptian court (B 29–36). The hero, however, again proves his loyalty to the king of his homeland, and instead of revealing sensitive information on the current situation in Egypt, he praises the king in a eulogy (stressing the king’s power in smiting the Asiatics and punishing deserters) and advises Ammunenshi to send proof of his loyalty to the king as soon as possible (B 45–73). On many occasions, the story merges into a description of the civilizational differences between Egypt and the Levant.27 Some of the passages are quite explicit in presenting the contrasts between the Egyptian and Levantine ways of dining, clothing, and living. The main protagonist himself changes not only his appearance and dress (from an Egyptian to a Barbarian and back) but he also leaves Egypt as “Sinuhe” (Son-of-the-Sycamore-Tree), carrying a name never used by the Egyptians for a person in reality, and upon his return to the Egyptian court the royal children call him “Son-of-the-North-Wind”.28 Other contrasts and civilizational differences between the Egyptian and Levantine cultures are attested in a more symbolic or poetic way,29 and these mainly occur in Sinuhe’s own meditations on the incompatibility of his homeland and foreign countries, among which a famous line stands out: “What can establish the papyrus on the mountain?” (B 122).

24 25 26 27 28 29

Parkinson, The Tale of Sinuhe, 25; El Hawry, “Sinuhe und die/das Fremde”, 15–22; Campagno, “Egyptian Boundaries in the Tale of Sinuhe”, 335–346. Campagno, “Egyptian Boundaries in the Tale of Sinuhe”, 335–336. Bommas, Sinuhes Flucht, 18–19. Campagno, “Egyptian Boundaries in the Tale of Sinuhe”, 337–341. We thank Richard B. Parkinson for this suggestion and for drawing our attention to the problem. Campagno, “Egyptian Boundaries in the Tale of Sinuhe”, 341–342.

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Sinuhe’s Duel

One of the most famous passages from Sinuhe’s narrative is that which describes his duel with a foreign hero. It must be emphasized at the very beginning that such a motif is very rare if not entirely foreign to Egyptian literature, and thus rightly deserves attention.30 The strongman comes to Sinuhe’s encampment and challenges him to fight because he wants to seize the Egyptian’s possessions and take over his tribe. The man is portrayed as an unbeatable fighter and a peerless champion, and no one believes in Sinuhe’s potential for victory. The destiny of Sinuhe would seem to be unavoidable, if it were not for the guidance of the Egyptian gods as they appear later in the story, following the duel. This part of the narrative of Sinuhe’s account resembles the much later Old Testament account of David’s fight against Goliath (1 Sam 17). The description of the duel in the Story of Sinuhe may be divided into several stages. It begins with an assurance that the tale’s main protagonist did not seek the conflict and that it was solely the foreign strongman who challenged him (B 109–113). While contemplating the situation and his chances, Sinuhe takes counsel with his local patron, the ruler Ammunenshi, and contemplates his current situation as a foreigner in a faraway country, but in the end he puts his fate into the hands of the Egyptian gods (B 114–127). After deciding to accept the challenge and fight his opponent in a duel, he acts in a surprisingly calm way (compared to his panic at the beginning of the story). He patiently readies his weapons and responsibly exercises his skills with them (B 128–129). In a rather eloquent description of the duel (B 134–143), the weapons, skills, and strength of the strongman of Retjenu are enumerated, so that Sinuhe’s (almost miraculous) victory with a single shot may be praised even more (B 138–139). His martial, social, and moral triumph becomes absolute, unchallenged and can be celebrated (B 140–147). In a similar way to other passages in the Story of Sinuhe, even the duel presents a reflection on the differences between the civilized Egyptian and his hot-blooded and violent opponent. For instance, in the enumeration of the weaponry and armoury of both fighters a clear difference stands out. While the Retjenu hero, a local champion and a strong man, is equipped with almost all conceivable weapons of battle (axe, shield, javelins, bow and arrows, and probably even an unmentioned sword or knife), Sinuhe in his vigil decides only to take a bow and arrows, and a dagger. In his account, Sinuhe mentions that he

30

Goedicke, “Sinuhe’s Duel”, 197–201; Bárta, Sinuhe, the Bible and the Patriarchs, 49–56.

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spent the night preparing for the fight by stretching the cord of his bow and sharpening his dagger. As these weapons are typical for an Egyptian, he must have possessed considerable skills in handling them. At the opening of the duel, Sinuhe patiently waits for the right moment to use his well-practiced skill. Then, evading all the strongman’s attacks, Sinuhe manages to defeat his opponent in a single shot as the first of his arrows pierces the strongman’s throat. After the hero falls on his face, the Egyptian fells him swiftly with his own axe and gives a war cry on his back. Thus, a single precise shot enabled Sinuhe to gain victory over the enemy and let him seize all his possessions. As was hinted at above, several aspects of Sinuhe’s duel can be found in the Old Testament account of 1Sam 17. The corresponding biblical passage begins with a conversation between Saul and David, the only man who has the courage to fight the intruder. The Philistine champion Goliath provokes and mocks the Hebrew fighters. Both Goliath and the strongman of Retjenu are presented as peerless champions whose battle fame and fearsome appearance strike fear into the hearts of all their possible opponents. As well as the similarities between the two strongmen, there are interesting parallels between both future victors (Sinuhe and David). They take counsel with their superiors and rely on divine support as a consequence of their unchallenged faith. In the case of Sinuhe, he meditates on his faith and divine plans before the duel and gives praise to the god Montu after winning it. The Biblical David, on the other hand, turns to God before the fight, and while David defeats the Philistine in the name of the only god, Sinuhe, an Egyptian despite his Levantine ways of living, is assisted by Montu, a purely Egyptian god. Moreover, both seemingly unbeatable champions are defeated with a single shot hitting their neck or head and are then swiftly killed with their own weapons. The most important parallel between the two stories, however, lies in the symbolic element of both victories. Sinuhe, who is a loyal and true servant of the Egyptian gods and also of the king, fully deserves to defeat the traditional enemies of Egypt, the Asiatics, and by doing so he acts as a deputy, proxy, or even a manifestation of the Egyptian king abroad. Similarly, David’s victory over Goliath is clearly presented as proof of divine guidance and providence and as a sign of the rightful victory of the Hebrews over the Philistines. In both stories the focus of the message is set within the context of a miraculous, or at least unexpected victory of a just and faithful man over a strong barbarian. Another issue to be addressed is that Sinuhe’s report of the duel does not seem to have a parallel in Egyptian literature. The typical Egyptian dignitary included in his biographical inscription only the feats which he performed in

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the service of the king.31 It is also noteworthy that the Story of Sinuhe is itself framed as Sinuhe’s own autobiographical inscription and is written in the formal style of Egyptian tomb inscriptions, ideal autobiographies, or appeals to the living. Although no texts are known from the Old or Middle Kingdoms that would report the achievements of an official in a similar way to the account of Sinuhe, some limited parallels may be observed in the autobiographical inscriptions of the First Intermediate Period. That was at the time of a substantial weakening of royal power, when local government was in the hands of local officials and their powerful families. An example is the account of Ankhtifi from Moalla where he recounts his military expeditions against Thebes, and he misses no opportunity to emphasize his own importance and merits: The noble, commander of the army of Hierakonpolis, the victorious Ankhtify, says: … I sailed north, and I disembarked at the western bank of the Theban nome, … But no one came out for their fear. A brave man, that is me, one who has no equal. In fact, this specific way of topicalizing of the “self” appears as early as the late Old Kingdom, in the sixth dynasty as a consequence of the declining authority of the king and the increasing power of the wealthy provincial officials. An autobiographic inscription of Meryrenefer Qar from Edfu provides a very good example of this development: … I was the one who judged for the whole of Upper Egypt. I saw to it that the cattle of this nome were more (numerous) than the cattle in the stables of the foremost part of the whole of Upper Egypt. The fact is that it was not found that (anything comparable was done by) the chief who was previously in this nome; This was through my vigilance, through my excellence in controlling matters for the royal residence. I was the keeper of secrets of all matters Which were brought from the narrow doors in the foreign lands. I gave bread to the hungry and clothes to the naked Whom I found in this nome. I gave a jug of milk from my own hand;

31

Kloth, Die (auto-)biographischen Inschriften des ägyptischen Alten Reiches.

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I measured out the grain of Upper Egypt from my funerary estate for a hungry man whom I found in this nome; with regard to any man whom I found in this nome burdened down with a loan of grain from another, I paid back his creditor from my funerary estate. I buried every man of this nome who had no son With linen from the property of my estate. I propitiated all foreign lands for the royal residence In accordance with my excellence and in accordance with my vigilance in relation to this, and I was favoured in respect of it by my Lord. I rescued the helpless one from one who was more powerful than he, and I judged litigants to their satisfaction …32 When the style of Sinuhe’s account is compared to what is known from contemporary Egyptian literature it may appear a bit different. Sinuhe cannot maintain the leadership of his tribe by merely being loyal to his benefactor; he has to fight for his position. Because Sinuhe’s story is one of a successful Egyptian who, despite his indubitable success abroad, finally returns to Egypt to be a loyal servant of his ruler, the author of the narrative has him win the duel even against all odds and with the assistance of the Egyptian god Montu. This implies that it was the Egyptian not the local deities that could guarantee Sinuhe’s success. It turns out that the specific circumstances of the duel as well as the duelingmotif per se (a motif completely unattested elsewhere in Egyptian literature) in Sinuhe’s account are based on the cultural environment of tribal societies, of which the Egyptian author of the story must have had a good knowledge. The only remotely similar motif of a duel in the Egyptian context is a roughly contemporary account in an inscription from Abisko in Nubia (approximately 28km south of Asswan, known as Graffito i). The Nubian soldier Tjehemau reports there how he faced his enemy alone, even though his allies succumbed to panic and fled. Although Tjehemau was an Egyptian mercenary, he was also a Nubian, brought up in a tribal society with a value system similar to that of the tribes described in the account of Sinuhe. His short report runs as follows: The inscription, which Tjehemau made in the year of the defeat of the southern foreign countries. I started to fight as a soldier in the time of the reign of Nebhepetre, when he sailed downstream to Ben, I went to the

32

Strudwick, Texts from the Pyramid Age, 342–344.

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ruler together with my son. He occupied the whole land and he planned to conquer the Asiatics from Djati. The Thebans were on the run, but the Nubian (i.e. Tjehemau) faced the enemy. I defeated the Djati …33 The story of the duel of Sinuhe with the strongman of Retjenu may indeed follow Egyptian tradition and the heritage of the First Intermediate Period. Some scholars have proposed that knowledge of the account of the duel may have reached the area of Syria-Palestine at the time of the expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt into south Palestine at the end of the 16th century bc. According to this hypothesis, the tradition of the account was carried and transmitted there by the Hyksos.34

5

Sinuhe the Faithful

The afore-mentioned tension between home and foreignness, or between the civilized and the barbaric, is mirrored by the tension between a personal failure and a success where faith in civilization’s values plays an important role. Even in a poor state of body and mind, represented by thirst, hunger, panic, and doubts, Sinuhe still holds on to his Egyptian self. He proves to be loyal, obedient, and faithful to the king, to the gods and to Egyptian values. His original panic and fear should thus not be interpreted as dumb fear or cowardice,35 but as an extreme, yet natural response of a pious and loyal servant to the fearsomeness of the king.36 This motif of the king’s fearsomeness is not only present in the background of the whole story, but it is also explicitly mentioned and described in various instances, mainly in Sinuhe’s two eulogies to the king. The first is represented by his speech to Ammunenshi, the second by his letter to the king. According to Sinuhe, fear of the king fills the world like the sun which shines over Egypt as well as over the foreign countries, and a man breathes only because the king gives him the air (B 231–238). Sinuhe remains faithful to his moral values even in self-imposed exile and proves to be a loyal subject, not only in his time of misery and suffering (in the first part of the story) but also in the time when his own life and social position are recovered. The sec-

33 34

35 36

Bárta, Sinuhe, the Bible and the Patriarchs, 54. Lanczkowski, “Die Geschichte vom Riesen Goliath und der Kampf Sinuhes mit dem Starken von Retenu”, 214–218; Oren, “The ‘Kingdom of Sharuhen’ and the Hyksos Kingdom”; Kunz, “Sinuhe und der Starke von Retjenu—David und der Riese Goliat”, 90–100. For an opposite interpretation, see Hays, “Sinuhe the Coward”, 24. Parkinson, The Tale of Sinuhe, 25; Morenz, “Warum bleibt Sinuhe immer so gleich?”, 69–80.

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ond part of the tale recounts the details of his successful career in a foreign land and of all the power and wealth that he was able to acquire there. While emphasising his successful career in Upper Retjenu, Sinuhe stresses his persistence in espousing Egyptian values by upholding the order of maat. This is in accordance with Egyptian autobiographical inscriptions and moral teachings, as he “gave water to the thirsty, put the lost on the path, and rescued the robbed” (B 96–97). These actions were characteristic of the First Intermediate Period.37 Despite personal success in foreign lands that could be measured against the highest Egyptian ideals, Sinuhe meditates on the reasons for his flight, and longs for return.38 The hero interprets his victory over the strongman of Retjenu as a god-given grace and a revelation (B 147–149, 162–164), and at this point the reader faces a radical difference between a personal accomplishment and ultimate salvation (B 149–156). By overcoming the foreign enemy, i.e., by upholding the order of maat39 and acting as a deputy of the Egyptian ruler, Sinuhe establishes a firm foundation for his continued belief in Egyptian values, and begins a reverse transformation from a barbarian into a civilised person, i.e., an Egyptian. In the end, Sinuhe’s faith and loyalty are able to overcome two opposite temptations; suffering and misery at first, followed by fortune and fame. Sinuhe’s faith is not only represented with abstract concepts about civilization (Egypt), or by moral principles, or even by order or maat itself.40 On the contrary, the story invokes two personal entities, explicitly mentioned in the text, to whom Sinuhe directs his complaints, pleas, prayers, and meditations. They represent the ultimate sources of his hope and the objects of his faith. They are an unnamed god who speaks to Sinuhe’s heart, and the king of Egypt. These manifestations of the divine act in coherent and parallel ways so that both (as mysterium tremendum et fascinans) lead the hero through a test of his faith. Thus, the reader can witness Sinuhe’s transformation from a high-ranking member of the Egyptian court to a barbarian who almost dies in the desert. His conscience is then again tested by a successful sojourn in a foreign country, and an uneven duel with a man of unparalleled strength. During his long journey it is the unnamed god to whom the main protagonist ascribes his fate, but it is the living king to whom Sinuhe addresses his prayers, eulogies, and whom he asks for forgiveness. Both can speak or even reside in his heart; the first as a divine

37 38 39 40

Franke, “Arme und Geringe im Alten Reich Ägyptens”. Kaper, “Sinuhe’s Art of Happiness”, 60–61. Bárta, Sinuhe, the Bible and the Patriarchs, 51. Assmann, Ma’at.

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voice of fate and providence, the latter as the source of his faith and the object of personal reverence.41 By reading the Story of Sinuhe with this religious and ideological interpretation in mind, we can compare Sinuhe to Biblical figures other than just David. Like Abraham or rather Abram (Gen 11:26–13:18), for instance, Sinuhe travels from country to country, led only by the voice of a god speaking to his heart. He ends his journey in the place of his origin, in the “holy land” of Upper and Lower Egypt. Like Joseph (Gen 39–47) on the other hand, he escapes certain death in the desert and is saved by a passing Bedouin caravan that takes him to a foreign land, where he becomes a very powerful and influential man and a counsellor at the right hand of the local ruler. Furthermore, although he becomes a wealthy man abroad and is married to a foreigner, his heart and faith lie in his homeland. In spite of these tempting comparisons, the closest ancient parallel to the Story of Sinuhe, in terms of its structure, religious message, and possible ideological goal, is found within the Biblical Book of Job. Both these literary works contain a story of an ideal hero who faithfully serves the highest religious authority, and whose character and belief are tested by manifestations of evil. In the case of Job, his faith in the only God is tested by the various obstacles laid out before him by the Devil (with the permission of the omnipotent god). The king of Egypt, whom the hero serves, represents the highest authority in the Story of Sinuhe, and the subsequent trials undergone by the hero are manifestations of the evil and disorder caused by regicide (and emphasized by the fearsomeness of the king). Both heroes, Sinuhe and Job, gradually lose their positions, wealth, and health, and become transformed into outcasts. Only by retaining their belief in the right values (faith/maat) and loyalty to the highest authority (god/king) in times of inner personal struggles and external obstacles, are both heroes finally redeemed and rewarded with the highest possible blessings, each according to the measures of their own culture and religion. This analysis and interpretation of the forms, meanings, and objectives of the Story of Sinuhe, has incorporated several very different comparisons. Some could easily be tempted to read Sinuhe as a work of ancient adventure fiction. Others may view him as an Egyptian intellectual who meditates on the meaning of human existence, or a pragmatic man, a model of the successful official. Some may see the main protagonist as a mentally unstable coward and a deserter, yet others as a prototype of a faithful and loyal servant. All these interpretations discussed in Egyptology and reflected upon in popular literature and film well illustrate the complexity and ambivalence of this ancient 41

Sousa, Canhão, “Some Notes on Sinuhe’s Flight”.

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Egyptian masterpiece. The Story of Sinuhe seems to represent a tale created for popular amusement only, but in reality, it was read with several different levels of understanding and can truly be paralleled with very significant religious texts. Sinuhe can be seen on the one hand as an admired adventurer like Marco Polo or an agent of state like James Bond, yet the Story of Sinuhe can also be read as a story of faith, loyalty, personal virtues, temptation, and longing for home and ultimate salvation (in its earthly and afterlife meaning). The hero can be understood as a model of religious faithfulness or personal integrity and loyalty, like the Biblical figures of Abraham, Joseph, David, and Job. Despite the antiquity of the text, the historical and political contexts of the story are portrayed so precisely that they fit nicely within the early twelfth dynasty situation in the Levant, as evidenced by archaeological research. Every reader or listener to the story knew perfectly well that it was a work of fiction aimed at fulfilling more sophisticated objectives rather than providing a true account of the time. In fact, almost everybody, or at least every literate Egyptian scribe, official, or dignitary, could identify himself with the main protagonist. By going through the individual stages of the story, such readers could revisit the major supporting pillar of the Egyptian world-view; the order of maat. The readers could be educated, acculturated, and strengthened in faith, and eventually be reconciled with the highest authority of the gods, and most importantly for an Egyptian, the pharaoh. If there is a crystal-clear expression of the ancient Egyptian culture in literature, it is this story. Despite the long centuries of separation, it is apparent that even today the text has a very special appeal which is not difficult for the reader to grasp. It illustrates the testimony of a personal inner struggle between strong loyalty and weakness and failure, and between faith and doubt. This story surely developed as a consequence of the First Intermediate Period events. The Story of Sinuhe provides both support and resolution, and offers a sort of manual for overcoming one’s failures through strong faith in the right values, and with the help of divine providence and absolution. In this respect, the story has become a timely testimony of the individual’s role in the world, and this is what makes the text so perennial and universally relevant.

Acknowledgements The work on this project was enabled by the Progres Q11 grant Complexity and resilience. Ancient Egyptian civilization in a multi-disciplinary and multicultural perspective at Charles University and veg 2020 subsidy Ref. No. msmt40214/2019-1.

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Hays, H.M. “Sinuhe the Coward.” In Interpretations of Sinuhe. Inspired by Two Passages, H.M. Hays, F. Feder and L.D. Morenz, eds., 23–42. Leuven: Peeters, 2014. Hill, J.A., Jones, P. and Morales, A.J., eds. Experiencing power, generating authority. Cosmos, Politics, and the Ideology of Kingship in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. Philadelphia, November 5–11, 2007, Penn Museum International Research Conferences 6. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, 2013. Janák, J. and Landgráfová, R. “Populární a braková literature ve starém Egyptě” (Popular and Pulp Literature in Ancient Egypt), In Starodávné bejlí. Obrazy populární a brakové literatury ve středověku a starověku, S. Fischerová and J. Starý, eds., 67–84. Praha: Univerzita Karlova 2017 (An English version is planned for 2017/2018). Kaper, O. “Sinuhe’s Art of Happiness.” In Interpretations of Sinuhe. Inspired by Two Passages, H.M. Hays, F. Feder and L.D. Morenz, eds., 59–68. Leuven: Peeters, 2014. Kitchen, K.A. “Sinuhe: Scholarly Method versus Trendy Fashion.” Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 6 (1996): 55–63. Kloth, N. Die (auto-) biographischen Inschriften des ägyptischen Alten Reiches: Untersuchungen zu Phraseologie und Entwicklung. Studien zur altägyptischen Kultur, Beihefte. Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag, 2002. Kunz, A. “Sinuhe und der Starke von Retjenu—David und der Riese Goliat. Eine Skizze zum Motivgebrauch in der Literatur Ägyptens und Israels.” Biblische Notizen 119/120 (2003): 90–100. Lanczkowski, G. “Die Geschichte vom Riesen Goliath und der Kampf Sinuhes mit dem Starken von Retenu.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archeologischen instituts Abteilung Kairo 16 (1958): 214–218. Lüscher, B. Sinuhe-Bibliographie. Online-Publikation, Basel: Universität Basel (https:// aegyptologie.philhist.unibas.ch/de/forschung/werkzeuge/sinuhe‑bibliographie/). Morenz, L.D. “Warum bleibt Sinuhe sich immer so gleich? Zur Problematik von Identität und Rollenkonformität in der mittelägyptischen Literatur.” In Interpretations of Sinuhe. Inspired by Two Passages, H.M. Hays, F. Feder and L.D. Morenz, eds., 69–80. Leuven: Peeters, 2014. Oren, E.D. “The ‘Kingdom of Sharuhen’ and the Hyksos Kingdom.” In The Hyksos: new historical and archaeological perspectives, E.D. Oren, ed., 253–283. University Museum, University of Pennsylvania: Philadelphia, 1997. Parkinson, R.B. Reading Ancient Egyptian Poetry. Among other Histories. Malden, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009. Rainey, A. “Sinuhe’s World.” In “I will speak the riddles of ancient times”: archaeological and historical studies in honor of Amihai Mazar on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday. 2 vols., A.M. Maeir, P. de Miroschedji and A. Mazar, eds., 277–299. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2006. Sousa, R. and Canhāo, T. “Some Notes on Sinuhe’s Flight: the Heart as a God’s Voice.” In Proceedings of the Tenth International Congress of Egyptologists: University of the

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Aegean, Rhodes. 22–29 May 2008, vol. 1, Kousoulis, P. and N. Lazaridis, eds., 1247–1258. Leuven: Peeters, 2015. Strudwick, N. Texts from the Pyramid Age. Writings from the Ancient World 16. Society of Biblical Literature: Atlanta, 2005. Swirski, P. “Popular and Highbrow Literature: A Comparative View.” In CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 1.4 (1999). (http://dx.doi.org/10.7771/1481‑4374.1053) Szendi, Z., ed. Einfuhrung in die Trivialliteratur. Bolcsesz Konzorcium: Budapest, 2006. Winand, J. “The Tale of Sinuhe. History of a Literary Text.” In Interpretations of Sinuhe. Inspired by Two Passages, H.M. Hays, F. Feder and L.D. Morenz, eds., 215–243. Leuven: Peeters, 2014.

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chapter 5

A Wood Workshop at Meir at the Beginning of the Middle Kingdom: The Case of the Wooden Models Gersande Eschenbrenner-Diemer University of Jaén—cnrs ArScan umr 7041

Abstract The necropolis of Meir is located on the west bank of the Nile in the governorate of Asyut, about 7km from the city of Al-Qusiyyah, the former Cusae (Qis) and chief town of the 14th nome of Upper Egypt. The wooden funerary furniture found in this necropolis from the beginning of the 20th century onwards is remarkable for its abundance and quality. Now distributed across various museum collections, the coffins, private statues, and wooden funerary models from Meir throw new light on woodcraft in a provincial area during the early Middle Kingdom. By focusing on the production of wooden funerary models dating from the beginning of the Middle Kingdom, this paper explores the issue of workshops by analysing manufacturing techniques, materials, and stylistic features identifiable in the wooden items found in the necropolis of Meir. By way of a cross-referenced analysis of these datasets, the existence of a large wood workshop in the Cusae region is proposed, where the diffusion of palace culture and trained craftsmen to the provinces took place at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom.

1

Introduction

The wooden funerary furniture found in the necropolis of Meir is remarkable for its abundance and quality. Now distributed throughout various museum collections around the world,1 the coffins, private statues, and wooden funerary models from Meir can throw new light on this class of craft working in a provincial area in the early Middle Kingdom. If the funerary objects discovered in the necropolis of Meir are representative of their period of manufacture, the 1 pm iv, 257–258. Concerning statues from Meir see Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten, cg 433– 442, 785–787, 789, 792–795; Vandier, Manuel d’archéologie Égyptienne iii, 158–159, pls. 43, 49, 87. Wooden funerary models are identified in the Appendix of this article along with a brief bibliography.

© Gersande Eschenbrenner-Diemer, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_007

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wide choice of materials, the high-quality manufacturing, the originality, and the profuse number of examples recovered demonstrate that this locality was a major artisanal, craft working, centre.2 Despite the profusion of examples, the wooden furniture discovered at Meir raises important questions about the location of its production and about the thorny topic of the definition of “a workshop”. Indeed, it is problematic for Egyptologists to even speak of “workshops” when no such archaeological structure has ever been identified from ancient Egypt. The definition given by Freed in her study of funerary stelae identifies some criteria for identifying a “workshop”: “stelae with significant elements in common are considered to come from the same ‘workshop’ or ‘studio’, here defined as a group of artisans working cooperatively in the same place over a period of time and observing a common model”.3 The existence of stelae workshops during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period has been demonstrated,4 however, the applicability of the term ‘workshop’ in the current context remains debatable. Faced with the impossibility of identifying a ‘workplace’ linked to a region or institution, Quirke5 proposed using different terms to describe craftworking that observed a common model. The words ‘hands’ or even ‘work crew’ can be used in accordance with the ancient Egyptian term ist used by craftworkers. Regarding the production of wooden models, several factors should be considered: the duration of production, the persistence of local technical, thematic, or stylistic features, and the manner of use of materials. Particularly important is the question of the reuse and reworking of imported wood, which could indicate that in some localities the production of wooden models was closely related to the manufacture of bigger objects such as boxes, coffins, or statues, the study of which complements that of the models.6 When all of these factors are taken into consideration together, it seems justifiable to use the term ‘workshop’, despite the absence of such structures in the archaeological record. Local production of homogeneous equipment discovered in several different tombs can be specified as team or ‘work crew production’. Finally, isolated products without chronological or geographical parallels will be referred to as ‘production episodes’.7 With these clarifications, 2 Moreno García, “Trade and Power in Ancient Egypt”, 1–46. 3 Freed, “Stela Workshop of Early Dynasty 12”, 297. 4 Simpson, The Terrace of the Great God, 207. Concerning the Second Intermediate Period see Marée, “A Remarkable Group of Egyptian Stelae”, 7–17; Franke, Das Heiligtum des Heqaib, 105 ff. 5 Quirke, “The Residence in Relations,” 119–121. 6 Our observations on manufacturing techniques have completed the stylistic analysis of Harvey: Wooden Statues, 154–166; idem, “Old Kingdom Wooden Statues”, 355–379. 7 Eschenbrenner Diemer, “From the Workshop to the Grave”, 141, 153, 163, 170.

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the rest of the article will examine the different clues that can be gathered by examining the wooden funerary furniture discovered at Meir, and more particularly, the miniature wooden models.

2

Woodcraft in the Necropolis of Meir: The Case of the Wooden Models

The necropolis of Meir is located on the west bank of the Nile in the governorate of Asyut, about 7 km from the city of Al-Qusiyyah; the former Cusae (Qis) and chief town of the 14th nome of Upper Egypt. The various excavation campaigns that have been carried out at the site8 have brought to light an impressive number of wooden objects dating from the end of the Old Kingdom to the Middle Kingdom. That period was the main occupation phase of the necropolis. Blackman, in the first volume devoted to the necropolis of Meir,9 briefly recalled the various “excavations” and circumstances in which the site had been “exploited” in the past.10 According to Blackman the abundance of wood in the tombs was well known to the people of the area who came to re-use it when it was needed for domestic purposes, during the period called “Ayyâm el-Guhâla”.11 Blackman expressed horror about the way in which Muhammad Shehîn, at the end of the 1870s, dug all over the site on behalf of the then Director of the Department of Antiquities. He sent the most beautiful specimens of antiquities recovered to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, while fragmentary examples, or those considered uninteresting (even though they bore inscriptions) were broken up and burnt. Aly Hassan, the elder of the two watchmen appointed by the authorities to patrol the site, told Blackman that “sometimes there was a bonfire of discarded sarcophagi as high as his tent”.12 Bearing in mind that this type of nar8

9 10 11 12

Between 1877 and 1950 the necropolis of Meir was explored scientifically by: Muhammad Shehin, J. de Morgan, G. Lefèbvre, G. Daressy, G. Legrain, A. Barsanti, J. Clédat, A. Bey Kamal on behalf of Said Bey Khashaba, and A. Blackman. See De Morgan, “Note sur les travaux du Service des Antiquités de l’ Égypte”; Reisner, Models of Ships and boats, 1–9, 11– 12, 28–30, 33–63; pm iv, 247–259; Legrain, “Notes sur la nécropole de Meir”, 65–72; Kamal, “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées”, 3–39; idem, “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées dans la zone comprise entre Déîrout au nord et Déîr-el-Ganadlah, au sud (suite)”, 97–127; idem, “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées dans la zone comprise entre Déîrout au nord et Déîrel-Ganadlah, au sud (suite)”, 45–87; idem, “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées dans la zone comprise entre Déîrout, au nord, et Déîr-el-Ganadlah, au sud (suite)”, 177–206. Blackman, Meir i, 14. Blackman, Meir i, 14–16. “Days of ignorance”, see Blackman, Meir i, 14, no. 2. Blackman, Meir i, 14–15.

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rative often belongs to Topos, it is undeniable that there was much destruction of furniture considered unimportant at the time when hunting for the “beautiful object” took precedence over scientific interest. The various explorations of the necropolis revealed a considerable number of items of wooden furniture,13 mainly coffins and funerary models. The study of this furniture and more particularly the craft work carried to create the funerary models,14 highlighted the important position of wood crafting in the region of Cusae during the Middle Bronze Age. Wooden funerary models representing people or scenes of everyday life were used by the Egyptian elite as funerary equipment between the end of the Old Kingdom and the twelfth dynasty (c. 2350–1850bce). These models should be distinguished from those which reproduce single objects at actual size or in miniaturized form, for example sandals. According to our observations of the corpus of models as a whole, the term ‘funerary model’ should refer to a miniature scene representing one or more working human figures.15 This defined group is different from that containing imitations or miniaturized objects such as wooden sandals, weapons (arrows, bows, quivers, and shields), or miniature toolboxes. They are replicas of objects, and that group includes earthenware or alabaster vessels, fruits, and poultry placed in the tomb.16 Although funerary models perform the same function as imitations, magically fulfilling the needs

13 14

15

16

Concerning the funerary equipment of Ukhhotep and Senbi see Podvin, Composition, 112– 113, 117–120. Eschenbrenner-Diemer, Les ‘modèles’ égyptiens (publication in progress entitled Façonner l’ Au-delà. Production, diffusion et utilisation des modèles funéraires en bois en Égypte ancienne (vie–xiie dynastie), Maison de l’ Orient et de la Méditerranée). In the general corpus of 1200 wooden models gathered for the current author’s PhD study, 6 wooden models do not involve human figures: two fat oxen from Asyut (bm ea 45082; mfa 04.1778a–b), two pairs of donkeys from Meir (Lyon mba 1969–399; Hildesheim pm 1691), two models of a house and a garden from the tomb of Meketra in Thebes (Cairo je 46721; mma 20.3.13). Despite the absence of human figures these objects clearly belong to the category of wooden funerary models as they represent activities (farming) or places that involve human activity. The two houses and ornamental gardens, built by and for men, have strong symbolic and religious functions that are present in the biography of Herkhuf and in the ct s as well. Concerning Herkhuf, see Urk. i, 121, 13–16. Concerning ct, see ct ii, spell 144a–b, 179, see Eschenbrenner-Diemer, Les ‘modèles’ égyptiens i, 398–403; Baum, Arbres et arbustes, 18–37. Montembault, Catalogue des chaussures de l’ Antiquité egyptienne; Davies, Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum: Tools and weapons; Petrie, Tools and Weapons. These three categories of objects, not included in the general corpus of wooden models, are linked in the ct s and seem to have defensive and protective functions. Their role is clearly different from the wooden models. See ct i, spell 3, 10b. Concerning symbolism of sandals see Eschenbrenner-Diemer, Les modèles égyptiens i, 402–403.

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of the deceased in the afterlife, they are different because they represent processes of manufacturing or other recurrent activities such as the preparation of beer, transportation of offerings, farming, or cultivation. Funerary models are, therefore, ‘acting’ or working for the deceased, whereas a pair of sandals or a shield simply ‘equip’ the deceased. Although the vast majority of the wooden funerary models from Meir are dated to the Middle Kingdom, their use in the necropolis is attested from the end of the Old Kingdom onwards. The set of figurines discovered by Daressy in 1894, in the tomb of the local governor Ny-ankh-Pepi Kem (end of the sixth dynasty),17 illustrates the evolution in mortuary practices and funerary furniture that transposed palatial culture to the provincial elites, who were linked from a distance to the royal residence.18 Wooden models dating from the end of the Old Kingdom clearly belonged to a continuous process of evolution in which they superseded limestone servant statues.19 This is apparent in their style, types of furniture represented, themes represented, and the organization of the scenes, all of which show close affinity with the limestone statues that were previously placed in the graves of the highest status individuals in the population, i.e. the royal family and high officials. These individuals were buried in the Memphite necropolis, mainly at Giza.20 New themes nevertheless developed in wood working items, particularly the offering-bearers carrying baskets in the shape of a chest, with hair covered with a cloth, and sandal bearers and agricultural scenes. This new iconographic repertoire coincided with the appearance of other artistic expressions, particularly in decorated elite tombs.21 These observations, together with the

17

18 19 20 21

22 wooden models were discovered in the tomb of Ny-ankh-Pepi Kem by de Morgan in 1894–1895, see De Morgan, “Note sur les travaux du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte”; Legrain, “Notes sur la nécropole de Meir”. These objects are distributed between the Egyptian Museum (cg 237–247, cg 249, 251–254) and the Textile Museum in Cairo (cg 250). Borchardt, Statuen und statuetten i, cg 237–247, cg 249–254; and Reisner, Models of Ships and Boats, 51–58. Eschenbrenner-Diemer, “Les ‘modèles’ funéraires du musée d’Ethnographie de Neuchâtel”, 52–53. Roth, “The Meaning of Menial Labor: “Servant Statues” in Old Kingdom Serdabs”, 103–121. For example, the tomb of Nikauinpu: see Roth, “The Meaning of Menial Labor”, 103–121. For example, offering-bearers (women) with basket-chests have been observed in the tomb of Henykem from Meir, see Blackman, Meir v, pl. 29; in the grave of Khunukh/Teti from Quseir el-Amarna, see El-Khouli and Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna, pls. 45–46; in the tomb of Kheni from el-Hawawish, see Kanawati, The Rock Tombs of el-Hawawish, vol. ii, pl. 25; in the tomb of Ibi from Deir el-Gebraoui, see Kanawati, Alexakis, Shafik, and Momtaz, Deir el Gebrawi, pl. 73. Offering-bearers with sandals and a bag on the back (men) see the tomb of Inti (Deshasha) in Kanawati, McFarlane, Salama, Victor, and Charoubim,

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uniform nature of the sixth dynasty model production,22 highlight the existence of a dual mode of distribution of wooden models. The first group comes from the Memphite region, from where the products were distributed to several provincial tombs belonging to local elites attached to the court. This is demonstrated by close parallels in tomb and coffin decoration23 and prosopographic evidence.24 At the same time, while the Memphite region seems to have dominated wooden object production, territories to the south developed local traditions, with themes similar to those of the capital area, but producing objects with a different style that identified them as local craft products. The local styles are recognizable in other contemporary artistic products.25 This phenomenon underwent a marked change in the following periods.26 The apogee of the production and use of this type of funerary furniture was at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom, particularly from the end of the eleventh

22 23

24

25 26

Deshasha, pl. 28; in Meir, tombs of Pepiankh Heryib, see Blackman, Meir iv, pl. 8; for Nyankh-Pepi Kem and Henikem, see Blackman, Meir v, pls. 12–14. In Deir el-Gebraoui, tomb of Hem-ra, see Kanawati, Alexakis, Shafik, and Momtaz, Deir el Gebrawi, pl. 63. Eschenbrenner-Diemer, “From the Workshop to the Grave”, 6–15. See Khouit coffin S8L (tomb xlva, bm ea 46634) whose interior coffin uses unusual designs and a list of offerings without a false door. The only parallel was found on the coffins of Mery-ib and Hetepi discovered in the necropolis of Giza see Zitman, The Necropolis of Assiut, 97. Concerning Mery-ib’s coffin see Lapp, G. Särge des Mittleren Reiches aus der Ehemaligen Sammlung Khashaba, ÄgAbh 43, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1985, 282 (Gi4b); Junker, Giza viii, 148–151; Barta, Die altägyptische Opferliste, 160. Concerning Hetepi’s coffin, see Lapp, Särge des Mittleren Reiches, 282 (Gi8), Giza vii, 101–105; Giza vi/2, 73 n. 1, 136, no. 80; Barta, Die Altägyptische Opferliste, 82, no. 143. Zitman identified a group of four coffins that also have obvious affiliations with the Memphite area, including the phraseology of offerings formulae, with, for example, the absence of the epithet of Osiris, a feature specific to Asyut. The only parallels can be found in Giza and at Heliopolis. See Zitman, The Necropolis of Assiut i, 92–95; Lapp, Särge des Mittleren Reiches, Gi12 and He4b, 294, pls. 10 and 12. Concerning Gi12, see Junker, Giza, 224–227; pm iii, 32, 41. Concerning He4b see Daressy, “La nécropole des grands prêtres d’Héliopolis”, 208–209; Barsanti, “La nécropole des grands prêtres d’ Héliopolis sous l’ Ancien Empire ii”, 217–219; Moursi, Die Hohenpriester des Sonnengottes, 35–36. Men have titles of smr-w‘ty, ẖry-tp nswt, ḫtmty-bjty. Women are rḫt nswt, hkrt nswt as well as elites buried in the Memphite area. Administrative titles appear to link them to the royal residence or the provincial cult of the king, and two members of the provincial elite. Two cases illustrate the relationship of these provincial elites with the kings of the dynasty: Sedment in the name of Meyrêkhachetef is clearly associated with Pepi i. Ny-ankh-Pepi Kem is also related to a Pepi, probably Pepi ii. See Eschenbrenner-Diemer, “Les ‘modèles’ funéraires du musée d’ Ethnographie de Neuchâtel”, 47–71; Eschenbrenner-Diemer, Les ‘modèles’ égyptiens i, 221–224. Vischak, Community and Identity, 38–132; Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet elHawa. Eschenbrenner-Diemer, “From the Workshop to the Grave”, 16–22.

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dynasty to the first half of the reign of Senwosret i. Regional production seems to have flourished during this period and the area of Meir shows a unique level of technical knowledge and productivity in the craft industry. The corpus of models preserved from Meir amounts to nearly a hundred objects, and represents one of the most important production corpora of the period. Comparisons made with those discovered in situ have made it possible to establish the provenance and dating of nearly 60 models, including 45 boats,27 thanks in a large part to the study of manufacturing techniques and styles (see Appendix). The exceptional nature of the production of these wooden models lies in the fact that there was not only one, but three ‘work crew productions’ of models, which all employed efficient manufacturing techniques but adopted slightly different styles that coexisted in this area. These three groups have been designated meir A, B, and C, and they are ordered alphabetically from the group that was apparently most carefully made to the group whose work is the crudest. The technical and stylistic characteristics of each group were identified thanks to the study of reference collections in museums and the identification criteria were then used during comparison with objects discovered in situ. Furthermore, the mixed use of human and animal figurines, which was observed occasionally in some groups of wooden models discovered in situ, allowed the dating of the corpus to be refined. These data were then gathered in tables that made it possible to establish the original provenance of many models that had been collected but had no recorded archaeological context. The list of models from Meir, arranged in groups, has been compiled in the Appendix. 2.1 Work Crew Production Meir A The ‘Meir A’ models formed the group containing the largest number of specimens (54 objects). The manner of their production shows the most care of the three groups, both from the point of view of woodworking and applied polychromic decoration. The comprehensive study carried out between 2009 and 2011 of the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts in Lyon28 resulted in several significant new observations being made regarding this first group. The exhaustive study of manufacturing techniques and materials choices used for the manufacture of the funerary models, combined with a detailed analysis of their stylistic features, made it possible to identify the source of this set, which was

27

28

The study of figurines on boats is essential for identifying the provenance of the objects. In particular, examining the methods of jointing between figurines and holes is essential to identify resemblances. 13 wooden models and 3 sailors.

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acquired via the art market29 rather than from an archaeological context. Various analytical techniques were employed in order to understand the materials, including wood anatomy analyses, traceology of toolmarks, chemical analyses, and 2D and 3D ct-Scan observations.30 By comparing the results obtained from the models in Lyon with those discovered in situ,31 the vast majority of the collection,32 supposedly originating from Asyut, was identified as having come from Meir. Meir A Features: Manufacturing (Fig. 5.1): The woodworking is of good quality, displaying a neat style. Musculature is detailed, faces are sculpted and painted, wigs are of specific ball-form and are cut carefully, loincloth is incised at the waist and at the calves. The backbone of some figures is also incised. The feet are monoxyle and pegged into the base. Stucco is used as glue. Woods:33 Mixed woods are used, with local species (Tamarix sp., Acacia sp. and Ficus sycomorus L.) used along with imported (Cedrus sp.) woods. Recycled cedar wood continued to be used for the manufacturing of bases, from broken planks, and for the manufacturing of small elements like the legs of animals

29 30 31

32 33

Eschenbrenner-Diemer, “Les modèles en bois du Moyen Empire dans les collections d’ Émile Guimet”, 88–89. Asensi Amoros, Eschenbrenner-Diemer, Lavier, and Pages-Camagna, “Study and Identification of Ancient Egyptian Polychrome Woods”, 11–30. De Morgan, “Note sur les travaux du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte”; and Reisner, Models of Ships and boats. Tombs of Kay-henenet in Kamal, “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées”, 18–26; Tooley, Middle Kingdom Burial Customs, 39, 203. Boats are often reassembled. This is the case for the boats of Lyon whose crews are heterogeneous: several sailors scattered among three of the boats come from Meir. The woods of around 50 models were studied and published before 2012. These models are conserved at the Bible Lands Museum in Jerusalem Liphschitz, “Timber identification of Wooden Egyptian Objects in museum collections in Israel”, 255–276; Botanisches Museum in Berlin, Schoske, Kreible, and Germer, ‘Anch’ Blumen für das Leben.; Cleveland Museum of Art, see Berman and Bohac, Catalogue of Egyptian Art; Egyptian Museum in Cairo in Winlock, Models of Daily Life; Lowie Museum (Berkeley) in Podzorski, Rem, and Knudsen, “Identification of Some Egyptian Wood Artifacts in the Lowie Museum of Anthropology”, 122–124; Pelizaeus-Museum (Hildesheim) in Martin-Pardey, ed., Corpus antiquitatum; Übersee-Museum (Bremen) in Martin, ed., Corpus antiquitatum Aegyptiacarum; Louvre Museum (Paris) in Chataigniere and Delange “La porteuse d’auge”, 84–89 or in the excavations, Oakley, “Woods Used by the Ancient Egyptians”, 158–159; Itoh and Yasimoto, “Wood”, 419–420. The results from those studies of models show a concordance with the results we obtained at Lyon. Ficus sycomorus sp. and Cedrus sp. are the most important species used, and in only a very few cases Acacia sp. and Tamaryx sp. were employed.

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figure 5.1 Technical and stylistic features of Group Meir A

and low walls. This practice differs from the manufacturing techniques used for other wooden furniture made in this workshop, which employed coniferous wood on account of its good quality and fine appearance (for example in private statues, coffins, and for boxes). Themes and style: boats: including travel by boats, boats with figures of the deceased in a shroud; farming: includes donkeys, ploughing, calving, milking; presentation of offerings: includes a female offering-bearer; food production: includes a brewery, a kitchen surrounded by a low wall; storage: includes a granary with internal divisions; private scene: includes the master giving audience to his servants (Lyon mfa 1969–404). The style is very fine with painted details including kohl on the eyes of human figures. A figure of the deceased is included in various models, men have ball-form wigs and beards (Fig. 5.1), and wear short loincloths; Women have long hair, long loincloths. 2.2 Work Crew Production Meir B Group ‘Meir B’ is the second most important group of wooden models produced in Meir.34 The reference collection is that of the Museum of Fine ArtsPalais de l’Evêché in Limoges, which was studied by us in 2009.35 Wood and color analyses were not carried out on those objects, nevertheless, although such analyses are essential, examinations with the naked eye of the materials employed revealed the use of a yellow wood with a fibrous grain, which appears to be similar in characteristics to the Ficus sycomorus sp. 34 35

23 objects. Eschenbrenner-Diemer, Les ‘modèles’ égyptiens i, 108–110. 2 offering-bearers, 2 ploughing scenes, 4 boats, 1 granary, and 2 food production models (Limoges E.960–970).

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The collection of Egyptian antiquities in the Museum of Fine Arts in Limoges was bequeathed to the city by a native of the region, the industrialist J.A. Perichon. This engineer, who specialized in the railway industry, was sent to Daïra Sanieh in Egypt as chief technical officer in 1885. In 1900 he was entrusted with the management of the sugar factory of Rodah. Besides his professional activities he was able to establish a collection of Egyptian antiquities through his links with the great Egyptologists of the time, such as G. Maspero, and G. Lefèbvre, Chief Inspector in the Department of Antiquities for Middle Egypt (1905–1914) and curator of the Cairo Museum (1919). This collection was formed during the twenty-two years of his stay in Egypt and many of the objects, including several discovered in Middle Egypt,36 are now preserved in the Museum of Fine Arts or by the heirs of the Perichon family. While lacking known archaeological contexts, the technical and stylistic examination of the Limoges models revealed similarities with the objects discovered by Kamal in Meir, in particular the Kay-henenet models discovered in grave B3 in 1910.37 The significant diagnostic features of the models were, therefore, used as a frame of reference for the identification of the origin of objects without archaeological provenance. Thirteen models were assigned to Group Meir B. Meir B Features: Manufacturing: rough. The facial features are coarse and simply painted; the heads have no mouth; the chin is massive and elongated; the nose seems to be modelled in stucco, wigs are massive and rounded or triangular, legs are roughly hewn and embedded into the base, feet are in painted stucco or simply painted on the base, no other anatomical details are represented. Offering-bearers are made with more care, facial features are detailed and feet are monoxyle. Woods: Local woods (not analysed). Themes and style: boats: travel by boats with sailors represented rowing, arms outstretched and bent, the back in extension; farming: donkeys, ploughing; presentation of offerings: female offering-bearer; food production: butchery, brewery, mixed bakery-brewery, kitchen surrounded with a low wall; storage: square granary. The style is crude, human figures have no mouths; men wear a massive wig and beard, dressed in long loincloths; Women with long hair and long loincloths. Animal figures are broad but show various realistic details, such as tails made of cord covered with stucco (Fig. 5.2).

36 37

In Asyut, Tunah, Achmounein, and Meir. Delpech-Laborie, Guide-Catalogue Sommaire, 10. 16 wooden models all said to be preserved in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. Only two farming models have been unidentified (Cat. 3212 and Cat. 3213 = je 42854).

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figure 5.2 Stylistic and technical features of Group Meir B

2.3 Work Crew Production Meir C38 ‘Meir C’ models constitute the smallest group numerically.39 Two types of figurines have been identified within Group C: some (C1), are much more welldefined than others (C2). There is a mixed distribution of these two categories of figurines: those of group C2 were sometimes used sporadically in scenes in which the majority of figurines belong to group C1. These objects have similar stylistic and technical features to examples in groups A and B, but are much less numerous than the models assigned to those categories. While seven of these models were discovered in situ during excavations carried out on behalf of Khashaba, their precise archaeological context is not known. It is, therefore, difficult to determine whether this group is a “work crew production”, like Meir A and B, or a “production episode”. The mixed use of the Group C figures in 38

39

No drawing was made because the objects were studied through photographs. The objects were studied in the Metropolitan Museum of New York as part of the tracer project (ucl/Marie Curie Fellowship). 12 objects with 7 whose provenances have been clarified. See the website of the Metropolitan Museum (Rogers Fund 1911) which mentions “excavations Khashaba 1910–1914 and 1911”. Two models (11.150.3; 11.150.7) are said to be “From Egypt, Middle Egypt, Asyut (Lykopolis), Khashaba/Kamal excavations, 1910–1914”. Nevertheless, examination of the models and comparison with the other models discovered at Meir, and the date of the excavations supports the hypothesis of a provenance from Meir.

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some models of Group A, however, makes it possible to assume that both were produced in a common location. The preliminary study carried out on the highresolution photographs of the New York models nevertheless made it possible to establish the provenance of several objects distributed throughout different museum collections. Meir C Features: Manufacturing: C1: careful work, human figures of good quality, fine and slender; facial features carved and painted with more or less care, figures embedded in the base, feet in stucco or wood. C2: average quality, the figurines are generally carefully made, the great majority represented with shaved heads, while the others present have a ballshaped wig, but are less carefully represented than in Meir A. The anatomical details are only suggested (torso) while the details of the faces are fairly clear; the arms are very basic. Woods: local woods (no analyses) Themes and style: boats: travel by boats; farming: cow and calf; ploughing; food production: mixed bakery-brewery, butchery; storage: rectangular granary painted grey. The style is generally good, details are carved and painted. Men wear short wigs or short hair; they are dressed in short loincloths. Men carry water pots in the brewery scenes and have crooked arms. The question of the dates when the models were manufactured at Meir was also addressed. Only the tomb of Kay-Henenet40 has yielded a complete funerary assemblage that could be used from the point of view of dating. This “small rectangular vault dug in the rock”41 was uncovered intact north of governor Senbi’s tomb (B3) by Ahmed Bey Kamal on May 12th, 1910, and contained an important assemblage of wooden funerary furnishings. A coffin “in dark yellow wood inscribed simply” was deposited at the bottom of the vault. Numerous models were found to its right, facing towards the west. Only two of the modelled scenes could be identified, and they are now in the collection of the Egyptian Museum in Cairo.42 Three scepters, a club, a “hook”, a pair of sandals, a wooden bed side, and a female statue “with yellow skin” completed this group. A niche

40

41 42

Furniture preserved in the Egyptian museum in Cairo. Concerning the tomb of KayHenenet: Kamal, “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées”, 18–26; Tooley, Middle Kingdom Burial Customs, 39, 203. Kamal, Kamal, “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées”, 18. Two farming models (Caire Cat 3212–3213). The other scenes are described briefly by Kamal and consisted of a square granary, eight “boats” and a food production scene.

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dug near the coffin contained the canopic box, inscribed with the titles and name of the deceased. Although the small number of objects identified in the museum’s collections does not include important dating elements, the offering formula inscribed on the canopic chest is characteristic of the late eleventh to early twelfth dynasty.43 Moreover, the tomb of Kay-Henenet is located near tomb B3 of the governor Senbi, son of Ukhhotep, son of Senbi, which is dated to the beginning of the twelfth dynasty (reign of Senwosret i-Amenemhat ii).44 The proximity of the two tombs supports the previously proposed dating. Comparison of the themes used in the three production-groups from Meir with the larger corpus of funerary models in general also supports this dating. The farming themes (plowing, calving, milking, etc.) were particularly well developed from the end of the eleventh dynasty to the beginning of the twelfth dynasty, especially at Meir. Contrary to what is generally assumed, no agricultural scenes have been discovered at Asyut, nor identified as coming from that locality. In addition, all of the models which had been supposed to come from Asyut have now been attributed to Meir.45 Only two fat oxen, whose symbolism appears rather to connect them with the bringing of offerings, come from this necropolis.46 Three other localities have produced some agricultural scenes, but without equaling the level of production seen at Meir, since they are confined to one or two burials all dated to the early Middle Kingdom.47 Farming scenes have been discovered at Deir el-Bersha, particularly in grave 10A belonging to the local governor Djehutinakht,48 and in grave 21 belonging to Amenemhat.49 One model with a dovecote, cattle, and two farmers has been identified as coming from the same site.50 The same themes have been identified in tomb bh 275 at Beni Hasan51 and in the tomb of Mkt-Ra at Qurna.52 43 44 45

46 47 48

49 50 51 52

Kamal, “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées”, 19–22; Lapp, Die Opferformel des Alten Reiches; Bennet, “Growth of the ḥtp-dj-nsw Formula in the Middle Kingdom”, 81, table. Blackman, Meir i, 9; pm iv, 251. Examination in September 2020 of the farming model exhibited at the MuCEM (Marseille 2014.7.1) confirmed the provenance of this object as Meir. Although the cattle shows some similar features to Bersha’s production, this re-examination made it possible to compare this model with the one found in tomb B3 of Kay-henenet (Cairo Cat. 3212) in Meir. Tomb 14 of Upuautemhat (Boston 04.1778a–b); Tomb 46 (London bm ea 45082). Concerning dating of these three tombs see: tomb 10A, Freed, ed., The Secrets of Tomb 10A; bh 275 Garstang, Burial Customs, 221; tt 280 see Allen, “The High Officials”, 16–17. Ploughing (Boston mfa 21.408); farming (Boston mfa 15.5.109, mfa 15.5.166, mfa 15.5.167, mfa 15.5.307, mfa 15.5.391, mfa 15.5.476, mfa 21.413, mfa 21.819, mfa 21.823). See Freed, ed., The Secrets of Tomb 10A. Bovines and dovecote (Cairo Cat. 3211). Cairo JdE 34293. Edinburgh nms 1914.74 see Garstang, Burial Customs, 105, 221. New-York mma 20.3.9; Cairo JdE 46724. See Winlock, Models of Daily Life; Allen, “The High

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Finally, the presence of architectural elements such as walls is perfectly in line with the models produced between the end of the eleventh dynasty and the beginning of the twelfth dynasty, especially in the tomb of Nakhti at Asyut (butchery, Boston mfa 04.1781; brewery, Cairo JdE 36295), or in the necropolis of Teti at Saqqara, notably in the tombs of Karenen (carpenters, Cairo 39131 JdE; kitchen, Cairo je 39146), of Gemniemhat (kitchen, Copenhagen aein 1631), and of Usermut and Inpuemhat (kitchen, Cairo JdE 45497).53

3

Workshop or No Workshop?

The wooden funerary furniture of Meir is some of the most well-documented of the early Middle Kingdom model corpus. Despite the disappearance of numerous objects due to the clandestine excavations carried out at the site, it can now be established that the furniture that has been preserved uses materials, techniques, and a particularly careful style that suggests the existence of a regional workshop. Moreover, the paleographic characteristics and other idiosyncrasies of the texts inscribed on the coffins support the hypothesis of local production.54 Notable examples include the coffin of Senbi (Cleveland 1914.716), and the statue of Senbi (New York mma 11.150.27), which are made of cedar wood. In addition, gold leaf is also used in the funerary furniture of several individuals buried in this necropolis.55 The technical mastery of the artisans and the use of materials of high quality, both local and imported, are two characteristic elements of production at Meir. These indices should be considered with respect to the production of funerary models. The examination of the various objects has yielded particularly instructive data on the use of wood. The analysis carried out on the collection at Lyon and the data gathered through the study of wooden models from Meir56 showed that many pieces of cedar wood were recycled both for the manufacture of small elements, such as the udder of a cow, and the paws of other animals, or for certain pieces of the furniture. Cedar planks, pierced with holes which

53 54 55

56

Officials”, 16–17; Tallet, and Bickel, “La statue de Meket, un fonctionnaire modèle”, 73–90; Tallet, “Meket/Meketrê”. Eschenbrenner-Diemer and Russo, “Quelques particuliers inhumés à Saqqara Nord”, 155– 186. Willems, Chest of Life. For example, the collar and mirror of Hapiankhtify (New York mma 12.183.16 and 18a– b); coffin of the Lady Nephthys (New York mma 11.150.15a–b) and Ukhhotep (New York mma 12.182.132a). Eschenbrenner-Diemer, Les ‘modèles’ égyptiens i, 112–117, 126–130.

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contained dowels from prior use have clearly been re-employed to serve as bases for many funerary models that come from Meir, for example, the cow and its calf (New York mma 11.150.5), a ploughing scene (Lyon 1969–400), and the calving scenes (Lyon 1969–409, Toronto 910.18.16). These boards were originally prepared for a very different purpose, as shown by the many anchor points or through-holes still in place, which show that they were re-used and adapted to act as bases for several funerary models. Contrary to what was observed in the Memphite models discovered in the necropolis of Teti at Saqqara,57 coniferous wood was never used to emphasize specific elements. In the case of the Meir models, workshop scraps or certain boards rendered unusable for the manufacture of a coffer or coffin by cracks were reused to serve as bases, supporting the hypothesis of a common location for these two activities. A final question remains: where did this imported wood come from? What networks allowed its distribution to Middle Egypt? It is known that the local elites had contacts with the Levant58 and, although all coffins from Bersha were made of cedar imported from Lebanon, Meir and Bersha are the only places where yew wood (Taxus baccata), which came from the Amanus Mountains in southern Anatolia, was used in the fabrication of funerary equipment including coffins and canopic chests, during the early second millennium b.c.59 Additional forthcoming analyses will be carried out in the continuation of the tracer project and these should throw light on these questions of origin.60 In conclusion, the identification of three contemporary production groups using common themes and similar stylistic features are strong indications of the existence of a local workshop whose output was intended for members of the elite buried at Meir. Moreover, the discovery of a funeral boat with all the characteristics of Meir Group A at Akoris,61 located 12 km from el-Minya and about 100 kilometers from Al-Qusiyyah, suggests diffusion of these products from the 14th nome. The examination of the wooden funeral furniture from Meir should provide further clues to the functioning of this workshop.

57 58 59

60 61

Eschenbrenner-Diemer and Russo, “Quelques particuliers inhumés à Saqqara Nord”, 155– 186. Moreno García, “Trade and Power in Ancient Egypt”, 29–30. Moreno García, “Trade and Power in Ancient Egypt”, 31; Rigault, “The Canopic Chest of Khakheperreseneb/Iy”, 326. Within the framework of the tracer project, this question was put into perspective with the study of other traces of contact and the sending of precious materials. Eschenbrenner-Diemer, “The Petrie Museum’s Collection”, 101–108. Itoh and Hashimoto, “Wood”, 419–420.

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The Diffusion of Palatial Culture and the Training of Craftsmen: The Lessons of the Wooden Models

The production and use of the first funerary models at the end of the sixth dynasty originated as part of the Memphite palatial culture and is a continuation of the earlier custom of depositing limestone servant figurines in the tombs of the elites.62 At the end of the Old Kingdom, funerary models were made in the official workshops near the royal residence and were mainly used in neighboring necropolises or sent to the provinces, where they were included in the burials of the provincial elites who were in direct contact with the residence.63 Through this process, which was followed for all the funerary equipment,64 palatial culture ensured the presence of visible signs of its authority outside of the residential center.65 After the First Intermediate Period, new ways of distributing wooden funerary furniture developed in parallel with preexisting networks66 alongside the emergence of local artisanal production.67 The beginning of the Middle Kingdom marked the return of funerary models, whose production and use clearly developed out of the Theban region at the end of the eleventh dynasty. This Theban tradition of craftworking reflects an important development and is marked by interregional contacts.68 This is illustrated by several documents69 that mention the movement of people and goods between Thebes

62 63 64 65

66

67

68 69

Roth, “The Meaning of Menial Labor”, 103–121. Moreno García, “La gestion sociale de la mémoire”, 217. The study of the ct s shows parallels between coffins from Bershah, Beni Hasan, Sedment, Harageh, and Heracleopolis. Willems, Chests of Life, 247–249. Concerning the sending of craftsmen from the royal residence or furniture from the workshops of the royal residence to provinces during the Old Kingdom, see Eyre, “Work and Organisation of Work,” 13; Drenkhahn, Die Handwerker, 139–140. More particularly, the case of Djaou who mentions the king sending all the necessary items of his funeral furniture. Roccati, La littérature historique, 227–228. Moreno García, “Trade and Power in Ancient Egypt”, 20. The production and use of funerary models declined markedly during this period. See the case of the governor and treasurer Ini in Gebelein whose statue was certainly made in a royal workshop. Eschenbrenner-Diemer, Les ‘modèles’ égyptiens i, 248–253. Roccati, “La stele di un falegname”, 225–233. The specific style of coffins discovered in Akhmim supports the hypothesis of a specific wood workshop in this area. Kanawati, elHawawish i–ix; Lacau, Sarcophages antérieurs, 1–41. Lorand, “Did the “Reunification Style” Affect the Production”, 87; Wildung, L’Âge d’or, 42– 46. The stela of Antefnakht (Cairo rt 3/6/25/1) whose autobiography reveals that he worked for the Herakleopolitan kings before being called to Thebes. Daressy, “Fragments de stè-

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and Memphis, from the reign of Mentuhotep ii onwards,70 especially for the construction and embellishment of his funerary temple.71 As Postel points out, “l’art aulique thébain rejoint l’art aulique de l’Ancien Empire”.72 It was a process initiated before the reunification when it was already apparent in the concepts of the monarchy linked to Amun-Ra.73 The persistence of the artistic tradition and Memphite technical knowledge, in spite of the political division of the country during the First Intermediate Period, should be noted. The decoration found at the pyramid of Queen Ankhnespepi ii at South Saqqara clearly resembles the art of the Theban monuments dating from the reign of Mentuhotep ii.74 The treatment of the queen’s face, in particular, is clearly defined. The mouth and the elongated shapes of the eyes are details that illustrate these similarities. Although it was still active at the end of the eleventh dynasty and during the first half of the reign of Senwosret i, the Theban region gradually yielded its pre-eminent place to the new official artistic center in the Memphis-Fayoum region,75 seat of the new royal residence. During this period, which corresponded to the apogee of the production and use of funerary models, Middle Egypt, especially the regions of Beni Hasan, Bersha, Asyut, and Meir, specialized in woodcraft. Each place developed its own style,76 and the production of certain localities should be regarded as coming from true artistic schools.77 Nevertheless, the lack of traces of trial and error, and the use of techniques and styles specific to each locality but also presenting common characteristics,

70 71 72 73 74

75 76

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les de la xie dynastie”, 244–245; Bourriau, “Royal and Private Sculpture”, 10–12. The stela of Irtisen (Louvre C 14) see Barta, Das Selbstzeugnis eines altägyptischen Kunstlers, 128–129; Berger-El-Naggar and Labrousse, “La tombe de Rêhérychefnakht”, 19, fig. 6. Callender, “The Middle Kingdom Renaissance”, 144; Jay, “Naga ed-Deir to Thebes to Abydos”, 64, 73. Seidelmayer, “The First Intermediate Period”, 131. Postel, “Les origines de l’ art thébain”, 27. Postel, “Les origines de l’ art thébain”, 27. Queen Ankhnespepi ii, Saqqara, Imhotep Museum; Mentuhotep ii in his funerary temple (Deir el-Bahari) (New-York mma 07.230.2), and in the tomb of Khety (TT311), New-York mma 26.3.354b. According to A. Ilin-tomich, “A Twelfth Dynasty Stela Workshop”, 117–126; Bourriau, “Patterns of Change in Burial Customs during Middle Kingdom”, 3–20. For example, coffins of “Asyut style”. See Zitman for phraseology employed on Asyut coffins between the end of the Old Kingdom and the end of the Middle Kingdom. Zitman, The Necropolis of Assiut, 92–100, 125–148, 238–317, 353–356. Smith, “A Painting in the Assiut Tomb of Hepzefa”, 223. Bleiberg, “East is East and West is West”, 113–120; Pogo, “Calendars on Coffin Lids from Asyût”, 4–24.

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raised the question of the origin of the craftworkers whose products were for the most part very well executed, particularly in Asyut, Meir, and Bersha. These details indicate that the artisans had acquired experience previously, probably within a major artistic center. From examinations of the hundreds of fragments of models discovered at Deir el-Bahari inside the perimeter of the funerary temple of Mentouhotep ii,78 the various techniques and styles characteristic of the four major sites of Middle Egypt were identified. It is clear, therefore, that sending artisans trained in Theban workshops to the key sites of Middle Egypt ensured the diffusion of a restored palatial culture, and this hypothesis fits well within the political context of the early Middle Kingdom.79 As recently pointed out by Moreno García, Middle Egypt, particularly between Meir and Beni Hasan, underwent unprecedented economic development during this period.80 The level of wealth and the economic initiatives of local rulers can be linked with the rapid development of woodcraft in this region. Coffins, chests, sandals, dummy weapons, and funerary models are found in most of the tombs of the Egyptian elites at that time, from the governor to the local subordinates.81 The development of woodcrafts in Middle Egypt, particularly models and coffins, can then be linked, on the one hand, to the economic development of Middle Egypt that began as soon as the central power of Memphis fell at the end of the Old Kingdom, and on the other hand, to the growing importance of the city of Hermopolis during this period. The Hermopolitan region, which possibly stored and developed a library of funerary texts,82 seems to be the place of origin of many of the spells83 that found echoes in the neighboring regions of Meir and Asyut. While carrying out an analysis of the role of Hermopolis in the development of the Coffin Texts,

78 79

80 81 82

83

Tomb of Buau, pit 28. (Cairo cg 4909, cg 4910; JdE 31345, JdE 31346; JdE 31349, JdE 31350). Naville, The xith Dynasty Temple iii, 3–4. Most of these objects are in the Suez Museum. Concerning travelling craftsmen, Freed, “Art Historical Overview”, 63. This question has been approached by M. Marée in the Louvre museum symposium (8th of June 2013) “Le dessin dans l’ Égypte ancienne: pratiques, fonctions et usages” organized as part of the exhibition L’ art du contour. Le dessin dans l’ Égypte ancienne, 19 April–22 July 2013. Marée, “Artisans itinérants sous le règne de Sésostris Ier”, unpublished. Moreno García, “Trade and Power in Ancient Egypt”, 8–9. Eschenbrenner-Diemer, “From the workshop to the Grave”, 30; Podvin, Composition, 30– 37. Willems, Chests of Life, 248. This hypothesis qualifies that of W. Schenkel who proposed seeking in the ct s the continuation of the Pyramid Texts, and he places their origin in the Memphite region. Schenkel, Frühmittelägyptische Studien, 116–123; 238–249. Willems, Chests of Life, 247–249. Particularly the Book of the Two ways in Bersha, Lesko, The Ancient Egyptian Book of Two Ways; Willems, Chests of Life, 234–235.

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Hoffmeier84 used the map established by de Buck that inventoried the sites where coffins inscribed with the formulae were found. By comparing this information with the data gathered from the wooden models, it now appears that the group of sites that produced the largest number of coffins inscribed with Coffin Texts is identical to those that produced the largest number of models. This observation leads us to propose a symbiosis between these two product classes in regional workshops.

5

Conclusion

The numerous clues gathered during this study, about the wooden funerary models discovered at Meir, provide important evidence for the identification of an important wood workshop in the Cusae region. The workshop used specific styles and techniques in three production groups produced simultaneously in the same place.85 Some themes were developed in a unique manner and on a larger scale, and in parallel with the manufacture of coffins and other pieces of furniture of the finest quality. The region of Meir is, therefore, emerging from the archaeological record as a major artistic center. Moreover, as early as the second half of the reign of Senwosret i, the models of Meir that mainly display the characteristics of the Meir A Group are among the last products of this category of funerary objects. Such models were no longer found in the vast majority of Egyptian necropolises from that period onwards.86 Moreover, the phenomenon of standardization of products was not unusual since it finds parallels in the production of stelae,87 and ceramics.88 The study of those classes of objects show how the ceramics made in the First Intermediate Period in the Memphis-Fayoum region during the reign of Senwosret i marked a turning point in the techniques of production for those items.

84 85

86 87 88

Hoffmeier, “Are there Regionally-based Theological Differences in the Coffin Texts?”, 44– 54; idem, “The Coffins of the Middle Kingdom”, 69–86. Mixing use of animals and human figurines between the 3 groups of Meir: same donkeys with A and C figurines (Lyon mfa 1969.399; New York mma 11.150.28), figurines B in C2 model (New York mma 11.150.6), figurines C2 in C1 model (granary New York mma 11.150.3); figurines C1 in boat from Group A (Luxor Museum CG480). For example, in Asyut where the production of wooden models stopped after the second half of Senwosret i’s reign. Freed, “A Private Stela from Naga ed-Der”, 68–76. Arnold, “Pottery”, 106–146; Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder; Schiestl and Seiler, Handbook of The Pottery.

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The models discovered at Meir, Bersha, Riqqeh, Thebes, Lisht,89 and Lahun90 were clearly part of a new process of standardization of funerary culture. They illustrate purely religious themes, in particular the pilgrimage of the dead to Abydos, and the rise of solar mythology through the development of solar boats.91 These new themes appeared to the detriment of more ancient themes, such as the production and storage of foodstuffs, which no longer dominated the religious thought of the period.92 The deceased, depicted mummified or in a shroud, became vulnerable, and had to face many perils on the path that led towards the “Champs d’Ialou”: The Field of Reeds. To reach the ultimate destination, the Osiris N was helped by the funerary formulae and new types of instruments of defense. The funerary models, which guarantee an eternal supply and transport of the deceased to Abydos, are therefore no longer of primary use to the deceased. This new factor may explain the disappearance of these objects from funerary assemblages during the reign of Senwosret iii, in favour of other more effective magical “tools”.93 The post-Itj-tawi artistic landscape, in which the site of Meir assumed a special place, represented a new phase of wood craftworking skill. With input from Thebes, the Memphis-Fayoum region had produced a new center of highly experienced artisanal expression, some distance further to its south.94

89

90 91 92 93 94

A sailor (New-York mma 24.1.12); workers (New-York mma 24.1.16, 24.1.20); offering-bearer (New-York mma 24.1.1). Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret i, 75, pls. 89 and 92. These fragments are said to be of fine quality and in “cedar wood”, however, the inverted commas suggest that the nature of the wood used is uncertain. Tomb 17 in Lahun, Quirke, “The Residence in Relations”, 111–130. Tomb of Ukhhotep New-York mma 12.183.3–12.183.4. Kamal, asae 14, 83–86; pm iv, 257. Bourriau, “Patterns of Change”, 10–12. Idem. The tracer project has refined this topic. Post Itj-tawy woodcraft is illustrated by the discovery of tombs such as the tomb of Nakht (Jéquier and Gautier, Mémoire sur les fouilles de Licht, 79–80) and Ankhty (Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret i, 54–58, pls. 66–69). For example, female statues in the museum of Ethnography in Neuchâtel (Eg. 325– 326–327), Jéquier, Le monument funéraire de Pépi ii, iii, 33–34; pm iii/2, 429; a princess head (Cairo JdE 39390); Wildung, L’ Âge d’ or, 84, fig. 74; the two guardian figures (Cairo JdE 44951; New York mma 14.3.17); Arnold, “Guardian Figure and Shrine with an Imiut in a Jar”, 230–232, no. 168. The study of these wooden statues highlights the development of fine woodcraft in the Memphis-Fayum area. Eschenbrenner-Diemer, “Un nouvel éclairage sur l’ artisanat du bois dans la région Memphis/Fayoum”, 239–260.

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Eyre, C.J. “Work and Organisation of Work in the Old Kingdom.” In Labour in the Ancient Near East, M.A. Powell, ed., 5–47. American Oriental series 68. New Haven-CN: American Oriental Society, 1987. Franke, D. Das Heiligtum des Heqaib auf Elephantine: Geschichte eines Provinzheiligtums im Mittleren Reich. saga 9. Heidelberg: Orientverlag, 1994. Freed, R.E. “A Private stela from Naga ed-Der and Relief Style of the Reign of Amenemhat i.” In Essays in Honor of Dows Dunham, W.K. Simpson and W.M. Davis, eds., 68–76. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1981. Freed, R.E. “Art Historical Overview.” In Bersheh Reports, Vol. 1, D. Silverman, ed., 53–63. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1992. Freed, R.E. “Stela Workshop of Early Dynasty 12.” In Studies in Honor of W.K. Simpson, Vol. 1, P. Der Manuelian, ed., 297–336. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1996. Freed, R.E. Ed., The Secrets of Tomb 10A, Egypt 2000bc. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 2009. Harvey, J. “Old Kingdom Wooden Statues: Stylistic Dating Criteria.” in L’art de l’Ancien Empire égyptien, Musée du Louvre, Ch. Ziegler, ed., 355–379. Paris: La documentation française, 1999. Harvey, J. Wooden Statues of the Old Kingdom, a Typological Study. Leiden-Boston-Köln: Brill, 2001. Hoffmeier, J.H. “The Coffins of the Middle Kingdom: The Residence and the Regions.” In Middle Kingdom Studies, S. Quirke, ed., 69–86. New Malden: Sia Publishing, 1991. Hoffmeier, J.H. “Are there Regionally-based Theological Differences in the Coffin Texts?” In The World of the Coffin Texts, H. Willems, ed., 44–54. Leiden: nino, 1996. Ilin-tomich, A. “A Twelfth Dynasty Stela Workshop possibly from Saqqara.” jea 97 (2011): 117–126. Itoh, T. and S. Yasimoto, “Wood.” In Akoris Report of the Excavations at Akoris in Middle Egypt, 1981–1992 (3). Restoration and Analysis of the Barque Model, The Paleological Association of Japan Inc. Egyptian Committee ed., 419–420. Kyoto: Kyoto Sobo, 1995. Jay, J.E. “Naga ed-Deir to Thebes to Abydos: The Rise and Spread of the ‘Couple Standing before Offerings’ pose on fip and mk Offering Stelae.” jarce 46 (2010): 63–80. Jéquier, G. Le monument funéraire de Pépi ii. Fouilles à Saqqarah. Le Caire: ifao, 1936. Jéquier, G. and J.E. Gautier, Mémoire sur les fouilles de Licht. mifao 6. Cairo: ifao, 1902. Junker, H. Giza viii. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. Wien: Hölder-PichlerTempsky, 1947. Kamal, A. “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées dans la zone comprise entre Deirout au nord et Deîr-el-Ganadlah, au sud.” asae 11 (1911): 3–39. Kamal, A. “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées dans la zone comprise entre Déîrout au nord et Déîr-el-Ganadlah, au sud (suite).” asae 12 (1912), 97–127. Kamal, A. “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées dans la zone comprise entre Déîrout au nord et Déîr-el-Ganadlah, au sud (suite).” asae 14 (1914): 45–87.

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Kamal, A. “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées dans la zone comprise entre Déîrout, au nord, et Déîr-el-Ganadlah, au sud (suite).” asae 15 (1915): 177–206. Kanawati, N. The Rock Tombs of el-Hawawish: The Cemetery of Akhmim, 9 volumes. Sydney: Humanities Press, 1980–1989. Kanawati, N., E. Alexakis, S. Shafik, and M. Momtaz. Deir el Gebrawi: The northern cliff. acer 23. Sydney: Australian Centre for Egyptology, 2005. Kanawati, N., E. Alexakis, S. Shafik, and M. Momtaz. Deir el Gebrawi: The Southern Cliff: The Tomb of Ibi and Others. acer 25. Sydney: Australian Centre for Egyptology, 2007. Kanawati, N., A. McFarlane, A.H. Salama, N. Victor, and N. Charoubim, Deshasha: The Tombs of Inti, Shedu and Others. acer 5. Sydney: Macquarie University, 1993. Lacau, P. Sarcophages antérieurs au Nouvel Empire. Cairo: Martino Publishing, 1904. Lapp, G. Särge des Mittleren Reiches aus der Ehemaligen Sammlung Khashaba. ÄgAbh 43. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1985. Legrain, G. “Notes sur la nécropole de Meir.” asae 1 (1900): 65–72. Lesko, L.H. The Ancient Egyptian Book of Two Ways. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972. Liphschitz, N. “Timber identification of Wooden Egyptian Objects in museum collections in Israel.” Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University 25/2 (1998): 255–276. Lorand, D. “Did the « reunification style » affect the production of Middle Kingdom Royal Statuary?” In Change and Innovations in Middle Kingdom Art: Proceedings of the Meketre Study Day Held at the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna (3rd May 2013), L. Hudáková, P. Jánosi, and A. Kahlbacher, eds., 83–94. Middle Kingdom Studies 4. London: ghp, 2016. Marée, M. “A Remarkable Group of Egyptian Stelae from the Second Intermediate Period.” omro 73 (1993): 7–17. Marée, M. “Artisans itinérants sous le règne de Sésostris Ier.” Unpublished. Martin, K., ed. Corpus antiquitatum Aegyptiacarum, Ubersee-Museum Bremen, Lieferung 1, Lose-Blatt-Katalog agyptischer altertumer. Mainz/Rhein: Verlag P. von Zabern, 1991. Martin-Pardey, E., ed. Corpus antiquitatum, Aegyptiacarum, Pelizaeus-Museum, Hildesheim, Lieferung 6, Grabbeigaben, Nachträge und Erganzüngen. Mainz/Rhein: Verlag P. von Zabern, 1991. Montembault, V. Catalogue des chaussures de l’Antiquité egyptienne. Paris: rmn, 2000. Moreno García, J.C. “La gestion sociale de la mémoire dans l’Égypte du iiie millénaire: les tombes des particuliers, entre emploi privé et idéologie publique.” In Dekorierte Grabanlagen im Alten Reich: Methodik und Interpretation, M. Fitzenreiter and M. Herb, eds., 215–242. ibaes vi. London: ghp, 2006. Moreno García, J.C. “Trade and Power in Ancient Egypt: Middle Egypt in the Late Third/Early Second Millennium bc.” Journal of Archaeological Research (2016): 1–46.

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Moreno García, J.C. “Trade and Power in Ancient Egypt: Middle Egypt in the Late Third/Early Second Millennium bc.” Journal of Archaeological Research 2572 (2017): 87–132. Moursi, M.I. Die Hohenpriester des Sonnengottes von der Frühzeit ägyptens bis zum Enden des Neuen Reiches. mäs 26. München-Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1972. De Morgan, J. “Note sur les travaux du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte et de l’Institut Égyptien pendant les années 1892, 93 et 94.” In Actes du xe Congrès des Orientalistes, 3–33. Leiden: Brill, 1892. Naville, E. The xith Dynasty Temple at Deir el Bahari. ExcMem 28, 30, 32. London: Nabu Press, 1907–1913. Oakley, K.P. “Woods used by the Ancient Egyptians.” Analyst lvii (1932): 158–159. Petrie, W.M.F. Tools and Weapons. bsae 30. London: University College, 1917. Podvin, J.L. Composition, position et orientation du mobilier funéraire dans les tombes egyptiennes privees du moyen empire à la basse époque. 2 volumes. Lille: Atelier National de Reproduction des Thèses, 1997. Podzorski, P.V., N.C. Rem, and J.A. Knudsen. “Identification of Some Egyptian Wood Artifacts in the Lowie Museum of Anthropology.” masca 3/4 (1985): 122–124. Pogo, A. “Calendars on coffin lids from Asyût (Second half of the Third Millennium).” Isis 17 (1932): 4–24. Postel, L. “Les origines de l’art thébain de la xie dynastie.” Égypte. Afrique & Orient 30 (2003): 3–30. Porter, B., Moss, R.L.B., Burney, E.W. and Malek, J. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings, i–viii. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1927–1998. Quirke, S. “The Residence in Relations between Places of Knowledge, Production and Power: Middle Kingdom evidence.” In Egyptian Royal Residences. R. Gundlach and J.H. Taylor, eds., 111–130. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2009. Reisner, G. Models of Ships and boats, Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire 68 (nos. 4798–4976 et 5034–520). Cairo: ifao, 1913. Rigault, P. “The Canopic Chest of Khakheperreseneb/Iy. Louvre E17108.” In The world of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000–1550bc): contributions on archaeology, art, religion, and written sources, vol. 1, G. Miniaci and W. Grajetzki, eds., 325–331. mks 1. London: ghp, 2015. Roccati, A. La littérature historique sous l’Ancien Empire égyptien. Paris: Cerf, 1982. Roccati, A. “La stele di un falegname.” Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Rendiconti. Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e Filologiche 40/5-6 (1985): 225–233. Roth, A.M. “The Meaning of Menial Labor: “Servant Statues” in Old Kingdom Serdabs.” jarce 39 (2002): 103–121. Schenkel, W. Frühmittelägyptische Studien. bos 13. Bonn: Selbstverlag des Orientalischen Seminars der Universität Bonn, 1962.

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Schiestl, R. and A. Seiler, Handbook of the pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. 3 volumes. Wien: Verlag der Österreischischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2012. Schoske, S., B. Kreible, and R. Germer. ‘Anch’ Blumen für das Leben. Pflanzen im alten Ägypten. Schriften Aus der Ägyptischen Sammlung 6. München: Staatliche Sammlung ägyptischer Kunst, 1992. Seidlmayer, S.J. Gräberfelder aus dem Übergang vom Alten zum Mittleren Reich. Studien zur Archäologie der Ersten Zwischenzeit. saga 1. Heidelberg: Orientverlag, 1990. Seidlmayer, S.J. “The First Intermediate Period.” In The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, I. Shaw, ed., 108–136. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Simpson, W.K. The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13. New Haven: Peabody Museum of Natural History of Yale University and the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, 1974. Smith, W.S. “A Painting in the Assiut Tomb of Hepzefa.” mdaik 15 (1957): 221–224. Tallet, P. “Meket/Meketrê.” RdÉ 54 (2003): 288–294. Tallet, P. and S. Bickel, “La statue de Meket, un fonctionnaire modèle.” bifao 96 (1996): 73–90. Tooley, A.M.J. Middle Kingdom Burial Customs: a Study of Wooden Models and Relatedd Material. Liverpool: PhD thesis submitted to the University of Liverpool, 1989. Vandier, J. Manuel d’archéologie Égyptienne iii: les grandes époques: la statuaire. Paris: A & J Picard, 1958. Vischak, D. Community and Identity in Ancient Egypt. The Old Kingdom Cemetery at Qubbet el-Hawa. Cambridge: Cambridge University press, 2015. Wildung, D. L’Âge d’or de l’Égypte, le Moyen Empire. Fribourg: Office du Livre, 1984. Willems, H. Chest of Life, a Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins. mveol 25. Leiden: Ex Oriente Lux, 1988. Winlock, H.E. Models of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt from the tomb of Meket-Re at Thebes. Cambridge–MA: Harvard University Press, 1955. Zitman, M. The Necropolis of Assiut, A Case Study of Local Egyptian funerary Culture from the Old Kingdom to the End of the Middle Kingdom. ola 180. Leuven: Peeters, 2010.

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chapter 6

The Middle Kingdom Burial in Qubbet el-Hawa of a Woman Named Sattjeni Luisa M. García González University of Jaén

Abstract In 2015, a new phase of archaeological work was carried out in tomb QH35p in the necropolis of Qubbet el-Hawa opposite Aswan. The results of that work were more extensive than expected and included the discovery of a rich burial, numbered 11, in the remains of a corridor of the tomb. The individual was identified as a woman who was buried along with her rich funerary equipment. A sandstone stela identified the owner as Sattjeni, who was most likely a member of the ruling family of the Elephantine area. The present article must, however, be considered as a preliminary study of the burial, since some finds are still being analysed.

1

Situation

Tomb QH35p lies in the necropolis of Qubbet el-Hawa on the west bank of the Nile, opposite the modern city of Aswan. The funerary complex is located in the northern part of the necropolis, just beside the tomb of Sarenput i (QH36). As is usual for the site, it is a rock-cut tomb, but with a special feature. An enclosed exterior corridor area, originally covered by a vault made of mud-brick, was positioned in front of the rock-cut space so that additional space could be used for funerary purposes. In fact, seven burials were arranged along the side-walls of this corridor, some of them organised in two different levels. In the case of the burial under discussion here, this was found at the entrance to the aforementioned area, against the northern wall. All the burials were furnished with similar assemblages of funerary goods, consisting of a single rectangular wooden coffin, pottery, and some pieces of jewellery or amulets. There are some exceptional aspects to some of the burials that will be outlined in the article, including with respect to the particular burial in question.

