Matters of Fact in Jane Austen xp68kj46w
https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb33948.0001.001
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English Pages [334] Year 2012
Title Page
Copyright
Contents
Acknowledgments
Abbreviations
INTRODUCTION “History, real solemn history" in Austen
CHAPTER ONE “Quite unconnected” The Wentworths and Lady Susan
CHAPTER TWO Mapping Northanger Abbey to Find“ Old Allen” of Prior Park
CHAPTER THREE Touring Farleigh Hungerford Castle and Remembering Miss Tilney-Long
CHAPTER FOUR “The celebrated Mr. Evelyn” of the Silva in Burney and Austen
CHAPTER FIVE Hell-Fire Jane Dashwood Celebrity and Sense and Sensibility
CHAPTER SIX Persuasion’s Battle of the Books Baronetage versus Navy List
AFTERWORD Jane Austen’s Fictive Network
NOTES
INDEX
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© 2012 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. Published
2012
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
Johns Hopkins Paperback 9
8
6
7
4
5
2013
edition,
2
3
1
The Johns Hopkins University
Press
2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363
www.press.jhu.edu
The Library of Congress has cataloged the hardcover edition of this book as follows: Barchas, Janine.
Matters of fact in Jane Austen
:
history
location,
and
,
pages
celebrity / Janine Barchas.
cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN
978-1-4214-064.0-4 (hdbk.)—
ISBN 1-4214-0640-3 (hdbk.)— ISBN 978-1-4214-0731-9 (electronic)— ISBN 1.
1-4.214-0731-0 (electronic)—
Austen, Jane, 1775-1817—Knowledge— History.
Knowledge—Geography.
3.
Austen, Jane, 1775-1817—Family.
7.
England—In
century.
literature.
Austen, Jane, 1775-1817—
Austen, Jane, 1775-1817—Knowledge— Genealogy.
4,
9. Literature
2.
8.
5.
Setting (Literature)
Literature
6.
Names
in literature.
and history—Great Britain—History—19th
and society—England—History—i9th
century.
I.
Title.
PR4038.H5B37 2012 823'.7—dc23
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To Isaac
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.
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments Abbreviations
ix xill
Introduction. “History, real solemn history” in Austen 1
“Quite unconnected”: The Wentworths and
2
Mapping Northanger Abbey Prior Park
3
93
“The celebrated Mr. Evelyn” of the Silva in Burney 127
Hell-Fire Jane:
Sensibility
6
Find “Old Allen” of
Touring Farleigh Hungerford Castle and Remembering
and Austen 5
27
57
Miss Tilney-Long 4
to
Lady Susan
1
Dashwood
Celebrity
and Sense and
166
Persuasion’s Battle of the Books: Baronetage versus
Navy List
206
Afterword. Jane Austen’s Fictive Network
Notes
259
Index
309
255
Vil
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Writing in Austin on Austen has allowed
set of debts to family, friends, colleagues, institutions,
perts
who
First, I
assisted in person
want
to
and from
a whole
me to accumulate
new
and generous
ex-
afar.
thank Jocelyn Harris, whose suggestions, teachings,
and support have been crucial to this project. Her copious annotations on immature versions of nearly every chapter always improved and clarified—precisely because in her generosity she never pulled any punches. I
also benefitted greatly
proximity
made them
and
gratefully
from scholars
in Austin
easy targets for a myriad of requests, but
whose
whom
I
would have sought out
regardless.
Michael Charlesworth offered needed
on
Wentworth
Castle, as well as a tour of that land-
expertise
things
all
scape garden which proved a highlight of the research process. Lance Bertelsen found that he could not hide from my Austen queries even in his
and
own
idea.
from which
office,
I
emerged with many a borrowed book
William Scheick generously took his
sharpening and
editorial
pen
to
my prose,
clarifying.
Colleagues near and far read sections of chapters or listened to nascent ideas, offering suggestions or directing
me
to related materials
might never have discovered on my own. I am grateful to Samuel Baker, Linda Bree, Kevin Bourque, Thora Brylowe, Stephen Clarke,
that
I
Susan Allen Ford, Alan Friedman, James Garrison, Susan Heinzelman, Thomas Keymer, Juliet McMaster, Lisa Moore, Cedric Reverand, and the
anonymous reviewers
at Eighteenth-Century Life
Studies. Specific thanks are
due
and Review ofEnglish
to Elizabeth Scala, for repeated steer-
ings in Chaucer studies; to Brian Boyd, for first directing kov’s papers in the
New York Public Library;
me
to
Nabo-
to Peter Sabor, for judicious
nudgings on Evelyn and Burney; to Kathryn Sutherland, for corrigenda on two chapters; to Sandy Lerner, for information about toll scarves; to
John LaFave,
Burney Newspaper database; and to organizing a magical conference at Wentworth Castle,
for trial access to the
Patrick Eyres, for
which featured
real as well as intellectual fireworks.
1X
A special shout-out is also due to those persons who, for several years, enthusiastically supported
and beyond
their job descriptions:
of Literature at the Harry glish Literature Libraries;
my project with resources and energies above Molly Schwartzburg, Cline Curator
Ransom Research
Center; Lindsey Schell, En-
and Women’s Studies Librarian
and Elizabeth
Cullingford, Chair of
at the University of Texas
my
English Department.
In addition, Daniel Brown, the force behind the Bath in Time website,
helped locate rare maps and images at different stages of the project, while Anne Buchanan, Local Studies Librarian at Bath Central Library, assisted in dating a key map’s features.
The earliest experiments
to test the ideas of this
book took place in the
classrooms of the University of Texas, particularly in
my
“Jane Austen
on Page and Screen” seminars for Plan II and my “Jane Austen on Location” classes for the Oxford Summer Program, housed at Brasenose and
Wadham Colleges. Mobius Liddell,
smith,
Clever undergraduates in these classes reaffirmed the
and teaching. Particular thanks are due to Teel whose intelligence animated multiple classes, and Katherine Hystrip of research
my undergraduate research
enhanced
apprentice for four glorious months of
productivity.
One
of the pleasures of working on Jane Austen has been the opportunity to also engage with a large number of her readers outside of tradi-
academic settings. Both the Jane Austen Society of North America and the Jane Austen Society of Australia have made me feel very wel-
tional
company. I especially want to thank Marsha Huff, Joan Ray, Elizabeth Steele, Susannah Fullerton, Kerri Spennicchia, and Gail Parker for facilitating opportunities of engagement and exchange.
come
in their vibrant
During
its
fragile nascent phase, this project
was generously sup-
ported by an American Council of Learned Societies Fellowship as well as a University of Texas Faculty
manities Research
Research Assignment in 2007-8.
Award from the
A Hu-
College of Liberal Arts helped defray
and travel during the last stages of the research. The illustrathis book were made possible by a University of Texas at Austin
incidentals tions in
Subvention Grant awarded by President William C. Powers,
Jr.
The proj-
was shepherded through the final stages of production by the most supportive of editors, Matthew McAdam, and copyeditor Barbara Lamb, ect
who proved
a
lioness of exactness.
Sections of Chapters 2, 3,
and
5,
now revised and extended, appeared
forms in the following publications, respectively: “Mapping Northanger Abbey: Or, Why Austen’s Bath of 1803 Resembles Joyce's in earlier
x
Acknowledgments
Dublin of 1904,” Review ofEnglish Studies 60.245 (2009): 431-59; “The Real Bluebeard of Bath: A Historical Model for Northanger Abbey,’ Persuasions 32 (2010): 115-34; and “Hell-Fire Jane: Austen and the Dash-
woods of West Wycombe,” Eighteenth-Century Life 33.3 (2009): 1-36. In addition, a handful of pages from the Introduction are reworked from an
article entitled “Artistic
Names
in Austen's Fiction:
Cameo Appear-
ances by Prominent Painters,’ Persuasions 31 (2009): 145-62.
and most importantly, I acknowledge that without the assistance of Isaac and Madison Barchas—suppliers of sustenance, purveyors of hope, and critics of Jane Austen in their own right—it would not have Finally,
been possible
to write
any part of this book.