© Luisa M. García González, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_008

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figure 6.1 Plan of the tomb QH35p with the distribution of some burials in the corridor. Sattjeni’s burial is highlighted by a red circle. © proyecto qubbet el-hawa—luisa m. garcía gonzález y juan luis martínez de dios

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figure 6.2 Bird’s eye-view of the corridor of QH35p and distribution of some burials there. Sattjeni’s burial is highlighted by a red circle. © proyecto qubbet el-hawa—luisa m. garcía gonzález

2

Description of the Burial and Finds

In contrast with the other burials found in the vicinity, the burial of Sattjeni apparently included several objects made with the highest quality materials and with the finest quality craftwork. Those items were found settled around the burial and comprised her grave goods. In the first instance, it is important to mention that the coffin was accompanied by a sandstone stela. 2.1 The Sandstone Stela This rectangular shaped monument is 31.5cm high, 21 cm in width, and 7 cm thick. It was placed directly over the coffin and was supported by the northern wall of the corridor. It displays an incised inscription and is decorated with a sunken-relief representation of a woman in front of two offering tables.1 Both

1 This monument is a very typical example of the concept of a ‘feminine stelae of the Mid-

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the hieroglyphs and the iconography were painted. On the back side of the stela are the remains of some kind of mortar, which might indicate that it was once joined or fixed to a wall, although not necessarily the adjacent mud brick wall. The inscriptions consist of three lines of text; one horizontal line and two columns, and the signs follow a right-to-left direction. The hieroglyphs of the horizontal line are painted in green color and those in columns are in brown.2 The remains of the black guide-lines used to make the hieroglyphs in the columns were made of black carbon.3 The transcription, transliteration, and translation of the texts are as follows:

1) 2) 3)

ḥtp-di҆-nyswt Wsi҆r nb Ḏdw di҆⸗f prt-ḫrw t ḥnḳt kꜣ ꜣpd n kꜣ n i҆mꜣḫ(y)t Sꜣt-ṯni҆ mst-n Gꜣwt-ꜥnḳt mꜣꜥt-ḫrw

1)

A royal offering to Osiris, lord of Busiris, so may he give an offering of bread, beer, bulls, and fowls for the kꜣ of the venerated Sattjeni, born of Gautanuqet, justified.

2) 3)

dle Kingdom’ as outlined by Stefanović in: “The feminine stelae of the Middle Kingdom: Stela Leiden 35”, 81–92 and idem, “The feminine stelae of the Middle Kingdom: addenda”, 95– 98. 2 During the 2018 campaign, chemical analyses were carried out on different finds including Sattjeni’s stela. These employed two portable instruments; an X-Ray Fluorescence (xrf) handheld spectrometer and a Raman portable micro-spectrometer. The results indicated that the stela was made of sandstone. In addition, its pigments were also analysed. The green colour was identified as a copper-chloride compound and the reddish brown as red ochre. These chemical analyses were funded by the University of Jaén as a part of the Multidisciplinary Research Project (Acción 7) UJA2015/07/02 “Estudio arqueométrico de sarcófagos y ajuares funerarios de la necrópolis de Qubbet el-Hawa (Asuán, Egipto)” whose principal researcher was Dr. María José Ayora Cañada. 3 See previous note.

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figure 6.3 The sandstone stela © proyecto qubbet el-hawa—patricia mora riudavets

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It seems from the text, therefore, that the owner of the monument was a woman called Sattjeni whose mother was named Gautanuqet. This information is confirmed by the anatomical data obtained from the associated body that lay under the stela inside the coffin. The body was of an adult woman of medium size and of Caucasoid type.4 The body was position in right lateral position, looking south, and with a west-east axis.5 On the stela, Sattjeni is represented to the left side of the offerings in the usual position for individuals commemorated on such stelae.6 She is standing and looking right. As a woman, her skin was painted in yellow7 and she is shown wearing a long, tight-fitting dress, extending from below the breast down to below her knees. It is suspended by two very narrow straps, leaving one breast visible.8 Moreover, she is represented well adorned with a necklace, bracelets, and anklets. The last detail to mention is the pair of sandals worn by Sattjeni, which are of a type that is fastened around the ankles.9 The representation is extremely detailed, in fact the hair was made with such accuracy that every lock was incised on the surface of the rock. This emphasizes its straight and smooth character. The length of her hair is typical for such representations, that is to say it extends to arm-pit level. Although the tripartite hairstyle was the most

4 I wish to express my gratitude to the Anthropological Team of the Qubbet el-Hawa Project— Dr. Miguel Botella López, Dr. Inmaculada Alemán Aguilera, and Mr. Ángel Rubio Salvador, all from the University of Granada (Spain)—for the valuable information they provided to me. 5 Although this is not the usual orientation, this might be explained by the situation of the burial in the tomb itself. Being at the northern wall of the corridor, the logical intention would be to place Sattjeni’s body in such a way that she was facing towards the interior of the tomb. Possibly for the same reason, the other burials placed along the southern wall of the corridor all looked north. The explanation for these positions is, therefore, an adaptation to the architecture features of the tomb. For more information about the body positions in burials see Bourriau: “Change of the Body Position”, 2; Raven, “Egyptian Concepts on the Orientation of the Human Body”, 40–41; and Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt, 83–84. 6 Metawi, “The Stela of ḥḏrwt and Her Two Late Husbands from the Middle Kingdom: Cairo cg 20105”, 174. 7 Pigment identified as yellow ochre. See above in n. 2. 8 This dress may be included in the group C of Millard’s classification. See Millard, “The Position of the Women”, 420, and pl. 89. 9 According to Millard’s classification (Millard, “The Position of the Women”, 468, pl. 103), these sandals are of type 1. Moreover, the fact that the sandals were not carved like the rest of the monument but only painted might indicate that they were an element not planned for the original iconographic program, but were added later. Another aspect to highlight is that the sandal artist was not as skilful as the original maker because he represented the gripping loops going up to the ankle and not to the sole, as was the normal way to hold sandals in place. In addition, no sole is represented at all.

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usual form, her hair is represented by the enveloping style, with a unique lock falling down before her shoulders and concealing her ears.10 The pose assumed by Sattjeni is typical for a funerary context. She smells a lotus flower with her left-hand while holding a bouquet of three others in her right one.11 In front of her are several offerings represented at different levels, even in a chaotic way, giving the impression they are floating. On the same floor line on which the figure stands there is a table with three vessels on it; a spouted ḥs-jar or of ḳbḥ-shape, flanked by two shouldered jars without necks and with flat bases. The one on the left has a long curved spout.12 The one with the spout would have served to pour water while the other would have contained some unguent.13 Based on the color of all these three vessels, which are painted in yellow, it seems that the intention of the artist was to represent vases made most likely of travertine.14

10

11

12

13 14

Following Millard’s classification, Sattjeni’s hairstyle could fit well in type A1.b (Millard, “The Position of the Women,” 440, and pl. 95). The general type A1 of hairstyle was worn by all classes of women, from queens to peasants, and during the entirety of Egyptian history from the beginning of the Old Kingdom (and perhaps even before). It is quite difficult, however, to find examples of this specific A1.b type on Middle Kingdom stelae. In fact, the enveloping hairstyle was mainly in vogue during the eighteenth dynasty. See for instance Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt, 199. On the other hand, Robins in, “Hair and the Construction of Identity”, 55–69, points out that hairstyles clearly showed differences of gender, age, and social status, which means that they represented and expressed an identity construction. The most common way to represent a woman in a funerary context was carrying a lotus flower, or smelling its fragrance, or both. This is because this flower was associated with solar concepts and was thought to have certain rebirth and regenerative attributes. The ancient Egyptians observed how this flower was hidden beneath the water during the night and appeared again on the water’s surface with the sunrise each morning. For that reason, it is normal to see the lotus in offering scenes and in representations of funerary meals. See Wilkinson, Symbol & Magic, 20; and Wilkinson, Reading Ancient Egyptian, 133. It must be kept in mind that the use of long spouted jars made of pottery was almost exclusively limited to the early Middle Kingdom (see Schiestl and Sieler, Pottery, 474–475). This also applies to similar jars made of other materials, such as travertine. With regards to the shape of this vessel, it has been studied in the work of Aston, Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels, fig. 22; and by Vlčková, Abusir xv, 46–54. Due to their small apertures, which reduced evaporation, this kind of vessel was appropriate for keeping perfumes, oils, or unguents. See Vlčková, Abusir xv, 47. Travertine vessels have been commonly but incorrectly identified as being made of alabaster. Travertine was a most suitable material, because of its composition, hardness, and availability. Egyptian travertine consists entirely of calcite (CaCO₃). One of the most important quarries was at Hatnub, which was exploited during the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom. See Aston, Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels, 42–47;

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There are a few good parallels for this stela that are worth mentioning here. One of them is now kept at the Archaeological Museum of Florence, and has inventory number 7591. This is dated to the eleventh to twelfth dynasty and represents almost the same composition as that seen on Sattjeni’s stela.15 The second example is in the Fitzwilliam Museum, and is labelled with the accession number E.SS.14. That one is dated to the early twelfth dynasty but the colours used on that monument are quite different, using a palette mainly composed of black, red, and white.16 Another similar stela belonging to a women is that of Khenyt, now kept in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens17 with inventory number 128. It is dated to the Middle Kingdom. In that case, Khenyt is wearing the same kind of dress as Sattjeni’s but her enveloping wig is falling down her back. 2.2 The Coffin The body was placed inside a rectangular coffin made of wood. Unfortunately, as with the rest of burials found in tomb QH35p this coffin was in an extremely poor state of preservation due to the actions of termites. For that reason, it is only possible to give approximate dimensions for the coffin as it was when completed. It is estimated to have been 180cm in length and 40 cm in width. According to the analysis18 this coffin was made using two different kind of timber; sycamore for the coffin boards, and tamarisk for the plugs which connected the boards together.19 The sides of the coffin were covered with a thin layer of white plaster but no evidence of any additional polychrome or hieroglyphic texts was found.

15 16 17 18

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Vlčková, Abusir xv, 71–73, and Aston, Harrell, and Shaw, “Stone”, 59. Regarding the importance of Hatnub during the mentioned periods, see Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub. Bosticco, Museo Archeologico di Firenze, 30, § 27. Martin, Stelae from Egypt and Nubia in the Fitzwilliam Museum, 19 §15. National Archaeological Museum: http://www.namuseum.gr/collections/egypt/mking/ mking01‑en.html. Accessed July 24, 2017. All the following data have been provided by Dr. Oliva Rodríguez Ariza, the anthracologist of the project, also member of the Multidisciplinary Research Project funded by the University of Jaén (in n. 2). Both kinds of woods already grew in the Nile Valley and were used to build coffins from as early as the Old Kingdom. For more information about these timbers, see Gale, Gasson, and Hepper, “Wood,” 340–341, and 345.

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2.3 A Stone Jar Almost directly in front of Sattjeni’s face, and still inside the coffin,20 was a beautiful spherical jar made of stone. It is 8.4cm wide at the maximum body diameter and 9.8cm in height. A special feature of this object was that it was made in two separate parts. It has a white body, and a neck and rim made of some kind of grey stone.21 According to the corresponding chemical analysis22 the body was made of travertine.23 The typical tonality of this sedimentary rock is milky white.24 The upper part, however, was made of a different stone, that is to say that the bottle neck was made of steatite.25 The shape of the body is an almost perfect spherical form and it is not easy to find comparable stone jars. The closest parallels may be two examples currently on display in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, which came from Kerma.26 As the location where Sattjeni’s jar was found was within the necropolis of the first nome of Upper Egypt, which was at the natural southern border with Lower Nubia, it is not unexpected to find objects that were made in the Nubian tradition.27 20 21 22

23

24

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The same position is also attested in a Middle Kingdom female burial found in El-Kab. See Quibell, El Kab, 14. There are some similar examples dated circa the same time period, such as in Diospolis Parva, Abydos, and at Buhen. See Aston, Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels, 141, §142. As mentioned above in footnote 2, these were carried out using two portable instruments in the field; an X-Ray Fluorescence (xrf) handheld spectrometer and a Raman portable micro-spectrometer. Travertine is a sedimentary rock and a variety of limestone containing a high percentage of the mineral calcite (CaCO₃). In fact, in Aston, Harrell, and Shaw, “Stone,” the entry for ‘calcite’ on p. 25 refers to ‘travertine’ on p. 59. There, the authors explain the normal misunderstanding of the terminology in the Egyptological context. In addition, Egyptian travertine is composed of calcite (CaCO₃), exactly the mineral identified in the analysis mentioned above. For more information about this rock see footnote 14. According to Shaw’s classification (Shaw, Hatnub, 12), the bottle would be made of type 1, an opaque milky white material with little layering. Most likely, the white colour of this mineral made the ancient Egyptians think about connections to cleanliness, purity, and sanctity as inherent characteristics of the travertine. Because of that, it is common to find travertine vessels in funerary contexts. See Shaw, Hatnub, 14–15. According to Aston (Aston, Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels, 12, 59–60), this kind of stone was uncommon for vessels. However, in Aston, Harrell, and Shaw, “Stone”, 59, its use for making cosmetic vessels during the Middle Kingdom is highlighted. Museum of Fine Arts of Boston website information: a spherical jar, catalogued with the accession number 15-3-265 (http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/jar‑327253) and a spherical jar whose neck and rim were made of mud, catalogued with the accession number 21.1305 (http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/jar‑144002). Accessed July 28, 2017. For more information about the Nubian traditions that influenced the character of the

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figure 6.4 The stone jar © proyecto qubbet el-hawa—patricia mora riudavets

2.4 A Cosmetic Box Directly underneath the aforementioned jar, another unusual object was found. It was a fine cosmetic box made of wood, which was covered with small sections of ebony and ivory creating geometric forms. This was quite a common way of using those two raw materials in conjunction with decorative woodworking techniques.28 This inlaid box was also found in a very poor state of conservation but after a great deal of patient work by the restorer29 it was possible to recover almost every piece of it and then re-assemble them together once again. Ivory and ebony were often used as inlays in wooden items, such as for the production of boxes that were buried with elite woman.30 The dec-

28

29 30

funerary goods in Sattjeni’s burial as well as in the rest of burials placed in tomb QH35p, see below in the section “Cosmetic box”. Gale, Gasson, and Hepper, “Wood”, 339. Toiletries were objects often placed approximately in front of the deceased’s face, as was also found in a female burial in tomb 15J15/1 at Deir el-Bersha. See De Meyer, “His Ancestors”, 132. I would like to mention the restoration specialist, Mrs. Teresa López Obregón-Silvestre, for her valuable work on the project since 2012. Other examples exist, such as the cosmetics box of Kemeni or that of princess Sithathoryunet, all of them in the mma in New York. See Patch, “Cat. 52A, B. Two Boxes of Princess Sithathoryunet”, 110–111; and Roehrig, “Cat. 75A, B. Box with Vessels and Mirror”, 141–142.

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figure 6.5 Sattjeni’s cosmetic box © proyecto qubbet el-hawa—patricia mora riudavets

oration formed by these inlays on Sattjeni’s cosmetics box was, however, quite particular. Taking into account the geographical location where Sattjeni’s burial was found once again, i.e. the border nome with Nubia, it seems likely that the patterns were inspired by Nubian traditions. In fact, it is possible that many of the geometric patterns found on the pottery in tomb QH35p can also be found on C-Group Nubian pottery.31

31

Regarding the idea of Nubian traditions influencing Egyptian culture, see Rzeuska, “Zigzag, triangle and fish fin. On the relations of Egypt and the C-Group during the Middle Kingdom”, 397–420; and Rzeuska “Elephantine. A Place of an End and a Beginning”, 339. In connection to this it is worth mentioning some samples of pottery that had almost the same geometric patterns in their incised decoration, such as a group of pottery vessels in the Nubia Museum of Aswan that is just said to belong to the C-Group Culture and is dated from the Middle Kingdom to the Second Intermediate Period. Unfortunately, their original provenance is not mentioned and remains unknown. In addition, a bowl kept in the British Museum is notable. It was found together with other pieces in a CGroup tomb of the cemetery of Faras (Lower Nubia) and is catalogued with the museum number ea 51245 (http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection _object_details.aspx?objectId=155755&partId=1&searchText=C‑Group&place=35459&pa ge=1). Accessed February 26, 2018.

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The box contained several cosmetic objects: – A small white stone vessel with a plain lid made of a different grey stone.32 Taking the spherical jar into account, it is most likely that this vessel was also made using travertine for the body and steatite for the lid. Unfortunately, no detailed material analysis has been carried out on these objects. On the interior walls of the vessel were the remains of its contents, which, taking into account that the vessel was contained in a cosmetic box, may have been kohl. – A thin and short stick made of ivory or bone, which was probably used to apply the kohl.33 – A shaped bluish grey stone that was probably used as a pestle to crush and mix the pigments. 2.5 Jewellery and Nacre As was mentioned at the beginning of the article, this burial was atypical in a number of respects. Many unusual objects were found along with the body such as three shells of unusually large size.34 They were placed on the upper part of the mummified body and it is most likely that they served as amulets for bestowing good health on the deceased in the afterlife. They were also used as ornaments in female Middle Kingdom burials.35 The mummy was buried wearing necklaces, bracelets, anklets, and rings. The bracelets and the anklets were assembled from small carnelian beads.36 Taking into account the number of them, these probably were just single strings of beads, which were the most common arrangement for bracelets and anklets

32 33 34

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See Aston, Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels, 145, § 156. One of the ends of this stick was stained by some black substance, which might reinforce the idea of it being kohl. Even though it has not yet been confirmed by a specialist, they seem to belong to the species Chambardia rubens. According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, this is a widespread species with a geographical range extending from the Nile basin southwards throughout western Africa. For more information, see the iucn Red List of Threatened Species website: http://www.iucnredlist.org/ details/175135/0. Accessed May 2, 2018. See Carol Andrews’s discussion about oyster-shells (Andrews, Amulets, 43). These are both molluscs and taking into account the similarity in their shapes, it indicates a similar use of symbolism. Carnelian is a translucent semi-precious stone that could be found in Nubia and in the Eastern Desert by that time. See Andrews, Amulets, 102, and Aston, Harrell, and Shaw, “Stone”, 26–27. Even if there was no importation factor to make its value higher, the Egyptians mentioned it in some lists together with other very highly valued materials, such as silver, lapis lazuli, and turquoise. See Andrews, Amulets, 102.

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used by non-royal court women.37 Three different types of necklaces made of distinct materials were present:38 – One made of very small discoid beads of blue faience. – Another made of regular round beads of carnelian.39 The diameter of these beads was noticeably bigger than those used on the bracelets and anklets, but there was also some graduation in the size of them. – One made using a small barrel-shaped bead made of carnelian that can be identified as a swrt-bead.40 This kind of necklace would have been worn by Sattjeni as a choker. The barrel bead would have been placed right against the throat41 and was probably linked to the power of the goddess Serqet.42 Three finger rings were also found. They were made using a simple wire and with scarabs made of different materials. Those in orange colour were made of carnelian and the one in bluish green was made of feldspar.43 The fact that all of them were uninscribed could mean that they were used purely as amulets.44

37 38 39 40

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Grajetzki, Tomb Treasures, 124. For this kind of jewellery, see Millard, “The Position of the Women”, 463. All the materials have been chemically analysed and their material composition confirmed. See above footnote 3. See Type E.4 in Millard, “The Position of the Women”, 460. The swrt-bead was an elongated barrel shape bead that has usually been found on the necks of mummies and in anthropoid coffins, as well as in representation of those same, for instance on statues or on cartonnage funerary masks. For more information about this, see Andrews, Amulets, 99. An evolutionary study of the funerary appearances of other individuals buried in Qubbet el-Hawa who might be taken as parallels is in GarcíaGonzález and Jiménez-Serrano, “Burial Customs”, 16–23. Wb iv, 71; Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch ii, 2142–2143. The word swrt comes from the verb swr ‘drink’ (Hannig, Wörterbuch ii, 2140). According to Grajetzki, Tomb Treasures, 27, perhaps this bead was an amulet to guarantee the ability to drink and eat in the afterlife. On the other hand, swrt has two entries in Hannig, Wörterbuch ii, 2142–2143. The first one is translated as ‘pill (to swallow)’ and the second is that of ‘bead’. There is a clear connection between the actions of drinking or swallowing, of a pill, and of the position of the bead since all these words are linked to the throat. Serqet, as ‘the lady of bites’, had the ability to treat bites of poisonous animals, hence her epithet ‘who allows to breath the throat’, because she gave breath to people choking as a result of the action of the venomous toxin. For a more detailed description of the goddess, see Känel, “Selqet,” lä v, cols. 831–832. Feldspar or amazonite stone is an opaque semi-precious green stone that can be found in the Eastern Desert and also in the Libyan Mountains. Like the carnelian, this material was as prized as turquoise or lapis lazuli (See Aldred, Jewels, 17; Andrews, Amulets, 103). Ring scarabs were used as amulets for the first time during the twelfth dynasty (Andrews, Amulets, 11, 52).

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figure 6.6 Sattjeni’s jewellery © proyecto qubbet el-hawa—patricia mora riudavets

The most interesting find in this group of jewellery was the sꜣ-amulet found on Sattjeni’s neck. According to the chemical analysis45 it was made of aurian silver with a percentage of gold and copper.46 It should be mentioned that the use of this type of object was quite typical during the Middle Kingdom, but they are almost never found from other periods. Several examples have been found from areas all over Egypt and they are always linked to female burials.47 Another female burial found in the same corridor of tomb QH35p during the 2016 archaeological season had exactly the same artefact at her neck.48 2.6 Associated Pottery Several pieces of pottery were associated with this burial. They were placed around the coffin and on top of it. Their typology is quite varied, and is as follows:

45 46

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See n. 2. It is likely that during the Middle Kingdom silver was imported from Asia Minor and became a product more precious than gold as a result. See Andrews, Amulets, 105–106; and Ogden, “Metals”, 170–171. Andrews, Amulets, 43. For the examples mentioned see Quibell, El Kab, pl. 5, 5 and that shown in Gallery 105 in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, with accession number 25.3.253: https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/545150?sortBy =Relevance&ft=sa+amulet&offset=0&rpp=20&pos=1. Accessed July 24, 2017. Burial number 9, Jiménez-Serrano et al., “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa”, 29–30.

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– A hemispherical drinking bowl of Group 2 type made with Nile B1 clay.49 Its surface is red-coated inside and outside. In addition, it possibly displays the remains of calcification from use as a water container.50 Dated from the end of the eleventh dynasty or early twelfth dynasty. – A medium carinated bowl with incised decoration and a direct rim made of Nile B2 clay.51 Moreover, its rim has four pleats oriented towards the inside made by the potter.52 The surface of this vessel is red-coated on its outside and inside and it shows quite extensive calcification marks due to its mode of use. Both its shape and decoration and the ornamental pleats can be dated from the last part of the reign of Senwosret iii to the early thirteenth dynasty. – A large bowl made of Nile B2 clay. This is red-coated on its inside and on the upper part of the outer surface. Around the latter part it has four incised lines and two lines of roped decoration below where there is no red coating.53 This example can possibly be dated to late twelfth dynasty or first half of the thirteenth dynasty. – A large carinated bowl made of Marl A3 clay with incised decoration above the carination line and some additional decorative details applied just below it. The surfaces of the vessel were not coated at all.54 Its chronology can fit with the late twelfth dynasty context.55 Taking into consideration the funerary context where they were found, the main function of this kind of pottery was for serving and the subsequent consumption of liquids and foods in the funerary rituals carried out for the deceased.

49 50 51 52 53

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Diameter 13.4 cm and 6.5 cm high. Its indices range is 206. See Schiestl and Sieler, Pottery, 92–94, § i. A. 10. Group 2. See Schiestl and Sieler, Pottery, 276–277, § i, F. 15. a. Group 1. See Schiestl and Sieler, Pottery, 780–783, § iii. J. 2. Group 2. See Schiestl and Sieler, Pottery, 318–319, i.g.3.6–8 and similar, but not the same, in Rzeuska, “Elephantine”, 350, § 53. Even if Rzeuska gives an earlier date for this kind of pottery, mid twelfth dynasty, we have preferred to follow the monograph of Schiestl and Sieler due to the similarity of its examples with our object. See Schiestl and Sieler, Pottery, 280–281, § I.F.16.a.2, and Rzeuska, “Elephantine”, 358, § 74. Schiestl and Sieler, Pottery, 280.

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figure 6.7 A large Marl A3 carinated bowl © proyecto qubbet el-hawa—patricia mora riudavets

3

Discussion and Dating of the Burial

Important aspects of this burial are the name and kinship relationships of the deceased. A good source of information about her family’s onomastic details is the Sanctuary of Heqaib in Elephantine, where the governors of the first nome of Upper Egypt left several monuments. The chapel of Sarenput i is a good location to start with. For its construction Sarenput commissioned carved representation of many of his relatives for its walls. On the inner wall his ancestors are represented, back to his great grandmother. One of them is particularly relevant to the current study; his paternal grandmother, Gautanuqet. She was the mother of Hapi, who was the father of Sarenput i. But was this the same woman mentioned on the stela in the tomb as being the mother of the deceased? The two names that appear on the stela in the tomb are fairly common in this region. A large number of women called Sattjeni are attested on the tomb walls of the necropolis of Qubbet el-Hawa and in the Sanctuary of Heqaib.56 The name Sattjeni (lit. ‘The Daughter of the Honoured’), makes a clear reference to the great ancestor of the city, the deified Heqaib.57 This name was given to 56 57

In fact, another Sattjeni recently documented in Qubbet el-Hawa can be found in SánchezLeón, J.C. and Jiménez-Serrano, “Sattjeni: Daughter, Wife and Mother”, 154–166. pn i, 294. 22; Regarding that see Habachi, Heqaib, 45, who translates it as ‘The Daughter of the Old Man’, making also a connection with the deified Heqaib. The word ṯni҆ (Wb v, 374 and Hannig, Wörterbuch ii, 2744) has several entries including: ṯn(i҆) “honour”, “be honoured”, which could well mean that Heqaib was a man distinguished for his actions and hence deified. ṯni҆ ‘old man’ could also could be connected to Heqaib as the “ancestor” par excellence. In this case, he would be the noblest ancestor and distinguished among the other elite members of Elephantine.

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the mother, the wife, and one of the daughters of Sarenput i. The name of Gautanuqet58 can also be easily linked to the First Cataract region, since Anuqet is one of the deities of the area, together with Khnum and Satet. As well as Serenput i’s paternal grandmother,59 one of his sisters was named after the goddess Anuqet.60 According to the anatomical study,61 Sattjeni’s bones do not show evidence of having given birth to a child, however, this observation is not conclusive because childbirth can leave no traces at all. A good indicator of the social status of Sattjeni is the fact that she was buried with her own stela. No figural representation nor mention of a husband or children occurs on the monument.62 Moreover, there is a lack of a nbt pr title (lit. ‘lady of the house’), which was traditionally thought to have been used to refer to married women.63 More recent studies have indicated that this title might be more connected to the fact that a woman holding this title was an adult and an independent person.64 It has also been proposed, however, that this title did not appear on stelae before the reign of Amenemhat ii, so that its absence here is not indicative.65 Overall, the analysis of the anatomical data together with the other issues mentioned above indicates that Sattjeni never married nor had children, belonged to the 58

59

60 61 62

63 64

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pn i, 69.5. Other variants of the name incorporate references to the goddess Anuqet and are also attested in Qubbet el-Hawa, such as Kyt-Anuqet (pn i, 69.4), one of the females represented on stela Cairo je 36420. For that, see Cecil, “Report on the Work Done at Aswân”, t. 4. This monument is currently on display at the Alexandria National Museum (anm) and a study of it is now in preparation. His paternal grandmother is mentioned on two monuments dedicated to her son Hapi in the Sanctuary of Heqaib on the Island of Elephantine, erected by Sarenput i. These are a statue and an offering table. See Habachi, Heqaib, 32, figs. 5b–c and 33, figs. 6a–b. This name is attested in a scene represented on the south part of the eastern wall inside the tomb of Sarenput i. See García-González, Estudio histórico, 205, and 209, with references. See above in footnote 4. See Roth, “The Absent Spouse”, who tries to give some other explanations beyond the traditional view, such as references to wisdom or the single or divorced status of the woman. She is inclined towards the idea that the lack of a husband’s mention is due to examples already followed during the Old Kingdom. Nevertheless, when a husband was not mentioned on the monument but the woman was married and had children, it was normal that at least the latter were represented (see ibid.). This is the case on the stela of Khenyt in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens, who is represented with a boy. The familiar and kind gesture expressed from her to him leads scholars to identify him as her son Kay. See n. 17. Ward, Essays on Feminine Titles, 8. A good general discussion about the meaning of this feminine title is presented in Stefanović, The Non-Royal Regular Feminine Titles, 7–9; Stefanović and Satzinger, “I am a Nbt-pr, and I am Independent”, 333–338. Obsomer, “di҆.f prt ḫrw et la filiation”, 166–167.

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upper class of the society, and was able to commission her own stela, or her relatives were able to do it for her. Regarding the chronology of the burial, there were some clues that helped date the stela accurately, for instance its shape, which is rectangular (vertical) and which is diagnostic. Rounded-topped stelae became common during the reign of Senwosret i, while rectangular stelae became rare, so it is likely that this stela must be dated before that period.66 Other details to take into consideration are the deep outlines of the figure, which seems to have been common on stelae produced by a Theban workshop, which produced colourful stelae from late eleventh dynasty to the start of the reign of Amenemhat i.67 The palaeography also helps in dating the monument. The writing of Busiris on this stela, Ḏdw, which is characteristic of the eleventh dynasty for example, is and the beginning of twelfth dynasty, and was not used after the reign of Senwosret i.68 Another relevant detail is that the usual way to address the owner during the early twelfth dynasty was n kꜣ n i҆mꜣḫw + name,69 and this is exactly the phrase found on Sattjeni’s stela: n kꜣ n i҆mꜣḫ(y)t Sꜣt-Ṯni҆ “to the kꜣ of the venerated Sattjeni”. This form is also well attested for the middle and even the late periods of the same dynasty, so it cannot be taken as a conclusive datum. Sattjeni is shown wearing the traditional tight-fitting dress extending below her knees, which is supported with two shoulder straps. From the Middle Kingdom onwards one strap became the normal rule70 so this feature can be used to date the monument to the end of the eleventh dynasty or to the very beginning of the twelfth. With regards to this detail, the women of the governor’s family represented in Sarenput i’s tomb, which is well dated to the reign of Senwosret i, are shown with one strap only. Based on all of this evidence, it 66 67 68 69

70

Pflüger, “The Private Funerary Stelae”, 128; Taylor, Death and the Afterlife, 158; Abdel-Raziq, “A Middle Kingdom Funerary Stela”, 280. Freed, “Stela Workshops,” 300; Metawi, “Stela of ḥḏrwt,” 172. Bennet, “Growth of the ḥtp-di҆-nsw formula of the Middle Kingdom”, 78. Bennet, “Growth of the ḥtp-di҆-nsw formula”, 78; Franke, “The Middle Kingdom Offering Formulas”, 54; Abdel-Raziq, “A Middle Kingdom Funerary Stela”, 279; Franke (op. cit.) specifies that this element does not occur before the latter part of the first decade of Senwosret i’s reign. Nevertheless, Selim, “Three Identical Stelae”, 326, has noted this kind of address also appears on several stelae dated to the first half of the eleventh dynasty. Abdel-Raziq, “A Middle Kingdom Funerary Stela”, 278, with reference to Satzinger and Stefanović, “The Stela of Horemhat at Turin”, 90, n. 8. Fashion does not change from one day to the next, however, so both styles were in use at least until the beginning of the reign of Amenemhat ii. His reign corresponds in date to stela ea 828 in the British Museum (London) where three women are represented wearing two-strap dresses: https://www .britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId =119646&partId=1&searchText=stela&museumno=828&page=1. Accessed July 24, 2017.

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is reasonable to state that the stela should not to be dated later than the reign of Amenemhat i. Other features can confirm this dating. Significant aspects include the distribution of the iconography on the stela and the epigraphic program used there. The figures are drawn in a disproportionate size in comparison to the text, which consists of only one line and two short columns and uses less than one quarter of the total space available. This layout was not rare during the First Intermediate Period and the earliest part of the twelfth dynasty, or as late as the reign of Senwosret i.71 Other aspects to take into account are the facial and body features, such as the prominent nose of Sattjeni, which is attested in other instances from the end of the eleventh dynasty and during the reign of Amenemhat i.72 The gesture of bringing her face near a lotus flower is also noteworthy. This was common on stelae from the First Intermediate Period onwards, but not later than the reign of Senwosret i.73 It is notable that this stela has another characteristic that may indicate local manufacture. In fact, it is known that Elephantine had its own stelae workshop from the beginning of the twelfth dynasty.74 Sattjeni’s stela has features that are strongly indicative of the particular local style. The main idiosyncrasy that supports this claim is the representation of the hair, which is shown as a single lock falling over the front of her shoulders. Another point is the lack of proportion of the head, as well as the arms, in comparison to the rest of the body. Finally, the offerings are represented in a quite simple way. In general, this stela has a heavily schematized character. In conclusion, the chronological range that fits best for this monument runs from the end of the eleventh dynasty to the beginning of the twelfth dynasty, and not later than the reign of Senwosret i. A monument from a later period would most likely differ in several important respects. Regarding the social rank of Sattjeni, it is surely significant that she is represented wearing varied clothing and jewellery on her stela, including sandals, which are most likely indicative of a high rank. The representations of sandals on this type of stela is not common at all and when sandals do appear on monuments they were usually worn by noblewomen.75 As a result of this detail, Sattjeni has to be included among the list of provincial noblewomen of

71 72 73 74 75

See Freed, “A Private Stela”, nos. 35–36, who gives two examples. Freed, “A Private Stela”, 73. Obsomer, “di.f prt ḫrw et la filiation”, 167–168. For the Elephantine workshop, see Franke, Das Heilligtum der Heqaib 105–117. For the other workshops of Thebes and Abydos see Freed, “Stela Workshops”. Millard, “The Position of the Women”, 468.

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Ta-Sety, and she was probably a relative of the ruling family of Elephantine. Moreover, the kind of dress she wears is also quite notable. According to Millard76 this kind of garment was very popular among the court ladies during the reign of Mentuhotep ii, but it fell into disuse during the twelfth dynasty. Servant women, however, continued to be shown wearing this kind of dress during the relevant period. Another detail to highlight is the mortar on the back side of the stela, which might indicate that it was once joined or fixed to a wall and hence it possibly indicates that Sattjeni was originally buried in a different place. With respect to this possibility, it is notable that burial customs changed at the end of the First Intermediate Period and into the Middle Kingdom in Egypt, not only in terms of material culture included in burials but also as far as location of burial is concerned. A new phase of use began at the necropolis and new places in the landscape started to be used as funerary sites.77 From the Old Kingdom onwards the cemetery of Elephantine was located in the north-western area of the city, where much of local population was buried.78 Taking that into account, it is probable that Sattjeni was originally buried in another place (perhaps in the Elephantine cemetery?). Why her burial was subsequently moved is a question that it cannot yet be answered. A more complete understanding of the tomb is necessary and this includes further study of the rest of burials placed in the corridor. This “supposed movement” of burials could, however, well explain the fact that Sattjeni’s burial contained pottery dated from two different periods. On the one hand are those items placed as funerary goods at the time of the original burial, dated to the end of the eleventh dynasty or the reign of Amenemhat i, including the stela or the hemispherical drinking bowl. On the other hand are vessels possibly added when the burial was moved. The people responsible apparently considered it appropriate to commemorate the burial of the deceased again, by placing new pottery vessels with the body, most likely around the reign of Senwosret iii.79

76 77

78 79

See n. 9. Bourriau, “Patterns of change”, 9–11. A good example can be seen in De Meyer, “His Ancestors”, where the movement of the funerary place by the governors of the Hare Nome is analysed. They left the Old Kingdom cemetery of Sheikh Said for the site of Deir elBersha, around 4 km to the north. Movement within the same necropolis also occurred in Northern-qh. The area just north of the tomb QH36, for example, contained five simple pit burials of non-elite people. For further information on this see García-González, Rubio Salvador, Botella López, and Jiménez-Serrano, “Egyptian non-elite burials”, 71. Seidlmayer, “Die ikonographie des Todes”, 208–209. By this time, the governor of Elephantine was Sarenput ii, grandson of Sarenput i. Perhaps he was responsible for ordering this movement.

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It is true that Sattjeni’s burial lacks some objects typical of the so-called ‘court-type burials’ such as a canopic box and its associated jars, or a type 2 decorated coffin according to Grajetzki’s classification.80 There are some elements among her funerary goods, however, that do indicate wealth.81 The swrt-bead pendant, the presence of a sꜣ-amulet, and the fine cosmetic box are elements well attested in other female burials of the members of the royal court, such as that of Senebtisi.82 The sandstone stela, an object clearly made just for the burial, was also a valuable addition. In fact, it is difficult to clearly differentiate between different types of burials, and Sattjeni’s burial is a clear example of the grey areas always present with such classifications.

4

Conclusion

Based on the funerary stela, Sattjeni’s original burial may be dated to the beginning of the Middle Kingdom from the late eleventh dynasty to, more probably, during the reign of Amenemhat i at the start of the twelfth dynasty. This is most likely the time when she died and was first buried. It seems, however, that Sattjeni’s burial was later moved to the location where it was found, sometime after her original burial. The position in which the stela was found, carefully placed on the coffin and supported by the wall, as well as the remains of mortar on the back of the stela can be taken as indicators that the burial was moved from an original burial place. It was then placed on the ground level in the outer mudbrick corridor of the rock-cut tomb QH35p, and not in a shaft as would be the more typical location.83 As stated before, the movement of her burial could have happened during the reign of Senwosret iii when new pottery was placed with the body, around 100 years after the original burial. Having assessed all the funerary goods related to this burial, it is reasonable to propose that Sattjeni was part of a wealthy family who could have been rulers in Elephantine during that period, either in an official or a non-official way.

80 81

82 83

Grajetzki, Tomb Treasures, 147–156. Something similar happened with the female burial found in tomb 15J15/1 in Deir elBersha. She did not have a particularly rich burial but it was wealthy enough to indicate that the woman belonged to the upper class. For more information, see De Meyer, “His Ancestors”, 132. For a broad view of Senebtisi’s burial, see Mace and Winlock, The Tomb of Senebtisi at Lisht. It should be kept in mind that the corridor of tomb QH35p was transformed into a burial area by means of a vault-roof made of sun-dried mud bricks, as was noted at the beginning of this article.

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graphic 6.1

Genealogical tree of Sattjeni in connection to Sarenput i’s family

Although not conclusive, additional information drawn from the onomastic analysis suggested that Sattjeni was a member of Sarenput i’s family. He was the founder of the dynasty of governors that ruled during the reign of Senwosret i. Although several kinship relationships are possible, the most viable one would be that this Sattjeni was a sister of Hapi, the father of Sarenput i, so that she was, therefore, his aunt. This remains, however, hypothetical at this stage and the tomb is still under study. In connection with this proposal, it is notable that the evidence so far gathered indicates that Hapi and his ancestors did not hold any formal titles within the Egyptian administration. It is difficult, however, to believe that this family was not involved in some capacity with the government of the community or that they were not in charge of the administrative matters of the city at least in an informal way, during the time before the rise of Sarenput i to the local official position of power.84 In conclusion, Sattjeni was a member of the local elite of Elephantine. Several objects recovered from her grave indicate that it was a ‘court type’ burial of the Residence in a local context. The fact that she could afford her own stela

84

Regarding concepts connected with the idea of ‘informal authorities’ and ‘invisible elites’, see Moreno García, “Limits of Pharaonic Administration”, 88–101; and idem, “The ‘Other’ Administration”, 1029–165. Regarding Sarenput’s ancestors and their connection with the administration, current research is already changing the traditional view. Some partial results will be published in the form of an article (currently in preparation) and a complete view of Sarenput’s family will be discussed in my doctoral dissertation.

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and the presence of valuable imported materials, such as the ebony and ivory on the cosmetics box, are some of several factors that confirm her high ranking position.

Acknowledgements The research associated with the present paper was funded by the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (mineco) of the Spanish Government, as a part of the Project HAR2016-75533-P “Excavación, estudio histórico y conservación de las tumbas del Reino Medio de la necrópolis de Qubbet el-Hawa (Asuán, Egipto)”.

Bibliography Abdel-Raziq, A. “A Middle Kingdom Funerary Stela of a Woman at Al-Salam School Museum, Assiut.” jea 99 (2013): 275–281. Aldred, C. Jewels of the Pharaohs. Egyptian Jewelry of the Dynasty Period. New York: Ballantine Books, 1978. Andrews, C. Amulets of Ancient Egypt. London: British Museum Press, 1994. Anthes, R. Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ägyptens 9. Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, 1928. Aston, B.G. Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels. Materials and Forms. saga 5. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1994. Aston, B.G., J.A. Harrell and I. Shaw, i. “Stone.” In Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., 5–77. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Bennet, C.J.C. “Growth of the ḥtp-di҆-nsw formula of the Middle Kingdom.” jea 27 (1941): 77–82. Bosticco, S. Museo Archeologico di Firenze. Le stele egiziane dall’Antico al Nuovo Regno. Roma: Istituto poligrafico dello Stato, 1959. Bourriau, J. “Patterns of change in burial customs during the Middle Kingdom.” In Middle Kingdom Studies, Quirke, S., ed., 3–20. Kent: sia Publishing, 1991. Bourriau, J. “Change of the Body Position in Egyptian Burials from the Mid xiith Dynasty until the early xviiith Dynasty.” In Social Aspects of Funerary Culture in the Egyptian Old and Middle Kingdoms. Proceedings of the international symposium held at Leiden University 6–7 June, 1996, H. Willems, ed., 1–20. ola 103. Leuven-ParisSterling-Virginia: Peeters, 2001. Cecil, W. “Report on the work done at Aswân.” asae 4 (1903): 51–73.

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De Meyer, M. “Restoring the Tombs of His Ancestors? Djehutinakht, Son of Teti, at Deir el-Barsha and Sheikh Said.” In Genealogie: Realität und Fiktion von Identität. Workshop am 04. Und 05. Juni 2004, M. Fitzenreiter, ed. 125–136. ibaes v. London: ghp, 2005. Franke, D. Das Heilligtum der Heqaib aus Elephantine. saga 9. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1994. Franke, D. “The Middle Kingdom Offering Formulas: A Challenge.” jea 89 (2003): 39– 57. Freed, R.E. “A Private Stela from Naga ed-Der and Relief Style of the Reign of Amenemhet i.” In Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan. Essays in honor of Dows Dunham on the occasion of his 90th birthday, June i, 1980, W.K. Simpson and W.M. Davis, eds., 68–76. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1981. Freed, R.E. “Stela Workshops of Early Dynasty 12.” In Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, vol. 1, P. Der Manuelian, ed., 297–336. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1996. Gale, R., P. Gasson, and N. Hepper. “Wood.” In Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., 334–352. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. García-González, L.M. Estudio histórico de un nomarca de Ta-Seti de principios de la Dinastía xii. Trabajo de investigación, Universidad de Jaén, 2011. García-González, L. and A. Jiménez-Serrano. “Burial Customs of the Elite of Elephantine in the Second Half of the Twelth Dynasty.” In Art-facts and Artefacts. Visualising the Material World in Middle Kingdom Egypt, L. Hudáková, P. Jánosi, and C. Jurman, eds., 16–23. mks 8. London: ghp, 2018. García-González, L.M., A. Rubio Salvador, M. Botella López, and A. Jiménez-Serrano. “Egyptian non-elite burials in a Middle Kingdom outdoor cemetery. The case of the Northern area of Qubbet el-Hawa.” mdaik 74 (2018): 59–71. Grajetzki, W. Tomb Treasures of the Late Middle Kingdom. The Archaeology of Female Burials. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014. Habachi, L. The Sanctuary of Heqaib. Elephantine iv. Mainz-Rheim: Verlag Philipp Von Zabern, 1985. Hannig, R. Ägyptisches Wörterbuch ii. Mittleres Reich und Zweite Zwischenzeit. MainzRhein: Verlag Philipp Von Zabern, 2006. Jiménez-Serrano, A. et al. “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: Las tumbas nº 31, 33, 34aa, 34bb, 35n, 35p y 122. Octava Campaña (2016).” baede 25 (2016): 29–30. Känel, F. “Selqet.” In lä v, W. Helck and W. Westendorf, eds., 830–833. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1984. Mace, A.C. and H.E. Winlock, The Tomb of Senebtisi at Lisht. New York: mma, 1916. Martin, G.T. Stelae from Egypt and Nubia in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, c. 3000bc–ad1150. Cambridge-New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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Metawi, R. “The Stela of Ḥḏrwt and Her Two Late Husbands from the Middle Kingdom: Cairo cg 20105.” jarce 49 (2013): 167–175. Millard, A. The Position of the Women in the Family and in Society in Ancient Egypt: with Special Reference to the Middle Kingdom. London: PhD dissertation submitted to the University of London, 1976. Moreno García, J.C. “Limits of pharaonic administration: patronage, informal authorities, ‘invisible’ elites and mobile populations.” In Diachronic Trends in Ancient Egyptian History. Studies dedicated to the memory of Eva Pardey, M. Bárta and H. Küllmer, eds., 88–101. Prague: Oxbow, 2013. Moreno García, J.C. “The ‘Other’ Administration: Patronage, Factions, and Informal Networks of Power in Ancient Egypt.” In Ancient Egyptian Administration, J.C. Moreno García, ed., 1029–165. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2013. Ogden, J. “Metals.” In Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., 148–176. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Obsomer, C. “di҆.f prt ḫrw et la filiation ms(t).n/i҆r(t).n comme critères de datation dans les textes du Moyen Empire.” In Individu, societé et spiritualité dans l’Égypte pharaonique et copte: Mélanges égyptologiques offerts au Professeur Aistide Théodorides, C. Cannuyer and J.M. Kruchten, eds., 163–201. Brussels: Illustra, 1993. Patch, D.C. “Cat. 52A, B. Two Boxes of Princess Sithathoryunet.” In Ancient Egypt Transformed. The Middle Kingdom, Oppenheim, A., Di. Arnold, Do. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto, eds., 110–111. New York: mma, 2015. Pflüger, K. “The Private Funerary Stelae of the Middle Kingdom and Their Importance of the Study of Ancient Egyptian History.” jaos 67/2 (1947): 127–135. Quibell, J.E. El Kab. Egyptian Research Account. London: eef, 1898. Raven, M.J. “Egyptian Concepts on the Orientation of the Human Body.” jea 91 (2005): 37–53. Richards, J. Society and Death in Ancient Egypt. Mortuary Landscapes of the Middle Kingdom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Robins, G. Women in Ancient Egypt. London: The British Museum Press, 1993. Robins, G. “Hair and the Construction of Identity in Ancient Egypt, c. 1480–1350b.c.” jarce 36 (1999): 55–69. Roehrig, C.H. “Cat. 75A, B. Box with Vessels and Mirror.” In Ancient Egypt Transformed. The Middle Kingdom, Oppenheim, A., Di. Arnold, Do. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto, eds., 141–142. New York: mma, 2015. Roth, A.M. “The Absent Spouse: Patterns and Taboos in Egyptian Tomb Decoration.” jarce 36 (1999): 37–53. Rzeuska, T. “Zigzag, triangle and fish fin. On the relations of Egypt and C-Group during the Middle Kingddom.” In Between the Cataracts: Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Vol. 2, W. Godlewaki and A. Łajtar, 397–420. pam Supplement Series. Warsaw: Warsaw University Press, 2010.

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Rzeuska, T. “Elephantine. A Place of an End and a Beginning.” In Handbook of the Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. Vol. 2, R. Schiestl and A. Sieler, eds., 329–360. Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2012. Sánchez-León, J.C. and A. Jiménez-Serrano. “Sattjeni: Daughter, Wife and Mother of the Governors of Elephantine during the End of the Twelfth Dynasty.” zäs 142/2 (2015): 154–166. Satzinger, H. and D. Stefanović. “The Stela of Horemhat at Turin.” CdE 84, fasc. 167–168 (2009): 88–98. Schiestl, R. and A. Sieler. Handbook of the Pottery of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. Vol. 1: The Corpus Volume. Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2012. Seidlmayer, S.J. “Die ikonographie des Todes.” In Social Aspects of Funerary Culture in the Egyptian Old and Middle Kingdoms. Proceedings of the international symposium held at Leiden University 6–7 June, 1996, H. Willems, ed., 205–252. ola 103. LeuvenParis-Sterling-Virginia: Peeters, 2001. Selim, H. “Three Identical Stelae from the End of the Twelfth or Thirteenth Dynasty.” sak 29 (2001): 319–330. Shaw, I. Hatnub: Quarrying Travertine in Ancient Egypt. London: Egypt Exploration Society, 2010. Stefanović, D. “The feminine stelae of the Middle Kingdom: Stela Leiden 35.” gm 218 (2008): 81–92. Stefanović, D. “The feminine stelae of the Middle Kingdom: addenda (the non-royal women of the Middle Kingdom iii: ḥsyt).” gm 220 (2009): 95–98. Stefanović, D. The non-royal regular feminine titles of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period: Dossiers. ghp Egyptology 11. London: ghp, 2009. Stefanović, D. and H. Satzinger. “I am a Nbt-pr, and I am Independent.” In The World of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000–1550bc) i, G. Miniaci and W. Grajetzki, eds., 222–338. mks 1. London: ghp, 2015. Taylor, J.H. Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egypt. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001. Vlčková, P. Abusir xv. Stone Vessels from the Mortuary Complex of Raneferef at Abusir. Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, 2006. Ward, W.A. Essays on Feminine Titles of the Middle Kingdom and related subjects. Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1986. Wilkinson, R.H. Reading Ancient Egyptian. A Hieroglyphic Guide to Ancient Egyptian Painting and Sculpture. London: Thames and Hudson, 1992. Wilkinson, R.H. Symbol & Magic in Egyptian Art. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1994.

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chapter 7

Some Remarks on a Multidimensional Approach to the Unique Spells in the Coffin Texts Carlos Gracia Zamacona Universidad de Alcalá

Abstract Björn Billson labelled those Coffin Text spells that occur in only one documented example as “unique spells”. Although unique spells amount to a third of the Coffin Text corpus, their significance is yet to be fully understood since only those from Barsha have been discussed in detail (Billson 2010). In this paper, twelve dimensions are proposed as criteria to be evaluated within a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the unique spells that appear within the whole corpus as collated by Adriaan de Buck. To demonstrate the difficulty of assessing unique spells, of understanding their development, and the motives of the mortuary “documents” on which they appear, a particular case study is addressed at the end of the article. This is unique spell ct 682 on Barsha coffin B1Bo and its mirror spell ct 990, which is attested in only two texts: Papyri Gardiner ii & iii probably from Saqqara, and a “non-unique” spell (pt 627B) which occurs in the pyramids of Teti, Pepi i, and Neith at Saqqara.

1

Unique Spells: Quantity and Quality

Björn Billson has recently studied the Coffin Text spells from the Hermopolitan necropolis at Dair Al-Barsha that occur on only one “document”. He coined the term unique spells for these texts1 and summarised his main conclusions as follows: [This approach] examines coffin texts unique to individual coffins from the provincial cemetery of El Bersheh in the 15th Upper Egyptian nome. The evidence presented suggests that these texts were products of the Hermopolitan House of Life and were likely to have been created for spe-

1 Billson, Two Aspects, 5.

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cific individuals. It is concluded that the provincial elite were the driving force behind this innovation.2 Billson justified his corpus choice because the Coffin Texts from Barsha are especially rich in unique spells, and he suggested that this phenomenon may characterise how local elites expressed their individuality; differentiating themselves from each other and from the central power: (…) no provincial cemetery from the Middle Kingdom has such a unique corpus of funerary texts as El Bersheh (…). However, the ability of this research to illuminate aspects of provincial history from other nomes should not be dismissed. Unique texts are still found on the coffins from other nomes, including Asyut (ct v 174), Meir (ct v 208–210) and Beni Hasan (ct vi 194j–195), though not to the same extent. This may suggest that it was at least possible that similar activity was occurring in other provinces.3 With his study of the unique spells, Billson developed a new approach that supplemented previous research on Coffin Text innovations and individuality in Barsha,4 and he investigated what role (if any) the unique spells might have played in the geographical distribution of the Coffin Texts.5 The present contribution adds to Billson’s general aim of developing a better understanding of the cultural and social history of Middle Kingdom Egypt by presenting a preliminary and general study of Adriaan de Buck’s corpus of the Coffin Texts (abbreviated to cts as usual).6 This corpus is taken to be a significant although incomplete sample of the expressions of “mortuary tastes” particular to the local elites and/or individuals, which were elaborated at the local cultic centres. In all, 411 spells of the corpus occur on only one document. A list of the unique spells included in De Buck’s edition of the Coffin Texts is given in the appendix at the end of this article. As expected for such a large and disparate collection, counting unique spells is not straightforward and some remarks on that issue should be made in the first instance.

2 3 4 5 6

Billson, Two Aspects, [i]. Billson, Two Aspects, 4. Willems, Chests of Life, 248; Jürgens, Grundlinien, 83; Willems, Les Textes des Sarcophages, 190. Lapp, “Die Spruchkompositionen der Sargtexte”, 226. De Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts i–vii.

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First, it should be noted that Leonard Lesko’s temporary spell numbers do not correspond to the numbers in De Buck’s edition, but to the new spells (not in the pts nor in the BoD) recorded by Pierre Lacau:7 (ct temp 1–379) and the new spells copied by De Buck (ct temp 380–772).8 For example, ct 57 occurs on only B13C Back 161–1649 and has accordingly been counted as a unique spell, while ct temp 57 is a different spell occurring on B17C Head 11–15.10 Second, some spells that seemed to be unique in De Buck’s publication have afterwards been discovered on other documents. Such spells have accordingly not been counted as unique spells. That is the case for ct 727 (on B3Bo and in the tomb of Pepimaa in Mendes),11 ct 821 (on T1Be and three documents from Lisht),12 ct 863 (L3Li and three other documents from Lisht),13 ct 885 (S14C, a document from Lisht,14 Louvre E 25485,15 P. Turin 5400316 and Pepimaa), ct 907 (Sq1C and three documents from Lisht),17 ct 1031 (B3C, Neferi,18 and perhaps B10C19 and the tomb of Djehutynakht vi20), ct 1083 (B1L, Neferi,21 perhaps B6C & B10C,22 and Djehutynakht vi).23 Some other spells have not been counted, such as ct 514, 809, 986–98724 that were identified on only one document by De Buck, but which are so lacunary that their status as unique spells cannot be confirmed.

7 8 9 10 11 12

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

21 22 23 24

Lacau, Sarcophages antérieurs, Index viii, C. Lesko, Index of the Spells, 3. Lesko, Index of the Spells, 35. Lesko, Index of the Spells, 37. Hansen, “The Excavations at Tell el Rubaa”, 14; Willems, Chests of Life, 246 (n. 23); Silverman, “Coffin Texts”, 137–141. N1A, MH1A and Kh1. The information about the new ct from Lisht was obtained thanks to James P. Allen’s generosity, for which I warmly thank him. For the Coffin Texts from Lisht, see Allen, “Funerary Texts from Lisht”, 7; idem, “Coffin Texts from Lisht”, 1–15. PW1A, MH1A and Kh1. KH1. Vandier, “Deux textes”, 121–124; Altenmüller, “Zwei neue Exemplare”, 1; Borghouts, “The Victorious Eyes”, ii, 703–716; Osing, “Zur Disposition,” 135, n. 17. Roccati, Papiro ieratico N. 54003. N1A, MH1A and Kh1. Allen, “The Funerary Texts of King Wahkare Akhtoy”, 1–29. Lesko, Index of the Spells, 33. Kamal, “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées”, 217–221; Brovarski, “Ahanakht of Bersheh”, 14– 30; Silverman, “Inscriptions of the Tomb of Nehri ii”, 445–446; Silverman, “Coffin Texts”, 132. Allen, “The Funerary Texts of King Wahkare Akhtoy”, 1–29. Lesko, Index of the Spells, 30 and 33. See n. 19. ct vii 194, n. 1.

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Third, a particular case is ct 965, only attested on Pap.Gard. iii in De Buck’s publication, until later discovered in the fifth-dynasty mastaba of Medunefer.25 ct 965 is, nevertheless, included in the list of unique spells because of its occurrence in the mastaba of Medunefer, since Pap.Gard. iii is considered to be a repository and not an “actual(ised) occurrence”, as will be discussed regarding ct 990 at the end of this article. The same thing can be said of ct 1011 and 1013, which occur on Pap.Gard. ii and in the mastaba of Medunefer. In general, the unique spells on Pap.Gard. ii & iii may not be “true” unique spells as those papyri are repositories but the spells on them are thought to have been used on some occasion on some genuine mortuary “document” (i.e. a coffin). Unique spells on these papyri total 64 (31 on Pap.Gard. ii and 33 on Pap.Gard. iii), which leaves 347 unique spells on genuine mortuary “documents”, mostly coffins. The present study will mainly deal with those unique spells. Fourth, the list in the final appendix is, as with any other list of archaeological evidence, to be updated according to future finds. New Coffin Texts that have not yet been included in De Buck’s edition will not be discussed here because the present study is preliminary in nature. This would presumably be the case for Coffin Texts from cemeteries not included in the Coffin Text Project (Mendes,26 Kom al-Hisn,27 Dra Abu al-Naga,28 Naga ed-Deir,29 Herakleopolis,30 Dendera31), but also for possible new Coffin Texts from better-studied cemeteries such as Barsha32 or Siut.33 New finds from other cemeteries such as Qubbet el-Hawa in Aswan34 should also be added. Fifth, unique spells are mainly grouped in the final volumes of De Buck’s edition (Fig. 7.1). This phenomenon is due to the fact that De Buck generally organised the ct spells according to their frequency of occurrence. The spells

25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

33 34

Valloggia, Balat i, 74–78. Silverman, “Coffin Texts”. Silverman, The Tomb Chamber of ḫsw the Elder; idem, “Coffin Texts”. Loprieno, “Texte für das Jenseits”, 80. Brovarski, The Inscribed Material; Hussein, “A New Coffin Text Spell”, 171–195. Roccati, “I testi dei sarcofagi di Eracleopoli”, 161–197; López, “Rapport Préliminaire”, 57– 78. Fischer, Dendera, 85–91. None have been identified yet according to Willems, Dayr al-Barsha i; Long, De Meyer, and Willems, “The Use-Life of the Middle Kingdom Tomb of Governor Nehri i”, 215–236, pls. 24–30. None have been identified yet according to Zitman, The Necropolis of Assiut, 307. Being excavated by the University of Jaén since 2008: http://www.ujaen.es/investiga/ qubbetelhawa/index.php [accessed on 2.05.2019].

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figure 7.1 Unique spell distribution throughout the seven volumes of De Buck’s edition of the cts created by the author

occurring on more documents come first. Five clusters of unique spells in the final two volumes are particularly notable here: ct 724–776 (32 spells), ct 792– 830 (37 spells),35 ct 880–913 (33 spells), ct 966–984 (18 spells), and ct 1005– 1024 (19 spells). These groups of spells should be considered differently as the last two clusters of unique spells only occur on Pap.Gard. ii–iii; i.e. they only appear on “unpublished” mortuary documents (Coffin Text repositories or templates such as papyri and leather rolls).36 They should, therefore, be seen as potentially unique spells, whereas the three first clusters are composed of actual unique spells that occur on “published” mortuary documents such as coffins, sarcophagi, or chamber walls. More importantly for the present study, some unique spells appear in the first volumes, which may reflect some kind of anomaly with regards to De Buck’s editorial norms as will be discussed later (§§ 2.8 & 2.11). It remains to be ascertained, therefore, whether this anomaly is thematic, diatopic, or diachronic in nature, or if some other factor or more than one of these factors are involved. Finally, once the analysis is complete, it can be ascertained

35 36

ct 809 is too lacunary to be considered a unique spell with certainty. Doret, “Sur une caractéristique grammaticale”, 43, n. 21; Lapp, “Die Papyrusvorlagen der Sargtexte”, 171–202; Gestermann, “Neues zu Pap. Gardiner ii”, i, 202–208; Bandy, “Hieratic text: Papyrus Gardiner iii”, 161–162; Scalf, “From the Beginning to the End”, 207, n. 18; Regulski, “Papyrus fragments from Asyut”, 301–335; Lavrentyeva, “Редкие списки религиозных текстов на папирусах”, 203–219; Sherbiny, Through Hermopolitan Lenses.

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if this situation corresponds to a particular socio-historical context and/or textual practice.

2

The Multidimensional Approach

The following are the twelve “dimensions” which may be relevant to attempts to explain how unique spells were employed and what their function was within the whole corpus of Coffin Texts. Some of these dimensions were first proposed by Billson while others are introduced here for the first time. 2.1 Kind of Coffin The following table (Table 7.1) displays the information about unique spells according to the kinds of “document” they appear on,37 mainly wooden coffins. Out of 59 coffins with unique spells, 17 are outer coffins, 15 are inner coffins, 2 are middle coffins, and 25 are single coffins. Most information in this table comes from Lesko’s Index of the spells and De Buck’s edition of the Coffin Texts. As first remarked by Billson for the coffins from Barsha, unique spells mainly occur on outer coffins, while they remained rare on inner coffins.38 Although Billson noted that the systematic presence of the long Book of Two Ways on the bottom of inner coffins from Barsha could distort the results, he immediately recognised that differences between both kinds of coffin are too significant to be disregarded.39 Data from De Buck’s corpus seems to confirm Billson’s analysis: out of the 347 unique spells on genuine mortuary “documents”, 189 occur on outer coffins, while only 68 are on inner coffins; and the number of inner and outer coffins with unique spells is similar (15 and 17 respectively). The fact that 76 unique spells occur on 26 single coffins might suggest that Billson’s hypothesis was unfounded, but the fragmentary condition of many documents from Meir precludes any firm conclusions based on these figures. It is very difficult to determine what kind of coffins some pieces were parts of (for instance, M14C, M22C, M23C, M24C, M39C, M41C, M47C, or M57C are all fragmentary to different degrees), and there are problems matching inner and

37

38 39

“Document” is used here in its broadest sense. For a narrower sense of this term within what may well be named material philology, and with a model suitable for digital implementation, see Polis and Stasse, “Pour une nouvelle philologie numérique”, 153–177; Polis and Razanajao, “Ancient Egyptian Texts in Context”, 24–41. Billson, Two Aspects, 18. Billson, Two Aspects, 18.

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outer coffins to the same owners, for instance, M23C could be considered the outer coffin of Ḥn-ḥr.y-i҆b and M18C his inner coffin had they been better preserved because M23C has 7 unique spells and M18C has none. A closer look at inner and outer coffins, however, reveals a more significant difference between the two parts. Only two inner coffins (G1T and S1C) have more than ten unique spells while eight outer coffins have that many. Six inner coffins have one or two unique spells, while only one outer coffin (B10C) has that many. This tendency is demonstrated more clearly when inner and outer coffins belonging to the same owner are compared. Outer coffins have more unique spells than inner coffins. For instance, Ḏḥwty-nḫt’s inner coffin B4Bo has 2, and outer coffin B3Bo has 11. Another Ḏḥwty-nḫt’s inner coffin B2Bo has 1 and outer coffin B1Bo has 29, Gwꜣ’s inner coffin B1L has 4 and outer coffin B2L has 20, and Ssnb-n.f ’s inner coffin L2Li has 9 and outer L1Li has 15. Three outer coffins whose middle/inner corresponding coffins have no unique spells should be added to these: T1Be has 7 unique spells while its middle coffin T2Be has none, BH3C has 3 unique spells while its inner coffin BH6C has none, and B6Bo has 3 unique spells while its inner coffin B7Bo has none.40 Exceptions to this trend are three coffins S1C, B10C, and G1T. All three have a similar number of unique spells on their inner and outer coffins. Msḥ.ty’s inner coffin S1C and outer coffin S2C both have 13, I҆mn-m-ḥꜣ.t’s middle coffin B9C has 3 and outer coffin B10C has 2, and (probably) I҆kr’s inner coffin G1T which has 12 had a similar number to its outer coffin G2T, which is now lost. Four outer coffins with no unique spells match inner coffins that have some unique spells: S1P whose inner coffin is S2P has 2 unique spells, B7C41 whose inner coffin is B5C has 4 unique spells, B4L whose inner coffin is B3L has 3 unique spells, and BH2C whose inner coffin is BH1C has 1 unique spells. Of all these examples, only S1C–S2C and perhaps also G1T–G2T (G2T is lost) have an equivalent number of unique spells, while the rest of them have no more than four. This may well mean that the role of the unique spells is not of significance on the latter, while the case of S1C–S2C may represent an exceptional arrangement as there are the same number of unique spells on each of Msḥ.ty’s coffins. Overall, these data seem to substantiate Billson’s suggestion that unique spells were thought to be less effective than common spells, and for this reason the unique spells were less frequently used on inner coffins. Being closer to

40 41

Although B7Bo is fragmentary. Although B7C is fragmentary.

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table 7.1 Area

Unique spells according to medium, sorted by provenance and owner

City

Owner

Coffin

Inner

Middle

Outer

Single

South

Aswan

Ḥqꜣ-tꜣ

–

–

–

A1C (3)

Theban area

Gebelein

Ḥnwy I҆qr

– G1T (12)

– –

– –

G1Be (3) –

Thebes

ꜥꜣš.yt Mnṯw-ḥtp Dꜣg Nfr.w I҆mꜣ Ḥr-ḥtp Mr.w N.y-sw Mnṯ.w-ḥtp Mnṯ.w-ḥtp Sbk-ꜥꜣ

T3C (7) – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – T1L (22) – – – T1Be (7) – –

– T9C (1) – TT319 (1) – T1C (9) TT240 (1) T1NY (1) – T2L (3) T3Be (3)

Siut

Ḥn.t-n.i҆ Msḥ.ty Nḫt.i҆ I҆ri҆ I҆t-i҆b.i҆ Ṯꜣwꜣw

– S1C (13) S2P (2) – – –

– – – – – –

– S2C (13) – – – –

S14C (4) – – S10C (13) S3C (1) S5C (3)

Meir

? Snb.i҆ Snb.i҆ Snb.i҆ ? Sn-ꜥnḫ Wḫ-ḥtp Sn-nw ? Rr.wt Ḥpi҆-ꜥnḫ.ty.fy Sbk-ḥr-ḥb ? Ḥn-ḥr.y-i҆b ?

– – – – – – – M1C (2) – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – M2NY (9) – – –

M41C (1) M3C (1) M6C (1) M39C (1) M47C (1) M14C (1) M24C (1) – – M57C (1) M22C (7) M23C (7)

Barsha

Ḏḥwty-nḫt Zꜣ.t-mḳ.wt Ḏḥwty-nḫt Zꜣ.t-ḥḏ-ḥtp Ḏḥwty-nḫt I҆mn-m-ḥꜣ.t I҆ḥꜣ

B4Bo (2) – B2Bo (1) – – – B12C (1)

– – – – B15C (2) B9C (3) –

B3Bo (11) B6Bo (3) B1Bo (30) B4C (20) – B10C (2) B13C (6)

– – – – – – –

Middle Egypt

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the unique spells in the coffin texts

Sarcophagus

Chamber wall

Total of spells per owner

Total of spells per city

Total of spells per area

–

–

3

3

3

– –

– –

3 12

15

73

– – T2C (3) – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – –

7 1 3 1 22 9 1 1 7 3 3

59

– – – – – –

– – – – – –

4 26 2 13 1 3

49

– – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – –

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 9 1 7 7

33

– – – – – – –

– – – – – – –

13 3 31 20 2 5 7

124

239

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table 7.1 Area

Unique spells according to medium, sorted by provenance and owner (cont.)

City

Owner

Ḏḥwty-ḥtp Zp Zp Gwꜣ Sn

Coffin

Inner

Middle

Outer

Single

B5C (4) – – B1L (4) B3L (3)

– – – – –

– B1C (9) B1P (3) B2L (20) –

– – – – –

Beni Hasan

Skr-m-ḥꜣ.t (ṯꜣw) Nfr.y Nṯr.w-ḥtp

BH1C (1) – –

– – –

– BH3C (3) –

– – BH4C (6)

Lisht

Ssnb-n.f

L2Li (9)

–

L1Li (15)

–

Memphite area

Memphis

Nfr-mḏ-di҆n.t Kꜣ-rnn.i҆ Snn.y I҆np-m-ḥꜣ.t ? Sk-wsḫ.t Zꜣ-ḥw.t-ḥr-i҆py Zꜣ.t-bꜣstyt Ḫpr-kꜣ-rꜥ

Sq3C (4) – Sq3Sq (3) – – – – –

– – – – – – – –

– Sq6C (13) – Sq10C (3) – – – –

– – – – – – Sq1C (1) Sq2C (1)

Oasis

Balat

Mdw-nfr

–

–

–

–

68

5

189

76

Totals of spells (per kind of support)

338

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Sarcophagus

Chamber wall

Total of spells per owner

Total of spells per city

Total of spells per area

– – – – –

– – – – –

4 9 3 24 3

– – –

– – –

1 3 6

10

–

–

23

24

– – – – – – – –

– – – – Sq1Sq (1) Sq2Sq (1) – –

4 13 3 3 1 1 1 1

27

27

–

Ba1Ba (3)

3

3

3

3

6

Total of spells on “published” mortuary documents: 347

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the deceased’s body, it was reserved for the most powerful spells.42 In addition to this, or perhaps as an alternative hypothesis, the presence of unique spells on outer coffins might have served to differentiate the coffin and the tomb for religious and/or status-related reasons. Finally, a more practical explanation might be that construction started with the inner coffins and then progressed outwards through the middle (if any) and then outer coffins, and finally reached the chamber walls. The core corpus was, in that scenario, added first because it was more important, followed by less important spells towards the end. None of these explanations excludes the others. 2.2 Coffin Sides Billson stated that unique spells are usually separated from each other on the coffins from Barsha, unless they are thematically related, e.g. ct 755–756 on the back of B1C43 (see §2.9). The author also discussed some thematic aspects related to unique spells but did not explore the possible relationships between the themes and the sides on which these spells occur.44 One particular case that might shed light on the connection between coffin sides, spell themes, and the textual status of the unique spells within the mainstream corpus of mortuary texts, is to be found on the head side of coffin B1Bo. Only five spells are written on it: two Pyramid Text spells (pt 77 & 81)45 and three Coffin Text unique spells (ct 663, 474, & 665). At first sight, the combination of the “older” corpus of Pyramid Texts with the “newer” Coffin Text unique spells may seem unusual. Another notable aspect is that Coffin Text unique spells are most rarely inscribed on the sides of coffins at the head-ends. Just 29 of the 346 published unique spells, i.e. 8%, occur on head-end sides. A particular reason for the text pattern on B1Bo head-end side may, therefore, be hypothesised. Those five spells may have some function in common. Although this line of enquiry leads outside the scope of the current paper, some possible relationships between unique spells and themes will be discussed in sections §§ 2.9–

42

43 44 45

Billson, Two Aspects, 18, n. 32 (quoting a personal communication from Martin Bommas). This metonymic, material scale of power or effectiveness can also progress the other way around (from the body to the spell), as has been argued for bd 166 (see Dahms, Pehal, and Willems, “Ramses ii Helps the Dead. An interpretation of Book of the Dead Supplementary Chapter 166”, 395–420). Billson, Two Aspects, 24. Billson, Two Aspects, 25–28. For Pyramid Texts passages (Pyr. number-letter) refer as usual to the synoptic edition by Kurt Sethe (Sethe, Die altägyptische Pyramidentexte i–iv), which is now included in the new concordance by James Allen (Allen, A New Concordance of the Pyramid Texts i–vi).

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the unique spells in the coffin texts table 7.2

Number of unique spells according to the coffin side on which they occur

City

Aswan Gebelein Thebes Siut Meir Barsha Beni Hasan Lisht Saqqara Balat Number of unique spells per coffin side

Front Back Head Foot Lid Bottom Unknown Chamber side wall 1 2 17 10 2 24 0 8 5 – 69

0 9 19 14 13 36 6 6 10 – 114

0 3 1 0 3 16 0 5 1 – 29

0 1 4 4 5 18 1 3 0 – 36

0 0 4 18 0 21 2 4 3 – 51

2 0 15 3 1 7 1 1 6 – 36

– – – – 9 – – – – – 9

2.11, where the information on how unique spells are arranged on the coffin sides is collected and discussed. Most of the unique spells are inscribed on the long sides of the coffin, starting on the back, then continuing on the front, and to a lesser extent on the lid (because of the presence of star-clocks). They continue much less frequently on the bottom (because of the presence of the Book of Two Ways on coffins from Barsha) and this could simply be the result of limitations on the available space. Table 7.2 displays the general distribution of unique spells per coffin-side and town. The predominance of unique spells on the back sides of coffins cannot, however, be coincidental or simply explained by the space available on the long sides. This occurs in all cities but one, Lisht. It should be noted that the pattern of unique spells is very peculiar in Lisht since they only appear on the two coffins of Ssnb-n.f, and with a similar number on his outer coffin L1Li (15 unique spells) and inner coffin L2Li (9 unique spells). The predominance of unique spells on the back sides of coffins seems to be thematically motivated, and the growing importance of the theme of the West is highlighted by the high number of new unique spells of this type (see §2.9). The number of unique spells from Beni Hasan is very low. Three coffins with only 10 spells in all were found, compared with Lisht, for instance, which had two coffins with 24 unique spells on them. This may be due to a local “con-

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– – – – – – – – – 3 3

184 table 7.3 City

gracia zamacona Continuous unique spells

Owner

Document

Front

Back

Head

Foot

Lid

Bottom

Thebes Ḥr-ḥtp

T1C (outer)

183, 214, 310, 623-624, 657– 658 & 835

624

409

409 & 833

–

–

Lisht

L2Li (inner) 306, 607 & 790 789 & 804 789 & 801–803

789

–

552

L1Li (outer)

296 & 792

691, 697, 805 & 862

–

Ssnb-n.f

161, 222, 437, 685 & 690

679, 687, 731 & 793

792

servatism” in Beni Hasan, which is also reflected in the use of the traditional title ḥꜣ.ty-ꜥ n Mnꜥ.t-ḫwi҆.f-wi҆ ‘Mayor of (the town) Menat-Khufu’ for the local governors; something not attested in the rest of the regions during the Middle Kingdom.46 The very low numbers of unique spells appearing on the bottom sides of coffins from Barsha when compared to the incidences on the other coffin sides in this city can be explained by the very high frequency of incidences of the Book of Two Ways appearing on the bottom sides of the coffins from Barsha. The opposite would appear to be the case in Thebes, where a high number of unique spells appeared on the bottom sides of coffins, but most of those spells come from only one coffin (T1L). That coffin also has an unusually high number, 4, of unique spells on its lid, which is probably the result of the presence of several star-clocks on the coffin sides.47 B2L has the greatest number of unique spells, 13, on the lid. Another notable trend is the appearance of 18 unique spells on the lids from Siut, mainly on S10C, which carries 10 out of the 18. This coffin concentrates almost all of its unique spells on the lid as it has 13 unique spells in all. A detailed analysis of these texts and coffins should provide some explanation for this phenomenon. Finally, it is notable that the only unique spell (ct 409) that occurs on the head-end side of T1C is continued on the foot-end side. This shows that the continuity of the writing of unique spells should be addressed in the study. Table 7.3 displays the continuously written unique spells in bold, showing how they are distributed on the sides of the three relevant coffins. The rest of unique spells on those coffins are unmarked.

46 47

Willems, “Nomarchs and Local Potentates”, 377. Willems, Chests of Life, 237.

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Another line of inquiry worth following is the contiguity of unique spells. Unique spells that are possibly related by theme appear to be contiguous on different sides of the coffins on which they occur. These are marked in bold in the following table: table 7.4

Contiguous unique spells

City

Owner

Document

Front

Back

Head

Foot

Lid

Bottom

Aswan

Ḥqꜣ-tꜣ

A1C (single)

935

–

–

–

–

932–933

Gebelein I҆qr

G1T (inner)

936

647–655

334 & 646

–

–

–

Thebes

ꜥꜣš.yt

T3C (inner)

562, 817– 815-816 820

–

–

–

–

I҆mꜣ

T1L (outer)

–

675, 762– 766

–

–

358 & 767–769

588, 637, 639 & 806–814

Mnṯ.w-ḥtp

T1Be (outer)

827

823–826

–

92 & 822

–

–

Ḥn.t-n.i҆

S14C (single)

881

–

–

–

882–883

884

Msḥ.ty

S1C (inner)

200 & 265–266, 597, 600– 487, 730 604

–

–

879–880

–

S2C (outer)

878

401, 408 & 527–528

–

145, 864 & 867– 868

161, 869– – 870 & 877

I҆ri҆

S10C (single)

–

887

–

–

770–776 & 891–892 888–890

Meir

Ḥpi҆ꜥnḫ.ty.fy

M2NY (outer) 787

786 & 797– 796 800

794–795

–

–

Barsha

Ḏḥwty-nḫt B3Bo (outer)

–

721–722

717–719

720

724–725

446, 622 & 726

Zꜣ.t-mḳ.wt

B6Bo (outer)

–

–

911

912–913

–

–

ḏḥwty-nḫt

B1Bo (outer)

305, 662 & 682– 684

264, 311, 660, 669, 672–674, 676–678 & 680–681

474, 663 & 665

664, 666– 668 & 670–671

686 & 688 525 & 689

Zꜣ.t-ḥḏḥtp.(w)

B4C (outer)

747–750

741–746

447 & 732–736

737–740

–

Siut

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table 7.4 City

Saqqara

Contiguous unique spells (cont.)

Owner

Document

Front

Back

Head

Foot

Lid

Bottom

I҆ḥꜣ

B13C (outer)

41 & 55

56–58

–

917

–

–

Zp

B1C (outer)

755–757

752

758–760

–

753–754

–

Gwꜣ

B2L (outer)

701–702

320–321

–

698–699

450, 471, 708 485, 621, 703–707 & 709–712

Kꜣ-rnn.i҆

Sq6C (outer)

328 & 855

582, 645 & 846–850

–

–

–

851–854

After reviewing this data set, it appears that the unique spells may have been used as supplementary spells or as complements to the other spells. They appear in patterns as if they were for “filling gaps” in a way reminiscent of musical sampling.48 These spells appear as pieces of text to be inserted in the proper places to complete the coffin textual patterns as a whole. This phenomenon is thus referred to here as “sampling” and this will be addressed at the end of the present paper in the discussion of ct 682. This feature might be an important factor in the unique spells arrangements and may supersede a purely thematic approach, but such a hypothesis should be checked systematically by comparing all non-consecutive-numbered unique spells with the consecutive-numbered unique spells in De Buck’s corpus, and differences in their possible thematic relationships. An initial review of the table reveals the existence of coffins in which all or almost all unique spells are contiguous, such as B1C, S14C, and M2NY (the only coffin to have two different sequences of contiguous unique spells: one, front-back; the other, front-head-back), and T1Be (all except one). Finally, of particular relevance might be the continuity and/or contiguity of unique spells between inner and outer coffins, especially if they appear on the same sides of both kinds of coffin, such as on the lids of S1C and S2. This would also support the above-mentioned (§2.1) hypothesis of a Coffin Text application process proceeding outwards.

48

See the insightful remarks in Byrne, How Music Works, chap. 6.

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2.3 Coffin Dating When discussing the material from Barsha, Billson considered the chronological distribution of the application of unique spells to be unclear because the relevant examples spanned a period from at least the beginning of the twelfth dynasty to the reign of Senwosret iii.49 The dates for the Coffin Text “documents” adopted here are ones proposed by Harco Willems on typological grounds50 and they are not precisely or absolutely determined. They are, rather, temporal slots that may overlap and have been employed here only as place holding devices to facilitate study. These slots, nevertheless, indicate the existence of six phases during which some changes were made to Coffin Text unique spells. Available data are collected in Table 7.5 and are listed by date and city for each temporal slot. The number of coffins is followed by the total number of spells, which is listed within brackets. Initials then indicate what kind of “document” the text appears on: I, M, O, S, Ch, and ? indicating inner, middle, outer, or single coffin, chamber wall, and ? for unknown context respectively. These are also within brackets, and finally, Roman numerals indicate the rank of the deceased. i for royalty, ii for nomarchy, iii for chiefs, iv for servants, v for court attendants, and ? for unknown.51 For example, 7 (60) (5S, 2O) (i, 2iii, v, 3?) means 7 coffins with 60 unique spells on 5 single coffins and 2 outer coffins, owned by 1 person of rank i, 2 of rank iii, 1 of rank v, and 3 of rank unknown. These are the data for Thebes at the end of eleventh dynasty. For the first two phases, the Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period, the data indicates that the unique spells in the Coffin Texts appear more frequently in the peripheral regions that in the core. This corresponds with the situation for the whole corpus when taken as a whole, and perhaps indicates that more innovative and hence more unique spells were produced in the periphery. The exception to this is Thebes during the First Intermediate Period, which produced only one coffin, from a queen. As for the kind of “document”, the Old Kingdom “document” was a chamber wall in Balat while those for the First Intermediate Period were two inner coffins and one single coffin. A significant peak in the frequency of occurrences of unique spells began in the third phase, at the end of the eleventh dynasty, which equates to the reigns of the last Mentuhoteps. A total of 127 unique spells were produced during that period on 15 coffins found in the two royal court necropolises. Thebes 49 50 51

Billson, Two Aspects, 18–19. Willems, Chests of Life. Data on rank are incomplete and their interpretation is hypothetical. For more comments on rank, see 2.6.

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–

–

–

Early 12 d: 22 (51)

Senwosret ii–iii: 14 (95)

Late 12 d: 2 (23)

Unknown: 3 (17)

11–12 d: 3 (5)

1 (3) (S) (?) 1 (12) (i) (?) – –

fip 3 (22) End 11 d: 15 (127)

1 (3) (S) (?)

–

–

–

–

–

ok 1 (3)

Gebelein

Aswan

–

–

1 (7) (i) (i) 7 (60) (5S, 2O) (i, 2iii, v, 3?) 3 (13) (2S, O) (iii, 2?)

–

Thebes

6 (45) (2i, O, 3S) (2ii, iii, 3?) –

1 (4) (S) (?)

– –

–

Siut

Unique spells according to the dates of their documents

Date

table 7.5

2 (14) (2S) (2?)

–

9 (18) (7S, I, O) (2iii, 7?) –

– –

–

Meir

8 (50) (4I, 4O) (7iii, iv) –

4 (27) (2O, 2M) (4ii)

– 5 (47) (3O, 2i) (2ii, ?)

–

Barsha

–

–

3 (10) (i, O, S) (3iii)

– –

–

Beni Hasan

2 (24) (i, O) (iv)

–

–

– –

–

Lisht

3 (5) (O, 2Ch) (?, iv, iii)

–

–

2 (2) (2S) (2?)

– 3 (20) (2i, O) (iii, ?)

–

Saqqara

–

–

–

1 (3) (Ch) (?) – –

Balat

188 gracia zamacona

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accounted for 50% of the unique spells, Saqqara 20 %, and Barsha (30 %). Unique spells were apparently made for people of any rank in Thebes, where their use seemed to spread out from royal coffins to all elite coffins. This is in sharp contrast with the situation in Barsha, where unique spells were concentrated on coffins of the nomarchy. The data concerning distribution according to rank in Saqqara was inconclusive. As for the locations of display, the outer coffins were clearly preferred and this was the case until the reign Senwosret iii, especially if only the inner coffins are considered and single coffins are left aside. The evidence from the first part of the twelfth dynasty (from the reign of Amenemhat i to Amenemhat ii) displays a relative decline in the use of unique spells (51) together with their geographical spread through Middle Egypt (to Barsha, Meir, Beni Hasan, and Siut), but in uneven quantities. Barsha was still the main centre for their use with 60% of the unique spells, although the bad state of conservation of many of the coffins from Meir is certainly a factor distorting the general picture. A second peak is evidenced for the middle of the twelfth dynasty (Senwosret ii & iii), but the concentration of examples is balanced at 50 %-50 % between Siut and Barsha. Unique spells occurred on all ranks of elite coffins. In the late twelfth dynasty, the production of unique spells reduced in numbers and was concentrated to the two coffins of Ssnb-n.f, a lector-priest from Lisht who had the same number of unique spells on the inner coffin (L2Li) as on the outer coffin (L1Li). A general observation is that the appearance of unique spells was concentrated on a limited number of coffins throughout the entire period studied here, and in some phases they appeared on only a very few coffins that could be referred to as “singularities”. 2.4 Coffin Text Distribution The spatial distribution of the unique spells in Coffin Texts is also of relevance to this study. “Spatial” is to be taken here in a very broad sense meaning both geographical location by region and city,52 as well as in a narrower sense with respect to the location of texts on coffins, sarcophagi, and chamber walls. Figures in the following table are registered against the total number of “documents” from each city and area. For example, 7/12 means 7 documents with unique spells out of the 12 known documents from a specific provenance. This provides a rough sketch of the research results regarding the spatial distribu52

For general remarks, see Hoffmeier, “The Coffins of the Middle Kingdom”, 69–86; idem, “Are There Regionally-Based Theological Differences in the Coffin Texts”, 45–54.

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190 table 7.6

gracia zamacona Unique spells according to the provenance of their “documents”

Areas

Cities

Documents Coffin

South (1/1) Theban area

Middle Egypt

Memphite area Oasis Totals

Aswan (1/1) Gebelein (2/3) Thebes (10/20) Theban area (13/24) Siut (7/27) Meir (12/46) Barsha (17/31) Beni Hasan (3/11) Lisht (2/4) Middle Egypt (41/118) Memphis (8/29) Balat (1/1) 117/315

Inner

Middle

Outer

Single

0 1/1 1/2 2/3 2/3 1/2 6/11 1/3 1/1 11/20 2/8 0 15/54

0 0 0/1 0/1 0 0/1 2/2 0 0 2/3 0 0 2/8

0 0/1 2/3 2/4 1/3 1/1 9/12 1/4 1/2 13/22 2/5 0 17/57

1/1 1/1 7/12 9/14 4/20 10/42 0/6 1/4 0/1 15/73 2/14 0 25/188

Sarcophagus

Chamber

0 0 0/2 0/2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0/4

0 0 0 0 0/1 0 0 0 0 0 2/2 1/1 3/4

tion of the unique spells in Coffin Text. A more comprehensive study should include rates of occurrences of unique spells and common spells, per area, city, owner, and coffin. Nearly all “documents” with unique spells are wooden coffins. There are 59 coffins in all of which 17 are outer coffins, 15 inner coffins, 2 middle coffins, and 25 single coffins. Only one sarcophagus (T2C) from Thebes, and three chamber walls from Balat (Ba1Ba) and Saqqara (Sq1Sq & Sq2Sq) have unique spells. It seems that the textual novelty of unique spells is paralleled by material novelty, as non-coffin documents come from royal court locations such as Memphis and Thebes. The unique case from Balat requires its own explanation.53 If the data from sarcophagi and chamber walls is ignored as too sporadic, and the data from single coffins is also excluded because they also include coffins of an undetermined type, especially those from Meir which reach a considerable number, the remaining data points follow a very stable average showing that around 30% of “documents” contained unique spells. There is a difference in numbers of occurrences between outer and inner (or middle)54 coffins, as was noted earlier, but not with respect to their appearance or non-appearance. 53 54

See Willems, Chests of Life, 246, for the possibility of an inscribed coffin as well. Regarding the occurrences and numbers of unique spells, middle coffins behave as inner coffins when compared to outer coffins, within coffin-sets belonging to a single owner.