Acknowledgments
xl
ABBREVIATIONS
DNB
Oxford Dictionary ofNational Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. On-line.
E
Emma.
Ed. Richard Cronin and Dorothy McMillan.
The Cambridge Edition of the WorksofJane Austen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005.
J
Juvenilia. Ed. Peter Sabor. The Cambridge Edition of the
Works of Jane Austen. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2006. Letters
Le Faye, Deirdre. Jane Austen’s Letters, 3rd Oxford University Press, 1995.
LM
Later Manuscripts. Ed. Janet Todd and Linda Bree.
ed. Oxford:
The Cambridge Edition of the Works of Jane Austen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.
MP
Mansfield Park. Ed. John Wiltshire. The Cambridge Edition of the Works ofJane Austen. Cambridge:
Cambridge University
NA
Press,
2005.
Northanger Abbey. Ed. Barbara M. Benedict and Deirdre Le Faye. The Cambridge Edition of the Works of Jane Austen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
P
Persuasion. Ed. Janet
P&P
Pride
Todd and Antje Blank. The Cambridge Edition of the Works ofJane Austen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
and Prejudice.
Ed. Pat Rogers. The Cambridge
Edition of the Works ofJane Austen. Cambridge:
Cambridge University
SES
and Sensibility.
Press,
2006.
Edward Copeland. The Cambridge Edition of the Works of Jane Austen.
Sense
Ed.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
xlil
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
INTRODUCTION
“History, real
“T
solemn history’
can read poetry and plays, and things of that
dislike travels.
But history,
real
solemn
history,
sort,
in
Austen
and do not
cannot be interested
I
in.
Can you?” “Yes, “IT
I
wish
am fond I
were
of history.”
too.
I
read
it
a
little
that does not either vex or weary me.
as a duty, but
The
The speeches that
at all—it is
me nothing and
quarrels of popes
with wars or pestilences, in every page, the
and hardly any women it odd that it should be
it tells
men
all
so
good for nothing,
very tiresome: and yet
so dull, for a great deal of it
I
often think
must be
invention.
are put into the heroes’ mouths, their thoughts
designs—the chief of all this must be invention, and invention delights
me in
is
and
what
other books.” (NA, 109-10)
EXTENT, T° A SIGNIFICANT solemn “real
kings,
Jane Austen creates her novels out of the
history” dismissed here
by her heroine Catherine Mor-
land in favor of “invention.” Family tradition has
it
that, in contrast to
own reading in history “was very extensive”
the naive Catherine, Austen’s
and “her memory extremely tenacious.” In fact, scholars continue to find moments in Austen’s fictions that reward knowledge of events and people from the English historical record. Emerging from the number of such discoveries in recent years sits
is
a historical specificity to Austen’s work that
uneasily astride her long-standing reputation for timelessness and
transparency. In spite of a universality that
lies at
appeal, her plots, brimful of historically suggestive often flow from historical
fact.
Austen, in short,
the heart of Austen’s
names and
locations,
may play confidently with
the tantalizing tension between truth and invention that characterizes the realist novel. This book examines that tension in her work.
By unearthing Austen’s historical references to real-world locations, events, and celebrity families in her fiction, I aim to resituate her work nearer to the stout historical novels of her contemporary Sir Walter Scott, or even the encyclopedic reach of modernist James Joyce, than
narrow domestic and biographical readings that still charactermuch of Austen studies. If I can prove that her fictions persistently
to the ize
allude to real people
and locations—from
high-profile politicians
and
1
outrageous Regency celebrities to important locations and events in England’s war-torn history—such historical allusions into her novels
and
creative process. Austen’s
has led to a unique ahistoricism in like
may offer new insights
critical
unique reception history approaches to her work. Un-
Shakespeare, Scott, or Joyce, Austen was not popular in her
lifetime.
Her first posthumous
flush of popularity, in the
own
wake of Richard
1833 reprintings, left her Victorian audience unable or unwilling to decipher her allusions to the celebrity gossip and political history of her turn-of-the-century era. Like those Victorian critics who first celBentley’s
read Austen out of time. Ironically, her supposed timelessness has fed her continuing popularity, making Austen ebrated her genius,
we
still
the perfect object for the ahistoricism of highly theoretical scholars and
popular readers
dous insights into historical
ing
While both types of readers have offered tremenher work, it is time to reexamine Austen through the
alike.
methodologies routinely applied to other great writers. Build-
upon the claims and
discoveries of a recent generation of critics at-
tuned to Austen’s historical reach,
want to join the perennial challenge to that lingering image of Jane Austen as a cloistered rectory daughter, innocent of larger social and political events—a somewhat misogynistic I
popular misconception that stubbornly refuses to ten as an active participant in what historians
die. Instead, I see
now describe
Aus-
as the
emergence of celebrity culture. By situating Austen more concretely in her contemporary milieu, and by heeding her own clues to history, I hope
to prove, ironically, that she
was even more modern than
today’s “Cult
of Jane” allows.
In 1923, Austen’s sitive to
first
serious editor, R.
W. Chapman, was
problems posed by her historical
specificity.
On
already sen-
the one hand,
he knew that “Jane Austen was singularly scrupulous in her regard for accuracy in those parts of her fiction which were grounded on fact— such as dates and places.”
He
even acknowledges that she worked with
calendars and “took great pains to
Concerts in her Bath novels for example.?
On
fall
make her
dates mutually consistent.”
“always on the right days of the week,”
the other hand, he omitted editorial notes about his-
warning how she “clings to reality in a way which might argue poverty of invention.” Even though Chapman dismisses such critiques as “absurd,” he seems acutely aware that any
torical accuracy
from
his edition,
Austen might mar her reputation for imaginative achievement.* Wordsworth had indeed objected to Austen for being a mere copyist, judging her pictures as too editorial apparatus indexing the historical facts in
2
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
to qualify as art because not “clarified, as
were, by the pervading light of imagination.”®> Chapman’s cautious reluctance to annotate close to
life
Austen’s historical tus as
method may have been
his
it
way of defending her
sta-
an Imaginative genius.
Now, with Austen’s reputation robust enough tion of her scrupulous realism, recent scholarship
edge her abiding interest in
history.
to withstand recogniis
starting to acknowl-
This book therefore makes grateful
use of the cornucopia of scholarly findings about Austen’s local deploy-
ment
of historical
moments and
facts, all
the while leaning
upon her
strong editorial legacy. Partly by corralling prior scholarly insights about local allusions
and
historical references,
I
hope
to demonstrate
anew
the profound historicism and geographical specificity that cut across her
work. In spite of the mature scholarly impulse to overcome Chapman’s
Jane Austen to her own time in modern ediher gestures toward an earlier British history—her historiogra-
reluctance tions,
and
historicize
were—remain comparatively ring-fenced into footnotes and individual readings. While biographers and critics acknowledge Austen’s
phy, as
it
understanding of history, citing as evidence for early reading habits her own juvenile “History of England,” as well as her marginalia in a copy of Oliver Goldsmith’s History ofEngland (1771), an inclination to interpret
her fictions through her biography, rather than her knowledge of history, persists.
Woodhouse in Yorkshire: the estate dates back to at least the thirteenth century, when Robert Wentworth married a rich heiress named Emma Wodehouse. Their Consider, for example, the history of Wentworth
Yorkshire family so prospered that in 1611
baronetcy under James
I,
its
senior line achieved a
while the sister of this
the heir of the wealthy D’Arcy family.
The
first
baronet married
eldest son of that
same
first
Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, the ill-fated minister of Charles I. When he came into the family estate of Wentworth Woodhouse in 1614, it was already worth £6,000 per annum, a sum baronet was
judged in an 1815 history book as
“a very
ample patrimony
at that time.”
When Thomas Wentworth was
executed as part of the king’s final and desperate attempt to appease Parliament, the Wentworth Woodhouse estate was confiscated. With the Restoration, however, it was returned
to Strafford’s eldest son,
William Wentworth. But when William died
without issue in 1695, the family wealth transferred to the children of
Anne Wentworth, wife to the head of the Watson family. In December 1750, when Charles Watson, heir to these princely estates,
his sister,
Introduction
3
succeeded his father as the second Marquess of Rockingham, he became
one of the wealthiest peers in England. His annual income for that year is calculated at over £20,000, “which probably at least doubled over the following thirty years.’ Charles Watson-Wentworth, having added his
maiden name
own, was twice elected prime minister of England, but he died unexpectedly in 1782, just after his second election, childless at age fifty-two. The sudden extinction of the Marquessate mother’s
to his
Rockingham meant that the combined fortunes of the Woodhouses, Wentworths, and Watsons transferred to the next of kin, the Fitzwilof
liams, during I
am
Jane Austen’s girlhood.
not the
first
to notice
how
a
summary
history of one of En-
most prominent political families features the standout names of protagonists from Pride and Prejudice (hero Fitzwilliam Darcy), Emma gland’s
Emma
Woodhouse), Persuasion (heroine’s married name is Anne Wentworth), and even Austen’s fragmentary novel The Watsons (heroine
(so ily).
named by
her
nephew
in 1871 because
it
focuses
on a Watson fam-
In 1953, Donald Greene reflected on the “interesting ‘coincidences’”
between these fictions.®
He
historical
names from the peerage and those
also suggested that in the juvenilia
in Austen’s
“names of great fami-
more frequent and more obvious” (Greene, 1021). Yet even Greene may have underestimated the manner in which English history, particularly eighteenth-century history, suffused and inspired Austen’s choices of names and settings. Austen’s deep concentration on the history of the Wentworth family extends much further than Greene traced, lies
are even
perhaps because he was hindered by the day. Building
upon Greene’s
politics of historiography in his
initial insight
into Austen’s methodology,
her profound historical awareness, and her daring use of famous names from the peerage, I explore how wider notions of English history might further enrich an interpretation of Austen’s
method
as well as challenge
established readings of her work. In the case of Austen’s enduring inter-
Wentworths, for example, a broader historical context for that family not only connects a greater number of her fictions than Greene aligns but may also solve a specific interpretive conundrum est in the Yorkshire
within Austen scholarship by fixing a more precise date to the composition of Lady Susan.
Austen’s deployment of famous ture, a
phenomenon
names presupposes a
that scholars have
now
celebrity cul-
accepted as active in her
Leo Braudy’s book The Frenzy ofRenown: Fame and Its History (1986), which surveyed fame as a historical constant from Alexan-
time. Since
4.
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
der the Great to Marilyn Monroe, the history of celebrity culture has
come under the
closer scrutiny
by
scholars.
According to theater historians,
generation of celebrities emerged in Britain in the 1660s,
first
actresses
and mistresses orbiting the court of Charles
II
when
attained a star
was aggressively promoted beyond their theatrical performances and public appearances.’ This emergent celebrity culture was fully operational by the 1690s, with flamboyant portraits, especially those by Peter Lely, enjoying wide circulation as engravings. Additional printed status that
from naughty broadsheets to fully endorsed autobiographies, also fanned the flames of fame. Ambulance-chasing booksellers and publishfare,
including most famously the “unspeakable”
ers,
on a thriving print market
Edmund
Curll,
spurred
for gossip in the popular press of the eigh-
teenth century, exploiting, stimulating, and even creating the condition of being
much
talked of that
is
the defining feature of celebrity. True
opposed to temporary notoriety or
local fame, implies a
far-reaching reputation, a condition that outpaces
and outlasts local gos-
celebrity,
as
In his “Introduction” to Romanticism
sip.
1850,
Tom Mole
and
Celebrity Culture, 1750-
contends that the Romantic period “witnessed a slow,
the nature of fame.’ For the purposes of considering Austen’s fascination with high-profile names, either of these diffuse,
but significant
shift in
modern celebrity—whether 1660 or 1750—allows her access to an emergent multimedia phenomenon now hailed as celebrity culture. The “deep eighteenth century,’ as Joseph Roach labels
new
starting points for
argue that Austen, in her choices of famous names and settings, dared to reference the this period of
emergence, brought us the
“it”
factor." I
“abnormally interesting people” of her past and present whom we now term celebrities.’? Rather than eschew celebrity associations, Austen em-
braced memories conjured up by her redeployment of famous names, apparently delighting in upending and redirecting established associations.
Most importantly, the enormous
I will
creative energies that, as
show, Austen put into the siphoning off of celebrity appeal
may
reflect
her authorial ambitions for the type of audience she wished to court with
her
fiction.
skill in
As an
artist,
Austen seems
to have
terms of recognizable plays on the social
If Austen’s stories are a
hybrid of fact and
work of
been keen
to prove her
field of her time.
fiction, history
and
story,
Walter Scott in ways not yet fully they may recognized. While scholars generally credit Sir Walter Scott with the anticipate the
Sir
invention of the so-called proper historical novel, Austen may, in her own unique manner, have pioneered a prototype. Large cultural debates
Introduction
5
about the nature of history at the turn of the century prepared readers for what Scott undertook with his brand of historical fiction. Similarly,
Austen
delicately crafted a hybrid of history
in a subtle
way what
Scott accomplished in a
and the
more
novel, anticipating
direct,
blunt manner.
own approach when comparing it to Bow-wow strain I can do myself like any now going;
In his journal, Scott disparaged his Austen’s: “The Big
but the exquisite touch which renders ordinary commonplace things
and characters timent
is
interesting
denied to
acknowledge
me.”
from the truth of the description and the sen-
Scott’s self-deprecating
how Austen’s work—with
its
comparison may tacitly
shared allusions
to, as I will
show, England’s medieval history and Yorkshire Wentworths—quietly mirrors his
No was felt
own historical mastiff.
reader of this book can be
at the start of
approach than
I
a student of the eighteenth century,
I
more
my project. As
resistant to
my
distracted while rereading Austen’s novels
by many bits of historical famous eighteenth-century personages. At
trivia,
including parallels to
first I
dismissed such echoes of
my
incidences, forcing myself to put
eighteenth-century interests as co-
them
aside as out of step with Austen’s
contemporary Regency world. For example, in the context of eighteenthcentury studies, the mention of a rich Mr. Allen in Bath, the horticultural emphasis of a story called Evelyn, or the appearance of odious Dashwoods, whose misguided “improvements” to their landscape garden mark their villainy, all initiate associations with famous families from English history that
I
dutifully
shook
off.
Eventually
I
began
to question
peated dismissals of such supposed historical coincidence:
my re-
was my knowl-
edge of the eighteenth century truly such a hindrance, or might it be a help? Only Greene, a fellow eighteenth-century scholar, treats such coincidences in Austen’s
names
as
genuine and serious historical references.
Yet Peter Knox-Shaw’s recent book Jane Austen
and
the Enlighten-
ment (2004) shows how much Austen absorbed of eighteenth-century literature and philosophy through her extensive reading. If, I asked myJane Austen was a keen student of eighteenth-century culture, an amateur historian of a prior age as well as an acute observer of her presself,
might her references to an immediate past have gotten lost in the hyperspecialization of academic discourse, in which Austen—born in ent,
1775, writing actively in the 1790s,
and not published
until 1811—is
most
often written about by experts specializing in nineteenth-century litera-
dormant until Richard Bentley 1833 as part of his Standard Novels series, did the
ture? Since Austen’s fame lay relatively
reprinted her works in
6
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
well-documented delay in her references by further torical facts
some of Austen’s widening the gap between her novels and the hisinitial
popularity muffle
and events that she reworked?
When the Literary
in response to Bentley’s reissues, reviewed Austen’s stories were, as
work
Gazette,
in 1833, her
William Galperin observes, nostalgically lamented as
“absolute historical pictures” of a bygone era." If Austen already
seemed
that remote in 1833, might she be better understood in the context of the
and events of the late eighteenth century? My exploration of these questions, which challenge the temporal categories of my profeshistory
sion while also probing Jane Austen’s historical method, generated this
book.