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the unique spells in the coffin texts table 7.7

Number of owners of coffins with unique spells according to their provenance

Aswan Gebelein Thebes 1/1

2/2

11/21

Siut

Meir

6/22 12/52

Barsha Beni Hasan Lisht Saqqara Balat 12/21

3/8

1/1

8/21

When unique spells occur on a set of coffins, they tend to occur on both coffins (outer and inner/middle).55 It seems, therefore, that the key variable is the individual owner of the coffin. In Table 7.7 the ratio between coffin owners with unique spells and all the owners from a city is displayed. According to this data, it could be hypothesised that the occurrence of unique spells tends to concentrate on specific owners in Siut and Saqqara (around 30% of owners), and to a lesser extent on owners in Thebes and Barsha (around 50%). The data from Meir are not conclusive about the question of coffin ownership, and those from the other cities are too sporadic to provide relevant information. With these caveats in mind, the hypothesis remains conjectural at this stage of research. 2.5 Owner’s Gender The possible influence of the owner’s sex in the production of unique spells is briefly discussed in this section. The number of coffins with unique spells owned by women, as compared to the total number of owners of coffins with unique spells, is displayed in the first row of the following table. For example, 2/11 means that two women out of eleven owners of coffins had unique spells in that same city. In the second row, these data are compared with the same ratios applied to the coffins that include any parts of the ct corpus as a whole. According to these data, the owner’s gender would seem to play no role in the occurrence of unique spells. For female owners, 17.5% of coffins have unique spells, and this comprises 19.6% of the whole corpus. This is supported by the local rates in Thebes, which are stable at around 20 % in both cases. This leaves Aswan, Gebelein, Lisht, and Balat, which had no female owners of coffins with unique texts. There are other local variations that could be of relevance. While Siut, Meir, and Beni Hassan have lower rates of female ownership of coffins with unique spells (by a half, a fifth, and the total number respectively), Barsha and Saqqara display significant increases (by a half and three times, respectively).

55

Three-piece sets of coffins are rare, see Willems, Chests of Life, 77 (n. 93), 99.

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1/1

192 table 7.8

gracia zamacona Number of female owners of coffins according to provenance Aswan Gebelein Thebes Siut

Unique spells Whole ct

0/1 0/1

0/2 0/2

2/11 5/21

Meir

Barsha

1/6 2/10a 3/12 6/22 13/54b 4/25c

Beni Lisht Saqqara Balat Total Hassan 0/3 1/8

0/1 0/3

2/8 2/22

0/1 10/57 0/1 31/158

a Not counting 2 that are uncertain. b Coffin reuses are included in the count. c See previous note.

2.6 Owner’s Offices Billson was inconclusive about the influence of rank on the use of unique spells based on the data from Barsha.56 He did hypothesize that a higher rank favoured the use of unique spells, such as would be the case for a man called Gwꜣ who had many unique spells on his coffin (B2L). As a chief physician, he would surely have had access to texts stored in the Hermopolitan house of life,57 and so this subject deserves closer attention. Five categories of rank are proposed here in order to arrange the data from De Buck’s corpus and provide a wider picture. Although a clear ranking of personal titles is far from established, five categories are proposed from highest to lowest. These are royal family, nomarchy,58 servant leaders,59 common servants,60 and court attendants.61 Except for the first category, individuals cannot be categorized definitively as titles from different categories were often held by the same person. In those cases, the highest title is considered as defining the rank. Although an exhaustive study of the personal titles of coffin owners is not yet available, all the data collected in the current study are summarised in the following table:

56 57 58

59 60 61

Billson, Two Aspects, 19–20. Billson, Two Aspects, 21. In the broadest sense, Kemp, “How Religious Were the Ancient Egyptians?”, 38; Willems, Historical and Archaeological Aspects, 5. Terms such as ḥr.y-tp ꜥꜣ n + nome and ḥꜣ.ty-ꜥ, and nomarchy in general are widely discussed topics: see most recently Moreno García, “Élites provinciales, transformations sociales et idéologie”, 215–228; idem, Les Textes des Sarcophages; idem, “Nomarchs and Local Potentates”; Willems, Historical and Archaeological Aspects, 1, chap. 1. Women with the title nb.t pr have also been included in this category (see Willems, Chests of Life, 80). Such as ‘steward’ (i҆m.y-r pr), ‘treasurer’ (ḫtm.ty), ‘chief physician’ (wr swn.w), and ‘general’ (i҆m.y-r šmꜥ). Such as ‘lector priest’ (ẖr.y-ḥb), ‘physician’ (swn.w), and ‘scribe’ (zš). Such as ‘follower’ (šms.w), and ‘royal acquaintance’ (rḫ-nsw).

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the unique spells in the coffin texts table 7.9

Unique spells according to the rank of their coffin owners

Rank

Aswan Gebelein Thebes Siut Meir Barsha

Royal family Nomarchy Servant leaders Common servants Court attendants Unknown

– – – – – 1

– – – – – 2

2 – 3 – 1 5

– 1 1 – – 4

– – 2 – – 10

– 5 5 1 – 1

Beni Lisht Saqqara Balat Hassan – – 3 – – –

– – – 1 – –

– – 1 1 – 6

In general, most owners seem to have higher ranking titles (nomarchy and other leaders) although only two members of the royal family appear and they are only represented in Thebes by two female owners (queens).62 What is most striking is that members of the lower ranks (servants and attendants) are clearly under-represented. This would in principle support Billson’s hypothesis, although the number of owners of unknown ranks is too high to lead to any firm conclusions at this stage. 2.7 Owner’s Kinship Kinship relationships may also be relevant factors influencing the production and use of unique spells. The only reliable data on this come from Barsha where three generations of nomarchal families with coffins and with unique spells are attested. Ḏhwty-nḫt iv or v (B1Bo & B2Bo) was married to Ḏḥwty-nḫt (B3Bo & B4Bo). In the next generation (if the ancestor is Ḏhwty-nḫt iv) or the generation after that (if the ancestor is Ḏhwty-nḫt v), Nḥri҆ ii (nephew to Ḏhwty-nḫt v) was married to Zꜣ.t-ḥḏ-ḥtp (B4C). They had sons Ḏhwty-nḫt vi (B15C) and I҆mnm-ḥꜣ.t (B9C & B10C). A reliable study of this information must contextualize it as an integral part of the design of the coffins. This analysis should include thematic and correlation analyses which are outside the scope of the present article. The connections of unique spells with other unique and/or common spells, or similarities in the spell arrangements on the coffins, or spell groupings, could be informative.

62

Sabbahy, “The Titulary of the Harem of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, Once Again”, 163–166.

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– – – – – 1

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2.8 Spell Length The question of whether short unique spells occur more frequently than short common spells may help indicate the degree to which the latter were ancillary to the former (see §2.11). Figure 7.2 shows the number of paragraphs into which De Buck divided every spell. The graphic only provides an estimate of the spell length because De Buck’s paragraphs also differ in length. The graph shows that most, 89% of spells, have up to 40 paragraphs each, while 43% of spells have only 10 or fewer paragraphs. Within the concentrated group with shorter spells, spell length seems to play no role in distinguishing between unique and common spells. On average, 35 % of the spells within the whole Coffin Text corpus are unique spells, and this rate remains fairly stable through the first five intervals on the graph (i.e. up to 50 paragraphs). This comprises 93% of all spells.63 Some other differences are notable. Short unique spells are concentrated in the first volumes of De Buck’s edition, which also include the commonest and most commonly appearing in series Coffin Texts spells.64 There are some exceptions to this, such as the Book of Two Ways, but this trend might be evidence that short unique spells are ancillary to textual units that constitute something larger than individual spells, i.e. the so-called “books” (see § 2.11). As expected, longer unique spells (with more than 20 paragraphs) comprise 0 % of all unique spells in volume i, but the rest of the data per volume seems contradictory. 33 % in volume ii are longer spells (4 out of 12), 33% in volume iii (3 out of 9), 65 % in volume iv (11 out of 17), 45% in volume v (5 out of 11), 30 % (52 out of 175) in volume vi, and 18% (33 out of 182) in volume vii. In fact, the last two volumes with the largest number of unique spells by far (357 out of 411), have the lowest quantity of longer unique spells after volume i. This, however, can be explained because of two facts that indicate that short length unique spells are of ancillary importance within the unique spells. First, all unique spells in volume i occur on only two coffins, B13C & B12C of same owner, a great priest (wꜥb ꜥꜣ) I҆ḥꜣ, and are complementary to a “book”, the ẖnm.w liturgy.65 Second, many unique spells in volume vii occur on the repositories Pap.Gard. ii&iii. Their length is thus irrelevant to the determination of the degree to which they are ancillary spells, as they were never “published”. Finally it should also be noted that the absolute numbers in the intermediate volumes (ii–v) are too low to provide meaningful percentages. 63 64 65

The breakdown is 36 % (interval 1–10), 35 % (interval 11–20), 34% (interval 21–30), 37% (interval 31–40), and 34 % (interval 41–50). ct i, xii. Assmann, “Egyptian Mortuary Liturgies”, i, 1–45; idem, “Spruch 62 der Sargtexte und die ägyptischen Totenliturgien”, 17–30; idem, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 1.

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figure 7.2 Coffin Text spells according to their number of paragraphs as per De Buck © the author

Detailed studies which surpass the reach of the present article must be conducted on the relationships between spell lengths and particular coffins. Such studies could help identify the relationship (if any) between spell length and the degree to which the unique spells are ancillary. For example, the long spell ct 936 occurring on G1T (front side) might provisionally be proposed as an example of a non-ancillary unique spell. It stands on its own as a long royal offering formula on the front side of the coffin, and it also includes a full list of offerings. 2.9 Spell Connections The question whether unique spells are thematically connected to other spells but do not belong to a greater text unit or “book” (see § 2.11) should to be considered. The question of how many spells connected to a particular unique spell were also unique spells may also provide a new insight into the “obscurity” of unique spells (see §2.10). The presence of many, or even a majority of “obscure” unique spells could indicate that obscurity could have been a factor for choosing unique spells. When discussing the degree to which unique spells from Barsha fit within a theme, Billson looked for local particularities such as emphasis on the god Thoth who was associated with nearby Hermopolis, but he found instead an adherence to the “traditional themes” of the Coffin Texts.66 Although Billson 66

Billson, Two Aspects, 25–26.

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gracia zamacona

did not discuss the possibility of a thematic relationship between unique spells and the coffin sides on which they occur,67 (see § 2.2) such an approach could be fruitful. For example, the unique spells ct 752–756 on B1C are not integrated into a book, but are thematically connected. They reference the solar circuit and the solar barks which play a prominent role in that context. The spell is adapted into four parts (West—Zenith = South—East—North) and is applied to the respective coffin sides on which they occur (Back—Lid—Front—Head). For each one of these spells, which are listed according to the order of reading, Table 7.10 collects the thematic units,68 milestones, and general parallels used in the mortuary textual context of the solar circuit. Connecting themes are in bold. Focused studies of the themes of unique spells and their arrangement on the coffins should significantly aid understanding of their meanings and functions. 2.10 Spell “Obscurity” Precisely because of their unique nature, unique spells may as a result be more obscure to the modern reader than non-unique spells.69 If paratexts (titles and colophons) and metatexts (glosses) were created to clear up issues arising from the obscure nature of irregular texts, one might hypothesize that they would be more abundant within unique spells than within common spells. Titles occur within, on average, 41% of unique spells,70 while only 30 % of common spells include titles. Colophons, however, appear in only around 10 % of unique spells, as opposed to 14% of common spells. This apparent contradiction highlights the need for more detailed studies to be completed on these additions, along with research on other paratextual marks such as rubrics, retrograde script (for instance the whole spell ct 552 on L2Li), horizontal and rightward writing (for instance, the whole spell ct 597 on S1C, or ct 920 on M47C), or horizontal writing (for instance, the whole spell

67 68 69 70

See Willems, The Coffin of Heqata (Cairo 36418) for the spells on A1C; Nyord, “The Body in the Hymns of the Coffin Sides”, 5–34 for the hymns on the coffin sides. Taking ‘theme’ in its broadest sense. See Badir, “Qu’ est-ce qu’un thème?”, 19–39. See Billson, Two Aspects, 30–31, following Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts i–iii, passim. Same figures for Pap. Gard. ii–iii, which do not alter the total count. A distinction should be made between the two: Pap. Gard. ii has the majority of titles: 25 out of 27, and all are rubricated but one (ct 987); Pap. Gard. iii has only two titles, both in black ink. It could be argued that these papyri distort the results as titles are more functional for spells on a papyrus than on a coffin, but even if the titles in the papyri are not taken into account, the percentage is still slightly above average (34 %).

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the unique spells in the coffin texts

table 7.10 Thematic connections of unique spells ct 752–760 and their position on the coffin sides on coffin B1C Coffin side

Spell

Back (West) 752 (1)

Themes

Milestones

General parallels with the solar circuit

doors, r-bird, open, breath, winds, water, bark, sail, Apophis, sky, offerings, Hotep, power over enemies, bꜣ.w i҆mn.tyw, Bꜣẖ.w-mountain, enter the West, Ra’s retinue. Explicit title: r n ꜥq r i҆mn.t m šms.w n rꜥ rꜥ nb ‘Spell for entering the West in Ra’s retinue every day’

Arrival to the West

Beautiful West: winds

Head (N)

758 (2)

years, ways of fire, bark of Mḥn, circuit, Underworld doors, sun (Ra) circuit 759 (3) Mḥn, Ra, years, ways, fire, bark, circuit, doors, sun, Ennead, firmament, wind 760 (4) Mḥn, Isis, Horus, bark, Ra, nb wꜥ, heir, Wḥm.wgod, Nb-r-ḏr-god, rule, ꜣḫ, bright sun, ways, knowledge, doors, years

Book of the Two Ways (developed on the coffin bottom)

Fr (E)

755 (5)

756 (6) 757 (7)

L (Zenith)

753 (8)

754 (9)

not to rot, necropolis, body, mummy, acacia, Ruty, Horus, mourn, rḥ.ty, West, East, coffin, Heliopolis, worm, Great (wr), Osiris, Ḥꜣ-nome, Anubis, jackal, power over enemies not to rot, body, mummy, worm, Ḥꜣ-nome, Anubis, jackal, power over enemies, knives White crown, Red crown, Sekhmet, Wadjet, power over enemies

Triumph over death through body embalming

“Abscheu”sprüche? Tm mwt wḥm.w?

bark of Ra, embark, kꜣ, Isle of Flame, Family, Hathor, horizon, Atum, sail upstream, circuit, throne, sẖ.t, offerings, eat Osiris, Horus, father and son, days 8 and 4, mummy, garden, purify, wꜣs-sceptre, Isis, Nephthys, ḥkꜣ.w, body, night and day barks

Father-son union, solar circuit completed

Ascension texts?

ct 649 on G1T, or ct 687 on L1Li). Textual marks such as grḥ, or lines and metatextual marks such as r, ḏd-mdw (not the one on the top of the Pyramid Text and Coffin Text columns), and vignettes, could be used to help explain obscure unique spells such as ct 758–760 (on B1C Head) which deal with arcane subjects such as the Roads of Mehen.71 71

See details in Billson, Two Aspects, 28.

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2.11 Spell Integration into “Books” In a similar way to the issue of spell connections discussed above (section 2.9), the question of whether some unique spells belonged to a greater text unit that can be referred to as a “book” may be of relevance. As discussed in section 2.8, spell integration is related to the ancillary character of the unique spells in the sense that they could be optional because they were not essential to the group’s overall communicative goal. In his study on the unique spells from Barsha,72 Billson identified four candidates for unique spells integrated into greater textual units: ct 41 on B13C belonging to the sꜣḫ-liturgies, ct 500 on B3L belonging to a possible sequence described by Günter Lapp,73 and ct 664 & 670 on B1Bo belonging to Lapp’s sequence 6a.74 Other candidates are, for instance, ct 844 on T1C belonging most likely to the sꜣḫ-liturgies,75 and ct 55–59 on B13C belonging the the sꜣḫ-liturgy H̱ nm.w. A final example demonstrating the complexity of this issue is the remarkable case of unique spells ct 474–475 & 477–480, which belong to the Book for Avoiding the Trapping Net (Fangnetze-spells).76 The latter seems to be a “book” because of the four common spells (ct 343, 473, 476, & 481) that belong to it. Some of these spells even co-occur on some coffins. Nevertheless, the other six spells are unique, occur on different “documents”, and are long, which does not seem to support the proposal that they had an ancillary status with respect to the core group of spells constituting a “book”. These difficulties in assessing how unique spells might be integrated into greater textual units again highlights the need for more detailed studies. 2.12 Spell Quantity per Coffin The next issue to consider is if the number of unique spells on a single coffin can be considered as a feature of innovation and/or an indication of an effort to individuate the coffin instigated by the owner. Are these two concepts (innovation and individuation) related? Is a more innovative coffin more individualised? Billson convincingly argued that individual efforts to differentiate designs are evident in the decorative, textual, and pattern choices on some coffins.77 The author illustrated his point in this comment on the nomarch Amenemhat’s coffins B9C & B10C:

72 73 74 75 76 77

Billson, Two Aspects, 24. Lapp, “Die Papyrusvorlagen”, 172. Lapp, “Die Papyrusvorlagen”, 180. ct vii, 48, n. 5. Very lacunar. Bidoli, Die Sprüche der Fangnetze. Billson, Two Aspects, 20–21.

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It seems that some sort of personal choice was involved when decorating the coffins. Both B9C and B10C are slightly unusual due to the fact that they are decorated with a large number of pyramid texts (Lesko 1979:31– 33) and spell sequences (Lapp 1989:200) found in the form of mortuary liturgies. B10C, in particular, has four different liturgies, some appearing more than once (Assmann 1996:18). Assmann (1996:19) remarks with astonishment that B10C is covered with such liturgies considering the fact that they make up only a small fraction of the corpus of Coffin Texts. As well as this, one of the three unique spells found on B10C, ct sp. 62, has been the focus of considerable attention (Assmann 1996:17–30). The spell appears a total of five times on the coffin; its use in relation to the mortuary liturgies that are found, the frequency with which it is used, and its non-traditional aspects suggest that it was an individual composition for the nomarch Amenemhat (Assmann 1996:20).78 The variety of these phenomena regarding choice, quantity, repetition, etc. of spells are of importance when studying the unique spells. Because of the complexity of this subject, only three examples will be given here to illustrate the variety of the unique spells. The first example is the outer coffin of Ḏḥwty-nḫt iv/v (B1Bo). This document has the maximum known number of unique spells (30), and also the maximum number of spells of the whole corpus. This contrasts with the situation on his inner coffin (B2Bo), which also has a very high number of spells but only one unique spell (ct 751). This is a paradigmatic example of the opposition between inner and outer coffins discussed earlier in this article (§ 2.1). The second example is G1Be, the single coffin of Ḥnwy. It has a “deviant” style79 with only three Coffin Text spells, all of them unique (ct 333, 562 & 908). Is this a case of individuation through substantial innovation? The third example is provided by the group of smaller “documents” including the canopic boxes (B5Bo, B2C, B11C, B18C, B19C), stelae (C20520), statues (C405), gold coffin overlays (Da2C, Da3C, Da4C), and cartonnage masks (M1Ann, M2Ann, M16C, M35C). No unique spells occur on any of them, perhaps because of a lack of space, or the particular functions of the items, or their character as accessories to the coffin.

78 79

Billson, Two Aspects, 21. Willems, Chests of Life, 23 (p. 19: “deviant: exceptional decoration patterns”).

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Coffin Text Unique Spells and Unique Copies of Pyramid Texts on Middle Kingdom “Documents”

A final question must be addressed, although it cannot be answered here. Were the unique copies of Pyramid Texts on Middle Kingdom “documents” somehow related to the Coffin Text unique spells? Would such a relationship, if it existed, be of a thematic or editorial nature? Answering these questions would require a detailed study of every relevant “document”, which is a task beyond the reach of the current contribution. Notwithstanding this limitation, an initial survey can be carried out of the available data, which can be seen in Table 7.11 that collates all unique copies of Pyramid Texts on Middle Kingdom documents according to James P. Allen’s ct viii.80 Based on to these data, a general remark can be made about the Coffin Text unique spells and the unique copies of Pyramid Texts. Both co-occur on 56% of “documents” (13 out of 23), for the cases shown in bold in the table. By localities, it is notable that Barsha, which had many examples with Coffin Texts, also had a relatively high number of unique copies of Pyramid Texts (38 on 6 “documents”). In sharp contrast, Meir, which also had many examples with Coffin Texts only had a few unique copies of Pyramid Texts (7) on only one “document” (M7C). Lisht had a few examples with Coffin Texts, but many unique copies of Pyramid Texts (42 on 4 “documents”). The relevance of an analysis including both Coffin Text and Pyramid Text spells for studying “spells uniqueness” is also important in that it can throw light on the mechanics of editing and “publishing” a coffin and how it was viewed as a “document”. What follows is a brief illustration of this perspective when applied to unique spell ct 682.

4

From the Papyrus to the Tomb: A Unique Spell (ct 682) Echoed in a Repertory Spell (ct 990) and Two Common Spells (pt 627B & 669)

When addressing the problem of “obscurity” raised by Faulkner’s concerns as a translator of the Coffin Texts, Billson discussed ct 862 and its Pyramid Text parallels pt 627B and pt 669.81 In addition to Billson’s work, what follows is a brief reassessment of ct 862 and its pt parallels with a focus on their echoes in repertory spell ct 990 on Pap.Gard. ii&iii. This approach could 80 81

Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts viii. Billson, Two Aspects, 31–38. See also, from the perspective of the Pyramid Texts, Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, 297 (n. 7).

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table 7.11 Unique copies of Pyramid Texts on Middle Kingdom documents (in ct viii) Locality

Document

Unique copies of Pyramid Texts

Aswan (1) Thebes (10)

A1C T1C T7C T3Be T1L T2C S1C S17C M7C

A1C Foot edge texts 405; 638–639 249–250 304–305 686; T1L Edge Texts T2C 141 S1C Ext. Back 5–10 (ct Temp. 252) S17C Ext. Front 651; N216+4–11; N216+12–21; N216+22–29; N216+30–41; N216+47–51; M7C 13–23 82–84; 87–96; B2Bo Edge textsa B17C 18–22 (ct Temp 164); B17C 23–26 (ct Temp 378A); B17C 26–30 (ct Temp 378B); B17C 31–34 (ct Temp 79); B17C 35–36+1–2 (ct Temp 166+276); B17C 2–7 (ct Temp 228); B17C 7–11 (ct Temp 107); B17C 11–15 (ct Temp 57); B17C 15–17 (ct Temp 154); B17C 17 (ct Temp 359) 58–59; 60(A)–61; 71C; 371variant; B16C 32–38; 643B (B16Ca– b); 644 (B16Cb) 649B–650 B1Bo 861–864 676 37–43 27–30 204–205; 207; 209–212; 254–258; 260–263; 267–268; 271– 272; 306–318; 320–321 247; 300 664B Ab1Le 83–89 69; Sq3C 194–198 242

Siut (2) Meir (7) Barsha (38)

B2Bo B17C

B16C

Lisht (42)

Abusir (1) Saqqara Totals

B4C B1Bo B10C BH3C L-PW1A L-JMH1 L-Wsr1 L-PW1B Ab1Le Sq3C Sq1Sq 23

Number of spells 1 3 2 2 2 1 1 1 7 14 10

9 2 1 1 7 4 35 2 1 1 2 1 110

a For the edge texts in general, see Grallert, “Die Fugeninschriften auf Särgen des Mittleren Reiches”, 147– 165; idem, “The Mitre Inscriptions on Coffins of the Middle Kingdom”, 70–73. On the specificity of B1Bo & B2Bo regarding these inscriptions, see Billson, Two Aspects, 19 (n. 33).

be of interest for illustrating a possible textual developmental sequence, not restricted to unique spells, which is outlined in Table 7.12. This should be seen as a cluster of “witnesses” of a given “text” rather than as a transmission path from one “document” to another. “Witnesses” could have been constructed by way of a compositional process referred to here as “sampling”, which would have followed the requirements of the particular

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table 7.12 Unique spell ct 682 and related spells

Spell

Document

Chronology Location

ct 682 ct 990 pt 669 pt 627B

B1Bo Pap.Gard. ii&iii Pepi i and Pepi ii Teti, Pepi i and Pepi ii

Latest Later Earlier Earliest

Barsha Saqqara?a Saqqara Saqqara

a Gestermann, “Neues zu Pap. Gardiner ii”, i, 206.

“document”. As discussed in the section addressing the contiguity of unique spells (§2.2), sampling might have worked at several different levels. The general concept to be envisaged here is one that was inspired by David Byrne’s description of musical collaboration.82 Byrne applied a powerful and simple approach to musical collaboration, adopting both synchronic (improvised interpretations or performances) and diachronic (score-based interpretations) approaches within a framework that regards compositions as collaborations. This type of process is referred to here as sampling. When used with texts it consists of putting pieces together permitting variations to communicate the required sense within the given framework. This process would be active at different levels. In any text, the parts can be combined to make the whole more meaningful within a given context, rather than being treated as a main text with appended textual variations (in musical terms, a melody backed by an accompaniment). In any “witness”, a given textual “performance” interacts with other “witnesses” in a way appropriate to a certain context. For example, the context may be a coffin side, a part of the coffin side, or even parts of different coffins. In any given “document”, a text is edited and finally “published” as a finished product with a specific purpose.83 This compositional approach requires its own study, and cannot be taken any further here. With respect to the composition of ct 682, this unique spell deals with the legitimacy of Horus as a successor to Osiris’s throne. The succession is referred to as a ms.wt wḥm.t ‘rebirth’ (Pyr. 1962 a). The god-king dies only to reappear in his successor’s body. More specifically, ct 682 is concerned with Horus’s divine status, which made him eligible to assume the throne. That status was based 82 83

Byrne, How Music Works, chap. 6. For the terms “text”, “witness”, and “document”, see Polis and Stasse, “Pour une nouvelle philologie numérique”, 163–166; Polis and Razanajao, “Ancient Egyptian Texts in Context”, 26.

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on two closely related physical attributes. First, he had the metallic body of a god. The ‘collaborating text’ for this from a sampling perspective is pt 669. His second attribute was his ability to fly, which is attested in pt 627B. The first attribute resulted from Horus’s disability. According to the texts, he was born with no arms and no legs (Pyr. 1965 b–c; compare ct vi 309 o). As a result, the metal from Osiris’s boat (the ḥn.w-boat) was employed to build the missing limbs (Pyr. 1966 a = ct vi 309 m). The text requests that Horus be “put together” (ṯz, literally ‘tie up’) and “fleshed out” (ḫpr) (Pyr. 1966 b–d). Still in this context, after Isis gave birth to Horus, Thoth, an ibis, was looking for Horus’s limbs in the Field of Tamarisk (ct vi 309 c = Pyr. 1962 b). In the field was the “nest of Thoth” where Horus, a falcon, was born (Pyr. 1962 a–b = ct vi 309 b– c). Horus’s name was entered on the divine register (vi 308 p–q) and so Thoth was a central figure who helped Horus become a god. That was the first step in his accession to Osiris’s throne. As these myths are based on Pyramid Texts, it seems that an interpretation that assumes that any mention of Thoth implies a ‘made-in-Barsha’ product is not necessarily a straightforward assumption to make.84 Horus’s second attribute stems from a tripartite relationship within the Heliopolitan cosmology. Isis is equated with Nut (ct vi 309 b85) as wife of the king and father of the successor. At the same time Osiris is equated with Geb (Pyr. 1971 = partly ct vi 310 i), which makes Isis/Nut the mother of the king’s legitimate successor, Horus/Osiris. So, Horus is not only equated with Osiris but also with Shu, who joins the equation as the first male successor of the first god, Atum (ct vi 310 l = Pyr. 1778 b = ct vii 199 f). The link in the succession chain is clearly Osiris, who simultaneously plays the role of father and son. The sky is perceived as the falcon (Horus) embracing all the world (Atum, ‘the Whole’) with his masterly ability to fly. This conceptualizes the key equivalency that relates biological succession (Osiris → Horus) to cosmological succession (Atum → Horus). Horus’s two main attributes legitimize his claim to the throne. He has the body of a god and the ability to fly. The structure of ct 682 expresses these attributes in two clearly differentiated parts, as already noted by Billson.86 The two parts are: – An almost unparalleled (“new”) initial part of ct 682, that has only two possible parallels in pt 669 (Pyr. 970 d = ct vi 310 e–f; and Pyr. 1971 = ct vi 310 i–j). 84 85 86

For unique spells from Barsha as a whole, see Billson, Two Aspects, 25–26. The corresponding Pyr. 1962 a has ṯw.t ‘Begetter’ (Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, 669). Billson, Two Aspects, 32.

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– A subsequent part of ct 682 paralleled mainly in pt 627B and partly in ct 990. A structural analysis of these texts cannot be pursued in the present article, but a final observation regarding the structure or “communicative plan” of ct 682 is useful for understanding this spell. Most of ct 682 is addressed to a male divinity, Wr-mnḏ.f ‘Big-is-his-breast’, who is related to the offerings (ct vi 308 o). This deity seems to be Hapi, and the context in which the spell is framed is the Feast of the braziers on the occasion of the birth of the gods during the five epagomenal days (Pyr. 1961 b–c = ct 308 m–n). A communicative plan is crucial to understanding the function of ct 682 as a speech genre,87 and while current interpretations remain unclear and deserve a more comprehensive study, a provisional interpretation can be made by understanding the reason for the insertion of Horus, as the successor, into the mortuary world in the act of making offerings. In this context, any offering is equated with Horus’s eye, while the officiant, typically the deceased’s son, is equated with Horus, the king’s son and successor. Finally, Billson mentions some other unique spells from Barsha, which are in part related to other Pyramid and Coffin Text spells.88 To these, the following unique spells can be added. They occur on papyri or on actual mortuary “documents” (i.e. chamber walls) not in De Buck’s edition (a), or on actual mortuary “documents” (coffins) and papyri not in De Buck’s edition (b):

87

88

See Bakhtin, “The Problem of Speech Genres”, 60–102. The original article was published in Russian in the fifties. Particularly relevant is his notion of an utterance as a basic linguistic unit and its boundaries “determined by a change of speaking subjects” (p. 71). Also of use for this approach is Biber, “A Typology of English Texts”, 3–43, in which a typology of English texts is proposed thanks to a multidimensional analysis, apparently without knowing of Mikhail Bakhtin’s work. Despite their potential, in-context, communicative approaches such as these have not gained traction in linguistic studies of ancient Egyptian as far as I know, except for in Hays, The Organization of the Pyramid Texts, which quoted Bakhtin. This author is mainly mentioned in studies of ancient Egyptian “literature” and “religion” such as in Manassa, Imagining the Past, and Quirke, Exploring Religion in Ancient Egypt. In contrast to this, studies focusing on the sentence, from mainstream linguistic “schools” such as structuralism and functionalism, are the norm within the linguistic studies of ancient Egyptian. This situation reflects the split between primary and secondary genres, which Bakhtin already criticized as one of the major hindrances for an appropriate understanding of human language (Bakhtin, “The Problem of Speech Genres”, 60–61). Concerning the adherence to linguistic “schools”, see the critical remarks in Dixon, I Am a Linguist, 345. Billson, Two Aspects, 39–47.

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the unique spells in the coffin texts

table 7.13 Coffin Text unique spells on potential or actual mortuary “documents” not in De Buck’s edition

Unique spell type

In De Buck’s edition

Not in De Buck’s edition

a

ct 965 (Pap.Gard. iii) ct 1011 (Pap.Gard. ii) ct 1013 (Pap.Gard. ii) ct 106 (BH3C) ct 607 (L2Li) ct 265 (S1C)

mastaba of Medunefer in Balat mastaba of Medunefer in Balat mastaba of Medunefer in Balat P. Turin 54003 P. Turin 54003 Louvre E 25485

b

5

Some Preliminary Conclusions and Comments on Future Research

After this initial review, some preliminary conclusions can be proposed. First, Billson’s hypothesis that unique spells shed light on the mortuary tastes of Middle Kingdom elite seems to be acceptable, not only for the material from Barsha, but in general. Second, there is certainly a need for in-depth studies of individual documents, their integration (or lack of) into the wider social networks (be they family-based, rank-based, or town-based), as well as a need for a better understanding of the unique spells themselves in their contexts, whether by theme, coffin-side, or textual-unit. Third, this analysis would throw light on a key period of the ancient Egyptian history, and on issues that are currently under the spotlight, such as questions of unity and tradition under a centralized power, and the individuation and innovation of specific elite members. This would lead to a better understanding of levels of cohesion or the exclusion of groups and regions. Fourth, the unique spells can throw light on the editorial history of the earlier Egyptian mortuary texts (Pyramid and Coffin Texts). In this sense, the adjective “unique” can be misleading, as this refers only to the documentary situation as far as the current known documentation is concerned, and is not necessarily representative of the “uniqueness” of the contents. Even if the text is particularly “obscure” to the modern (or even the ancient) reader, they could be the end result of the efforts to produce an innovative or individuated text. It is, finally, possible to advance a preliminary typology of the Coffin Text spells according to text edition criteria (see Table 7.14 below). Future research will certainly provide more useful information on the complex processes involved with the creation of these texts, such as the factors already mentioned that were considered during the preparation of the mor-

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table 7.14 Coffin Text spells according to edition criteria

Published

Unpublished

Copied Common spells (e.g. ct 335) Copies of repertory spells (?) Uncopied Unique spells (e.g. ct 932) Repertory spells (e.g. those only on Pap.Gard. ii–iii)

tuary “documents” to meet the requirements of the deceased within the wider intertwined contexts of beliefs and social status.

6

Appendix: List of Coffin Text Unique Spells

The tables below collect the information from all the Coffin Text unique spells known so far, according to the following criteria: geographical area, owner, document, and document part (i.e. coffin side/ chamber wall). Information comes mainly from Lesko’s Index of the spells and Willems’s Chests of life. The provisional thematic links listed and/or textual parallels are my own. As this is a provisional report, the pertinent literature on this topic has not been comprehensively checked and that is something that should obviously be carried out in a fuller study of the unique spells. The challenge of displaying all the relevant information in a synoptic, manageable way has led me to use the following abbreviations: Fr B H F L Bo O

Coffin front side Coffin back side Coffin head side Coffin foot side Coffin lid Coffin bottom side Outer coffin

Mi I P Sa C Ch ew

Middle coffin Inner coffin Papyrus Sarcophagus Coffin (single) Chamber East Wall

– i.p. bold italics blue

Not applicable Intermediate Period ct link / parallel pt link / parallel bd link / parallel

All information provided has been included even if incomplete as it may be of relevance for a further study of unique spells in the Coffin Texts and, more generally, for the study of the whole corpus of ancient Egyptian mortuary texts.

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?

Title

A1C

De Buck’s

Sex

♂

♂

Name

Ḥnwy

I҆kr

Owner

Title

G1T

G1Be

De Buck’s

Theban Area (Upper Egypt Nome 4) Gebelein

♂

Ḥqꜣ-tꜣ

6.2 6.2.1

Sex

Owner

1st i.p.

Date

I

C

Kind

End 1st i.p.

?

Date

Document

C

Kind

Document

South (Upper Egypt Nomes 1–3): Upper Egypt Nome 1, Aswan

Owner

6.1

936

908

Fr

935

Fr –

H –

F –

L

334, 646

333

H

–

563

F

–

–

L

Unique spells by coffin side

647–655

–

B

–

B

Unique spells by coffin side

–

–

Bo

932–933

Bo

the unique spells in the coffin texts

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♂

♂

♀

♂

♂

♂

♂

Mnṯw-ḥtp.(w)89

Dꜣg

Nfr.w

I҆mꜣ

Ḥr-ḥtp

Mr.w

N.(y)-sw

šms.w

Treasurer of the King of Lower Egypt

Queen

Treasurer of the King of Lower Egypt

Queen

Title

T1NY

TT240

T1C

T1L

TT319

T2C

T9C

T3C

De Buck’s

The owner of the inside coffin is Bwꜣw.

♀

ꜥꜣš.yt

89

Sex

Owner

Thebes

Name

6.2.2

C

C

C

O

C

Sa

C

I

Kind

End 11 d.?

End 11 d

Mentuhotep ii or later?

Mentuhotep ii

End 1st i.p.

Date

Document

–

–

183, 214, 310, 623–624, 657–658, 835

–

–

–

–

562, 817–820

Fr

918

861

624

675, 761–766

–

–

836

815–816

B

–

–

409

–

656

–

–

–

H

–

–

409, 833

–

–

–

–

–

F

–

–

–

358, 767– 769

–

–

–

–

L

Unique spells by coffin side

–

–

–

163, 588, 637, 639, 806–808, 810–814

–

842–844

–

–

Bo

208 gracia zamacona

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Sex

♂

♂

♂

Mnṯ.w-ḥtp.(w)

Mnṯ.w-ḥtp.(w)

Sbk-ꜥꜣ

Owner

Name

(cont.)

Steward

Title

T3Be

T2L

T1Be

De Buck’s

C

C

O

Kind Senwosret i or later

Date

Document

–

840–841

827

Fr

828, 829, 830

238

823–826

B

–

–

H

–

–

92, 822

F

–

–

–

L

Unique spells by coffin side

–

–

–

Bo

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♂

♂

♂

♂

♂

Msḥ.ty

Nḫt.i҆

I҆ri҆91

I҆t( f )-i҆b.i҆

Ṯꜣwꜣw

Treasurer of the King of Lower Egypt

ḥꜣ.ty-ꜥ

Title

Also on Louvre E 25485? Reused by ꜥnḫ.f.

♀

Ḥn.t-n.i҆

90 91

Sex

Owner

S5C

S3C

S10C

C

C

C

I

I

S1C

S2P

O

C

Kind

S2C

S14C

De Buck’s

Senwosret ii?

Amenemhat i?

Date

Document

Middle Egypt (Upper Egypt Nomes 5–22) Upper Egypt Nome 13: Siut

Name

6.3 6.3.1

893

200, 597–604

878

881

Fr

895, 896, 897

887

592, 595

265,90 266, 487, 730

401, 408, 527, 528

B

H

145, 864, 867–868

F

770–776, 888–890

879, 880

161, 869– 870, 877

882, 883

L

Unique spells by coffin side

891–892

884

Bo

210 gracia zamacona

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M24C

♂

♂

♂

♂

♂

♀

♂

Snb.i҆

Snb.i҆?93

Sn-ꜥnḫ

Wḫ-ḥtp

Sn-nw?

Rrw.t

Ḥpi҆-ꜥnḫ.t(y).fy

92 93

M14C

♀

Reused by Wḫ-ḥtp. Possible owner of M37C as well.

Steward

M2NY

M1C

M47C

M39C

i҆m.y-r pr M6C (steward) & i҆m.y-r-ḫw.yt

M3C

M41C

Snb.i҆92

?

?

?

O

I

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

End Amenemhat ii– Beginning Senwosret iii

End Amenemhat ii

Senwosret i

Date

Document

De Buck’s Kind

Sex Title

Owner

Upper Egypt Nome 14: Meir

Name

6.3.2

787

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

Fr

786, 797–800

–

–

–

–

–

535

534

–

B

796

–

–

921

–

–

–

–

–

H

794–795

923

–

–

920

–

–

–

–

F

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

L

–

608

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

Bo

Unique spells by coffin side

–

–

927

–

–

919

–

–

88

?

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?

♂

?

Ḥn-ḥr.y-i҆b?94

Possible owner of M18C as well.

♂

Sbk-ḥr-ḥb

94

Sex Title

Owner

Name

(cont.)

M23C

M22C

M57C

C

C

C

De Buck’s Kind

?

2nd half 12 d.

Date

Document

–

445

–

Fr 715

H

–

–

505, 506, 540, – 544, 546–547

–

B

928

–

–

F

–

–

–

L

–

–

–

Bo

Unique spells by coffin side

536, 537, 538, 929–931

–

–

?

212 gracia zamacona

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O

I

B6Bo

B1Bo

B2Bo

ḥꜣ.ty-ꜥ

nb.t-pr (nomarch’s wife)

♀

Ḏḥwty-nḫt iv/v? ♂

♀

♂

♂

Zꜣ.t-ḥḏ-ḥtp.(w)

Ḏḥwty-nḫt vi

I҆mn-m-ḥꜣ.t

ḥꜣ.ty-ꜥ

ḥꜣ.ty-ꜥ Mi O

B10C

Mi

O

B9C

B15C

B4C

O

I

B4Bo

Zꜣ.t-mk.wt

O

Nomarch’s wife B3Bo

♀

Ḏḥwty-nḫt

De Buck’s Kind

Amenemhat ii

Amenemhat ii

Senwosret i

End 11 d— Amenemhat i / End of Amenemhat i

Mentuhotep iii / Amenemhat i

End 11 d— Amenemhat i

Date

Document

Sex Title

Owner

Upper Egypt Nome 15: Barsha

Name

6.3.3

728, 916

–

915

747–750

751

305, 662, 682, 683–684

–

909–910

–

Fr

–

150, 696

–

741–746

–

264, 311, 660, 669, 672– 674, 676–678, 680–681

–

–

721–722

B

912–913

–

720

F

–

–

724–725

L

–

–

–

447, 732–736

–

–

396

–

737–740

–

–

–

693

–

–

474, 663, 664, 666– 686, 688 665 667, 668, 670–671

911

–

717–718, 719

H

Unique spells by coffin side

–

–

–

–

–

525, 689

–

–

446, 622, 726

Bo

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zš-ꜥ-nsw (scribe B5C of the roll) & zš hn (scribe of the box)

i҆m.y-r mšꜥ (general)

♂

♂

♂

♂

Zpi҆

Zpi҆

Gwꜣ

Sn

I

I

B1L

wr swn.w (chief B3L physician)

O

O

O

wr swn.w (chief B2L physician)

i҆m.y-r pr (stew- B1P ard)

B1C

I

I

B12C

♂

O

B13C

Ḏḥwty-ḥtp

wꜥb ꜥꜣ (great priest)

♂

I҆ḥꜣ

Senwosret iii

Senwosret ii

Date

Document

De Buck’s Kind

Sex Title

Owner

Name

(cont.)

313, 314, 339, 886

–

56–58

B

–

336

701–702

–

–

478, 695

320, 321

315, 694

755, 756– 752 757

–

59

41, 55

Fr

–

–

917

F

–

–

–

–

–

419

698–699

–

758, – 759, 760

–

–

–

H

Unique spells by coffin side

500, 713–714

–

450, 471, 485, 621, 703, 704– 407, 709, 710, 711–712

–

753, 754

–

–

–

L

–

–

708

477

–

–

–

–

Bo

214 gracia zamacona

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♂

♂

Nfr.y

Nṯr.w-ḥtp

♂

Ssnb-n.f

Lector priest (ẖr.y-ḥb)

Title

Owner

Also on P. Turin 54003. Also on P. Turin 54003.

Sex

Name

95 96

i҆m.y-r pr n ḥw.t-nṯr (temple steward) & zš (scribe)

wr swn.w (physician)

i҆m.y-r ḫtm.t

Title

O I

L2Li

C

O

I

Amenemhat iii or later

Date

789, 804

306, 607,96 790

B

–

–

–

H

–

580

–

F

789, 801, 802, 803

792

H

789

296, 792

F

–

691, 697, 805, 862

L

552

Bo

–

–

106,95 579 –

903

Bo

–

L

Unique spells by coffin side

308, 475, 898–901

–

–

B

679, 687, 731, 793

–

–

–

Fr

Unique spells by coffin side

161, 222, 437, 685, 690

Fr

End Amenemhat ii– Beginning Senwosret iii

Amenemhat i

Date

Document Kind

Document Kind

BH4C

BH3C

BH1C

De Buck’s

L1Li

De Buck’s

Upper Egypt Nome 22: Lisht

♂

Skr-m-ḥꜣ.t (ṯꜣwi҆)

6.3.5

Sex

Owner

Upper Egypt Nome 16: Beni Hasan

Name

6.3.4

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215

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♂

♂

♂

♂

♂

♀

♂

Kꜣ-rnn.i҆

Snn.y

I҆np.(w)-m-ḥꜣ.t?

Sk-wsḫ.t

Zꜣ-ḥw.t-ḥr-i҆py

Zꜣ.t-bꜣstyt

Ḫpr-kꜣ-rꜥ

?

?

i҆r.y-pꜥ.t

Steward

?

?

?

?

Title

Sq2C

Sq1C

Sq2Sq

Sq1Sq

Sq10C

Sq3Sq

Sq6C

Sq3C

De Buck’s

C

C

Ch

Ch

O

I

O

I

Kind

Amenemhat ii or later

11–12 d.

End 11 d / Beginning 12 d

11 d.-beginning 12 d.

Date

Document

Doubtfully also on Sq5Sq Back 14–15 (Lesko, Index of the Spells, 97). Doubtfully also on Sq5Sq Back 14–15 (Lesko, Index of the Spells, 97).

♀

Nfr-smd.t

97 98

Sex

Owner

Memphite Area (Lower Egypt Nome 1): Saqqara

Name

6.4

902

–

–

–

328, 855

856, 858

Fr

–

–

–

904

583,98 905

661

–

–

582,97 645, 846–849, 850 –

–

H

–

B

–

–

–

–

–

–

F

–

–

–

141, 142, 143

–

–

L

Unique spells by coffin side

–

–

–

–

851–852, 853, 854

692, 729

Bo

860

859

ew

216 gracia zamacona

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217

the unique spells in the coffin texts

6.5

Dakhla Oasis: Balat Owner

Document

Unique spells on chamber wall

Name

Sex

Title

De Buck’s

Kind

Date

Mdw-nfr

♂

?

–

Ch

5 d.

6.6

965, 1011,99 1013100

Repositories: Saqqara?

Owner

Document

Unique spells

De Buck’s

Kind Date

?

Pap.Gard. ii

P

?

144, 196, 309, 479-480, 587, 659, 1003–1010, 1011,101 1012, 1013,102 1014, 1015–1016, 1017, 1018– 1021, 1022, 1023–1024, 1026–1027

?

Pap.Gard. iii P

?

543, 944, 947, 949, 952–955, 960, 961,103 962,104 963,105 965,106 966,107 967, 968,108 969, 970–971, 972,109 973, 974,110 975,111 976–977, 978,112 979, 980, 981,113 982–983, 984, 1028

99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113

Also on Pap.Gard. ii. Also on Pap.Gard. ii. Also on Medunefer. Also on Medunefer. Lacunar. Very lacunar. Lacunar. Also on Medunefer. Very lacunar. Lacunar. Very lacunar. Very lacunar. Very lacunar. Lacunar. Very lacunar.

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Acknowledgements This research has been supported by the project The Earlier Ancient Egyptian Mortuary Texts Variability (2018-T1/HUM-10215 www.mortexvar.com Talento Programme, funded by the Region of Madrid).

Bibliography Allen, J.P. “Funerary texts from Lisht.” In Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia, Turin, 1st–8th September 1991: Abstracts of Papers, S. Curto et al., eds., 7. Turin: iae, 1991. Allen, J.P. “The funerary texts of king Wahkare Akhtoy on a Middle Kingdom coffin.” In Studies in honor of George R. Hughes, January 12, 1977, J.H. Johnson and E.F. Wente, eds., 1–29. saoc 20. Chicago: University of Chicago, 1976. Allen, J.P. “Coffin Texts from Lisht.” In The world of the Coffin Texts, H. Willems, ed., 1–15. EgUit 9. Leiden: nino, 1996. Allen, J.P. The Egyptian Coffin Texts viii. Middle Kingdom copies of Pyramid Texts. oip 132. Chicago: University of Chicago, 2006. Allen, J.P. A new concordance of the Pyramid Texts i–vi. Providence: Brown University Press, 2013. Allen, J.P. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. Writings from the Ancient World 38. Atlanta: sbl Press, 2015. Altenmüller, H. “Zwei neue Exemplare des Opfertextes der 5. Dynastie.” mdaik 23 (1968): 1–8. Assmann, J. “Egyptian mortuary liturgies.” In Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim i–ii, Vol. 1, S. Israelit-Groll, ed., 1–45. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1990. Assmann, J. “Spruch 62 der Sargtexte und die ägyptischen Totenliturgien.” In The world of the Coffin Texts, H. Willems, ed., 17–30. EgUit 9. Leiden: nino, 1996. Assmann, J. Altägyptische Totenliturgien 1. Totenliturgien in den Sargtexten des Mittleren Reiches. Supplemente zu den Schriften der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophische-historische Klasse 14. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 2002. Bandy, K.E. “Hieratic text: Papyrus Gardiner iii.” In Visible language. Inventions of writing in the ancient Middle East and beyond, Ch. Woods, ed., 161–162. oimp 32. Chicago: University of Chicago, 2010. Badir, S. “Qu’est-ce qu’ un thème? Une approche sémiologique.” Signata 5 (2014): 19–39. Bakhtin, M.M. “The problem of speech genres.” In Speech genres and other later essays, M.M. Bakhtin, ed., 60–102. University of Texas Press Slavic Series 8. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986.

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Biber, D. “A typology of English texts.” Linguistics 27/1 (1989): 3–43. Bidoli, D. Die Sprüche der Fangnetze in den altägyptschen Sargtexten. adaik 9. Glückstadt: J.J. Augustin, 1976. Billson, B. Two aspects of Middle Kingdom funerary culture from two different Middle Egyptian nomes. Birmingham: MPhil Thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham, 2010. Borghouts, J.F. “The victorious eyes. A structural analysis of two Egyptian mythologizing texts of the Middle Kingdom.” In Studien zu Sprache und Religion Ägyptens zu Ehren von Wolfhart Westendorf überreicht von seinen Freunden und Schülern, F. Junge, ed., 703–716. Göttingen: F. Junge Verlag, 1984. Brovarski, E. “Ahanakht of Bersheh and the Hare nome in the First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom.” In Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean and the Sudan. Essays in honor of Dows Dunham on the occasion of his 90th birthday, June 1, 1980, W.K. Simpson and M.D. Whitney, eds., 14–30. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1981. Brovarski, E. The inscribed material of the First Intermediate Period from Naga-ed-Dêr. Chicago: PhD unpublished dissertation, 1989. De Buck, A. The Egyptian Coffin Texts i–vii. oip 24, 49, 64, 67, 73, 81 & 87. Chicago: University of Chicago: 1935–1961. Byrne, D. How music works. Edinburgh: Canongate, 2012. Dahms, J.M., M. Pehal, and H. Willems, “Ramses ii helps the dead. An interpretation of Book of the Dead supplementary chapter 166.” jea 100 (2014): 395–420. Dixon, R.M.V. I am a linguist. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Doret, É. “Sur une caractéristique grammaticale de quelques sarcophages d’El-Bersheh.” bseg 13 (1989): 45–50. Faulkner, R.O. Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts i–iii. Oxford: Aris&Phillips, 1973–1978. Fischer, H.G. Dendera in the third millennium bc down to the Theban domination of Upper Egypt. Locust Valley, NY: J.J. Augustin, 1968. Gestermann, L. “Neues zu Pap.Gardiner ii (bm EA10676).” In Egyptology at the dawn of the twenty-first century. Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists, Cairo 2000, Vol. 1, Z. Hawass and L. Pinch Brock, eds., 202–208. Cairo-New York: American University in Cairo Press, 2003. Grallert, S. “Die Fugeninschriften auf Särgen des Mittleren Reiches.” sak 23 (1996): 147– 165. Grallert, S. “The mitre inscriptions on coffins of the Middle Kingdom. A new set of texts for rectangular coffins?” In Life and afterlife in Ancient Egypt during the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period, S. Grallert and W. Grajetzki, eds., 35–80. ghpe 7. London: ghp, 2007. Hansen, D.P. “The excavations at Tell el Rubaa.” jarce 6 (1967): 5–16. Hays, H.M. The organization of the Pyramid Texts. Typology and disposition i–ii. PdÄ 31. Leiden: Brill, 2012.

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Hoffmeier, J.K. “The coffins of the Middle Kingdom. The Residence and the regions.” In Middle Kingdom Studies, S. Quirke, ed., 69–86. New Malden: sia, 1991. Hoffmeier, J.K. “Are there regionally-based theological differences in the Coffin Texts.” In The world of the Coffin Texts, H. Willems, ed., 45–54. EgUit 9. Leiden: nino, 1996. Hussein, R.B. “A new Coffin Text spell from Naga ed-Dêr.” In Egypt and beyond: Essays presented to Leonard H. Lesko upon his retirement from the Wilbour chair of Egyptology at Brown University, June 2005, S.E. Thompson and P. Der Manuelian, eds., 171–195. Providence: Brown University Press, 2008. Jürgens, J. Grundlinien einer Überlieferungsgeschichte der altägyptischen Sargtexte. Stemmata und Archetypen der Spruchgruppen 30–32 + 33–37, 75(–83), 162 + 164, 225 + 226 und 343 + 345. gof iv/31. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995. Kamal, A. “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées à Deîr-el-Barshé.” asae 2 (1901): 217–221. Kemp, B.J. “How religious were the Ancient Egyptians?” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 5/1 (1995): 25–54. Lacau, P. Sarcophages antérieurs au Novel Empire ii. Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire 28087–28126. Cairo: Cairo Museum, 1906. Lapp, G. “Die Papyrusvorlagen der Sargtexte.” sak 16 (1989): 171–202. Lapp, G. “Die Spruchkompositionen der Sargtexte.” sak 17 (1990): 221–234. Lavrentyeva, N.V. “Редкие списки религиозных текстов на папирусах: форма хранения или способ трансформации?” [Rare copies of religious texts on papyrus. Storage form or method of transformation?], Aegyptiaca Rossica 4 (2016): 203– 219. Lesko, L.H. Index of the spells on Egyptian Middle Kingdom coffins and related documents. Berkeley: University of California Berkeley Press, 1979. Long, G.M. de Meyer, and H. Willems. “The use-life of the Middle Kingdom tomb of governor Nehri i at Dayr al-Barsha. Reconstructing find contexts based on the distribution of coffin fragments.” sak 44 (2015): 215–236. López, J. “Rapport préliminaire sur les fouilles d’Hérakléopolis (1969).” Oriens Antiquus 14 (1975): 57–78. Loprieno, A. “Texte für das Jenseits. Die Inschriften der Särge des Imeni und der Geheset.” In Für die Ewigkeit geschaffen. Die Särge des Imeni und der Geheset, D. Polz, ed., 70–80. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2007. Manassa, C. Imagining the past. Historical fiction in New Kingdom Egypt. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. Moreno García, J.C. “Élites provinciales, transformations sociales et idéologie à la fin de l’Ancien Empire et à la Première Période Intermédiaire.” In Des Néferkarê aux Montouhotep, C. Berger-El-Naggar and L. Pantalacci, eds., 215–228. tmo 40. Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, 2015. Nyord, R. “The body in the hymns of the coffin sides.” CdE 82 (2007): 5–34. Quirke, S. Exploring religion in Ancient Egypt. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015.

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Osing, J. “Zur Disposition der Pyramidentexte des Unas.” mdaik 42 (1986): 131–144. Polis, S. and V. Razanajao, “Ancient Egyptian texts in context: Towards a conceptual data model (the Thot Data Model—tdm).”Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 59/2 (2016): 24–41. Polis, S. and B. Stasse, “Pour une nouvelle philologie numérique. Réflexions sur la relation texte(s)-document(s).” Méthodes et Interdisciplinarité en Sciences Humaines 2 (2009): 153–177. Regulski, I. “Papyrus fragments from Asyut. A paleographic comparison.” In Ägyptologische “Binsen”-Weisheiten i–ii. Neue Forschungen und Methoden der Hieratistik; Akten zweier Tagungen in Mainz im April 2011 und März 2013, U. Verhoeven-van Elsbergen, ed., 301–335. Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse / Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz Einzelveröffentlichung 14. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2015. Roccati, A. Papiro ieratico N. 54003. Estratti magici e rituali del Primo Medio Regno. Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Torino. Seria Prima-Monumenti e Testi 2. Turin: Edizioni d’Arte Fratelli Pozzo, 1970. Roccati, A. “I testi dei sarcofagi di Eracleopoli.” Oriens Antiquus 13 (1974): 161–197. Sabbahy, L. “The titulary of the harem of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep, once again.” jarce 34 (1997): 163–166. Scalf, F. “From the beginning to the end. How to generate and transmit funerary texts in ancient Egypt.” janer 15/2 (2016): 202–223. Sethe, K. Die altägyptische Pyramidentexte i–iv. Leipzig: 1908–1922. Sherbiny, W. Through Hermopolitan Lenses. Studies on the So-called Book of Two Ways in Ancient Egypt. PdÄ 33. Leiden: Brill, 2017. Silverman, D.P. The tomb chamber of ḫsw the Elder. The inscribed material at Kom el-Hisn. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1988. Silverman, D.P. “Inscriptions of the tomb of Nehri ii at El Bersheh.” In Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia, Turin, 1st–8th September 1991. Abstracts of Papers, S. Curto et al., eds., 445–446. Turin: iae, 1991. Silverman, D.P. “Coffin Texts from Bersheh, Kom el Hisn and Mendes.” In The world of the Coffin Texts, H. Willems, ed., 137–141. EgUit 9. Leiden: nino, 1996. Valloggia, M. Balat i. Le mastaba de Medou-nefer, Fasc. i (texte). fifao 31/1. Cairo: ifao, 1986. Vandier, J. “Deux textes religieux du Moyen Empire.” In Festschrift für Siegfried Schott zu seinem 70. Geburtstag am 20. August 1967, W. Helck, ed. 121–124. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1968. Willems, H. Chests of life. A study of the typology and conceptual development of Middle Kingdom standard class coffins. mveol 25. Leiden: nino, 1988. Willems, H. The Coffin of Heqata (Cairo 36418). A case study of Egyptian funerary culture of the Early Middle Kingdom. ola 70. Leuven: Peeters, 1996.

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Willems, H. Dayr al-Barsha i. The rock tombs of Djehutinakht (17K74/1), Khnumnakht (17K74/2) and Iha (17K74/3). ola 155. Leuven: Peeters, 2007. Willems, H. Les Textes des Sarcophages et la démocratie. Éléments d’une histoire culturelle du Moyen Empire égyptien; quatre conférences présentées à l’ ephe, Section des Sciences Religieuses, Mai 2006. Paris: Cybéle, 2008. Willems, H. “Nomarchs and local potentates. The provincial administration in the Middle Kingdom.” In Ancient Egyptian administration, J.C. Moreno García, ed., 341–392. HdO i/104. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Willems, H. Historical and archaeological aspects of Egyptian funerary culture. Religious ideas and ritual practice in Middle Kingdom elite cemeteries. chane, 73. Leiden: Brill, 2014. Zitman, M. The necropolis of Assiut. A case study of local Egyptian funerary culture from the Old Kingdom to the end of the Middle Kingdom i–ii. ola 180. Leuven: Peeters, 2010.

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chapter 8

The Non-use of Titles in the Early Middle Kingdom Wolfram Grajetzki University College London

Abstract People represented on early Middle Kingdom monuments are often shown with no titles. In literature, these people are often identified as middle class. While it seems likely that some kind of ‘middle class’ existed, there is no evidence to link those people with individuals who appear on monuments without titles. Instead, titles on monuments may not have been regarded as important for attaining the afterlife. The absence of titles might also be related to the reorganisation of the country and the title system during the reign of Mentuhotep ii, following the re-unification of Egypt.

1

Introduction

The decorated coffin of Heqata found at Qubbet el Hawa is one of the most recognizable coffins of the Middle Kingdom. This is in a large part thanks to the monograph written by Harco Willems dedicated to the coffin and its decoration.1 The style of the coffin fulfils all expectations with respect to provincial style. The figures are drawn out of proportion and the hieroglyphic texts on the outside are written with glyphs that are often not well drawn.2 A stela showing Heqata and some members of his family was found with the coffin.3 In contrast to the coffin, this is a work of high quality. It is datable on stylistic grounds to the early twelfth dynasty, most likely during the reign of Amenemhat i.4 Heqata was presumably a man of some standing and with significant wealth. In this light it might seem surprising that Heqata’s coffin does not bear any administrative or religious titles. Not one title is recorded for him on the coffin or on the stela. Based on this evidence it seems that Heqata did not hold any position in the local or central administration, or at the local temple. It seems reason1 2 3 4

Willems, The Coffin of Heqata. Willems, The Coffin of Heqata, 43–48, pls. 14–15. Cecil, “Report Done on the Work at Aswân”, 69–70, pl. 5. Freed, “A Private Stela from Naga ed-Deir and Relief Style of the Reigns of Amenemhet i”; Freed, “Stela Workshops of Early Dynasty 12”, 312–314; Willems, The Coffin of Heqata, 21–22.

© Wolfram Grajetzki, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_010

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able to ask if he was a member of a middle class,5 defined as those who did not belong to the royal or local administration, but rather gained his income by independent means that are not visible in the known sources. Upon looking at the sources in more detail, however, it becomes clear that there are numerous other monuments of the Middle Kingdom where the principal subject is not shown with titles. In fact, monuments naming people without titles are not uncommon throughout this period in different parts of Egypt. The evidence then indicates that, for the early Middle Kingdom, titles were not placed on monuments to the same extent as was the case for both the First Intermediate Period and the later Middle Kingdom.

2

The Evidence from Asyut, Sedment, and Beni Hasan

A striking example of the absence of titles on a group of monuments is the corpus of Middle Kingdom coffins found at Asyut. A very high percentage of those coffins do not bear any titles for the coffin owners. As they do carry long texts it would be hard to argue that this phenomenon relates to a lack of space. In a thorough study of the Middle Kingdom material from Asyut, Marcel Zitman noted this phenomenon and remarked how very few of the early Middle Kingdom coffins from Asyut included titles among their inscriptions. For the time leading up to and during the reign of Senwosret i, Zitman listed only nine coffins where the owner bears a title. There are three ‘treasurers’ (i҆my-r ḫtmt), one ‘overseer of troops’, one ‘overseer of ships’, one ‘steward’, and three women with priestly titles.6 For coffins of later dates there are more titles attested on coffins and other objects, although fewer coffins survived.7 An even more radical picture appears when looking at the First Intermediate and Middle Kingdom coffins found at Sedment. Flinders Petrie and Guy Brunton published eight coffins that most likely date to the end of the First Intermediate Period and to the very early Middle Kingdom. The latest tombs there seem to belong to the reign of Senwosret i. Evidence of the later twelfth dynasty burials seems to be missing from the cemetery. Not one of the coffins bears a title of the coffin owner. Some of the coffins also bear longer religious texts on the inside8 and so it would be difficult to argue that these fully decorated coffins belonged to less wealthy members of the local ruling class. 5 6 7 8

Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt, 41–42. Zitman, The Necropolis of Assiut, 233, 365. Zitman, The Necropolis of Assiut, 350. Petrie and Brunton, Sedment i, 18, 19A, 19B, 23–25, 27–28; for the date of the cemetery see Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 247–341; see also Arnold, “Pottery”, 144–145.

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the non-use of titles in the early middle kingdom table 8.1

225

Datable burials at Beni Hasan with titles; according to the pottery sequence

With title No title Percentage of people with no titles Stufe 19 Stufe 210 Stufe 311

3 7 15

3 15 11

50% 71 % 42 %

A more complicated case study is the site of Beni Hasan. About 800 burials were excavated there by John Garstang. The burials were placed in front of the tombs of the local oligarchs of the Middle Kingdom and the site contained a high number of coffins. In his summary excavation report, Garstang presented a list of names and titles from the excavated burials.12 As his publication provides only a selection of the total number of objects found, it remains difficult to accurately date the burials of the people interred there, but Stephan Seidlmayer was able to draw up a list of datable tombs mainly based on the associated pottery evidence.13 Sadly, a high number of burials that provided a name are not datable via the pottery evidence provided by Garstang, but it was, nevertheless, possible to obtain some useful results (see Table 8.1 above). The early Middle Kingdom trend at Asyut, of no placing titles on coffins, is also visible at Beni Hasan. In the earlier tombs at Beni Hasan, mainly those in ‘Stufe 2’ (stage 2), people often do not have titles. During the later ‘Stufe 3’, titles are more common. A clearer picture emerges when looking only at the coffins and their typology. Günter Lapp divided the coffins found at Beni Hasan into three period types: those of the ‘First Intermediate Period’, the ‘eleventh dynasty’, and ‘twelfth to thirteenth dynasties’. There is only one coffin of his ‘First Intermediate Period’ type. There are seven examples of the ‘eleventh dynasty’ type. Only three of those coffin owners bear titles, amounting to less than 50%. There are ten coffins of the ‘twelfth to thirteenth dynasty’ type, and only one of those has no title.14

9 10 11 12 13 14

Tombs 112, 263, 287, 507, 662, 861. Tombs 47, 90, 96, 116, 177, 180, 181, 271, 362, 564, 576, 577, 608, 612, 655, 717, 777. Tombs 16, 23, 61, 75, 81, 85, 120, 132, 140, 269, 360, 365, 393, 500, 545, 583, 711, 774, 850. Garstang, The Burial Customs, pls. 7–8 (compiled by Howard Carter). Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder, 229, table 64. Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern, 278–281 (list of coffins).

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The evidence should, however, be treated with caution. Seidlmayer’s ‘Stufe 1’ is only represented by six individuals. The dating of the tombs at Beni Hasan according to pottery is also highly problematic, as Garstang provided only very rough drawings of the pottery types recovered. Dating according to coffin styles seems more reliable, but not many of the Beni Hasan coffins are well published. Despite this, this small dataset remains useful as comparative evidence for assessing the archaeological record from the other sites.

3

Stelae

A second group of objects that provides useful information is the corpus of stelae. Rita Freed identified products from ten stele workshops that operated from the late eleventh dynasty up to the middle of the twelfth dynasty.15 Some of the stela groups can be directly dated from the presence of a king’s name on one or several of the stelae. Other workshops are datable less precisely on stylistic grounds. Freed compiled and assessed 123 stelae, providing a substantial and relatively closely datable dataset. Inevitably, some problems arise when comparing the products from the ten workshops. Some of the groups of stelae were found at several different sites in Upper Egypt, indicating that, while they might come from a single workshop, it issued its products to many different places within a wide region. Many stelae from the reign of Senwosret i onwards are from Abydos. The titles on them indicate that they frequently belonged to the highest status state officials from the royal court; people who existed on an entirely different hierarchical level compared to people whose stelae were found at more provincial sites who were certainly not high state officials. In these examples, it is clear that one workshop evidently supplied products to people of different social levels. Some of the provincial items belonged to local people from the lowest social strata who were only just able to afford a stela, while for a court official the stela might be just one monument among many others. Despite these challenges, the general trend already observed on the Asyut coffins and coffins from other sites is also visible here. A high proportion of the stelae dating to the late eleventh or early twelfth dynasties do not display any titles. Most importantly, the principal stela owner does not usually bear a title.

15

Freed, “Stela Workshops of Early Dynasty 12”, 297–336.

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Freed’s Workshop no. 1 operated in the late eleventh and early twelfth dynasties. She assigns six stelae to it. Not one person on any of these stelae bears a title, although the quality of craftsmanship is high in several instances. Most of them were found in Thebes indicating that the artists who decorated those stelae probably worked there. Freed noticed that the stelae are closely related in style to the reliefs in the tombs of the vizier Dagi and the high steward Meketre.16 This suggests that the stelae were made by the same artists, but also that the people depicted on the stelae lived in Thebes when it was still home to the royal court. Workshop no. 2 consists of fourteen stelae from different places in Upper Egypt, ranging from Abydos and Dendera to Thebes. On nine stelae, the owner does not bear any titles.17 The dates of manufacture of the products of Workshop no. 3 cluster around year 9 of the reign of Senwosret i, and the individuals depicted on its five stelae seem to be associated mainly with the ‘overseer of troops’ Nesmonth. It seems plausible that they might all have been erected following a single military expedition. On all but one the stelae owner bears a title. Four stelae belong to workshop 4. There are titles on two of these. The workshop is again datable to around year 9 of the reign of Senwosret i.18 Workshop no. 5 is assigned only four stelae. One of them belonged to Heqata from Qubbet el-Hawa who is mentioned above. Another stela of this group comes from Abydos. On two, no titles are mentioned. The group dates to the reign of Amenemhat i and perhaps to the reign of Senwosret i. A year 10 of Senwosret is mentioned on one stela.19 The eight stelae of workshop no. 6 all come from Abydos.20 Four of them belonging to the ‘high steward’ (i҆my-r pr wr) Hor.21 The owners have titles on all the stelae. With the ‘high steward’ Hor, the stelae beneficiaries listed belonged to the highest echelons of the royal court. Workshop no. 7 is assigned thirteen stelae, datable to around year 10 of Senwosret i. Five of the stelae owners do not bear any titles.22 All the stelae with 16 17 18 19 20 21

22

Freed, “Stela Workshops of Early Dynasty 12”, 299–302. Freed, “Stela Workshops of Early Dynasty 12”, 302–307. Freed, “Stela Workshops of Early Dynasty 12”, 310–312. Freed, “Stela Workshops of Early Dynasty 12”, 312–314. Freed, “Stela Workshops of Early Dynasty 12”, 314–317. Franke, Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich, 268, dossier no. 424. Stela Leiden V2 belongs to the ‘overseer of seal bearers’ (imy-r ḫtmtiw) Emhat. In the late Middle Kingdom the ‘overseer of seal bearers’ worked very closely with the ‘high steward’ (see Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, 115). Stela London bm 585 belongs to the ‘steward’ (imy-r pr) Sarenenut. The ‘steward’ was again an official closely related to the ‘high steward’. It might be the case that all the people of this workshop belonged to the administration of the ‘high steward’. These stelae might have been produced on one occasion within a very short time span. The concept of ‘workshop’ evidently does not really seem to work here. Cairo cg 20263, Cairo cg 20708, Louvre C32, Cairo cg 20400, Berkeley Hearst 5–352.

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table 8.2

Workshop

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Percentage of stelae owners with titles, from each of the ten early Middle Kingdom workshops

Percentage of stela owner with titles 0% 30% 83% 25% 25 % 87% 61% 90% 100% 66 %

Date

Late 11th—early 12th dynasty Early 12th dynasty About year 9 Senwosret i Year 30 Amenemhat i/year 10 Senwosret i early 12th dynasty Around year 9 Senwosret i Senwosret i Senwosret i Senwosret i—Amenemhat ii Amenemhat ii

a provenance come from Abydos. Workshop no. 8 is assigned ten stelae.23 The principal person commemorated bears is title-less on only one of them.24 The stelae date to the reign of Senwosret i. Workshop group no. 9 comprises fourteen stelae. On all of those stelae the principal owner bears a title. The stelae date to the reign of Senwosret i and to the beginning of the reign of Amenemhat ii. Those stelae with a provenance are all from Abydos.25 Workshop no. 10 is assigned twenty-six stelae, of which one is unpublished26 and another is partly destroyed.27 Of the remaining stelae there are eight with no titles for the stelae owner. On two stelae the principal person commemorated does not bear any titles, but family members do.28 Freed only presents stelae workshops from the very end of the eleventh dynasty and up to the reign of Amenemhat ii. Three additional later groups of stelae and other objects are presented below in order to facilitate a clearer understanding of later developments of these objects.

23 24 25 26 27 28

Freed, “Stela Workshops of Early Dynasty 12”, 320–323. Turin 1534. Freed, “Stela Workshops of Early Dynasty 12”, 323–327. Paris, Louvre C 172. Cairo cg 20063. Cairo cg 20526; cg 20567.

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Percentage of stelae owners with titles on products in ten early Middle Kingdom workshops

3.1 Esna John Garstang found several stelae while excavating a cemetery near Esna. Although it is difficult to provide dates with any degree of certainty, the stelae appear to date from the late Middle Kingdom and up to the Second Intermediate Period (sixteenth dynasty). Dorothy Downes published Garstang’s excavation details and the stelae in 1974. Downes listed and described sixteen stelae,29 and a seventeenth one that dates from a significantly later period.30 One stela was badly preserved and there were no names or titles visible on it.31 On twelve of the stelae the primary person commemorated appears with a title. On only three stelae is the primary person represented with no title.32 The evidence from Esna is of special interest as the cemetery had a similar social and regional context to the other provincial cemeteries presented here. 3.2 Harageh Harageh is an archaeological umbrella-name covering a series of cemeteries at the entrance to the Faiyum that were excavated by Reginald Engelbach in 1913.33 The burials date to different periods of Egyptian history. The wealthiest burials uncovered date to the late Middle Kingdom, perhaps more precisely to the late twelfth dynasty. Inscriptions providing information on names and titles were found on stelae, coffins, canopic jars, and canopic boxes. Seventeen objects carry names. 29 30 31 32 33

Downes, The Excavations at Esna 1905–1906, 67–83. Downes, The Excavations at Esna 1905–1906, 84. Downes, The Excavations at Esna 1905–1906, 67. Downes, The Excavations at Esna 1905–1906, 71–72 (97E), 77 (236E), 78 (247E). Engelbach, Harageh.

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table 8.3

Titles on different object types found at Harageh

Title(s) No title Canopic boxes34 Canopic jars35 Coffins36 Stelae37 Statues38 Total

1 3 7 11

1 3 1 1 6

About 65% of the people owning inscribed objects that were found at Harageh are attested with a title. For men, these include various administrative positions, while for women the title is always ‘lady of the house’ (nbt-pr). Harageh was perhaps the cemetery of the settlement at Lahun.39 In that case the social milieu would not strictly be provincial, because court officials are attested at both Harageh and Lahun. 3.3 Abydos In 2010 Marcel Marée published a group of stelae, reliefs, and statues dating to the Second Intermediate Period, coming from a workshop at Abydos. He presented forty objects;40 five of them so damaged that no titles nor names of owners were preserved. One stela belongs to a king, leaving a total of thirty-four objects relevant to the current analysis. The principal person commemorated bears no title on only six of them, or 17% of the people in the group. It is interesting to note that out of the six cases of people represented with no titles, four are on statuettes. These statuettes are rather small (between 14.7 and 20 cm tall), which may indicate simply that there was not adequate space left for titles on the back pillar, where they would typically appear.

34 35 36 37 38 39 40

Engelbach, Harageh, pl. 64. Engelbach, Harageh, pl. 75 (2–4). Engelbach, Harageh, pls. 65 (2), 70, 75 (1). Engelbach, Harageh, pls. 71–74 (3–4), 75 (5). Engelbach, Harageh, pl. 74 (2). Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt, 93. Marée, “A Sculpture Workshop at Abydos from the Late Sixteenth or Early Seventeenth Dynasty,” 242–247.

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Tomb Chapel Decoration

Another type of monument worth investigating for comparative titles are decorated tomb-chapels. Beni Hasan and Meir are currently the two Middle Kingdom cemeteries that have the highest number of recovered, decorated, and published tomb-chapels. In the tomb-chapels of the governors at Meir, officials are shown, but not as frequently as in other tombs of the same period, such as in the tomb-chapel of Khnumhotep ii at Beni Hasan, or in that of Djehutyhotep at el-Bersheh. The other tombs of governors at el-Bersheh are too poorly preserved to carry out a comparison. Furthermore, the group at Meir only covers the twelfth dynasty, therefore, it may be more informative to focus on the tombs at Beni Hasan as they include examples from the eleventh and twelfth dynasty, and are the best preserved and published. Nine tomb chapels at Beni Hasan still have major parts of their decoration preserved. The following list is in chronological order and comprises the people shown in the tomb as well as the tomb owner. Tomb 15—Baket (iii), eleventh dynasty, only family members mentioned.41 Tomb 17—Khety, eleventh dynasty, only family members are named; no captions for other people.42 Tomb 27—Ramushenty, eleventh dynasty, no other people mentioned.43 Tomb 29—Baket (i), eleventh dynasty, only family members are named; no captions for other people.44 Tomb 33—Baket (ii), eleventh dynasty, only family members are named; no captions for other people.45 Tomb 14—Khnumhotep (i), twelfth dynasty, circa reign Amenemhat i, family members and two priests depicted, identified by names and titles.46 Tomb 2—Amenemhat, twelfth dynasty, circa reign Amenemhat ii, family and a high number of officials are depicted, and identified by names and titles.47 Tomb 23—Netjernakht, mid twelfth dynasty, only family members mentioned.48 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

Newberry, Beni Hasan ii, 43–44. Newberry, Beni Hasan ii, 53. Newberry, Beni Hasan ii, 30 (tomb decoration is not well preserved). Newberry, Beni Hasan ii, 32. Newberry, Beni Hasan ii, 37–38. Newberry, Beni Hasan i, 82–83. Newberry, Beni Hasan i, 14–19. Newberry, Beni Hasan ii, 27–28. According to an inscription, the tomb was made for him by Khnumhotep (ii). The decoration is, therefore, perhaps just reduced to the essentials.

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Tomb 3—Khnumhotep (ii), twelfth dynasty, circa reign Senwosret ii, family and many officials are depicted, identified by names and titles.49 The evidence from the tomb chapels at Beni Hasan is clear. In the tombs of the eleventh dynasty governors, only the tomb owner and the tomb owner’s family members are represented with names and titles. Officials and servants of these governors might be shown, but they do not have names or titles. The picture is radically different during the twelfth dynasty. The tomb chapels of Amenemhat and Khnumhotep (ii) show long rows of officials, most of them identified with names and titles. The picture is not consistent, however, for tombs in other locations. There are some variations to these trends, such as in the tomb of the eleventh dynasty vizier Dagi at Thebes, where some ‘seal bearers’ (ḫtmw) are shown in front of Dagi with names and titles.50 A number of priests might also be present in the decoration of the largely destroyed tomb of the ‘overseer of troops’, Antef, also in Thebes.51

5

Discussion

Many people depicted on monuments dating to the eleventh dynasty and early twelfth dynasty, and more specifically the late eleventh dynasty and the reign of Amenemhat i, do not bear any titles. The reason for the general absence of titles on private early Middle Kingdom monuments can only be guessed at, but it seems to be a phenomenon associated with people who did not belong to the highest levels of society. The local governors buried at Meir, Beni Hasan, Asyut, or Deir el-Bersheh still bore titles on their monuments, so the question arises whether the people without titles in inscriptions held positions in real life and did not express them on their monuments, or whether they simply had no titles.52 Most probably, these people had some role in life and that task doubtless had a name, but it was not cited in their inscriptions. This seems to be different approach to that taken during the late Middle Kingdom and even the Second Intermediate Period, when monuments of a ‘washerman’ (rḫty) and of a ‘master of the maid-servants of Onuris’ (ḥry wbꜣwt nt i҆n-ḥrt) were made.53 During the Middle Kingdom a certain demand to place titles on monuments 49 50 51 52

53

Newberry, Beni Hasan i, 43–51. Davies, Five Theban Tombs, pl. 33. Jaroš-Deckert, Das Grab des Inj-jtj.f. Band iii, pl. 27.431 (a sem priest?), 395 (ḫri-ḥꜣb). Evidently this raises the question, what is a title? For answers see, Quirke, “Horn, Feather and Scale, and Ships: On Titles in the Middle Kingdom”, 665–676; and idem, Titles and bureaux, 1–5. Marée, “A Sculpture Workshop”, 244 (e), 245 (k).

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seems to have emerged, something that was not seen as so essential in the early Middle Kingdom. This trend may be correlated with the demand for greater precision in expressing identity that seems to be evident in the later Middle Kingdom in general.54 One of the most prominent examples of this precision is the common appearance of double naming on monuments and documents of that period,55 a feature that is even found with the thirteenth dynasty pharaohs (this had been interpreted as expressing filiation, but the bulk of contemporary documents contradict this56). One interesting case is of a man called Gemniemhat, known from his undisturbed burial and false door found at Saqqara.57 The name Gemni appeared on the coffin within his burial chamber, but there was no sign of any title. The false door of Gemni (here also called Gemniemhat) is also preserved and there he bears long title strings that include a position at the pyramid of king Merikare. His main title was ‘steward’ (i҆my-r pr), but he also bore the ranking titles ‘royal seal bearer’ (ḫtmty-bi҆ty) and ‘sole friend’ (smr-wꜥty), announcing a high social status, perhaps even within the administration of the state as a whole.58 For unknown reasons, Gemniemhat decided not to place any of these titles on his coffin. Without his false door he would appear in the archaeological record as somebody without a title, similar to Heqata from Qubbet el-Hawa. The chronology of Gemniemhat’s life and burial is disputed, but the different proposals range from the late First Intermediate Period59 to the early Middle Kingdom.60 The case of Gemniemhat does, however, show that a missing title on an object does not necessarily mean that the person did not hold any titles. It can only be surmised why Gemniemhat had no titles on his coffins, but one hypothesis is that he was promoted to the positions recorded on the false door only after his coffins were made. In that case there would still remain the question of why an affluent person without a title was able to afford a fully decorated coffin set. Another possibility is that it was not seen as important to place titles 54 55 56 57

58 59 60

Berlev, Obshchestvennye otnosheniya v Egipte epokhi srednego tsarstva, 42–48 (discussing the title ‘steward’ and its variations). Vernus, Le surnom au Moyen Empire. See the discussion: Quirke, “In the Name of the King”, 263–264; Franke, “The Late Middle Kingdom (Thirteenth to Seventeenth Dynasties)”, 270, no. 9. Firth and Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, 52–54, 187, 227–231, 267–269, and pls. 22–31. However, see also the discussion by Dorothea Arnold who argues that Gemni(emhat) known from the false door and Gemni known from his burial are two different people. Arnold, “The Architecture of Meketre’s Slaughterhouse and Other Early Twelfth Dynasty Wooden Models”, 42. James Allen (“The High Officials of the Early Middle Kingdom”, 17) places him in the sequence of high stewards at the royal court. Daoud, Necropoles Memphiticae, 111–115; Brovarski, “False Doors and History”, 365–372. Allen, “The High Officials of the Early Middle Kingdom”, 17 (Amenemhat i).

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on coffins, as nobody would witness them, whereas the false door was a highly visible object constructed for the living. This argument seems extremely weak, however, when all the inscriptions including titles found within tomb chambers from the different centuries of Egyptian history are considered. In almost all periods it was common to place titles on objects destined for the burial chamber; all of which would not be visible for the living in posterity. Another good example of a person without titles who did not belong to a middle class is Neheri born of Tjat. He is known from a stela found at tomb 360 at Beni Hasan. Neheri was the son of Khnumhotep ii, one of the local governors buried there, and his life can, therefore, be dated to the reign of Senwosret ii or slightly later.61 Neheri is shown on the stela with a side lock, identifying him as a child. Evidently, he died when young, and most likely before he could reach any formal position with a title. Neheri belonged to the family of the local oligarchs, and so he was certainly not middle class, but he does not bear a title on his monument. Titles and the use of titles over time both changed. The typical title string of an Old Kingdom vizier62 is quite different to that of a Middle Kingdom vizier,63 and again different to the title string of a New Kingdom vizier. It often remains problematic to explain these changes. Do they reflect reforms in the administrative roles or are new titles just indicative of a change of terminology? How much does a change of expression reflect a new ideology? The same type of questions arise for cases when people did not include titles on monuments. Does this reflect a new reality, or had the ‘rules’ for placing titles on monuments changed? The example of Gemniemhat shows that the absence of titles on a monument does not necessarily mean that the person bore no titles in life. There are indications that the administration of Egypt was thoroughly reorganised during the reign of Mentuhotep ii, perhaps after the unification of the country. This is demonstrated by the installation of a new royal court and the re-introduction of the office of vizier.64 The office is well attested from the Old Kingdom but there is little evidence of it from the First Intermediate Period. It is harder to see what changed in the provincial administrations. In general, it seems that Middle Kingdom title strings for lower-level officials are very short, just naming the main function or role of the individual. In the First Intermediate Period, lower-level officials often had long title strings including ranking titles such as i҆ry-pꜥt, ḥꜣty-ꜥ, ḫtmty-bi҆ty, and smr-wꜥty, as attested on the stelae 61 62 63 64

Garstang, Burial Customs, 187–188; Grajetzki, Court Officials, 139, fig. 57. Strudwick, The Administration of Egypt, 306–312. Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, 34–36. Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 148–153; Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, 236–237.