Historicizing
and Mapping Austen
Austen scholarship has come a long way since 1917, when Reginald Farrer praised the “hermetically sealed” worlds of Austen’s fictions Luckily,
as “always concerned only with the universal, lar” Austen, rejoiced Farrer, “can never
and not with the
particu-
be out of date, because she never
any particular date.” Now, a century later, a thriving industry in the historicizing of Jane Austen exists—and along three dimensions:
was
in
contextual reconstructions, editorial interventions, and theoretical historiographies.
The
first
category includes the
many fine
scholarly works
devoted to a range of important contextual topics, from landscape aesthetics and economics to turn-of-the-century consumer culture, the navy,
and the theater—each providing a
detailed historical context for
a Regency view of Austen’s works.’® Collections such as Jane Austen in
Context (2005) and A Companion
to
Jane Austen (2009) bundle
schol-
on medicine, painting, architecture, clergy, food, education, money, rank, and politics—providing a panoramic historical context.” In the popular market, too, books such as What Jane Austen Ate and arly essays
Charles Dickens Knew:
From Fox Hunting to Whist respond
to the gen-
heed the Regency details of her novels.'8 To all this is almost-daily added historical data on the Web, where nothing is considered too insignificant for the true devotee—from recieral reader's desire to responsibly
pes of the foods Austen ate to patterns for the dresses she wore and the quilt she helped to sew. No matter how focused or ambitious, these historical reconstructions are of a piece, sharing in the belief that
and
historical context of her
tation of Austen. That faith
a material
time will illuminate or enrich an interpreis
most palpable
in the village of
Chawton
Introduction
7
itself,
where the Jane Austen House
the recently restored rial
Museum and the scholarly library at
Chawton House embody the
historical
and mate-
impulse behind Austen studies.
As
for historically responsible editing, Vivien Jones
the notes and dice just
how
Penguin edition of Pride and Prejufar the editing of Austen had come by 1996. As she ex-
commentary
to her
plains, prior generations of critical ten’s
demonstrated in
emphasis on the universality of Aus-
themes, her so-called “timelessness,” prevented annotation.9 In the
1970s,
fifty
years after
Chapman, Tony Tanner
still
argued that extensive
notes were unnecessary since “references to topical events or other writers” “are
almost totally suppressed” and “the overall impression given
by the book is of a small section of society locked in an almost timeless present in which very little will or can change.””° Tanner's edition offered only four explanatory notes to the whole of Pride
and Prejudice under
the auspices of tenderly preserving that transparency. Jones,
on the other hand, saw the need
for historically
informed an-
notations to unlock Austen’s wit. In one such annotation, she identifies the “jokey” allusion to Sir Joshua Reynolds (1723-92), the portraitist, in the
who
name
takes the heroine
greatest
of the Pemberley housekeeper, Mrs. Reynolds,
ona tour of the
informative annotations have
estate's portrait “gallery.’”!
grown exponentially
remain cautious about attaching
editors
era’s
in
modern
While
editions,
historical allusions to Austen’s
choice of names. For example, although Paula Byrne convincingly evi-
dences the contemporary stage pedigree of the names Crawford and Yates, thus showing how Austen flaunts her concrete theatrical knowl-
edge in a novel that stages a
play, these
names
are not glossed in sub-
sequent editions of Mansfield Park as likely invoking famous actors.”? John Wiltshire, for example, still maintains that Austen’s reference to “Mr. Repton” in the torical
person in
same work is
though not unique, use ofa his[Austen’s] novels.’ Even the best of Austen’s modern “a rare,
editors, in other
words, remain hesitant about her
real people. This
is
ability to reference
understandable in light of an Austen family tradition
that protested against the influences of specific personalities
and people
upon her work.
Ann Barrett, who professed to have befriended Jane Austen during the Chawton years, famously recollected how the author resisted the easy identification of her characters with real people: “I am much too proud of my own gentlemen ever to admit that they are merely Mr A. or Mrs.
Major
8
|
C.’**
Both the touch of pride and the
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
telling “merely” in Austen’s
denial allow for a possible equivocation about a charge that
Henry Aus-
ten feels compelled to defend his sister against in his biographical notice
drew from nature; but, whatever may have been surmised to the contrary, never from individuals” (P, 330). Although Jane prevaricates and Henry exaggerates, neither tells an outright lie—not exactly. Austen, who plucked so many of her character names from the ancestral of 1817: “She
trees of genuine families,
was not
describing particular people
satirizing “individuals” in the sense of
whom
she
knew
knew
or
of,
but building
her stories out of names and locations that resonated with popular na-
and
tional cess
local history. Nonetheless, the subtlety of her historical pro-
must have made
it
difficult, at
when the Romantics so prized of copying too much from life.
a time
original genius, to stave off accusations
Writing in the unique space between the immediacy of the satirical tellall literature of the eighteenth century and the temporal remove made possible I
hope
by the
historical novel of the nineteenth,
to show, hyperrealistic, historically
based
Jane Austen created,
combine
fictions that
elements of both types.
As aresult of a scholarly
reticence that has dutifully aligned itself with
family tradition, local tracings of likely celebrity or historical personages remain scattered across scholarly articles on different Austen-related topics, rather
strable
than gathered together for a reader to judge her demon-
and consistent
historicism. Nonetheless, the increasing
number
of recent articles that place interpretive pressure on a leading name or identify a celebrity portrait in Austen’s fictions suggest an emergent historicism in Austen studies.”° Such sensitivity to historical resonances
does not insist myopically upon her characters as “merely Mr A. or Major C.” or deny Austen her artistry, as Henry feared. Austen certainly did not write mere romans a historical associations of
her
clef.
The manner
in
stories’ settings into
which she
folds the
the minute realism
which she has long been famous merely widens the scope of her ambition, enhancing her extraordinary accomplishment and daring. I
for
contend that part of her daring realism rests precisely upon her choices of historical names for her characters. While her family fearfully and repeatedly stressed as
an
artist
how she wanted “to
may show
herself at her
historian-turned-novelist.
Over the
create not to reproduce,’
most
creative
Austen
and ambitious
as a
*°
acknowledgments of Austen’s change the course of Austen studies. In 1998,
last fifteen years or so, fresh
historicism have
begun
to
Devoney Looser hailed a more
historical turn in
an essay entitled “Read-
Introduction
9
ing Jane Austen
and Rewriting ‘Herstory. ”*” Celebrating (perhaps
prematurely) that “the
critical
heyday of Austen’s ahistoricism
slightly is
now
Looser welcomed a new wave of criticism in which “Austen as a writer concerned with history has arrived.”? Her own work
happily behind
does
much to
us,”
realize this promise, for
Looser examines “how Austen po-
sitioned her texts in relation to historiographical trends novels,’ in order to reveal the
and to
historical
gendered attitudes prevalent in Austen’s
day with regard to history’s uneasy relationship to fiction.?’ Similarly, William Galperin, in The Historical Austen (2003), examines the hismediation of her novels, even tendering a chapter on Austen as a “chronicler of the everyday” and a “historian” reacting to the shoplifting trial of her aunt.®° Galperin vigilantly pivots between Austen’s own
torical
historical impulses
and those he
identifies in readers
who
nostalgically
mixing recorded responses to Austen with his assessment of the author’s personal stance toward the past. He particularly
consume her attends to
stories,
moments
of fictional retrospection in light of the appreciative
nostalgia for the world depicted in her stories. In their separate ways,
Looser and Galperin each emphasize tory” inaugurated
by Robertson and
how
the
Hume was
new
“philosophical his-
of particular interest to
Remarkably, both stay far clear of the events-based schoolbook history eschewed by Catherine Morland, probing Austen’s
Austen
as a reader.
novels not for historical personages or events but for larger historical gestures and sympathies.
Looking back on
same topic in 2009, Looser rightly assumes a tone of accomplishment: “Nowadays it may seem difficult to fathom, but Jane Austen was once branded an ahistorical writer.’*! This is because, in the wake of Looser and Galperin, others have taken to examining Austen “in reference to things that are old,’ in relation to “the past and its remembrance (or suppression),” and in light of “relics,” both architectural and corporal, found in her stories.*? Among the many critics examining Austen’s views toward history and historical events, a few have begun this
to take note of historical allusions in her “choice of character names,”
observing, for example, in Persuasion, while in
how
Sir
Emma
Walter alludes to the Strafford family
“the
name
Fairfax resonates of the civil
war parliamentary commander, and in case we miss the point, her father turns out to be a valiant army officer.’?’ Interestingly, however, even those
who
leading
attend to Austen’s historical sensitivity do not tend to see such
names
as evidence of a larger historical
for example, concludes that
10
method. Daniel Woolf,
“Wentworths and Fairfaxes
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
aside,
her pages
are not full of references to historical characters.”** Yet a historical ap-
proach to Austen's choice of surnames understanding of the social and too,
artistic
prove essential to a fuller implications of her work. Looser,
may
laments that “even in Northanger Abbey, in which history
mented on directly
among
com-
I
form... there are few explicit references hope to lessen such critical disappointment by
many more
“explicit” historical allusions, tracing patterns
as a written
to historical events.”*>
unearthing
is
Austen’s choices of
names
as well as settings that point to a sus-
tained historical method.
When
it
comes
to spotting patterns, Franco Moretti has
brought the
mapping of novels back into vogue with his Atlas of the European Novel, 1800-1900 (1998). Although Moretti readily admits to his critics that his
approach
is
“not really geography... but rather geometry,’ his spatial
diagrams of the plots of nineteenth-century novels, including Austen’s, have forced scholars to reconsider spatial practices in
my own mapping method
While
fiction.?°
book is strictly geographical—using, for example, old maps of Bath and environs to track Austen’s charac-. ters through the roads of Northanger Abbey as they appeared in 1803— Moretti’s
the
in this
diagrammatic insights hold for
map is itself an explanation, may
bring
some hidden
plied to Austen, any insistence
approach: “Not that
of course: but at least,
the narrative universe which rearranges way, and
my own
its
it
offers
components
a model of
in a non-trivial
patterns to the surface.”*”
When
upon the importance of maps and
ap-
spatial
relationships resembles, surprisingly, the approach of her earliest edi-
According to Kathryn Sutherland, Chapman assiduously mapped locations and dates in the novels, working through suggestions from Artors.
thur Platt and Frank MacKinnon. Chapman’s folder of Emma materials includes “a sketch in Platt’s hand” of the major residences in the novel as well as calculations for distances, such as that
between Highbury and
manner Chapman tracked carriage rides the places and street names mentioned in Mans-
the Kingston road.** In such a in
Emma and penciled
Park on the back of a wartime list of British prisoners.*® Similarly, Vladimir Nabokov probed the minutely mapped surfaces
field
of Austen’s fiction in the 1950s. In the margins of his battered teaching
copy of Mansfield Park, Nabokov observed Austen’s handling of temporal and spatial distance. There and in his lecture notes, he drew charts, maps, and diagrams, made
of dates and character names, and calculated distances, incomes, or ages from the numerical information prolists
vided by Austen. Guided by Austen's descriptions, he
mapped the grounds
Introduction
11
at Sotherton Court, sketched a
barouche to determine the
spatial ar-
rangements of the characters in a carriage, and laid out the rooms of Mansfield with architectural confidence. He also sketched maps of England, including a small one in the top corner of his copy’s opening page, noting the locations of both real and imaginary places mentioned in the text, such as “Portsmouth,” “Huntingdon,” “Hampshire,” “London,”
“MP.
*°
Nabokov triangulated the presumed
Moretti-like,
Mansfield Park from the stated distances to real-world
location of
cities:
“120
m”
between MP and Portsmouth, “50” from Portsmouth to London, and “70 m’” from London to MP. He calculated from specifics of the story that the year of the “main action”
he arrived
at this date:
“The
was
“1808,” explaining in his lecture
ball at Mansfield
the twenty-second of December, and dars,
we will see that only in 1808
As a committed
lepidopterist
if
we
Park
held on Thursday
is
look through our old calen-
could 22 December
and
how
naturalist,
fall
on Thursday.“
Nabokov even underlined
the varieties Austen assigned to her trees, annotating in pen, then pencil, the scattered references to fruits, plants,
may be
kov’s annotations ests
and
curiosities as
and landscape
a fellow
artist,
all
but their quantity
insists
upon
his
her details are meaningful. In light of
Chapman, Nabokov, and Moretti, my own use of maps is,
Nabo-
deeply personal, marking his peculiar inter-
professional assessment that
in Austen’s art
features.*?
admittedly, not entirely new.
What I
to reveal patterns offer
is
a synthesis
of the individual conversations currently emerging about early celebrity culture,
about mapping novels, and about Austen’s profound interest in
history—conversations that have not yet had a chance to fully engage
with one another’s findings.
Two
critics
whose major contributions
to the recovery of a historical
Austen should not be overlooked are Marilyn Butler and Roger Sales. Butler’s Jane Austen and the War of Ideas was, in 1975, a timely and necessary jolt to the entrenched view of Austen as a sheltered reader and myopic thinker. With feminist rhetoric that sharply diverges from Greene's conservative historicism, Butler similarly challenged the cloistered view of Austen, providing a larger ideological context for her novels.
Butler’s
argument that Austen,
too,
should be read in the context of
the age’s political polemics against the excesses of Revolutionary and Na-
poleonic France
twenty years
made her book
later,
a landmark in Austen criticism. Nearly
in Jane Austen
and Representations of Regency En-
gland (1994), Roger Sales builds upon protest, yet again, the
12
Butler’s ambitious
argument to
continued scholarly pinioning and Victorian white-
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
washing of Austen. Sales
insists
upon Austen’s open
rather than clan-
destine engagement with, in particular, Regency presentations of masculinity,
dandyism, and
sexuality. Sales’s
account of the Regency
crisis
time uniquely troubled by uncertainties—generated by royal scandal and disease, celebrity affairs, healthcare restructuring, and wartime as a
more complex and gritty Regency world than seemed previously imaginable.
violations of local rule—paints a
picture of
Austen’s
Sales also
insists
upon
Austen’s knowledge of specific celebrities, including
who were discussed Finally,
Austen a
still
for their vices rather
some
than their virtues.
another valuable source on history,
celebrity,
and Jane
the recent body of work on the cult of Jane herself. Since 2000,
is
number
of books have examined the rise of Austen’s popularity, the
history of her scholarship,
What
and the
historically
determined perceptions
learned from the books that seize upon our modern cultural assessment of Jane Austen and her historical place in literary of her.*?
I
history confirmed
mined
acts. This,
my belief in reading and writing as historically deterin turn, added to my growing sense of her fictions as
similarly influenced by the historical pressures of her own time. After all, the dominant culture of celebrity that produced these books was firmly, if newly,
in place
when Austen wrote—even if the readership
that awards
Jane Austen superstar status and tirelessly tracks her biography does not always recognize that she, too, may have enjoyed reading about famous people.
Habits of Mind If
many
families
names of Austen’s fictional characters invoke famous and their histories, this demands a habit of mind. Might this of the
then also be
visible in
her letters? Unfortunately,
if
Jane Austen’s
letters
whose names she burned them in the purge
ever contained references to the high-profile families
borrowed
for her fictions,
Cassandra surely
and narrow cache of correspondence. cannot, therefore, be expected to contain ce-
that left posterity with a censored
Although surviving lebrity gossip,
I
believe they do, obliquely, support the idea that Austen
would be likely to they
letters
names with allusive importance, since scrutinized the names of those around her
invest her fictional
show how she habitually
for suggestive combinations. Already in her very first surviving letter,
written in January 1796,
and
significance in a
when Jane was
twenty-one, she finds
name: “What a funny name
Tom
humor
has got for his
Introduction
13
-
vessel!
names, as we well know, and I dare say himself” (Letters, 2). That ship was the Ponsborne, in
But he has no
he christened
it
which Cassandra’s
taste in
fiancé, the Rev.