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found at Naga ed-Deir.65 During the early Middle Kingdom, perhaps shortly after the unification, the ranking titles disappeared from the monuments of officials. It might tentatively be argued that the pharaoh restricted the use of ranking titles to those in the higher levels of society, to emphasise the importance of those positions.66 In that case it seems reasonable to ask if the use of other titles was also regulated. It could be the case that only certain titles were still held or placed on monuments. Perhaps titles just describing a ‘task’ or occupation were seen as unsuitable for inclusion, or simply unnecessary, something that then changed over the course of the twelfth dynasty, until even quite simple titles were included on monuments. All too often the absence of titles has been taken as evidence for a growing middle class, but the phenomenon can also be explained in an entirely different way or even as evidence of quite the contrary. These people without titles in inscriptions need not be those with an independent income from outside of the royal or provincial administration.67 The example of Gemniemhat shows that even an official employed at the highest level of society did not bear titles on all his monuments. Other examples show how difficult it can be to interpret the negative evidence of title-less inscriptions as indicative of anything in particular. Detlef Franke discussed the social background of Sarenput i, local governor at Elephantine during the reign of Senwosret i. His father and grandfather do not bear any titles on the surviving monuments erected by their son and grandson. Franke interprets this as evidence that Sarenput was a ‘homo novus’ or ‘parvenu’, a man newly emerging from a lower status background.68 The only thing that can really be said for certain, however, is that they had no titles on their preserved monuments. As has been shown here, the absence of titles on monuments was common at the end of the eleventh and the beginning of the twelfth dynasty and that this appears to fit into the social pattern of the period. Without further evidence, there is no way of knowing anything about the functional roles of these men during their lifetimes. While it seems likely that some kind of ‘middle class’ existed,69 there is no evidence to link middle class people with those individuals who appear on monuments without titles. Especially for the early Middle Kingdom, titles on 65 66 67 68

69

Dunham, Naga-ed-Deir Stelae. Grajetzki, “Der Gebrauch von Rangtiteln”, 161–170. Already proposed in Erman in Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, 149–150; and later in Breasted, A History of The Ancient Egyptians, 146. Franke, Das Heiligtum des Heqaib, 10. The situation is comparable to the New Kingdom when officials in filiations are only called ‘zab’, although in reality they once held the highest state positions; see also Raedler, “Die Wesire Ramses’ ii.-Netzwerke der Macht”, 277–416. Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt (for a more archaeological approach).

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monuments may not have been regarded as important for reaching the afterlife. Within the wider context of the Old and Middle Kingdom, this seems rather strange, as titles frequently appear on monuments from these periods when taken as a whole. As discussed here, the differences and variations may be related to the reorganisation of the country and title system during the reign of Mentuhotep ii following the re-unification of Egypt.

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Quirke, S. Titles and bureaux of Egypt 1850–1700bc. ghp Egyptology 1. London: ghp, 2004. Quirke, S. “In the name of the king: on late Middle Kingdom Cylinders.” In Timeline, Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak, E. Czerny, I. Hein, H. Hunger, D. Melman, and A. Schwab, eds., 263–274. ola 149. Leuven-Paris-Dudley: Peeters, 2006. Raedler, C. “Die Wesire Ramses’ ii.-Netzwerke der Macht.” In Das ägyptische Königtum im Spannungsfeld zwischen Innen- und Außenpolitik im 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., R. Gundlach and A. Klug, eds., 277–416. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004. Richards, J. Society and Death in Ancient Egypt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Seidlmayer, S.J. Gräberfelder aus dem Übergang vom Alten zum Mittleren Reich, Studien zur Archäologie der Ersten Zwischenzeit. saga 1. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1990. Strudwick, N. The Administration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom. Studies in Egyptology. London: kpi Limited, 1985. Vernus, P. Le surnom au Moyen Empire. Studia Pohl 13. Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1986. Willems, H. The Coffin of Heqata (Cairo JdE 36418), A Case Study of Egyptian Funerary Culture of the Early Middle Kingdom. ola 70. Leuven: Peeters, 1996. Zitman, M. The Necropolis of Assiut, A Case Study of Local Egyptian Funerary Culture from the Old Kingdom to the End of the Middle Kingdom. ola 180. Leuven-ParisWalpole: Peeters, 2010.

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chapter 9

“Co-regencies” in the First Upper Egyptian Nome during the Twelfth Dynasty Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano Universidad de Jaén

Juan Carlos Sánchez-León Universidad de Jaén

Abstract The aim of the present study is to assess the possibility of the existence of “co-regencies” in the local court of Elephantine during the twelfth dynasty. This idea was first suggested in the 1990s following the publication of two seal-impressions found in Elephantine that mention the name of two consecutive governors of the late twelfth dynasty; Ameny-Seneb and Khakaure-Seneb. Further evidence of possible “co-regencies” has been found in the cases of Ankhu and his father Sarenput ii, and Heqaib i and his father Sarenput i. All these instances are discussed in order to argue for the existence of this mechanism of succession and the institution known to the ancient Egyptians as the “staff of old age”. When appropriately interpreted, it becomes clear that the material evidence indicates the existence of “co-regencies” of governors in Elephantine. The most notable evidence appears in monumental inscriptions and on sealimpressions.

1

Introduction

The existence of royal co-regencies during the twelfth dynasty was broadly accepted until the 1990s when Claude Obsomer1 questioned the historicity of such interpretations for the Middle Kingdom, especially for the supposed co-regency of Amenemhat i and Senwosret i. Although some scholars supported his alternative interpretation and made some additional supporting

1 Obsomer, Sésostris Ier, 35–145.

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arguments,2 the debate faded out following the study published by JansenWinkeln that seemed to confirm the existence of the co-regencies,3 which was in turn followed by others that drew similar conclusions.4 Away from the main royal power center, there is substantial evidence that some provincial governors were followed by their sons in dynastic lineages. In some cases, fathers and eldest sons were systematically described with the same titles; governor, ḥꜣtj-ꜥ, and overseer of the priests, jmj-r ḥmw nṯr. This was already noted for Elephantine and was explained by Franke as an “Ehrentitel oder antizipatorisch”; an honorary or anticipatory title, in particular with respect to Sarenput i and Sarenput ii’s sons.5 Despite this interpretation, the evidence also opens up the possibility that both father and son might have shared power during an overlapping period of rule, which would have emulated royal co-regencies. It was William J. Murnane6 who first identified the concept of the “staff of old age” as being associated with the institution of royal co-regencies: “Occasionally throughout the history of ancient Egypt it became politically expedient to recognize two persons simultaneously as pharaoh. Usually this arrangement conformed to the Egyptian ideal of the “staff of old age”, whereby an elder functionary was assisted by a younger man whom he trained to succeed him in office (see below). In a co-regency, the father elevated his heir apparent to full kingship in order to ensure a smooth transition and to transfer to the junior partner those duties (such as military leadership) that the senior partner found too taxing. Such partnerships operated in a wide variety of circumstances, and they occurred not only between fathers and sons but also among siblings or other members of the royal family”. This concept, referred to as a temporary administrative situation, might also have been applied in the provinces. There, the highest authorities were the nomarchs and governors, and they too may have been assisted temporally by eldest sons in the performance of official tasks, until the father’s death. The

2 Vandersleyen, L’ Égypte et la vallée du Nil. Tome 2, 50–52, 54–55; Grimal, “Corégence et association au trône: l’Enseignement d’ Amenemhat Ier”, 276. 3 Jansen-Winkeln, “Zu den Koregenzen der 12. Dynastie”. 4 Uphill, “The Question of Pharaonic Co-regency”, 82. See also a synthesis of the debate in Murnane, “Coregency”, 307–311; Schneider, “The Relative Chronology of the Middle Kingdom and the Hyksos Periods (Dyns. 12–17)”, 170–172, with references. In contrast, there are still some authors who do not subscribe to the theory of the existence of co-regencies, cf. Tallet, Sésostris iii, 265–272; Lorand, Arts et Politique, 1–2. 5 Franke, Das Heiligtum des Heqaib, 48. 6 Murnane, “Coregency”, 307.

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eldest sons would then take over as successors, and they would have inherited the political responsibilities with the king’s approval. As El-Din affirms:7 “In Ancient Egypt, office was considered a royal authority conveyed to the individuals, so there were no rules for office succession. In spite of that, there was a manifested tendency throughout the history of Ancient Egypt that the son should occupy the “seat” nst (i.e. the position) of his father. Especially the “eldest son” sꜣ smsw who was considered as sꜣ.f mrjj.f m ẖt.f “his beloved son from his body” and the essential heir i҆wꜥ of his father. He was probably the same one who was chosen to be a “mdw-jꜣwj” [“staff of old age”] and thus he became a participant in his father’s work (…) and at the same time his heir. Thus the title reflects the close relationship between the father and his son who is going to succeed him in both his social and official duties”. In this respect, J. Assmann8 stated that the transition from heir to successor happened when the son received the temporary status of “staff of old age” from the pharaoh. From that moment onwards he would share the main administrative titles and the position with his father: “Der auf Versorgung gegründete Autoritätsabstand zwischen Vätern und Söhnen tendiert dazu, sich zu verringern bis schließlich der zum Amtsnachfolger herangewachsene Erbsohn als sog. “Stab des Alters” seinerseits die Versorgung der Vaters übernimmt.” This author again argued:9 “Denn zugleich mit der Unterweisung qualifiziert er seinen Sohn für das Amt des Vaters, er schafft sich in ihm einem “Stab des Alters”, d. h. einem Amtsnachfolger, den er noch selbst einweisen und der ihm schon während seiner eigenen Amtsausübung zur Seite stehen kann.” Thus, father and son were always holders of the highest title: ḥꜣtj-ꜥ. According to McDowell,10 the royal co-regencies and the institution of the “staff of old age” worked similarly and shared the same purposes: “The institution of the “staff of old age” safeguarded the father’s independence and also guaranteed the son’s succession; in this respect, the arrangement was similar to that of co-regency in the royal family. We have no idea how widespread the practice was, or whether it was the usual means of coping with the capacities of old age for officials (…)”. The status of having a “staff of old age” was doubtless temporary and it was never considered an official title. In fact, a deceased is never described as having been a mdw-jꜣwj.11 This role, nevertheless, required a royal appoint7 8 9 10 11

Shehab El-Din, “The Title , ‘the Staff of Old Age’,” 60. Assmann, “Das Bild des Vaters im Alten Ägypten”, 18. Assmann, “Das Bild des Vaters im Alten Ägypten”, 24. McDowell, “Legal Aspects of the Care”, 203. Shehab El-Din, “The Title , ”, 64.

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ment,12 perhaps after a petition from the senior official. Ptahhotep, in his Instructions, requests the king to allow his son to assist him after the deterioration of his physical condition due to old age:13 “Let your servant be ordered to make a “staff of old age,” and I will tell him the speech of listeners, the ways of forebears who once listened to the gods”. Fischer14 and Shehab El-Din15 considered that this concept of filial aid to the father is only evidenced from the Middle Kingdom, when the expression became conventional during the twelfth dynasty.16 MacDowell17 pointed out that this expression is only attested in the highest levels of the state administration, which included the roles of viziers, high priests, and governors. All the sources show that these appointments had implicit governmental responsibilities, especially those that were normally the responsibility of the father.

2

The Governor Khakaure-Seneb, Governor Ameny-Seneb’s Heir at the End of the Twelfth Dynasty

In 1996, Cornelius von Pilgrim published a large number of seal-impressions discovered in Elephantine.18 Among them were some very interesting ones that mentioned two governors who ruled during the late twelfth dynasty; AmenySeneb and Khakaure-Seneb. Of particular interest was one seal impression that had been stamped with the two different seals at the same time.19 The texts read:

12 13

14 15 16

17 18 19

McDowell, “Legal Aspects of the Care”, 201. A recent edition, transliteration, and translation is in Allen, Middle Egyptian Literature, 168–169, lines 28–32, with references. Regarding Ptahhotep, Allen (id., 161) proposes that he was “a vizier (…), who is said to have served under King Izezi of Dyn. v (2375 bc)”. Fischer, “Some Iconographic and Literary Comparisons,” 158–159. de, 64. Blumenthal, “Ptahotep und der “Stab des Alters””, 91, traced the origins of the title “staff of old age” in expressions used during the First Intermediate Period and the early Middle Kingdom. The textual references regarding the “staff of old age” have been analysed by Blumenthal (ibid.), and Shehab El-Din, “The Title , ”; and more recently in Janssen and Janssen, Growing and Getting Old, 204–210; and Shirley, The Culture of Officialdom, 64–69. McDowell, “Legal Aspects of the Care”, 201. Von Pilgrim, Elephantine xviii, 231–284. Von Pilgrim, Elephantine xviii, figs. 93e, 98/1–2, pl. 38p. This find is exceptional because of the presence of two seal-impressions; for other seals, see Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals.

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ḥꜣtj-ꜥ jmj-r ḥmw nṯr Jmnjj-snb ḫtm jḫ.wt ḫtm pr-šnꜥ ḥꜣtj-ꜥ jmj-r ḥmw nṯr ḫꜥ-kꜣw-Rꜥ-snb mꜣꜥ-ḫrw Ameny-Seneb had an official seal that mentioned the functions and the institutions: ḫtm jḫ.wt ḫtm pr-šnꜥ “sealer of the produce (and) sealer of the store”. Khakaure-Seneb’s seal, on the other hand, did not mention any specific administrative institution.20 The “building [where they were found] was obviously built for storing goods for a short time, mainly or solely food. The seal impressions of the governors of Elephantine found here indicate that the highest local authorities were involved in the administration of the building. (…) The building was therefore possibly a place where food was collected and stored for a short time to be given to certain people who were most likely working for the state”.21 It is noteworthy that the use of both seal-impressions demonstrates that Ameny-Seneb and Khakaure-Seneb were alive at the same time, worked in the same contexts, and held the same administrative titles: ḥꜣtj-ꜥ jmj-rꜣ ḥmw nṯr. It is also well established that the highest officials of Elephantine held these titles during the twelfth dynasty.22 The presence of both seal-impressions of these governors together on one seal is uncommon and has led to several interesting interpretations, some of which were noted by Cornelius Von Pilgrim, who discovered the seal. The first hypothesis is that Khakaure-Seneb ruled the first nome after Ameny-Seneb, an order of succession that was more or less established by historians, but not materially shown.23 The second interpretation suggests that there was a period when the two governors ruled Elephantine at the same time. This type of government was described by Von Pilgrim24 as a transitional period arrangement during which Khakaure-seneb assisted his father in the official tasks of government (as “staff of old age”). According to this scholar,25 Khakaure-Seneb was confirmed and legitimized by the king (Amenemhat iii) as the nominated suc-

20 21 22 23

24 25

Von Pilgrim, Elephantine xviii, 251. Wolfram Grajetzki, The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt, 83. For more details, see Von Pilgrim, Elephantine xviii, 282–284. Franke, Das Heiligtum des Heqaib, 48. Regarding the succession between Ameny-Seneb and Khakaure-Seneb, see Franke, Das Heiligtum des Heqaib, 48, 62–63. Confirmation of the succession between both governors was proposed by Von Pilgrim, Elephantine xviii, 252, and was also presumed by Haeny; see Habachi, The Sanctuary of Heqaib, 150. Elephantine xviii, 251–252. Von Pilgrim, Elephantine xviii, 252.

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cessor to the office of his father, Ameny-Seneb. Some years later, Grajetzki26 went further and described it as “some kind of coregency, an institution so far only known for kings, but evidently copied by these officials”.

3

The Governor Ankhu, Sarenput ii’s Successor in the Middle of the Twelfth Dynasty

Sarenput ii was buried in a funerary complex catalogued as no. 31 in Qubbet el-Hawa. One of the highlights of the iconographic programs depicted there is a short idealized biography27 composed for Sarenput ii at the entrance of the main corridor. This was of a political and administrative nature and was addressed to the community. The scene28 shows Sarenput ii followed by his son Ankhu (Figure 9.1). Both exhibit some of their titles; the father jrj-pꜥt ḥꜣtj-ꜥ ḫtmtj-bjtj smr-wꜥtj jmj-rꜣ ḥmw-nṯr ẖnmw ḥr qbḥw, the son just with the title ḥꜣtj-ꜥ.29 As in the preceding case of Ameny-Seneb and Khakaure-Seneb’s seal-impressions, the father and the son were shown alive together, appearing in the same context, and both holding the highest administrative title, ḥꜣtj-ꜥ. Apart from this scene and others in the naos in Sarenput ii’s tomb, there are no other known representations of Ankhu. In fact, it is significant that no chapel or votive objects for Ankhu were discovered in the temple of Heqaib, the most sacred place for the ruling family of Elephantine. Similarly, there is no epigraphic record of him in the whole cataract region. The silence of the written sources can be interpreted as a consequence of a short period of rule by Ankhu, which was followed by a dynastic crisis. It was Heqaib ii’s subsequent appointment as governor of Elephantine that resolved that power vacuum.30

26 27 28

29

30

Grajetzki, The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt, 87. Urk. vii, 7.20–8.6. De Morgan, Bouriant, Legrain, Jéquier, and Barsanti, Catalogue des monuments, 154; Müller, Die Felsengräber der Fürsten von Elephantine, pl. 29; for a study and translation of the text, see Edel, Beiträge zu den Inschriften des Mittleren Reiches, 46–49. The title jmj-r ḥmw-nṯr is omitted. Concerning this title, see Willems, “The Nomarchs of the Hare Nome and Early Middle Kingdom History”, 84, who affirmed that the “function [of an jmj-r ḥmw-nṯr] was normally executed by nomarchs, but sometimes the son took over when the father was still in the office”. Sánchez-León and Jiménez-Serrano, “Sattjeni: Daughter, Wife and Mother of the Governors of Elephantine During the End of the Twelfth Dynasty”, and idem, “Keeping Provincial Power in the Lineage During the Twelfth Dynasty: The Case of Khema, Governor of Elephantine”.

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figure 9.1 Scene of Sarenput ii followed by his son Ankhu photographed by raúl fernández © universidad de jaén

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The Governor Heqaib i, Nomarch Sarenput i’s Heir at the Beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty

Cornelius von Pilgrim compared the relationship between the office of governor Khakaure-Seneb and his father Ameny-Seneb to that between Heqaib i and his father Sarenput i at the beginning of the twelfth dynasty:31 “Die vom König legitimierte Kontinuität in der Verwaltung durch die Nachfolge des Sohnes im Amt des Vaters ist auch in der ersten Familie, welche die Bürgermeister in Elephantine stellte, explicit belegt. So heißt es im Grab (Nr. 36) von Sarenput i. auf der Qubbet el-Hawa über dessen Sohn Heqaib: “den der König herrschen ließ auf dem Sitz seines Vaters””. The representations of Heqaib i accompanying his father Sarenput i are more numerous than the cases showing Ankhu and Khakaure-Seneb. Heqaib i is always mentioned with the titles of ḥꜣtj-ꜥ and jmj-r ḥmw-nṯr and is represented in a prominent position as the eldest son with respect to his brothers and sisters. This prominence is also complemented with an allusion to his status as receptor of the inheritance and successor of his father ( jwꜥ.f ). Two separate texts clearly confirm this. The first text was carved on the façade of Sarenput i’s tomb:32 sꜣ.f mr( jj).f nb n jšt.f nb(t) jwꜥ(w).f jqr [grg] pr.f ḥꜣtj-ꜥ Ḥqꜣ-jb jr.n Sꜣt-Ṯn( j) His elder son, his beloved, lord of all his property, his excellent successor, who establishes his house, the ḥꜣtj-ꜥ Heqaib, born of Sattjeni.

31 32

Von Pilgrim, Elephantine xviii, 252, n. 784. De Morgan, Bouriant, Legrain, Jéquier, and Barsanti, Catalogue des monuments, 188; Gardiner, “Inscriptions from the Tomb of Si-renpowet, Prince of Elephantine”, 136; Urk. vii, 7, 13–14; Müller, Die Felsengräber der Fürsten, fig. 6, pl. 7a.

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figure 9.2 Relief showing Heqaib i on the façade of his father Sarenput i’s funerary complex at Qubbet el-Hawa photographed by raúl fernández © universidad de jaén

The second text is in the naos erected in the temple of Heqaib at Elephantine, where Sarenput i also represented his nuclear family, i.e. his wife and daughters and sons. It is precisely here where his eldest son, Heqaib i, is shown in a prominent position:33

33

Habachi, Elephantine iv, 27, fig. 1k.

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sꜣ.f mrjj.f jwꜥ.f jqr grg pr.f nb ḫwt.f nb(w)t wꜣḥ kꜣ mrrw štt ḥꜣtj-ꜥ jmj-r ḥm(w)nṯr Ḥqꜣ-jb mꜣꜥ-ḫrw His son, his beloved, his excellent successor, who establishes his house, lord of all his goods, whose ka will endure, who Satet loves, the ḥꜣtj-ꜥ, the overseer of the priests Heqaib, mꜣꜥ-ḫrw. This sentence is almost identical to one carved by Sarenput i in the adjacent chapel that he erected for the divine Heqaib. In this text, Sarenput i requests the intercession of the deified Heqaib in the necropolis after refurnishing his temple:34

sꜣ.f mr( jj).f jwꜥ(w).f jḳr grg pr.f ḥꜣtj-ꜥ jmj-r ḥm(w)-nṯr Sꜣ-rnpwt His son, his beloved, his excellent successor, who establishes his house, the ḥꜣtj-ꜥ, the overseer of the priests, Sarenput.

34

Habachi, Elephantine iv, 30, fig. 3e, lines 5–7, pl. 15.

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The status of successor enjoyed by Heqaib i, seen in the first two texts, is reinforced and detailed by another text painted in the hall of pillars in Sarenput i’s tomb (Pillar se, East face).35 The key aspect of this inscription is the role played by the king in Heqaib i’s appointment as ḥꜣtj-ꜥ:

figure 9.3 Edel’s reconstruction of Heqaib i’s depiction in the funerary chapel of Sarenput i (QH36) from edel, beitrage zu den inschriften des mittleren reiches, fig. 12

[sꜣ.f smsw mrjj.f ] grg pr.f sḥqꜣ[.n ns]w ḥr st [ jt.f ] jr.n.[ f m ḥꜣtj-ꜥ Ḥqꜣ-jb] smsw His son, his beloved, who establishes his house. The king has appointed (him) as ruler (sḥqꜣ.n) over the place of his father. He has made ḥꜣtj-ꜥ to Heqaib the eldest 35

First published by De Morgan, Bouriant, Legrain, Jéquier, and Barsanti, in Catalogue des monuments, 194; See also, Müller, Die Felsengräber der Fürsten, 44–45, fig. 19; Urk. vii, 7.4– 5. Reconstruction is from Edel, Beiträge zu den Inschriften des Mittleren Reiches, 42, fig. 12.

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The latter text is more precise because it mentions that it was the king who appointed him to the position of ḥꜣtj-ꜥ. It is important to remember that this inscription was inside the tomb of Sarenput i, which was decorated when both father and son were alive.36 Father and son, therefore, held the same title, ḥꜣtjꜥ. The three texts referring to Heqaib i have many elements in common, further indicating that Heqaib i received the official inheritance and was appointed by the king as the “staff of old age.” The text was also a political declaration addressed to the local community, as was the case for the scene painted in the corridor where Sarenput ii and Ankhu were represented together. In this scenario, the use of the verb sḥqꜣ, which appeared in the past tense (.n) is crucial. This can only be interpreted as a royal appointment of Heqaib i when Sarenput i was alive, and not as an anticipatory or honorific title as hypothesized by Franke.37 There is also a parallel example dated to the reign of Mentuhotep ii (2009–1959bc) where the courtier Antef (son of Tjefi) is described as follows:38

w( j) m-ẖnw nḫnt.j m dd nsw sj r jꜣtt.f m hꜣꜣ sj m st jt(.f ) I was then in the middle of my youth, when the king appoints a man to his office, when a man accesses to (his) father’s place It is noteworthy that the latter two texts (of Heqaib i and Antef) used the same paraphrase (st jt.f ) to express the fact that the son occupied the seat (i. e. position) of his father.39 It is quite probable then that after Sarenput i’s death it was Heqaib i who occupied the highest position in Elephantine, however, the lack of written documents or inscribed monuments has been interpreted as a consequence of a short period of rule. This traumatic situation, if it existed, was apparently worsened by the disappearance of Heqaib i’s younger brothers. To solve this vacuum of male members of the ruling family, the king appointed another local person

36 37 38 39

Habachi, Elephantine iv, 38, lines 17–18. Also, Sarenput i mentioned the construction of his tomb in his biography. See Urk. vii 2.9, 2.14. Franke, Das Heiligtum des Heqaib. mma 57.95, line 5. For the text and translation, see Landgráfová, It is My Good Name, 29; see also Fischer, “The Inscription of In-it.f, Born of Ṯfi”, 258–268. In this sense, see Shehab El-Din, “The Title , ”, 60.

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who had his confidence as official head of Elephantine, Ameny, thus solving this first dynastic crisis.40

5

Conclusions

It would not be extraordinary if the system of co-regency adopted by Amenemhat i was rapidly emulated by the local dynasties. It seems that this arrangement was favored by the king, at least for provinces like the first Upper Egyptian nome where new governors were appointed from the early twelfth dynasty onwards. This new era began after a short civil war when Amenemhat i ascended to the throne. It seems very likely that his non-royal origins (as usurper) led him to guarantee the succession of the throne through the institution of overlapping co-regencies.41 This system was not only a presentation of the co-regent of the new king for the transitional situation, but it was also a way to transmit power in order to save the dynastic lineage and the authority of the monarchy, menaced by potential internal and external threats. The existence of a system of “co-regency” in Elephantine, in which the junior “co-regent” was promoted to the same position as the senior “co-regent” through the institution of the system referred to as the “staff of old age” means that the palace transmitted a system from the centre of power to the periphery; one that had worked effectively from the final years of Amenemhat i’s reign onwards. The provincial co-regency was, however, not integrated into the royal ideology. In the case of Elephantine, some governors were represented living alongside their successors, acting in the same context, and holding the same administrative titles. The most important of these was ḥꜣtj-ꜥ, which might be considered a visual representation of the institution of the “staff of old age.” The similarities between all the texts seen are evident and clearly refer to a conventional system established in Elephantine to ensure the smooth transmission of power and effective rule by the successor. In this scenario, there is a clear correspondence between the exercise of power at the centre and the periphery. The formal installation of a co-regent king is also described in biographical texts from the New Kingdom.42 Those 40

41 42

Jiménez-Serrano and Sánchez-León, “A Forgotten Governor of Elephantine during the Twelfth Dynasty: Ameny”, and idem, “Ipi, A New Governor of Elephantine Under Amenemhat ii”. Murnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, 264. Murnane, Coregencies.

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documents mention the existence of a public ceremony of coronation for the junior king during which the senior king was present. This royal ceremony, when the junior king received his royal names, was celebrated in the palace before the court. Similarly, the appointment of the junior governor in Elephantine, as the “staff of old age”, must have been carried out following the public nomination and confirmation of the role by the king, as was the case for Heqaib i. In Elephantine, the “junior co-regent” held the titles ḥꜣtj-ꜥ and jmj-r ḥmw-nṯr, like Heqaib i and Khakaure-Seneb. In the case of Ankhu, he was represented with the former title only. It is likely that every co-regent had specific functions to fulfil after the coronation, although both rulers would be equal in a legal sense.43 That situation can be extrapolated to the office of the “co-regent governors” in Elephantine. At the mythical level, the junior king or governor can be perceived as “Horus protector of his father”, independently if he could or wanted to assume this role in practice.44 In Elephantine, the tasks and responsibilities included those typical of a provincial governor. The governor was the highest royal agent, as was the case of Khakaure-Seneb. He ensured justice, oversaw the maintenance of the cults, cattle counts, and collection of taxes, but he was also responsible for the military control of the southern frontier, the provisioning of the royal missions to the quarries, and had frequent contact with the Nubians and the Eastern Desert populations. The heir to this position, once nominated to the office of governor by the pharaoh, would become the “staff of old age” of his father. According to Murnane,45 the records of co-regencies on seals and in the decoration of the royal tombs were not only “officially inspired” by the state’s policy, but were examples of “an individual’s memorializing impulse”, which varied with the particular circumstances of each co-regency. From the available data, it also seems that the “co-regencies” in the provinces, at least in Elephantine, included private and symbolic aspects relating to the transmission of power from the father to the eldest son. Finally, it is important to note that some aspects of the provincial co-regency could be emphasized depending on the political situation in the provinces. In the case of Elephantine, the “co-regency” of Heqaib i can be considered to be the consequence of the inauguration of the lineage of governors in the Upper Egyptian first nome, which was intended to be a permanent fixture. Ankhu and

43 44 45

Murnane, Coregencies, 243–244. Murnane, Coregencies, 264. Murnane, Coregencies, 202.

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Khakaure-Seneb’s “co-regencies” had additional significance as they occurred following a political crisis in the local dynasty during which time the main male lineage was extinguished. Following Heqaib i’s death, Sarenput ii revived his grandparent’s lineage, after the crisis was resolved by his mother Satethotep. Similarly, Ameny-Seneb nominated his son Khakaure-Seneb to rule Elephantine, after the crisis following Ankhu’s death was resolved by his mother, Sattjeni.

Acknowledgements We wish to thank Dr. W. Grajetzki for his useful comments. All the interpretations in this paper remain our own. The present study is derived from the results obtained from Project HAR2016-75533-P “Excavación, studio histórico y conservación de las tumbas del Reino Medio de la necrópolis de Qubbet el-Hawa (Asuán, Egipto)”, funded by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (Spanish Government).

Bibliography Allen, J.P. Middle Egyptian Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Assmann, J. “Das Bild des Vaters im Alten Ägypten.” In Das Vaterbild in Mythos und Gesichchte, G. Bornkamm, H. Gadamer, J. Assman, W. Lemke, and L. Perlitt, eds., 12– 49. Stuttgart: W. Kolhhammer, 1976. Blumenthal, E. “Ptahotep und der “Stab des Alters”.” In Form und Mass. Festschrift für Gerhard Fecht, J. Osing and G. Dreyer, eds., 84–97. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1987. Edel, E. Beiträge zu den Inschriften des Mittleren Reiches in den Gräbern der Qubbet elHawa. mäs 25. Berlin: Bruno Hessling, 1971. Fischer, H.G. “The inscription of In-it.f, born of Ṯfi.” jnes 19 (1960): 258–268. Fischer, H.G. “Some Iconographic and Literary Comparisons.” In Fragen an die altägyptische Literatur. Studien zum Gedeuken an E. Otto, J. Assmann, E. Feucht, and R. Grieshammer, eds., 155–170. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1977. Franke, D. Das Heiligtum des Heqaib auf Elephantine. Geschichte eines Provinzheiligtums im Mittleren Reich. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1994. Gardiner, A.H. “Inscriptions from the tomb of Si-renpowet i, prince of Elephantine.” zäs 45 (1908): 123–140. Grajetzki, W. The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt. London: Duckworth, 2006. Grimal, N. “Corégence et association au trône: l’Enseignement d’Amenemhat Ier.”bifao 95 (1995): 273–283.

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Habachi, L. The Sanctuary of Heqaib. With contributions by G. Haeny and F. Junge. 2 volumes. Mainz-am-Rhein: P. von Zabern, 1985. Jansen-Winkeln, K. “Zu den Koregenzen der 12. Dynastie.” sak 24 (1997): 115–135. Janssen, R.M. and J.J. Janssen. Growing and Getting Old in Ancient Egypt. London: ghp, 2007. Jiménez-Serrano, A. and J.C. Sánchez-León. “A Forgotten Governor of Elephantine during the Twelfth Dynasty: Ameny.” jea 101 (2015): 117–130. Jiménez-Serrano, A. and J.C. Sánchez-León. “Ipi, a new Governor of Elephantine under Amenemhat ii.” Chronique d’Égypte 91 (2016): 5–13. Landgráfová, R. It is My Good Name that You Should Remember. Egyptian biographical texts on Middle Kingdom stelae. Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, 2011. Lorand, D. Arts et Politique ous Sésostris Ier. Littérature, sculpture et architecture dans leur contexte historique. Turnhout: Brepols, 2011. Martin, G.T. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals principally of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1971. McDowell, A. “Legal Aspects of the Care of the Elderly in Egypt to the end of the New Kingdom.” In The Care of the Elderly in Ancient Near East, edited by M. Stol and S.V. Vleeming (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 203. Müller, H. Die Felsengräber der Fürsten von Elephantine aus der Zeit des Mittleren Reiches. Glückstadt: J.J. Augustin, 1940. Murnane, W.J. Ancient Egyptian Coregencies. saoc 40. Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1977. Murnane, W.J. “Coregency.” In The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt i, D.B. Redford, ed., 307–311. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Obsomer, Cl. Sésostris Ier. Étude chronologique et historique du règne. Bruxelles: Safran, 1995. Schneider, T. “The Relative Chronology of the Middle Kingdom and the Hyksos Periods (Dyns. 12–17).” In Ancient Egyptian Chronology, E. Hornung, R. Krauss, and D.A. Warburton, eds., 170–172. Eastbourne: Brill, 2006. Shehab El-Din, T. “The title , ‘the staff of old age’.” Discussions in Egyptology 35 (1997): 59–64. Tallet, P. Sésostris iii et la fin de la xiie dynastie. Paris: Pygmalion, 2005. Uphill, E. “The question of pharaonic co-regency.” Discussions in Egyptology 49 (2001): 81–94. Vandersleyen, Cl. L’Égypte et la vallée du Nil. Tome 2: De la fin de l’Ancien empire à la fin du Nouvel Empire. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1995. Von Pilgrim, C. Elephantine xviii. Untersuchungen in der Stadt des Mittleren Reiches und der Zweiten Zwischenzeit. Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1996. De Morgan, J.U. Bouriant, G. Legrain, G. Jéquier, and A. Barsanti. Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l’Égypte antique. Première Série: Haute Égypte. Tome Premier: De la Frontière de Nubie a Kom Ombos. Wien: A. Holzhausen, 1894.

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Sánchez-León, J.C. and A. Jiménez-Serrano. “Sattjeni: Daughter, Wife and Mother of the Governors of Elephantine during the End of the Twelfth Dynasty.” zäs 142/2 (2015): 154–166. Sánchez-León, J.C. and A. Jiménez-Serrano. “Keeping provincial power in the lineage during the Twelfth Dynasty: The case of Khema, governor of Elephantine.” sak 45 (2016): 307–314. Shirley, J.J. The Culture of Officialdom. An Examination of the Acquisition of Offices during the Mid-18th Dynasty. Michigan: umi, 2011. Willems, H. “The Nomarchs of the Hare Nome and Early Middle Kingdom History.” Jaarbericht Ex Oriente Lux 28 (1983–1984): 80–102.

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chapter 10

The Issue of Residence and Periphery in the Middle Kingdom: Surveying the Delta Eva Lange-Athinodorou University of Würzburg

Abstract During the First Intermediate Period the Nile Delta was not under the direct control of a central power. For the beginning of the Middle Kingdom, however, the archaeological and textual records show evidence of keen royal interest in the administration and utilization of the rich resources of the region, and its integration into the greater territory of the new state. As well as undergoing a reorganization of its nomes and districts, the Delta became the focus for the construction of new settlement and temples, controlled by officials from the central residence. The intensity of the involvement of the residence in areas of the Delta usually labelled as “provincial” is unparalleled for earlier periods of Egyptian history. As a result, it is not clear if the Nile Delta or parts of it should be defined as “provinces” or on the “periphery”, or if it was rather seen as a territory under the direct control and influence of the residence, regardless of the physical distance between the locations.

1

Introduction

When it comes to concepts of residence and periphery,1 the view that dominates Egyptology can be summarized as follows: the residence is represented by the capital, with its changing locations depending on the period in question, while the rest of the country is considered to be provincial. In some cases, the

1 For the general concepts of residence and periphery in archaeology cf. Rowlands et al., eds. Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World; Champion, ed. Centre and Periphery: Comparative Studies in Archaeology. Although useful to a certain degree, the discussed concepts and definitions were designed to describe relationships between cities and settlements that were not controlled by a central government such as the government of ancient Egypt during periods that had a centralized monarchy. As a result, they do not necessarily apply well to the Egyptian context, as will be discussed in the current article.

© Eva Lange-Athinodorou, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_012

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provincial areas then tend to be understood as peripheral, with the peripheral status gradually increasing for locations geographically closer to the borders of Egypt. Studies on the dichotomy between residence and province mostly focus on regional centres, and the question becomes one of how dependent or autonomous they were in several economical and socio-cultural respects2 in relation to the centre. For ancient Egypt, a comprehensive, methodologically oriented investigation of what constitutes a “province” still needs to be carried out. Investigations of areas defined as peripheral, i.e. the deserts, the edges of the Nile Valley, the Nile Delta, and oases are fairly numerous, but they primarily focus on the archaeological remains from those sites, rather than investigating the relationships between the peripheral sites and the residence.3 The simplistic model of residence and periphery may seem to be plausible at first sight, however, more detailed study quickly shows that the reality was more complicated. Residential and provincial/peripheral spheres often overlapped. Taking, for example, border settlements like Elephantine or Tell el-Dabʿa, the influence of the residence was especially high during certain periods. For example, when the residence became more interested in creating and controlling the borders. At particular times it could become vitally important that the central administration could regulate the influx and exit of traded goods and to fight off invasions. The following paper does not attempt to establish new definitions for the terms “residence”, “province”, or “periphery” with respect to ancient Egypt, or to investigate the relationships between these concepts in detail. The question addressed here is what role the large Delta region played from the point of view of the residence, during the Middle Kingdom. Did these entities fit into the categories of province and periphery, however tentatively, for that historical period? A survey of the available archaeological and textual records provides the basis for the investigation. This is followed by a brief case study on the city

2 The increasing level of administration in the provinces of Egypt is thought to have led to the downfall of the centralized government at the end of the Old Kingdom. This is a topic that dominates research addressing provinces for that period. Cf. Müller-Wollermann, “End of the Old Kingdom”, and further literature referenced there. For the Middle Kingdom, detailed studies are available, especially for Middle Egypt. Cf. Seidlmayer, “People at Beni Hassan”, 351– 368; Kahl, “Regionale Milieus”, 163–188; Willems, “Nomarchs and Local Potentates”, 341–392; Willems, Historical and Archaeological Aspects of Egyptian Funerary Culture, to name just a few. 3 For an exception, cf. the studies of Pantalacci: “De Memphis à Balat: les liens entre la résidence et les gouverneurs de l’ oasis à la vie dynastie”, 341–349; and “Pouvoir central, pouvoirs locaux”, 57–68.

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of Bubastis. The discussion of the methodological problems posed by the different categories, and the available sources and their varying degrees of reliability for reconstructing ancient reality, will form an important part of the final critical analysis.

2

Reviewing the Sources

2.1 The First Intermediate Period and the Early Middle Kingdom Compared to sites in the Nile Valley, information about the Delta in the Middle Kingdom is quite limited due to the sparse archaeological evidence and the lack of textual records (cf. below and Fig. 10.1). The situation is even more difficult when dealing with the Delta during the First Intermediate Period. Very little is known about the political situation or the general history of the region during that period. There are almost no sources of information from the Delta that date to that period in time.4 In fact, the lack of sources from the period preceding the Middle Kingdom is so striking that Karl Jansen-Winkeln recently reconsidered Flinders Petrie’s old hypothesis that foreign domination of the Delta contributed to the end the Old Kingdom.5 Granted, the lack of archaeological or textual evidence means that a definitive conclusion cannot be drawn either in favour of or against Petrie’s hypothesis, and this highlights the general dilemma encountered when discussing the history of the Nile Delta after the end of the Old Kingdom. One useful piece of evidence is a depiction of the attack on a fortress clearly defended by Asiatics in the tomb of Jnj-jtj⸗f in Thebes (tt 386). He was a military commander who served in the time of Mentuhotep Nebhetepre. Manfred Bietak considers this to be a depiction of a real fortress that existed in the Delta and not in the Levant as is more usually assumed.6 Carola Vogel on the other hand has suggested that the white colouring of the fortress in the depiction may represent limestone, and could be indicative of the fort’s geographical location. Limestone as a building material would be more typical for a location on the Levant rather than in the Delta of Egypt, where fortresses would typically be

4 Two false doors, a door jamb, and an offering table, from Kom el-Akhdar, a location very close to Busiris, the capital of the 9th nome of Lower Egypt, are a noteworthy exception. See Fischer, “Some Early Monuments from Busiris”, 5–24. Cf. also below. 5 Jansen-Winkeln, “Der Untergang des Alten Reiches”, 274.8, 296. 6 Jansen-Winkeln, “Der Untergang”, 296; Bietak, “Egypt and the Levant”, 420. Depiction and description: Jaroš-Deckert, Grabung im Asasif: 1963–1970, vol. 5. Das Grab des Jnj-jtj.f, 37–44, Falttaf. 1–3; Vogel, Ägyptische Festungen und Garnisonen, 50–54, fig. 8.

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built of unburnt mud bricks and be depicted grey-blue. In this case, it would be reasonable to assume that at least one military campaign was carried out by Mentuhotep iv into the region of Syria-Palestine, for which there is also no evidence.7 It is also possible that the white colour simply represents white plaster on the mud bricks, which was in fact a technique widely used in Egyptian mud-brick architecture to imitate limestone.8 In addition, there is to date no evidence of Egyptian fortresses in the Levant at that time, which weighs against Vogel’s suggestion.9 Another possibility would be that the fortress shown under attack is actually Heracleopolis, as it would be expected that Jnj-jtj⸗f took part in the most important stages of the war between Thebes and Heracleopolis at the end of the First Intermediate Period. The depictions of Asiatics as sole defenders of the fortress, on the other hand, poses a significant argument against any such identification.10 Some other small relief fragments showing a siege of a fortress defended by Asiatics were found in the mortuary temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Deir el-Bahari. Here again it has proved difficult to identify the location of the battle scene depicted. Several text fragments were found in the same building and refer to mnṯw-nomads and ꜥ(ꜣ)mw-Asiatics, and this might suggest that the location of the fortress was either in the Nile Delta or on the Levant, but a clear connection between the inscriptions and the pictorial representation of the fortress has never been established.11 A fragment from the southern lower colonnade is, nevertheless, particularly interesting, depicting two Egyptians carrying bows with their arms crossed over their chests and a caption ḥꜣ.tjwꜥ n( j.)w […] ˹mḥw˺ m ksw—“The ḥꜣ.tjw-ꜥ of […] ˹Lower Egypt˺ bowing”.12 Alan Schulman already stated in 1982 that attestations of military campaigns to the north of Egypt by Mentuhotep Nebhepetre did not show missions extending further than the Sinai. As a result, he wondered if the depictions of fortified towns and fortresses could actually represent strongholds in the Delta where intruders from the northeast may have settled down following the dis-

7 8

9 10

11 12

Cf. Ward, “Egypt and the East Mediterranean”, 22–27. Vogel, Festungen und Garnisonen, 53.23. Vogel herself mentions the possibility of this being a representation of white plaster using white colouring, but does not follow the consequences of this line of thought to her arguments. Bietak, “Egypt and the Levant”, 420. Vogel, Festungen und Garnisonen, 57–58. Although it is possible that Asiatics may have been part of the military defence of the Heracleopolitan rulers, the lack of any representation of Egyptians in the alleged depiction of Heracleopolis would still require an explanation. Cf. also Schulman, “The Battle Scenes”, 180–181. Schulman, “The Battle Scenes”, 170–176. Naville, Deir el-Bahari i, pl. 14; Schulman, “The Battle Scenes”, 171.37.

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solution of the Old Kingdom. Bietak and Jansen-Winkeln recently adopted the same view (cf. above).13 If Mentuhotep did indeed fight against Asiatic dominated cities in the Delta, the question of the relationship between the new Asiatic rivals and the Heracleopolitans becomes of interest. In the end, it is impossible to reach firm conclusions without a broader archaeological record revealing the political situation in the Delta in the First Intermediate Period and at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. The relocation of the royal residence from Thebes to the north marked the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. Amenemhat i left the hometown of his predecessors and even abandoned an unfinished tomb of his own.14 He founded a new capital near the entrance of the Fayum called jmn-m-ḥꜣ.t jṯ-tꜣ.wy. The settlement may have started out as a fortress rather than a full-scale residence, and it seems to have always remained a strongly fortified city.15 Contrary to the descriptions in most scholarly literature, new investigations indicate that Amenemhat i actually settled down in Memphis first before finally moving to jṯ-tꜣ.wy.16 Amenemhat i’s move to the north signalled a significant break with the traditions of his Theban predecessors, and it seems to have been the result of several factors rather than just a single cause. It was certainly important to establish full control over the Delta, where Asiatics and Libyans may have roamed freely and even settled down during the First Intermediate Period (cf. above). Evidence for this can be found in the literature of the Middle Kingdom,17 where concerns are expressed about the dangers posed by the presence of the foreigners and the importance of protecting the borders became a prominent theme. According to the prophecy of Neferti, he was a native of the Heliopolitan nome, a part of 13

14 15 16

17

Schulman, “The Battle Scenes”, 181 with further literature. Schulman mentions that the preserved record includes depictions of fortresses defended by Asiatics, certainly proving the importance of those conflicts in the eyes of the Thebans. No obvious depiction of the attack and victory over Heracleopolis, however, exists. This situation is strange, but for the time being, it is probably reasonable to conclude that it simply reflects the limits of the available sources. Cf. also Willems, “Nomarchs and Local Potentates”, 386. Arnold, “Amenemhat i and the Early 12th Dynasty at Thebes”, 5–21; Arnold and Jánosi, “The Move to the North”, 54. Vogel, Festungen und Garnisonen, 97–98; Arnold and Jánosi, “The Move to the North”, 55; Lorand, “Amenemhat-Itj-Taouy”, 31–48. Lorand, “Amenemhat-Itj-Taouy”, 35. The erection of a pyramid ꜣḫ js.t jb Jmn-m ḥꜣ.t in the Memphite area, probably at Saqqara (attested only by inscriptions in the funerary structures of two contemporary court officials at Saqqara), clearly supports that view: Silverman, “Non-Royal Burials in the Teti Pyramid cemetery”, 72–74. J.F. Quack has recently published a review of the discussions of the dating of those (and other) literary texts: “Irrungen, Wirrungen?”, 405–469.

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the the south-eastern edge of the Delta region.18 In the story, the depredations of the inhabitants of the Delta brought on by invading ꜥꜣm.w-Asiatics plays out very prominently. In the introductory part of the tale in particular there is a colourful passage that describes the arrival of Asiatics from the east and them gradually taking control of the Delta.19 The same text then describes that the first action of the promised new king Ameni (Amenemhat i) was to defeat the Asiatics and Libyans and to build the new fortress jnb.w ḥqꜣ; the “Walls of the ruler”, to protect the Delta against further intrusions.20 The author of the teaching for Merikare, supposedly one of the later rulers of the Heliopolitan dynasty, describes the actions of his royal predecessor against the Asiatics in the Delta in some detail. Although the dating of the creation of the text and the historicity of what it describes are still debated, it can be assumed that the information about the geo-political administrative organization of the Delta revealed in this text is roughly contemporary with the beginning of the Middle Kingdom.21 ꜥḥꜥ.n ꜥḥꜥ⸗j nb n( j) njw.t jb⸗f ḥḏ m-ꜥ tꜣ mḥw ḥw.t-šnw r⸗s m bqꜣ tꜣš⸗s rsj r mr ꜥꜣḏ.wy sḥtp.n⸗j jmnt.t mj qd⸗s r-mn pds.wt nt š (…) mk ḥwj mnj.t m w jr.n⸗j ḥr jꜣbt.t

ḏr.w ḥbnw r wꜣ.t ḥr

I rose as lord of the city whose heart was destroyed because of Lower Egypt: (i.e.) ḥw.t-šnw belongs to it to bqꜣ, Its southern border is towards the canal of the two mullets. I pacified the whole west(ern Delta ?) to the coastal lakes.22 (…) Look, the mooring post is set up in the w-territory I made (accessible) in the east(ern Delta), from Hebenu to the way of Horus.23

Unfortunately, some of the places mentioned in the section translated above have not yet been identified,24 but it is clear that part of the text deals with the western part of the Delta. Interestingly, information about the ancient view of its geography can be glimpsed; the 2nd nome of Lower Egypt represented by the

18 19 20 21 22 23 24

pPetersburg 1116B verso, 17. pPetersburg 1116B verso, 32–34. pPetersburg 1116B verso 63–68; Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 109–111. Quack, Studien zur Lehre für Merikare, 120–136. Quack, “Irrungen, Wirrungen?”, 440–442. pPetersburg 1116A verso, 8.1–8.2. pPetersburg 1116A verso, 8.8.–8.9. Cf. Quack, Lehre für Merikare, 50.

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“canal of the two mullets” marks its southern border, while the two places ḥw.tšnw and bqꜣ may designate its borders in the north. The eastern part of the Delta is described as well, with the possible capital of the 14th nome of Lower Egypt, (ḥ)bnw, and the fortress “Way of Horus” defining the eastern border.25 It is not the intention of this article to re-evaluate these much-discussed texts in detail, but the importance of the topic of re-claiming the Delta from the hands of intruders is obvious. This lends further support to the hypothesis that Lower Egypt was dominated by Asiatics in earlier times.26 Although there is no archaeological evidence of an invasion of any kind,27 the construction of the above mentioned fortress jnb.w ḥqꜣ by Amenemhat i hints that the threat was serious. The new rulers put significant effort into starting a large-scale building program and established a military watch to man those installations. Remains of those fortress(es) have not yet been identified, but one of the buildings and the guards play a significant role in the story of Sinuhe, another literary text of the Middle Kingdom.28 The passage in question makes it clear that jnb.w ḥqꜣ was situated in the eastern Delta, possibly near Tell Retaba in the Wadi Tumilat (cf. Fig. 10.1).29 Fortification to secure the western borders of Lower Egypt were also erected by Amenemhat. A fortress with a rectangular ground plan of 59.20 m by 47.40 m has been identified at Kom el-Fahm (Wadi Natrun).30 The biographical inscription in the mastaba-tomb of an official of that period at Lisht possibly corroborates the records mentioned above. One fragmented passage seems to describe the military actions of Amenemhat i against intruders in the Nile Delta and mentions the erection of a fortress at Buto.31 All in all, Amenemhat i’s decisive actions to secure and control the northern borders of Egypt shows that the ruling dynasty was interested in bringing Lower Egypt under control again. Exploiting and protecting the region’s resources was good enough reason to explain the move of the capital further north.32 When continuing this line of thoughts further, however, the question remains why they did not go the extra mile and move directly into the Delta, as was done by 25 26

27 28 29 30 31 32

For H(bnw) cf. Gomaà, Die Besiedlung, 219–221. Cf. also the architrave of a tomb chapel from Kom el-Akhdar, where the names of the two sons of the owner of the tomb, ꜥꜣm and sḏ rtnnw point in that direction. See Fischer, “Some Early Monuments”, 6–8, figs. 1–2, 23. Arnold and Jánosi, “The Move to the North”, 55. pBerlin P 10499, 42–43. Gomaà, Die Besiedlung, 129–130; Vogel, Festungen und Garnisonen, 93, 161–162. Fakhry, “Wâdi-el-Natrûn,” 845–848; idem, “The Search for Texts in the Western Desert”, 210; Vogel, Festungen und Garnisonen, 92; Arnold and Jánosi, “The Move to the North”, 55. Allen, “The Biographical Inscription from the Mastaba of Intef (?)”, 89.8, 90.8, 91, 93. Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 112–113.

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later rulers, albeit not under identical circumstances.33 Why choose to settle in the area just north of the Fayum instead? There are no definitive answers, however, the proximity of the location of jṯ-tꜣ.wy34 to the site of Heracleopolis, just 60km upstream, may not be a simple coincidence. The greater area around the entrance to the Fayum, where both cities are located, is clearly a favourable place to live due to its geographical advantages. From a more symbolic point of view with respect to the ancient Egyptian geo-political structures, the area forms the transitional territory between Upper and Lower Egypt, with jṯ-tꜣ.wy actually being on the border between the 22nd nome of Upper and the 1st nome of Lower Egypt. In addition, Lorand has pointed out that the royal act of founding jṯ-tꜣ.wy may actually have been part of a revival of the Memphite area in general, with its name perhaps even alluding to toponyms of Memphitic places such as ꜥnḫ tꜣ.wy or mḫꜣ.t tꜣ.wy.35 A different, but related factor may be the hydrogeography of the area. A base south of Memphis probably provided better access to both the eastern and western Delta. In general, travelling to the western Delta was always easier from the main river stream, i.e. the Nile valley, than from any other point in the eastern Delta, and vice versa. Crossing the Delta from a point within it was difficult, as the landscape in fact comprised several large Nile branches streaming to the north and there was no branch or canal connecting the eastern and western parts of the Delta at that time.36 Looking beyond those reasons, was there a desire to use the administration and infrastructure created by the Heracleopolitans to subdue the remaining members of their ruling family and allies once and for all? Could this have contributed to the choice of the location for the new residence? Whatever the answer to that may be, the archaeological record clearly proves that the attempts by the founder of the twelfth dynasty to rule the Delta again were successful. For the first time since the end of the Old Kingdom, royal building activities took place there. As well as the fortresses, the establishment of planned settlements with temples for the veneration of the king, for example at Tell Daba/Ezbet Rushdi, and the foundation of new estates, show the extent of the royal endeavours to administer the Delta. These moves would have ensured permanent access to the area’s rich resources.37

33 34 35 36 37

It is worth keeping in mind, for example, the foundation of Piramesse (Qantir) in the north-eastern Delta as the new capital of Egypt in the nineteenth dynasty. Lorand, “Talking Along the Nile”, 137–150. Lorand, “Amenemhat-Itj-Taouy”, 35–36, and personal communication. About this issue cf. also Wilson, “The Nile Delta”, 20–21. Cf. below. An overview of the building activities of Amenemhat i in Lower Egypt is given

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2.2 The Administration of the Delta during the Middle Kingdom During the reign of Amenemhat i’ successor Senwosret i, the reorganization of the Delta continued. The most important source of information regarding that process is the list of nomes of Lower Egypt inscribed along the walls of the subbasement on the northern side of the so-called White Chapel of the ruler in the temple of Amun at Karnak.38 The nome list is defined as running from Bḥd.t m pḥw.w (r) jnb ḥḏ m ḫn.tj spꜣ.wt mḥw “Behedet39 in the marshlands40 to the “White Wall” on the forefront of the nomes of Lower Egypt”. The list mentions 16 nomes of Lower Egypt. Each entry consists of six sections: (1) the designation of the nome, (2) the name of the capital and/or the name of the main deity of the nome, (3) the length or dimensions of its area,41 (4) the sign for sṯꜣ.t, (5–6) two sections giving measurements in cubits. The headings associated with sections 3–6 add detailed information about the intended reading of those numbers (3) jtrw, (4) rḫ.t n( j.t) sṯꜣ.t; knowledge about the Aurora (5) ḫb.t sṯꜣ.t reduction of the Aurora (6) ḏꜣ.t n( j) sṯꜣ.t; remainder.42 The nomes of Lower Egypt appear in the following order in this cadastral land list (cf. Figure 10.1): Position 1: 1. nome: jnb.w-ḥḏ (apex) Position 2: 2. nome: mẖꜥq.t/jmḥḏ (?)43 (edge of the south-western Delta) 3. nome: jmn.t (edge of the western Delta) Position 3: Position 4–5: 4.–5. nome: nj.t rsj /nj.t mḥ.t (southern central and northwestern Delta) Position 6: 6. nome: ḫꜣsww (northern central Delta) Position 7: 7. nome: wꜥ m ḥww gs jmn.t (north-western Delta) Position 8: 8. nome: wꜥ m ḥww gs jꜣb.t (eastern Delta-Wadi Tumilat) Position 9: 9. nome: ꜥnḏty (central Delta) Position 10–13: […] Position 14: 16. nome: ḥꜣ.t mḥy.t (north-eastern Delta)

38

39 40 41

42 43

by Arnold and Jánosi, “The Move to the North”, 56–57; Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 119. Lacau and Chevrier, Une chapelle de Sesostris Ier, pl. 42; Helck, Die altägyptischen Gaue, 11– 15, 147–194; Bietak, Tell el-Dab’a ii, 160–164; Schlott-Schwab, Die Ausmasse Ägyptens, 31–33; Leitz, “Die Größe Ägyptens nach dem Sesostris-Kiosk in Karnak”, 409–427. Most likely near Tell el Balamun: Gomaà, Die Besiedlung, 166. As the text shows, the marshlands of Behedet (Tell el-Balamun) were considered to demark the northernmost border of Egypt at that time. Cf. Leitz, “Die Größe Ägyptens,” 409–427, who convincingly argues in favour of the original suggestion of Lacau and Chevrier, to interpret those numbers to be the areas, not the lengths, of nomes, in opposition to general scholarly opinion. Lacau and Chevrier, Une chapelle de Sesostris Ier, 217–218, pl. 42, §612. Leitz, “Die Größe Ägyptens”, 412.

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Position 15: 13. nome: ḥqꜣ ꜥnḏ (south-eastern Delta) Position 16: 14. nome: ḫnty jꜣb.t (edge of the eastern Delta) Four nomes are missing from the list. By comparing this list with a later nome list on the so-called Red Chapel of Hatshepsut, which seems to be a partial copy of the earlier chapel built by Senwosret i, it seems that the missing entries were nomes 10–12, and 15, although set out in the order 11, 10, 12, 15.44 Based on this information, a reconstruction of the nome list of the chapel of Senwosret i is possible: Position 10: 11. nome: ḥsbw (central eastern Delta) Position 11: 10. nome: km wr (central Delta) Position 12: 12. nome: ṯb nṯr.t (central eastern Delta) Position 13: 15. nome: “Ibis” (central and north-eastern Delta).45 As mentioned previously, the nome list on Senwosret i’s White Chapel also resembles the nome list found in the sun temple of Niuserre at Abu Ghurob.46 The surviving relief fragments from that building allow the following reconstruction of a much older nome sequence, as follows:47 Fragment Berlin Z 555:48 1. nome: jnb.w-ḥḏ Fragment nn:49 2. nome: mẖꜥq.t/jmḥḏ (?) Fragment Cairo J 34189:50 3. nome: jmn.t Position 1: Position 2: 4–5. (undivided) nome: nj.t (central and north-western Delta) Position 3: 6. nome: ḫꜣsww

44

45 46 47 48 49 50

P. Lacau et al., Une chapelle d’Hatshepsout à Karnak, 85–92, pl. 5; Burgos and Larché, La Chapelle Rouge, 23–26. The caption of the 11th nome on page 24 of this publication, however, erroneously names it as 10th nome (bloc 241) and vice versa (bloc 97). Lacau and Chevrier, Une chapelle de Sesostris Ier, 236. Bietak, Tell el-Dab’a ii, 160. v. Bissing, “La chambre des trois saisons”, 319–338; Kees, “Zu den Gaulisten”, 38–40. v. Bissing, “La chambre des trois saisons”, pl. 3d. Kees, “Zu den Gaulisten”, 38. Kees, “Zu den Gaulisten”, 38, fig. 3.

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Fragment Cairo J 34188:51 Position 1: 12. nome: ṯb nṯr.t Position 2: 11. nome: ḥsbw Position 3: 10. nome: km wr Position 4: 15. nome: “Ibis”. Additional information is found on an offering table of Amenemhat i in his pyramid complex at Lisht. It shows the nomes personified as a procession of fecundity figures carrying offerings. Representations of the nomes of Lower Egypt can be found on its northern side, namely:52 Position 1: 1. nome: jnb.w-ḥḏ Position 2: 3. nome: jmn.t Position 3: 4.–5. (undivided) nome: nj.t Position 4: 15. nome: “Ibis” Position 5: 14. nome: jꜣb.t Position 6: 10. nome: ˹km wr˺ (?) Position 7: 13. nome: ḥqꜣ ꜥnḏ Due to the limited space on the sides of that monument, it can be assumed that the list is an extract from a more elaborate record and presents only the most important nomes of Lower Egypt at that time.53 A simple comparison with the archaeological record (Fig. 10.2) shows that this is probably the case, and that the list is not simply a copy of an Old Kingdom model. Of the seven nomes displayed on the altar of Amenemhat i, five contain archaeological remains dating to the Middle Kingdom (nomes 1, 3, 5, 14, 13). Moreover, two nomes have monuments dedicated to Amenemhat i himself. These are at Bubastis in the 13th nome and at Ezbet Rushdi/Tell Dab’a in the 14th nome (cf. below). The nomes on the offering table therefore possibly represent the districts in the Delta where this king established royal estates. The only two nomes that have not yielded archaeological material dating to the Middle Kingdom are the 10th and the 15th nomes, located in the central (10th)54 and northern (15th) Delta.

51 52 53

54

Kees, “Zu den Gaulisten”, 38–39, fig. 2; Fischer, “Some Notes on the Easternmost Nomes”, 141, fig. 4. Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Amenemhat i, 42–44, pls. 62–65, 99. This would be an argument against Arnold, who compared the altar to that of Senwosret i (cf. above) and saw only a symbolic composition there: Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Amenemhat i, 43. The identification of this nome is not without doubt, as the relief is partly destroyed here. The bull is clearly visible, while the sign in front of the bull, which would usually identify the nome, is damaged. The 6th (ḫꜣsww), the 10th (km wr), 11th (ṯb nṯr.t), and 12th (ḥsbw) nomes all show a bull and can only be distinguished according to their additional signs. Fischer’s drawing shows traces of the sign Gard. i 6 and therefore reads km wr (Fischer,

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This region of the Delta poses the most difficulties for carrying out archaeological investigations (cf. below), so the lack of records there is explainable.55 In his biographical tomb inscription in Beni Hasan, Khnumhotep i claims he participated in a raid with Amenemhat i that may have taken place in the north-eastern Delta. He mentions cities that may be Imet (Tell Nebeshe) and Senu (Pelusium/Tell el-Farana) as destinations during the expedition:56 ḥꜣ.kwj ḥnꜥ ḥm⸗f r jm(.t ?) ꜥḥꜥ.w n( j) ꜥš 20 ꜥḥꜥ.n⸗f jw ḥr snw(?) dr.n⸗f sw m jdb.wy

I descended together with his majesty to Imet (?) (with) 20 boats of cedar wood. Then he went to Senu (?). It was from the two riverbanks that he removed him.

Comparison of the known archaeological record with the nome list of Senwosret i draws a similar picture. From the 16 nomes, eight contain material dating to the Middle Kingdom (nomes 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 16, 13, 14). The “blank” nomes (4, 6, 7, 9, 11, 10, 12, 15) are again located in the central and northern Delta where geomorphological factors severely obstruct archaeological investigation.57 Another offering table dedicated to Senwosret i from his pyramid complex at Lisht shows a short procession of nomes. The Lower Egyptian group is reduced to nomes 1, 2, 3, and 9.58 The geographically odd arrangement has the 1st and 2nd nomes on the western side of the altar, the 3rd on the eastern side, and the 9th on the southern side. This has not yet been interpreted apart from being explained as a simple random choice.59 When comparing this short list with the one on the offering table of Amenemhat i, the importance of the Memphite nome and the nomes on the western edges of the Delta is evident, as

55 56

57 58 59

“Some Notes on the Easternmost Nomes”, 138, fig. 3), while the drawing in the recent publication by Arnold has no traces at all: Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Amenemhat i, 43, pl. 99. The same would be true if the bull-standard represented the 6th, 11th, or 12th nome. Newberry, Beni Hasan i, pl. 54, line 5. The reading of Imet and Senu is not certain and the rest of the inscription dealing with this military action clearly involving Nubians and Asiatics is also difficult to understand, due to its fragmentary state and some possible errors in Newberry’s handcopy. Cf. also Ward, “The Nomarch Khnumḥotep at Pelusium”, 215–216. Based on the emendated version in Urk. vii, 12.3–5, however, Willems understands the inscription to be a record of a military campaign that took place in the south: Willems, “The Nomarchs of the Hare Nome”, 100. As long as there is no collated version of the inscription, both translations will have to stand in opposition to each other. In detail cf. below. Gautier and Jequier, Mémoire sur les fouilles de Licht, 22–26; Kamal, Tables d’offrandes, pls. 1–2. Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Amenemhat i, 43.

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Delta sites attested with Middle Kingdom archaeological material based on F. Gomaà (1987) with additional data © lange-athinodorou

they appear on both monuments. The inclusion of the 9th nome on the offering table of Senwosret i throws light on the sparse archaeological record. Additional discoveries of funerary equipment such as private stele, statues, and royal and private offering tables have been made from Busiris, Kom el-Akhdar, and Kom el-Shatain, but further details of their archaeological contexts were not recorded.60 When investigating the organization of the nomes in the Middle Kingdom, scholars have pointed out the contrast with the practices of the Old Kingdom. The Middle Kingdom administration was more focused on the cities that formed the centres of the nomes or districts, rather than on the nome as a whole. This development started as early as the late sixth dynasty and con-

60

Kamal, “Rapport sur une statue”, 126–128; Fischer, “Some Early Monuments”, 5–24; Gomaà, Die Besiedlung, 137–142, 145.

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tinued into the First Intermediate Period.61 From the time of Mentuhotep ii onwards officials bore the title ḥꜣ.tj-ꜥ when they governed cities of Upper Egypt.62 In the early twelfth dynasty those governors also acted as overseers of the local temples, a practice that may have had its origins in the area of Thebes during the First Intermediate Period.63 During the Middle Kingdom, the term w (later also qꜥḥ.t) came into use to refer to agricultural territory within a nome. This precision indicates a tendency in the administration to break the larger nome units down into smaller areas with different functions.64 While textual sources illuminate the situation described above for the nomes and cities of the Nile Valley, sources for the situation in the Delta from that time are notoriously rare, providing only glimpses into the administration of the region. The title jmy rꜣ tꜣ mḥ.w, “Overseer of Lower Egypt” appeared in the late eleventh dynasty and stayed in use until the end of the Middle Kingdom, but no detailed information is available that describes the tasks and responsibilities of this office.65 Another title with regard to the Delta, jmy-rꜣ sḫ.tjw, “Overseer of the marshland dwellers”,66 came into use in the reign of Senwosret i. For the Middle Kingdom, fifteen officials with that specific title are known so far.67 Grajetzki interpreted this title as an expression of the efforts of the new dynasty to control the inhabitants, or as Quirke described them, the “seminomadic” people on the edges of the Delta. He also discussed construction markings on the blocks of the pyramid complex of Senwosret i that mention

61

62 63

64 65 66 67

Bietak, Tell el-Dab’a ii, 164; Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 136. Pardey, Provinzialverwaltung, 217, mentions an early example of the writing of the sign Gard. O49 as a determinative for a nome, thus attesting to the increasing importance of cities in the administration of the country. This means that cities adopted a new level of administrative significance, a level that the nomes had had held in earlier times. At the same time the meaning of “nome” shifted from an administrative to a mere geographical unit. For a detailed description of the situation in Upper Egypt from the later sixth dynasty, see also Pardey, Provinzialverwaltung, 202–233. Helck, Zur Verwaltung, 207. Helck, Zur Verwaltung, 210–211: “ḥꜣ.tj-ꜥ of the city nn” becomes the usual expression. Cf. also Pardey, Provinzialverwaltung, 231–232; Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel, 140; Willems, on the other hand recently criticised Helck’s widely accepted interpretation for its lack of a more thorough analysis: Willems, “Nomarchs and Local Potentates”, 364– 381. Helck, Zur Verwaltung, 226; Russo, The Territory w; Lange, “The So-Called Governors’ Cemetery”, 199. Schenkel, Memphis, Herakleopolis, Theben, 240–241; Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, 84, 108, 225, n. 4; Grajetzki, “Setting a State Anew”, 223. Quirke, Titles and Bureaux, 70–71. Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, 231.

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workmen from several locations in the Delta.68 Those construction notes can be categorized as texts with the highest historical reliability,69 and so the information they carry is of high value (such texts belong to the 1st category). According to those construction notes, the workmen came from well-attested places such as Memphis and Heliopolis, but also from places almost invisible in the archaeological and written records, for example Athribis, Sais, and Busiris, and also pḥw-areas such as sḫ.t-ḏꜥw.70 In the later twelfth dynasty the title jmyrꜣ ꜥ-ẖn.wtj, “Chamberlain” appeared in connection with the jmy-rꜣ sẖ.tjw. This combination of titles may have come into use because officials bearing the title jmy-rꜣ ꜥ-ẖn.wtj also acted as leaders of expeditions to the Sinai and had the authority to gather provisions and other resources on their way through the Delta.71 2.3 The Case of Bubastis The new administrative style of governing the country by focusing on the cities rather than the nomes as a whole may also have been applied in the Delta. Although it is very difficult to corroborate this assumption with the limited evidence currently available,72 an important indicator that this process took place can be found in Bubastis in the south-eastern Delta. There, in 1959, directly to the east of a Middle Kingdom palace, Shafik Farid excavated a cemetery (today: cemetery E), with wall decorations and grave goods carrying names and titles of the governors of the city during the twelfth dynasty.73 At least nine individual governors can be identified there, the majority of whom bear the title string ḥꜣtj-ꜥ ( j)m(y)-r(ꜣ) ḥm.w-nṯr. During the Middle Kingdom, this was the typical designation for the mayor of a town who also controlled the administration and the cult of the local main temple. The mayors of Bubastis were, therefore, quite typical examples of the above-mentioned officials of towns, and these officials formed the basis of the administration throughout Egypt. According to the nome list of Senwosret i, however, and in contrast

68 69 70 71 72 73

Grajetzki, “Setting a State Anew”, 221–222. In contrast to texts of religious tradition and decorum, for example funerary texts and the like: cf. Lange, “Palaces of the Ancient Mind”, 41. Arnold, The South Cemeteries of Lisht, 22–25. However, note also Wilson, Sais i, 186–187, who states that the reading sꜣw, Aswan is also possible. Quirke, Titles and Bureaux, 78–80. Cf. also Grajetzki, “Setting a State Anew”, 222–223 for the title jmy-rꜣ ꜥ-ẖn.wtj n tꜣ mḥw. Bietak, Tell el-Dab’a ii, 163–164. Farid, “Preliminary Report”, 85–98; van Siclen, “Remarks on the Middle Kingdom”, 239– 246; Lange, “The So-called Governors’ Cemetery”, 187–203; Lange, “Palace Cemeteries”, 161–172.

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Cemetery E at Bubastis © tell basta-project 2015

with the situation during the New Kingdom, Bubastis was not yet the capital of its own nome. At that time, it belonged to the 13th nome that encompassed the south-eastern edge of the Delta. The nome list of Senwosret i mentions a city sw as the capital of that nome.74 Unfortunately, almost nothing else is known about that city and its location.75 A depiction of the goddess Bastet as a main deity of the nome, however, shown side by side with the goddess Isis,

74 75

Lacau and Chevrier, Une chapelle de Sesostris Ier, pl. 42. Fischer, “Some Notes on the Easternmost Nomes”, 133.13, mentions the possibility of the reading btsw instead of sw as a name of the capital of the 13th nome of Lower Egypt. The order of the signs above the figure of Bastet seems to contradict this interpretation, as the signs are of the same scale and are directly above the head of the goddess, while the following signs are much larger. The writing for Bastet on the other hand is unusual as well. See Lange, “The Lioness Goddess in the Old Kingdom Nile Delta”, 310– 314.

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figure 10.3

Cemetery E: Tomb E.3 (Tomb of Maheshotep?) Note: Lange, “The So-Called Governors’ Cemetery”, 192 © tell basta-project 2016

suggests that Bubastis nevertheless acted as a main centre of the nome at that time. The Middle Kingdom palace and the cemetery of the governors fits very well into that picture. Despite the fact that Bubastis is not listed as the capital of its nome, it is clear that the presence of the governors of Bubastis is an indication that the territorial administration of the Delta followed the same principles as the sources suggest were applied elsewhere in the Egyptian territory.76 Further conclusions about the administration of the Delta during the Middle Kingdom simply require more information than is currently available.

76

And perhaps in contrast to the situation in the late Old Kingdom. See Bakr and Lange, “Die Nekropolen des Alten Reiches in Bubastis”, 44–45.

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Analysing the Sources

Besides the specific problems of the poorly attested territorial organization and administration, the lacunae obstruct even the most basic investigation of other aspects of the Delta in the Middle Kingdom, for instance the spatial distribution of settlements. If the sites attested in the archaeological and textual records are mapped out, however, some general conclusions can be drawn. Figure 10.4 shows all the sites attested in the archaeological record or in textual sources. The hieroglyphs give information about what part of a settlement is attested; the settlement itself, a temple, or a cemetery etc., while specific colour codes differentiate between an archaeological (green) or textual attestation (yellow). The map also differentiates between textual sources of historic value (1st category, cf. above) and texts of tradition, i.e. texts of a strictly religious, usually funerary, origin (2nd category). The reason for that differentiation is that the appearance of a certain location within a funerary text does not necessarily demonstrate the existence of that location during the Middle Kingdom, as they are sometimes derived from older textual sources. Black circles indicate settlements and places where the geographical location is definitely known; places with an uncertain location are shown with a grey circle. Important sites only appearing in the records of earlier or later periods are plotted all grey. The analysis of archaeological records and textual sources for the Delta during the Middle Kingdom, with a focus on their spatial distribution, produced the following results: 1. The western and eastern edges of the Delta contained the largest concentration of archaeologically recorded sites (cf. Fig. 10.1). That is clearly due to the specific geomorphology in those territories. Geophysical and geoarchaeological studies have shown that the zones bordering the elevated areas of the desert, like the margins of the Delta, are made of eroded pleistocene sand layers. Such zones were very suitable for settlements as they were not affected by the annual inundation of the Nile.77 At the same time, remains of human activities in those areas were less affected by destructive erosion inflicted by the meandering river system of the Delta than those closer to or on the alluvial plain. The archaeological record does not, however, reflect the suitability of the southern central Delta for human occupation. Although it is known that massive sand mounds rising above the alluvial plain there offered excellent possibilities 77

Van den Brink et al., “A Geo-Archaeological Survey in the North-Eastern Nile Delta, Egypt”, 7–31; Ullmann, Lange-Athinodorou, Göbel, Büdel, and Baumhauer, “Preliminary Results on the Paleo-Landscape of Tell Basta/Bubastis”.

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figure 10.4

Nomes and sites in the Delta in the Middle Kingdom. The map shows all sites attested in the archaeological record and in category 1 and 2 written sources © lange-athinodorou

2.

3.

78 79

for settlement activities,78 almost nothing has been found in this region so far. The northern central Delta also seems devoid of settlements but this is mainly the result of lacking archaeological investigation in that area.79 Two cities of great importance in earlier periods seem to vanish from the map in the Middle Kingdom. These are Buto and Sais. The distribution becomes even sparser when the texts of tradition (i.e. texts of 2nd category) are removed from the map. In that case the larger part of the north-western Delta, including the whole hinterland of Buto disappears from the archaeological record entirely, seemingly leaving the territory blank (Fig. 10.5). The eastern Delta, as a contact zone with the Sinai and neighbouring countries to the northeast, was clearly an area attracting intensive set-

Butzer, Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt, 22. With the exception of funerary objects coming from Busiris: cf. above: chapter 1.2.

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tlement activities and royal attention. Tell el-Dabʿa and Ezbet Rushdi on the north-eastern border of the Delta did not grow organically over time but were planned settlements initiated on the orders of the king. As Czerny suggested, these sites played a key role in the consolidation of power, and for the protection of the eastern Delta and its borders.80 Mendes may also have played a similar role, although it was not a planned settlement but a city of great age; comparable to Buto and Sais. Evidence of building activities at the local temple of the Ba of Mendes during the Middle Kingdom, and the existence of an elite cemetery indicate that the settlement flourished in that period.81 Similarly at Bubastis, building activities by Amenemhat i at the temple of Bastet,82 the construction of the royal palace and residence of the governors, and the attached cemetery from the time of Amenemhat ii to Amenemhat iii,83 are evidence for an intense royal interest in the heartland of the south-eastern Delta at that time. Royal interest was no doubt encouraged by the location of the city, which was close to the entrance to the Wadi Tumilat and two mayor Nile branches, and also by the importance of the cult of its major deity.84 Given the sporadic archaeological record, it is not clear to what extent this record actually mirrors reality. Do the blank areas on the map of the Middle Kingdom Delta really equate to an absence of settlement activity for that period of history? As always, it is important to be careful when drawing conclusions from incomplete data sets, even if that is a frequent occurrence in such studies. In the case of the north-western Delta, recent discoveries of pottery and seal impressions of the Middle Kingdom at Sais prove that the area was suitable for settlement activities.85 Those finds should not come as a complete surprise. A look at the map displaying all places attested by category 1 textual evidence (i.e. “historical” texts) shows that Sais is amongst them (Fig. 10.5). For example, on stela bm 146, an official smtj with the title ḫrp sꜣw, “leader of Sais” appears, a title which probably had a historical basis that confirms the existence of Sais at that

80 81

82 83

84 85

Czerny, Tell el-Dab’a ix; Habachi, Tell el-Dab’a i, 158–163, pls. 8–9, 174; Szafrański and Zbigniew, “Two New Royal Inscriptions”, 48–49. Hansen, “Mendes 1965 and 1966: i”, 14; Soghor, “Mendes 1965 and 1966: ii”, 31; Gomaà, Die Besiedlung, 246–249, 252; Wenke, “Mendes”, 500; Redford, City of the Ram-Man, 61–62; Lange, “The So-called Governors’ Cemetery”, 201. Naville, Bubastis (1887–1889), pl. 33A. Bietak and Lange, “Tell Basta: The Palace of the Middle Kingdom”, 4–7; Bietak, “Nord und Süd,” 49–57; Lange, “The So-called Governors’ Cemetery”, 187–203; Lange, “Palaces of the Ancient Mind”, 39–64. Lange, Ullmann, and Baumhauer, “Remote Sensing”, 377–380. Penelope Wilson: personal communication.

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figure 10.5

Nomes and sites of the Delta in the Middle Kingdom. The map shows all sites attested in the archaeological record and by category 1 written sources © lange-athinodorou

time.86 The mention of Sais as the capital of the 5th nome of Lower Egypt on the White Chapel of Senwosret i also corroborates that assumption. The new finds of Middle Kingdom material at Sais shows that tradition-based textual sources should not be dismissed out of hand. The old adage that an absence of evidence does not automatically equal evidence of absence also comes to mind. When dealing with the northwestern Delta, Buto must also be considered. Several locations on the perimeter of the city are attested by funerary texts, i.e. texts of tradition (ꜣḫ bjt, ḏbꜥw.t, p, dp etc., cf. Fig. 10.4). The Tell of Buto is currently experiencing a phase of intense archaeological excavation and geophys-

86

Budge, Hieroglyphic Texts, pl. 8, ll. 9–10. Granted, the title appears in a string of religious titles connected to the crowns of the king and the deities associated with them, however, the material culture recovered from Sais proves a certain degree of historicity here.

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ical survey,87 but no material remains of the Middle Kingdom have been found. Interestingly, the known textual sources mentioning Buto and its satellites almost all belong to category 2, i.e. texts of tradition, except for the mentioning of the fortress in the biographical inscription from Lisht, which might have been situated in the hinterland, however. It can be tentatively presumed that in this case the indications of the category 2 textual sources really do reflect ancient reality. Gaps in the history of the settlements of the Delta are a wellknown phenomenon and can almost always be explained by environmental changes, as for example movements of the river channels that the settlements were situated on.88 The lack of archaeological finds in the central Delta may also be explained by less intensive excavation activities over the years as well as by the specific hydrological and geomorphological conditions in those area. Higher rates of accumulation of sediments since as far back as the 8th millennium bp mean that settlements in the central Delta were subject to much more rapid rates of destruction than in the other areas of the Delta, and so the sites have attracted less archaeological attention as a result.89

4

Conclusions

How does the Delta of the Middle Kingdom fit into a general conceptual model of residence and periphery in ancient Egypt? Even the most tentative answer to this question must first broaden the discussion out from two seemingly opposing terms to cover a wider range of ideas. As shown above, the archaeological evidence proves that there was keen royal interest in the eastern Delta, which included the erection of palaces, the installation of settlements, and the initiation of cults for the veneration of the pharaoh. The eastern Delta, therefore, was clearly the focus of attention for the residence and the area was under its close control, in spite of its location on the geographical margins of Egypt. Whether the residence had a similar degree of interest regarding the western Delta is still open to speculation. The repeated appearance of the nomes of the western 87

88

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Der Way, “Buto (Tell el Fara’in)”, 180–184; cf. also the series of preliminary reports regularly published in Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo; Wunderlich and Girnau, “Paläoumweltwandel im Raum Tell el Fara’in/Buto”, 488–492. Bietak, Tell el-Dab’a ii; Lange, Ullmann, Baumhauer, “Remote sensing”, 377–378 with further literature. For the paleo-environment of Buto: Andres and Wunderlich, “Late Pleistocene and Holocene Evolution”, 121–130; Wunderlich, Untersuchungen; idem, “The Natural Conditions”, 259–266; Wunderlich and Girnau, “Paläoumweltwandel”, 488–495. Lange-Athinodorou 2021 (in print).

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Delta in the nome lists of that time seems to indicate a similar level of interest, although archaeological proof of that is still missing. Regarding the conceptual model of centre and periphery, as a preliminary hypothesis, the Delta should be considered to be its own zone with a semiresidential character due to the massive presence of royal activity. The zone could cover the south-eastern and eastern Delta and the edges of the western Delta. The central Delta could possibly correspond more closely to what is usually referred to with the term “province”, rather than being a “periphery”, although the lack of information requires that every proposed interpretation is tentative. The Delta was, nevertheless, a highly important and also vulnerable part of the territory of ancient Egypt, and it cannot be seen as peripheral according to any usual understanding of the word.

Bibliography Allen, J.P. “The biographical inscription from the mastaba of Intef (?).” In Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht, Di. Arnold, ed., 89–93. Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian Expedition 28. New York: mma, 2008. Andres, W. and J. Wunderlich. “Late Pleistocene and Holocene Evolution of the Eastern Nile Delta and Comparisons with the Western Delta.” In From the North Sea to the Indian Ocean, H. Brückner and U. Radtke, eds., 121–130. Erdkundliches Wissen 105. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1991. Arnold, Di. The pyramid complex of Amenemhat i at Lisht: The architecture. Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 29. New York: mma, 2015. Arnold, Di. and P. Jánosi. “The Move to the North: establishing a new capital.” in Ancient Egypt Transformed: the Middle Kingdom, A. Oppenheim, Di. Arnold, Do. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto, eds., 54–57. New Haven-London: Yale University Press, 2015. Arnold, Do. “Amenemhat i and the early 12th dynasty at Thebes.” Metropolitan Museum Journal 26/1 (1991): 5–21. Arnold, F. The south cemeteries of Lisht ii: The control notes and team marks. Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian Expedition 23. New York: mma, 1990. Bakr, M.I. and E. Lange, “Die Nekropolen des Alten Reiches in Bubastis.” In Ägypten begreifen: Erika Endesfelder in memoriam, F. Feder, G. Sperveslage, and F. Steinborn, eds., 31–48. London: ghp, 2017. Bietak, M. Tell el-Dab’a ii: der Fundort im Rahmen einer archäologisch-geographischen Untersuchung über das ägyptische Ostdelta. Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institute 1. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 4. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1975.