Tom
Fowle, was about to depart for
West India campaign with Lord Craven. In response to Cassandra’s likely anxiety about the long voyage and campaign ahead—and indeed the sad news of Tom’s death at St. Domingo would come in the spring
the
of
1798—Jane
resorts to characteristic
humor
to put her older sister at
ease.**
Family witticisms about names occur frequently in the stance, in a breezy letter to Cassandra, written in
letters.
For in-
January of 1801, Jane
muses on the expectation of promotions for their sailor-brothers Frank, awaiting transfer to another ship, and Charles, an officer on the Endymion: “Eliza talks of having read in a Newspaper that all the 1% Lieut:s of the Frigates whose Captains were to be sent into Line-of-Battle ships,
were
to
be promoted to the rank of Commander—.
If
it
be
true,
M' Valentine may afford himself a fine Valentine’s knot, & Charles may perhaps become 1* of the Endymion” (Letters, 75). Mr. David Valentine was then is
first
a colloquial
on the Endymion. Since a “Valentine’s knot” euphemism for a wedding, Austen plays off the idea that lieutenant
a promotion to
commander might
marry and leave
his post conveniently vacant for Charles. Similar
play occurs in a subsequent of several
new and
letter,
enable or inspire Mr. Valentine to
word-
when Austen complains about the dye
refurbished gowns, lashing out at a Southampton
tradesman with a jibe on his name: “As for M' Floor, he is at present rather low in our estimation; how is your blue gown?—Mine is all to peices.—I think there must have been something wrong in the dye, for in places
it
divided with a Touch.—There was four shillings thrown away”
(Letters, 143).
The low blow
at
Mr. Floor resembles the bons mots in
“Love and Freindship,” that earlier piece of absurdist comedy written at age fourteen. As Peter Sabor observes, Austen puns there on the “staves” of a barrel as akin to the stays of a woman’s corset when she invents
“Gregory Staves a Staymaker’”
Name and word games
(J,
138 and 443).
were popular
in the
Austen household. The
correspondence comments on guessing baby names (“My Mother was
some time guessing the names”) and mentions passing the time devising “riddles” and “conundrums” for her young nephews (Letters, 139-40 and 150).*° Even as an adult, Jane continued to exchange charades and word puzzles with Cassandra. When she writes to Crosby & Company in the spring of
14
1809 to complain of their not having followed through
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
on the publication of her manuscript Susan, she picks the penname “M's. Ashton Dennis” so that she can defiantly close her letter with a play on her her
am
false initials: “I
poem “On the
Gentlemen, &c &c/
MAD”
(174). Conversely,
marriage of Mr. Gell of East Bourn to Miss
Gill” takes
vowel of the woman’s surname (LM, 253). A genuinely clever pun makes explanation redundant. Although Jane’s first surviving letter conveniently quips “what a funny name,” we cannot expect all her name play to be as blatantly glossed. delight in a
ceremony that
Sometimes, therefore,
it is
will alter only the
impossible to
implied or accidental: “Sweet
mas
M'
Ogle.
I
know for
certain if the joke
dare say he sees
all
is
the Panora-
for nothing” (Letters, 248).
It is
revealing of Austen’s habits of
mind
that, in
two cases of
self-
conscious riffing on the names of those around her, she immediately shifts to
to
own
fictions, as if
mind her own modus operandi
ter in
a
thinking about her
new
as author.
such
name games
bring
Take for example, the
let-
which Jane plays with the name of Knight and wonders about novel by
Mary Brunton:
“It gives
M* Knight's having had a tolerable
me
sincere pleasure to hear of
night at last—but
upon this occasion
wish she had another name, for the two Nights jingle very much.—We have tried to get Self-controul, but in vain.—I should like to know what I
am always half afraid of finding a clever novel too clever—& of finding my own story & my own people all forestalled” (Let-
her Estimate is—but
The sequence of ideas hints at a possible connection between the act of playing on a person’s name and Austen’s nagging fear that her novels will not be deemed original enough. Had she perhaps heard how a character named Mr. Wentworth appears in Self-Control (1811)? Was ters,
186).
that, too, part of the
reason she worried about “finding
& my own people
forestalled” in a “clever novel” like Brunton’s?**
all
my own
similar progression recurs just after the publication of Pride
story
A
and Preju-
when, in writing to Cassandra of the new governess employed by their brother Edward, she follows a pun with the decision to reveal her dice,
authorship to their niece Anna:
Miss Clewes seems the very Governess they have been looking for these ten years;—longer coming than J. Bond’s last Shock of Corn.—If she will
ter
but only keep
Good & Amiable &
than Clowes.—And
Clew a Nail?—Yes, dislike the
I
is
not
beleive
commission, you
I
it
a
Perfect!
—Clewes
& [sic]
is
bet-
name for Edward to pun on?—is not
shall
tell
Anna—& if you see her, & donot
may tell her for me.
(Letters, 205)*’
Introduction
15
Even is
if
the gap between the governess’s
name and
her
own anonymity
not bridged by punning, that Austen scrutinized even ordinary names
for linguistic quirks
and
associations, a family habit apparently shared
by Edward, cannot be doubted. Even cousin Eliza shared in this family trait: “I saw in the Papers this very Morning that one of Mrs. Wynch’s Sons
is
justice
Married to Miss Perfect of West Malling—[I ho ]pe the Lady does to her name.”**
when Jane Austen
Often, too,
writes about other people’s fictions she
comments upon invented names. For instance, her exchange with Cassandra about Hannah More’s novel Coelebs in Search of a Wife (1809) delineates her I
own
preference for the unpretentious name:
am not at all ashamed about the name of the Novel,
guilty of no insult towards your handwriting; the
saw, but could,
I
is
Dipthong
always
I
knowing how fond you were of adding a vowel wherever you attributed it to that alone—& the knowledge of the truth does
the book no service;—the only merit Caleb,
having been
it
could have, was in the
name
of
which has an honest, unpretending sound; but in Coelebs, there
pedantry
& affectation.—Is
it
written only to Classical Scholars?
(Letters, 172)
and annotating Anna Austen’s literary comments on that author's choice of names and
Typically again, after reviewing
manuscript, she similarly
their implications. “Lesley
of Rachael
of Anna’s is
is
as
much
names
is
really invaluable!
I
a noble name,’ Austen writes, “but the
as
—I
I
can bear”
(Letters,
never met with anything superior to it.—It
live
upon the name of Newton-Priors
do think you get on very
misses the criticism of others about Anna’s choices of
names and what they
der at his not valueing the
name
signal:
fast” (284).
work
is
de-
for a twelve-
She even
dis-
as insensitivity to her
“We have no
of Progillian. That
which he hardly ever can be quite competent
great right to
is
won-
a source of delight
to” (2777).
Even though
efforts
remains obscured by
reading works by others she scanned the
names of characters
Jane Austen’s true opinion of Anna’s literary irony, in
name
275 and 276).*9 Another one singled out for praise: “The name of Newton-Priors
lightful.—One could
month.—Indeed,
zs
meaning, and “delight.” If this was her habit, might she not have hoped that her readers would do the same? for creativity,
Maggie Lane, author of Jane Austen and Names (2002), a booklet devoted to the Christian names found in the later novels, has suggested that Austen, like any parent, picked even first
16
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
names
for her creations
based on their accumulation of cultural at first disagrees,
name
in
John Wiltshire
associations.®©°
arguing that “nothing in particular attaches toafirst
Jane Austen.”*!
He
urges that what Lane
calls
Austen’s “lim-
ited palette” of first
names simply reflects customary English practices.*? Nonetheless, even Wiltshire makes exceptions, insisting that in the case of Mansfield Park the name of Edmund “may have special significance” after all.°* Thus critics and readers oscillate between wanting to invest interpretive significance in a particular Austen name and fearing that such investment runs counter to the nature of her
This
critical
realist art.
unease recently met with another strong challenge as
names and
puns in the juvenilia, particularly the “The History of England,’ which was written, scholars agree, when Austen was fifteen. Recognizing that “a preoccupation with wordplay and regards the
historical
hidden meanings is a recurring feature,’ Annette Upfal suggests that the portraits which Cassandra drew into her sister’s historical satire are
encoded with veiled meaning.™ In their edition of “The History of England” for the Juvenilia Press (2009), Christine Alexander and Upfal ex-
pand upon the claims of Jan Fergus, who
initially
suggested in 1995 that
a few of Cassandra's small oval miniatures might resemble the Austen family. In this manner, Cassandra
members of
may not only mock the im-
poverished style of illustration found in Goldsmith’s History, her
acknowledged satirical the Austen circle.
target,
but
may do
so
by depicting
sister’s
real people in
Upfal and Alexander support their thesis, which claims resemblances for
all
of Cassandra’s illustrations, with computer imposition of extant
family silhouettes and portraits
upon Cassandra’s drawings. Based on these comparisons, they argue that Austen’s summary discussion of kings and queens was comically interpolated with recognizable portraits of namesakes: brothers Edward, Henry, and James Austen, for example, stand in for Edward VI, Henry V, and James I, respectively. Similarly, cousins Mary Lloyd and Edward Cooper may have served Cassandra as models for Mary I and Edward IV. Where first names are not a match for the collaborating sisters to
pun
on, resemblance alone
must argue
for
an encoded family reference. Upfal and Alexander insist that this is so with the images of Mary, Queen of Scots, and Elizabeth I, which they match to the profiles and portraits of young Jane and her mother. Upfal overreaches
when
she assigns “brutal” intent behind a Schiller-like jux-
Mary with “the hostile image” her evil foe and persecutor,”
taposition of a sympathetic portrait of Jane as
of “Mrs. Austen caricatured as Elizabeth,
Introduction
17
how
ignoring
Jane’s
tendency toward irony might imply precisely the
opposite.® Irrecoverable family dynamics aside, Upfal and Alexander’s
imposition of real portraits upon those drawn into the story unearths a family habit of layering English historical figures upon the present. I trace in Jane Austen’s fictions this selfsame habit of historical imposition
with words, although
I
consistently stress the public, rather than private,
meanings resulting from her reworkings of “real solemn
history” in her
stories.
Private Family History Although
I
fault
ing of Austen’s
some biographical art, I
criticism for cordoning off the
readily confess to exploring her
mean-
for contact
life
points with famous personages and distant locales—even those she
known to have visited. With
certain locations, such as Bath
is
not
and Lyme,
I
knowledge of a place and its history. As Park Honan remarks of Austen’s early time in Bath, house hunters and visitors notice
stress her personal
things that as
Honan
may go unobserved by long-time residents.®*° Her own travels,
reasons, inspired her talent for description.
Whenever
biog-
raphy does not place her in a setting or landscape, family history often does. As Greene pointed out for the Yorkshire Wentworths, distant family
connections link Jane Austen “through the Leighs and Cravens” to
the Fitzwilliams and the Wentworths (Greene, 1019). Even such “remote
connections” in certain
famous
Dashwood, Chapter
may have given Austen
5,
a personal reason to interest herself
families (1019). In the case of the
whom
I
his sister
infamous
discuss in the context of Sense
and
Sir Francis
Sensibility in
Rachel married Robert Austen of Kent, a distant
Ralph Allen’s building projects in Bath intersected with the investment schemes of
relation of the Austens. Similarly,
(discussed in Chapter 2)
Mrs. Austen’s great-uncle the
Duke
of Chandos. In such cases, too, Jane
Austen may have so valued her small personal stake
in another family’s
history that these connections did not appear so very “remote.”
As Greene
explains for the
Wentworths of Wentworth Woodhouse,
Jane Austen’s mother’s family, the Leighs of Adlestrop, were a collateral branch of the Leighs of Stoneleigh, occasionally dubbed “loyal Leighs”
and ennobled for their part in the Royalist cause during the Civil War. The Leighs thus could imagine themselves as having partly avenged the death of Thomas Wentworth, the original Earl of Strafford. In addition to sharing the Royalist politics of Wentworth Woodhouse, the Leighs
18
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
were
Watson branch through Eleanor Watson, sister to Thomas Watson Wentworth, the first of the Watsons to inherit the vast estate. Eleanor Watson, daughter of Anne Wentworth and Lord connected by marriage to
its
Rockingham, married a Lord Leigh of Stoneleigh. Jane Austen
vis-
grand house” of Stoneleigh Abbey with her in July of 1806.*’ “Stoneleigh appealed,” writes Park
ited the “almost impossibly
mother and Honan,
“to
sister
her sense of history and continuance.’ In light of Austen’s
confident fictional descriptions of a wide variety of estates and her est
knowledge of such places through her extensive reading,
it
mod-
may be
an overstatement to claim, as does Honan, that Stoneleigh was “the only house on the grandest English scale that she could feel connected with.” Yet,
he
is
surely right to notice
how “along with Godmersham Park it was
a main source for her ample fictional mansions.”** Fresh from their years of renting in Bath and facing an uncertain and threadbare future, the
Austen
women must
have been wide-eyed before the opulent galleries
of inner rooms displaying “ancestors in their ornate frames against dark
had already begun The Watsons and may have finished her fair copy of Lady Susan as early as its 1805 watermark allows, Jane Austen had yet to write her other novels starring characters whose names seem similarly plucked from the
paneling.”®® Although, according to family lore, she
ancestral galleries of great estates. Surely the visit to Stoneleigh height-
grandeur and history of such places. The unplanned stay at Stoneleigh in July of 1806 arose from much talk
ened her
interest in the
of family trees and lineage, which, irrespective of personal connections,
may have fed Austen’s interest in genealogy and history more generally. When the Austen women arrived at Adlestrop, in Gloucester, to visit Mrs. Austen’s first cousin, the Rev. Thomas Leigh, they heard of the death of their relative the Hon. Mary Leigh, a life tenant of Stoneleigh Abbey for twenty years who had never married. With her death, the Stoneleigh branch died out and, since various other Leighs in their own Adlestrop branch of the family had also passed away, Thomas Leigh thought himself the legal owner of Stoneleigh. “Advised to take posses-
accompany him into Warwickshire.’©> Under the provisions of an ambiguous will left by the last Lord Leigh, Mrs. Austen also hoped that her brother, Mr. James Leigh Perrot, sion quickly, he persuaded the Austens to
might gain a life
interest in the estate. In other words, the
gallery of Stoneleigh
cousins. will
seemed about
As Greene remarks,
“the
to
make room
grand portrait
for Jane’s uncles
unusual terms of the
last
caused a great deal of searching of pedigrees before
it
and
Lord Leigh’s could be de-
Introduction
19
member of the Leigh family was heir to Stoneleigh” (Greene, Ultimately, Stoneleigh did fall to Thomas Leigh, after extensive
cided which 1019-20).
discussion of family trees in which the
must have
Watson-Wentworth connection
featured. These discussions of the Leigh family tree in
1806
were also surely not the first time that Mrs. Austen spoke to her daughters about their ancestry.
Samuel Egerton Brydges provides the most extreme case of pedigree-searching in the Austen circle, especially for his claims on the Chandos peerage. Mrs. Austen's great uncle, James Brydges, was created the Sir
Duke
first
of
Chandos
loughby, which
may
in 1719.
The duke had married Cassandra Wil-
explain the profusion of Cassandras
among
their
descendants in the Leigh family, as well as young Jane Austen’s inter-
Willoughby name. The Chandos peerage officially became extinct in 1789, but Egerton Brydges “fought an epic battle to establish the claim to it,’ on behalf of first his elder brother and then himself (Greene, est in the
1020). Although Egerton Brydges officially lost this fight
was decided against him through to 1834 to
style
in
when the
case
1803 in the House of Lords, he continued
himself “Baron Chandos of Sudeley,’ an affecta-
known to Jane Austen
As Greene points out, Jane Austen’s early awareness of Egerton Brydges and his genealogical combat is virtually assured by the fact that he was the brother of Mrs. Lefroy, born Anne Brydges—Jane Austen’s principal friend and neighbor during the years
tion
(1020).