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Bietak, M. “Egypt and the Levant.” In The Egyptian World, T. Wilkinson, ed., 417–448. London-New York: Routledge, 2007. Bietak, M. “Nord und Süd—königlich und profan: Neues zum Palast des Mittleren Reiches von Bubastis.” mdaik 70–71 (2014–2015): 49–57. Bietak, M. and E. Lange. “Tell Basta: The palace of the Middle Kingdom.” Egyptian Archaeology 44 (2014): 4–7. Bissing, F.W. v. “La chambre des trois saisons du sanctuaire solaire du roi Rathourès (ve dynastie) à Abousir.” asae 53/1 (1955): 319–338. Brink, E.C.M. van den, et al. “A Geo-Archaeological Survey in the North-Eastern Nile Delta, Egypt.” mdaik 43 (1987): 7–31. Budge, E.A.W. Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae, &c., in the British Museum ii. London: British Museum, 191. Burgos, F. and F. Larché. La Chapelle Rouge: le sanctuaire de barque d’Hatshepsout i. Paris: Soleb Éditions, 2006–2008. Butzer, K. Early hydraulic civilization in Egypt: a study in cultural ecology, Prehistoric Archeology and Ecology. Chicago-London. The University of Chicago Press, 1976. Champion, T., ed. Centre and Periphery: comparative studies in archaeology. London: Routledge, 2005. Czerny, E. Tell el-Dab’a ix: eine Plansiedlung des frühen Mittleren Reiches. Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes 15. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 16. Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1999. Fakhry, A. “Wâdi-el-Natrûn.” asae 40 (1940): 845–848. Fakhry, A. “The search for texts in the western desert.” In Textes et langages de l’Égypte pharaonique: cent cinquante années de recherches 1822–1972. Hommage à JeanFrançois Champollion 2, S. Sauneron, ed., 207–222. Cairo: ifao, 1972. Farid, S. “Preliminary Report on the Excavations of the Antiquities Department at Tell Basta (Season 1961).” asae 58 (1964): 85–98. Fischer, H.G. “Some notes on the easternmost nomes of the Delta in the Old and Middle Kingdoms.” jnes 18/2 (1959): 129–142. Fischer, H.G. “Some early monuments from Busiris, in the Egyptian Delta.”Metropolitan Museum Journal 11 (1976): 5–24. Gautier, J.E. and G. Jequier, Mémoire sur les fouilles de Licht. mifao 6. Cairo: ifao, 1902. Gestermann, L. Kontinuität und Wandel in Politik und Verwaltung des frühen Mittleren Reiches in Ägypten. gof iv/18. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1987. Gomaà, F. Die Besiedlung Ägyptens während des Mittleren Reiches ii: Unterägypten und die angrenzenden Gebiete. Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B, (Geisteswissenschaften) 66/2. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1987. Grajetzki, W. Die höchsten Beamten der ägyptischen Zentralverwaltung zur Zeit des

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Mittleren Reiches: Prosoprographie, Titel und Titelreihen. Achet A2. Berlin: Achet Verlag, 2000. Grajetzki, W. “Setting a state anew: the central administration from the end of the Old Kingdom to the end of the Middle Kingdom.” In Ancient Egyptian administration, J.C. Moreno García, ed., 215–258. HdO 1/The Near and Middle East 104. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Habachi, L. “Tell el-Dab’a i: Tell el-Dab’a and Qantir. The site and its connection with Avaris and Piramesse.” In Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes, vol. 2, E.-M. Engel, P. Jánosi, and C. Mlinar, eds., 158–163. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 23. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2001. Hansen, D.P. “Mendes 1965 and 1966: i. Excavations at Tell el Rub’a.” jarce 6 (1967): 5– 16. Helck, W. Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren und Neuen Reichs. Probleme der Ägyptologie 3. Leiden-Köln: Brill, 1958. Helck, W. Die altägyptischen Gaue. Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B, Geisteswissenschaften 5. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1974. Jansen-Winkeln, K. “Der Untergang des Alten Reiches.” Orientalia 79/3 (2010): 273–303. Jaroš-Deckert, B. Grabung im Asasif: 1963–1970, vol. 5. Das Grab des Jnj-jtj.f: Die Wandmalereien der xi. Dynastie. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 12. Mainz: Phillip von Zabern, 1984. Kahl, J. “Regionale Milieus und die Macht des Staates im Alten Ägypten: Die Vergöttlichung der Gaufürsten von Assiut.” sak 41 (2012): 163–188. Kamal, A. “Rapport sur une statue recueillie à Kom el-Shataîn, dans le Gharbieh.” asae 2 (1901): 126–128. Kamal, A. Tables d’offrandes (cg 23001–23256). Cairo: ifao, 1906. Kees, H. “Zu den Gaulisten im Sonnenheiligtum des Neuserrê.” zäs 81 (1956): 38–40. Lacau, P. et al. Une chapelle d’Hatshepsout à Karnak. Cairo: ifao, 1979. Lacau, P. and H. Chevrier. Une chapelle de Sesostris Ier à Karnak. Cairo: ifao, 1956. Lange, E. “The So-called Governors’ Cemetery at Bubastis and Provincial Elite Tombs in the Nile Delta: State and Perspectives of Research.” In The World of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000–1550bc), W. Grajetzki and G. Miniaci, eds., 187–203. mks 1. London: ghp, 2015. Lange, E. “The Lioness Goddess in the Old Kingdom Nile Delta: A Study in Local Cult Topography.” In Sapientia Felicitas. Festschrift für Günter Vittmann zum 29. Februar 2016, S. Lippert, M. Schentuleit, and M. Stadler, eds., 301–324. Cahiers Égypte Nilotique et Méditerranéenne 14. Cairo: Équipe Égypte Nilotique et Méditerranéenne, 2016. Lange, E. “Palaces of the ancient mind.” In Palaces in Ancient Egypt and the Ancient Near

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East. Proceedings of the Conference on Palaces in Ancient Egypt held in London 12th– 14th June 2013. Vol. 1. M. Bietak and S. Prell, eds., 39–63. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2018. Lange, E.T. Ullmann, and R. Baumhauer. “Remote sensing in the Nile Delta: SpatioTemporal Analysis of Bubastis/Tell Basta.” Ägypten & Levante 26 (2016): 377–380. Leitz, C. “Die Größe Ägyptens nach dem Sesostris-Kiosk in Karnak.” In jn.t ḏr.w. Festschrift für Friedrich Junge, vol. 2, G. Moers et al. (eds.), 409–427. Göttingen: Lingua Aegyptia, 2006. Lorand, D. “Talking along the Nile, À la recherche de Itj-Taouy/el-Licht: à propos des descriptions et cartes du site au xixe siècle.” In Talking along the Nile: Ippolito Rosellini, travellers and scholars of the 19th century in Egypt. Proceedings of the international conference held on the occasion of the presentation of progetto Rosellini. Pisa, June 14–16, 2012, M. Betrò and G. Miniaci, eds., 137–150. Pisa: Pisa University Press, 2013. Lorand, D. “Amenemhat-Itj-Taouy: quelques réflexions sur la compréhension d’un toponyme.” In Décrire, imaginer, constuire l’espace: toponymie égyptienne de l’Antiquité au Moyen Âge, S. Dhennin and C. Somaglino, eds., 31–48. Fouilles de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale; Recherches d’archéologie, de philologie et d’histoire 39. Cairo: ifao, 2016. Müller-Wollermann, R. “End of the Old Kingdom.” In ucla Encyclopedia of Egyptology, W. Grajetzki and W. Wendrich, eds., 1–9. Los Angeles: ucla Press, 2014. Naville, E. Bubastis (1887–1889). Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund 8. London: eef, 1891. Naville, E. Deir el-Bahari i, Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund. London: eef, 1894. Newberry, P.E. Beni Hasan i. Archaeological Survey of Egypt. London: eef, 1893. Pantalacci, L. “De Memphis à Balat: les liens entre la résidence et les gouverneurs de l’oasis à la vie dynastie.” In Études sur l’Ancien Empire et la nécropole de Saqqâra dédiées à Jean-Philippe Lauer 2, C. Berger and B. Mathieu, eds., 341–349. Montpellier: Université Paul Valéry-Montpellier iii, 1997. Pantalacci, L. “Pouvoir central, pouvoirs locaux en Égypte à la fin de l’Ancien Empire: le cas du gouvernorat oasien à Balat.” Méditerranées 24 (2000): 57–68. Pardey, E. Untersuchungen zur ägyptischen Provinzialverwaltung bis zum Ende des Alten Reiches. Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Beiträge 1. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1976. Quack, J.F. Studien zur Lehre für Merikare. gof iv/23. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1992. Quack, J.F. “Irrungen, Wirrungen? Forscherische Ansätze zur Datierung der älteren ägyptischen Literatur.” In Dating Egyptian literary texts, G. Moers et al., eds., 405– 469. Hamburg: Widmaier, 2013. Quirke, S. Titles and bureaux of Egypt, 1850–1700bc. Golden House Publications Egyptology 1. London: ghp, 2004.

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Russo, B. The territory w and related titles during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. Golden House Publications Egyptology 13. London: ghp, 2010. Redford, D.B. City of the ram-man: the story of ancient Mendes. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010. Rowlands, M.J. et al., eds. Centre and periphery in the ancient world. Cambridge. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. Schenkel, W. Memphis, Herakleopolis, Theben: die epigraphischen Zeugnisse der 7.– 11. Dynastie Ägyptens. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 12. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1965. Schlott-Schwab, A. Die Ausmasse Ägyptens nach altägyptischen Texten, Ägypten und Altes Testament, vol. 3. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1981. Schulman, A.R. “The battle scenes of the Middle Kingdom.” Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 12/4 (1982): 165–183. Silverman, D.P. “Non-Royal Burials in the Teti Pyramid cemetery and the Early Twelfth Dynasty.” In Archaism and innovation: studies in the culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt, D.P. Silverman, W.K. Simpson, and J. Wegner, eds., 47–101. New Haven-Philadelphia: Yale University/University of Pennsylvania Museum, 2009. Seidlmayer, S.J. “People at Beni Hassan: contributions to a model of ancient Egyptian rural society.” In The Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt: Essays in Honor of David B. O’Connor, Z. Hawass and J. Richards, eds., 351–368. Cairo: Supreme Council of Antiquities, 2007. Siclen, C. van. “Remarks on the Middle Kingdom Palace at Tell Basta.” In House and Palace in Ancient Egypt, M. Bietak, ed., 239–246. Untersuchungen der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 14. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1996. Soghor, C. “Mendes 1965 and 1966: ii. Inscriptions from Tell el Rub’a.” jarce 6 (1967): 16–32. Szafrański, E. and E. Zbigniew. “Two new royal inscriptions from Tell el-Dab’a.” In Timelines: studies in honour of Manfred Bietak 1, E. Czerny et al., eds., 377–380. Leuven: Peeters, 2006. Ullmann, T., E. Lange-Athinodorou, A. Göbel, C. Büdel, and R. Baumhauer. “Preliminary Results on the Paleo-Landscape of Tell Basta/Bubastis (Eastern Nile Delta): An integrated approach combining gis-Based Spatial Analysis, Geophysical and Archaeological investigations.” Quaternary International 2017—Special Issue: “Multiproxy Geoarchaeology” 511 (2017): 185–199. Vogel, C. Ägyptische Festungen und Garnisonen bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches. Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Beiträge 46. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 2004. Ward, W.A. “Egypt and the East Mediterranean in the early second millennium bc.” Orientalia 30/1 (1961): 22–27. Ward, W.A. “The nomarch Khnumḥotep at Pelusium.” jea 55 (1969): 215–216.

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Way, T. v. der. “Buto (Tell el Fara’in).” In Encyclopedia of the archaeology of ancient Egypt, K.A. Bard, ed., 180–184. London: Routledge, 1999. Wenke, R. “Mendes.” in Encyclopedia of the archaeology of ancient Egypt, K.A. Bard, ed., 500. London: Routledge, 1999. Willems, H. “The nomarchs of the Hare Nome and early Middle Kingdom history.” Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap Ex Oriente Lux 28 (1983–1984): 80–102. Willems, H. “Nomarchs and local potentates: the provincial administration in the Middle Kingdom.” In Ancient Egyptian administration, J.C. Moreno García, ed., 341–392. HdO 1/The Near and Middle East 104. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Willems, H. Historical and Archaeological Aspects of Egyptian Funerary Culture: Religious Ideas and Ritual Practice in Middle Kingdom Elite Cemeteries. chane 73. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2014. Wilson, P. “The Nile Delta.” In The Egyptian World, T. Wilkinson, ed., 20–21. London-New York: Routledge, 2010. Wilson, P. Sais i: The Ramesside-Third Intermediate Period at Kom Rebwa. Egypt Exploration Society, Excavation Memoir 98. London: ees, 2011. Wunderlich, J. Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung des westlichen Nildeltas im Holozän. Marburger Geographische Schriften 114. Marburg: Marburger Geographischen Gesellschaft, 1989. Wunderlich, J. “The natural conditions for pre- and early dynastic settlement in the western Nile Delta around Tell el-Fara’in-Buto.” In Environmental change and human culture in the Nile Basin and northern Africa until 2nd millennium bc, L. Krzyzaniak, M. Kobusiewicz, and J. Alexander, eds., 259–266. Poznán: Poznán Archaeological Museum, 1993. Wunderlich, J. and A. Girnau. “Paläoumweltwandel im Raum Tell el Fara’in/Buto: Ergebnisse und Perspektiven geoarchäologischer Forschung.” mdaik 70–71 (2014–2015): 488–492.

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chapter 11

The Craft of the Non-mechanically Reproducible: Targeting Centres of Faience Figurine Production in 1800–1650bc Egypt Gianluca Miniaci University of Pisa

Abstract This paper discusses a group of fourteen faience figurines that entered the collection of the British Museum in 1891. Although the figurines were purchased through the antiquities market, they formed a homogenous group that can be typologically and stylistically dated to the late Middle Kingdom (1800–1650 b.c.). Similarities in manufacturing techniques, shape, decoration, raw materials, and other aspects of the technologies employed to create them indicate a common provenance, and by extension, place of production. The site of Lahun is tentatively proposed here as that place of production, based on the date the pieces were purchased as well as the comparative studies. The second part of the article takes a more theoretical and methodological approach to establish the degree to which faience figurine production was centralised and/or dispersed to local centres during the Middle Kingdom, taking four key variables. The dissonant evidence provided by the study of these four different variables, which yielded some conflicting information, demonstrated that faience production was an ‘ambiguous’ process using a medium that could not be fully controlled during all the steps of production. The only degree of control that could be exercised was related to the individual craftsmanship of the artisans. Since faience figurines of the late Middle Kingdom were not produced in moulds, and were therefore not mechanically reproducible, only skilled makers with access to the necessary knowledge about the chemical processes involved could have generated such artefacts.

1

Introduction

Faience figurines of the Middle Kingdom included representations of a broad range of animals. Representations of wild fauna included animals living in the marshes and swamps of the Nile river and in the desert, such as hippopotami, lions, baboons, crocodiles, wild cats, servals, hedgehogs, jerboas, frogs, and snakes. Animals from the domestic sphere, distinguished by their generally © Gianluca Miniaci, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_013

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harmless behaviour, included dogs, rabbits, pigeons, goats, bovines, and sheep. The group also includes a limited number of human figurines, principally representing grotesque creatures,1 with exaggerated or caricatured features, including a large head, prominent stomach, short arms and legs. The group also includes so-called “fertility figurines”2 and truncated-leg female figurines3 represented without the lowest parts of the legs.4 Composite figures representing hybrid beings such as Aha/Bes5 or Ipi/Taweret6 are rather rare for this period. Other vegetal and inanimate objects were also reproduced in faience, such as fruits, vegetables, serving dishes, cylinder jars, cups, bowls, and balls.7 Some of the figurines have been considered to be “period signatures”; diagnostic items characteristic of the funerary contexts of the late Middle Kingdom. They came into widespread use when some other early Middle Kingdom categories of artefacts, such as wooden models, fell out of use. Other characteristic types also appeared, such as ivory birth-tusks, cubit rods, and shabti “prototypes”. All of these disappeared with the introduction of a range of new burial equipment in the early New Kingdom, including large pieces of furniture and excerpts of the Book of the Dead.8

2

Questions Concerning the 1891 Lot of Faience Figurines in the British Museum

In the collection of the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan in the British Museum are 61 faience figurines9 that can be stylistically and typologically 1 2 3 4

5 6

7

8

9

Miniaci, “Populating Middle Kingdom Fauna”, 75–76; cf. Dasen, Dwarfs, 279–285. Pinch, Votive Offerings, 198–234. See Tooley, “Notes on Type 1 Truncated Figurines: the Ramesseum Ladies”, 421–456. For the interpretation of these figurines as regeneration figures connected with the khenerdancers of Hathor, see Morris, “Paddle Dolls and Performance”, 101–103; and idem, “Middle Kingdom Clappers, Fancers, Birth Magic, and the Reinvention of Ritual”, 285–335. Volokhine, “Dieux, masques et hommes: à propos de la formation de l’iconographie de Bès”, 81–95; Romano, “The Origin of the Bes-Image”, 39–56. See Ceruti, “The Hippopotamus Goddess Carrying a Crocodile on her Back,” 93–123. See also comments on items no. 1.3 and 1.4 in Miniaci, “The Late Middle Kingdom Burial Assemblage from the Tomb G62 at Abydos (bm ea 37286–37320)”, 175–176. For a more complete overview of these iconographic categories, see Miniaci, Between Different Worlds, forthcoming. Several examples can be also found in Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 112–121. Bourriau, “Patterns of Change in Burial Customs during Middle Kingdom”, 11; Miniaci, “Burial Equipment of Rishi Coffins and the Osmosis of the ‘Rebirth Machine’ at the End of the Middle Kingdom”, 247–274; Quirke, Going out in Daylight, x–xii. The number of artefacts that can be attributed to the Middle Kingdom is much higher, but several items cannot be dated with certainty.

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dated to the Middle Kingdom.10 Around 80% of them have no secure provenance and come from purchases on the antiquities market. Among the purchased figurines is a group of fourteen figurines that were all acquired in the same year, 1891. The acquisitions were made by Sir Ernest Alfred Thompson Wallis Budge and Rev. Chauncey Murch.11 Figurines from Sir Ernest Alfred Thompson Wallis Budge (1891) No. 1 (ea 22873): hedgehog standing on an elongated oval base, whose edge is painted in black. The black dashes over the body may indicate the quilled coat of the animal. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.1). Colour: turquoise blue; Core: white-brownish; Dimensions: 5.9 × 3.7 × 3.4 cm; Place of purchase: N/A; Bibliography: Ross, The Art of Egypt Through the Ages, 150, no. 1; von Droste zu Hülshoff, Der Igel im alten Ägypten, 137, no. 109, pl. 12; Andrews, Egyptian Treasures from the British Museum, 238–239; qtd. Kemp and Merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 140, under no. 416.A.07.93. No. 2 (ea 22876): rampant lion attacking a smaller quadruped (probably a calf), resting on a rectangular base, whose edge is painted in black. The black dashes over the body, the tail, and the face of the animal may indicate the fur. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.2). Colour: deep turquoise blue; Core: brownish; Dimensions: 4.4 × 7.1 × 2.6 cm; Place of purchase: Luxor/Thebes; Bibliography: unpublished. No. 3 (ea 22877): walking dog with curly tail and short ears, standing on a rectangular base, whose edge is painted in black. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.3). Colour: turquoise green-blue; Core: brownish; Dimensions: 3.7 × 5.7 × 2.5 cm; Place of purchase: N/A; Bibliography: unpublished; qtd. Kemp and Merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 141, under no. 416.A.07.98. 10 11

Among the 61 items, 12 come from documented archaeological contexts and all the rest come from purchases. Another two faience models could be added to the 1891 list: bm ea 24407 (drop-shaped vase with rounded base) and ea 24408 (flask with lenticular body). Both were acquired by Rev. Chauncey Murch in Luxor in 1891, but they have not been included in the above lot because they have not been examined by the author. Two years earlier, in 1889, Rev. Walter L. Lawson also bought a faience figurine of a recumbent lion on the antiquarian market in Luxor, which is registered now at the British Museum under the inventory number ea 22797. This figurine can be grouped stylistically together with the lot of figurines acquired by Sir Ernest Alfred Thompson Wallis Budge and Rev. Chauncey Murch in 1891.

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No. 4 (ea 22880): recumbent hippopotamus, originally decorated with painted lotus-flower motifs, now faded. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.4). Colour: turquoise blue; Core: white-brownish; Dimensions: 2.0 × 4.6 × 2.5 cm; Place of purchase: N/A; Bibliography: pm i2, 2, 614; Behrmann, Das Nilpferd i, Doc. 142 f. 34; L. Keimer, “Nouvelles recherches au sujet du Potamogeton lucens”, 222, no. 24; qtd. Evers, Staat aus dem Stein ii, 127, § 765; Hall, “Three hippopotamus-figures of the Middle Kingdom”, 57. No. 5 (ea 22881): squatting man with elongated skull and flat-topped head, holding a jar in his hands. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze; the pigment is faded (fig. 11.5). Colour: turquoise green; Core: brownish; Dimensions: 5.8 × 2.8 × 3.0 cm; Place of purchase: N/A; Bibliography: Ross, The Art of Egypt, 150, fig. 1. No. 6 (ea 22882): pregnant (?) grotesque human being in a squatting position with bald head and pronounced scrotum (a hermaphrodite?). The feet rest on a short base, whose edge is painted in black. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.6). Colour: deep turquoise blue; Core: brownish; Dimensions: 6.8 × 2.7 × 3.6 cm; Place of purchase: N/A; Bibliography: Ross, The Art of Egypt, 151, fig. 1 (third from left); Dasen, Dwarfs, 285, cat. no. d 194. No. 7 (ea 22883): Standing hybrid human-lion figure, often identified as Aha/ Bes; the arms ending with leonine paws are lying in front of the body and resting over the belly; the legs (now partially missing) should have been slightly bent, and the tail is attached to the back of the figure. The face has a rather unusual shape, almost deformed, with an uncommon necklace ending with a shell(?)-shaped amulet (oval sign). Right arm, left ear, both legs, and much of the tail are now missing. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.7). Colour: turquoise green-blue; Core: brownish; Dimensions: 10.0 × 5.8 × 3.9 cm; Place of purchase: N/A; Bibliography: unpublished. No. 8 (ea 22884): vessel model in tripartite form, decorated with the design of alternating plain and spotted water-lily petals on the lowest level and with a zigzag water design in the middle register. The upper part of the vessel is broken off but originally was probably made of a tip painted in black. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.8). Colour: pale turquoise blue; Core: brown-whitish; Dimensions: 6.0 × 3.1 (diam. max.) cm; Place of purchase: N/A; Bibliography: unpublished.

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No. 9 (ea 22885): vessel model in quadripartite form, decorated with the design of spotted water-lily petals on the lowest level and with vertical stroke pattern on the upper level. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.9). Colour: turquoise green; Core: brownish; Dimensions: 4.5 × 2.7 (diam. max.) cm; Place of purchase: N/A; Bibliography: unpublished. Figurines from Rev. Chauncey Murch (1891) No. 10 (ea 24403): model in the form of a fruit or gourd (fig. 11.10). Colour: pale turquoise blue; Dimensions: 4.1× 7.0 × 4.2 cm; Place of purchase: N/A; Bibliography: unpublished. No. 11 (ea 24404): vessel model in tripartite form, decorated with the design of water-lily petals on the lowest levels. The upper part of the vessel is made of a tip painted in black. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.11). Colour: deep turquoise blue; Core: brown-whitish; Dimensions: 7.1 × 3.5 (diam. max.) cm; Place of purchase: Qurna (Luxor/Thebes); Bibliography: unpublished. No. 12 (ea 24405): crouching cat resting on an oval base, whose edge is painted in black. The tail is curled around the right leg. The black dashes over the body and the tail of the animal may indicate the fur. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.12). Colour: turquoise blue; Core: brown-whitish; Dimensions: 3.7 × 6.1 × 2.9 cm; Place of purchase: Qurna (Luxor/Thebes); Bibliography: unpublished. No. 13 (ea 24406): walking lion or cheetah (wild cat?). The black dashes over the body, the tail, and the face of the animal may indicate the fur. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.13). Colour: turquoise green; Core: brown; Dimensions: 3.1 × 7.5 × 1.9 cm; Place of purchase: Qurna (Luxor/Thebes); Bibliography: unpublished. No. 14 (ea 24409): kneeling man, drinking from a conical jar, resting on a base edged in black paint. Details outlined in black-blue pigment under the glaze (fig. 11.14). Colour: pale turquoise green; Dimensions: 4.8× 2.4 × 2.9 cm; Place of purchase: Qurna (Luxor/Thebes); Bibliography: unpublished.

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Hedgehog figurine, bm ea 22873 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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Lion figurine, bm ea 22876 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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Dog figurine, bm ea 22877 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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Hippopotamus figurine, bm ea 22880 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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Man figurine, bm ea 22881 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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Pregnant (?) dwarf figurine, bm ea 22882 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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Hybrid human-lion figure, bm ea 22883 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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figure 11.8

Vessel model, bm ea 22884 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

figure 11.9

Vessel model, bm ea 22885 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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figure 11.10

Model in the form of a fruit or gourd, bm ea 24403 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

figure 11.11

Vessel model, bm ea 24404 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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Cat figurine, bm ea 24405 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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Lion or cheetah figurine, bm ea 24406 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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figure 11.14

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Man figurine, bm ea 24409 © trustees of the british museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

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All these fourteen figurines come from market purchases and it is not possible to make any secure statements about their provenances. In addition, when Luxor/Thebes is indicated as place of purchase (five times, nos. 2, 11–14), it does not add useful information with respect to the archaeological provenance, since Luxor was one of the major centres for the antiquities trade in the 19th century. Together with Cairo, it was often used as a “generic purchase place” when illicit sales had to be covered up. Purchased pieces often raise questions about their authenticity, as they could have been modern copies imitating desirable items circulating on the market. There are, however, three reasons that might indicate that these two British Museum figurine groups were genuine, even in absence of laboratory analysis. These are A) the date of their purchase, B) the close parallels with other documented faience figurines, and C) their iconography and manufacture. A: With the exception of hippopotamus models (which were already known before 1891),12 large batches of faience figurines were first brought to light in the early 20th century excavations by Petrie, Garstang, the Metropolitan Museum of Art Expedition.13 The pieces started to circulate on the markets and attracted the attention of collectors.14 This could have stimulated the manufacture of modern reproductions. As a result, it is clear that modern copies could not have been based on previously known images or drawings, since by 1891 faience figurines had not yet been depicted in any significant or widespread publications. B: At least nine of these figurines have surprising similarities with other figures from documented excavated contexts. In addition, all those archaeological contexts date later than 1891: No. 1 = Hedgehog from tomb 655 at Beni Hasan: Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum E.345.1954;15 No. 3 = Dog from a deposit in the Obelisk Temple in Byblos;16 12 13 14

15

16

See for instance Maspero, L’ archéologie égyptienne, 253, fig. 224. Miniaci, Miniature Forms as Transformative Thresholds, forthcoming. E.g. group of Matariya, Keimer, “Sur quelques petits fruits en faïence émaillée datant du Moyen Empire”, 49; Miniaci, “The Historical and Archaeological Reliability of the Middle Kingdom ‘Tomb-group’ from el-Matariya (Heliopolis)”, 75–99. Garstang, The Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt, 141–142, 234, fig. 140; Vassilika, Egyptian Art, 40, no. 16; von Droste zu Hülshoff, Der Igel im alten Ägypten, 136–137, no. 107, pl. 12; Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 118, cat. no. 110; Morfoisse and Andreu-Lanoë, eds. Sésostris iii, 292, cat. no. 291. Dunand, Fouilles de Byblos ii, cat. no. 15240.

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No. 4 = Hippopotamus from a deposit in the Obelisk Temple in Byblos;17 two hippopotami from Lisht: mma 15.3.884, associated with no specific find-spot, probably found in the debris,18 and mma 15.3.185 from pit 475, east of the tomb 493 of Nakht;19 Nos. 5 and 14 = Grotesque human beings from a deposit in the Obelisk Temple in Byblos;20 grotesque human beings from Lisht, from pit 964 in the cemetery south of the Pyramid: mma 22.1.286;21 No. 6 = Two dwarves from a deposit in the Obelisk Temple in Byblos;22 No. 7 = Although this hybrid composition is rather unique in its design, some similarities can be drawn with the features of similar figures of Aha/ Bes found in tomb 275E at Esna by Garstang: Liverpool, World Museum, 1977.110.2,23 and another Aha/Bes in tomb G62 at Abydos: bm EA37297;24 No. 9 = Jar from the radim in Lisht South: mma 33.1.25;25 No. 12 = Cat from the deposit in the Obelisk Temple in Byblos.26 C: From an iconographic point of view, the faience figurines of the 1891 batch embrace a wide range of different subjects: hedgehog, lion, cat, cheetah (?), dog, hippopotamus, human-lion hybrid combination, fruit. The motif of a grotesque creature drinking from a cup and a vessel with pointed stopper occurs twice. Although disparate, all these motifs are rather common within the corpus of Middle Kingdom faience figurines.27 Only the lion attacking the 17 18 19

20 21

22 23 24 25 26 27

Dunand, Fouilles de Byblos ii, cat. no. 15142. Unpublished, mma excavation 1906–1907. Hornemann, Types of Ancient Egyptian Statuary vi, no. 1698; Behrmann, Das Nilpferd i, Doc. 142.f.54. A similar hippopotamus figurine can be found in the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung of Berlin, W.13892: pm i2, 2, 783; Hornemann, Types of Ancient Egyptian Statuary vi, no. 1700; Kaiser, Ägyptisches Museum Berlin, no. 464; Evers, Staat aus dem Stein ii, fig. 75, § 765; Hall, “Three Hippopotamus-Figures of the Middle Kingdom”, 58; Behrmann, Das Nilpferd i, Doc. 142.f.7; Schoske, Kreissl, and Germer, eds. ‘Anch’ Blumen für das Leben, 73, cat. no. 5. Dunand, Fouilles de Byblos ii, cat. no. 15316. Hornemann, Types of Ancient Egyptian Statuary iv, no. 919; Dasen, Dwarfs, 280, cat. no. 131, pl. 32.3; Hayes, Scepter of Egypt i, 222; qtd. Kemp and Merrillees, Minoan Pottery in Second Millennium Egypt, 138, under no. 416.A.07.87; from mma excavations 1921–1922. Dunand, Fouilles de Byblos ii, cat. nos. 15311–15312. Downes, The Excavations at Esna, 52, fig. 90; Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 112–113, cat. no. 99. Miniaci, “The Late Middle Kingdom Burial Assemblage from the Tomb G62 at Abydos”, 176, item no. 1.4. Unpublished; mma excavations 1932–1933. Dunand, Fouilles de Byblos ii, cat. no. 15253. Miniaci, Miniature Forms as Transformative Thresholds.

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calf is unique and no parallels can be drawn. Such a theme is, however, not entirely absent from other late Middle Kingdom iconographic repertoires. An analogous theme can be found in other Middle Kingdom representations such as in a scene from tomb 33 of the governor Baqet at Beni Hasan,28 or on a painted wooden box from Rifeh29 where a hyena is shown grasping a baby animal in its jaws while it is being born. In addition, all the British Museum figurines share a common manufacturing technique. They were all modelled by hand and the poses are accurately rendered. A manganese pigment was applied under the glaze to emphasise contours and to highlight distinctive features such as a nose, head, paws, and fur, and the outer layers are finished with a thick, glossy glaze. In particular, they all share distinctive raw materials. Wherever it can be seen due to breaks in the glaze coat, most of the items show a core colour tending to brownish. This is less usual than the more widespread whitish core, as can be seen in the examples from Lisht.30 Points A–C demonstrate that the British Museum figurines from 1891 purchase were not counterfeit pieces. In addition, point C indicates that all these figurines may have shared a common place of manufacture. Although this would not necessarily imply a common find-spot (see below in the discussion of centralised/widespread production), it is undeniable that objects which share similar manufacturing techniques and artistic designs tend to be associated with a particular geographical area.31

3

The British Museum 1891 Group as a Set of Artefacts from Lahun (?)

Material coming from undocumented contexts may, nevertheless, carry hidden information about its provenance. For the current study, the date of purchase (i.e. 1891) can shed light on a possible place of origin. In early 1889, two years before the purchase of the two groups on behalf of the British Museum, Flinders Petrie started clearing the town-site then commonly known under the name of Kahun, and its cemetery near el-Lahun, supported by a trained Fay28 29 30 31

Newberry, Beni Hasan. Part i, pl. 35. Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum E.15.1907, Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, 20, pl. 24. Cf., for instance, mma 22.1.180 (nude female figurine). Di Paolo, “The Historiography of the Concept of “Workshop” in Ancient Near Eastern Archaeology”, 117–118; cf. for ivory production in Near East, Winter, “Establishing Group Boundaries: Toward Methodological Refinement in the Determination of Sets as a Prior Condition to the Analysis of Cultural Contact and/or Innovation in First Millennium bce Ivory Carving”, 23–42.

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oumi excavation team. At the end of that year, Petrie recorded a specific event that took place in Lahun. During the summer, Eugène Grébaut had allowed the dealer Farag32 to excavate in the cemetery of Lahun without Petrie’s supervision or presence. Drafted letters reported in his Notebook 49 in 1889 (Petrie Museum, scan 30) show that Petrie complained to Grébaut and Grenfell about what had happened at the site of Lahun: No very valuable objects have been found here, but the sites have proved of much scientific interest; I hope that you have already at Bulak the finds things that were found here by Farag while working excavating last summer, as he cleared out all that he thought worth working in the two cemeteries of the place [Lahun] during my absence. […] Still I hope that you may have in the Museum at least the objects that he found here though their positions are not recorded. […] But it is the cemetery of this place [Lahun], where invaluable evidence may have existed, which has been ravaged by old Farag under license during my absence.33 One of the main concerns of Petrie was that a portion of the finds coming from Farag’s excavations would have not have reached the museum and would instead have been dispersed on the antiquity market. Due to the proximity of the two dates, 1889 (when the late Middle Kingdom cemetery of Lahun was exploited by Farag) and 1891 (when a large group of stylistically homogenous faience figurines appeared on the antiquities market), it is reasonable to suppose that (only?) the fourteen artefacts of the British Museum could have come from Lahun. Despite the fact that Lahun is a key-site for late Middle Kingdom material, the number of faience figurines from there is relatively low (22 items).34 When this situation is compared to the situation for other key late Middle Kingdom sites such as Lisht (201 items), Abydos (57 items), and Harageh (32 items)35 it is tempting to conclude that other faience figurines could have been found at Lahun. A comparative analysis indicates that some of the faience 32 33

34 35

Drower, Flinders Petrie, 143, and passim. Quirke, Hidden hands, 123–124. I would like to thank Stephen Quirke for suggesting Lahun to me as one of the possible find-spots and in relation to Farag’s 1889 excavations of the site. Miniaci, “Unbroken Stories”, 266–267, corrected in Miniaci, Miniature Forms as Transformative, forthcoming. Miniaci, “Unbroken Stories”, 258; lists with bibliography at pages 241–257, corrected in Miniaci, Miniature Forms as Transformative, forthcoming.

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Group of figurines from Lahun. Left: lion Manchester Museum 168; middle: lion Petrie Museum UC16679; right: rabbit, Berlin Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung W.20568 left: courtesy of the manchester museum; middle: courtesy of the petrie museum, photo of gianluca miniaci; right: from claude vandersleyen (ed.), das alte ägypten, 1975, pl. 364b

figurines known to have come from Lahun36 closely match the style and the design of the British Museum group (cf. fig. 11.15, rabbit in Berlin, Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung W.20568;37 lion in the Manchester Museum 168;38 lion in the Petrie Museum uc 16679).39 Lahun can, therefore, be considered one of the most likely possible provenance sites for the British Museum faience figurines, however, it remains only one of several possibilities. It must be borne in mind that i) the lower number of faience figurines coming from Lahun could also be the result of the site’s particular social and geographical context, ii) at the end of the 19th century, “non-supervised/illicit” excavations were under way at several other sites in Egypt, as Petrie lamented in 1888 (on Farag clearing ‘sites’ in the Fayum area, see Petrie Journals 24.10.1988; Quirke, Hidden Hands, 69), iii) uniform manufacturing techniques and common stylistic features do not necessarily imply that the objects were gathered together in a single find-spot. They do, however, indicate a common place of production rather than a common place of use and disposal/deposit. Distribution and use may also have followed systematic patterns as items circulated across the country.40 36

37 38 39 40

Not all the faience figurines recorded as coming from Lahun show a similar manufacture and type of iconography; see, for instance, Petrie Museum uc 2423 or uc 2424. This could be due to different use/deposit contexts, as some are from a cemetery and other from the town. Petrie, Kahun, Gurob and Hawara, 31, pl. 8.2. Petrie, Kahun, Gurob and Hawara, 31, pl. 8.1; Griffith, Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities, 24. Morfoisse and Andreu-Lanoë, eds., Sésostris iii, 292, cat. no. 289; qtd. Kemp and Merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 141, under no. 416.A.07.99. Cf. Zaccagnini, “Aspects of Ceremonial Exchange in the Near East During the Late Second Millennium bc”, 60–61.

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Point iii raises the question of systems of production and distribution of faience figurines in Middle Kingdom Egypt. Was there centralised manufacturing, controlled by an elite, and with targeted distribution to particular social groups or status levels, or were the figurines produced locally, autonomously commissioned, yet distributed on a regional scale?

4

Identifying Patterns of Centralised and Autonomous Craft Production

Edward Schortman and Patricia Urban attempted to synthesize the general interpretative trends in scholarship regarding specialized craftworking in ancient political economies, and they identified a binary model that highlighted the differences between two opposing modes of production: one centralised, connected with the strategies and actions of an elite, and the other autonomous, linked with the involvement of private individuals/commoners in specialized manufacturing. Their main goal was to examine how the manufacture, distribution, and use of crafted goods were related to processes of political centralisation, social differentiation, and inequality. In order to synthetize the high number of often conflicting theories, as well as models and case studies, Schortman and Urban identified two main processes: Manufacture, and Consumption/Distribution. Twelve variables that changed noticeably with respect to the binary opposition were used to described the level of elite vs. commoner control over craft manufacturing.41 For each variable, they identified at least two opposing conditions that described the state of the variable at the maximum extents of the binary opposition. The processes of production, consumption, and distribution were examined as they switched from a centralised, elitecontrolled condition, to an autonomous condition, not supervised or sponsored by a centralized entity. Clearly, their table oversimplifies complex ancient realities and creates a dichotomy that did not necessarily exist in the real world. Craft production is never a uniform phenomenon and economies are always multicentric and multiscalar, however, it is useful to provide a theoretical framework against which the chaotic archaeological material can be evaluated and interpreted. The main objective of a centralized mode of production controlled by an elite is to monopolize and maintain exclusive control over a) the raw materials, b) labour and the development of skilled artisans, possibly on a full-time basis,

41

Schortman and Urban, “Modelling the Roles of Craft Production”, 185–226.

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the craft of the non-mechanically reproducible table 11.1

Summary of variables identified by Schortman and Urban for two opposing modes of production: one centralised and the other autonomous (from Schortman and Urban, “Modelling the Roles of Craft Production”)

Parameter

Variable states Autonomous production (commoner)

Centralised production (controlled by elite)

Manufacturing processes Raw material sources

Local

External

Acquisition strategies

Simple, easily mastered, require little coordinated effort

Complex, hard to learn, need the coordinated work of many individuals

Physical setting (level of concentration)

Dispersed

Aggregated near elite compounds and administrative centres

Production skills

Easily learned and used

Hard to learn, need considerable practice to maintain

Scale of production

Few people, limited steps, little energy investment

Numerous artisans, complexly organized production steps, major energy expenditures

Time devoted to craft production

Part-time

Full-time

Institutional setting (context)

Independent of direct elite control

Attached to, and supported by, elite patrons

Primary identity of the artisan

Not tied to craft production

As an artisan participating in a specific craft

Consumption and distribution processes Restrictions on the distribution and use of particular goods

None, decentralised

Significant, determined by elites

Demand

Low and intermittent

High and constant

Purposes to which goods are put

Daily maintenance chores

Political domination and resistance to same

Relationship between producers and consumers

Equal

Unequal

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and for them to be attached to elite patrons, and c) distribution of the finished products. As a consequence, this type of production tends to produce symbolically ‘rich’ items, often showing exaggerated qualities through which symbolic power can be expressed and rationalized.42 The aim of producing the items is to display qualities that are difficult to replicate, due to both by the high levels of artisanal skill required to produce them as well as the use of rare or difficult to obtain raw materials. At the same time, the items should have physical qualities that are naturally striking (such as a visual brilliance) and communicate the desired message through complex symbolic vocabularies, implying a control over the intellectual resources. The final aim of the exercise of production is to create something that cannot easily be reproduced, so that the elite system cannot be usurped. This exclusivity would prevent another segment of society from rewriting social relationships through the reproduction or alteration of these artefact types. For pragmatic reasons, the autonomous mode of production often carried out by commoners, private individuals, or independent specialists, uses more easily accessible and widely available raw materials, often extracted from their natural context by means of relatively simple technologies and at lower costs. The provenance of the raw materials is typically much closer to the settlements where the artisans are working from, and the objects are targeted at a wide range of potential consumers, who can provide something of value in exchange.43 The artisanal skills could have been learned rapidly and did not require constant practice to be maintained. The items produced are often aimed at displaying a simpler shape and level of decoration, and the design is based more on functional considerations including “shipping” and “using”, rather than as a medium for conveying messages/information. The logic of this local type of manufacturing process is primarily dictated by economic factors. This mode of production is supported by a broad demand for easily decoded yet physically distinctive items. Building on Piotr Steinkeller’s research,44 Mario Liverani has proposed four main parameters that influenced the degree of centralization or diffusion of material production, and can be observable directly through study of objects.45 Faced with a scarcity of textual information and the paucity of the archaeological evidence, including tools, factory buildings or rooms for material pro42 43 44 45

Schortman and Urban, “Modelling the Roles of Craft Production”, 194. Elyachar, Markets of Dispossession. Steinkeller, “The Organization of Crafts in the Third Millennium Babylonia: The Case of Potters”, 232–253. Liverani, “The Near East: The Bronze Age”, 55–56.

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duction, finished objects represent the best archaeological evidence that scholars can use to reconstruct the organisation of material production in ancient Egypt. The parameters for consideration are: 1. Value and provenance of the raw materials 2. Size of the work-force required to make item 3. Technical skill required to make item 4. Destination of the finished products: widespread or centralised He also provided some useful examples: Pottery making requires a ubiquitous raw material (clay) and low technical skill, and has a variety of ‘customers’ (both central agency and families). It therefore tends to be widespread. Jewelry […] is aimed at more selective market, requires higher level of technical skill, and the necessary raw materials are expensive and mostly exotic; it is therefore produced more efficiently in centralized workshops.46 By determining the values of these four parameters in relation to the faience figurines of the late Middle Kingdom, it should be possible to obtain essential information about the production of this category of objects, and as a consequence, assess its role/value inside Egyptian society. Mass-produced commodities, conceived to be used in daily life, have a completely different value within society from ‘prestige’ goods conceived for carrying explicit social and cultural messages.47

5

Parameter 1—Value and Provenance of Raw Materials

The production of faience involves common and inexpensive material components, such as quartz, obtained from sand, flint or crushed pebbles, water, lime, and alkali. It also requires a proportion of copper, which is the most expensive chemical ingredient used to achieve the brilliant blue colour. This could probably have been obtained as scraps from local metal-working workshops. In addition, the technology involved in the production of faience did not require highly sophisticated methods. Silica/quartz forms the bulk of the body, and the addition of lime and alkali flux or soda helps to cement the quartz grains together. The copper oxide in the mix produced the greenish-blue colour. Once 46 47

Liverani, “The Near East: The Bronze Age”, 56. Ekholm, Power and Prestige; Earle, “Specialization and the Production of Wealth”, 67–75; cf. Wengrow, “Prehistories of Commodity Branding”, 7–34.

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the figure was formed and dried it was fired in a kiln. Faience objects frequently present two distinct body layers: a coarse, often discoloured, core, covered by a brilliant white layer over which the glaze was applied in three stages: application, cementation, and efflorescence. After the application of the decoration, sometimes using a commonly available ink mixed from manganese and iron oxide, the figure was fired again.48 The kiln had to reach a temperature between 800–1000° C, an operation that was not so hard to achieve with fairly rudimentary firing technology.49 During the Amarna period, for example, faience production was combined with other crafts such as metallurgy, pottery making, and also bread making,50 to economise on resource use including manpower and fuel.51 Finally, the demand for faience seems to have been generated in response to a market need for artificial stone, as it was an inexpensive material substitute for more expensive raw materials such as turquoise and lapis lazuli.52

6

Parameter 2—Size of the Work-Force

The earliest evidence for a faience workshop dates to the Old Kingdom.53 The remains of shallow circular pits containing broken bricks and pottery sherds, all reddened by fire, have been discovered in a settlement close to the Khentiamentiu temple at Abydos. The structures have been identified as kilns, and the layers of pink ash seem to indicate faience production in that area.54 For the Middle Kingdom, however, only two faience workshops have been tentatively identified so far: 1. Lisht. At the late Middle Kingdom settlement of Lisht (Fayum), Arthur Mace identified areas A1.2 and A1.3, inside the building A1, as glaze factories.55 Three 48 49 50 51 52 53

54

55

Nicholson and Peltenburg, “Egyptian Faience”, 186–187. Nicholson, “Materials and Technology”, 51; Vandiver, “A Review and Proposal of New Criteria for Production Technologies of Egyptian Faience”, 124. Eccleston, “Replicating Faience in a Bread Oven at Amarna”, 33–35. Friedman, “Faience: the Brilliance of Eternity”, 17; Vanthuyne, “Amarna Factories, Workshops, Faience Moulds and their Produce”, 400. Vandiver and Kingery “Egyptian Faience: The First High-Tech Ceramic”, 32. For the possible existence of a faience workshop or teams of workers, as deduced from the tiles of the Old Kingdom funerary complex of Netjerykhet, see Kuraszkiewicz, “Marks on the Faience Tiles from the ‘Blue Chambers’ of Netjerykhet’s Funerary Complex”, 41–48. Adams, Community and Society in Egypt in the First Intermediate Period, 129; Nicholson, “Materials and Technology,” 56–57; Moeller, The Archaeology of Urbanism in Ancient Egypt, 239. Mace, “The Egyptian Expedition 1920–1921: i. Excavations at Lisht”, 17.

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main factors supported the identification of area A1.2 as a faience workshop: a) the high quantity of debris from faience production found there (mostly beads and many hundreds of small marl clay balls),56 b) the discovery of a semicircular structure built in the corner of a room filled with ash deposits. This was re-cleared by Felix Arnold, who confirmed this structure to be a kiln,57 and c) the discovery in the same area of a shaft-tomb no. 879, located under the northern extension of the house A1.3. This tomb contained the remains of the burial equipment of the i҆my-r ṯḥn.tyw, “overseer of glaze-workers”, who was called Debeni.58 It is likely that A1.3 was the workshop or even the home of the chief faience craftworker (see hybrid households documented at Abydos in the same period),59 of faience, Debeni.60 In addition, a primary or secondary glass production zone dating to the New Kingdom was discovered in the area; evidence of a continuity of manufacturing at the site.61 2. Kerma. At Kerma in layers dating to the era of great royal tumuli building known as the Classic Kerma phase (tumuli K iv and iii, c. 1750–1580 bce), Reisner found what he thought might be the remains of faience kilns. He also found extensive quantities of glazed quartz pebbles and wasters in the area. He did not, however, provide further information because the supposed kilns were “too damaged to be drawn”.62 Although some traces of local production can be identified in the Kerma faience,63 no kilns have been identified with certainty at the site.64 Some scholars who have debated the existence of local faience production in Nubia for this period have suggested that the production of faience at Kerma was based on the reuse of imported faience pieces from Egypt, which were employed as raw materials.65 Despite the vast quantities of faience items recovered from ancient Egypt, there is little evidence for its production. There is little in the way of explicit evidence of the act of faience production or of the vocabulary used during that process

56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Nicholson and Peltenburg, “Egyptian Faience”, 181. Arnold, “Settlement Remains at Lisht-North”, 15. Bourriau, “The Dolphin Vase from Lisht”, 220–225. Cf. Picardo, “Hybrid Households: Institutional Affiliations and Household Identity in the Town of Wah-sut (South Abydos)”, 243–287. Arnold, “Settlement Remains at Lisht-North”, 15, fig. 4. Keller, “Problems in Dating Glass Industries of the Egyptian New Kingdom”, 19–28. Reisner, Excavations at Kerma. Parts iv–v, 134–135. Wilde, Innovation und Tradition, 124. Lacovara, “Nubian Faience”, 48–49. Lacovara, “Nubian Faience”, 49.

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in the written and artistic records. Remarkably, scenes of faience production are virtually absent from tomb representations, which usually show a wide range of crafts and expertise at work.66 Paul Nicholson has tentatively identified a possible scene of faience production in a twenty-sixth dynasty tomb at Thebes (tt 36) belonging to Ibi,67 but doubts remain about this hypothesis. Similarly, specific mention of faience production is missing from literary textual evidence. The Teaching of Duau Khety, also known as the Satire of Trades,68 takes into consideration a vast array of manual professions, but unexpectedly excludes all mention of faience-workers.69 As a result, it is not currently possible to extract detailed information about the size of the work-forces required, however, based on the physical structure and types of objects produced, it can be proposed that a handful of craftworkers were probably enough to regulate the whole manufacturing process, from securing the fuel supply for the kiln to the procurement of raw artisanal materials. In fact, a single artisan could potentially have created the materials and shaped and finished this type of object. The application of the inked decoration could have been carried out by the same person who had shaped the paste, and the manufacturing process did not require the support of additional specialised workshops (e.g. of scribes for creating the inscriptions or engravers for adding stone inlays, etc.).

7

Parameter 3—Technical Skill Required: The Manufacture of the Non-mechanically Reproducible

For the whole Middle Kingdom, only three titles referring to the production of faience are attested. These are i҆my-r wꜥr.t n ṯḥn.tyw “section overseer of glazeworkers”, attested in the stele of Kebw purchased in 1859,70 i҆my-r ṯḥn.tyw “overseer of glaze-workers”, attested on a gilded (?) wooden coffin fragment belonging to Debeheni found in shaft-tomb 879 at Lisht,71 and ṯḥn.ty (?) “glaze-worker”, attested on a greywacke statuette belonging to Sehetepibra. This was set in a

66 67 68 69 70 71

Cf. van Walsem, Iconography of Old Kingdom Elite Tombs; Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity in Ancient Thebes. Nicholson, “Materials and Technology”, 56, fig. 31. Vernus, Sagesses de l’ Égypte pharaonique, 239–264; Roccati, “Réflexions sur la Satire des Métiers”, 5–17. Quirke, Egyptian Literature 1800 bc, 121. bm ea 844, Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae etc. The British Museum. Vol. v. pl. 13; Quirke, “ ‘Art’ and the ‘Artist’ in Late Middle Kingdom Administration”, 86. Bourriau, “The Dolphin Vase from Lisht”, 110–111.

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limestone offering table found in shaft-tomb 883 at Lisht.72 Although scarce, this textual evidence indicates that, already by the time of the Middle Kingdom (and perhaps earlier as well),73 the production of faience required devoted specialists to supervise the work. Evidently, supervisors were needed to oversee the work of craftworkers and artisans. The presence of specialised overseers may also imply also the existence of specialised makers. The written sources then are scarce, but the life and work of the faience producer is also attested through the artefacts that they manufactured. The workers were mainly using two techniques: moulding and hand working. The degree of skill required to craft faience by those already in possession of moulds is relatively simple and can be carried out by less skilled craftsmen/workers. That type of manufacture involves simpler mechanical and physical actions such as pressing the paste into the mould.74 The relatively basic technological knowledge required can be acquired through empirical experience, and only an elementary knowledge of firing processes is required, since faience-making is in fact a “cold technology”.75 The faience figurines in the current study were produced using hand work technique, which required a particularly high degree of craftworking skill. The hand modelling of the paste demanded a high degree of accuracy and attention to detail. Forming fine details in faience by hand was a difficult task. The body material is too coarse and not very malleable and it tends to slump and deform under its own weight once shaping is complete.76 When shaping is too rapid, the material cracks or splits, and although the addition of water can help, the finished objects may crumble once they dry.77 Faience figurines of the Middle Kingdom featured a lustrous and intensely blue faience, comprising a thin, fine, surface layer of glossy bi-chrome glaze over a distinctively coarse core.78 They

72 73 74

75 76 77 78

mma 22.1.107a, b; Hölzl, “Offering Table with Statuette of Sehetepib”, 229–230, cat. no. 167; Quirke, Birth Tusks, 170. Cf. Kuraszkiewicz, “Marks on the Faience Tiles”, esp. 47. Tite, Shortland, Kaczmarczyk, and Vandiver “Faience Production in Egypt,” 58–59. Cf. Quirke and Tajeddin, “Mechanical Reproduction in the Age of the Artwork? Faience and 5000 Moulds from 14th-Century bc Egypt”, 341–361; Vanthuyne, “Amarna Factories”, 395– 429. Peltenburg, “Early Faience: Recent Studies, Origins and Relationships with Glass”, 20. Vandiver and Kingery, “Egyptian Faience”, 32. Lavenex Verges, Bleus égyptiens. Nicholson and Peltenburg, “Egyptian Faience”, 187. The techniques in use were most probably the same as those practiced during the Old Kingdom. For the process of efflorescence, application and cementation, see Tite, Shortland, Kaczmarczyk, and Vandiver “Faience Production in Egypt”, 59; Nicholson, “Materials and Technology”, 58; Vandiver and Kingery, “Egyptian Faience”, 19–33.

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were skilfully manufactured with a high degree of accuracy, and finely modelled by hand into elaborate and meaningful compositions. Despite its overall coarseness, the core material was of high quality. The degree of coarseness or fineness of the grains could be varied, as could the hue of the surface colour. It required special skills to control the proportion of the ingredients. A lower proportion of silica, for example, would probably not have produced a crystalline material. Expert knowledge was required to select the raw materials and to control the technologies and this required constant practice. In conclusion, none of the faience figurines of the late Middle Kingdom was mechanically reproduced and reproducible.79 Only the skilled hands of an expert could have created the artefacts, and given the similarities in manufacturing methods, shapes, and decoration, it seems likely that the artisans were trained and worked as a group in shared workshops.

8

Parameter 4—Destination of the Finished Products: Widespread or Concentrated?

Faience figurines are attested throughout the whole of ancient Egypt, from the Delta to its southernmost limits, including at Kom el-Hisn, Tell el-Dabʿa, Memphis, Abusir, Dahshur, Lisht, Tarkhan, Riqqeh, Hawara, Lahun,80 Sedment, Harageh, Beni Hasan, Deir el-Bersha, Meir, Asyut, Rifeh, Matmar, Mostagedda, Badari, el-Mahasna, Abydos, Hu, Dendera, Thebes, Esna, el-Kab, Edfu, and Elephantine.81 Such a picture, which shows widespread distribution across the whole country, may seem to indicate that local production and regional distribution was the norm, however, the actual ratio of faience figurine diffusion appears rather more unbalanced. High concentrations are noticeable in key diagnostic late Middle Kingdom sites in Egypt such at Lisht (198 items), Abydos (65 items), Harageh (32 items), Thebes (25 items),82 and Lahun (22 items

79 80 81

82

Benjamin, “Das Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen Reproduzierbarkeit”, 40–66. In order to avoid any confusion, I use here the name Lahun to designate the town site, whose modern toponym was translated by Petrie as Kahun. They have also been attested in peripheral areas such as Serabit el-Khadim, Gebel Zeit, Tell el-Ajjul, Byblos, Aniba, Faras, Mirgissa, and Kerma, although they are not discussed here. See Miniaci, Between Different Worlds. The number of faience figurines coming from Thebes should be higher, but I tended to exclude all the items whose provenance was not confirmed by any evidence.

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Table of the spatial distribution of faience figurines

+ the 14 items from the British Museum purchase?). For the rest of Egypt, only sporadic cases with one, two or, occasionally a handful of specimens have been recorded.83 Three of the locations where these figurines were concentrated are notable late Middle Kingdom power centres. These are Lisht, Lahun, and Harageh (fig. 11.16). Additionally, Thebes and Abydos, although not diagnostic sites for the specific time-span covered here, were occupied continuously over the centuries and played key roles in religious, ideological, and cultural matters during the late Middle Kingdom. It is clear then that these figurines were not equally accessible in all the parts of Egypt, but were concentrated primarily in more important late Middle Kingdom sites. At another level of analysis, a comparison between faience figurines found close to power/cultural centres with those found in marginal or peripheral areas shows that the two groups shared unexpected homogeneities. The mode of production, the artistic themes selected, and the shapes of the objects are often similar (cf. grotesque human creature miniatures from tomb 55 of Harageh84 and tomb 4909 from Qau;85 frog miniatures from Dahshur shaft83 84 85

For a complete bibliographic reference see Miniaci, “Unbroken Stories” and Miniaci, Miniature Forms as Transformative Thresholds. Petrie Museum, uc 18745, Engelbach, Harageh, 12, pls. 14.9, 58.55 (tomb register); Miniaci, “The Collapse of Faience Figurine Production at the End of the Middle Kingdom”, fig. 3. Brunton, Qau and Badari i, 41, pl. 29.15.

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tomb 10686 and Rifeh Petrie Museum uc 38854;87 hippopotamus miniatures from Thebes Cairo je 615688 and Meir, tomb of Senbi (B3), mma 17.9.1).89 This homogeneity in iconography and style was found at sites far away from each other and seems to indicate a centralised production location with consistent intellectual control over both the manufacturing method used and the choice of iconographic repertoire. The wide range of subjects, which seemed to indicate extensive ‘variety’ and ‘autonomy’, turn out to belong to a rather exclusive group of distinctive designs, since they frequently recurred and were often close copies of existing designs (see the bm examples analysed above). This consistency implies collective practice and a sense of shared identity.90 They used a common yet complex vocabulary, dictated by a narrow segment of society that exercised intellectual control over the production of artefacts. The genesis of faience figurines was a creative and systematic process that gave birth to a material manifestation of the ideas involved in that process. This process is not a neutral operation and it aimed to encapsulate and convey a message91 using physical qualities that are naturally striking such as the visual brilliance of the glazed surfaces. These engage the senses of the viewer and attract attention to the intrinsic symbolic vocabulary. The themes chosen were usually related to rebirth, regeneration, childhood/youth, and protection. In the case of production in more peripheral areas, such as at Serabit elKhadim on the Sinai Peninsula, a high level of intellectual control over the modes of production and the choice of iconographic motifs can be documented alongside traces of local and regionalised production. The rock-cut sanctuary at the eastern end of the plateau of Serabit el-Khadim includes a temple dedicated to Hathor, lady of Mefkat, that was founded by representatives of the centralized state. The finds recovered in the area show that it was used from the twelfth dynasty onwards,92 although the temple’s most intense

86 87 88 89 90 91 92

Baba and Yazawa, “Burial Assemblages of the Late Middle Kingdom”, 20, fig. 23.5, pl. 11. Morfoisse and Andreu-Lanoë, Sésostris iii, 292, cat. no. 293. pm i2, 2, 604; Miniaci and Quirke, “Reconceiving the Tomb in the Late Middle Kingdom”, 346–348, 370. Oppenheim, Arnold, Arnold, and Yamamoto, eds. Ancient Egypt Transformed, 216–217, cat. no. 156 with bibliography. DeMarrais, “Figuring the Group,” 165–186; Whitehouse, “Ritual, Cognition, and Evolution”, 265–284. See Miniaci, Miniature Forms as Transformative Thresholds. Petrie, Researches in Sinai, 75.

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period of use was during the New Kingdom. In 1904, Flinders Petrie, assisted by Charles Currelly, Lina Eckenstein, and Raymond Weill, conducted a full-scale excavation of the temple of Hathor. Petrie found small votive offerings scattered all over the floor of the portico and the sanctuary of the temple: The greater part of the offerings were of glazed ware—vases, bowls, and cups; beside lesser quantities of plaques, menats, bracelets, wands, sistra, animals etc. These objects had all broken up, so that not a single whole thing was found. The fragments formed a layer, two or three inches thick, over all the sanctuary and the portico, and extending outside of the sanctuary on the north for a distance of some feet.93 Petrie thought that their condition and distribution across the area was due to “the Bedawyn [who] revenged themselves on the Egyptians by overthrowing and smashing all the offerings that had accumulated here during many centuries”.94 The archaeological context documented by Petrie could, however, be the result of an intentional and periodic removal of the offerings from their original location, to place new ones inside the “Hathor cave”. In addition, the state of the artefacts could have been due to clearing of the offering area during one or more phases of restoration during the Ramesside period, or even due to the actions of ancient looters. These factors could explain the unusual level of scattering across the floor.95 For the date of manufacture of the figurines, Petrie suggested the mideighteenth dynasty, mainly on the basis of their similarity to some cat plaques inscribed with the cartouches of Hatshepsut and Thutmosis iii.96 Geraldine Pinch compared some of the figurines from Serabit el-Khadim with “more elaborately marked” Middle Kingdom examples from tombs and sanctuaries, such as the Temple of Obelisks in Byblos, and she preferred to date these figurines from the eighteenth dynasty to the Ramesside period on stylistic grounds (mainly due to the rather careless level of craft working observed).97 It is important to note, however, that at least three of the Serabit el-Khadim models find very close parallels with the Middle Kingdom faience figurine corpus:

93 94 95 96 97

Petrie, Researches in Sinai, 138. Petrie, Researches in Sinai, 138. Pinch, Votive Offerings, 56. Petrie, Researches in Sinai, 148. Pinch, Votive Offerings, 185.

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figure 11.17

miniaci

Dog figurine, Manchester Museum 910 courtesy of the manchester museum; photo of gianluca miniaci

Faience figurines found inside the Hathor sanctuary that can certainly (on stylistic and comparative ground) be dated to the late Middle Kingdom-Second Intermediate Period: – Dog, Manchester 910 [Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pl. 153, fig. 13] (see fig. 11.17); – Dog, Manchester 911 [Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pl. 153, fig. 12; Hornemann, Types of Ancient Egyptian Statuary vi, 1626; qtd. Kemp and Merrillees, Minoan Pottery, 142, under no. 416.A.07.98]; – Wild cat, Manchester 927 [Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pl. 153, fig. 7]. A precise date range could not be established with certainty for the other faience figurines from the sanctuary as their period of production may have extended over a very long time (from the late Middle Kingdom to the Ramesside period). Listed below are only those artefacts whose dating to the late Middle Kingdom-Second Intermediate Period cannot be excluded on stylistic and comparative grounds. Faience figurines found inside the Hathor sanctuary that can possibly be dated to the late Middle Kingdom-Second Intermediate Period: – Fish, Manchester 909 [Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pl. 153, fig. 15]; – Cow or calf, Manchester 913 [Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pl. 153, fig. 9]; – Spotted cat or cheetah, Manchester 916 [unpublished]; – Spotted cat or cheetah, Manchester 917 [Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pl. 153, fig. 10];

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– Spotted cat or cheetah, Manchester 918 [Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pl. 153, fig. 6]; – Spotted cat or cheetah, Manchester 919 [unpublished]; – Wild cat, Manchester 920 [unpublished]; – Cheetah, Manchester 921 [Petrie, Researches in Sinai, pl. 153, fig. 8]; – Cat, Manchester 923 [unpublished]; – Cat, Manchester 925 [unpublished]; – Cheetah, Manchester 926 [unpublished]; – Cat (only feet on a base), Manchester 931 [unpublished]; – Cat (only feet on a base), Manchester 932 [unpublished]; – Cat (only feet on a base), Manchester 933 [unpublished]. These pieces show some similarities with the corpus of Middle Kingdom faience figurines produced in key centres such as Lisht, Lahun, and Harageh, above all in the choice of iconographic motifs (dogs, cheetahs, fishes,98 and wild cats), in the minute attention to detail, in the elegant black ink decoration used, and in the type of hand shaped manufacturing. A degree of central control over the intellectual choices of iconographic repertoire and the technological skills used in the craftwork is undeniable. They show some peculiarities, however, which identify them as regional products: A. The most common themes used at Serabit el-Khadim mainly focused on wild cats and/or cheetahs. These two motifs are less common at other production centres in Egypt and this may have been due to the proximity of the desert landscape to the site, where these types of animals typically lived.99 B. The body materials show an intense reddish colouring, which may indicate the use of local raw materials in the production of the faience. Crushed quartz pebbles from river beds produced a white/whitish body,100 while quartz sand obtained in loco, probably in the eastern desert, could have generated this unusual reddish core.101 The relatively careless craftwork observable in some Serabit el-Khadim figurines could be attributable to the different environment, rather than to a different production period as suggested by Pinch. Serabit el-Khadim is in a peripheral area with different availabilities of raw materials and human resources. 98

99 100 101

On fish models (also in other materials than faience) in the late Middle Kingdom, see Miniaci, “The Late Middle Kingdom Burial Assemblage from the Tomb G62 at Abydos”, 178–180, item no. 1.7. Cf. Quack, “The Animals of the Desert and the Return of the Goddess”, 341–361. Lucas and Harris, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries, 158; Turner, “Studies in Ancient Glasses and Glass Making Process”, 277–300. Vandiver and Kingery suggested that, due to the increase in the scale of faience production, a switch from crushed quartz pebbles to quartz sand occurred in the Middle Kingdom (“Egyptian Faience,” 25).

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The information gathered from Serabit el-Khadim does not conflict with a model of faience figurine production that was mainly centralised, but it does indicate that the ancient Egyptian economic system left space for regional production that closely copied the models produced by the central production workshops. At the same time, items from the periphery could include some variations on the centralised themes and show differences in the materials employed and the techniques of production.

9

Targeting Centres and Periphery of Faience Figurine Production

If the analysis of the faience figurine production (fpp in the table) is set out in a similar way to the table created by Schortman and Urban, it can be seen that the variables fluctuate from centralised to autonomous and back to centralised. According to Liverani’s parameters field 3 (“Technical skill required”) and field 4 (“Destination of the finished products”), faience figurine production seems to indicate a high degree of centralisation, as the resulting variables would be more likely to be regulated by a craftsmanship supported by the elite.102 The assumption of centralised production, however, produces conflicts with respect to Liverani’s two other parameters (1 and 2). Parameter 1 (“Value and provenance of the raw materials”) indicates that the raw materials were easily accessible and widely dispersed across the country. Parameter 2 (“Size of work-force”) indicates that production did not require a large investment in terms of human resources. The Middle Kingdom faience figurines display qualities that are difficult to replicate due to the high level of skills and even the mastery of the artisans who made them.103 As shown in the case-study of Serabit el-Khadim, the raw materials could have been obtained and produced locally so that faience production did not depend on specific locations for raw materials, or on particular places where special tools or makers were located.104 Faience production could not, therefore, be easily controlled through all the steps of the chaîne opératoire, and as something that could not be fully controlled, it could also escape the control of the elite. This is precisely what makes faience an ambiguous media that straddles the fence between being categorised as a prestigious material

102 103 104

Miniaci, “Faience Craftsmanship in the Middle Kingdom”, 139–158. See table 1 in Schortman and Urban, “Modelling the Roles of Craft Production”. Miniaci, “Faience Craftsmanship in the Middle Kingdom”, 139–158.

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table 11.2 Faience figurines variables (ffp) placed against the table summarising the parameters provided by Schortman and Urban for two opposing modes of production: one centralised and the other autonomous (from Schortman and Urban, “Modelling the Roles of Craft Production”) Parameter

Variable states Autonomous production (commoner)

ffp Centralised production (controlled by elite)

ffp

Manufacturing processes Raw material sources

Local

×

External

Acquisition strategies

Simple, easily mastered, require little coordinated effort

×

Complex, hard to learn, need the coordinated work of many individuals

Physical setting (concentration)

Dispersed

?

Aggregated near elite compounds and administrative centres

Production skills

Easily learned and used

Scale of production

Few people, limited steps, little energy investment

Hard to learn, need considerable practice to maintain

×

×

Numerous artisans, complexly organized production steps, major energy expenditures

–

Full-time

–

Institutional setting (context) Independent of direct elite control

Attached to, and supported by, elite patrons

×?

Primary identity of the artisan

As an artisan participating in a specific craft

×

Time devoted to craft produc- Part-time tion

Not tied to craft production

Consumption and distribution processes Restrictions on the distribution and use of particular goods

None, decentralised

Demand

Low and intermittent

Purposes to which goods are put

Daily maintenance chores

Relation of producers and consumers

Equal

Significant, determined by elites ×?

–

×

High and constant Political domination and resistance to same

×?

Unequal

–

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or a commonly available material. It was used for making items and goods of daily use that could be produced for and used by both the elite and the nonelite.105 The only segment in the chaîne opératoire that could really have been controlled to a significant extent was the knowledge about the manufacture of the objects and control over the technical skills of the artisans. The labour of the skilled artisan could convert common objects into prestige goods. The archaeological evidence106 currently available, although scare, seems to support this scenario, since faience figurines were not only used by the lower levels of society. The faience figurines were connected with and commissioned by those around the palace and other places of power, as can be seem from the high number of items found at Lisht. That was probably the closest cemetery to the capital Itj-tawy. The high concentration at key power sites (economic and cultural), also shows that objects had only a limited circulation across the country. Moreover, the sudden disappearance of this category of objects from burial customs coincides with the fall of the dynasty reigning from the north in the middle of the Second Intermediate Period.107 In conclusion, it can be stated that late Middle Kingdom faience figurine production was concentrated at a few key sites, and the industry was intellectually controlled by the elite. The production, circulation, use, and final disposal of faience into the archaeological record was a process reserved for a narrow segment of society, although probably not one belonging to the uppermost tiers.

Acknowledgment I would like to thank Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano for his kind invitation to take part in the conference, which gave rise to such productive and enjoyable daily discussions. Similarly, I would like to thank Alejandro and Antonio J. Morales for their hard work in assembling such an inspiring volume based on the conference. I am grateful to Wolfram Grajetzki who gave me some useful suggestions that significantly improved the article and to Stephen Quirke and Campbell Price for permission to publish the photos from the Petrie Museum and the

105

106

107

Cf. Xia, Ancient Egyptian Beads, 103. In the Middle Kingdom, 83% of beads were made in glazed composition, including also for lower strata of society. See also Wilde, Innovation und Tradition, 121–123. In most of the archaeologically documented cases, the context for these faience figurines is far from clear. This can be poorly documented, still unpublished, or disturbed (both in modern and ancient times). Miniaci, “The Collapse of Faience Figurine Production”, 109–142.

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Manchester Museum. In addition, I am deeply indebted to Marcel Marée and Neal Spencer for their constant support in the study and publication of the British Museum faience figurines, in the framework of the aes fellowship of 2014.

Bibliography Adams, M.D. Community and society in Egypt in the First Intermediate Period: an archaeological investigation of the Abydos settlement site. Ann Arbor: umi Dissertation Services, 2005. Andrews, C.A.R. Egyptian Treasures from the British Museum. London: The Bowers Museum of Cultural Art, 2000. Arnold, F. “Settlement remains at Lisht-North.” In Haus und Palast im Alten Ägypten/ House and palace in ancient Egypt, M. Bietak, ed., 13–21. uzk 14; dgöaw 14. Vienna: Verlag der Österreischischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1996. Baba, M. and K. Yazawa. “Burial Assemblages of the Late Middle Kingdom. Shaft-tombs in Dahshur North.” In The World of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000–1550bc): Contributions on Archaeology, Art, Religion, and Written Sources, vol. i, G. Miniaci and W. Grajetzki, eds., 1–24. mks 1. London: ghp, 2015. Behrmann, A. Das Nilpferd in der Vorstellungswelt der Alten Ägypter. Vol. i: Katalog; Vol. ii: Textband. Europäische Hochschulschriften 38/62. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1996. Benjamin, W. “Das Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen Reproduzierbarkeit.” Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung 5 (1936): 40–66. Bourriau, J. Pharaohs and Mortals: Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom: Exhibition organised by the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, 19 April to 26 June, Liverpool 18 July to 4 September 1988. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Bourriau, J. “Patterns of Change in Burial Customs during Middle Kingdom.” In Middle Kingdom Studies, S. Quirke, ed., 3–20. New Malden: sia, 1991. Bourriau, J. “The Dolphin Vase from Lisht.” In Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, P. Der Manuelian, ed., Vol. i, 101–116. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1996. Brunton, G. Qau and Badari. Vols. i–iii. bsae 44–45, 50. London: eff, 1927–1928, 1930. Ceruti, S. “The hippopotamus goddess carrying a crocodile on her back: an iconographical motif distinctive of the late Middle Kingdom.” In Company of Images: Modelling the Imaginary World of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000–1500bc). Proceedings of the International Conference of the epochs Project held 18th–20th September 2014 at ucl, London, G. Miniaci, M. Betrò, and S. Quirke, eds., 93–123. ola 262. Leuven: Peeters, 2017.

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Dasen, V. Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993. DeMarrais, E. “Figuring the group.” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 21/2 (2011): 165– 186. Di Paolo, S. “The Historiography of the Concept of “Workshop” in Ancient Near Eastern Archaeology: Descriptive Models and Theoretical Approaches (Anthropology vs. Art History).” In Critical Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art, B.A. Brown and M.H. Feldman, eds., 111–132. Boston-Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014. Downes, D. The Excavations at Esna, 1905–1906. Warminster: Aris&Phillips, 1974. Droste zu Hülshoff, V. von. Der Igel im alten Ägypten. häb 11. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1980. Drower, M.S. Flinders Petrie: A life in archaeology. London: Victor Gollancz, 1985. Dunand, M. Fouilles de Byblos. Tome ii: 1933–1938. Paris: P. Geuthner, 1950–1958. Earle, T.K. “Specialization and the production of wealth: Hawaiian chiefdoms and the Inka.” In Specialization, Exchange and Complex Societies, E.M. Brumfiel and T.K. Earle, eds., 67–75. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. Eccleston, M. “Replicating faience in a bread oven at Amarna.” ea 32 (2008): 33–35. Ekholm, F.K. Power and Prestige: The Rise and Fall of the Kongo Kingdom. Uppsala: Skriv Service ab, 1972. Elyachar, J. Markets of Dispossession. ngos, Economic Development, and the State in Cairo. Durham. NC: Duke University Press Book, 2005. Engelbach, R. Harageh. bsae 28. London: eef, 1923. Evers, H.G. Staat aus dem Stein: Denkmäler, Geschichte und Bedeutung der ägyptischen Plastik während des Mittleren Reichs. Vol. i/1: Die Denkmäler. Vol. i/2: Geschichte und Bedeutung der ägyptischen Plastik während des Mittleren Reiches. Vol. ii: Die Vorarbeiten. München: Bruckmann, 1929. Friedman, F.D. “Faience: the brilliance of eternity.” In Gifts of the Nile: Ancient Egyptian faience, F.D. Friedman, G. Borromeo, and M. Leveque, eds., 15–31. London-New York: Thames and Hudson, 1998. Garstang, J. The Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt as illustrated by Tombs of the Middle Kingdom: Being a Report of Excavations made in the Necropolis of Beni Hassan during 1902–3–4. London: Constable, 1907. Griffith, A.S. Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities of the xii and xviii Dynasties from Kahun, Illahun and Gurob. Manchester: Sherrat & Hughes, 1910. Hall, H.R. “Three hippopotamus-figures of the Middle Kingdom.” jea 13 (1927): 57–58. Hartwig, M.K. Tomb painting and identity in ancient Thebes, 1419–1372bce. Série Imago 2. Monumenta aegyptiaca 10. Brussels-Turnhout: Brepols, 2004. Hayes, W.C. Scepter of Egypt: A background for the study of the Egyptian antiquities in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York: mma, 1959. Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae etc. The British Museum. Vol. v. London: British Museum Publications, 1914.

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Hölzl, R. “Offering Table with Statuette of Sehetepib.” In Ancient Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom, A. Oppenheim, Do. Arnold, D. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto, eds., 229–230. New York: mma, 2015. Hornemann, B. Types of Ancient Egyptian Statuary. Vols. i–vii. Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1951–1969. Kaiser, W. Ägyptisches Museum Berlin: Östlicher Stülerbau am Schloss Charlottenburg. Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Berlin: Staatliche Museen Berlin, 1967. Keimer, L. “Nouvelles recherches au sujet du Potamogeton lucens L. dans l’Egypte ancienne et remarques sur l’ornementation des hippopotames en faience du Moyen Empire.” rea 2 (1929): 210–253. Keimer, L. “Sur quelques petits fruits en faïence émaillée datant du Moyen Empire.” bifao 28 (1929): 49–97. Keller, C.A. “Problems in dating glass industries of the Egyptian New Kingdom: examples from Malkata and Lisht.” Journal of Glass Studies 25 (1983): 19–28. Kemp, B.J. and R.S. Merrillees. Minoan Pottery in Second Millennium Egypt. Mainz am Rhein: Zabern, 1980. Kuraszkiewicz, K.O. “Marks on the faience tiles from the ‘Blue Chambers’ of Netjerykhet’s funerary complex.” In Non-textual marking systems in ancient Egypt (and elsewhere), J. Budka, F.F. Kammerzell, and S. Rzepka, eds., 41–48. Lingua Aegyptia, Studia Monographica 16. Hamburg: Widmaier, 2015. Lacovara, P. “Nubian faience.” In Gifts of the Nile: Ancient Egyptian faience, F.D. Friedman, G. Borromeo, and M. Leveque, eds., 46–49. London-New York: Thames and Hudson, 1998. Lavenex Verges, F. Bleus égyptiens: de la pâte auto-émaillée au pigment bleu synthétique. Louvain: Peeters, 1992. Liverani, M. “The Near East: The Bronze Age.” In The Ancient Economy: Evidence and Models, J.G. Manning and I. Morris, eds., 47–57. Social Science History. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005. Lucas, A. and J.R. Harris. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries. London: Arnold, 1962. Mace, A.C. “The Egyptian Expedition 1920–1921: i. Excavations at Lisht.” bmma 11/2 (1927): 5–19. Maspero, G. L’archéologie égyptienne. Paris: Quantin, 1887. Miniaci, G. “Burial equipment of rishi coffins and the osmosis of the ‘rebirth machine’ at the end of the Middle Kingdom.” In Ancient Egyptian Coffins: Craft Traditions and Functionality: Proceedings of the Annual Egyptology Colloquium at the British Museum, 28 July–29 July 2014, J.H. Taylor and M. Vandenbeusch, eds., 247–274. bmpes 4. London: Peeters. Miniaci, G. “The Late Middle Kingdom Burial Assemblage from the Tomb G62 at Abydos (bm ea 37286–37320).” In Abydos: The Sacred Land at the Western Horizon: Pro-

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ceedings of the Annual Egyptology Colloquium at the British Museum, 9–10 July 2015, I. Regulski, ed., 171–214. bmpes 5, Leuven: Peeters. Miniaci, G. “The Collapse of Faience Figurine Production at the End of the Middle Kingdom: Reading the History of an Epoch between Postmodernism and Grand Narrative.” JEgH 7/1 (2014): 109–142. Miniaci, G. “Unbroken stories: Middle Kingdom faience figurines in their archaeological context.” In Company of Images: Modelling the Imaginary World of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000–1500bc). Proceedings of the International Conference of the epochs Project held 18th–20th September 2014 at ucl, London, G. Miniaci, M. Betrò, and S. Quirke, eds., 235–284. ola 262. Leuven: Peeters, 2017. Miniaci, G. “Faience craftsmanship in the Middle Kingdom. A market paradox: inexpensive material for prestige goods?” In The Arts of Making in Ancient Egypt: voices, images, artefacts of material producers 2000–1550bc, G. Miniaci, J.C. Moreno García, S. Quirke, and A. Stauder, eds., 139–158. Leiden: Sidestone, 2018. Miniaci, G. “The historical and archaeological reliability of the Middle Kingdom ‘tombgroup’ from el-Matariya (Heliopolis)”. evo 41 (2018): 75–99. Miniaci, G., “Populating Middle Kingdom fauna: inclusion and seclusion of zoological iconographic motifs in the material culture.” In Art-facts and Artefacts: Visualising the Material World in Middle Kingdom Egypt, L. Hudáková, P. Jánosi, C. Jurman, U. Siffert, eds., 63–84. mks 8, London, 2018. Miniaci, G. Miniature Forms as Transformative Thresholds: Faience Figurines in Middle Bronze Age Egypt (1800bc–1650bc). bmpes 7/ola. Leuven: Peeters, forthcoming. Miniaci, G. and S. Quirke. “Reconceiving the Tomb in the Late Middle Kingdom. The Burial of the Accountant of the Main Enclosure Neferhotep at Dra Abu al-Naga.” bifao 109 (2009): 339–383. Moeller, N. The archaeology of urbanism in ancient Egypt: From the Predynastic period to the end of the Middle Kingdom. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Morfoisse, F. and G. Andreu-Lanoë, eds. Sésostris iii: Pharaon de légende. lda Horssérie 27. Dijon: Snoeck, 2014. Morris, E.F. “Paddle Dolls and Performance.” jarce 47 (2011): 101–103. Morris, E.F. “Middle Kingdom clappers, dancers, birth magic, and the reinvention of ritual.” In Company of Images: Modelling the Imaginary World of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000–1500bc). Proceedings of the International Conference of the epochs Project held 18th–20th September 2014 at ucl, London, G. Miniaci, M. Betrò, and S. Quirke, eds., 285–335. ola 262. Leuven: Peeters, 2017. Newberry, P.E. Beni Hasan. Part i. Archaeological Survey of Egypt. Memoirs 1. London: eef, 1893. Nicholson, P.T. “Materials and technology.” In Gifts of the Nile: Ancient Egyptian faience, F.D. Friedman, G. Borromeo, and M. Leveque, eds., 50–64. London-New York: Thames and Hudson, 1998.

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Nicholson, P.T. and E. Peltenburg. “Egyptian faience.” In Ancient Egyptian materials and technology, P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, eds., 177–194. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Oppenheim, A., Do. Arnold, D. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto. Eds. Ancient Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom. New York: mma, 2015. Peltenburg, E. “Early faience: recent studies, origins and relationships with glass.” In Early vitreous materials, I.C. Freestone and M. Bimson, eds., 5–29. bm Occasional Paper 56. London: British Museum Press, 1987. Petrie, W.M.F. Kahun, Gurob and Hawara. London: eef, 1890. Petrie, W.M.F. Researches in Sinai. London: eef, 1906. Petrie, W.M.F. Gizeh and Rifeh. bsae 13. London: eef, 1907. Picardo, N. “Hybrid households: institutional affiliations and household identity in the town of Wah-sut (South Abydos).” In Household studies in complex societies: (micro) archaeological and textual approaches, M. Müller, ed., 243–287. ois 10. Chicago: Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, 2015. Pinch, G. Votive Offerings to Hathor. Oxford: Griffith Institute, Oxford, 1993. Quack, J.F. “The animals of the desert and the return of the goddess.” In Desert animals in the eastern Sahara: status, economic significance, and cultural reflection in antiquity. Proceedings of an interdisciplinary acacia workshop held at the University of Cologne, December 14–15, 2007, H. Riemer, F. Förster, M. Herb, and N. Pöllath, eds., 341–361. Köln: Heinrich-Barth-Institut, 2009. Quirke, S. “ ‘Art’ and the ‘artist’ in late Middle Kingdom administration.” In Discovering Egypt from the Neva: the Egyptological legacy of Oleg D. Berlev, S. Quirke, ed., 85–106. Berlin: Achet-Verlag, 2003. Quirke, S. Egyptian literature 1800bc: questions and readings. Golden House Publications Egyptology 2. London: ghp, 2004. Quirke, S. Hidden hands: Egyptian workforces in Petrie excavation archives 1880–1924. Duckworth Egyptology. London: Duckworth, 2010. Quirke, S. Going out in Daylight—prt m hrw: The ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead; translation, sources, meaning. ghp Egyptology 20. London: ghp, 2013. Quirke, S. Birth tusks: The armoury of health in context—Egypt 1800 bc. Including publication of Petrie Museum examples photographed by Gianluca Miniaci, and drawn from the photographs by Andrew Boyce. mks 3. London: ghp, 2016. Quirke, S. and Z. Tajeddin. “Mechanical reproduction in the age of the artwork? Faience and 5000 moulds from 14th-century bc Egypt.” Visual Communication 9/3 (2010): 341–361. Reisner, G.A. Excavations at Kerma. Parts iv–v. Harvard African Studies 6. Cambridge– MA: Peabody Museum of Harvard University, 1923. Roccati, A. “Réflexions sur la Satire des Métiers.” bsfe 148 (2000): 5–17. Romano, J.F. “The origin of the Bes-Image.” bes 2 (1980): 39–56.

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Ross, E.D. The art of Egypt through the Ages. London: The Studio, 1931. Schortman, E. and P. Urban. “Modelling the Roles of Craft Production in Ancient Political Economies.” Journal of Archaeological Research 12/2 (2004): 185–226. Schoske, S., B. Kreissl, and R. Germer. Eds. ‘Anch’ Blumen für das Leben: Pflanzen im alten Ägypten: Sonderausstellung im Deutsches Medizinhistorisches Museum, Ingolstadt, 6.8.1992–4.10.1993, und im Kestner Museum, Hamburg, 25.10.1992–31.1.1993. Schriften aus der Ägyptischen Sammlung 6. München: Staatliche Sammlung Ägyptischer Kunst, 1992. Steinkeller, P. “The Organization of Crafts in the Third Millennium Babylonia: The Case of Potters.” Altorientalische Forschungen 23 (1996): 232–253. Tite, M.S., A.J. Shortland, A. Kaczmarczyk and P.B. Vandiver. “Faience production in Egypt.” In Production Technology of Faience and related Early Vitreous Materials, M.S. Tite and A.J. Shortland, eds., 58–59. Oxford: Oxford University, School of Archaeology, 2008. Tooley, A.M.J. “Notes on Type 1 truncated figurines: the Ramesseum ladies.” In Company of Images: Modelling the Imaginary World of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000–1500bc). Proceedings of the International Conference of the epochs Project held 18th–20th September 2014 at ucl, London, G. Miniaci, M. Betrò, and S. Quirke, eds., 421–456. ola 262. Leuven: Peeters, 2017. Turner, W.E.S. “Studies in ancient glasses and glass making process. Part v. Raw materials and melting processes.” Journal of the Society of Glass Technology 40 (1956): 277–300. Vandiver, P.B. “A review and proposal of new criteria for production technologies of Egyptian faience.” In La couleur dans la peinture et l’émaillage de l’Égypte ancienne: actes de la Table Ronde, Ravello, 20–22 mars 1997, S. Colinart and M. Menu, eds., 121– 139. Bari: Edipuglia, 1998. Vandiver, P.B. and W.D. Kingery. “Egyptian Faience: The First High-Tech Ceramic.” In High-technology Ceramics: Past, Present, and Future. The Nature of Innovation and Change in Ceramic Technology, W.D. Kingery, ed., 19–33. Ceramics and Civilisation 3. Columbus: American Ceramic Society, 1987. Vanthuyne, B. “Amarna factories, workshops, faience moulds and their produce.” Ä&L 22–23 (2012–2013): 395–429. Vassilika, E. Egyptian Art. Fitzwilliam Museum Handbooks. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Vernus, P. Sagesses de l’Égypte pharaonique. La Salamandre. Paris: Impr. Nationale, 2001. Volokhine, Y. “Dieux, masques et hommes: à propos de la formation de l’iconographie de Bès.” bseg 18 (1994): 81–95. Walsem, R. van. Iconography of Old Kingdom elite tombs: Analysis & interpretation, theoretical and methodological aspects. mveol 35. Dudley, ma: Peeters, 2005.

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Wengrow, D. “Prehistories of Commodity Branding.” Current Anthropology 49/1 (2008): 7–34. Whitehouse, H. “Ritual, cognition, and evolution.” In Grounding the Social Sciences in the Cognitive Sciences, R. Sun, ed., 265–284. Cambridge–MA: mit Press, 2012. Wilde, H. Innovation und Tradition: Zur Herstellung und Verwendung von Prestigegütern im pharaonischen Ägypten. göf 4. Reihe: Ägypten 49. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2011. Winter, I. “Establishing Group Boundaries: Toward Methodological Refinement in the Determination of Sets as a Prior Condition to the Analysis of Cultural Contact and/or Innovation in First Millennium bce Ivory Carving.” In Crafts and Images in Contact: Studies on Eastern Mediterranean Art of the First Millennium bce, C.E. Suter and C. Uehlinger, eds., 23–42. Fribourg: University Press, 2005. Xia, N. Ancient Egyptian Beads. Berlin-Heidelberg: Springer, 2014. Zaccagnini, C. “Aspects of ceremonial exchange in the Near East during the late second millennium bc.” In Centre and periphery in the ancient world, M.J. Rowlands, M. Larsen, and K. Kristiansen, eds., 57–65. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

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chapter 12

Opening the Vision of Osiris Sarenput: A Contextual and Typological Analysis of the Coffin of Sarenput the Younger from Qubbet el-Hawa Antonio J. Morales The University of Alcalá

Abstract In 2009, the Spanish Mission of the University of Jaén found an intact burial in the courtyard of tomb QH33. The burial chamber comprised a very fragmented coffin and a mummy of a young man decorated with a funerary mask, a cartonnage pectoral, and a necklace of glazed-stone beads. The burial also included a small wooden coffin that contained a shabti figurine. The coffin and shabti inscriptions allowed archaeologists to identify the deceased as Sarenput, son of Sattjeni, a member of the provincial ruling family. Upon arduous restoration work, the mission was able to reconstruct an excellent example of a late twelfth dynasty coffin, with wadjet-eyes, false-door palace-façade decoration, and an exceptional and unparalleled textual program. Examination of the iconographic and textual program on the coffin of Sarenput the Younger shows that it includes features common to the late twelfth dynasty, but no modifications observed in thirteenth dynasty coffins. Nevertheless, the design of the coffin anticipates some of these modifications, through its absence of inner decoration and the use of religious texts on the outer sides of the coffin. When taken together, these details mean that the coffin can be dated to the middle of Amenemhat iii’s reign, around 1800bce.

1

Introduction

In 2009, the Spanish Mission of the University of Jaén uncovered a trench in the rock to the south-east of the entrance into tomb QH33. This lay between the courtyard of this tomb and the next tomb to the east, tomb QH34. The initial cleaning revealed the existence of what was quickly identified as a possible Middle Kingdom burial.1 The precarious condition of a small chamber or niche

1 Further details of the discovery and excavation of this burial located in the courtyard of tomb

© Antonio J. Morales, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_014

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Floor, section, and elevation details of the burial of Sarenput the Younger (QH34ß) © proyecto qubbet el-hawa, university of jaén

in the wall in which the burial was found, and the poor state of the funerary remains inside forced the team to postpone its excavation until three years later (figs. 12.1–2). This structure was labelled tomb QH34ß.2 Based on the state of preservation, it was clear to the archaeologists that a significant period of time and level of effort would be required to preserve and conserve3 the materials recovered from the niche containing burial QH34ß. The wooden fragments in the rear of the burial niche were in a poor condition due to the action of termites among other reasons, and the conservators also had to deal with the fact that a third of the coffin extended out of the niche since QH33 can be found in Jiménez-Serrano and Sánchez-León, Le premier nome du Sud d’Égypte au Moyen Empire, in “Résultats de la mission espagnole, 2008–2018”, section 8; JiménezSerrano et al. “Cuarta campaña (2012) de excavaciones”, 122–123, fig. 7 (twelfth dynasty coffin); and Jiménez-Serrano et al. “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: las tumbas 31 (Sarenput ii), 33 y 34”, 35– 37, 52–55, figs. 38–40. 2 For the particular location of the burial, see Jiménez-Serrano et al. “Cuarta campaña (2012) de excavaciones”, 109, fig. 1; and Jiménez-Serrano, “A unique Funerary Complex in Qubbet elHawa”, 170, fig. 1 (QH34ß). 3 The restoration work on the coffin of Sarenput was supervised by the conservator Teresa López-Obregón Silvestre.

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View of the entrance into the burial QH34ß and screen wall constructed with small stone blocks still in situ © proyecto qubbet el-hawa, university of jaén

there was not enough room inside for the whole coffin.4 This lack of room and the fact that this individual was buried in the courtyard of tomb QH33, which is otherwise impressive, may be indicative of an unplanned burial. Considering the deceased’s young age and the troubled history of the period during which the burial took place, notably for the provincial family of governors to which the deceased belonged, it seems plausible that the burial was an improvised

4 Jiménez-Serrano et al. “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: las tumbas 31 (Sarenput ii), 33 y 34”, 127–128.

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addition to this courtyard at QH33 due to the unexpected death of the individual called Sarenput. The complicated excavation of the burial chamber soon revealed that the archaeological team had discovered the burial of a member of the local elite of the twelfth dynasty. Among the most significant finds, the archaeologists discovered a rectangular wooden coffin with iconography and inscriptions typical of the late Middle Kingdom, but with some exceptional features. They noted that the mummy had been buried with a richly decorated cartonnage pectoral, along with a funerary mask and a necklace of glazed-stone beads. A green limestone shabti and its wooden box, decorated with gold-leaf inscriptions, were also found, and the inscriptions on them helped to identify the name and titles of the individual as the jmj-rꜣ pr, ḥrj pr-Swnw, the son of Sattjeni,5 Sarenput. It is not the scope of this article to discuss the significance of Sarenput’s titles and the institution to which this inscriptions refers (pr-Swnw). That issue is to be examined by other scholars who specialize in the history of the late twelfth dynasty, and who are also involved with the project.6 They are conducting research on this matter, to understand Sarenput’s titles and gain information about the organization of particular domains and settlements in the area during the Middle Kingdom. In particular, they seek to understand more about the place that the ancient Egyptians referred to using the term Sunu. Based on Sarenput’s physical remains, the team’s bioarchaeologists have estimated that he died as a young man, between 16 and 18 years old.7 In addition, he was identified as of negroid type, not Mediterranean, which supported the proposal that his mother, Satjteni, married a Nubian individual called Dedu-Amun after the death of her first husband Heqaib ii.8 Sarenput, therefore, was probably the son of Sattjeni and Dedu-Amun and consequently would have been closely associated with the provincial ruling family. In spite of his youth, the physical analysis also indicated that he suffered from osteoporosis

5 For the role of this key individual in the political situation of the late Middle Kingdom, and for the local dynasty of governors, see Sánchez-León and Jiménez-Serrano, “Sattjeni: Daughter, Wife and Mother”, 154–166; and Jiménez-Serrano, “A unique Funerary Complex in Qubbet el-Hawa”, 173–174. 6 Jiménez-Serrano and García-González, “The Earliest Mention of the Toponym Swnw”, forthcoming. 7 Some details are provided by the anthropological team headed by Dr. Miguel Botella (University of Granada) in Jiménez-Serrano et al. “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: las tumbas 31 (Sarenput ii), 33 y 34”, 35–37, and n. 19. 8 See further comments in Sánchez-León and Jiménez-Serrano, “Sattjeni: Daughter, Wife and Mother”, 159, n. 35.

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and tuberculosis,9 which could have been the cause of his untimely death and could explain why he was buried in a niche in the courtyard of a family member’s tomb. The current study focused exclusively on Sarenput the Younger’s coffin and the analysis will address three major themes that constituted significant aspects of the Middle Kingdom mortuary tradition: its literature, beliefs, and practices. The essay that follows will examine how this artefact expressed these aspects through artwork, texts, and other contexts.10 The first part of the study includes a brief description of the coffin and the major features that characterize this “chest of life”. This showed that the coffin is of late twelfth dynasty type, more specifically type vi in Harco Willems’ seminal coffins typology.11 All the technical details of the elements examined, and the decoration, and the textual content, indicate that it was made during the reign of Amenemhat iii, and that the date of the production of this coffin was around the time of the burial of Sarenput. The second part of the study comprised a detailed examination of the textual program on the coffin, in search of diagnostic features. This showed that it was associated with particular textual traditions of the period. The fact that the coffin incorporates new elements of the late twelfth dynasty coffin decoration,12 but lacks some others typical of the thirteenth dynasty,

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Common diseases as observed and discussed by the anthropological team in the recent Athanatos. World Congress on Mummy Studies: see Rubio-Salvador et al., “Tuberculosis and Brucellosis in the Necropolis of Qubbet el-Hawa”, 150. The artefact studied here provides a one more example of a member of a group of late twelfth dynasty coffins, and it should be incorporated into the typological studies of those coffins. Unfortunately, that group lacks examples from this particular period, as already noted by Willems in “The Coffins of the Lector Priest Sesenebenef”, 5. As already stated in the preliminary report, the excavation team employed the reference groups provided by Ikram and Dodson, based on Willems’s typology: see Jiménez-Serrano et al., “Cuarta campaña (2012) de excavaciones”, 123, n. 23. For the type referred here, see Ikram and Dodson, The Mummy in Ancient Egypt, 198–199; and the original typological study generated by Willems, Chests of Life, 161–164 (type vi). Distinguishing the coffin of Sarenput the Younger from other exceptional examples from the mid-twelfth dynasty that incorporated religious texts on their inner sides but lacked palace-façade decoration on the external panels between columns: see, e.g., the coffins L1– 2Li in Willems, “The Coffins of the Lector Priest Sesenebenef”, 3–15, fig. 1. In this sense, the dating of this coffin to the reign of Amenemhat iii might be in agreement with the recent discussion by Willem, Historical and Archaeological Aspects, 222, in which he notes that Coffin Texts tradition might have disappeared just at this point in the Middle Kingdom. It is important not to forget that some religious texts in cursive hieroglyphs were used on the outer sides of Sarenput’s coffin, on red background sections, usually to the sides of the palace-façade motifs between columns, although identification of the texts has not been possible due to the damaged nature of the materials.

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contributes to its association with provincial traditions within its local context. Finally, the third part of the study comprises a discussion of the religious, theological, and ritual backgrounds alluded to in the iconographic and textual programs observed on the sides and lid of the coffin of Sarenput. The analysis seems to demonstrate that innovative religious tendencies observed at other sites, such as Lisht, Abydos, Hu, and Thebes, in the late Middle Kingdom13 are also attested on the coffin of Sarenput from Qubbet el-Hawa.

2

Appearance and Formal Aspects of the Coffin

In spite of the fragmentary condition of several sections of the case and the almost complete loss of the lid, it is possible to attempt a formal reconstruction of the appearance and overal arrangement of the coffin, and describe its various parts (fig. 12.3). The coffin of Sarenput consists of a rectangular wooden case, 1.93m long, with a flat lid, painted mostly in yellow, although various sections of the coffin display other colours. The palace-façade panels, for example, have intermitant polychrome columns, while the sections of the panels suitable for texts and the corners of the coffin were painted in ochre. Under the rim of the coffin, above the texts and iconography, are kheker-friezes and ornamental border frames with areas blocked out in red, blue, yellow, and green. The two long sides of the coffin, on both front and back sides, have a a horizontal band along the top and four columns spaced out along the side into which the Egyptian artist incorporated ornamental texts written in hieroglyphs.14 The foot end and correspondingly the head-end (although only a couple of fragments were recovered from it) also incorporated a horizontal band of hieroglyphs, but only two columns of ornamental texts. All these texts were painted, not carved, in polichrome paint over a yellowish background. In addition, these areas of texts were demarcated by green and white frames all over the coffin. The palace-façade panels, an architectural design element most likely resembling the recessed panels of royal palace walls,15 are positioned between

13 14

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See a related discussion on the recontextualization of solar and ascension texts in Morales, “Reaching the Skies from Unas to Pedamenopet”, forthcoming. These hieroglyphic inscriptions do not show any trace of mutilated signs, which could also provide an ante quem point for the dating of the coffin. According to a recent study by Gianluca Miniaci, these mutilated forms appeared by the end of the reign of Amenemhat iii: Miniaci, “The Incomplete Hieroglyphs System”, 113–134. The increasing interest in the use of palace-façade ornamentation on these types of pan-

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figure 12.3

Preliminary reconstruction of the multiple fragments of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger (outer section) and distribution of the fragments by sides © patricia mora photography—proyecto qubbet elhawa, university of jaén

the columns of ornamental texts (see fig. 12.4). These palace-façade panels were painted in blue, red, and green, with white-coloured framing lines. The motif of the palace-façade had a figurative purpose and an ideological meaning behind it. The incorporation of such royal elements into the design of the coffin emphasized that the deceased should be identified with Osiris, the ruler of the afterlife,16 and the coffin as a whole should be associated with his royal domain in the netherworld. While the rear outer side included three palace-façade panels, the front outer side only included two of these. The reason for this is easily understandable since two other important elements were included on the front outer surface: a representation of an offering table carrying various types of provisions for the deceased, and a pair of wadjet-eyes within a false-door (see fig. 12.5). The offering table here was depicted heaped or piled high with multiple food types and drinks in containers. This element was usually represented

16

els is discussed by Willems, Chests of Life, 162, n. 347. This also supports the late twelfth dynasty dating of the coffin. Such a connection has been traditionally accepted, although a recent discussion raises questions about this relationship and the distinction between Osiris and the deceased: see Smith, Following Osiris, 136–141.

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Southern section of the outer front-side of the coffin with remains of two palace-façade panels between ornamental hieroglyphic columns © patricia mora photography—proyecto qubbet el-hawa, university of jaén

Section of the front-side wooden panel of the coffin with khekerfrieze, wadjet-eyes, shen-ring, false door, and offering table to the left of the group © patricia mora photography—proyecto qubbet elhawa, university of jaén

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on the inner surface of the front side.17 In his study of coffins, Harco Willems explained that the position of the false door on the outer side of the front side of coffins, which is usually the eastern side of the coffin, may derive from the fact the the entrance into tomb chambers (for instance, for the performance of offering rituals) was often located in this direction compared to the coffin or sarcophagus, including in Old Kingdom tombs. The wadjet-eyes here are combined with the false-door, and with more kheker-friezes at the top of the eyes and door. A shen-ring, a symbol of eternity, cyclical continuity, and encircling protection is also included in the design. In most of these coffins, the wadjeteyes and the false-door were painted near the head-end on the outer front-side, just in front of the deceased’s actual face inside the coffin. As the side of the coffin was traditionally oriented to the east, the deceased could observe the sunrise every morning through these magical eyes and door and access his offerings left in the chapel.18 As explained below, the selection of the particular ornamental texts for the front-side of this coffin was clearly associated with the intended function of these wadjet-eyes. One of the most remarkable aspects of the coffin of Sarenput is the use of particular panels for the program of religious texts on the external sides. This aspect is indicative of the particular tradition, nature, and dating that can be attributed to this coffin. The coffin of Sarenput includes several texts written in cursive hieroglyphs, at times almost hieratic, distributed in columns on a red background. These texts are placed between more ornamental texts and the palace-façade, and this interesting feature is not commonly attested on coffins from this period. On the long sides, various columns of religious texts

17

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For an example with an offering table on the outer surface of the front-side, located near the wadjet-eyes (but occupying a different panel), from the nearby locality of Gebelein, see Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern, pl. 39 (b. G3—Gebelein); however, that coffin is dated to the end of the Old Kingdom or beginning of the First Intermediate Period. In his discussion of the typologies, Lapp comments on the emergence of the offering table in association with the eyes on the outer surface of the front side, on examples from Akhmin: idem, 237–238, §§ 567–568. An example of the distribution and style of the palace-façade between short columns could be coffin T3Be from Thebes (coffin no. Berlin 45), dating to the late twelfth-early thirteenth dynasty (idem, pl. 34, a. T28). Or, as noted by Blackman, “the purpose of the eyes on the pyramid capstone was to enable the deceased to watch the sun sailing accross the sky, so those on his coffin were to enable him to see out of it, and those on stela or tomb-chapel walls were to enable him to look forth from the world of the dead into the world of the living”: Blackman, “The Stela of Nebipusenwosret”, 7. Interestingly, the Abydene stela of Nebipusenwosret dates to the reigns of Senwosret iii and Amenemhat iii, and bears the “opening of the vision” formula: see Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, 77–78.

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Outer front-side of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger © patricia mora photography—proyecto qubbet el-hawa, university of jaén

are included between the ornamental texts and the palace-façade panel, and one additional column was placed between the ornamental texts and the offering table. Columns can even be seen on either side of the palace-façade panel on the feet end. If one of the characteristics of late twelfth dynasty coffins is that decoration on the inner sides disappears, and that some of the elements such as the religious texts and offering table are transferred from the inner to the outer sides, then it is clear that the example found in QH34ß exhibits evidence of such a transition. Consequently, the coffin of Sarenput the Younger can be considered to be a mid-point example sitting between the more traditional and more innovative programs that were in play at the beginning of the late Middle Kingdom.

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Textual Program for the Coffin

With respect to the textual components on the coffin, the arrangement of elements relative to the various textual traditions of the period is notable. In the author’s opinion, some of the features present on this coffin indicate that a rich iconographic and textual program was appropriately selected for a member of the provincial elite of Elephantine, and for the theological contexts expressed through the texts. Looking first at the front-side of the coffin, the state of that side is good, and this side as well as the foot side are in fact the best preserved sides of the coffin (fig. 12.6). To the right end of the coffin side are the iconographic elements mentioned previously; the wadjet-eyes with the shen-ring and the kheker-frieze at the top. The false-door is below with mat-pattern decoration, and the offer-

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ing table is to the left on a red background. These elements constitute the focal point of the front-side of the coffin of Sarenput. This is where the spirit of Sarenput the Younger was supposed to transition between the netherworld and the mortuary chamber, in order to receive his offerings and visit the world of the living. The false-door and wadjet-eyes, therefore form a liminal surface in the cosmos.19 The ornamental texts in the upper band and the columns provide significant information about another cosmological issue that was addressed on this side of the coffin. The presence of a very significant spell on the horizontal band is notable. This is the so-called wen-her formula or “Opening of the vision of Osiris” (also known as ct 788):20 Outer front-side, horizontal band: ḏd-mdw wn-ḥr21 wsjr jmj-rꜣ pr sꜣ-rnp.wt mꜣꜥ-ḫrw mꜣ⸗f nb ꜣḫ.t dj⸗f ḏꜣ⸗k p.t smꜣ⸗k tꜣ ꜥr⸗k n nṯr ꜥꜣ nb p.t ḫp⸗k nḥḥ ḏ.t Recitation: May the vision of Osiris, the overseer of the house Sarenput, justified, be opened so that he may see the Lord of the Horizon. May he cause that you sail across the sky, that you join the earth, that you rise up to the great god, lord of the sky, and you walk forever and ever. The presence of this formula is extremely significant, since at the very end of the twelfth dynasty and the start of the early thirteenth dynasty its was substituted on the front-sides of coffins with another formula called the “Nefertemformula” (a formula already known from the age of the pyramids as spell

19 20

21

For comments on the function of the wadjet-eyes, see Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, 38–39. For the wn-ḥr formula, see the comprehensive study by Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, passim (esp. 34–35 for the meaning of the formula). For the use of the spell ct 788 on other monuments, see Franke, Das Heiligtum des Heqaib, 251; and cf. Quirke, “Book of the Dead Chapter 178”, 106. On the basis of the paleography, the form attested on Sarenput is similar to sources mr.9 (sarcophagus), mr. 1 (pyramidion), and mr. 2 (pyramidion) in pls. 1–2 at Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, which again seems to support its late twelfth dynasty date. As attested in Lohwasser’s plate 3, Middle Kingdom stelae present a similar form for the beginning of the wn-ḥr formula (see, e.g. mr.2, mr.3, mr.5, mr.8 and mr. 10 in idem, fig. at p. 11) but have the tendency to include some variations for the rest of the inscription, which differentiates them from pyramidia, sarcophagi, and coffins, including the coffin of Sarenput from Qubbet el-Hawa.

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pt 249)22 and the well-known Königsformel (ḥtp-dj-nsw).23 As a dating criteria, the presence of the “Opening of the vision of Osiris” and the absence of the Nefertem formula on Sarenput’s coffin establishes an ante quem terminus before the early thirteenth dynasty.24 In addition, the wen-her formula carries particular theological considerations for the deceased and his coffin.25 The deceased, opening his eyes toward the east, joins the sun and participates in the daily solar rebirth.26 This aspect will be discussed in more detail below. Separate from the horizontal band, in four columns, is additional textual content that possesses theological and ritual meaning. The gods Imsety, Shu, Geb, and Duamutef are mentioned there, and their inclusion acted to protect the sides of the coffin of the deceased. They also refer to the original Stundenwachen or ritual of the vigil-hours that took place on the night before the burial of the individual. This was when the deities watched over his corpse to protect him from any harm before his final burial. These formulae are known as Götterreden or “divine speeches,”27 and replaced earlier forms of texts

22

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26 27

For the identification of the deceased with Nefertem, connecting the ideas of resurrection in the form of a lotus-flower with the rising of the sun, see Anthes, “Atum, Nefertem und die Kosmogonie”, 55–62; and further comments on the spell and the substitution process at the end of the twelfth dynasty in Grajetzki, The Coffin of Zemathor, 66–67; and id., “The Second Intermediate Period Model Coffin of Teti”, 4. For the main attributes of the spell as pt 249, see Hays, The Organization of the Pyramid Texts, 355, and membership in group J at 684. For the use of the Nefertem formula in Middle Kingdom assemblages, see Morales, The Transmission of the Pyramid Texts, 588, n. 1704; and id., “Aggregation with the Gods”, 287–297, for the transmission of the formula into the New Kingdom and the Late Period. Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern, 195–196, §446–447. For the development of the offering formula, see also Franke, “The Middle Kingdom Offering Formulas”, 39–57; and Bennett, “Growth of the ḥtp-dj-nsw Formula”, 77–82. Although Lohwasser notes that “[d]iese Formel begegnet uns das erste Mal in der späten 12. Dyn. In diese Zeit und auch noch in der 13. Dyn. ist sie immer wieder belegt” (see Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts,” 1). To these aspects, must be added the paleographical arrangement for the name wsjr, which corresponds to the “Typ Dyn. 12/13” at every site in Egypt, according to Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern, 196–197, § 451–452. The central subject of the formula focuses on the expression mꜣ⸗f nb ꜣḫ.t and on the fact that the deceased could see the “lord of the Horizon” (nb ꜣḫ.t) and join him in his daily voyage: Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, 51–105. A summary of the major ideas, distributions, and texts used in relation to the “opening of the vision” formula in other contexts (pyramidia, coffins, canopic boxes) can be found in the review written by Lapp for Lohwasser’s work: Lapp, “Lohwasser, Angelika, Die Formel”, BiOr 3–4 (1994), 295–305. Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, 7; Lapp, Die Opferformel, §123. For this type of construction or formula, see Willems, Chests of life, 171 (ḏd-mdw jn);

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including the traditional imakhu-formula. The intention of these spells, also known as mr.n spells, was to ensure the benevolence of the gods towards the deceased. Outer front-side, col. 1: ḏd-mdw jn jmst(y) ḥtp[⸗k ḥr⸗s mr⸗n] Recitation by Imsety: “May you be satisfied [with what we wish]”. Outer front-side, col. 2: ḏd-mdw jn šw ḥtp⸗k ḥr⸗s mr[⸗n] Recitation by Shu: “May you be satisfied with what [we] wish”. Outer front-side, col. 3: ḏd-mdw jn gb ḥtp⸗k ḥr⸗s [mr⸗n] Recitation by Geb: “May you be satisfied with what [we wish]”. Outer front-side, col. 4: ḏd-mdw jn dwꜣ-mw.t⸗f ḥtp⸗k ḥr⸗s mr[⸗n] Recitation by Duamutef: “May you be satisfied with what [we] wish”. On the back-side is a similar scheme of textual distribution (fig. 12.7). This time the horizontal band does not include a customary phrase like a hetep-di-nesu formula28 with a Bitte or a request for a good burial in the west, but the so-called “arms of Anubis” formula. Outer back-side, horizontal band:

28

Grajetzki, The Coffin of Zemathor, 61–62, 64–66; Grajetzki, “Bemerkungen zu einigen Spruchtypen auf Särgen”, 31; and Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern, §§391, 403, 512, 519, 533–538. A comprehensive interpretation of this formula is provided in Falck, Textgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, passim. See footnote 23 above.

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Outer back-side of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger © patricia mora photography—proyecto qubbet el-hawa, university of jaén

ḏd-mdw ꜥ.wy jnpw tp-ḏw⸗f ḥꜣ wsjr ḥr( j) [pr-]swnw sꜣ-rnp.wt mꜣꜥ-ḫrw ẖnm swt zmy.t m ẖnt ḫsm nb ḥtp.w nfr jm⸗s dj⸗f ḫpr sꜣ-rnp.wt m nṯr Recitation: The arms of Anubis, who is on his mountain, are around Osiris, the overseer of the house of Sunu, Sarenput, justified. The necropolis enfolds him inside the shrine of the Lord of Offerings, so that he who is inside it might be well. He makes Sarenput be a god. The text is another example of the newly emerging theological development toward the solar religion that occurred at the end of the twelfth dynasty. As in the case of the wen-her formula on the front-side, this text also shares a solar background context. While the front-side formula referred to the joining of the deceased with the sun, here the implicit reference is to Anubis, in a text also known as ct temp. 189. This spell advocates for the acceptance of the deceased by the community in the cemetery. The four columns on the back outer side also incorporate four gods who protect and watch over that side of the resting place of the deceased. The gods are Hapy, followed by an unknown god (possibly Tefnut), then Nut, and finally, Qebehsenuef.29 Outer back-side, col. 1: ḏd-mdw [ jn] ḥꜥpj [ḥtp⸗k ḥr⸗s mr⸗n] Recitation [by] Hapi: [“May you be satisfied with what we wish]”.

29

Cf. Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern, 220, §517, “Anordnung 2”.

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Outer back-side, col. 2: ḏd-mdw jn [tf-nwt ḥtp⸗k ḥr⸗s mr⸗n] Recitation by [Tefnut(?): “May you be satisfied with what we wish]”. Outer back-side, col. 3: ḏd-mdw jn nwt ḥtp[⸗k ḥr⸗s mr⸗n] Recitation by Nut: “May you be satisfied [with what we wish]”. Outer back-side, col. 4: ḏd-mdw jn qbḥ-snw⸗f ḥtp⸗k [ḥr⸗s mr⸗n] Recitation by Qebehsenuef: “May you be satisfied [with what we wish]”. Interestingly, the four sons of Osiris include two on the front outer side, Imsety and Duamutef, and two on the back outer side, Hapy and Qebehsenuef. They protect the four corners of the coffin.30 Religious texts of the period (e.g. ct 761) refer to this idea of surrounding protection and to the identification of the two upper, head ends of the coffin with Imsety and Hapy, and the feet ends with Duamutef and Qebehsenuef. Part of that text reads: “Your arms are the sons of Horus, Hapi, and Imsety […], your feet are indeed Duamutef and Qebehsenuef, and there is no member in you that lacks a god. Raise yourself, N!”.31 As mentioned above, the “arms of Anubis” formula refers to the welcome of the deceased into the cemetery, but at the same time it should be understood that the ornamental text on the horizontal band on the feet end outer side refers to the god of the earth, Geb. This god is associated with the subterranean world beneath the local town (see fig. 12.8) and this very meaningful attestation differs from the classical text used in this position. The standard for30 31

Following a well-known distribution schema: see Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern, 220, § 516. ct 761 (ect vi, 391a–392f as attested on the coffin of Imau, T1L—bm ea 6654): ḏd-mdw dmḏ m ꜥ.wt n(.w)t ꜣḫ n⸗f m ẖr.t-nṯr (“Recitation: Assembling an akh’s members for him in the necropolis”). Wake! Wake! O this Osiris N, wake! See what your son Horus has done for you, hear what your father Geb has done for you […] your arms are the sons of Horus, Hapi, and Imsety […], your feet are indeed Duamutef and Qebehsenuef, and there is no member in you that lacks a god. Raise yourself, N!

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Outer feet-end side of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger © patricia mora photography—proyecto qubbet el-hawa, university of jaén

mula of Geb on the feet-side typically says: “Recitation: Geb, lord of the lands, is under the ribs, and Osiris is under the feet of N (i.e. the deceased)”. In the case of the coffin of Sarenput, interestingly, the local place Sunu is mentioned and referred to in mythological terms, which makes the text different from all the other extant attestations. Outer feet-side, horizontal band, standard formula: ḏd-mdw gb nb tꜣ.w ẖr sḥp.t wsjr ẖr rd.wy Recitation: Geb, lord of the lands, is under the ribs, and Osiris is under the feet (of N).

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Outer feet-side, horizontal band, Sarenput’s formula: ḏd-mdw gb nb tꜣ.w ẖr sḥp.t ḥꜣ swnw Recitation: Geb, lord of the lands, is under the ribs around Sunu. Outer feet-side, col. 1 (right): ḏd-mdw jn psḏ.t nḏs.t ḥtp⸗k ḥr⸗s mr⸗n Recitation by the little ennead: “May you be satisfied with what we wish”. Outer feet-side, col. 2 (left): ḏd-mdw jn srqtt ḥtyt ḥtp⸗k ḥr⸗s mr[⸗n] Recitation by Serqet giver-of-breath: “May you be satisfied with what [we] wish”. It seems that the artist or scribe modified the structure of the text so that it could hint at some institution, domain, or town quarter in the local area known to the community. Further research on the name Sunu should help clarify the relevance of the association implied here. The columns refer to the little ennead, usually taken as the sons of Horus, and perhaps also Neith and Serqet. The goddess Serqet herself is mentioned on the left. These gods safeguarded the lower part of the deceased and the coffin to ensure the everlasting existence of Sarenput. With respect to the head end outer side, although it could not be reconstructed from the fragments recovered, two larger pieces seem to be parts of a less usual formula used in this position in other coffins of the Middle Kingdom. The text in question refers to the celestial fate of the deceased (fig. 12.9). Outer head-side, horizontal band, standard formula: ḏd-mdw qꜣ bꜣ N r qꜣ.w sꜣḥ sn⸗f dwꜣ.t smn⸗f N ḥr-tp ḫꜣbꜣs Recitation: The ba of N is elevated to the heights of Orion, that he might join the netherworld. He makes N firm upon the sky-goddess.

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Fragment from the outer head-end side of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger, with textual reconstruction by the author © patricia mora photography—proyecto qubbet el-hawa, university of jaén

Outer head-side, horizontal band, Sarenput’s formula: ḏd-mdw qꜣ bꜣ [sꜣ-rnp.wt …] Recitation: The ba of Sarenput is elevated to […]. It seems that the outer feet-end and back side both included texts connected to the earthly and chthonic aspect of the netherworld, while the outer front side with its reference to the “Opening of the vision” and the outer head side which refers to the elevation of the deceased toward Orion and the stars, were both connected with the more distant celestial destiny of the deceased. The description of Sarenput’s coffin concludes here with the interpretation of its lid. The textual content carried by this element also provided remarkable information (fig. 12.10). The classical phrase employed here would normally be expected to be a hetep-di-nesu formula mentioning “Anubis, lord of Sepa”, who bestowed some requests or Bitten for the deceased.

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Outer side of lid, standard formula (with Bitte): ḏd-mdw ḥtp-dj-nsw jnpw nb spꜣ ḫnty nt zḥ-nṯr + Bitte or request Recitation: An offering which the king gives, and Anubis, lord of Sepa, foremost of the divine booth, that + Bitte or request (see below) Some of the most common Bitte: ḫp⸗f ḥr wꜣ.wt nfr.wt n.t ẖr.t-nṯr—“May he proceed in the good ways of the necropolis” (Bitte 12) zmꜣ⸗f tꜣ m zmjt.t jmnt.t—“May he cause that you join the western necropolis” (Bitte 29)32 ḏꜣj⸗f p.t ḥnꜥ rꜥ—“May he sail across the sky with Re” (Bitte 30) jꜥr⸗f n nṯr ꜥꜣ—“May he ascend to the Great God” (Bitte 31) Outer side of lid, Sarenput’s formula: ḏd-mdw wsjr [sꜣ-rnp.wt] pšš⸗s mw.t⸗k [nw.t] ḥr⸗k m […] Recitation: Osiris [Sarenput], your mother [Nut] has spread herself over you in […]. This is not, however, the type of text included in this example. The formula on the lid is not the Anubis Lord-of-Sepa one but the so-called Nut-formula (i.e. pt 368/pt 588), which associates the lid of the coffin with the skies above and where the deceased is instructed to be embraced by the goddess Nut as she welcomes him into the afterlife.33 In addition, the requests or Bitten formulae mentioned above do not appear there at all. Whether this is a local variation or the product of individual artistic creativity is not yet clear, but three of the classic Bitten or requests for a good destiny for the deceased typically written on the lid do appear together on the front-side of the coffin, complementing the “Opening of the vision” phrase that was discussed previously.

32 33

For the combination of ḏꜣj⸗f p.t ḥnꜥ rꜥ, zmꜣ⸗f tꜣ, and jꜥr⸗f n nṯr ꜥꜣ, therefore Bitten 29–31, see Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern, 217, § 509. Morales, The Pyramid Texts of Nut, passim. Further comments on the formula/text pt 368 in Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern, 219, §514 (where he locates it on the long sides).

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Three fragments recovered from the outer side of the lid of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger, with textual reconstruction by the author © patricia mora photography—proyecto qubbet el-hawa, university of jaén

Some Theological Concepts in the Textual Program

Beyond the distribution of the texts on the coffin and their associations with particular traditions, some further theological associations can be observed in the coffin produced for Sarenput the Younger in Qubbet el-Hawa when it is appropriately considered. It has already been shown here that the iconographic and textual programs on the coffin represent several different dimensions of the typical ancient Egyptian rituals and afterlife beliefs of the period. All the columns surrounding the coffin contain ritual allusions to the group of gods who participated in the vigil guarding of the deceased’s corpse on the night before his burial. In addition, the false-door, wadjet-eyes, and offering table connect the world of the living with the afterlife, creating a place of connection between the two for the deceased to use (in this respect, see n. 18). Finally, the four surrounding horizontal bands refer to the celestial journey to be taken by the deceased and its connection with the patronage of Anubis and Geb in the land of the necropolis. Even more can be said about Sarenput’s coffin and the roots of the traditions that it represents when it is observed that it was during the reign of Amenemhat iii that one of the closest comparable examples of the textual program used in Sarenput’s coffin was created elsewhere, on the pyramidion made for Amenemhat iii (figs. 12.11–14).34 In this light, it becomes clear that Sarenput’s coffin represents the development of solar ideas that was taking place at that time, and which was part of a movement that continued well into the thirteenth dynasty with the development of a new typology of

34

For the pyramidion of Amenemhat iii, see Arnold, Der Pyramidenbezirk, 14–16, pl. 38; and Maspero, “Note sur le pyramidion”, 206–208. Further comments on the wn-ḥr formula in Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, 71–72.

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coffins. Those coffins carried similar symbolic programs in text and image,35 as did the program inscribed on the pyramidion of the later king Khendjer.36 Those also belonged to the new movement associating solar ideology with the afterlife, as can be seen in figs. 12.11–14. The same new theological concepts influenced the iconographic and textual programs applied on coffins, on model coffins, and on canopic boxes of similar periods, through the late twelfth dynasty, thirteenth dynasty and into the Second Intermediate Period.37 For instance, a similar program of decoration and inscriptions can be seen on the coffin of Sobekaa from Thebes,38 the sarcophagus of Amenemhat-seneb,39 and the canopic box of Hapy-Ankhtify from Meir.40 In the case of Hapy-Ankhtify, provincial tradition could have caused the “arms of Anubis” formula to be used inside the outer panel of the backside (south panel) rather than outside.41 In the thirteenth dynasty, the traditional formulae already observed at the end of the previous twelfth dynasty, including on the coffin of Sarenput from Qubbet el-Hawa, began to appear more widely in textual programs on coffins, model coffins, and other decorated items. With the exception of the incorporation of the new formula of Nefertem on the front-side, the decorative and textual programs retained several of the elements developed at the end of the twelfth dynasty. The emergence of the practice of writing with abbreviated or “incomplete” hieroglyphs was a

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38 39 40 41

Not only coffins: see the thirteenth dynasty miniature stela-chapel of Kemez and the presence of a related program of texts in the object, in Lapp, “Die Stelenkapelle”, 231–252. See Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern, 226, §536 (east/front-side), 227, §537 (west/back-side known as ct temp. 189, north/head-side as “Orionspruch”, and south/feetside as similar to ct vii.3s–t). Further comments on the “Opening of the vision” formula are in Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, 73–75. A primary study on the matter, although applied to the program on a single object, can be found in Grajetzki, “The Second Intermediate Period Model Coffin of Teti”, 1–12; with later references in Grajetzki, The coffin of Zemathor, 31. Previously, Foreman and Quirke, Hieroglyphs and the Afterlife, 73, already observed the presence of royal pyramidia texts in non-royal coffins of the late Middle Kingdom, as Dorman, “The Inscriptions of the Model Coffins”, 147–149 also did. See Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, 56, and n. 17 above. Lohwasser, Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, 60–61. Interestingly, this coffin is also dated to Amenemhat iii’s reign. For this canopic box, see Morales, The Transmission of the Pyramid Texts, 458, nn. 1323 and 1325; and Lüscher, “Eine Gruppe von Kanopenkästen”, 214–220, figs. 26–30, pl. 25. For this location and the program to which it belongs, see Morales, The Transmission of the Pyramid Texts, 458–459, fig. 135, outer panel of the back-side (south). For similar programs, see id., n. 1325, with sources such as coffins T5–8NY and other sources from Meir, Thebes, and Hu that present similar textual programs. See Lüscher, “Eine Gruppe von Kanopenkästen”, 217, fig. 28, for the text and its position in canopic box programs.

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figure 12.11

Comparative analysis of the textual programs located on the front/eastern side of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger and the pyramidia of Amenemhat iii and Khendjer

figure 12.12

Comparative analysis of the textual programs located on the back/western side of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger and the pyramidia of Amenemhat iii and Khendjer

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figure 12.13

Comparative analysis of the textual programs located on the feet-end/southern side of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger and the pyramidia of Amenemhat iii and Khendjer

figure 12.14

Comparative analysis of the textual programs located on the head-end/northern side of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger and the pyramidia of Amenemhat iii and Khendjer

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practice that seems to have emerged at the end of the reign of Amenemhat iii, and it remained in use until the end of the second intermediate period.42 During the late twelfth dynasty there was a tendency to include panels of rapidly written religious texts in-between the columns with ornamental texts, such as on the coffin of Zemathor from Abydos.43 Although the coffin shows a tendency to include novel religious texts on the outer sides, the fact that the coffin of Sarenput the Younger did not include abbreviated or incomplete hieroglyphs in panels between the columns of formal ornamental texts contributes to the specific dating of the coffin.

5

Conclusion

When evaluating such a coffin, the researcher must take into account the various characteristics observed in the design and manufacture of the object. To arrive at a balanced understanding of the coffin, the researcher must then weigh up the different traditions, artistic fluctuations, dating criteria, and theological trends observable in the artefact. The iconographic program in this case provided some strong indicators that a particular style was being used. There was no interior decoration, the offering table was transferred from its usual place on inner side to the outside, several palace-façade panels were included in-between the four columns of ornamental texts on the long sides and the two columns on the short sides. Similarly, the textual program provided important evidence, including the absence of the Nefertem formula on the front-side, the presence of “pyramidion-spells”, divine speeches on the columns of the mr=n type, no abbreviated or incomplete hieroglyphs, and the emergence of reduced areas of religious texts on the outside. According to Harco Willem’s typological criteria, it seems that this is a coffin that carries outer decoration of type vi; however, this type does at times include local idiosyncrasies. The close relationship between Sarenput and “the House of Sunu”, as overseer of the insti42

43

Miniaci, “The Incomplete Hieroglyphs System”, 116: “The action of an explicit erasure applied on the initially intact and fully shaped hieroglyphs, followed by a consistent use of the incomplete hieroglyphs system as attested in her true burial at Hawara south, pinpoints the period pre-dating Neferuptah’s death as the starting point of this new tradition […] Consequently, we can assume that this practice began around the end of the Amenemhat iii’s reign.” Grajetzki, The Coffin of Zemathor, 6–8, and pl. 1. An addition to the study of pyramidia and analogous religious texts as identified on coffins and model coffins of the Middle Kingdom, now including the coffin of Sarenput the Younger from Qubbet el-Hawa, can be found in Morales, The Transmission of the Pyramid Texts, 302–306.

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tution, and the incorporation of that toponym in the ornamental text of Geb on the feet-side indicates the emerging importance of the place, whether it was a domain, a town quarter, or a type of settlement at that point of the late Middle Kingdom. In addition, two other factors impacted on the estimated dating for the burial of Sarenput. On the one hand, it seems that his older half-brother, born as a result of his mother’s previous marriage to Heqaib ii, bore the name Ameny-Seneb.44 Although rather speculative, it is worth considering if this name choice might indicate that Ameny-Seneb was born during the reign of Amenemhat iii. The burial of Sarenput, outside the monument where the interred bodies of his mother Sattjeni and his half-brother Ameny-Seneb were deposited may also indicate that these two relatives were already dead by the time Sarenput was buried. This would also explain why his burial took place in an improvised location outside the main tomb, as by the time he died the space in the main tomb was already used. The courtyard of his family tomb was the most appropriate alternative place to bury the young man. Based on this information, the rather innovative design of Sarenput’s coffin, and the lack of some features typical of the era between Amenemhat iii’s reign and the thirteenth dynasty, it seems reasonable to date the burial of Sarenput to the second part of the reign of Amenemhat iii, around 1800 bce.

Acknowledgements This paper is a revised version of the talk delivered at the University of Jaén conference in June 2016. The research conducted for the analysis of Middle Kingdom funerary burials and practices has been conducted—and financed— under the auspices of the project I+D HAR2017-84505-P (Ministerio de Ciencias, Innovación y Universidades) and cm/jin/2019-006 (cam-uah). The final version has benefited greatly from discussions with Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano and Harco Willems, as well as from the responses of the workshop participants.

44

For the genealogical organization of this family, see Sánchez-León and Jiménez-Serrano, “Sattjeni: Daughter, Wife and Mother”, passim.

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Bibliography Anthes, R. “Atum, Nefertem und die Kosmogonie von Heliopolis: ein Versuch.” In Ägyptische Theologie im dritten Jahrtausend v.Chr, R. Anthes, ed., 55–62. Studia Aegyptiaca ix. Budapest: Université Loránd Eötvös de Budapest, 1983. Arnold, D. Der Pyramidenbezirk der Königs Amenemhet iii. in Dahschur i. Die Pyramide. av 53. Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1987. Bennett, C.J.C. “The growth of the ḥtp-dj-nsw formula in the Middle Kingdom.” jea 27 (1941): 77–82. Blackman, A.M. “The stela of Nebipusenwosret: British Museum no. 101.” jea 21/1 (1935): 1–9. Buck, A. de. The Egyptian Coffin Texts i–vii. oip, 7 volumes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1935–1961. Dorman, P. “The inscriptions of the model coffins of Wahnoferhotep and Bener.” In The Pyramid of Senwosret i. The South Cemeteries of Lisht i, D. Arnold, ed., 147–149. mma Expedition 22. New York: mma Publications, 1988. Falck, M. von. Textgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu Götterreden und verwandten Texten auf ägyptischen Särgen und Sarkophagen von der 3. Zwischenzeit bis zur Ptolemäerzeit. Münster: PhD dissertation submitted to the Westfälischen WilhelmsUniversität, 2001. Foreman, W. and S. Quirke. Hieroglyphs and the Afterlife. London: British Museum Press, 1996. Franke, D. “The Middle Kingdom offering formulas: a challenge”, jea 89 (2003): 39– 57. Franke, D. Das Heiligtum des Heqaib auf Elephantine. Geschichte eines Provinzheiligtums im Mittelren Reich. saga 9. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1994. Grajeztki, W. The coffin of Zemathor and other rectangular coffins of the late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. ghp Egyptology 15. London: ghp, 2010. Grajeztki, W. “The Second Intermediate Period model coffin of Teti in the British Museum (ea 35016).” bmsaes 5 (2006): 1–12. Grajeztki, W. “Bemerkungen zu einigen Spruchtypen auf Särgen des späten Mittleren Reiches.” gm 166 (1998): 29–37. Hays, H.M. The Organization of the Pyramid Texts. PdÄ 31. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2012. Ikram, S. and A. Dodson. The mummy in ancient Egypt. Equipping the dead for eternity. London: Thames & Hudson, 1998. Jiménez-Serrano, A. “A unique funerary complex in Qubbet el-Hawa for two governors of the late Middle Kingdom.” In The World of Middle Kingdom Egypt (2000–1550bc): Contributions on Archaeology, Art, Religion, and Written Sources, vol. i, G. Miniaci and W. Grajetzki, eds., 169–175. mks 1. London: ghp, 2015. Jiménez-Serrano, A. and J.C. Sánchez-León. Le premier nome du Sud de l’Égypte au

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Moyen Empire: fouilles de la Mission Espagnole à Qoubbet el-Haoua (Assouan) 2008– 2018. Oxford: bar Publishing, 2019. Jiménez-Serrano, A. and L. García-González. “The earliest mention of the toponym Swnw (Aswan).” Forthcoming. Jiménez-Serrano, A. et al. “Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa: las tumbas 31 (Sarenput ii), 33 y 34. Quinta Campaña.” Boletín de la Asociación Española de Egiptología 22 (2013): 7–85. Jiménez-Serrano, A. et al. “Cuarta campaña (2012) de excavaciones en las tumbas 33 y 34 de la necrópolis de Qubbet el Hawa (Asuán, Egipto).” Boletín de la Asociación Española de Egiptología 21 (2012): 107–136. Lapp, G. “Review: Lohwasser, Angelika. Die Formel «Öffnen des Gesichts». Wien. Institut für Afrikanistik, 1991”, BiOr 3–4 (1994): 295–305. Lapp, G. “Die Stelenkapelle des kmz aus der 13. Dynastie”, mdaik 50 (1994): 231–252. Lapp, G. Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern von der 6. bis 13. Dynastie. saga 7. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1993. Lapp, G. Die Opferformel des Alten Reiches: unter Berücksichtigung einiger späterer Formen. sdaik 21. Mainz: Zabern, 1986. Lohwasser, A. Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”. Veröffentlichungen der Institute für Afrikanistik und Ägyptologie der Universität Wien 58. Beiträge zur Ägyptologie 11. Wien: Afro-Pub, 1991. Lüscher, B. “Eine Gruppe von Kanopenkästen.” mdaik 45 (1989): 207–238. Maspero, G. “Note sur le pyramidion d’Amenemhaît à Dahchour.” asae 3 (1902): 206– 208. Miniaci, G. “The incomplete hieroglyphs system at the end of the Middle Kingdom.” RdÉ 61 (2010): 113–134. Morales, A.J. “Ascension texts in transmission: reaching the skies from Unas to Pedamenopet.” In Solar cult and royal ideology in ancient Egypt, M. Nuzzolo and J. Krejčí, eds. Prague: Charles University Press, forthcoming. Morales, A.J. The transmission of the Pyramid Texts of Nut. bsak 19. Hamburg: Buske Verlag, 2017. Morales, A.J. “Aggregation with the gods.” In A true scribe of Abydos. Essays on First Millennium Egypt in Honour of Anthony Leahy, C. Jurman, B. Bader, and D.A. Aston, eds., 287–297. ola 265. Leuven-Paris-Bristol: Peeters, 2017. Morales, A.J. The transmission of the Pyramid Texts into the Middle Kingdom. Philological aspects of a continuous tradition in Egyptian mortuary literature. Philadelphia: PhD dissertation submitted to the University of Pennsylvania, 2013. Quirke, S. “‘Book of the Dead 178’: A Late Middle Kingdom Compilation or Excerpts?” In Life and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, S. Grallert and W. Grajetzki, eds., 100–122. ghp Egyptology 7. London: ghp, 2007.

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Rubio-Salvador, A. et al. “Tuberculosis and brucellosis in the necropolis of Qubbet el-Hawa (Aswan, Egypt).” In Athanatos. Program & Abstracts. Extraordinary World Congress on Mummy Studies, 150. Santa Cruz de Tenerife: Museos de Tenerife, 2018. Sánchez-León, J.C. and A. Jiménez-Serrano. “Sattjeni: Daughter, Wife and Mother of the Governors of Elephantine during the End of the Twelfth Dynasty.” zäs 142/2 (2015): 154–166. Smith, M. Following Osiris. Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. Willems, H. “The coffins of the lector priest Sesenebenef: a Middle Kingdom Book of the Dead?” In Ancient Egyptian coffins: craft traditions and functionality, J. Taylor and M. Vandesbeusch, eds., 3–15. Leuven: Peeters, 2018. Willems, H. Historical and archaeological aspects of Egyptian funerary culture. Religious ideas and ritual practice in Middle Kingdom elite cemeteries. chane 73. LeidenBoston: Brill, 2014. Willems, H. Chests of life: a study of the typology and conceptual development of Middle Kingdom standard class coffins. mveol 25. Leiden: Ex Oriente Lux, 1998.

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chapter 13

Elite Tombs at the Residence: The Decoration and Design of Twelfth Dynasty Tomb Chapels and Mastabas at Lisht and Dahshur Adela Oppenheim Curator, Department of Egyptian Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

Abstract Middle Kingdom mastabas are best known from the cemeteries around the pyramids of Amenemhat i and Senwosret i at Lisht and Senwosret iii at Dahshur, although all have been reduced to foundations and fragments. Those at Lisht had a wide range of architectural forms with decorative programs that focused on offering subjects, but also included other types of scenes. The Middle Kingdom mastabas thus far excavated at Dahshur are more restricted in their architectural and decorative programs. They were mainly rectangular structures with interior spaces confined to small niches on the east side. Relief decoration focused on large-scale inscriptions along the tops of the walls and at the corners, offering subjects in the niches, and depictions of the tomb owner outside the niches and on the west side. Distinctions in style and subject matter among the Dahshur mastabas are likely chronological markers, and it appears that artists connected to royal workshops executed some of the relief decoration.

1

Introduction

Non-royal, elite burial places of the Old and Middle Kingdoms are architecturally and artistically varied and inventive, yet despite their diversity, they are generally classified as either rock-cut tombs or mastabas. These definitions separate the structures according to their basic construction methods: cut into a rock face or cliff by a reductive process, or built up from stone blocks or mud bricks, an additive process.1 Such overly broad categories fail

1 It should be noted that buildings made from stone blocks are carved or sculpted in a manner that is in some ways similar to the carving of rock-cut tombs.

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to adequately describe the great richness of Egyptian funerary architecture and decoration. The limitations of the terminology are particularly striking in the context of mastabas, which in their standard form can be defined as rectangular structures with sloping or battered walls, flat or vaulted roofs, and either small cult rooms or no interior spaces. Egyptologists, however, have often used the term “mastaba” to define virtually any free-standing elite tomb including those that conform to the “classic” type, as well as those that are irregularly shaped and have a complex series of rooms with elaborate wall scenes.2 Other structures termed mastabas have the appearance of miniature temples or chapels. The Middle Kingdom elite tombs surrounding the twelfth dynasty pyramid complexes at Lisht, Dahshur, and Lahun, along with those at Saqqara, represent disparate types and styles in their architecture and decorative programs. Constructed by some of the most powerful individuals of the period, they are key monuments for understanding the dynasty’s religious beliefs and politics.

2

The Decoration and Design of Twelfth Dynasty Tomb Chapels and Mastabas at Lisht and Dahshur

Early twelfth dynasty tombs constructed in the area from Saqqara to the Fayum encompass all of the architectural types outlined above. The majority are in Lisht North and Lisht South in cemeteries anchored by the pyramid complexes of Amenemhat i and Senwosret i respectively. The twelfth and thirteenth dynasty capital of Itj-tawy is presumed to have stood somewhere in the cultivated land to the east. Dieter Arnold’s fundamental publication of the Lisht tombs adopts the more accurate term “cult building” or “cult chapel” to define the elite tombs, expressions that could be further refined to describe more specific architectural forms.3 Some of these structures resembled small temples with entrance porches and offering rooms, perhaps with single statue shrines analogous to the innermost chambers of a deity temple.4 Others seem to have 2 The underground burial chambers of Middle Kingdom elite tombs were sometimes decorated, but these will not be discussed here. For examples, see Silverman, “Middle Kingdom Tombs in the Teti Pyramid Cemetery”, 264–274, pls. 41, 46–49; D. Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 20–24, with further references. 3 Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, passim. 4 For tomb chapels, see Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 25, pls. 26, 28–30a–c, 31b (Senwosret?); 40–45, pls. 62–63, 74c–d (Mentuhotep); 50, pl. 94b (South Khor Tomb A); 53–54, fig. 12, pls. 96–99 (Tomb B of Djehuty); 55–57, fig. 13, pls. 93, 101–106 (Tomb C of Ip?); 59, pl. 108a (Sehetepibreankh); 65–67, pls. 115–117, 118b–d (Rehuerdjersen); 70–71, fig. 15, pls. 129–

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had single or double chambers within an essentially traditional, rectangular mastaba structure.5 In a few instances, mastabas seem to have been completely solid, with cult places perhaps attached to exterior walls.6 Dated structures are assigned mainly to the period of Amenemhat i to Amenemhat ii, though the lives of a few individuals extended into later reigns.7 Surprisingly little remains of the decorative programs of these cult buildings, which in most cases seem to have consisted of raised or sunk relief decoration applied to limestone blocks. With few exceptions, they have survived as displaced fragments, some moved a considerable distance from their original location, complicating the task of assigning them to a particular structure.8 The majority of fragments preserve inscriptions in various sizes and formats, and subjects related to offerings, including offering bearers, offering lists, piled offerings, and cattle slaughtering. As would be expected, there are also remains of large representations of the owners.9 Other scene types, attested by a relatively small number of fragments, indicate that marsh scenes and food pro-

5 6 7 8

9

132 (Antefiker); 74–75, figs. 17–18, pls. 136–138, 141, 142a–b (Nakht); 78–80, pls. 147–148, 152c–d, 153 (Senwosret). For traditional mastabas, see Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 16–19, pls. 2–3, 5–6, 9 (Senwosretankh); 27–29, pls. 32–35 (Intef?). For mastabas with cult places possibly attached to exterior walls, see Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 36, pls. 48–49, 57c–d, 58d (Imhotep complex). Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 88. For relief blocks still in position, see Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 65–67, 70–71, pls. 116– 118, 130–133. For relief blocks that are difficult to assign to a particular structure, see Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 85–87. Fragmentary decorative programs survive from the Lisht South tombs of Senwosretankh (Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 18–19; tomb owner, offering subjects, inscriptions; Metropolitan Museum photo L 32–33: 139 includes small fragments with part of a marsh scene and a striding individual wearing an apron that were omitted by Arnold); Senwosret? (ibid., 25; officials); Intef? (ibid., 28–29; probably tomb owner, inscriptions); Mentuhotep (ibid., 41–45; tomb owner, inscriptions in several formats, marsh scene, boats?, priests, offering subjects); Tomb B of Djehuty (ibid., 53–54; inscriptions, possibly marsh scene, male and female figures, offering list); Tomb C of Ip? (ibid., 56–57; tomb owner, male and female figures, offering bearers and priests, marsh scene?, inscriptions). Fragmentary decorative programs survive from the Lisht North tombs of Rehuerdjersen? (Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 65–67; tomb owner, inscriptions, marsh scene, jar sealing, offering subjects, including one block with offering bearers in situ); Antefiker (ibid., 70–71; tomb owner, offering subjects, inscriptions); Nakht (ibid., 74–75; inscriptions, figure with a large jar, possibly food preparation, and cattle fording a waterway); Senwosret (ibid., 79–80; offering subjects, inscriptions, possibly marsh scene); Sobeknakht (ibid., 85–86; family members); Inherhetep (ibid., 86; tomb owner, inscriptions); Sehetepibreseneb (ibid., 86; inscriptions); Anonymous Tombs (ibid., 87; tomb owner with family members, funerary meal and offering subjects, inscriptions).

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duction (sealing of jars) were depicted, demonstrating that the decoration of at least some of the Lisht elite tombs incorporated broader iconographic programs. It is interesting to note that there is no evidence at Lisht for scenes that are commonly found in Middle Kingdom tombs in Middle Egypt and Thebes, including depictions of desert hunts, manufacture of tomb equipment, military battles, and funerals.10 It seems that the decorative programs at Lisht were more restrictive than early Middle Kingdom tombs outside the Memphite area, but firm conclusions cannot be drawn from the limited surviving material. Such a supposition may even be contradicted by scenes in a group of rock-cut tombs at Lisht South, but the results of that project await publication. One relief that can be viewed online depicts men with bows, perhaps indicating the presence of military scenes.11 A rock tomb belonging to an official named Ip was discovered at el-Saff, a site on the east bank of the Nile directly opposite Lisht; it likely dates to the eleventh dynasty.12 Unfortunately, the tomb can no longer be located, and it is uncertain if it was part of a larger cemetery of the period. No plans of the structure are extant, though it seems to have consisted of a single room approximately 3 m deep and 1.5m wide, decorated with wall paintings.13 It also appears to have had a painted burial chamber.14 The decorative program consisted of offering subjects and marsh scenes, similar to the slightly later tombs at Lisht, but Ip’s tomb also included an abbreviated depiction of a desert hunt and rows of animal brought before the owner.15 Other early twelfth dynasty elite tombs have been excavated at Saqqara, the best preserved of which belonged to the officials Ihy and Hetep. Their superstructures were tomb chapels consisting of pillared courts, transverse corridors, statue chambers, and offering chambers.16 Because they were added to the already-dense Old Kingdom royal and elite cemetery at Saqqara, the Middle Kingdom tombs could not have been part of a planned series of monu10 11

12 13 14 15 16

The subject matter of Middle Kingdom elite tombs is summarized in Klebs, Die Reliefs und Malereien des mittleren Reiches. The only material available about this excavation is a Powerpoint presentation that at the time this article was written could be viewed at: https://www.academia.edu/28440181/PPT _PRESENTATION_The_art_and_architecture_of_a_recently_explored_Middle_Kingdom_ tomb_at_Lisht_by_G._Mumford_The_67th_Annual_Meeting_of_the_American_Research _Center_in_Egypt_Atlanta_April_15_17_2016._in_collaboration_with_S._Parcak_and_M._ Youseff‑Ali_. Fischer, The Tomb of ‘Ip at El Saff, 29–32. Fischer, The Tomb of Ip, 1–2. Fischer, The Tomb of Ip, 33–35. Fischer, The Tomb of Ip, 7–19, pls. 1–6, A–G. Silverman, “Middle Kingdom Tombs”, 260–261, 275, 278–281, figs. 1, 6–9.

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figure 13.1

oppenheim

Riverine or marsh scene from the tomb of Hetep at Saqqara photo dieter arnold

ments, but were instead squeezed into available spaces. The most spectacular surviving decoration is the well-preserved offering chamber of Ihy, which has depictions of the tomb owner and his mother, offering bearers, offerings, and offering rituals. Evidence for a marsh scene was found in Hetep’s courtyard and a riverine scene was also depicted in the transverse corridor (fig. 13.1).17 The arrangement of three chambers at the back of these chapels seems to diverge from the single rooms suggested for the Lisht examples, but the discrepancy may simply result from the poor preservation of the Lisht structures, which often prevents an absolute determination of their original form.18 As far as can be determined, the decorative programs are comparable, with a focus on offering subjects, and the inclusion of marsh or other scenes that take place in a watery environment. Senwosret i’s successors Amenemhat ii and Senwosret ii shifted the sites of their pyramid complexes to Dahshur and Lahun in the Fayum. With the exception of the mastaba of Saiset, discussed below, the Middle Kingdom mastabas in the area of Amenemhat ii’s pyramid complex have received only cursory attention and cannot be included here.19 Many Middle Kingdom elite tombs were identified at Lahun, though most were poorly preserved. As the site of a royal pyramid complex the area could be considered conceptually part of the residence or capital during the Middle Kingdom period, although it is not strictly speaking in the Memphite area. The most notable tomb chapel at Lahun was that of Inpy, which had a pillared portico followed by an antechamber and 17 18 19

Freed, “Observations on the Dating and Decoration of the Tombs of Ihy and Hetep at Saqqara”, 207–214, pls. 25, 31–39, 40c; Silverman, “Middle Kingdom Tombs”, pl. 42. Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, passim. De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894–1895, 77–86.

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three niches. Architecturally it has the appearance of a type of twelfth dynasty deity temple,20 and it is physically separated from the mastaba and underground tombs to which it has been linked.21 It might even be suggested that this structure was actually intended for a god or goddess, but relief fragments found in a shaft of uncertain purpose at the front of the chapel depict offering subjects, inscriptions, and a marsh scene,22 iconography consistent with the decoration of a twelfth dynasty elite tomb. Other structures identified at Lahun seem to have been solid mastabas, perhaps with small attached chapels or cult places, but they were found in poor condition.23 The combination of mastabas and cult chapels at Lahun is similar to the situation at Lisht, with perhaps greater emphasis on solid structures at Lahun, possibly presaging the tombs north of Senwosret iii’s complex, where mastabas of the classic type predominate. Again, meagre preservation makes it impossible to reach firm conclusions. Mastabas north of Senwosret iii’s complex at Dahshur were excavated by Pierre Vasin and Jacques de Morgan in 1894–1895 and by the Egyptian Expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art since 1995.24 Although their construction was separated by a relatively short period of time, the concepts underlying 20

21 22

23 24

Compare, for example, the eleventh dynasty temple of Montu at el-Tod, Arnold, “Bemerkungen zu den frühen Tempeln von El-Tôd”, 175–186; the temple of Sobek and Renenutet built by Amenemhat iii and Amenemhat iv at Medinet Madi, Bresciani and Giammarusti, I Templi di Medinet Madi nel Fayum, 60–61. Elite tombs that with a similar architectural form are known from the Old Kingdom, see Krejčí, The Architecture of the Mastaba of Ptahshepses, 78–95. An unfinished burial appears to have been added to the north of the chapel; Petrie, Brunton, and Murray, Lahun, fig. 27. Petrie, Lahun, 27, pls. 28–31. The biographical inscription was published by Fischer, “A Didactic Text of the Late Middle Kingdom”, 45–50, who dates the tomb to the reign of Senwosret iii. Petrie, Lahun, 26–34, pls. 27, 34, 36–36A. De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour mars-juin 1894, 15–46. The Metropolitan Museum has re-excavated and completely cleared three of the structures partially explored by the earlier excavators (Sobekemhat, Khnumhotep, Khentykhetyemsaef) and excavated two previously unknown mastabas (Horkherty, Senwosretankh); the south half of the Nebit mastaba was excavated by de Morgan and completely cleared by the Metropolitan Museum. The results of the new excavations will be published in Arnold (with contributions by A. Oppenheim and K. Yamamoto), Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation. For the position of the cemetery in relation to the pyramid complex, see Arnold (with contributions and an appendix by A. Oppenheim and contributions by J.P. Allen), The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii at Dahshur: Architectural Studies, plan v. For preliminary reports, see Arnold and Oppenheim, “Two New Mastabas”, 23–25; Arnold, “Middle Kingdom Mastabas at Dahshur”, 38–40; Arnold, “Pyramidenbezirk und Nekropole Sesostris’ iii. in Dahschur”, 42–45; Oppenheim, “Identifying Artists”, 116–132.

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the architecture and decorative programs at Lisht and Dahshur are quite different. The structures excavated thus far at Dahshur are mastabas in the classic sense: rectangular buildings with solid cores made of mud brick and cased with battered walls of fine limestone, while the roofs were flat or vaulted. Some of these structures were monumental, while others were diminutive and have been designated “miniature mastabas”. In the larger structures the interior spaces were limited to two modestly proportioned niches on the east side, embellished only with offering subjects. The smaller mastabas had cult places attached to their exteriors. The dominant decoration of the larger mastabas was not figure scenes, but rather extensive monumental exterior inscriptions on all sides, along with several more or less life-size depictions of the tomb owner seated and standing (figs. 13.4–6). The relief carving is of extremely high quality, certainly the work of master artists, at least some of whom presumably belonged to the royal workshop. The key mastabas for understanding the architectural and decorative programs at Dahshur are those built successively by Sobekemhat, Nebit, and Horkherty,25 They are located to the northeast of Senwosret iii’s complex and near the edge of the desert plateau (fig. 13.2). The north half of the Nebit mastaba has been reconstructed by the Metropolitan Museum, physically at the site as well as digitally (figs. 13.4–6). Sobekemhat’s mastaba is the largest known structure in the cemetery, probably measuring approximately 15.75× 26.25 m (30 × 50 cubits) when its limestone casing was intact. Those of Nebit and Horkherty were around 10.5×21m (20×40 cubits).26 All three mastabas were surrounded and separated from each other by mud brick enclosure walls, which from the outside would have had the appearance of a single wall. Careful examination of the brickwork clearly shows, however, that the enclosure wall of each successive mastaba was added to the preceding one. As this phenomenon has not been observed for any other of the Dahshur mastabas, it suggests a close relationship between the individuals rather than a standard practice, but unfortunately none of the preserved inscriptions confirm a family connection. The construction dates of these mastabas can be determined to some degree. Small fragments found at the Sobekemhat mastaba preserve parts of

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The titles and identities of these individuals will be discussed in Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation. The excavation of the Metropolitan Museum has recovered many of the relief fragments originally excavated by Jacques de Morgan. Study of these pieces has shown that Sobekemhat was not a vizier, while Nebit certainly held this office. The new information contradicts Simpson, “Sobkemhet, a Vizier of Sesostris iii”, 26–29, who could not have been aware of an error in de Morgan’s publication of the reliefs. Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation.

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Plan of the twelfth dynasty tombs north of the Senwosret iii pyramid complex at Dahshur

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figure 13.3

Relief fragment with a finely carved owl hieroglyph from the Sobekemhat mastaba at Dahshur photo bruce schwarz, imaging department, the metropolitan museum of art

cartouche ovals, but none of the hieroglyphs they enclosed. Another fragment preserves part of a large sunrise-sign, which is an element of Senwosret iii’s throne name (Khakaure), but it is not attested in any of Sobekemhat’s surviving titles. The position of Sobekemhat’s mastaba, closer to the cultivation and near the royal complex, suggests that it dates early in the period of building activity in the area. Furthermore, there are stylistic affinities with the relief decoration of Senwosret iii’s pyramid temple, particularly its exterior inscription, which has extremely fine detail and delicately layered surfaces. Comparison of the fragments suggests that some of the same artists who worked in the royal complex likely carved Sobekemhat’s mastaba (fig. 13.3).27 The east side of Nebit’s mastaba includes Senwosret iii’s throne and birth names in the ḥtp di nswt for-

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Compare to Arnold, Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii, pl. 156.

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Digital reconstruction of the east side of the Nebit mastaba at Dahshur

mula, demonstrating that he lived during the reign of this king (fig. 13.4). The mastaba of Horkherty is more difficult to date. No royal names are preserved, and there are some architectural, stylistic, and iconographic differences between his structure and those of Sobekemhat and Nebit. Nevertheless, it is still likely that Horkherty’s mastaba dates to the reign of Senwosret iii.28 Additional information comes from the mastaba of Senwosretankh, excavated by the Metropolitan Museum in 2005 and 2006, and not explored by de Morgan. Senwosretankh’s monument is similar in architectural form and decoration to those of the Sobekemhat, Nebit, Horkherty group, with some notable discrepancies discussed below. The mastaba had a brick core encased with limestone and was originally about 10.5×21 m (20 × 40 cubits), approximately the same size as Nebit and Horkherty’s. It was also surrounded by a

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Arnold (Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation), suggests that Horkherty dates to years 25–30 of Senwosret iii.

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brick enclosure wall. To the north of the main structure were two or perhaps three so-called miniature mastabas, approximately 1.6 × 2.79m,29 which likely commemorated members of Senwosretankh’s family. No reliefs were recovered that revealed their identity and the small structures may have been uninscribed or perhaps embellished with small stelae. The cartouches preserved on fragments of Senwosretankh’s offering table indicate that he lived during the reigns of Senwosret iii and Amenemhat iii.30 The location north of the main cluster of mastabas, and variations in the style and iconography of the relief fragments, suggest a date towards the end of Senwosret iii’s co-regency with Amenemhat iii, or perhaps during the sole rule of the latter king. Although there are some distinctions between the Sobekemhat, Nebit, Horkherty group and Senwosretankh, they seem to have had essentially the same architectural forms and decorative programs. All inscriptions and images on the exteriors of the Sobekemhat, Nebit, and Horkherty mastabas are rendered in high raised relief, the only known tombs in the cemetery that are carved using this technique. A parallel for using raised relief on exterior walls is found on the inscriptions and panels from the exterior of Senwosret iii’s pyramid temple.31 Senwosretankh’s mastaba was covered with sunk relief on its outside walls. The most striking elements of the decorative programs were the large inscriptions placed horizontally at the top of each wall32 and vertically at each corner (figs. 13.4–6).33 The horizontal texts ran from left to right on the north and west sides, and from right to left on the east and south walls. All vertical texts began below the horizontal line and faced inwards.34 As is to be expected on funerary monuments, these texts included references to offerings and invocations of major deities. Along with their religious value, however, the prominence given to the owners’ titles and names was clearly intended to ensure an emphatic and eternal proclamation of identity.

29 30 31 32 33 34

The miniature mastabas were not precise rectangles and were only partially preserved. They will be discussed in more detail in Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur. The offering table will be published by Kei Yamamoto and included in Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation. Oppenheim in Arnold, Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii, 133–137, pls. 155–156, 157b–d. At least one mastaba at Lahun with a largely solid core may have had similar decoration, see Petrie, Lahun, 28–29, pls. 24, 36a. For the inscriptions on the Nebit mastaba and a detailed discussion of the artists who may have carved them, see Oppenheim, “Identifying Artists”, 116–132. Because of limitations of space and number of illustrations, the rationale for most of the reconstructions of relief decoration cannot be fully presented here. These issues will be discussed in detail in Adela Oppenheim’s contribution to Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur.

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Digital reconstruction of the north side of the Nebit mastaba at Dahshur

The horizontal texts on each wall began with ḥtp di҆ nswt, followed by one or two deities. On the more prominent east side were cartouches of the king, highlighting the officials’ close relationship to their sovereign.35 The deities named are those with funerary associations such as Ptah-Sokar and Osiris on the north side (fig. 13.5),36 Anubis on the west (fig. 13.6), and Geb on the east (fig. 13.4). Osiris Khentyimentiu was likely included on the south side, as a block found at the southeast corner of Senwosretankh’s mastaba preserves part of his horizontally oriented name reading from right to left (fig. 13.7). It appears that no goddesses were included. The texts continued with the titles and name of the owner, a statement that the deities will give him a variety of offerings, and some of the occasions when these offerings would be presented. They concluded with the name of the tomb owner and the phrase “justified”. The vertical texts concentrated on the identity of the deceased, beginning with general epithets, and continuing with the specific higher titles and name of the owner. No deities, offerings, or rituals were invoked in these inscriptions, which ended with the phrase “justified, possessor of honor”.37 On the mastaba of Horkherty, the owner’s father Hetep was also mentioned (fig. 13.8). 35 36

37

The only king attested in the surviving inscriptions is Senwosret iii. The north wall of the Saiset mastaba, located south of Amenemhat ii’s pyramid at Dahshur, had a horizontal text very similar to that of Nebit, see El-Husseiny and Okasha Khafagy, “The Dahshur Tomb of the Vizier Siese Rediscovered”, 22, top. The north wall of the Khentykhetyemsaef mastaba was also comparable, see De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894, 28, fig. 47 right; Borchardt, Denkmäler des Alten Reiches, 161, no. 1472. This pattern is largely known from the mastaba of Nebit, see Oppenheim, “Identifying Artists”, 116–132.

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Digital reconstruction of the west side of the Nebit mastaba at Dahshur

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Inscription naming Osiris Khentyimentiu from the south side of the Senwosretankh mastaba at Dahshur photo anna marie kellen, imaging department, the metropolitan museum of art

Reconstructed corner of the Horkherty mastaba at Dahshur photo anna marie kellen, imaging department, the metropolitan museum of art

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The arrangement of horizontal and vertical texts, their orientation,38 and the boxlike appearance of the mastabas resembles the outer decoration of certain types of Middle Kingdom coffins, but the correspondence is not exact. For example, the texts on the west side of the Dahshur mastabas and the back of coffins both invoke Anubis and list his epithets. The Dahshur mastabas with preserved inscriptions from the east side,39 however, have royal cartouches followed by Geb40 while the coffins do not include royal names and place Osiris in this position.41 Vertical texts on mastabas and coffins are also distinct in their content as well as placement. As was discussed above, mastaba texts stress the identity of the owner and generally lack references to deities.42 In contrast, vertical text columns on coffins are religious in nature43 and occur multiple times on the long sides of coffins, not just at the corners. Furthermore, some elements are never used to decorate mastaba exteriors, most notably the udjat-eyes and the palace-façade motifs often found at the head ends of coffins. Therefore, while the overall design conception of the mastabas can be associated with other elements of funerary culture, their content is distinct. Such divergence should not be surprising, as their purposes differed. The coffin directly pro38

39

40

41 42

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As mentioned above, the horizontal texts on the Dahshur mastabas read from right to left on the east and south sides, and from left to right on the north and west sides, matching, respectively, the direction of horizontal inscriptions on the front, foot, head, and back sides of Middle Kingdom rectangular coffins, see Willems, Chests of Life, 119; according to Willems, the texts are oriented so that they would be legible to the deceased. The north end of the east wall is best preserved on the mastabas of Nebit (Oppenheim, “Identifying Artists”, 116–132) and Khentykhetyemsaef (Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894, 28, fig. 47 left; Borchardt, Denkmäler des Alten Reiches, 158, no. 1468, 162, no. 1473); a new reconstruction will be presented in Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur. The prominent position of Geb on the mastaba facades requires further study. In the present context, it should be noted that Geb is connected to kingship, an association that might explain the juxtaposition with the royal names, and has extensive funerary connections in the Middle Kingdom. See Miosi, “Some Aspects of Geb in the Coffin Texts”, 100–107; Simon, “Geb”, 155; te Velde, “Geb”, cols. 427–430; Barta, Untersuchungen zum Götterkreis der Neunheit, 94–100. See also Fiore-Marochetti, “On the Design, Symbolism, and Dating of Some xiith Dynasty Tomb Superstructures”, 43–52. Her assertion that the inscription naming Geb on the Khentykhetyemsaef mastaba is on the west side is incorrect. Willems, Chests of Life, 124. An exception is the mastaba of Khentykhetyemsaef, where some of the vertical lines of text seem to be more like those on coffins, see De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894, 27–29, figs. 44–53; Borchardt, Denkmäler des Alten Reiches, 158–164, nos. 1468–1477; Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation. Willems, Chests of Life, 131, 133, 136–159. It should be noted that some Middle Kingdom coffins from Saqqara have text columns that list only the epithets and name of the owner without deities; Willems, Chests of Life, 167–168.

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tected the body of the deceased, while the mastaba not only marked and protected the entire burial, but also served as a visible, lasting memorial for its owner and the place where funerary offerings were to be deposited. Prominently placed, large-scale inscriptions at the top of exterior walls of private tombs were neither an invention nor an innovation of the tomb builders at Dahshur. Although this type of text is uncommon, Old Kingdom examples are attested in the Memphite area and they likely provided inspiration for the Middle Kingdom builders.44 Conspicuous exterior inscriptions were also an important feature of the pyramid temple of Senwosret iii. There, horizontal inscriptions were placed along the tops of the walls, while the corners were inscribed with royal name panels. In that case, complex arrangements of the names, titles, and epithets of the king were confronted by the goddesses Nekhbet and Wadjet in their animal forms.45 Although the corner inscriptions on the pyramid temple differ from the mastabas, the overall design conception is comparable. The substantial investment in large-scale inscriptions might seem to be an attempt to proclaim the identity of the mastaba owner to anyone visiting the area. However, as mentioned above, the mastabas were surrounded by brick enclosure walls estimated to have been about 2.75–3.15m high. A visitor of average height would have needed to step back approximately 14 m before being able to view the mastabas’ inscriptions,46 and from that distance it would have been difficult to read the texts. Furthermore, the position of the mastabas on the high desert plateau meant that only the enclosure walls would have been visible from the cultivated land. These large-scale inscriptions were, therefore, mainly intended for those who were able to enter the mastaba precincts and view the monuments at close range. Questions of literacy aside, the inscriptions were clearly not statements deliberately visible to anyone who entered the general area of the necropolis. Archaeological evidence indicates that the mastabas of Sobekemhat, Nebit, Horkherty, and Senwosretankh had niches on the north and south ends of the east wall estimated to have been originally about 1.5 m wide and 2 m deep. Old Kingdom mastabas had niches embellished with a series of recesses, but the Dahshur niches appear to be small, simple, rectangular spaces with no further articulation. Although only the lowest courses of the mastabas’ brick cores were preserved and no casing blocks remained in position, none of the lime44 45 46

For the reconstruction of the horizontal inscription on the top of the Kagemni mastaba, see Freed, “Observations on the Dating and Decoration”, pl. 24. Oppenheim in Arnold, Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii, 133–137, pls. 155–156, 157b–d. Estimates by Dieter Arnold. For the height of the enclosure walls, see Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation.

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stone fragments suggest such an elaboration. Archaeological evidence indicates that offering tables were placed in front of the niches. It is uncertain how or if the niches were closed, though it seems unlikely that they had wooden doors if the offering tables were outside. Some Old Kingdom mastabas with niches had brick walls in front that formed small, open-air courts, but the archaeological remains do not indicate such features north of Senwosret iii’s complex.47 Although it is possible that there were walls even if no traces have survived, they would have fit awkwardly with the decoration that flanked the niches, which is discussed below. It seems more likely that the enclosure walls surrounding the complex were considered sufficient protection and the niches were left open. The niches on the east side had rounded door rolls with the titles and name of the owner. Flanking the niches on the mastabas’ façades were raised relief images of the standing tomb owner. Above him were titles and epithets in vertical columns without dividing lines, followed by a lower horizontal line with additional titles and the owner’s name. The mastaba of Sobekemhat had an extra vertical text column in front of the tomb owner and just to the side of the outer corner of the niche. On the Senwosretankh mastaba, the depiction of the owner and the inscriptions were rendered in sunk relief and the vertical columns were separated by dividing lines. Comparison with intact mastabas indicates that the figures faced inwards, towards the opening of the niche.48 The best-preserved example is a magnificent life-size image of the standing Sobekemhat facing right. Based on its findspot it must have stood on the south side of the south niche (figs. 13.9– 10). Sobekemhat is depicted as a mature bald man with a pendulous breast and folds of abdominal fat.49 A broad collar with double strands at the top and bottom and five rows of rectangular beads adorns the upper chest. He wears a long kilt with a looped fringe,50 now destroyed at the front and back. The folded

47 48 49

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See, for example, P. Jánosi, Giza in der 4. Dynastie, plans 1–4; Alexanian, Dahschur ii: Das Grab des Prinzen Netjer-aperef, fig. 4, pl. 1c. Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 49. See also Kahl, Ornamente in Bewegung, pl. 36, Falttafel 2. In the Old Kingdom, corpulent male figures are known from the third dynasty on; pendulous breasts in relief are known as early as the fourth dynasty, but are more widely attested in the late fifth and sixth dynasties. Folds of fat, as opposed to rounded abdomens, are best rendered during the sixth dynasty. Obese individuals are most commonly depicted with bare heads, though examples of wigs are known. For a summary of corpulent Old Kingdom figures, see Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 131–134. This type of textile is discussed in Cortes, “From ‘Weft Fringes’ to ‘Supplementary Weft Fringes’: Thoughts and Discussions on Weaving Evolution in Egyptian Textiles”, 199–218.

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Figure of Sobekemhat from the south side of the south niche in the east wall of his mastaba at Dahshur photo stephen arnold

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figure 13.10

Detail of the head of Sobekemhat photo stephen arnold

triangular end of the fabric is raised distinctly above the center of the garment and falls across the top of the legs. Both arms are destroyed, but two uneven lines below the now-missing proper right hand indicate that the figure was holding a folded cloth, rather than a scepter. The forward, proper left arm must have been outstretched and presumably held a staff. Enough of the proper right shoulder is preserved to show that it was not abbreviated, as is the case in some Old Kingdom examples of obese men.51

51

Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 131–134.

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A small piece of the back of the ankle remains, behind which is the bottom left corner of the figure panel. This is an indication that Sobekemhat stood alone and was not followed by another family member. Not enough of any figure survives from the Nebit mastaba to determine if the tomb owner was shown by himself or in a group. However, a piece found at the Horkherty mastaba, which was the latest built in the group of three, depicts the back, proper left leg of a male figure followed by two overlapping feet that must belong to a female (fig. 13.11). One may assume that the individual depicted is Sitwerut, who was buried in a tomb adjacent to that of her presumed husband Horkherty.52 Contrary to the situation at Lisht, where female as well as male family members were interred within the same complex, the male owners of the earlier tombs north of Senwosret iii’s complex seem to have been the sole occupants of their enclosures. The interment of the tomb owner’s wife near his burial place, along with her image on the mastaba, would therefore seem to have chronological implications in this cemetery. Certainly, the high officials of Senwosret iii’s court had wives and families, but it is uncertain where and how some of them were buried and commemorated earlier in his reign.53 The intact face of Sobekemhat is a masterpiece of Middle Kingdom relief carving, incorporating several distinctive stylistic features (fig. 13.10). The sculptor deftly rendered a face of exceptional power and character with economical carving, its simplicity emphasized by the bald head, now damaged at the back. Overall, the face is dominated by broad surfaces that slope steeply down towards the contour lines, with slight but decisive modeling around the eye, mouth, and jawline. Four features define the face: the slightly raised ear, the angled eye with a deeply cut upper lid, the long nose, and the lips, narrow at the top and protruding below. There is a bump in the contour line above the eye and a slight sag between the neck and the rounded, protruding chin, subtly enhancing the impression of age and soft flesh indicated by the torso.54

52 53

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For preliminary reports on the tomb of Sitwerut, see Arnold and Oppenheim. “Two New Mastabas”, 23–25; Patch, “The Beaded Garment of Sit-Werut”, 905–916. There are exceptions, particularly the mastaba and tomb of Khentykhetyemsaef. Surviving fragments depict the tomb owner’s wife Sithathor and mention his mother Senet. The underground apartments include niches for three burials. The mastaba façade contains a cartouche naming Khakaure after the ḥtp di҆ nswt, indicating that he lived during the reign of Senwosret iii, but the structure’s location farther west in the cemetery may suggest a date later in the king’s reign. The mastaba enclosure of the official Senwosretankh at Dahshur includes two so-called miniature mastabas that presumably were intended to commemorate family members, though only one burial was found. A similar sagging jawline is found on a small-scale depiction of Senwosret iii from the

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figure 13.11

Feet of Horkherty and probably Sitwerut from the mastaba of Horkherty at Dahshur photo juan trujillo, imaging department, the metropolitan museum of art

Small parts of a similar but less skillfully sculpted head and body rendered in sunk relief were discovered on the east side of Senwosretankh’s mastaba near the south niche. This individual is shown without locks of hair, though there is a shallow incised line below and to the right of the ear. This could be a scratch, but more likely represents the hairline. Senwosretankh wears a garment with looped fringes. There are two folds of fat on the bare abdomen, as opposed to the three between the pendulous breast and the bulging stomach of Sobekemhat’s figure. The top of the garment appears to be higher on Senwosretankh’s torso, which would be consistent with a date for the relief later in the twelfth dynasty, when male garments in relief and sculpture have higher waists.55

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king’s north chapel; although only a portion of the face remains, the workmanship is exquisite, see Oppenheim, Aspects of the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret iii at Dahshur, pl. 318. For garments with comparable high waists, see the stela of Nebipusenwosret, who lived

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The figure of Sobekemhat is the best-preserved depiction of a high official in the mastaba field north of Senwosret iii’s complex, but it is not the only intact face of a Middle Kingdom official from Dahshur. In 1894–1895, Jacques de Morgan excavated the mastaba of the vizier Saiset, discovering his inscribed burial chamber and four rectangular panels in raised relief that are now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo. Unfortunately, these panels have never been comprehensively published or properly photographed.56 Saiset’s mastaba was located between the pyramid complexes of Amenemhat ii and Amenemhat iii, on the same portion of the desert plateau as Amenemhat ii’s monument, a position suggesting that the tomb dated to the earlier king’s reign. The situation was further confused by de Morgan’s faulty assertion that an Amenemhatankh who belonged to Saiset’s family was identical to an Amenemhatankh who lived during the reign of Amenemhat ii.57 The stylistic details of the Saiset panels, however, along with the iconographic elements on other parts of the mastaba, indicate that this individual lived no earlier than the reign of Senwosret ii and more likely well into the reign of Senwosret iii. The four Saiset panels, which were clearly executed by different sculptors, all show the tomb owner facing left and seated on a lion-legged chair with a high side. He extends his proper right hand towards an offering table, behind which are piles of offerings. Above is an offering list with twenty-two boxes divided between two rows. Behind the list an unnamed sem-priest raises his arm in benediction. Above and below are horizontal lines of inscription, one listing Saiset’s titles and epithets, which differ from panel to panel. Another has an offering formula. Most remarkable image is the figure of Saiset himself who is shown as a powerful, broad-shouldered man with a firm torso and thick, muscular arms. Saiset’s face, however, is decidedly mature and seems almost to belong to another figure. It is preserved on only three of the panels. Most striking is the area from the rounded chin to the neck, which sags in multiple folds of soft flesh, signifying an older, portly individual.58 The suggestion of loose skin is similar to Sobekemhat’s face, but much less subtle. Also comparable is the

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during the reigns of Senwosret iii and Amenemhat iii; Parkinson, Voices from Ancient Egypt, 140. For the tomb of Saiset, see De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894–1895, 77–85, pl. 14; Simpson, “Lepsius Pyramid lv at Dahshur”, 57–60, pls. 14–15; Vandersleyen, Das Alte Ägypten, pl. 276. For the recent excavation of the tomb, see el-Husseiny, “The Dahshur Tomb of the Vizier Siese”, 21–24 (mentioning the discovery of part of a fifth panel). De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894–1895, 85; Amenemhatankh was a common Middle Kingdom name. Similar “composite” imagery of aged face and youthful body are also found in royal sculp-

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particular manner in which the mouth is rendered, with a protruding, thicker lower lip and a narrower upper one. The Sobekemhat and Saiset figures both have downturned mouths, a feature that appears later in the twelfth dynasty. It is uncertain if the angular top and back of the head found on the Saiset figures was also present on the relief of Sobekemhat, as this portion of the latter figure has not survived. Although the Saiset and Sobekemhat figures are clearly not the work of the same sculptors, they nevertheless exhibit such unusual affinities that that they must represent the output of a single workshop with a particularly distinctive method of rendering the male head. There are other stylistic similarities between the reliefs of Saiset, Sobekemhat, and Senwosret iii, particularly the manner in which hieroglyphs are rendered with crisp outlines, fine incised internal detail, and sharp peaks, for example on the di- and sw-signs.59 It must be admitted however, that similar treatment of hieroglyphs is known from the relief decoration of the pyramid complex of Senwosret ii, as well as other twelfth dynasty monuments. Nothing published from Amenemhat ii’s complex can be used for comparison. A more decisive feature for dating Saiset’s mastaba is the depiction of numerous members of the owner’s family, each with his or her own small pile of food offerings. The original positions of these panels is being studied by the Egyptian archaeologists who recently re-excavated the tomb.60 Family members, particularly children, are often depicted bringing offerings or otherwise paying homage to the deceased on Middle Kingdom stelae or in tomb scenes.61 In some instances, relatives, including parents and brothers, are shown seated at their own, separate offering tables.62 However, other imagery, mainly on stelae but also occasionally in tomb decoration, shows members of the deceased’s extended family kneeling on the ground, sometimes before their own small pile of food offerings. An analysis of stelae datable by royal cartouches indicates that this type of imagery began during the reign of Senwosret ii, but these

59

60 61 62

ture of the time of Senwosret iii and Amenemhat iii, see Oppenheim, Arnold, Arnold and Yamamoto, eds. Ancient Egypt Transformed, 78–83, 276–277. Note the incised lines on the inner part of the tail of an owl from the Saiset mastaba (elHusseiny, “The Dahshur Tomb of the Vizier Siese”, 22, bottom) and the tail of one owl on the Nebit mastaba (Oppenheim, “Identifying Artists”, pl. 17, bottom); unpublished fragments from the Sobekemhat mastaba also have these lines. For depictions of Saiset’s family, see De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894–1895, 85, fig. 128; el-Husseiny, “The Dahshur Tomb of the Vizier Siese”, 22, center and bottom. For examples, see Oppenheim, Ancient Egypt Transformed, 126, cat. 60; 152–153, cats. 86– 87. For examples, see Oppenheim, Ancient Egypt Transformed, 153, cat. 87; Jørgensen, Catalogue Egypt i (3000–1550 b.c.), 164–165, no. 66.

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Unidentified figures kneeling in front of small trays of food from the mastaba of Senwosretankh at Dahshur photo anna marie kellen

examples include only kneeling figures without their own offerings. Examples of kneeling family members with their own food offerings are later.63 Thus, the multiple representations of Saiset’s extended family kneeling in front of trays of food are another strong indicator that his mastaba cannot have been constructed earlier than the reign of Senwosret iii. A small fragment also indicates that the iconography of family members with their own offerings existed north of Senwosret iii’s complex, in Senwosretankh’s mastaba. The piece in question shows parts of two kneeling individuals with a tray of food on the ground between them and another offering resting on a ground line floating above (fig. 13.12). Unlike the Saiset reliefs, no inscriptions are preserved that identify these individuals or indicate their relationship to the tomb owner, though they are presumably family members. Since the images are in raised relief, they likely come from the interior of one of the niches, probably the northern one, since the relief was found at the northeast corner. The

63

For example, Simpson, The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos, pl. 4, anoc 1.9; pl. 39 anoc 26.2; Bosticco, Museo Archeologico di Firenze: Le Stele Egiziane dall’Antico al Nuovo Regno, pl. 36. A comprehensive list will be included in Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation. Kneeling family members without food offerings also appear in the later twelfth and thirteenth dynasties. The author would like to thank Simon Connor for his assistance in collecting this material.

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scene may have been placed in the lowest register, below a procession of offering bearers and estates (see below). None of the earlier mastabas constructed north of Senwosret iii’s complex preserves depictions of family members with their own food offerings. Because of the fragmentary state of their decoration, evidence of such scenes may have simply disappeared. It is also possible, however, that the iconography of kneeling family members with their own offerings developed more fully later in the reign of Senwosret iii or during the period of co-regency with Amenemhat iii. In that case, the position of Saiset’s mastaba between the pyramids of Amenemhat ii and Amenemhat iii could be an indication that Saiset served until the reign of the latter king. If so, then the distinctive style of the Dahshur workshop responsible for the Sobekemhat figure, dated certainly earlier in Senwosret iii’s reign, continued for at least a generation. It is uncertain what is symbolized by the extended family receiving offerings. Since multiple generations are depicted, for example grandparents, it is unlikely that the representations are meant to illustrate an actual feast or funerary meal, as it can be assumed that at least some of the individuals depicted were already deceased. Rather, these images may express a wish to commemorate all family members more or less equally. Whereas other imagery shows the family members making offerings to the deceased, here everyone is a recipient, on some level equal with the tomb owner. The effect is to create a kind of private dynasty of ancestors and living family members, the generational aspect implying a future as well as a past. The niches of the Sobekemhat, Nebit, Horkherty, and Senwosretankh mastabas were all decorated with offering scenes in raised relief on the north and south walls. The position of the offering bearers just inside the niche is confirmed by several corner pieces that include both figures and the exterior surface of the mastaba. Based on a block excavated by Jacques de Morgan and rediscovered by the Metropolitan Museum, depictions of piled offerings seem to have been placed above the offering table and perhaps also the figure of the seated tomb owner (fig. 13.13). In front was an offering list, which seems to have been more complex than the two row, twenty-two box examples known from Saiset’s mastaba and the stela of Ipity, also found north of Senwosret iii’s pyramid complex.64 Additional study is needed before a more detailed reconstruction can be suggested. The offering list ended at the front of the niche. Beneath the offering list was a cattle slaughtering vignette, preceded by offering bearers carrying goods, including joints of meat.65 Below were male and female 64 65

De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894, pl. xi. De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894, fig. 68; this fragment was found by the Egyptian Expe-

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Block with offering scenes from the mastaba of Nebit at Dahshur, excavated by Jacques de Morgan and rediscovered by the Metropolitan Museum Expedition photo dieter arnold

figures, sometimes designated as estates (fig. 13.14), who carry offerings. They seem to have been arranged in at least three registers.66 The lines of text found with the offering bearers are related to the tomb owner, or designate estates or official entities. No named individuals are included, as is the case in some earlier twelfth dynasty mastabas.67 The depiction of anonymous, “generic” fig-

66 67

dition in the ruins of de Morgan’s excavation house, unfortunately in poor condition. The block was placed in the Nebit reconstruction built by the Metropolitan Museum. As indicated in De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894, fig. 65. For example, Freed, “Observations on the Dating and Decoration”, pl. 25.

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Procession of estates from the mastaba of Sobekemhat at Dahshur photo anna marie kellen, imaging department, the metropolitan museum of art

ures bringing goods to the deceased finds its parallel in the pyramid temple offering chamber and in Senwosret iii’s north chapel, where all offering bearers are designated only by title.68 It is uncertain why actual individuals were excluded, not only in the royal complex, but also in associated cemeteries. The back wall of the niches likely held either false doors or so-called false door stelae. No fragments that can be definitively assigned to a false door have been recovered, while those originating from a stela would be difficult to differentiate from offering subjects on the north and south walls. Although confined to a relatively small space, the niche decoration contains all the elements found in offering chambers with larger dimensions.69 Surprising features of the Sobekemhat, Nebit, Horkherty, and Senwosretankh mastabas are images of the seated tomb owner with identifying inscriptions on the west walls near the north and south corners. The decisive example of this iconography comes from Nebit’s mastaba, where one large block (unfortunately badly weathered) and a number of small pieces were physically joined to reconstruct about two-thirds of a five-columned panel with vertical inscriptions listing the owner’s titles and epithets. No dividing lines separate the sections of text (fig. 13.6). At the bottom was a horizontal line of text with titles 68 69

Observation of the author. See, for example, the inner chamber of the Old Kingdom mastaba of Perneb in the Metropolitan Museum, Williams, The Decoration of the Tomb of Per-neb.

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and the name of the mastaba owner, similar to the texts flanking the niches on the east side. The key element locating this scene is found at the top of the second column, where a raised, horizontal band separates the panel from the larger horizontal inscription that runs along the top of the mastaba. This portion of the text reads from left to right, meaning that it could only originate from either the west or north wall. It includes an epithet of Anubis, which would be expected on the west wall. Decisively, most of the fragments, including the large, weathered block, were recovered from the west side of the mastaba near the northwest corner. Nebit’s lower legs and feet, chair legs, and staff were reconstructed from three large fragments and placed on the west wall below the inscription. Unfortunately, there is a large gap between the preserved section of the tomb owner and the inscription above, but the length of the inscription columns precludes the possibility of a life-size, standing figure.70 Aiding in the reconstruction is the observation that the pieces of the seated figure were found on the west side of the mastaba, while pieces of standing figures from this and other mastabas were discovered on the east side. On the west side of Senwosretankh’s mastaba near the southwest corner, a large block was found inscribed with parts of four sunk relief vertical columns of titles and epithets reading from left to right (fig. 13.15). It reveals some of the owner’s titles, but importantly, it also proves that a panel of inscription, and presumably a depiction of the tomb owner, were also placed near the south corner of the west wall, facing inwards. The west walls of the mastabas were therefore symmetrical, a common feature of Egyptian design. It is uncertain why such images were carved onto the west walls. The archaeological remains do not indicate the presence of niches or other architectural focal points that would explain the location of such imagery. The panels also do not align with the niches on the east side, which are farther from the mastaba corners. In the present reconstruction these figures and their texts appear somewhat arbitrarily placed on large wall expanses that would be visible only to visitors who walked around the entire monument. It is possible that figures were added to the west sides because this is the direction traditionally associated with the dead, burial, and the afterlife, but the images as preserved do not include any overt funerary or offering elements. Seated figures of the owner on

70

All recovered fragments with identifiable depictions of the tomb owner from the Sobekemhat, Nebit, Horkherty, Senwosretankh mastabas are either roughly life-sized and presumed to be from the exterior, or small and from the niches; there are no figures of intermediate size.

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figure 13.15

Panel of text from the west side of the Senwosretankh mastaba at Dahshur photo stephen arnold

walls that do not seem to be focal points are known from the Old and Middle Kingdoms, though these parallels are not exact. For example, seated figures of the twelfth dynasty official Hetep were placed on either side of the southwest corner of his enclosure wall at Saqqara, imagery that seems to have been copied from the nearby Old Kingdom tomb of Kagemni.71 A stronger possibility is that the imagery is related to the position of the burial shafts, located west of both the Sobekemhat and Nebit mastabas, though not precisely aligned with the relief panels. A relevant parallel is the pyramid of Senwosret iii itself, which has its tomb shaft on the west side near the northwest corner,72 another non-traditional position for a tomb entrance. Admittedly, except for these two mastabas, the shafts were located in their standard position to the north. However, once the principle of placing relief panels on the west side was established, it would likely have continued, even if the underlying rationale no longer existed. It is reasonable to speculate, therefore, that whatever new religious or afterlife beliefs caused the position of the royal tomb entrance to shift, at least some of the king’s highest ranking and closest officials followed it. Another architectural parallel to the royal complex may be the placement of the doorways in the enclosure walls surrounding the mastabas. Rather than

71 72

Freed, “Observations on the Dating and Decoration”, 212, pls. 29–30. Arnold, Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii, 34, plans i, vi.

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positioning the entrances in the center, the passages were located to the south, with walkways ending at the southeast corner of the mastabas, not in front of one of the niches. Senwosret iii’s original pyramid complex appears to have had a similar entrance to the south, with a passageway through the outer enclosure wall near the southeast corner of the complex, rather than in the center of the wall, as had been the case in some earlier pyramid complexes.73 A further parallel between royal complex and mastaba design may be the prominence given to inscriptions on the exterior of the structures, which was mentioned above. Taken together, these varied elements of architecture and decoration suggest that in some respects the private tombs at Dahshur followed models set by the king’s architects and artists. One of these individuals may have been Sobekemhat himself, as he bore the title “overseer of works”, likely indicating that he had an important role in the design and/or construction of the royal tomb complex. If this is the case, Sobekemhat chose to incorporate elements of Senwosret iii’s monument into his own mastaba, and subsequent officials followed his example to varying degrees. Another important mastaba north of Senwosret iii’s complex belonged to an official named Khnumhotep, who was a member of the illustrious family from Beni Hasan. Khnumhotep’s structure is rectangular in form with a solid brick core and limestone casing, as were the mastabas described above.74 Instead of a plain surface with inscriptions at the corners, however, Khnumhotep had an elaborate paneled façade with projections and shallow recesses, which accommodated a now fragmentary biography of the tomb owner. In addition, at the top of the walls Khnumhotep had horizontal inscriptions below rounded vertical elements, and vertical inscriptions on at least some corners,75 similar to the texts on the Sobekemhat, Nebit, Horkherty, and Senwosretankh mastabas. Khnumhotep’s mastaba seems to have lacked any type of interior space that would have accommodated scenes with offering subjects, and no fragments of such scenes were found. The elaborate mastaba façade stands in contrast to the relatively austere façades of the other known Dahshur mastabas, but again, the enclosure wall around the structure would have hidden most decoration from visitors who did not enter the individual precinct. Parts of the east and

73 74

75

Arnold, Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii, 22, pls. 3, 4c–d. De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894, 18–23. For the biographical inscription, see J. Allen, “L’ inscription historique de Khnoumhotep à Dahchour”; Allen, “The Historical Inscriptions of Khnumhotep at Dahshur: Preliminary Report”, 29–39. The reconstruction of the northeast corner of the Khnumhotep mastaba undertaken by the Metropolitan Museum does not include a vertical line of inscription on the east side of the north wall, Arnold, “Pyramidenbezirk und Nekropole”, 44, fig. 7.

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west sides of the mastaba have been reconstructed at the site, the only standing example of this mastaba type in Egypt.76

3

Conclusion

Middle Kingdom elite tombs of the Memphite area show a distinct division between those constructed in the earlier and later twelfth dynasty. The former group is generally characterized by cemeteries that do not seem to have been highly controlled and had a diversity of architectural forms with a consequent multiplicity of decorative programs. The latter group, known from the mastaba field north of Senwosret iii’s pyramid complex at Dahshur, is distinguished by a fairly tightly controlled cemetery and more consistent, restrictive architecture and decoration. The tomb chapels and mastabas at Lisht were likely influenced by Old Kingdom structures at Saqqara, Abusir, and Giza in the same manner that the royal cult complex of Senwosret i followed sixth dynasty prototypes. The Lisht tombs may also have been inspired by rock-cut tombs in Middle Egypt (or vice versa), at least in terms of architecture, as the plans of those structures show some similarities, despite their different construction methods. For example, undecorated tomb number 32 at Beni Hasan has a portico with columns, a columned inner chamber, and a niche at the back.77 The sequence of rooms resembles the (admittedly reconstructed) tomb chapel that perhaps belonged to a man named Senwosret and the somewhat better-preserved tomb chapel of Djehuty, both at Lisht South.78 It would not be surprising to learn that inspiration traveled in multiple directions up and down the Nile Valley, as it is known that artists traveled or even relocated between cities.79 Although there is a certain amount of repetition in ancient Egyptian tomb architecture and decoration, rarely are motifs, designs, and plans as closely copied as they are in the mastaba field north of the Senwosret iii’s pyramid complex at Dahshur. Why were the architecture and decorative programs of these mastabas so consistent over a relatively long period of time? The idea that artistic production or creativity stagnated in the later twelfth dynasty cannot be the answer, as relief decoration in the royal complex is not only beautifully 76 77 78 79

Arnold, “Pyramidenbezirk und Nekropole”, 44, fig. 7. Newberry, Beni Hasan, 36–37, pl. 33. Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, 25, pl. 29; 53, pl. 96. Oppenheim, “Artists and Workshops: The Complexity of Creation”, in Oppenheim et al., Ancient Egypt Transformed, 23–27.

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executed, but often imaginatively composed, albeit within the general framework of the conventions of Egyptian art. Clearly greater central authority was exercised at Dahshur, something that is particularly noticeable in reference to the overall arrangement of the cemetery, which appears organized in more or less orderly rows from east to west, with areas near the royal pyramid complex apparently left empty.80 Were the form and decoration of the mastabas themselves also centrally controlled? Circumstantial evidence suggests that the answer could be yes, though such a supposition must remain speculative. It might be tempting to see this development as an example of the consolidation of royal power that is said to have occurred during the reign of Senwosret iii, but since relatively little is known about how the elite planned their memorials, it is impossible to be sure. The planned resumption of excavation in the mastaba field may answer some of these questions.

Acknowledgements The author would like to thank Alejandro Serrano, Antonio Morales, and Jose M. Alba Gómez for their kind invitation to attend a fascinating conference on Middle Kingdom Egypt. They were wonderful hosts who made our time in Jaén interesting and enjoyable. I would also like to thank Dieter Arnold for our many discussions and debates about the Middle Kingdom mastabas at Lisht and Dahshur, and Sara Chen, Scott Murphy, Anna Marie Kellen, Stephen Arnold, Juan Trujillo, and Bruce Schwarz for their help with drawings and photographs.

Bibliography Alexanian, N. Dahschur ii: Das Grab des Prinzen Netjer-aperef. Die Mastaba ii/1 in Dahschur. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 56. Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1999. Allen, J.P. “The Historical Inscriptions of Khnumhotep at Dahshur: Preliminary Report.” basor 352 (2008): 29–39.

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In some cases, these areas were occupied by Old Kingdom tombs. Since the Old Kingdom mastaba field at Dahshur begins south of Senwosret iii’s complex and resumes north of it, it seems likely that a significant number of older structures were razed to make room for the Middle Kingdom complex. The Old Kingdom tombs excavated by the Metropolitan Museum will be included in Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation.

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Allen, J.P. “L’inscription historique de Khnoumhotep à Dahchour.” bsfe 173 (2009): 13– 31. Arnold, Di. “Bemerkungen zu den frühen Tempeln von El-Tôd.” mdaik 31 (1975): 175– 186. Arnold, Di. (with contributions and appendix by A. Oppenheim, and contributions by J.P. Allen). The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii at Dahshur: Architectural Studies. Publications of The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition, Vol. 26. New York: mma, 2002. Arnold, Di. “Middle Kingdom Mastabas at Dahshur.” Egyptian Archaeology 21 (2002): 38–40. Arnold, Di. “Pyramidenbezirk und Nekropole Sesostris’ iii. in Dahschur.” Sokar 13 (2006): 42–45. Arnold, Di. Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht. Publications of The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition. Vol. 23. New York: mma, 2008. Arnold, Di. (with contributions by A. Oppenheim and K. Yamamoto). Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Dahshur. Publications of The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition. New York: mma, in preparation. Arnold, Di. and A. Oppenheim. “Two New Mastabas of the Twelfth Dynasty at Dahshur.” Egyptian Archaeology 9 (1996): 23–25. Barta, W. Untersuchungen zum Götterkreis der Neunheit. Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 28, H.W. Müller, ed., 94–100. Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1973. Borchardt, L. Denkmäler des Alten Reiches (ausser den Statuen) im Museum von Kairo, Nr. 1295–1808, pt. 1. Catalogue general des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire. Berlin: Reichsdruckerei, 1937. Bosticco, S. Museo Archeologico di Firenze: Le Stele Egiziane dall’Antico al Nuovo Regno. Cataloghi dei Musei e Gallerie d’Italia. Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1959. Bresciani, E. and A. Giammarusti. I Templi di Medinet Madi nel Fayum. Pisa: Edizioni Plus-Pisa University Press, 2012. Cortes, E. “From ‘Weft Fringes’ to ‘Supplementary Weft Fringes’: Thoughts and Discussions on Weaving Evolution in Egyptian Textiles.” Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar of New York, Studies in Honor of Dorothea Arnold 19 (2015): 199–218. De Morgan, J. Fouilles a Dahchour mars-juin 1894. Vienna: Adolphe Holzhausen, 1895. De Morgan, J. Fouilles a Dahchour 1894–1895. Vienna: Adolphe Holzhausen, 1903. El-Husseiny, S. and A. Okasha Khafagy. “The Dahshur Tomb of the Vizier Siese Rediscovered.” Egyptian Archaeology 36 (2010): 21–24. Fiore-Marochetti, E. “On the Design, Symbolism, and Dating of Some xiith Dynasty Tomb Superstructures.” gm 144 (1995): 43–52. Fischer, H.G. “A Didactic Text of the Late Middle Kingdom.” jea 68 (1982): 45–50. Fischer, H.G. The Tomb of ‘Ip at El Saff. Lunenburg, Vermont: The Stinehour Press, 1996.

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Freed, R.E. “Observations on the Dating and Decoration of the Tombs of Ihy and Hetep at Saqqara.” In Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000, M. Bárta and J. Krejčí, eds., 207– 214. Archiv orientální Supplementa 9. Prague: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, 2000. Harpur, Y. Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom: Studies in Orientation and Scene Content. London-New York: kpi, 1987. Jánosi, P. Giza in der 4. Dynastie: Die Baugeschichte und Belegung einer Nekropole des Alten Reiches. Band i. Die Mastabas der Kernfriedhöfe und die Felsgräber. Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes 24. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2005. Jørgensen, M. Catalogue Egypt i (3000–1550b.c.) Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Copenhagen: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, 1996. Kahl, J. Ornamente in Bewegung: Die Deckendekoration der Großen Querhalle im Grab von Djefai-Hapi i. in Assiut. The Asyut Project 6. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2016. Klebs, L. Die Reliefs und Malereien des mittleren Reiches (vii.–xvii. Dynastie ca 2475–1580 v. Chr.). Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften 6. Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1922. Krejčí, J. The Architecture of the Mastaba of Ptahshepses. Abusir xi. Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, 2009. Miosi, F.T. “Some Aspects of Geb in the Coffin Texts.” jssea 29 (2002): 100–107. Newberry, P.E. Beni Hasan. Pt. ii. Archaeological Survey of Egypt, London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner and Co., 1893. Oppenheim, A. “Identifying Artists in the Time of Senusret iii. The Mastaba of the Vizier Nebit (North Mastaba 18) at Dahshur.” In Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2005, M. Bárta, F. Coppens, and J. Krejčí, eds., 116–132. Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, 2006. Oppenheim, A. Aspects of the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret iii at Dahshur: The Pharaoh and Deities. PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2008. Oppenheim, A. “Artists and Workshops: The Complexity of Creation.” In Ancient Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom, A. Oppenheim, Do. Arnold, D. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto, eds., 23–27. New York: mma, 2015. Oppenheim, A., Do. Arnold, D. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto, eds. Ancient Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom. New York: mma, 2015. Parkinson, R.B. Voices from Ancient Egypt: An Anthology of Middle Kingdom Writings. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991. Patch, D.C. “The Beaded Garment of Sit-Werut.” In Egyptian Museum Collections around the World. Vol. ii, M. Eldamaty and M. Trad, eds., 905–916. Cairo: Supreme Council of Antiquities, 2002. Petrie, W.M.F., G. Brunton, and M.A. Murray. Lahun. Vol. ii. British School of Archae-

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ology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account Twenty-Sixth Year, 1920. London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Bernard Quaritch, 1923. Silverman, D.P. “Middle Kingdom Tombs in the Teti Pyramid Cemetery.” In Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000, M. Bárta and J. Krejčí, eds., 259–282. Archiv orientální Supplementa 9. Prague: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, 2000. Simon, C. “Geb.” In The Ancient Gods Speak: A Guide to Egyptian Religion, D.B. Redford, ed., 155. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Simpson, W.K. “Sobkemhet, a Vizier of Sesostris iii.” jea 43 (1957): 26–29. Simpson, W.K. The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13, Publications of the Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition to Egypt 5. New Haven and Philadelphia: The Peabody Museum of Natural History of Yale University and The University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, 1974. Simpson, W.K. “Lepsius Pyramid lv at Dahshur: The Mastaba of Si-Ese, Vizier of Amenemhet ii.” In Pyramid Studies and Other Essays Presented to I. E. S. Edwards, J. Baines, T.G.H. James, A. Leahy, and A.F. Shore, eds., 57–60. Occasional Publications 7. London: ees, 1988. Vandersleyen, C. Das Alte Ägypten. Propyläen Kunstgeschichte 15. Berlin: Propyläen Verlag, 1975. Velde, H. te. “Geb.” In Lexikon der Ägyptologie ii, W. Helck and W. Westendorf, eds., cols. 427–430. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1977, cols. 427–430. Willems, H. Chests of Life: A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins. mveol 25. Leiden: Ex Oriente Lux, 1988. Williams, C.R. The Decoration of the Tomb of Per-neb: The Technique and the Color Conventions. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Department of Egyptian Art 3. New York: mma, 1932.

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chapter 15

Middle Kingdom Tombs and Objects in Thutmosis iii’s Temple of Millions of Years (Luxor) Myriam Seco Álvarez University of Seville

Javier Martínez Babón Museo Egipcio de Barcelona

Abstract Several tombs belonging to different social strata found during eight excavation seasons (2008–2015) in the Thutmosis iii’s Temple of Millions of Years are reported. Most of the tombs, which were found beneath and to the north of the temple, consisted on a shaft passage connected to one or more chambers. A few incorporated a hallway excavated through the rock. The grave goods found inside some of these tombs suggest that their owners were of high social status. The preliminary study of the pottery dated these burials to the final phase of the twelfth dynasty and the beginning of the thirteenth dynasty. Additional tombs were found outside the northeast edge of the temple’s perimeter wall. They are pit graves or small shafts that contain niches, some of which preserve interesting funerary items. The preliminary study of the pottery dates these burials to the beginning of the eleventh dynasty.

1

Introduction

Excavation and restoration work in Thutmosis iii’s Temple of Millions of Years, in the area between El Khokha and El Assassif, on the west bank at Luxor, resulted in the recovery of a Middle Kingdom necropolis. This had been buried underneath a large compound erected during the earlier part of the New Kingdom (Fig. 15.1). Throughout the eight excavation seasons, including the year 2015, 21 tombs were found, of which seventeen have a funerary shaft with one or more chambers at the bottom. A further three have a hallway excavated into the bedrock, which leads to the interior chambers. One of this latter type of tomb had already been discovered by Arthur Weigall at the beginning of the 19th cen-

© Myriam Seco Álvarez and Javier Martínez Babón, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_017

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figure 15.1

General plan of the temple © thutmosis iii temple project

tury.1 From the perspective of the archaeological materials recovered, the most interesting tombs were those numbered ix, x, xi, xiv, and xv (Fig. 15.2).

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Middle Kingdom Shaft Tombs in the Area

Due to the construction of the New Kingdom temple above the Middle Kingdom necropolis, no remains of above-ground structures associated with the 1 Weigall, “A Report on the Excavation of the Funeral Temple of Thoutmosis iii in Gurneh”, 126–128.

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View of some shafts belonging to tombs of the Middle Kingdom © thutmosis iii temple project

shaft tombs were identified. Most of the funerary shafts are oriented in a northeast-southeast axis, and their depths range between 5 and 12 m, depending on the area where the tomb is located. The three tombs with hallways have the following characteristics: Tomb number iii (Fig. 15.3) was discovered during the 2010 season, south of the access ramp to the upper terrace. The hallway measures 10 m in length, and connects the exterior with a small chamber at the end of a shaft 3.10 m deep. The funerary chamber was sealed with mud bricks, and four skeletons were found inside it: two adults and two children. A preliminary study of the pottery found at the entrance of the tomb and in the funerary chamber confirmed two different burial phases. The tomb was first built and used during the Middle Kingdom and was reused during the Second Intermediate Period. Tomb number vii has a hallway 20m in length oriented towards the southeast. It had already been excavated by Weigall. This burial structure was found in the south wall of the temple and consisted in a descending ramp leading to a chamber at the end of a hallway. The ramp has a northeast orientation. Weigall used it as a storeroom to keep the finds from his excavations in the temple. Tomb number xvi is only identifiable by the traces left by the hallway cut into the bedrock. This tomb was razed during the construction of the New Kingdom temple. The most significant features and items attested in the funerary-shaft tombs are as follows:

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Entrance and corridor of tomb iii © thutmosis iii temple project

Tomb number ix is located in the upper terrace of the temple. It was excavated during the 2012 season and has a funerary shaft 4.10 m deep which leads down to two small chambers: one oriented towards the northeast and the other towards the southeast. Both are irregular in shape and 2 m long by less than 1.5m wide. An interesting limestone stela (19×13.8 × 4 cm) was found at the bottom of the shaft (Inv. No. 9467) (Fig. 15.4). The most notable features of this stela are: The lunette, which contains depictions of the type of product typically found on offering tables. They are positioned horizontally asymmetrically. Traces of red paint survive on the three central offerings. To date, no parallels of this exact arrangement have been found, but similar horizontal display of the offerings in the lunette are found on the following stele: Turin 1613,2 cg 20185,3 cg 20669, bm 576,4 and Meylan.5 All these stele are dated to the twelfth dynasty. 2 Donadoni Roveri, Das Alte Ägypten, 113 (151). Like the stela presented here, this stela presents green pigment in the inscription. 3 Lange and Schäffer, Grab und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches i, 214. 4 Hall, Lambert and Scott-Moncrieff, Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae ii, no. 154 (576), pl. 10. 5 Tresson, “Une petite stèle inédite du moyen empire provenant de la collection du Bois-Aymé”, 69–82, pl. 7 (2).

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figure 15.4 Stela Inv. No. 9467 picture by inés garcía martínez, © thutmosis iii temple project

In addition, the stele from Turin and Meylan, which were dated by Wolfram Grajetzki6 to the reign of pharaoh Amenemhat iii, and the stele at hand are very similar in term of style. Under the lunette in Fig. 15.5 one can observe the following double inscription, which is illegible in places: Right side:

(1) ḥtp-di-nsw [///] (2) prt-ḫrw t ḥnḳt, kꜣw, ꜣpdw, snṯr, mrḥt (3) n kꜣ n Rn.f-snb (4) ir.n ’Ity mꜣꜥ-ḫrw A boon which the king gives [///], (2) an invocation offering consisting of bread and beer, oxen and fowl, incense and oil (3) for the Ka of Renefseneb, (4) who Ity, justified, has begotten. 6 Grajetzki, Two Treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom, 80.

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Stela Inv. No. 9467 drawing by antonio guio, © thutmosis iii temple project

Left side:

(1) ḥtp-di-nswt [///] (2) prt-ḫrw t ḥnḳt, kꜣw, ꜣpdw, snṯr, mrḥt (3) n kꜣ ’Iy (4) ir.n sꜣt-Ḥr mꜣꜥ-ḫrw (1) A boon which the king gives [///], (2) an invocation offering consisting of bread and beer, oxen and fowl, incense and oil (3) for the Ka of Iy, (4) who Sat-Hor, justified, has begotten. The deterioration of the signs makes a complete translation of this inscription difficult. Some signs still preserve traces of green color in places. A double filial relationship is attested, comprising officers whose names are typical of the end of twelfth dynasty or beginning of thirteenth.7 Unfortunately, there are no ranks or titles that would allow the members of this family to be situated within the Theban social or administrative hierarchy of the period. 7 Names such as Iy, Ity or Renef-seneb were common at the end of the twelfth dynasty and during the thirteenth dynasty. Onomastics of the Middle Kingdom can be consulted in Franke,

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figure 15.6 Stela Inv. No. 9479 picture by inés garcía martínez, © thutmosis iii temple project

Despite the stela’s poor state of preservation, a relief can be perceived under the inscription that shows two seated officials, one in front of the other separated by an offering table. Both figures wear a cloth garment that reaches down to the ankles and both smell a lotus flower. They sit on a type of seat that is often found on stele, for instance cg 205728 and Louvre C 173.9 Tomb number x is located near the previous one and was excavated in the same year. It has a shaft of 7m deep leading down to three chambers in total. Two of the chambers are to the northeast of the shaft. One of them was found and excavated half way down the shaft and the other at the bottom. Both chambers measure less than 2m wide by about 4 m long. A third chamber, also located at the bottom of the shaft, has a southeast orientation and its dimensions are similar to the other two. Unfortunately, the lower chambers could not be excavated due to its poor state of preservation and the subsequent risk of collapse. Fragments of a stela were found in this tomb. It has similar characterPersonendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich; and Grajetzki and Stefenovic, Dossiers of Ancient Egyptians. 8 Lange and Schäffer, Grab und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches ii, 211–212. 9 Boreux, Département des Antiquité Égyptiennes Guide-Catalogue Sommaire i, 145.

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Stela Inv. No. 9479 drawing by antonio guio, © thutmosis iii temple project

istics to the previous one (Inv. No. 9479). Its measurements are 18.7 cm tall by 13.6cm wide and 4.2cm thick (Fig. 15.6). No traces of a lunette were attested, but the inscription, which is incomplete, has the same basic configuration that in previous stela, and includes the following text (Fig. 15.7): Right side:

(1) [///] (2) [prt-ḫrw t ḥnḳt, kꜣw, ꜣpdw] snṯr, mrḥt n kꜣ n (3) [///] iw sbk dd (?) (4) [///] ir.n Nfrtw (?) mꜣꜥ-ḫrw (1) [///] (2) [an invocation offering consisting of bread and beer, oxen and fowl], incense and oil for the Ka of (3) [///] … (?) (4) [///], who Nefertu (?), justified, has begotten.

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Left side:

(1) [///] (2) [prt-ḫrw t ḥnḳt, kꜣw] ꜣpdw snṯr, mrḥt n kꜣ n (3) nbt pr Sꜣt-ḫnty-ẖty (4) irt.n ’Ity mꜣꜥ-ḫrw (1) [///] (2) [an invocation offering consisting of bread and beer, oxen] and fowl, incense and oil for the Ka of (3) the Lady of the House, Sat-KhentyKhety, (4) whom Ity, justified, has begotten. Some parts of the inscription are completely lost and some signs are so badly damaged that they are not easy to identify. The names of the officials are typical of the Middle Kingdom10 and one of them appears on the previous stela. Both Renef-seneb and Sat-khenet-khenty had a progenitor whose name was Ity. Even if this is not conclusive evidence of a relationship, the similar style of the funerary monuments and the proximity of the tombs makes it reasonable to suggest that there was a family connection between these two men. Under the inscription is a poorly preserved relief that shows part of a male figure in front of a female one. Both are separated by an offering table, seating and smelling lotus flowers. The composition of the scene is comparable to that on the previous stela, even though the differences in the sex of the two figures should be noted. Additional objects of interest were discovered in this tomb: these were a fragment of an ivory magic hand, which measures 6.8 cm by 2.4 cm (Inv. No. 9480), and a fragment of a magic wand, also of ivory, measuring 5 cm by 6.7 cm (Inv. No. 9481). The first object has a hole at the oval end and is decorated with a series of concentric circles. The second is decorated with part of the body of a crocodile with a retracted tail, a typical motif on this type of symbolic object. Tomb number xi (Fig. 15.8) was excavated in 2013, and is located outside the north wall of the temple. It has a funerary shaft 5.40 m deep leading down to two large chambers. Chamber number 1, which is 4.70m wide by 4 m long and 1.70m high, has a smaller room inside. Chamber number 3, which is bigger, has a central pillar and measures 5m wide by 6m long and 1.70m high. Approximately a meter and a half to the northeast of the shaft are the very degraded remains of a rectangular structure consisting in several rows of mudbrick 10

The name Sat-khenty-khety was carried by various mothers of officials of the time period. For official names see note 7.

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Plan of tomb xi drawing by antonio guio, © thutmosis iii temple project

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and less than a square meter in size. Part of a demolished wall was also found in the vicinity. At present, it is impossible to say if these all belonged to the same structure. The tomb contained various items belonging to the original funerary assemblage, but unfortunately most of them are in a poor state of preservation. Among the materials currently being studied are fragments of a wooden coffin, damaged lids of wooden canopic jars in the shape of a human head, parts of a funerary mask, two fragments of a limestone private stela that includes the name Amenemhat,11 numerous incomplete rods and wooden fragments belonging to models, as well as shells of different categories and sizes, which were probably parts of necklaces or garlands.

3

Finds in the Middle Kingdom Shaft Tombs: Magical Objects

Of particular interest were the objects that have a magical association. These included fragments of ivory wands, which are rather rare, particularly when they can be held to be Theban-made.12 Pieces of limestone female fertility figurines and a flaked apotropaic rod were also found. One of the wands was very small and could be completely restored from three fragments (Inv. No. 15323). This piece, which can currently be seen in the Luxor Museum, has several decorative particularities. In the centre, a griffin with its body oriented towards the right and with a human head located between its wings can be distinguished. To its right, there is a right-facing hippopotamus carrying a knife. Also, to the right of the griffin, a canine head can be identified (Fig. 15.9). At the right end of the piece there is a representation of a fox head and another head, probably that of a feline, on the left end. In the opinion of H. Altenmüller,13 this is the smallest decorated and symbolic such wand found to date. This object can be assigned to Altenmüller’s type vii. Figures that can be identified in the symbolic decoration borne by the remaining 22 wand fragments include the god Bes; a crocodile and a turtle (Inv. No. 15082-A); a leopard biting a serpent and the tail of another feline (Inv. No. 15137-A); an incomplete winged snake (Inv. No. 15137-B); a hippopotamus holding two knives and the eyes of a feline (Inv. No. 15137-C); an incomplete seated lion (Inv. No. 15137-D); an incomplete lying cow with a solar 11 12 13

Martínez Babón, “Objets découverts dans des tombes Thébaines situées sous le Temple de Millions d’ Années de Thoutmosis iii à l’ Ouest de Louxor”, 384–388. Altenmüller, Die Apotropaia und die Götter Mittelägyptens, 19–21. We would like to thank the Egyptologist for his courteous help and for outlining his conclusions regarding these objects, transmitted to us via personal communication.

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Magical wand Inv. No. 15323 picture and drawing by manuel gonzález bustos, © thutmosis iii temple project

disk between its horns (Inv. No. 15252-A); the figure of a goddess with a serpent on its head (Inv. No. 15252-B); and the head of a crocodile with its mouth open (Inv. No. 15255). The function of these figures was to protect the owner of the wand in the tomb during the night. On stylistic grounds, Altenmüller dates these wands to between 1750 and 1700b.c. Another tomb excavated in the area of the Ramesseum by Quibell contained objects associated with magic, including fragments of up to four wands that can be dated to the Middle Kingdom.14 Concerning the female fertility figurines, fragments of two heads and two legs were found that could be joined together. One piece preserves part of the head and the shoulder (Inv. No. 15262). The eyes, nose, and mouth can be seen, as well as a side braid. One series of dots indicates the shaving of the head, and another thicker line represents a necklace. The skin was painted yellow and the hair, the eyebrows and the contour of the eyes black. It is likely that this statuette originally showed a hair style made of lateral braids. The legs show the same yellow color as the head described above. The lack of feet is peculiar, as are a pair of hands connected to the hips (Inv. No. 15132). Also preserved are two fragments of another figurine: one preserves part of the head and shoulders, and the other part of the body and one of the arms (Inv. No. 15178).

14

Quibell, The Ramesseum, 3, pl. 3, nos. 1–3.

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The facial features, which presents the same yellow and black coloration as the previous head, are visible. This figure has more elaborated braids, with red ornaments rounded at their extremities, as well as a double-barred cross mark on the front. It is a unique and unusual piece that can be dated, according to Angela Tooley,15 to the end of twelfth dynasty or the beginning of thirteenth dynasty. As will be discussed below, a female fertility figurine in a good state of preservation was found in tomb number xv. Another object with endowed magical symbolism found within the funerary assemblage was an apotropaic rod of steatite carrying iconographic motifs ressembling those in the ivory wands. Unfortunately, the example found in this tomb is in a very poor state of preservation, even though one part is extensive enough to allow details such as the head of a feline and part of an Udjat eye to be distinguished. This sort of piece, dated to the Middle Kingdom, was also found in Kahun16 and in the Ramesseum.17 A particularly interesting apotropaic rod in a good state of preservation, incorporating an arrangement of symbolic animals in relief and small figurines located on its upper part can be found today in the Metropolitan Museum of New York (26.7.1275a–j).18 The small objects with symbolic associations found therein express the considerable richness of the tomb. These symbolic items include an incomplete faience baboon (Inv. No. 15150). It is vividly blue in colour, with thick lines marking the most significant features of the head and the face, as well as thinner lines to define the fur on the body.19 A human figurine made of clay, 5.6 cm high, 2 cm wide and 1.7 cm deep, was also found (Inv. No. 15163). This piece has a deteriorated head, but a long skirt and folded arms with hands on the shoulders (Fig. 15.10). It could be a representation of an Asiatic woman as it resembles the form of a larger wooden female Asiatic figurine with a child on her back found in Tomb 181 in Beni Hasan and dated to twelfth dynasty.20 In the same tomb, an ivory hairpin

15 16 17 18 19 20

We thank this Egyptologist for her most courteous contributions to our research, via personal communications. Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 115–116, nr. 4. Quibell, The Ramesseum: pl. 3, no. 18. Oppenheim, Arnold, Arnold, and Yamamoto. Eds. Ancient Egypt Transformed, 201, no. 132. Concerning animal figurines made of faience, see Kemp and Merrillees, “Minoan Pottery in Second Millenium Egypt”, 139–145, pls. 15–16. Garstang, The Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt, 139–140; Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 108–109; Oppenheim, Arnold, Arnold, and Yamamoto. Eds. Ancient Egypt Transformed, 177–178, no. 113.

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figure 15.10 Figurine of clay Inv. No. 15163 picture by inés garcía martínez, © thutmosis iii temple project

(Inv. No. 15.316) 5cm long was also found. It is decorated with small incisions showing the schematic representation of a hippopotamus with a crocodile on its back (Fig. 15.11). This piece, which has its sharp edge missing, also has three incisions in the cylindrical part located under the figures. This object is another possible protective amulet against evil spirits. A very similar, although more elaborate object, which was also decorated with a hippopotamus with a crocodile on its back, can be seen in the Metropolitan Museum of New York.21 Outside the same tomb was a scatter of discarded pottery sherds and other debris from the temple, covering a large surface area outside the northern enclosure wall. A wooden headrest was found in this debris (Inv. No. 15060). It is probable that this headrest belonged to the funerary assemblage of tomb number xi. The headrest is formed by three pieces that can be easily joined together, even though a lateral fragment of the central piece, and a small fragment of the upper piece are missing. It is 22.6cm high by 22.6cm wide and 8.4cm thick (Fig. 15.12). Similar headrests have been published, for example by Petrie22 and Reisner.23

21 22 23

Allen, The Art of Medicine in Ancient Egypt, 25, no. 14. Petrie, Objects of Daily Use, 35, pl. 31, no. 26. Reiser, Excavation at Kerma, 232–233, fig. 221, no. 12.

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figure 15.11 Hairpin Inv. No. 15316 picture by inés garcía martínez, © thutmosis iii temple project

4

Tomb Number xiv

Tomb number xiv24 was excavated in the 2014 season in the southern area of the hypostyle hall of the temple (Fig. 15.13). This burial has a rectangular funerary shaft 1.60m wide by 3m long and 5m deep. Two chambers were found at the bottom of the shaft, one oriented towards the east and the other towards the west. The first one measures 4m wide by 3m deep and 1.70m high. Its ceiling was partially collapsed and contained three niches: two larger ones and a small one. During its excavation, it was observed that one of the niches had two levels. A large block of stone had fallen from the ceiling of the chamber 24

Tombs xiv and xv were excavated by Ismael Macías.

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Headrest of wood Inv. No. 15060 picture by inés garcía martínez, © thutmosis iii temple project

and had broken the upper part of the niche, which was found at a lower level. The sarcophagus that had been deposited in that niche was destroyed, even though its contents remained protected from later looters. Once the area was cleared, small fragments of the wooden coffins were recovered as well as the bones of a woman lying in an east-west orientation with an almost completely destroyed head, facing east. The bones preserved some traces of mummification, but were in a very poor condition. A preliminary anatomical study determined that the woman was 150cm tall and died between the ages of 20 and 25. The woman was buried with her jewelerly (Fig. 15.14), which included a large pendant in the shape of a beautiful golden oyster shell (Inv. No. 15564), two golden bangles with a reef knot (Inv. Nos. 15576 and 15577), two silver anklets

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Plan of tomb xiv drawing by antonio guio, © thutmosis iii temple project

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View of the two bangles still in situ picture by ismael macías, © thutmosis iii temple project

(Inv. Nos. 15.578 and 15579), also with reef knots, and a cylindrical, gold and amethyst amulet (Inv. No. 15563). The gold pieces were in good condition whereas the silver ones were heavily corroded. The cylinder, formed by various pieces that had come loose, had to be restored but has survived in excellent condition (Fig. 15.15). Pendants in the shape of an oyster shell were quite common in the Middle Kingdom. Two significant parallels are currently on display in the Cairo Museum (cg 53143).25 Another, which is inscribed with the name of Senwosret i, is in the collection of the British Museum (ea 65281).26 The symbolic meanings of these objects were related to health, regeneration, and fertility.27 The bangles and anklets with reef knots also carried a symbolism related to protection. According to ancient beliefs, this type of jewelery protected the

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Vernier, Bijoux et Orfèvrerie, 376, pl. 41; and De Morgan, Fouilles à Dahchour: 1894–1895, 60, pl. 16. Andrews, Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum vi, 63, no. 406, pl. 32; Russmann, Eternal Egypt, 109, no. 33. Capel and Markoe, Mistress of the House, 70.

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The complete jewelry set of the lady picture by manuel gonzález bustos, © thutmosis iii temple project

wearer during his or her voyage through the underworld. A very similar golden bangle dating to the eleventh dynasty was found in a tomb in the necropolis of Mostagedda, and is currently in the British Museum (ea 62468).28 The particular design of the cylindrical amulet is also found in an amulet in the British Museum (ea 30478)29 and another in the Brooklyn Museum (51.199.1).30 Another important find is a beautiful tear-shaped amethyst object used to apply khol (Inv. No. 15.589). It is 4.4cm high and a little less than 1 cm thick. The narrower part is broken. It is very similar to some examples in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, for example cg 44.638 and cg 44.633.31 Tomb number xv has a rectangular shaft 1.60 m wide by 3 m long, with a depth of 4.85m. The shaft leads down to only one funerary chamber approximately 5m wide by 2m deep located to the west (Fig. 15.16). In its interior was a single niche that was accessed via a small ramp. Over the ramp was a large

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Andrews, Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum, 49, no. 276, and pl. 24. Andrews, Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum, 62, no. 399, pl. 32. From Lisht, see Capel and Markoe, Mistress of the House, 70–71, no. 19. Bénédite, Objets de toilette, pl. 26.

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Plan of tomb xv drawing by antonio guio, © thutmosis iii temple project

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Magic hand Inv. No. 15594 picture by manuel gonzález bustos, © thutmosis iii temple project

monolith of limestone measuring 155cm × 110cm, which had originally been used to seal off the niche, but was later removed from its original position by looters. Three ivory magic hands were found in this tomb, two of them deposited over the shaft and a third one at the entrance of the funerary chamber. The three pieces have slightly bent arm sections, wide fingers, and incisions to represent wrinkles on the fingers. Holes are attested in the oval end and the backs are completely flat.32 The sizes vary from one object to another: Inv. No. 15592: Is a left hand with parallel marks representing a bracelet around the wrist and the wrinkles of the fingers. The fingernails are also outlined. The oval end presents a hole. It is broken at the wrist and it is missing part of the thumb. It is 20.9cm long, and 3.3cm wide at both the hand and the arm. Inv. No. 15593: Is a right hand with parallel marks representing a bracelet around the wrist and the wrinkles of the fingers. The fingernails are also outlined. The oval end presents a hole. It is broken at the wrist. It is 21.1 cm long, and 3.3cm wide at both the hand and the arm. It is most likely a pair with the previous piece. Inv. No. 15594: Is a left hand, slightly bent with parallel markings representing a bracelet around the wrist. The oval end presents a hole. It is 18.6 cm long, 3.4cm wide at the hand, and 3.6cm wide at the arm. No traces of its its counterpart were found (Fig. 15.17). 32

Sourdive, La main dans l’ Égypte Pharaonique, 187–188, fig. d; and Ziegler, Catalogue des instruments de musique égyptiens, 27, no. 11.

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figure 15.18 Fertility figurine Inv. No. 15598 picture by manuel gonzález bustos, © thutmosis iii temple project

The musical function of these objects when used as clappers was associated with important moments in the human life-cycle, like birth, puberty, or death.33 At least two female fertility figurines made of limestone were also found in this tomb. One was found practically complete, although it was broken in two pieces at the waist (Inv. No. 15598). It is 14.2 cm high by 4.3 cm wide. It is 2.8cm deep at the head and 1.8cm deep in the body (Fig. 15.18). Its state of preservation was excellent, and its shaved head with black side braids can be distinguished. The posterior parts of a third figurine were found including the arms attached to the body. It had no feet, and presents a clear black triangle in the pubic area, and remains of polychromy at the waist, which probably represented an ornamental garland made of shells. A fragment of another

33

Capel and Markoe, Mistress of the House, 102.

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figurine was found of which only the belly and the upper part of the legs were preserved (Inv. No. 15597). It is 6.7cm high by 3.7 cm wide and 2.2 cm deep. The hands are also attached to the hips and a triangle marks the pubis. According to Angela Tooley, the few parallels for these features come from the Theban area. Female figurines crafted from various materials were common in tombs of this period.34 They could be used in several ways. They could be regarded as dolls, concubines of the deceased, or figures associated with fertility and procreation.35 As noted, they are characterised for having no feet. This characteristic could have two explanations from the point of view of Egyptian magic: to avoid letting the figurine abandon the tomb and the deceased, or because the missing parts of the body were those less relevant to their purpose, thus emphasizing the aspects associated with female fertility.36 An ivory magic wand with traces of brown coloring at one end was also found in this tomb (Inv. No. 15636). Contrary to custom, this object has no type of decoration on the surfaces, although two other wands without decoration have been found in tombs 819 and 836 in Assassif.37

5

Small Burials to the Northeast of the Temple

The rocky promontory to the northeast of the temple was excavated in the 2015 season.38 In this sector, small niche-burials cut into the rock at various depths were found. Tomb number xix was also found (Fig. 15.19). Some of these burials had been looted in antiquity, while others preserved the bodies in their original positions close to small funerary assemblages (Fig. 15.20). The main burials and the most representative objects they contained are discussed below. The skeleton of a woman between 40 and 50 years of age at the time of her death was discovered in a layer of sand. This layer was below another extensive stratified layer formed by a large quantity of pottery fragments from the temple. The body was oriented southeast-northeast and placed on its left side with

34 35 36 37 38

A good sample of fertility figurines can be seen in Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt ii, 221, fig. 137. Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt, 126–127; and Bourriau, Pharaohss and Mortals, 125. Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt, 126. Altenmüller, Die Apotropaia und die Götter Mittelägyptens, 90. This area was excavated by Linda Chapon.

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figure 15.19

View of the rocky promontory picture by ahmed amin, © thutmosis iii temple project

legs flexed. Her face was oriented towards the east. The knees reached the thoracic area and the arms were crossed over the chest, beneath the knees. Plant remains indicated that the body was placed over a mat. Only the remnants of the funerary bandages were found. Over the left side was a headrest made of very coarse mud brick (Inv. No. 9091). It was 14 cm wide by 12.2 cm high and 7.2cm thick. Similar headrests, in terms of size and material, were found in other Middle Kingdom burials, for example one made of terracotta from the necropolis of Asyut.39 Pit number 5 was formed by a rectangular shaft 2.25 m long by 0.80 m wide, and 1.20m deep; 70 centimeters from the surface the pit connects into a niche oriented towards the east that contained a rectangular coffin; the coffin has collapsed owing to subsidence. In its interior was the body of a woman of between 30 and 35 years of age, oriented towards the northeast with her head facing towards the east. Her arms were bent at the elbows so that her hands could hold a circular bronze mirror close to her face (Fig. 15.21). A small appendage may have been inserted into a handle that was not preserved

39

D’Amicone and Battaglia, Egitto mai visto, 249, 8.16e.

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figure 15.20 Plan of the exterior area located northeast of the temple drawing by antonio guio, © thutmosis iii temple project

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figure 15.21

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Mirrow of bronze Inv. No. 15705 picture by inés garcía martínez, © thutmosis iii temple project

(Inv. No. 15705). A conical bead was also found near the cervical vertebrae and four rectangular beads, one larger than the others, which most likely formed part of some kind of pendant worn on the left leg. Additional items included a large needle made of polished bone near the instep of the left foot, and a small circular bronze object, lying between the ribs and the wooden side of the coffin (Fig. 15.22). Only a few traces of the funerary bandages were recovered. Pit number 6 has a shaft 2.25m long by 0.83m wide and 2.40 m deep. At the bottom of the shaft there is as small niche to the east, 1 m deep by 80 cm high. A coffin was found in the upper level of the tomb, next to the west wall, but it was very deteriorated due to termite action. It contained the skeleton of a woman between 35 and 45 years old. Under the coffin was a layer of stones and

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figure 15.22

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Burial of pit number 5 picture by linda chapon, © thutmosis iii temple project

sand that covered the shaft. Pottery vessels were found there close to three fragments of a beautiful limestone headrest (Inv. No. 15709). On the curved part of this piece is a short hieratic inscription that is currently being studied by the epigraphists (Fig. 15.23). In the niche there was a rectangular coffin in a poor state of preservation. It was 198cm long and it contained the bones of a woman. Tomb number xix was cut into the bedrock and had a south-north orientation. Its main architectural characteristics are a rectangular courtyard, 4.60m long, which extends at one end until it opens up into a quadrangular funerary chamber measuring 3.40 long by 3.40 m wide and 1.50 m high. This chamber contained the remains of two burials, one on the western side, 220cm long by 80cm wide, and the other on the eastern side, 130cm long by 70cm wide. In the northeast part was an unfinished niche, 182cm long. It is likely that the niche was left unfinished because of the poor state of the ceiling and the subsequent risk of collapse. Traces of a clay lining were preserved on some sections of the wall. Scattered bones and numerous fragments of pottery indicated that the tomb was robbed in antiquity. In fact, at the southeast corner, mud bricks were found with the seal of Thutmosis iii, indicating that the tomb was already opened during the reign of that pharaoh. In the main interior chamber of this tomb three interesting clay offering trays, modeled by hand, were found. Fingerprints can be seen on their surfaces

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figure 15.23

Headrest of limestone Inv. No. 15709 picture by inés garcía martínez, © thutmosis iii temple project

(Fig. 15.24). Two of these items (Inv. No. 15733 and 15735) are flat ovals with two large depressions on their upper sides. Diagonal grooves project out from these and the lower bases are slightly curved. A certain symmetry can be observed in the pieces, even though the work is coarse overall. The first measures 19.5cm high by 24.8cm wide and 2.9cm thick, while the second is 17.1cm high by 22.8cm wide and 2.4cm thick. The third piece (Inv. No. 15734)40 is slightly different to the other two, and it is very similar to the one found by the Hungarian Mission in the saff-tombs in El-Khokha. It is flat and its upper part is round in 40

Fábián, “The Middle Kingdom on el-Khokha: Saff-Tombs”, 55–60.

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figure 15.24

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Offering tables Inv. Nos. 15733, 15734 and 15735 picture by inés garcía martínez, © thutmosis iii temple project

shape. This area has large depressions similar to those on the previous pieces, but it also has more rectilinear decoration on the lower section. A straight vertical groove extends from the base of each depression and ends at the lower end of the piece. The decorative scheme resembles that on the previous pieces, and is completed by a series of decorative elements combining lines formed by small holes with short grooves in various orientations. They are 28.2 cm high by 21.6cm wide and 2.4cm thick. Similar clay offering trays appeared during the Eleventh Dynasty. The Theban clay tablets are regularly oval with one of the sides cut straight.41 These trays developed into soul-houses.42 Approximately a meter below the level of the ceiling of the chamber there was clear evidence of looting. Northeast of the chamber at the same level was an offering table (Inv. No. 15733). About 20cm under that archaeological context there was a pit containing an intact burial covered by a layer of sand that contains a number of pottery vessels of small size. On the northwest and northeast sides of the pit there were two more offering tables (Inv. No. 15734 and15735), both of which probably belonged to the burial. Preliminary analysis of the pottery undertaken by Bettina Bader indicates that these simple tombs date to the eleventh dynasty, so that they are earlier than the tombs of the twelfth-dynasty officials, which were found mainly in the interior of the temple.

41 42

Niwiński, “Plateaux d’ offrandes et maisons d’ âmes”, 73–112. Petrie and Quibell, Naqada and Ballas, 42, pl. xliv.

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Conclusions

The tombs located inside the temple precinct and tomb xi, which lay outside it, most likely belonged to the large necropolis for officials of the Middle Kingdom Theban elite. Evidence for such burials was also found in the area of the Ramesseum. The majority of the tombs uncovered so far included a shaft cut into in the bedrock, and three of them used the inclination of the bedrock in order to incorporate and excavated horizontal hallway. The remaining tombs were either empty or contained only the remnants of funerary assemblages, except for tomb number iii, which contained a a seal from when it was reused. The bodies were found inside, while tomb number xiv partially escaped looting owing to a collapse. Tombs ix and x both contained family stele as well as fragments of magical wands and ivory hands with decoration consisting of concentric circles. Tomb xi was located outside of the enclosure wall and was the richest in terms of the grave goods found during the project’s excavations. Even though it was very badly damaged, several significant objects were recovered including fragments of a wooden coffin, heads of wooden canopic jars, a stela, a funerary mask, statuettes of different types, wooden models, walking sticks, and various fragments of ivory magic wands. Only a small portion of the many artefacts from this tomb, which was also reused at a later date, have been discussed in the current article. Tomb number xiv contained fine gold and silver jewels belonging to a Theban lady. These items were preserved owing to the fact that the ceiling collapsed before looters could find it. These jewels provide important evidence concerning the status of the person who was buried with them. Tomb number xv contained three ivory hands, a complete female fertility figurine, and a fragment of a second, as well as a magic wand without decoration. From the architectural point of view, it contained a large flat block of sandstone that was used to cover a niche. The small tombs excavated in the northeast area inside the walls of the temple belonged to individuals of lower social status who were most likely buried there at an earlier date at the beginning of eleventh dynasty. They were, therefore, humbler than the later tombs, but included extremely interesting grave goods, particularly because some of the tombs had not been plundered. Notable objects found in these tombs included a bronze mirror, a coarsely made headrest of fired mud brick, a headrest of limestone composed of three pieces, which incorporated a short hieratic inscription, and three interesting clay offering trays modeled by hand.

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Owing to the great quantity of materials from several different periods of Egyptian history found so far, these results might be considered only preliminary. We hope to be able to draw more precise conclusions in the future.

Acknowledgements The project of the Temple of Millions of Years of the Pharaoh Thutmosis iii has been an ongoing project since 2008; it is the result of cooperation between the Egyptian Ministry of Antiquities, the University of Seville, and the Academy of Fine Arts from Seville. We would like to thanks the Ministry of Antiquities for facilitating this work and we would like to express our gratitude to the Botín Foundation, Santander Bank, Gaselec Fondation, Cajasol Foundation and Cemex for funding this project.

Bibliography Andrews, C.A.R. Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum vi. Jewellery. From the earliest times to the Seventeenth Dynasty. London: British Museum Press, 1981. Allen, J.P. The Art of Medicine in Ancient Egypt. New York: mma, 2005. Altenmüller, H. Die Apotropaia und die Götter Mittelägyptens. Eine typologische und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung der sog. “Zaubermesser” des Mittleren Reiches. München: PhD thesis submitted to Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität zu München, 1965. Bénédite, G. Objets de toilette. Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire Nos. 44301–44638. Cairo: Cairo Museum, 1911. Boreux, C. Département des Antiquité Égyptiennes Guide-Catalogue Sommaire i. Musée National du Louvre. Paris: Musées Nationaux, 1932. Bourriau, J. Pharaohs and Mortals. Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Capel, A.K. and G.E. Markoe. Mistress of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt. New York: Hudson Hills Press/Cincinnati Art Museum, 1996. D’Amicone, E. and M.P. Battaglia, Egitto mai visto. La montagna dei morti: Assiut quattromile anni fa. Torino: Castello del Buonconsiglio di Trento, 2009. Donadoni Roveri, A.M. Das Alte Ägypten. Die Religiösen Vorstellungen, Ägyptishes Museum Turin. Torino: Electa Spa, Milano and Instituto Bancario San Paolo, 1988. Fábián, Z.I. “The Middle Kingdom on el-Khokha: Saff-tombs.” In Hungarian excavations in the Theban necropolis: a celebration of 102 years of fieldwork in Egypt. Catalogue

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for the temporary exhibition in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, November 6, 2009 - January 15, 2010, T.A. Bács, Z.I. Fabián, G. Schreiber, and L. Török, eds., 55–60. Budapest: Eötvös Loránd University, 2009. Franke, D. Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich (20.–16. Jahrhundert v. Chr.): Dossiers 1–796. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 41. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1984. Garstang, J. The Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt. London: Archibald Constable & Co ltd, 1907. Grajetzki, W. Two Treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom. bar International Series 1007. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2001. Grajetzki, W. and D. Stefanović. Dossiers of Ancient Egyptians. The Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period addition to Franke’s “Personendaten”. ghp Egyptology 19. London: ghp, 2012. Hall, H.R., E.J. Lambert, and P.D. Scott-Moncrieff. Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae in the British Museum. Vol. ii. London: British Museum, 1912. Hayes, W.C. The Scepter of Egypt. A Background for the Study of the Egyptian Antiquities in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. ii: The Hyksos Period and the New Kingdom (1675–1080b.c.). New York: mma, 1953. Kemp, B.J. and R.S. Merrillees. “Minoan Pottery in Second Millenium Egypt.” mdaik 7 (1980): 139–145. Lange, H.O. and H. Schäfer. Grab und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches im Museum von Kairo No. 20001–20780. Vol. i. Berlin: Berlin Reichsdruckerei, 1902. Lange, H.O. and H. Schäfer. Grab und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches im Museum von Kairo No. 20001–20780. Vol. ii. Berlin: Berlin Reichsdruckerei, 1908. Martínez Babón, J. “Objets découverts dans des tombes Thébaines situées sous le Temple de Millions d’Années de Thoutmosis iii à l’Ouest de Louxor.” In Proceedings of the xi International Congress of Egyptologists, Florence Egyptian Museum, Florence, 23–30 August 2015, G. Rosati and M.C. Guidotti, eds., 384–388. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2017. De Morgan, J. Fouilles à Dahchour: 1894–1895. Vol. i. Wien: Adolphe Holzhausen, 1903. Niwiński, A. “Plateaux d’offrendas et maisons d’âmes: Genèse, évolution et fonction dans le culte des morts au temps de la xiie dynastie.” et 8 (1975): 73–112. Oppenheim, A., Do. Arnold, Di. Arnold, and K. Yamamoto. Eds. Ancient Egypt Transformed. The Middle Kingdom. New York: mma, 2015. Petrie, W.M.F. Objects of Daily Use. London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1927. Petrie, W.M.F. and J.E. Quibell. Naqada and Ballas. London: Bernard Quaritch, 1896. Pinch, G. Magic in Ancient Egypt. London: British Museum Press, 1994. Quibell, J.E. The Ramesseum. Egyptian Research Account. London: eef, 1898. Reiser, G.A. Excavation at Kerma. Parts iv–v. Cambridge–MA: Peabody Museum of Harvard University, 1923.

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Russmann, E.R. Eternal Egypt. Masterworks of Ancient Art from the British Museum. London: British Museum Press, 2001. Sourdive, C. La main dans l’Égypte pharaonique. Recherches de morphologie structural sur les objets égyptiens comportant une main. Berne-Frankfurt-Main-New York: Peter Lang, 1984. Tresson, P. “Une petite stèle inédite du moyen empire provenant de la collection du Bois-Aymé.” kemi 1 (1928): 69–82. Vernier, É.S. Bijoux et Orfèvrerie, Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire Nos. 52640–53171. Cairo: ifao, 1925. Weigall, A.E.P. “A report on the excavation of the Funeral Temple of Thoutmosis iii in Gurneh.” asae 7 (1906): 126–128. Ziegler, C. Catalogue des instruments de musique égyptiens. Paris: Éditions de la Réunion des Musées Nationaux, 1979.

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chapter 16

The Holders of the Titles šmsw nswt and šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ Danijela Stefanović University of Belgrade

Abstract The holders of the title ‘follower of the king’ (šmsw nswt) worked in the outer palace and court and were occupied with external affairs. This title often followed that of high steward (mr pr), perhaps indicating that an official with this additional title followed the king around the country when he travelled. The ‘servant of the palace’ (šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ) was in charge of valuable commodities in the living quarters of the palace of the king, or other high-ranking court officials. An analysis of the individual dossiers of the holders of the titles šmsw nswt and šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ may shed new light on the scope of their duties within the palace complex, but also on their activities within the provinces.

1

Introduction

On the late Middle Kingdom stela Cairo cg 20578, the ‘domestic-servant’ (ḥrjpr) Ptahaa described himself as a follower (šmsw) of the king’s son Bebi. He declared that he had dedicated the monument to Bebi “like a servant who loves his master should do” (m jrj ḥm mrr nb.f ).1 The followers, during the Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period, were employed by the central or local officials.2 Depending on which institution or official the šmsw was associated with, the title could even be an indication of a high-level position. To more precisely define the actual assignment of a šmsw, suffixes or prefixes were added to the title to indicate what specific activities the follower performed.3 Without such precisions, which could be iconographic as well as textual,4 the title

1 Kubisch, Lebensbilder der 2. Zwischenzeit, 145–147. 2 Берлев, Общественные отношения, 178ff.; Quirke, The Administration of Egypt, 82; Stefanović, “šmsw Soldiers of the Middle Kingdom”, 233–248. 3 Ward, Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles, no. 1517ff. 4 Берлев, Общественные отношения, 207–208; idem, Трудовое население Египта в эпоху Среднего царства, 327.

© Danijela Stefanović, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_018

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šmsw could be interpreted in different ways. Holders of the various šmsw titles are attested on monuments from Egypt as well as in records from Nubia.5 It is notable that follower is among the most commonly found titles in Nubia during the Middle Kingdom.6

2

The Titles šmsw nswt and šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ

Stephen Quirke noted that the šmsw of the late Middle Kingdom administration were diversified as those who operated within the military sector (šmsw n ḥḳꜣꜥ, šmsw n rmn tpj, šmsw ꜥrrjt) and followers, “usually now called ‘sealers’, those who followed their master not with weapons of protection, but with items of attire, such as sandals”.7 The relationship between different categories of military followers, who Quirke referred to as guards, is unclear. Unless mentioned in the same source, some of these titles may be variant expressions of one and the same service.8 It is also almost impossible to distinguish šmsw soldiers from šmsw servants. For example, the title šmsw is attested at Uronarti fortress on four different seal types, and on 41 seals in total. Almost all of them were found within the interior or around the exterior of the granary complex. Even though they were within a fortress, all of them were found within the administrative areas of the complex or in the associated debris. The titles šmsw nswt and šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ were in use from the Old Kingdom onwards.9 An analysis of the individual dossiers of the Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period titleholders may shed more light on their rank and the scope of their duties within the palace complex, and also on their activities within the provinces, or even abroad. Based on previous research, it is possible to state that the holders of the title follower of the king (šmsw nswt)10 worked in the outer palace and were

5

6 7 8 9 10

Smith, “Sealing Practice, Literacy and Administration in the Middle Kingdom”, 191; idem, “Administration at the Egyptian Middle Kingdom Frontier: Sealings from Uronarti and Askut”, 206–207; Vogel, Ägyptische Festungen und Garnisonen bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches, 104–105; Leprohon, “Les forces du maintein de l’ordre”, 287. See also Ben-Tor, “The Historical Implications”, 15 (no. 38). Gratien, Prosopographie des Nubiens et des Égyptiens en Nubie, 155, fig. 3. Quirke, Titles and Bureaux, 103. Quirke, Titles and Bureaux, 103; Blumenthal, “Die Textgattung Expeditionsbericht in Ägypten”, 110. Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, nos. 3671 and 3674. Ward, Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles, no. 1523; Quirke, Titles and Bureaux, 103.

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occupied with external affairs. From the thirteenth dynasty onwards, the title often followed that of high steward (mr pr) and overseer of sealers (mr ḫtmtjw), perhaps indicating that the šmsw nswt (in such cases a suffix title) accompanied the king around the country, or abroad, when he travelled. The expression was perhaps also used to mark a close relationship with the pharaoh, especially during various missions outside the palace. This assumption is further clarified by the more elaborated form of the title: šmsw nswt r nmỉwt.f—one who accompanies the king on his journeys (Turin 1584)11 The nineteen holders of the title known to date were all active during the late Middle Kingdom. As already mentioned, in most of the cases the designation šmsw nswt is just one of the elements of the title string, preceded either by the title mr pr (wr), or mr ḫtmtjw. The prefix title ḫtmtj bjtj is also well attested as an element in these titles. Most of the title holders are known from scarab seals. William Ward’s discussion of the term in relation to the stela Louvre C188 cannot be included here,12 nor can Josef Wegner’s rendering of the title of wꜣḥ-kꜣ-m-wsḫt on the stela Cairo cg 20549, since he is šmsw, not šmsw nswt.13 The title šmsw nswt is attested as a single term on the graffito discovered at Bi’r Minayh (G009, which records šmsw n nswt jmn-nḫtw),14 and on the shabti of rn-snb.15 Among the most prominent title holders is tjtj,16 one of the best known officials of the thirteenth dynasty and a contemporary of the royal treasurer Senebsumai.17 Tjtj is attested with the titles king’s acquaintance (rḫ-nswt → Louvre C246), chamberlain of the inner palace (mr ꜥẖnwtj n kꜣp → Cairo cg 20556, Vienna äs 143, and Martin, Seals, no. 1719),18 nobleman, governor, royal seal bearer, overseer of seal bearers and followers of the king (rpꜥ ḥꜣtj-ꜥ ḫtmtj bjtj mr

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

See Doxey, Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets, 114. The lowermost line of inscription reads: sn.f mrỉ.f mnṯ(w)-ḥtpw sn(.f ) mr( j).f smw šmsw.f mr( j).f ///mmw (?) mȝꜥ-ḫrw. Wegner, “External Connections”, 441. Luft. Ed. Bi’r Minayh: Report on the Survey 1998–2004, 188. Quirke, Ancient Egyptian Religion, 161. Franke, Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich, no. 732; Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, iii/18. De Meulenaere, “Les monuments d’ un haut dignitaire de la 13e dynastie”, 75–84; Grajetzki, Court Officials, 59–63. Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals.

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ḫtmtjw šmsw nswt→ stelae Aswan 1118, and Cambridge fm E.1.1840), and high steward and followers of the king (mr pr wr šmsw nswt → stela Louvre C199, statues Aswan 1336 and Baltimore wam 22.190, and Martin, Seals, nos. 1721ff.). The late Detlef Franke convincingly proved that the stela London bm ea 249 does not belong to him.19 Nb-ꜥnḫ (attested on the stela Louvre C13) was the uncle (‘the brother of her father’) of queen Nubkhas. He held the titles ḫtmtj bjtj which was honorific but not a functional rank, mr pr wr, and šmsw nswt.20 It is possible that the title follower of the king was granted as a sign of his close relationship with the royal family. Another prominent šmsw nswt was rs.21 The early thirteenth dynasty stele Rio de Janeiro 630 [2422] and Cairo cg 20735 feature his family and some other people that were possibly colleagues. Rs is the main person on both stele and holds high ranking titles, including nobleman, governor, and royal seal bearer (rpꜥ ḥꜣtj-ꜥ ḫtmtj bjtj), which indicate that he was an important official of the central administration. In addition, he held the titles mr pr wr and šmsw nswt. The titles of his two brothers also appear to be connected with palace activities. One was a bearer (of writing equipment and documents) of the assembly (ṯꜣw n smꜣjt), while the other held the title magistrate of the reporter (ḳnbtj n wḥmw). Three more men recorded with titles on rs’s stelae are without any kinship terms to link them to his family. One was a wab priest of Sekhmet (wꜥb n sḫmt), the second was the chief secretary of the reporter (sš wr n wḥmw), and the third was a secretary of the outer palace (sš n ḫntj). Rs was among the highest-ranking officials at the royal palace and must have held considerable influence, and as such he was also a suitable official to carry out the duties or hold the rank of a follower of the king. The fragmentary thirteenth dynasty stela Cairo cg 20765, commemorating the ḫtmtj bjtj mr pr wr šmsw nswt ḥtp-rḥw, also provides significant information. The text presents ḥtp-rḥw as follows:22 (x+3) wḥꜥ mdt ḫꜣswt-nbt nj wn(x+4)t s mj ḳd.f m tꜣ wꜥ mnḫ n fḫ.n kꜣt.f lines 3–4

19 20 21 22

Egyptian Stelae in the British Museum from the 13th–17th Dynasties, 128. Spalinger, “Remarks on the Family of Queen ḫꜥ.s-nbw and the Problem of Kingship in Dynasty xiii”, 96. 7; (7); Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, iii/25. Franke, Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich, no. 395; Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, iii/23; Nelson-Hurst, Ideology and Practicality, 300–303. Kubisch, Lebensbilder der 2. Zwischenzeit, 306–309, fig. 31, and pl. 10d (Gebelein 2).

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one who translated the languages of all foreign lands. There does not exist a man like him in (this) land, an efficient one, without deficiency in his work. This statement about ḥtp-rḥw stressing his ability to speak or understand foreign languages (wḥꜥ mdt ḫꜣswt-nbt—one who translated the languages of all foreign lands) is unique in all surviving texts from the dynastic period. Whether or not his ‘ability’ should be linked with the title šmsw nswt is, however, hard to say. The main person on the stela New York, mma 68.14 is the mr ḫtmtjw šmsw nswt jsj.23 The inscription also records the ḥrj n tm rn-snb as father of the titleless rs who is shown presenting a jar of ointment to the main person, i.e. to the mr ḫtmtjw šmsw nswt jsj. Jsj is also mentioned on the stela Cairo cg 20614 but with the title rḫ-nswt, which must, therefore, be older. The title rḫ-nswt indicated rank, status, and a function in the court’s hierarchy, and was used both as a ranking and a regular title. The title itself is not explicit about specific responsibilities.24 It is important to note that stela Cairo cg 20614 features the royal treasurer Senbi, and several other ‘king’s acquaintances’, including Senen, Khenmes, and Rehu-ankh, all of them being well known from other monuments. Both objects indicate the prominent role of jsj among the court officials. Ḥrw-nfr was also a contemporary of treasurer Senebsumai. On the stela Cairo cg 20616 he is attested with the titles ḫtmtj bjtj mr ḫtmtjw, and šmsw nswt. Other individuals mentioned on the stela include: estate overseer of god’s offerings (mr pr n ḥtpw-nṯr), store overseer (mr st), great pure-priest of the Sobek of Crocodilopolis (wꜥb ꜥꜣ n sbk-šdjt), servant of the chamber (ḥrỉ n ꜥt), and domestic servant of the palace (ḥrj-pr n pr-ꜥꜣ). None of the mentioned officials is linked with the stela owner’s family. Rather, their appearance on ḥrw-nfr’s stela indicates the specific mission in which all of them were engaged. Stela Leiden ap 14 and graffito DeM 38/157 record ḥrw-nfr with the title mr ḫtmtjw. His most complete title string comes from the statue Cairo cg 431: rpꜥ, ḥꜣtj-ꜥ, ḫtmtj bjtj, mr ḫtmtjw, šmsw nswt, and sḏm šnꜥ(w). The suffix title sḏm šnꜥ(w) and its variant sḏm rmṯ25 are enigmatic.

23 24 25

Grajetzki and Stefanović, Dossiers of Ancient Egyptians, no. 65. Ward, Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles, no. 857a; Quirke, Titles and Bureaux, 60; Egyptian Stelae in the British Museum from the 13th–17th Dynasties, 95–97. Quirke, Titles and Bureaux, 50; Egyptian Stelae in the British Museum from the 13th–17th Dynasties, 40.

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The title is attested at the very end of the twelfth dynasty and it was first analysed by Oleg Berlev.26 It is uncertain how the meaning of sḏm, ‘to hear, listen’27 as an element of the title should be interpreted. Berlev and later Quirke maintained that the sḏm šnꜥ was the official in charge of hearing the orders of the king or his superiors concerning matters of the provisioning quarters.28 Franke initially suggested that the sḏm šnꜥ judicially examined people working in the provisioning quarters, thus the title should be translated as ‘judge of the workmen (of the provisioning quarters)’.29 This assumes that the title holder had a judicial responsibility for and authority over the servants working in the palace’s provisioning quarters. In his discussion about the stela London bm ea 210, he suggested that it is also possible “to understand sḏm šnꜥ(w/y), not as an active participle (‘one who hears’), but as a passive participle sḏmw, ‘one who is heard’, followed by a direct genitive, i.e. ‘whom the people of the provisioning quarters hear’, though this is admittedly a rare grammatical construction”.30 This would, however, not be a passive participle, but a relative form. Based on the stela London bm ea 210, the sḏm šnꜥ(w) was a superior to the servants working in the provisioning quarters, and he was responsible for the group of sealers of the different ‘chambers’ who had to seal and register commodities that were brought into the palace, or destined to leave the palace. He worked under the authority of the royal treasurer and the royal high steward. Iahnefer was ḫtmtj bjtj and mr ḫtmtjw, and also held the title šmsw nswt. He is attested on the stela Pennsylvania University Museum 16021, found at Abydos and dated into the seventeenth dynasty. He is shown on the stele standing directly behind king Nubkheperre Antef. Nakht, who was probably the first mayor of Wah-sut,31 also held the title šmsw nswt. Together with Nakht, all other attestations of the title are from scarab-seals. For example, jn-jt.f, is attested on six scarab-seals,32 and was ḫtmtj bjtj, mr pr wr and šmsw nswt. The same title string, typical of the

26 27 28 29 30 31 32

Берлев, Общественные отношения, 201–203. Wb iv, cols. 384/4–387/14. Берлев, Общественные отношения, 202–203; Quirke, Titles and Bureaux, 50. Franke, “Ein bisher nicht gedeuteter Beititel der Sieglervorsteher in der 13. Dynastie”, 15–21; idem, “Nachtrag zum ‘Richter der Arbeiter’ (sḏmj šnꜥw),” 51. Egyptian Stelae in the British Museum from the 13th–17th Dynasties, 97. Wegner, “External Connections”, 439–442. Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, iii/ 34; Martin, Egyptian Administrative and PrivateName Seals, nos. 241 [mma 15.3.21], 242 [Cairo, JdE 75054], 243–246.

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thirteenth dynasty as mentioned above, was also held by jmnj,33 nmtj-ḥtp,34 rdj-n-ptḥ,35 and rn.f-m-jb.36 Other title holders are: ḫtmtj bjtj mr ḫtmtjw wsr,37 ḫtmtj bjtj mr ḫtmtjw sbkwsr,38 ḫtmtj bjtj mr ḫtmtjw ꜥšꜣw,39 and mr pr wr snbj-sn-pw.40 The title šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ41 is less often attested compared with šmsw nswt, and it also refers to the palatial (pr-ꜥꜣ) sector of activities. The most significant evidence for the organization of the palace (pr-ꜥꜣ) comes from pBoulaq 18, discovered by Auguste Mariette during his 1860 season of excavations at Dra Abu el-Naga.42 Papyrus Boulaq 18 contains the daily accounts of income and expenditure of the palace (pr-ꜥꜣ) in Thebes over twelve days in the 3rd year probably of Sobekhotep ii. Between the last date on the recto and the first date on the verso lies a gap of eleven days. It is likely that the intact text would originally have included entries for each day of the missing eleven. Another important source for understanding the usage of the word pr-ꜥꜣ is pReisner ii which lists the transactions of the royal dockyard workshops (wḫrt) at This during the 15th regnal year of Senwosret i.43 These workshops dealt mainly with carpentry and recasting of metal tools, and seem to have been dependent on the pr-ꜥꜣ and to have worked as sort of agencies of the palace. Pr-ꜥꜣ is generally used to denote large institution consisting of several sections and was applied to different functions such as accounting and administrative. 33 34 35

36

37 38 39 40 41 42 43

Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, vii/17; Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals, no. 215 [Cambridge, Fitzwilliam E. 95.1920]. Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, iii/44; Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals, no. 360 [New York, mma 22.1.245]. Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, iii/48; Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals, nos. 892 [Cairo, JdE 75061], 893, 894 [New York, mma 30.8.654], 895–896a; see also Ben-Tor, “The Historical Implications,” 15 (no. 38). Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, iii/46; Martin, “Private-Name Seals in the Alnwick Castle Collection”, 220; Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals, nos. 846 [London, bm ea 28226] and 847. Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, vii/27; Martin, Egyptian Administrative and PrivateName Seals, no. 428 [Cairo, JdE 75084]. Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, vii/28; Martin, Egyptian Administrative and PrivateName Seals, nos. 1396 [New York, mma 20.1.13], and 1397. Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, vii/15; Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals, nos. 368 [Cairo, JdE 75103], and 369 [Cairo, JdE 75104]. Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, iii/ 59; Martin, Egyptian Administrative and PrivateName Seals, no. 1557 [Cairo, JdE 75076]. Ward, Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles, no. 1522. Scharff, “Ein Rechnungsbuch des königlichen Hofes”, 51–68, pls. 1**–24**. Simpson, Papyrus Reisner ii.

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Pr-ꜥꜣ, when mentioned in the inscriptions of non-royal individuals, is often connected with the nobles (špsw).44 The term also appears as an element of the titles45 or epithets.46 The ‘follower of the palace’ (šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ) seems to have been in charge of valuable commodities in the living quarters of the pharaoh or high ranking court officials.47 The text on the Abydos stela of Nebipusenwosret (London, bm ea 101), who was the keeper of the diadem ( jrj nfr-ḥꜣt)48 and šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ, informs that he was brought up as a ẖrd (‘protégé’) at the court of Senwosret iii, and that later in his career he served as chief of tens of Upper Egypt (wr mḏw šmꜥ) and god’s servant (ḥm-nṯr) of dwꜣ wr during the jubilee (i.e. Sed festival) of Amenemhat iii.49 Nebipusenwosret was an important court official who, just like many other high-ranking officials including the late thirteenth dynasty treasurer Senebi, had never visited Abydos. His stela was sent from the capital to Abydos along with dignitaries and priests who had participated in the Sed festival of Amenemhat iii. The exact provenance of the stela is unknown, but it is likely that it was originally set up in a private votive chapel in North Abydos. Nebipusenwosret seems to be identical to the šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ Nebipu mentioned on the stela Cairo cg 20235,50 which commemorates another keeper of the diadem ( jrj nfr-ḥꜣt). Besides Nebipu(senwosret), the Cairo stela records six more holders of the title šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ. They seem to be linked with other individuals attested on the same object only on account of their posts. For example, Cairo cg 20235 records the jrj-ꜥt n ꜥt ḥnkwt snw-ꜥnḫ. This is the first attestation of the title chamber-keeper of the department of incoming goods, which refers to the palace provisioning area. The stela also records the title chamber-keeper of the cattle-stable ( jrj-ꜥt mḏwt) which may also refer to the palace estate. It is also important to note that the title šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ is the only designation used for Nebipu on the Cairo stele, suggesting that it must be older than London, bm

44 45

46 47 48 49 50

For example, in the title mr swt špswt pr-ꜥꜣ—overseer of the noble places of the pr-ꜥꜣ. See Pagliari, Function and Significance of Ancient Egyptian Royal Palaces, 29–41. For example, in the title ḥrj-pr n pr-ꜥꜣ (domestic servant of pr-ꜥꜣ). The holder of the title probably carried out his duties within the living quarters of the pr-ꜥꜣ, in contrast to palace staff working in the provisioning sectors. Doxey, Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets, 124–125. Берлев, Общественные отношения, 212–214; Quirke, Titles and Bureaux, 47. See Postel, “Un homme de cour de Sésostris Ier”, 493–500. See Blackman, “The Stela of Nebipusenwosret”, 1–9, pl. 1; Parkinson, Voices from Ancient Egypt, 140. Franke, Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich, no. 297.

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ea 101. This may mean that the title šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ was an early stage in his career path, which would eventually lead to the more important post of jrj nfrḥꜣt. šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ nb-ꜥnḫ, born of the mistress of the house (ms.n nbt pr) ddt-nbw, is attested on the stela Cairo cg 20627. Opposite him, on the right side of the upper register, is the inscription sꜣ-ḥtḥr conceived of ( jr.n) ꜥnḫw. The lower register contains ten columns of text with names, most of them female, and in most cases neither related to nb-ꜥnḫ nor sꜣ-ḥtḥr. The stela Trieste 12002 reveals all the missing relationships. The main person on the Trieste stela is sꜣ-ḥtḥr. The text records that his father and mother were ꜥnḫw and ddt-nbw. The caption above the kneeling figure engraved opposite the offering table and in front of the seated image of sꜣ-ḥtḥr, reveals the kinship relationship between the owners of the Cairo objecst: sn.f n mwt.f šmsw nb-ꜥnḫ—his maternal brother, the follower nb-ꜥnḫ. It also seems that nb-ꜥnḫ had been promoted from šmsw to šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ. The Trieste stela also records his son (?) god’s servant of Khonsu (ḥm-nṯr n ḫnsw) ḫnsw, and the master of tm (ḥrj n tm) jwjj who is not related to any family members. A Seneberau with the title šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ, is named in one graffito from Konosso Island,51 while the šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ mn-ḥtp is attested on a scarab-seal discovered in Buhen.52 It is important to note here the title ꜣṯw n šmsww. Ward records two sources for it, namely the stela Cairo cg 20019 and the scarab-seal Louvre E.6199.53 Berlev also noted the title and suggested that it should be rendered as ꜣṯw n šmsw (nw) prw.54 The main person on the stela cg 20019 had the same name as Senwosret iii. Both of his sons’ names, s-n-wsrt-ꜥnḫ and ḫꜥj̉-kꜣw-rꜥ-snb, also commemorate the pharaoh; although they are recorded without titles. As Berlev noted, it is possible that all of them were close to the court, perhaps even to the king himself. S-n-wsrt’s title may also point in the same direction. Berlev rightly assumed that the ꜣṯw officer supervised a group of people.55 They were superior to ship crews, keepers of dog packs, elite troops, the palace guard, and groups from cities and settlements (such as an oasis, Thebes, etc.). Bearing this in mind, it seems reasonable to suggest that the title attested on the two above-mentioned objects should be understood as ꜣṯw n šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ, or ꜣṯw n

51 52 53 54 55

Petrie, A Season in Egypt 1887, no. 40. Martin, Martin, Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals, no. 547 [Penn. Univ. Museum E10116]. Ward, Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles, no. 10. Берлев, Общественные отношения, 223. Berlev, “Les pretendus ‘citadins’ au Moyen Empire”, 31–33; Quirke, Titles and Bureaux, 97.

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šmsw pr-nswt. If so, then s-n-wsrt (Cairo cg 20019) and snbw-ꜥꜣ (Louvre E.6199) would be in charge of the šmsww attached to the palace.

3

Conclusion

As Christopher Eyre stressed, “many titles have no obvious departmental or bureaucratic function. Some clearly reflect roles at court, in personal attendance on the king or in ritual performance. Others seem to mark status, giving authority without departmental function. Some titles seem to represent little more than sinecures. The difficulty of defining precise relationships between title and function is not then simply an issue of gaps in the evidence, but a deep structural characteristic of the system. Even when titles seem obviously to refer to a specific function, they also mark status in ways that were not departmentally limited, and imply more complex social roles of patronage and quasi-judicial authority”.56 The quoted passage seems to apply perfectly to the titles šmsw pr-ꜥꜣ and šmsw nswt. Based on the dossiers of their holders, it may be concluded that both titles were honorific or court titles, but they were also marks of real hierarchical authority in the performance of the delegated functions. They were attested in the capital and in the provinces, as well as in Nubia.

Bibliography Berlev, O.D. “Les pretendus “citadins” au Moyen Empire.” RdÉ 23 (1971): 23–48. Berlev, O.D. Трудовое население Египта в эпоху Среднего царства. Москва: Наука, 1972. Berlev, O.D. Общественные отношения в Египте эпохи Среднего царства. Москва: Наука, 1978. Ben-Tor, D. “The Historical Implications of Middle Kingdom Scarabs Found in Palestine Bearing Private Names and Titles of Officials.” basor 294 (1994): 7–22. Blackman, A.M. “The stela of Nebipusenwosret: British Museum No. 101.” jea 21/1 (1935): 1–9. Blumenthal, E. “Die Textgattung Expeditionsbericht in Ägypten.” In Fragen an die altägyptische Literatur. Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard Otto, J. Assmann, E. Feucht, and R. Grieshammer, eds., 85–118. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1977.

56

Eyre, The Use of Documents, 56.

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Doxey, D.M. Egyptian non-royal epithets in the Middle Kingdom. PdÄ 12. Leiden-BostonKöln: Brill, 1998. Eyre, C.J. The Use of Documents in Pharaonic Egypt. Oxford Studies in Ancient Documents. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. Franke, D. “Ein bisher nicht gedeuteter Beititel der Sieglervorsteher in der 13. Dynastie: sḏmj šnꜥ ‘Richter der Arbeiter im Arbeitshaus’.” gm 53 (1982): 15–21. Franke, D. “Nachtrag zum ‘Richter der Arbeiter’ (sḏmj šnꜥw).” gm 54 (1982): 51–52. Franke, D. Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich (20.–16. Jahrhundert v. Chr.): Dossiers 1–796. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1984. Franke, D. and M. Marée. Eds. Egyptian Stelae in the British Museum from the 13th–17th Dynasties: Fascicule i: Descriptions v. i. London: The British Museum, 2013. Grajetzki, W. Die höchsten Beamten der ägyptischen Zentralverwaltung zur Zeit des Mittleren Reiches. Prosopographie, Titel und Titelreihen. Berlin: Achet, 2003. Grajetzki, W. Court Officials of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. London: Duckworth Egyptology, 2009. Grajetzki, W. and D. Stefanović, Dossiers of Ancient Egyptians. The Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. Addition to Franke’s ‘Personendaten’. London: ghp, 2012. Gratien, B. Prosopographie des Nubiens et des Égyptiens en Nubie avant le Nouvel Empire. Lille: Université de Lille iii, 1995. Jones, D. An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and Phrases of the Old Kingdom. bar International Series 866. London: Archaeopress, 2000. Kubisch, S. Lebensbilder der 2. Zwischenzeit: Biographische Inschriften der 13.–17. Dynastie. sdaik 34. Berlin-New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2008. Leprohon, R.J. “Les forces du maintien de l’ordre dans la Nubie au Moyen Empire.” In Hommages à Jean Leclant ii, C. Berger, G. Clerc, and N. Grimal, eds., 285–291. BdE 106/2. Le Caire: ifao, 1994. Luft, U. Ed. Bi’r Minayh: Report on the Survey 1998–2004. Budapest: Archaeolingua, 2010. Martin, G.T. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals. Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1971. Martin, G.T. “Private-Name Seals in the Alnwick Castle Collection.” mdaik 35 (1979): 215–226. Meulenaere, H. de. “Les monuments d’un haut dignitaire de la 13e dynastie.” CdÉ 60 (1985): 75–84. Nelson-Hurst, M. Ideology and Practicality in Transmission of Office during the Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt: An Examination of Families and the Concept of i҆ꜣt. Philadelphia: PhD thesis submitted to the University of Pennsylvania, 2011. Pagliari, G. Function and significance of ancient Egyptian royal palaces from the Middle Kingdom to the Saite period: a lexicographical study and its possible connection. Birmingham: PhD thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham, 2012.

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Parkinson, R.B. Voices from Ancient Egypt: An Anthology of Middle Kingdom Writings. London: British Museum Publications, 2006. Petrie, W.M.F. A season in Egypt 1887. London: The Leadenhall Press, 1889. Postel, L. “Un homme de cour de Sésostris Ier: le préposé au diadème royal Emhat (Louvre C46 et Leyde ap 67).” In Ex Aegypto lux et sapientia. Homenatge al Professor Josep Padró Parcerisa, N. Castellano, M. Mascort, C. Piedrafita, and J. Vivó, eds., 439–500. Nova Studia Aegyptiaca ix. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. Quirke, S. The Administration of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom. New Malden: Sia Publishing, 1990. Quirke, S. Ancient Egyptian Religion. London: Dover Publications, 1993. Quirke, S. Titles and bureaux of Egypt 1850–1700bc. ghp Egyptology. London: ghp, 2004. Scharff, A. “Ein Rechnungsbuch des königlichen Hofes aus der 13. Dynastie (Pap. Boulaq Nr. 18).” zäs 57 (1922): 51–68. Simpson, W.K. Papyrus Reisner ii: Accounts of the Dockyard Workshop at This in the Reign of Sesostris i. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1965. Smith, S.T. “Administration at the Egyptian Middle Kingdom Frontier: Sealings from Uronarti and Askut.” Aegaeum 5 (1990): 197–219. Smith, S.T. “Sealing Practice, Literacy and Administration in the Middle Kingdom.” cripel 22 (2001): 173–194. Spalinger, A.J. “Remarks on the Family of Queen ḫꜥ.s-nbw and the Problem of Kingship in Dynasty xiii.” RdÉ 32 (1980): 95–116. Stefanović, D. “šmsw Soldiers of the Middle Kingdom.” wzkm 98 (2008): 233–248. Vogel, C. Ägyptische Festungen und Garnisonen bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches. häb 46. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 2004. Ward, W. Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles of the Middle Kingdom. Beirut: American University in Beirut, 1982. Wegner, J. “External Connections of the Community of Wah-Sut during the Middle Kingdom.” In Perspectives on Ancient Egypt. Studies in Honor of Edward Brovarski, Zahi Hawas, P. der Manuelian, and R.B. Hussein, eds., 437–458. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2010.

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chapter 14

Middle Kingdom Settlement Geography at the First Cataract Cornelius von Pilgrim Swiss Institute for Architectural and Archaeological Research on Ancient Egypt, Cairo

Abstract Elephantine Island at the First Cataract has long been the focus of research into ancient Egypt’s urban archaeology. For the east bank, however, there is a lacuna in the history of Aswan for the earlier periods of Pharaonic history. No settlement is specifically named in textual sources. In 2000, the Swiss Institute for Architectural and Archaeological Research on Ancient Egypt and the local Inspectorate of the Ministry of Antiquities initiated a joint mission to introduce a program of systematic rescue excavations at ongoing construction sites in Old-Aswan. In addition to excavating at the few protected antiquities sites in the town, investigations were also conducted at more than 90 rescue sites. These excavations have provided completely new insights into the spatial and chronological development of the town. Over the past few years, traces of Middle Kingdom occupation have been discovered at a number of the new locations. This paper aims to summarize the findings and present some thoughts about the different kind of settlements at the First Cataract during that period.

1

Introduction

The First Cataract has always marked the southern border of Egypt’s heartland and the transition to Nubia. Since the currents and rapids of the Nile were only navigable during favorable seasonal conditions, a settlement developed on a rocky island at the northern, downstream, exit from the Cataract in early times. Elephantine was a trading-post and an important base for sourcing materials from Nubia. The island location enhanced the protection of the town. In turbulent times and when the First Cataract marked a political border between Egypt and Nubia, Elephantine developed into a fortified stronghold that guarded and defended the southern frontier. Aside from the region’s strategic significance in a border zone, the exclusive sources of granite

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in the area were another major aspect of the First Cataract’s importance to the ancient Egyptian state. Traces of quarrying can be found almost everywhere in the area of the First Cataract. Most of them result from extensive exploitation during the Ptolemaic-Roman Period, but the principal quarries used in all pharaonic eras were located on the east bank of the Nile. The demand for granite from Aswan dates back to the early Old Kingdom and it is widely assumed that in the Old and Middle Kingdom granite was mainly quarried from individual loose boulders. The demand for large architectural elements such as columns and obelisks eventually led to the development of permanent open quarries.1 Trade, defense, and quarrying, however, required a network of installations that could not be contained within the single small town located on an island. The question, therefore, arises as to what can be traced of the wider urban landscape in the region during the Middle Kingdom, a period that has recently been the focus of various research missions in the area.

2

Elephantine

The oldest and most important ancient townsite in the region is Elephantine. The town may be regarded as the best-documented multi-stratified town of the Middle Kingdom in Egypt. It developed on several smaller rocky isles that gradually grew together during the late third millennium bc as the level of the Nile dropped. The urban history of the town stretches back to a first dynasty military fortress that occupied a small island in the eastern half of the later town area.2 Elephantine was always a town of modest size since its expansion was limited to the flood-free zones of the island. The urban structure was determined by the earlier town development, and its origins on two islands separated by a seasonally-flooded channel of the Nile in between. The channel continued to form a depression in the middle of the town until the thirtieth dynasty. A central main street followed its course and separated the area that could be referred to as the “old town”, with its sacred areas and royal institutions on the eastern side, from the predominantly domestic quarters on the western mound.3 During the Middle Kingdom, two pharaohs in particular shaped the townscape. Senwosret i initiated an extensive building program in the sacred 1 Goyon, “Les Navires de Transport de la Chaussée Monumentale d’Ounas”, 11–41, pl. 4. 2 A list of publications of the results of the joint work of the German Archaeological Institute and the Swiss Institute for Architectural and Archaeological Research on Ancient Egypt in Cairo is provided in Raue, Arnold, Kopp, and von Pilgrim, “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 36./37./38. Grabungsbericht”, 181, n. 1. 3 von Pilgrim, “Elephantine—(Festungs-)Stadt am Ersten Katarakt”, 257–265.

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areas that included the construction of a new temple for Satet, the first temple for Khnum, a Nile Festival courtyard, and a larger new building for the cult of the local saint Heqaib. The Khnum Temple was extended in the reign of Senwosret iii and surrounded by a temenos wall. Most importantly, the town was fortified with a town wall and Elephantine was incorporated into a chain of fortresses reaching up to the Second Cataract. Efficient control and defense of the border region, however, was hardly possible from a single fortress located on an island in the Nile. The border zone at the Second Cataract included three fortresses and a linear fortification wall stretching into the desert, controlling all traffic on river and on land. It is to be expected that the southern entrance to Egypt’s heartland would be just as securely fortified. Moreover, it may be assumed that the trading routes bypassing the cataract and the work in the extensive quarries on the east bank may have given rise to permanent settlements and bases in closer proximity to those zones of activity.

3

Aswan

The town of Ancient Syene on the east-bank, opposite Elephantine, is only attested from the first millennium bc until the Mamluk Period. Its location and maximum extent in medieval times is well known from a map produced by the Napoleonic expedition, on which the ruins of the abandoned settlement are visible (Fig. 14.1).4 Today, the entire site of the ancient town has disappeared beneath the modern city of Aswan. Even the three protected archaeological zones kept as registered antiquities areas are still threatened by urban encroachment. Any archaeological research on the pharaonic origins of Aswan can only to be carried out under difficult conditions as it inevitably encounters the modern town and its activities. In the year 2000, the Swiss Institute and the local inspectorate of the Ministry of Antiquities started a joint project to carry out a comprehensive study of the registered antiquities sites and to subsequently develop a site management plan, and to permanently monitor any construction activities in the town in order to conduct rescue operations when possible and necessary.5 Since then, more than 90 construction sites have been excavated and studied, spaced out over an area of around 1,500 m × 400 m (Fig. 14.2). The majority of the sites were located north of the medieval town, extending as far as 700m to the north of the supposed limits of the Late Period town. 4 Description i, pl. 31. 5 According to Article 20 of the Antiquities Protection law (No. 117/1983 and No. 3 of 2010).

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Approximate location of selected excavation areas and assumed shoreline in the Middle Kingdom in map of late 18th century Aswan after description i, 31

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Map of Old-Aswan with location of excavation areas and highlighted settlement zones after “16th season”, fig. 1

A spatial analysis of the extensive dataset collected during the different excavations requires a better understanding of the ancient topography and the space available for occupation. Dramatic changes in the landscape through the last 5,000 years is evident. A comparison with the map in the Description de l’ Egypte (Fig. 14.1) is revealing in this respect. Due to the pre-modern surveying techniques used to produce it, that map cannot be overlaid directly on to the modern town plan, but the amount of details depicted provides numerous reference points to connect the older map with the current town, particularly as the street pattern of the village is still traceable in the Survey of Egypt maps from 1927.6 6 Accordingly, the “Santon” east of the village, for example, is to be identified with the tomb of Sheikh Saleh. This is now acknowledged as the name given to the entire neighborhood.

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The local landscape is marked by rugged hills and granite outcrops that delimit the settlement space on its eastern side. Extensive areas of quarries were recognized in that area by the French expedition (“Grandes Carrieres de Granit”), but they have now disappeared beneath the modern town. On the eastern side, the riverbank forms a wide bay north of a huge granite outcrop protruding into the Nile. A tower was located there at the end of the medieval fortification wall and it was still visible in the early 20th century. Nowadays, it is covered by the public park known as the Feryal-Garden, the Old Cataract Hotel, and St. Michael’s Coptic Cathedral. Traces of ancient work near the latter two, built above pharaonic quarries, were recorded in two rescue excavations.7 Notable rock inscriptions found in the Feryal Garden and next to an abandoned quarry south of the cathedral provide more evidence of the extensive quarrying activity in this area. The bay of Aswan is subdivided by a rocky promontory. It was occupied in Byzantine times by a stone structure identified as the church of Saint Psōti.8 That outcrop, however, was most likely a separate rocky isle in pharaonic times. Eventually, the bay silted up, as indicated by the palm groves east of the ancient town on the map in the Description. The results from the rescue excavations in recent years also showed that the riverbank has continually shifted towards the west. The shore area during the Old Kingdom was encountered in two rescue excavations on a line that corresponds with the main north-south street running through the 18th century village, the present suq-street. A geomorphological survey by means of auger drilling conducted by W. Müller and M. de Dapper, and further observations made in construction pits and rescue excavations, suggest that the habitable surface area can be delineated as a narrow, peninsula-like stretch of land some 400 meters wide, which was not wider than 200m in pharaonic times.9 A huge granite outcrop dominates the central part of this area—today in the center of the modern district of Shuna—and divides it into two parts. The granite bedrock was found in several rescue excavation areas not far beneath the modern surface. On its western side, the hill slopes down in a steep gradient leaving little level space along the shore of the

7 Müller, in: von Pilgrim, Colman, Müller, Novacek, de Pontbriand, and Schultz, “The Town of Syene. Report on the 7th Season in Aswan”, 186 (Area 32); and Müller, in: von Pilgrim and Müller, “Report on the Tenth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan”, 12 (Area 60). 8 Jaritz, “Die Kirche des Heiligen Psōti vor der Stadtmauer von Assuan”, 1–19. 9 Müller and de Dapper, “The Urban Landscape of Aswan (Egypt) Since the Predynastic Period: A Geoarchaeological Approach”, 19–42.

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Nile. Numerous rock inscriptions exposed in four work areas indicate that the hill of Shuna was a significant location in the late Middle Kingdom.10 In addition to the rock inscriptions, archaeological evidence dating to the pharaonic period and the Middle Kingdom in particular was encountered at 21 sites in the survey area. In the majority of cases the excavation areas were rather small, but distinctive stratigraphic sequences, as well as similarities between the uncovered structures, seem to indicate a general pattern. Along the bay of Aswan, pharaonic era remains were uncovered in three different zones beneath the modern town. Although the evidence is still very patchy it is sufficient to support some general observations about the spatial organization of the east bank in the Middle Kingdom. 3.1 Cemeteries Rather unexpected results were obtained in the area of the Late Period town (Area 2). In contrast to the continuous urban development seen at Elephantine, no settlement precedes the fortified town of Syene. The town and its strong, partly stone-built, fortification wall were actually founded during the Persian Period (5th c. bc) and it seems to be the twin fortress of Elephantine that was built to protect Egypt’s southern border at that time. The southeastern corner of the town covers part of an earlier necropolis.11 There is evidence of burials and mudbrick-built tombs dating back to the sixth dynasty and burials continued well into the Late Middle Kingdom. Sporadic remains of secondary burials in simple pits or jars dating to the New Kingdom are the latest features in this cemetery. The best-preserved tomb, located immediately beyond the town wall to the south, is a multi-chambered tomb of the sixth dynasty. Further burials beneath houses inside the walled area show that the cemetery was extended into that zone before it was overbuilt by the town during the Persian Period. The cemetery may have reached as far to the north as the rocky outcrop in the center of the settlement area. A small rock-cut tomb was accidently exposed there during modern construction works, in a crevice in the western slope of 10

11

von Pilgrim, in: von Pilgrim, Keller, Martin-Kilcher, El-Amin, and Müller, “The Town of Syene. Report on the 5th and 6th Season in Aswan”, 311–312 (Area 16); Marée, in: von Pilgrim and Müller, “Report on the Ninth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2008/2009)”, asae (forthcoming), 14 (Area 46); Müller, 10th Season, 14 (Area 61); Müller, in: von Pilgrim, Müller, and Schweiger, “Report on the Twelfth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2011/2012)”, asae (forthcoming), 17 (Area 71). The rock inscriptions from the town area will be published by M. Marée. Müller, in: von Pilgrim and Müller, “Report on the Eleventh Season of the Joint SwissEgyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2010/2011)”, asae (forthcoming), 6–13; Müller, “14th Season”, 4–6.

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the hill of Shuna (Area 61). Several individuals had been buried in the tomb, but all the skeletal remains were displaced at a later date, presumably due to a constant reuse of the tomb. Some complete vessels, however, leave no doubt that the burials date to the late Middle Kingdom.12 3.2 Workmen’s Villages in the Northern Outskirts of Old-Aswan Evidence of Old and Middle Kingdom settlements have been discovered in eleven rescue excavation areas north of the central granite hill of Shuna. They are located in two sectors of the town. The northern sector is in the district of Shawarby, close to the main crossroads on the modern suq-street. The southern sector is at the southern end of suq-street. 3.2.1 The Northern Sector The same sequence of occupation is evidenced in all areas of the northern sector. A building layer of the fifth dynasty is followed, after a hiatus, by an occupation layer of the late twelfth/early thirteenth dynasty, and this is overlaid by a layer dating to the Late Roman Period. Area 23 is the westernmost site and was once close to the Nile. The earliest evidence indicates that it was initially used as a harbor facility in the fifth dynasty. A solid jetty consisting of mud bricks and a filling of brick rubble was found perpendicular to the shoreline.13 It bridges a sandbank and may have been used to load (or unload) ships docked at the riverside. Since the jetty was well in reach of the floods, it was certainly intended to be temporary construction built to deal with the local topography and seasonal requirements. The purpose of the harbor became evident in the subsequent strata. A layer of granite chippings indicates the working of stone blocks on the site and a large boulder was also left behind in a later phase (Fig. 14.3). Accordingly, there seems little doubt that the site was connected to quarries, most likely those quarries recorded on the map in the Description. They were in close proximity to the site to the south-east, and monumental pieces of granite had been extracted there (“Roches d’on y’on a extrait un Colosse”).14 Since these ‘town side quarries’15 have long since disappeared beneath the expanding town, mostly during

12

13 14 15

Müller, in: von Pilgrim, Marée, and Müller, “Report on the Fifteenth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2014/2015)”, asae (forthcoming), 10–11. The pottery from all Middle Kingdom sites at Old-Aswan is studied by I. Forstner-Müller, who provided all the preliminary data. von Pilgrim, “A Quarry Harbor of the Pyramid Age in Aswan”, 1231–1239. Description i, pl. 31. This term seems appropriate in order to avoid any confusion with the “Northern” quar-

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Plan of Old Kingdom structures in Area 23

the mid-19th century, they have largely escaped the attention of modern surveys and quarry studies. They are, however, the quarries closest to the Nile and may, therefore, be the oldest of the quarries exploited in pharaonic times. The uppermost phase of the Old Kingdom building sequence in Area 23 revealed remains of simple mud-brick shelters consisting of corridor-like rooms delimited by straight narrow walls running between supporting pillars (Fig. 14.4). The rooms are oriented towards the north and contained several fireplaces. The simple layout of the architecture does not seem to indicate housing for a differentiated group of people, but instead provided protected space for temporary accommodation and places to work.

ries (which are actually much further to the south) referred to in recent publications, cf. A. Kelany, M. Negem, A. Tohami, and T. Heldal, “Granite Quarry Survey in the Aswan Region, Egypt: Shedding New Light on Ancient Quarrying”, 91.

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figure 14.4

Overview on Old Kingdom layer in Area 23 photo a. paasch/swiss institute cairo

The site was abandoned for a period, until the same type of shelters appeared again in a single stratum dating to the late Middle Kingdom. It is covered by a thick layer of mixed sherds (predominantly fragments of bread-moulds) and other debris that may have come from adjacent rubbish dumps that were levelled before the area was re-occupied in the late Roman Period. Limited investigations carried out at two adjacent areas to the east (Areas 72 and 73) revealed the continuation of the same sequence of layers.16 These were additionally recorded at the edge of a construction pit about 100 m further north (Area 18).17 In all of these areas, fieldwork was restricted to reinvestigating and recording sections excavated by the contractors, however, the basic archaeological features were visible and could be recorded, including the stratigraphic sequence and the nature of any built structures. Additionally, the eastern slope of the sandbank, beneath the fifth dynasty loading ramp in Area 23, became visible in Area 72. The settlement may have extended still further to the north. At a distance of about another 80m a similar architectural structure was discovered in two further locations (Areas 89 and 74).18 Both revealed the same chronological

16 17 18

Müller, “12th Season”, 17–19. von Pilgrim, “5th and 6th Season”, 307. von Pilgrim, “16th Season”, 17–18 (Area 89); and Müller, “12th Season”, 19–20 (Area 74).

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Overview on Area 89 photo c. von pilgrim/swiss institute cairo

sequence of phases: an Old Kingdom stratum, covered by a thick layer of sandy flood deposits in Area 89, followed by a stratum of the late Middle Kingdom, overbuilt by the tombs of a Roman cemetery (Fig. 14.5). The architecture, however, shows slight differences. Whereas Area 89 contained evidence of Old Kingdom occupation in the shape of a short segment of a mud-brick wall (with a dolerite hammer stone beside it), no built features of that period were discovered in Area 74. The only Old Kingdom features in that area were some post-holes and fireplaces. The occupation layers from the late Middle Kingdom, however, revealed a more differentiated picture split into three successive building phases (Fig. 14.6). In Area 89, the oldest phase is represented by a straight wall with a thickness of one brick-length. Both subsequent phases, however, consist of narrow, slightly curved walls delimiting small compartments. They resemble simple unroofed shelters or open walled working spaces rather than proper built living areas. Some compartments were constantly used for fireplaces, as indicated by the accumulation of ash and the burnt faces of the walls. The frequent occurrence of bread-moulds points to the production of bread as one function of the buildings. The settlement discovered in Area 89 extends to the east for at least another 20m. Remains of similar small huts built with narrow curved walls in the oldest phase meant that a directly link could be made between the structures in Area 74 with those in Area 89. A sequence of round and rectangular ovens represents three building phases and confirms the presence of bakeries as a main feature of this quarter.

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figure 14.6

Phases of Middle Kingdom structures in Area 89

Comparable simple structures built in mud-bricks are not well known in the Nile valley nor small rural villages in general. Most workmen’s villages lie in desert areas close to quarries or rock cemeteries where stone rubble was easily available and served as a preferred construction material.19 Ephemeral mud-brick structures at the riverbank have usually disappeared beneath thick accumulations of alluvial mud. The best comparison is provided by an agglomeration of similar huts known as the “open village” in Mirgissa, which has been described as a workmen’s camp outside the fortress.20 That village is also associated with numerous fireplaces and ovens. In contrast to the Old Kingdom strata in Area 23, the built features of the late Middle Kingdom in all areas of this sector cannot be directly linked to quarry activities as they lack evidence of tools or chippings from stone working. For 19 20

Shaw and Jameson, “Amethyst Mining in the Eastern Desert: A Preliminary Survey at Wadi el-Hudi”, 88–93. Vercoutter, Mirgissa i, 11, fig. 23.

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both periods, however, the types of buildings discovered, simple huts and light shelters, are quite similar and it seems very likely that the village served the same purpose in the Middle Kingdom as it did in the Old Kingdom: to support the groups working in the quarries. In addition, it seems that the actual place where the granite was worked on the riverbank in Area 23 slightly shifted towards the west in the Middle Kingdom after the former riverbank had silted up. 3.2.2 The Southern Sector A second cluster of Old and Middle Kingdom remains was revealed by rescue excavations at a distance of 300m to the south of Area 23. Remarkably, the chronological sequence of layers in this sector again corresponds to all other sites within the development in the northern sector, but the strata are topped by Graeco-Roman Period layers. Evidence of Old Kingdom activities in these areas, however, are limited to mixed layers of debris from quarrying on top of the bedrock. The riverbank of the Old Kingdom was uncovered at the end of the modern suq-street at a depth of about 7.5m (Area 37).21 Some vessels put in the alluvial sand are the only finds dating to this period, but they confirm the topographical results gained in Area 23 indicating that the line of the ancient riverbank corresponds roughly with the line of the modern suq-street. Further inland, the remains of buildings dating to the late Middle Kingdom were found during further rescue excavations (Areas 45, 58 and 91). In all cases the space available for excavations was rather small or limited to narrow trenches but the findings added crucial information about the occupation of the area in the Middle Kingdom. In contrast to the thin-walled shelters and huts in the northern sector, the building remains in the southern sector are indicative of more substantial structures. The remains of one building layer was uncovered in Area 58.22 The walls have a width of one and a half bricks, and at least one room was roofed over, as indicated by the remains of wooden beams in the rubble of the collapsed house. A door lintel reused in a secondary installation further indicates the existence of proper houses in this quarter. The buildings were later levelled to the ground and covered over by a chronologically mixed layer of debris before tombs started to be built across the site in the Roman Period. Similar strata sequences and building styles were found approximately 50 m to the southwest in Area 45. Here, a small part of a house was uncovered. It 21 22

Müller, in: von Pilgrim, Müller, and Werlen, “The Town of Syene. Report on the 8th Season in Aswan”, 127–128. Müller, “10th Season”, 7–8.

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was built in the late twelfth dynasty whereas a second phase lasted well into the thirteenth dynasty.23 The size of the walls corresponds to regular buildings of this period, and the limited plan of the house fits well into the range of contemporary house types known from Elephantine.24 The most conspicuous features in the rooms of the earlier phase are a series of ovens. Together with the existence of several bread-moulds and ash layers, this seems to indicate the production of bread. Since installations for bread baking are common features in all domestic houses, they may indicate self-sufficiency in bread production rather than a main industrial function of the entire building. Working zones connected to flint processing, however, may also point to craft activities taking place within the building. After the house was abandoned, the ruins were covered by a chronologically mixed layer of debris, and then overbuilt by Roman tombs as in Area 58. The southernmost evidence of late Middle Kingdom occupation was identified about 60m further to the south-west in Area 91.25 At the time it was in use, the site was obviously not far away from the riverbank since the oldest layer consists of sandy fluvial deposits incorporating Old Kingdom sherds. Two short wall sections were discovered at the bottom of deep trenches, above the layer of fluvial sand. The walls are built of large bricks and are preserved up to a height of seven courses. Neither wall was fully uncovered, but a width of 60cm for these walls is most plausible. The orientation of the walls and the higher quality of their construction suggests that these structures belonged to the same kind of settlement as was found in Area 45. The ruins were covered over by a thick layer of debris containing mostly pottery sherds from the Middle Kingdom. A stone slab with a Greek inscription found in the same layer, however, proves that the ruins were only levelled at a much later date, in the Ptolemaic Period or possibly even the Roman Period. Even though the archaeological record is still poor, it seems reasonable to propose that an organized (planned?) settlement existed in the southern sector for a limited period of time. It is delimited on the south by the hill of Shuna and by a cemetery, creating a barrier along the entire south side of the entire settlement area along the bay of Aswan. Although the character of the architecture in both sectors is different, they are clearly linked to each other through chronological dating and settlement 23 24 25

Müller, “9th Season”, 6–8; Forstner-Müller and Müller, “Function and Reuse of Pottery within a Middle Kingdom Baking Area in Syene/Aswan”, 99–117. von Pilgrim, Elephantine xviii, 189–218. Müller, in: von Pilgrim, Hepa, Müller, and Pfeiffer, “Report on the Sixteenth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2015/2016)”, 21–22.

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history. They were both abandoned in the thirteenth dynasty and were not resettled before the Roman Period. Both villages may, therefore, have served the same function. They were bases for the organization and operation of the ‘town side quarries’ to the east of the villages, each one playing a specific role in the overall design. Quarrying, however, was not restricted to the rocky areas to the east. Large loose boulders appear to have been quarried along the entire bank of the Nile that formed the bay of Aswan.26 Layers of stone dust and chippings mixed with Middle Kingdom sherds were found above the bedrock in a number of salvage excavation areas lying outside the sectors that included building remains (Fig. 14.2).27 Quarrying activities in this zone apparently ceased during the Second Intermediate Period, probably due to the increased threat of incursions from Nubia, and disrupted labor organization. Work eventually shifted to new quarries further to the south-east during the New Kingdom. The best-known quarry site of that period is the one with the “unfinished obelisk” that was left on the site.28 That quarry may have been operated from a related settlement in its vicinity that has not yet been located, and which may have disappeared beneath the modern town. An eighteenth dynasty tomb discovered half way between the “town side quarries” and the northern quarries in the district of Shalaheen may be relevant with respect to such a settlement.29 3.2.3 The Region South of Old-Aswan There are only a few remnants of Second Millennium bc settlement anywhere in the region to the south of the Late Period fortress (and the necropolis of the Old and Middle Kingdoms). The only features known at present are a circular store dating to the eighteenth dynasty, and the corner of a rectangular mudbrick building of the Old Kingdom at the southern edge of Area 2.30 The latter, however, is clearly associated with quarrying activities and may be part of an older (fourth dynasty) settlement linked to quarry works (Fig. 14.2). The present results clearly indicate that the fortified town of Syene did not develop in a linear fashion from an older settlement in the same area, but was largely a new foundation of the Persian Period. Until the Middle Kingdom, the 26 27 28 29 30

Klemm and Klemm, Steine und Steinbrüche im Alten Ägypten, 305–310. Müller, “7th Season”, 182–183 (Area 31); and Müller, “8th Season”, 133 (Area 40). Kelany, Negem, Tohami, and Heldal, “Granite Quarry Survey”, 91–92. Werlen, “8th Season”, 140–161. Müller, “10th Season”, 3; and Müller, “11th Season”, 5.

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area along the bay of Aswan was occupied by temporary villages linked to the quarries, most likely supervised and controlled from Elephantine. The question arises then as to the location of settlements that played a role in the defense of the region and in the control of access to the trading routes in the Middle Kingdom. The answer to this question is that the military installations must have been located further to the south, and in fact the entire region up to the beginning of the cataract was protected by a massive fortification wall that may be regarded as one of the most impressive examples of military architecture in the Nile Valley. The wall ran from the area opposite Elephantine over a distance of more than 7km to the plain of Shellal (Fig. 14.7). Nowadays, less than half of its former course is preserved. The wall fenced off a network of roads on which goods were transported around the First Cataract in order to avoid the dangers of shipping them through the currents. The construction date of the wall has been disputed for several decades. After an initial investigation in the 1980s, Horst Jaritz suggested that the wall was built in the Middle Kingdom.31 Clear archaeological evidence, however, was scarce, and he based his assessment in a large part on the wall’s proximity to the historically important rock stela of Hepu that dates to the reigns of Senwosret ii and Amenemhat ii. He considered its carving to be contemporaneous with the construction of the wall. In the light of the wall’s particular significance for understanding the urban landscape of Aswan, the Swiss Institute began a re-investigation survey in spring 2011. As a result of that work, two observations were made that are of particular importance for establishing the chronology of this monument. First, large sectors of the wall had been totally rebuilt at a later date, most probably during the Third Intermediate Period. This was indicated by very close similarities between construction techniques used to build it and the equivalent details of the town wall of the same date on Elephantine.32 Second, the wall was originally built as a casemate structure. After it had been washed away along a stretch of 4m the breech was repaired as a solidly built wall with a reduced width of only 3m. Potsherds found in the construc-

31

32

Jaritz, “The Investigation of the Ancient Wall Extending from Aswan to Philae. Second Preliminary Report. With a Contribution on the Pottery from the Watch-Tower at Tell Asmar”, 112–114. The striking similarity was already observed by Jaritz, but the corrected date of the particular phase (B) of the town wall at Elephantine now leads to a different assessment, see von Pilgrim, “Untersuchungen zur Stadtbefestigung: Die Stadtmauer des Mittleren Reiches”, 198.

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Map of the First Cataract with highlighted zones of Middle Kingdom structures and assumed settlements after jaritz, “investigation of the ancient wall”, fig. 1

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tion debris date to the rebuilding phase. Pieces of red-rimmed drinking cups in particular clearly indicate that the repair was executed at the end of the twelfth dynasty. Even if the original wall was built only shortly before the repair, it can safely be dated to the twelfth dynasty. Labib Habachi previously suggested that this wall may be identified with the so-called “Walls of Amenemhat true of voice”, mentioned on a stela from year 33 of the reign of Amenemhat iii.33 The stela was discovered in Kerma and it carries a report about a border patrol from Elephantine that inspected the repair of a fortification wall that was part of the “Walls of Amenemhat true of voice”.34 In the absence of direct evidence, associating the observed repairs with this text remains speculative, but it should not be dismissed out of hand. From the chronological point of view the date of the reported repair work matches the evidence from the actual repair work on the wall in Aswan. The same is true with the scale of the repair works. On the stela, Intef mentioned that the repair work required the addition of 35,300 bricks. This number of bricks is approximately equal to the number that was required to repair the structure at this particular section of the wall. This can be calculated to be about 32,400 bricks. If additional construction work such as secondary added buttresses or additional height beyond that suggested by Jaritz is envisaged, the figure seems to be surprisingly appropriate to this description. If the evidence relates to the same work, it means that the fortification wall at Aswan was originally built during the reign of a king Amenemhat, most likely Amenemhat iii. It must be admitted, however, that it would be exceptionally fortunate if both the text and the archaeological feature referred to the same section of work, and that the textual information survived even after the stela was displaced. Another proposal that does not contradict the above hypothesis was put forwards by Horst Jaritz. Taking into account the complete lack of any prePtolemaic remains on Bigeh Island, he convincingly argued that the entire area delimited by the fortification wall was identified with the still unlocated toponym Senmet.35 A fortress (mnnw) and royal institutions such as a treasury, a granary and a ḫtm-institution would, therefore, have been located somewhere in this particular geographical area.36

33 34 35 36

Habachi, Elephantine iv, 111–112. Stela mfa 13.3967/20.1222 of Intef son of Sem-jb: Leprohon, Museum of Fine Arts Boston, 1. Jaritz, “The Investigation of the Ancient Wall”, 114–118. Cf. Vogel, Ägyptische Festungen und Garnisonen bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches, 175; and Morris, The Architecture of Imperialism, 203–204, 669–672. Ellen Morris, however, does not question the improbable location on Bigeh and omits the relevant publications.

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It is obvious that the wall marked out an area of particular importance in the Middle Kingdom. The protective role of the wall is underlined by countless rock inscriptions that almost exclusively mention military personnel. All the Middle Kingdom inscriptions are located inside the walled region, mainly along the traffic routes.37 New Kingdom inscriptions (and quarries) on the other hand, are also found outside the wall. Those can be explained by the re-conquest of Nubia during the New Kingdom, when the threat to the region ceased and the fortifications at the First Cataract lost their relevance.38 The wall was foremost a protection for the portage routes bypassing the cataract. However, it would only have been effective if the protected area was properly guarded. Moreover, the traffic route must inevitably have had at least one checkpoint at its northern end, which may also have acted as a bridgehead close to Elephantine. In general, a similar defense system to the one evidenced at the Second Cataract should be envisaged.39 The southern edge of the bay of Aswan is one possible location for a separate fort. Remains of a glacis from a fortification wall have been located there at considerable depth, beneath the Ptolemaic Period town (Area 13).40 Deposits with potsherds and numerous arrowheads of the Persian Period found on the sloped and plastered construction provide a terminus ante quem for an associated fortress. The excavation revealed no evidence of an earlier phase of occupation, but it must be stressed that only the top layer was studied and the excavation had to be abandoned before a full excavation was completed. In fact, it is not very likely that an additional fort was built in the vicinity during the Persian Period, given that another fortified town was established at Syene, not far to the north. The fort of modest size on the slope south of Area 13 is, therefore, most probably older and may possibly date back to the late Middle Kingdom. Unfortunately, archaeological confirmation was not possible as excavation work was stopped unexpectedly. Work in the area is still impeded by the current urban situation.41

37

38 39 40 41

Further inscriptions of the late Middle Kingdom also turned up during salvage excavations at the cliffs of the hill of Shuna in Aswan, see above n. 10, and at former small rocky isles (once) off the shore (Area 79), cf. Marée, “15th Season”, 26–27. The town wall of Elephantine, for example, was completely torn down in the eighteenth dynasty, see von Pilgrim, “Die Stadtmauer des Mittleren Reiches”, 210. Cf. the vivid illustration of Brian Delf in Delf and Vogel, The Fortifications of Ancient Egypt, 36–37. von Pilgrim, “5th and 6th Season”, 313–314. Recently Liszka and Kraemer, in “Evidence for Administration of the Nubian Fortresses in the Late Middle Kingdom: P. Ramesseum 18”, 188, surprisingly proposed “that the fortress of Elephantine (rather than Senm.t) was at the northern end of this fortification wall.”

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The topography of the east bank did not provide many suitable locations for any kind of settlement. The desert routes are separated from the river by a hilly ridge, with Gebel Bas its most prominent peak and Gebel Tagug at its northern end, and its sides slope steeply down to the Nile. With the exception of the southern edge of the bay of Aswan, the only river access at the northern end of the cataract is provided by a bay below Gebel Tagug, occupied today by the villages of Gebel Tagug and Sheikh Diab. No archaeological sites have ever been detected in this area except for a vast Ptolemaic-Roman cemetery on the slope of the hill.42 Clusters of rock inscriptions, however, mark the northern bay of Sheikh Diab and show its frequent use in the Middle and New Kingdom.43 Since the rock inscriptions at Elephantine Island are concentrated at the access points to the town, it is quite possible that the bay of Sheikh Diab was the landing place for a walled settlement in the vicinity, which included those institutions attested in Senmet, the remains of which are now buried beneath Nile sediments and the present Nubian villages.

4

Conclusions

Considering the wide settlement area available on the east bank at Aswan, remains from the Middle Kingdom are remarkably rare. The only evidence of architecture discovered consisted of scattered pieces of walls, however, when the different pieces of evidence are considered together, the integrated data forms a wider picture of the character and distribution of the Middle Kingdom settlement activity in the area. This allowed some preliminary conclusions to be drawn that can better inform plans for future work. Settlements in the region along the bay of Aswan were apparently established for and associated with the quarrying in the area, which began as early as the Old Kingdom. The settlements were in use and existed during specific periods of time and can best be described as workmen’s villages linked to the quarries. In the late Middle Kingdom, the settlement zone spread over a large area

42 43

They imply that the existence of a town wall in the late Middle Kingdom does not necessarily designate (the town of) Elephantine as a fortress (mnnw), and suggest that the fortress of Elephantine was at a different location than the town. There is, however, no evidence that a mnnw is primarily defined by having the dimensions of defensive architecture. The term rather refers to an administrative level of town organization, and is defined, for example, by the presence of troops, military officials, and related institutions, cf. also Morris, The Architecture of Imperialism, 809–814. Werlen, “8th Season”, 142–143. Seidlmayer, “Rock Inscriptions in the Area of Aswan”, 209.

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and was subdivided into two villages with different but related functions. The Late Period town of Syene was a new foundation and not a successive rebuilding of an earlier settlement. Any fortified settlement or bridgehead for the regional center of Elephantine in the Middle Kingdom, however, was most likely situated further south, inside a wider area protected by a monumental fortification wall. The nature of the settlement and occupation of the east bank was very different to that of Elephantine. Unlike the multi-stratified town of Elephantine, which was confined to the limits of a comparatively small island, and continuously developed through all periods, the occupation of the east bank spread out horizontally over a huge area that was eventually divided into settlements devoted to specific tasks at different periods of time. This more dispersed pattern is particularly evident when possible second millennium bc military installations inside the fortified area between Syene and the plain of Shellal are also taken into consideration.

Acknowledgements I am much indebted to Gregory Williams for correcting the English of this paper.

Abbreviations All abbreviations not included in the list follow those used in the Lexikon der Ägyptologie. 5th and 6th Season von Pilgrim, C., Keller, D., Martin-Kilcher, S., El-Amin, F.M., and Müller, W. “The Town of Syene. Report on the 5th and 6th Season in Aswan”, mdaik 64 (2008): 305–356. 7th Season von Pilgrim, C., Colman, R., Müller, W., Novacek, J., De Pontbriand, A., and Schultz, M. “The Town of Syene. Report on the 7th Season in Aswan”, mdaik 66 (2010): 179–224. 8th Season von Pilgrim, C., Müller, W. and Werlen, L. “The Town of Syene. Report on the 8th Season in Aswan”, mdaik 67 (2011): 125–161. 9th Season von Pilgrim, C. and Müller, W. “Report on the Ninth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2008/2009)”, asae (forthcoming). (http://www.swissinst.ch/downloads/Repo rt%209th%20Season_2008‑2009.pdf).

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von pilgrim

10th Season

11th Season

12th Season

13th Season

14th Season

15th Season

16th Season

von Pilgrim, C. and Müller, W. “Report on the Tenth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan”, asae (forthcoming). (http://swissinst.ch/downloads/Report%20on%20the %20Tenth%20Season%20of%20the%20Joint%20Swiss_Egypti an%20Mission%20in%20Syene_Old%20Aswan%20(2009_2010 ).pdf). von Pilgrim, C. and Müller, W. “Report on the Eleventh Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2010/ 2011)”, asae (forthcoming). (http://swissinst.ch/downloads/Repo rt%20on%20the%20Eleventh%20Season%20of%20the%20Joi nt%20Swiss_Egyptian%20Mission%20in%20Syene_Old%20As wan%20(2010_2011).pdf). von Pilgrim, C., Müller, and W., Schweiger, H. “Report on the Twelfth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2011/2012)”, asae (forthcoming). (http://www.swissinst .ch/downloads/SwissInst_Report%20Aswan%202012.pdf). von Pilgrim, C. and Müller, W. “Report on the 13th Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2012/2013)”, asae (forthcoming). (http://swissinst.ch/downloads/Swissinst_ Report%20Aswan%202013.pdf). von Pilgrim, C. and Müller, W. “Report on the 14th Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2013/2014)”, asae (forthcoming). (http://swww.swissinst.ch/downloads/Rep ort%2014th%20Season%202013_2014.pdf). von Pilgrim, C., Marée, M., Müller, W. “Report on the Fifteenth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2014/2015)”, asae (forthcoming). (http://swissinst.ch/download s/Swiss%20Institute%202014_2015.pdf). von Pilgrim, C., Hepa, M., Müller, W., Pfeiffer, S. “Report on the Sixteenth Season of the Joint Swiss-Egyptian Mission in Syene/Old Aswan (2015/2016)”, asae (forthcoming). (http://www.swissinst .ch/downloads/Report%2016th%20season%202015_16.pdf).

Bibliography Delf, B. and C. Vogel. The Fortifications of Ancient Egypt 3000–1780bc. Oxford: Osprey, 2010. Forstner-Müller, I. and W. Müller. “Function and Reuse of Pottery within a Middle Kingdom Baking Area in Syene/Aswan.” In Functional Aspects of Egyptian Ceramics in

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their Archaeological Context, B. Bader and M.F. Ownby, eds., 99–117. ola 217. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Goyon, G. “Les navires de transport de la chaussée monumentale d’Ounas.” bifao 69 (1971): 11–41. Jaritz, H. “Die Kirche des Heiligen Psōti vor der Stadtmauer von Assuan.” In Mélanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar ii, P. Posener-Kriéger, ed., 1–19. BdE 97/2. Cairo: ifao, 1985. Jaritz, H. “The Investigation of the Ancient Wall Extending from Aswan to Philae. Second Preliminary Report. With a Contribution on the Pottery from the Watch-Tower at Tell Asmar.” mdaik 49 (1993): 107–132. Kelany, A., M. Negem, A. Tohami, and T. Heldal. “Granite quarry survey in the Aswan region, Egypt: shedding new light on ancient quarrying.” In QuarryScapes: ancient stone quarry landscapes in the Eastern Mediterranean, N. Abu-Jaber, E.G. Bloxam, P. Degryse, and T. Heldal, eds., 87–98. Geological Survey of Norway Special Publication 12. Oslo: Norges geologiske undersøkelse, 2009. Klemm, R. and D.D. Klemm. Steine und Steinbrüche im Alten Ägypten. Berlin: Springer, 1992. Habachi, L. Elephantine iv. The Sanctuary of Heqaib. av 33. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1985. Leprohon, R.J. Museum of Fine Arts Boston, Fasc. 2., Stela 1. caa Lose-Blatt-Katalog Ägyptischer Altertümer, Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1985. Liszka, K. and B. Kraemer. “Evidence for Administration of the Nubian Fortresses in the Late Middle Kingdom: P. Ramesseum 18.” Journal of Egyptian History 9/2 (2016): 1–65. Morris, E.F. The Architecture of Imperialism. PdÄ 22. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Müller, W. and M. de Dapper. “The Urban Landscape of Aswan (Egypt) since the Predynastic Period: a Geoarchaeological Approach.” In Landscape Archaeology. Egypt and the Mediterranean World, Y. Tristant and M. Ghilardi, eds., 19–42. BdE 69, Cairo: ifao, 2018. Pilgrim, C. von. Elephantine xviii. Untersuchungen zur Stadt des Mittleren Reiches und der Zweiten Zwischenzeit. av 91. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1996. Pilgrim, C. von. “Elephantine—(Festungs-)Stadt am Ersten Katarakt.” In Cities and Urbanism in Ancient Egypt, M. Bietak, E. Czerny, I. Forstner-Müller, eds., 257–270. Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 60, Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des öai Bd. 35. Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2010. Pilgrim, C. von. “Die Stadtmauer des Mittleren Reiches.” In S.J. Seidlmayer, F. Arnold, J. Drauschke, P. Kopp, C. von Pilgrim, and S. Wefers, “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 39./40./41. Grabungsbericht.” mdaik 72 (2016): 197–226. Pilgrim, C. von. “A Quarry Harbor of the Pyramid Age in Aswan.” In Guardian of Ancient Egypt: Essays in Honor of Zahi Hawass, J. Kamrin, M. Bárta, S. Ikram, M. Lehner, and M. Megahed, eds., 1229–1239. Prague: Charles University, Faculty of Arts, 2020.

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Raue, D., F. Arnold, P. Kopp, and C. von Pilgrim. “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 36./37./38. Grabungsbericht.” mdaik 67 (2011): 181–207. Seidlmayer, S.J. “Rock Inscriptions in the Area of Aswan: from epigraphy to landscape archaeology.” In The First Cataract of the Nile: one region—diverse perspectives, D. Raue, S.J. Seidlmayer, and Ph. Speiser, eds., 205–210. sdaik 36. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013. Shaw, I. and R. Jameson. “Amethyst Mining in the Eastern Desert: A preliminary Survey at Wadi el-Hudi.” jea 79 (1993): 81–97. Vercoutter, J. Mirgissa i. Mission archéologique française au Soudan 1. Paris: cnrs, 1970. Vogel, C. Ägyptische Festungen und Garnisonen bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches. häb 46. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 2004.

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chapter 17

Djoser’s Complex as a Source of Inspiration for the Decoration of Private Coffins in the Middle Kingdom Harco Willems ku Leuven

Abstract Coffins B7C and B14C from Dayr al-Barshā display examples of type vi exterior decoration, but the false door ornamentation on them differs from the usual pattern. It reproduces the profile of the perimeter wall around Djoser’s Step Pyramid complex at Saqqara. The same motif is found on some of the walls encircling the pyramid complex of Senwosret iii at Dahshūr, and on sarcophagi of this pharaoh and his female relatives. This article argues that the ornamentation on the two Dayr al-Barshā coffins was inspired by a particular fashion trend, and that the appearance of the ‘Djoser wall ornament’ on coffins at that time can be regarded as a new dating criterion. It also suggests that the owners of B7C and B14C employed (or were provided with) coffins with this decorative type because of their close ties to the royal court. Finally, it is suggested that the name of the original owner of B14C may not have been Djehutinakht, as is generally assumed, but Djehutihotep. If this is correct, then this coffin gives an insight into the appearance of major items of Djehutihotep’s tomb equipment, for the first time.

1

Introduction

In 1988, the current author published a study that proposed a chronotypology of Middle Kingdom box-shaped coffins for the first time.1 As might be expected, some of the suggestions made therein must now be reconsidered, due to the availability of fresh material as well as certain errors made at the time that can 1 Willems, Chests of Life. Some years later G. Lapp published his Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern von der 6. bis 13. Dynastie; see also my review of that work in BiOr 54/1–2 (1997): 112–122. In my book, most of the coffins from Asyūṭ were left out of consideration because they represent a typologically separate branch of the development. For these coffins, see now Zitman, The Necropolis of Assiut.

© Harco Willems, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004442825_019

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now be corrected. In general, however, the model proposed there still seems to work reasonably well. In a recent work on Egyptian mummies it was in fact presented as the template for classifying Middle Kingdom coffins.2 At the time the book appeared, dating Middle Kingdom coffins was still considered notoriously difficult, and scholars confronted with such issues sometimes resorted to assessments of artistic quality as a means to assign sources to points in time. For instance, the beautiful coffin B1Bo, belonging to nomarch Djehutinakht iv or v, was considered to be so well made and decorated that it was, for that reason alone, assigned to the reign of Senwosret iii, in whose reign the equally beautiful tomb of governor Djehutihotep was built.3 As everyone would now agree, this assessment is untenable. The example shows how cautious scholars should be when deploying artistic quality as a dating criterion. For that reason, the current author’s typological analysis was based on verifiable typological attributes and attribute states and it deployed seriation procedures to generate reliable relative chronologies. This relative chronology was then tied to absolute chronology, based on a number of cases where source materials could be reliably dated on the basis of archaeological contexts or textbased markers. Designing typologies implies concentrating on clusters of sources sharing various typological features, and this inevitably diverts attention away from idiosyncrasies found in individual cases. The present article is concerned with one such idiosyncrasy, which has hitherto not been noted in the literature.4 While the phenomenon is so exceptional that it is hardly useful as a typological criterion, it does provide a strong arguments for assigning a small subgroup of the so-called type vi coffins to a specific point in time, and to a specific cultural background. The term ‘type vi’ refers to coffins sharing an exterior decoration consisting of 1) a horizontal line of ornamental hieroglyphs at the top of each coffin side; 2) four columns of ornamental texts on the long sides, two being placed at the edges and two regularly spaced in between; 3) two columns of ornamental hieroglyphs at the edges of each of the short ends, and 4) the depiction of palace-façade ornamentation between each pair of text columns. Criteria 1–3) also occur in type iv coffins, but criterion 4 is specific to type vi.5

2 Ikram and Dodson, The Mummy in Ancient Egypt, 198–199. 3 Terrace, Egyptian Paintings of the Middle Kingdom, 50. 4 Admittedly, the peculiarity was observed by Lapp, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammen, 86, and fig. 96, but he did not attempt an interpretation. 5 Willems, Chests of Life, 161–164.

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In the current author’s study, the use of type vi coffins was assigned to the period between the reigns of Amenemhat ii and Senwosret iii, although it was emphasized that the type survived in a less well-executed form on some Second Intermediate Period box coffins.6 This conclusion must now be adjusted, as Dieter Arnold discovered a type vi sarcophagus in the tomb of the vizier Mentuhotep at al-Lisht just before the book appeared, and it is securely datable to the later years of Senwosret i’s reign.7 The palace-façade motif usually reproduces the form of a false door. In most cases, each example on a coffin is of identical design to those in all other panels, except the one near the fr head end, where a pair of udjat eyes is added. Because almost all type vi coffins adhere very closely to this model, they are rather monotonous in execution. For this reason, two cases from Dayr alBarshā, where the panels include elements not normally found on false doors, stand out. Dayr al-Barshā is one of the richest sources for Middle Kingdom coffins inscribed with Coffin Texts. Moreover, almost all coffins from that location have a documented provenance, making their dating a relatively easy matter. Building upon the groundwork laid by Edward Brovarski,8 the dating of the Dayr al-Barshā coffins was a cornerstone in the current author’s attempts to develop a chronotypology for Middle Kingdom coffins in general. For the two coffins discussed here, however, no direct dating evidence was found, so that the dating suggested was based exclusively on the chronotypological scheme. These examples carry exterior decoration type vi and in one case interior decoration type 2, so their corresponding dating ranges from the latter part of the reign of Senwosret i to that of Senwosret iii/Amenemhat iii.9 This implies a very long time period during which they could have been made. As this article will demonstrate, however, the unusual idiosyncrasy already referred to allows a more accurate dating. Sections 2 and 3 of this article first introduce these exceptional examples, then summarize what is known about their find contexts, and then discuss earlier dating proposals for them. The decorative idiosyncrasy referred to above is then discussed in detail. Based on this analysis, it appears that the artisans producing the coffins were reproducing a much earlier source. That this source was able to exert an influence on Mid-

6 Willems, Chests of Life, 163–164. 7 See Allen, “Coffin Texts from Lisht”, 3; Arnold, Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht, pls. 70–71. Different from most later type vi cases, the panels in that source are not yet all of the same kind. 8 Brovarski, “Ahanakht of Bersheh and the Hare nome”, 23–26. 9 Willems, Chests of Life, 77–78.

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F and B of coffin B5C as published by a. kamal, “fouilles à deir-el-barché exécutées dans les six premiers mois de l’ année par m. antonini de mallawi”, asae 3 (1902): 277–281

dle Kingdom funerary culture in an Upper Egyptian province indicates that the decoration of the coffins must be derived from a very specific cultural context, and based on this, their dating can be narrowed considerably.

2

The Tomb of the Scribe of the Royal Document Djehutihotep

In 1902, Ahmad Bey Kamal, during excavation work funded by a certain Antonini, the director of a sugar factory at Mallawī, discovered a tomb at Dayr alBarshā. According to his report,10 it contained some planks of a coffin and some other material. The planks are only partly documented. The descriptions refer to the top half of a head end, and a side. Kamal recorded the hieroglyphic text on the outside of both (see fig. 17.1). He also made some rather unclear remarks suggesting that the inside was decorated with Coffin Texts, object friezes, a false door, and an offering table scene. The context would also have included an inscribed funerary bed, canopic jars, model barks, and numerous other objects. However, the very succinct account and the reference merely to ‘coffin planks’ suggests that the tomb was in a poor state when it was found. Unfortunately, its find location is only recorded as being on the north slope of the Wādī Nakhla, which covers a very large area. The location of the tomb, therefore, provides little information as to its date of construction.11

10 11

Kamal, “Fouilles à Deir-el-Barché exécutées dans les six premiers mois”, 277–281. In a recent publication, Marleen De Meyer suggested that the tomb may be either tomb 16L25/1A or 16L25/1B in zone 4. Finds from there suggest contemporaneity with the tomb complex of the nomarch Djehutihotep (De Meyer, “An Isolated Middle Kingdom Tomb at Dayr al-Barsha”, 105–106). Her chronological conclusions fit with what will be argued in the present article.

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The “coffin planks” described by Kamal can, however, be identified. They belong to coffin Cairo Journal d’Entrée 37566 (= de Buck B5C12).13 Interestingly, the next entry numbers, JdE 37567 (= de Buck B7C) and JdE 37568 (= de Buck B8C), designate coffins of a man of the same name and with the same titles, who was evidently the owner of a set of three nested coffins. Parts of coffin B8C ended up in the Louvre (B4P).14 That museum also holds a unique funerary bed (B3P) inscribed with Coffin Texts, which turns out to have originally been fitted inside coffin B5C. It was recently published by Patricia Rigault and Élisabeth Delange.15 These authors also refer to three wooden model cows now in the Louvre (AF9169 a–c) and four statuettes that originally formed part of tomb models (Château—Musée Boulogne-sur-Mer inv. Eg. 293). To their list can be added an inscribed bark model now in Leiden (rmo inv. Nr. F 1939/1.3).16 Contrary to what his article suggests then, Kamal seems to have found quite a rich tomb. Even though it had been looted, it still contained the well-preserved remains of much of its funerary equipment. It is exceptional for having a set of three nested coffins. The only Middle Kingdom parallels that come to mind are the group of B3Bo, B4Bo and B8Bo, which belonged to a nomarch’s wife buried at Dayr al-Barshā, coffins M7C, M8C, and M42C from Mīr, and coffins T1–2Be and T4Be. The tomb was clearly and notably rich. The owner of these coffins had the name Djehutihotep. He was not identical to the famous nomarch of that name, as the owner of the coffin bears the titles “scribe of the king’s document” (sš ꜥ nsw.t) and “scribe of the coffer” (sš hn), none of which are found in association with the nomarch. In Chests of Life, 78, the current author argued that the scribe Djehutihotep might be identical with the “overseer of the seal” (i҆m.y-r ḫtm.t) of the same name depicted in the tomb of the nomarch Djehutihotep (text A),17 and who seemed also to be referred to on a block from a neighboring tomb, now

12 13

14 15 16 17

For a full list of the sigla for Middle Kingdom coffins, see now Willems, Historical and Archaeological Aspects of Egyptian Funerary Culture, 230–315. The reader can easily verify the identity of the coffin published by Kamal with B5C by comparing the photograph of F of B5C in Willems, Chests of Life, 164, fig. 145 with the F-panel depicted in fig. 1. Unnumbered fragments in the Louvre, inspected by the author in 1984; see Willems, Historical and Archaeological Aspects of Egyptian Funerary Culture, 248–249. Louvre af 9170, see Rigault and Delange, “Le lit funéraire de Djéhoutihotep (Louvre af 9170)”, 63–137. Schneider, Life and Death under the Pharaohs, 118–119. Newberry, El Bersheh i, pl. 27.

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known to have belonged to the nomarch Amenemhat (text B).18 If correct, this hypothesis would fix the date of the coffins in or close to the reign of Senwosret iii. However, reasons to hesitate before drawing this conclusion.19 Text A refers to the man as the “overseer of the seal, Sepi’s son Djehutihotep, whom Wadjkaus conceived”. The source carrying text B is presented by Newberry as a block containing depictions of a series of men. The first is accompanied by the inscription “What his eldest bodily son, whom he loves […], made for him, the scribe of the king’s document, Sepi, whom Wadjkaus conceived, true of voice”. He is followed by “his brother, the overseer of the seal; Djehutihotep, whom Wadjkaus conceived, true of voice”. Two further sons of the same mother follow after him. At first sight, the combined information from the two sources suggests that a couple, where the man was named Sepi and the woman Wadjkaus, had at least four sons. The eldest one, Sepi, was scribe of the king’s document, while his brother Djehutihotep was overseer of the seal, and still bore this title at the time he was depicted on the walls of the tomb of the nomarch Djehutihotep. For the younger brother to be identical with the owner of coffins B5C, B7C and B8C, it should be assumed that he later took over his brother’s title “scribe of the king’s document”, which occurs on the coffins. For this step in his career, however, there is no independent evidence. Research the current author carried out in 2005–2006 regarding the tomb of Amenemhat increased these doubts.20 The block carrying text B has not survived, but fragments of it were identified during the research. In a study to be published elsewhere it will be shown that the text formed part of a statue shrine in the forecourt of the tomb of the nomarch Amenemhat. It is important to note that this chapel is not accompanied by a tomb shaft. The only shaft in the immediate neighbourhood is that of Amenemhat himself. Since text B makes clear that the royal scribe Sepi made the tomb for his father, who can only be Amenemhat, he and his brothers must all be sons of Amenemhat. The problem is that the overseer of the seal Djehutihotep mentioned in text A has a father with a different name: Sepi. This means that it is unlikely that the Djehutihoteps in texts A and B are identical.

18 19 20

Griffith and Newberry, El Bersheh ii, 28. With similar caveats, Grajetzki and Stefanović, Dossiers of Ancient Egyptians, 118 (dossier 235). An article about the tomb of Amenemhat, which will bring together all relevant evidence currently known, is in preparation (Willems, “The Rock Tomb of Amenemhat and the Chapel of Sepi at Deir al-Barsha. An Architectural Study”).

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Although the different Djehutihoteps are probably closely related, the nature of their relationship cannot be determined at present, and the same holds true for their relationship with the similarly-named coffin owner who held a different title from theirs. As a result of the data the current author collated in 1988, only the typological evidence can be accepted as a (very broad) dating criterion.

3

The Coffin of the Lady Ankhu

Although the find context of the coffin of lady Ankhu (Cairo cg 28099 = B14C) is known, the excavation report21 does not refer to any datable finds except the coffin itself. Its owner was a lady called Ankhu, whose title nb.t pr shows she must have been a high-ranking member of the family of the local nomarchs. This name is, however, secondary. The original name was chiseled out and Ankhu’s name was then applied in paint on a layer of plaster. According to Pierre Lacau, the original owner’s name began with the element Djehuti.22 In every line of text he is referred to as a ḥꜣ.ty-ꜥ “lord”. On the lid, this title of rank is followed by ḫrp ns.ty “director of the two thrones”, while on the head end can be read ḥꜣ.ty-ꜥ wr di҆.w “lord, great of the five”.23 This cluster of titles is characteristic of coffins of nomarchs at Dayr al-Barshā. Edward Brovarski compared the palace-façade decoration on the exterior coffin walls to those on the stone sarcophagus of Ibu at Qāw al-Kabīr, which, he argues, would date it to the reign of Senwosret iii. He suggested that B14C was, therefore, made in the same reign, or rather, because the nomarch Djehutihotep was in office then, during the reign of the next king, Amenemhat iii.24 Because this is a coffin of type vi, which was already in use at earlier dates, the current author later suggested that a date late in the reign of Amenemhat ii or during the reign of Senwosret ii is also possible.25 One might add that according to Wolfram Grajetzki, Ibu should be dated to the reign of Amenemhat ii,26 and following Brovarski’s

21 22 23 24 25 26

Daressy, “Fouilles de Deir el Bircheh (novembre-décembre 1897)”, 25. A thorough inspection of the coffin that I undertook on 27 October 2016 unfortunately revealed hardly any trace of the original name. Lacau, Sarcophages antérieurs au Nouvel Empire, 74–76. Brovarski, “Ahanakht of Bersheh and the Hare Nome”, 25. Willems, Chests of Life, 79. Grajetzki, “Bemerkungen zu den Bürgermeistern (ḥꜣtj-ꜥ) von Qaw el-Kebir im Mittleren Reich”, 55–62. Connor likes to date all three large gubernatorial tombs at Qāw al-Kabīr to the first part of the twelfth dynasty, apparently only on the basis of his impressions

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reasoning this would support an earlier dating than he proposed. Moreover, the detail that will be studied in the following sections of this current article do not occur on Ibu’s coffin,27 so that the point is essentially irrelevant to the current article.

4

Type vi Coffins

In the case of both the tomb equipment of Djehutihotep and with Ankhu’s coffin, the available dating criteria boil down to the fact that the coffins are of the type decorated on the outside with palace-façade ornamentation, a common phenomenon which allows for a very wide date range. The more specific dating proposed by Brovarski is circumstantial, and even though it will later be proposed that he drew the correct conclusion, more concrete support is obviously needed. As noted above, the eight palace-façade elements depicted on the sides of type vi coffins normally share the design characteristic of false doors. In the two coffin groups studied here, however, sources B7C and B14C diverge from the other known type vi coffins with respect to one element that has not been referred to before (see figs. 17.2–3). Only the top part of B7C is preserved, so that in that case only the upper segment of the palace-façade ornamentation can be studied. The element is, however, clearly identical to that in B14C, where the decoration is preserved to its full height. There it can be observed that the ornamentation of interest does not depict the architectural model of a false door, but a regular series of door slits framed on both sides, and on top, by two ornamental bands representing door jambs and a lintel. The whole arrangement clearly represents the recessed paneling of a serekh façade (just as a false door is ultimately a reduced version of such a recessed paneling, but simplified to a different layout). In the top part of the design, each of the framing bands is studded with small rectangles. These rectangles only occur on the upper sections of the door jambs. Such ornamentation is well known as it occurs on the recessed panel façade of Djoser’s Step Pyramid complex at Saqqāra (see fig. 17.4). Undoubtedly, the

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about the decorative style of those tombs (“The Statue of the High Steward Nemtyhotep (Berlin äm 15700) and Some Considerations about Royal and Private Portrait Under Amenemhat iii”, 67). This type vi sarcophagus differs in that each panel depicts another kind of recessed paneling, only one of which resembles those on B14C to an extent (Steckeweh, Die Fürstengräber von Qâw, pl. 16; Sauerbier, “Der Sarkopag des Ibu aus Qaw el-Kebir”, 66–69).

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figure 17.2

Part of the exterior of fr of coffin B7C of the scribe of the royal document Djehutihotep

figure 17.3

Part of the exterior of fr of coffin B14C of the nomarch Djehuti[…], later adapted for use by the lady Ankhu

people who made B7C and B14C were consciously reproducing the pattern on the outer wall of Djoser’s complex. This raises significant questions. Were these artisans acting on their own initiative? Were they independently trying to copy an early Old Kingdom royal decorative pattern? What could have given them this idea and why would they have been inspired by this distant, ancient monument?

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The decoration of the temenos wall of Djoser’s complex, showing a pattern of rectangles on the door jambs and lintels of each recess © marleen de meyer

Djoser’s Complex in Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Culture

In fact, it is unlikely that the artisans who manufactured these coffins came to adopt the design idea entirely on their own accord. The same decorative pattern is widespread on the sarcophagi of members of the royal family during the reign of Senwosret iii. One notable example is the sarcophagus of Senwosret iii himself, found in the burial chamber of his pyramid at Dahshūr28 (see fig. 17.5). This sarcophagus is a plain rectangular tub, but around the base is a relief representation of a serekh wall. His queen Weret ii, who was buried in pyramid 9 at Dahshūr (see fig. 17.6),29 and a princess buried in tomb 7 at al-Lahūn, just south of the pyramid of Senwosret ii30 (see fig. 17.7), had

28 29 30

Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii at Dahshur, 36–37; pls. 19a, 20–21, 28–29. Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii at Dahshur, 75–82, 120–121, pls. 20b, 61, 65. Petrie, Brunton, and Murray, Lahun ii, 14–15, pl. 23. Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii at Dahshur, 45 seems to assign the sarcophagus to Lahun tomb 621, which according to him would predate the construction of the pyramid of Senwosret ii (see in greater detail Arnold, “Die Pyramide Sesostris’ ii. bei El-Lahun”, 52–65). In connection to

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The sarcophagus of Senwosret iii from his pyramid at Dahshūr after arnold, the pyramid complex of senwosret iii at dahshur, 30

the same decorative pattern on their sarcophagi, as did king Amenemhat iii, in his pyramid complex at Dahshūr.31 It is quite obvious what the serekh wall pattern on these sarcophagi alludes to. The pattern is consistently that of a serekh wall, with three gates on the northern and southern sides, five on the eastern side, and four on the western one. The southernmost gate in the eastern panel of the sarcophagi is larger than the others, and is occasionally depicted as standing ajar. Djoser’s own surrounding wall had the same numerical disposition of gates around the walls, and its southeastern gate is the only one through which Djoser’s complex could actually be accessed. This is also larger than the remaining fourteen dummy gates. It is quite obvious that the sarcophagi mentioned above consciously reproduced this pattern of gates around Djoser’s complex. In some cases, the imitation includes the pattern of squares also shown in figs. 17.2 and 17.3.32 This occurs on the sarcophagi of Senwosret iii and his wife Weret ii, and on that belonging to a daughter of Senwosret ii (see n. 30), but not on the sarcophagus of Amenemhat iii. The use of this detail on Middle Kingdom sarcophagi seems to be restricted to the reign of Senwosret iii.

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this, he also refers to the paneled sarcophagus. Whatever the merits of Arnold’s dating of tomb 621, his remarks about the sarcophagus are incorrect, as Petrie, Brunton and Murray clearly attribute it to tomb 7 which belonged to one of the princesses of Senwosret ii, and which is accordingly likely to postdate his reign. Arnold, Der Pyramidenbezirk des Königs Amenemhet iii. in Dahschur i, 32–34, pls. 12c and 13. An unexplained question is why the sarcophagi only display the squares near the corners, but not on the rest of the sides.

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figure 17.7

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The ornamentation on the sarcophagus of queen Weret ii after arnold, the pyramid complex of senwosret iii at dahshur, 80, fig. 25

The ornamentation on the sarcophagus from tomb 7 at al-Lahūn after petrie, brunton, and murray, lahun ii, 14–15, pl. 23

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That this pharaoh was particularly interested in Djoser’s funerary complex is also manifested by his pyramid complex. In 1979, Dieter Arnold argued that royal pyramid complexes of the twelfth dynasty show evidence of increasing inspiration derived from the monuments of that distant ancestor.33 The present author was not convinced that this hypothesis holds true for Senwosret ii’s complex at al-Lahūn, which has a rather classical, square layout, and where only the recessed encircling wall faintly recalls Djoser’s complex. As recessed paneling is a common element in Egyptian architecture, the current author cannot see a direct link in that case. With Senwosret iii’s complex at Dahshūr, however, matters seem clearer in several respects:34 1) Unlike most Old and Middle Kingdom pyramid complexes, but similar to those of Djoser and Sekhemkhet, Senwosret iii’s complex has a rectangular (not a square!) encircling wall, with the north-south axis being longer than the east-west axis. 2) like Djoser’s complex it has an entrance in the southern end of the eastern side of the encircling wall. 3) like Djoser’s complex, the pyramid stands not in the center of the building plot but is displaced to the north. 4) like Djoser’s complex it displays triple corner tori and cavetto cornices. 5) like Djoser’s complex it displays slightly curved doorframes, a form that is otherwise exceptional. 6) like Djoser’s complex it features roofs modeled like tree-trunks. 7) like Djoser’s complex it features the presence of curved roof tiles. 8) Most important for current purposes, however, is that the inner surrounding wall is decorated with a recessed panel pattern that so closely resembles that of Djoser’s complex that when the current author first saw the blocks of this wall, he was immediately convinced that had been removed from Djoser’s wall and had been incorporated into the buildings of Senwosret iii’s complex at Dahshūr. Quod non, the builders of Senwosret iii’s complex accurately copied the decorative pattern of Djoser’s wall, including the pattern of small squares that are discussed here. The reconstruction drawings produced by Arnold and his team clearly bear this out (see fig. 17.8).35 33 34 35

Arnold, “Das Labyrinth und seine Vorbilder”, 1–9. For the following overview, see Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii, 121–122. Arnold, The Pyramid Complex of Senwosret iii, 5, 121–122. One feature that Arnold mentioned in his 1979 article was no longer mentioned in the book: that is the ruined mound in the south of the complex that he then suggested was the remains of a copy of Djoser’s ‘South Tomb’. I am grateful to Adela Oppenheim and Dieter Arnold for pointing out to me that after excavating that part of Senwosret iii’s complex, they no longer supported that idea.

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Isometric reconstruction of the inner enclosure wall of the pyramid complex of Senwosret iii at Dahshūr after arnold, the pyramid complex of senwosret iii at dahshur, 23, fig. 2

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How Djoser’s Wall Came to Influence Coffin Decoration at Dayr al-Barshā

After reviewing the information collated on the preceding pages, it seems likely that the designers of the pyramid complex of Senwosret iii took their inspiration from Djoser’s complex nearby. This idea was subsequently adopted by the artists who decorated one of the coffins of the royal scribe Djehutihotep, as well as the one that lady Ankhu took over from the nomarch Djehuti[…]. It is, nevertheless, intriguing that the phenomenon is encountered only on those two private coffins. What could have motivated the exceptional choice of this ornamentation for those coffins? The owner of coffin B7C was a “scribe of the king’s document”. Such officials were responsible for writing down royal commands and decrees, something that happened at the royal court.36 This implies they were members of the court, and as such they must have witnessed the design and construction of the pyramid complex of Senwosret iii, and may have known about the royal sarcophagi. This may have given them the idea to have their own coffins decorated with the ‘Djoser style’ motif that was being developed at the court. Alternatively, coffin B7C may have been commissioned by the king for Djehutihotep. There is at least one other case, from the national capital at al-Lisht, where a late twelfth dynasty coffin was clearly a royal present.37 In the case of coffin B14C, matters are less easy to interpret, as the identities of both the original coffin owner (Djehuti[…]) and the second (the lady Ankhu) are unclear. It is known, however, that the original owner was a nomarch. For professional reasons, such officials must have been regular guests at the court. In the case of the nomarchs of the Hare nome of the later twelfth dynasty, there is detailed evidence of a connection with the royal court. A text in the statue niche of the tomb of the nomarch Djehutihotep explains that the governor did not succeed his father in the office, but followed his paternal grandfather Nehri ii.38 The text presents the succession as a special royal favor to Djehutihotep’s father Kay, and gives detailed information about Kay’s functions. He was a “lord” and “overseer of priests of Khasenwosret” (ḥꜣ.ty-ꜥ i҆m.yr ḥm.w-nṯr Ḫꜥi҆-S-n-Wsr.t).39 36 37

38 39

See for this type of official Grajetzki, Die höchsten Beamten, 169–177. Gautier and Jéquier, Mémoire sur les fouilles de Licht, 83, fig. 102. On the coffin reproduced here, the owner states: “As regards this coffin, it was the king who [gave] it to me as […], as ‘an offering which the king gives’ ”. The text does not mention that two other nomarchs had intervened. They were his father’s brothers Djehutinakht vi and Amenemhat. Newberry, El Bersheh i, pl. 33.

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Khasenwosret was the name of the pyramid town of Senwosret i at alLisht.40 Kay must, therefore, have lived in that town, which at the time was Egypt’s capital. Djehutihotep is likely to have grown up there as well. Although his family had its roots in the Hare nome, this aspect of his biography suggests that he must have frequented the royal court. That this is probably not a mere conjecture is clear from the fact that the earliest title in his tomb refers to him as “foster child of the king”, the monarch in question being Amenemhat ii.41 It is likely then that this refers to a court upbringing. Both this and his father’s high office at al-Lisht, suggests very close ties between the twelfth dynasty nomarch’s family and the royal court.42 The reason that the nomarch Djehuti[…] owned a coffin decorated in a style that included elements also found in royal buildings and burial equipment from the pyramid complex of Senwosret iii, may be readily explained by these close ties. 6.1 The Owner of Coffin B14C These considerations raise questions about the identity of the original owner of coffin B14C. Pierre Lacau was able to make out traces of the owner’s name. He wrote: “Partout le premier nom a été effacé. On a gratté le bois assez profondément puis on a bouché ce grattage avec du plâtre sur lequel on a peint le nom nouveau. Le nom primitif était très probablement d’ après les traces encore visibles: est sûr”.43 Edward Brovarski deduced from this that B14C “was originally made for the ḥꜣty-ꜥ, ḫrp ns.ty, wr 5, Ḏḥwty-nḫt”.44 Concerning the fact that his coffin was later taken over by the lady Ankhu, Brovarski made the observation that Newberry’s tomb 6 at Dayr al-Barshā had belonged a man “Djehutinakht whom Ankh[…] conceived”.45 He concluded by suggesting that “it is possible that Djehutynakht (…) is identical 40

41

42

43 44 45

Theis, Corpus Pyramidum Aegyptiacarum, 98–99 (No. 106). According to Theis, the pyramid of Senwosret ii had the same name, however, he did not provide any evidence to this effect, and neither did Verner, the only author that Theis cited. All other authors cited by Theis agree that the name of the pyramid of Senwosret ii is unknown. Newberry, El Bersheh i, pl. 5. Relief fragments from the tomb of Djehutihotep found by the Dayr al-Barshā project team show that the tomb once had a long autobiographical text, of which only small fragments have been found. The fact that these fragments refer to Heliopolis and the Memphite region seem to suggest that Djehutihotep was active in that part of the country. It should be noted that the son of nomarch Amenemhat, the scribe of the king’s document Sepi, must also have worked at the court. As noted above, Amenemhat was in office between nomarch Nehri ii and Djehutihotep. Lacau, Sarcophages antérieurs au Nouvel Empire, 74, n. 1. Brovarski, “Ahanakht of Bersheh and the Hare nome”, 25. Griffith and Newberry, El Bersheh ii, 36.

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with the owner of tomb 6, and buried his mother in a coffin originally intended for his own burial”.46 In the current author’s subsequent work on Middle Kingdom coffins, no reason was found to oppose this identification, although it was made clear that Brovarski’s dating to the later years of Senwosret iii’s reign or even the reign of Amenemhat iii was not rock-solid, and that earlier datings could also be proposed (see p. 467 above). Too many things may, however, have been taken for granted. Firstly, Lacau only observed the element of the coffin owner’s name. The assumption that the man was called Djehutinakht, which Brovarski accepted as a fact, is by no means certain. Moreover, the block from tomb 6 that Newberry reported gives the reading . It can be seen that the name of the god Thoth in this spelling is very different from what Lacau apparently found on coffin B14C. The mother’s name may also have been longer than the preserved traces suggest, and may not have had the u-ending found in the name Ankhu on the coffin. Moreover, the text writes the expression mꜣꜥ ḫrw as , a disposition familiar from many relief fragments the current author’s team found in and around Newberry’s tomb 5. This is the tomb of Ahanakht i, datable to the reign of Mentuhotep ii. In this tomb, a man called Djehutinakht was buried,47 and this name was borne both by Ahanakht’s father (‘Djehutinakht i’) and son (Djehutinakht iv). The Ahanakht tomb lies very close to Newberry’s tomb 6, and most of its reliefs were cut out when the tomb became a limestone quarry. It would not be surprising if the block Newberry discovered did not belong to tomb 6, but rather to the nearby tomb 5. The speculation cannot be resolved until the block resurfaces, but it seems at least possible that the text it bears refers to Djehutinakht i or iv, and that the mother of either of them was called Ankh[…]. In this case, the block from tomb 6 can have no possible relevance for interpreting the ownership of the much later coffin B14C. Apart from coffin B14C, or rather Brovarski’s interpretation of its texts, there is no evidence whatsoever to suggest that a nomarch succeeded Djehutihotep in office. The current suggestion to date the owner to a period just before Djehutihotep (see p. 467) is similarly unsupported by any hard evidence. Moreover, that was the period when Kay’s brothers Djehutinakht and Amenemhat held the nomarchy,48 and their coffins are of a type and style of execution that is completely different from that of B14C. Stated differently, if the name of the 46 47

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Loc. cit. Willems, “Die Grabkammer des Djehutinakht (i.?) in Dayr al-Barshā—Methodologische Aspekte der Rekonstruktion des Ablaufs des Bestattungsrituals anhand eines neuentdeckten Beispiels”, 133–170. For the pedigree, see Willems, Chests of Life, 71.

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original owner of B14C is read as Djehutinakht, then one is forced to assume there existed a nomarch for whom there is no other evidence. Considering the wealth of documentation about the nomarch’s family, this point is disturbing. This article has argued that the exterior decoration pattern on coffin B14C indicates that it dates to the reign of Senwosret iii. Its original owner had a name that began with the divine name Djehuti. The most elegant way to resolve the conundrum is to assume that Lacau’s suggested reading Djehuti[nakht] is incorrect, and to propose the alternative reading of Djehuti[hotep] instead. That nomarch fills all the requirements: he was in office during the reign of Senwosret iii, he had close links to the royal court, and the text in his statue niche describes his appointment to the nomarchy as an exceptional royal gesture. In his contacts with the residence, he may have become aware of the current court fashion with respect to funerary culture, which induced him to adopt Djoser’s wall ornamentation for his own coffin, or perhaps more likely, Senwosret iii himself may have honored Djehutihotep with such a notable coffin. Following this same reasoning, Djehutihotep may later have decided to transfer his own coffin to a deceased female member of his own entourage.

Acknowledgements The research reported here was funded by the Research Fund Flanders and the Special Research Fund of the University of Leuven.

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Theis, C. Corpus Pyramidum Aegyptiacarum. gm Beihefte 9. Göttingen: Seminar für Ägyptologie und Koptologie der Universität Göttingen, 2011. Willems, H. Chests of Life. A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins. mveol 25. Leiden: Ex Oriente Lux, 1988. Willems, H. “Review: Lapp, Günther, Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern von der 6. bis 13. Dynastie. Heidelberg, Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1993.” BiOr 54/1–2 (1997): 112–122. Willems, H. Historical and Archaeological Aspects of Egyptian Funerary Culture. Religious Ideas and Ritual Practice in Middle Kingdom Elite Cemeteries. chane 73. Leiden-Boston: E.J. Brill, 2014. Willems, H. “Grabkammer des Djehutinakht (i.?) in Dayr al-Barshā—Methodologische Aspekte der Rekonstruktion des Ablaufs des Bestattungsrituals anhand eines neuentdeckten Beispiels.” In Die Variation der Tradition. Modalitäten der Ritualadaptation im alten Ägypten. Akten des Internationalen Symposions vom 25.–28. November 2012 in Heidelberg, A.H. Pries, ed., 133–170. ola 240. Leuven-Paris-Bristol: Peeters, 2016. Willems, H. “The Rock Tomb of Amenemhat and the Chapel of Sepi at Deir al-Barsha. An Architectural Study.” in preparation. Zitman, M. The Necropolis of Assiut. A Case Study of Local Egyptian Funerary Culture from the Old Kingdom to the End of the Middle Kingdom. ola 180. Leuven-ParisWalpole: Peeters, 2010.

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