Egerton Brydges developed such an interest in the genealogy of the peerage that in 1808 he extensively revised and edited the “standard edition” of Arthur Collins’s The Peerage ofEngland. Greene at Steventon. Indeed,
remarks of
Collins, the original
how “No one accounts,
compiler of the eight-volume Peerage,
ever loved a lord more” (1021). But Egerton Brydges, by
was a match
for Collins in his tireless
all
and tiresome devotion to
the filigreed detailing of the peerage. Greene observes
how ina
letter
of
vacuous, remarking that she was spared disappointment because, unlike her father, she
1798 Jane Austen already
belittles “Egerton’s” style as
“expected nothing better” (Letters, 22).
ous Mr. Collins in Pride
The name
and Prejudice, a
of Austen’s obsequi-
straightforward allusion to the
newly reedited Peerage of 1808, probably mocks her own would-be tive’s
rela-
genealogical obsession.
Austen’s choice of
name
for
her most fusty example of snobbery,
Lady Catherine de Bourgh, suggests a comical association with Egerton Brydges, calculated to keep herself at an ironic distance from such sycophantic men. The name of de Bourgh may poke fun at the privilege
20
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
of the nobility from within,
for,
name Brydges was
age, the
as Collins informs readers of his Peer-
“anciently written Brugge, Bruges, Burgh,
Brigge, &c.’*' Egerton Brydges himself claimed that his “male stock”
was “baronial from the Conquest; ascending... to Johannes De Burgo (Monoculu), founder also of the House of De Burgh.’ Thus, Austen’s own relations claimed a
kind of de Bourgh pedigree. If Austen’s
critical portrait
of the obnoxious Lady Catherine de Bourgh targets Mrs. Lefroy’s brother
and his
supercilious insistence to
came from the grand house
all
who would listen that his
ancestors
of De Burgh, such an allusion
was a dangerous game for a single woman whose own future in 1813 depended largely upon her family’s good will and its network of “high” connections. Do other
names
in
Austen incur such personal
Reading Jane Austen
A borrowed
name
like
risk?
James Joyce pun, especially when the author identity and the old. Lest anyone
risks looking like a
plays with the frisson
between a new
names as a mere game, I would like to point out that her fondness for puns and suggestive names was shared by lightweights such as Shakespeare and Joyce. Samuel Johnson observed of Shakespeare’s puns that even “a quibble, poor and barren, dismiss Austen’s sport with historical
gave
him such
delight that he
of reason, propriety, to a clever
pun
was content to purchase it by the sacrifice and truth.”°? Austen never sacrifices verisimilitude
or historical allusion.
I
believe that, instead, a major part
names and facts that she lifts from history. To make use of a name from a legend, newspaper, or printed book for one’s fiction is surely a different authorial gesture from assigning characters the names of relatives and friends, as Austen’s biographers believe of her realism resides in the
she did.
James
Joyce, for instance, unabashedly consulted city directories
and
encyclopedias, a habit that enhanced his powerful reputation as a strategic rewriter
to cause
any
and cunning
critical
punster. His
puns on names do not appear
embarrassment—dquite the contrary. Stuart Gilbert,
January 1930 approvingly recording Joyce composed Finnegans Wake, or what was then called Work in
for example, in his diary entry for 1
how
Progress:
At last
J. J.
has recommenced work on W. in
Encyclopedia
Brit.
on
his sofa.
P.
Five volumes of the
He has madealist
of 30 towns,
New
Introduction
21
York, Vienna, Budapest. ...
suburb, park,
make
etc.) I
pause.
Whenever
I
come
to a
name
(ofa street,
thinks. If he can Anglicise the word,
J.
i.e.,
pun onit...the name or its deformation [are recorded] in the notebook. Thus ‘Slotspark’ (I think) at Christiana becomes Sluts’ park. a
He
collects all
full
of them.**
queer names in this way and
Just as acceptable, surely,
will
soon have a notebook
the parallel vision of Jane Austen, sur-
is
rounded not merely by copies of the Baronetage and Peerage but also by works such as Repton’s Observations (with its great list of famous patrons), contemporary biographies
and
histories, or
an
atlas
and a
newspaper or two, busily constructing lists of names that she could, as Joyce would, put into play in her fictions. But scholars deal in facts, not
Nor can they look
visions.
to
any single publication or print
relic as
a
Austen mythologies. I therefore attempt to substantiate in every chapter the manner in which Austen might have learned of the historical information invoked by a particular name or setting. At times, this print trail leads to a modest expansion of the materials proposed key to
Austen
is
all
assumed
to
have read.
Joyce’s Trieste library
is
a much-prized resource at the Harry Ran-
While a parallel collection of Austen’s books does not survive (she sold her books at auction prior to the move to Bath®), scholars have long assumed her voracious reading habits, constructing
som Research
likely
reading
Center.
lists
from her
authors mentioned in her
and the many books and few association copies and even a
literary allusions
letters.
A
handful of books with her marginalia survive. Jane Austen’s annotations to her brother James’s copy of Oliver Goldsmith’s History
of En-
gland (1771) in four volumes, in particular, have long given rise to specific claims about her politics and historical savvy.°’ In addition, Jane Austen herself counted “500 Volumes” in her
father’s teaching library at
Steventon in January 1801.°° Because the advertisement, found by Robin
mentions only “200 volumes of Books” sold from the Steventon parsonage a few months later, many books may have been retained in the
Vick,
Bath—with her brother James possibly keeping a share when he took over the parsonage.®? Even after shifting to Chawton cottage in July 1809, where she had access to her brother Edward’s library, Austen joined a local book club and “gloried in its eclectic stock.””? Based
move
to
upon
this evidence of access to a
healthy knowledge of history
22
is
wide range of books, Jane Austen’s
gaining acceptance.”
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
we can now add
more than a thousand titles in the Godmersham Park Library Catalogue.” The relatively recent availability of this inventory, on loan to the Chawton House Library, has extended the list of specific books to which Austen likely had access. Godmersham To
all this,
the
Park Library Catalogue newly provides Austen scholars with data about specific authors and editions in her environs—supporting with specific titles is
our growing appreciations of her knowledge of history. Although
it
not considered an exhaustive inventory of the Knight family library in
Kent during Austen’s the 1860s), ings.
lifetime
(it is
presumed
the only such surviving
it is
The catalogue
is,
of course,
list
to
have been compiled in
of specific Austen-circle hold-
more barometer than
proof. It reflects
family interests on certain topics, rather than proffering a key specific
Austen—since a book’s mere presence among the inventory cannot guarantee that she read it. Yet the Godmersham library’s wide hold-
to
and modern, national and local, biographical and geographical, naval and parliamentary—surely expand the measure of history that Austen might possibly have known, read, ings in histories of all sorts—ancient
or heard about. Incidentally, the catalog
lists
surprisingly
little fiction.
Austen possibly consulted many of these books during her visits to Godmersham Park, where she relished that library’s “quiet.”” In the followdo gesture to specific Godmersham titles. Even where individual books cannot offer proof, the sheer number of titles in the ing chapters,
I
Godmersham
catalog
on
historical subjects,
on
travel in
England, on
landscape gardening, on national antiquities, on naval voyages and admirals,
of famous and “illustrious” persons consistently local assertions about Austen’s probable knowledge of
and on the
reinforces
my
British history,
lives
famous
locations,
and
celebrity culture.
argue that Jane Austen, like Joyce, not only names her fictional characters with uncanny historical precision but maps them with equal care I
through historical that location
not do.
Lyme
is is
settings. In
her advice to
Anna
Lefroy,
Austen
states
another key consideration for the novelist: “Lyme will
towards 40 miles distance from Dawlish
be talked of there”
(Letters 268). In this
& would
not
same letter, dated 10-18 August
comments that “Russel Square is a very proper distance from Berkeley S” but warns: “Better not leave England. Let the Portmans go to Ireland, but as you know nothing of the Manners there, you had better not go with them. You will be in danger of giving false 1814, she approvingly
representations. Stick to Bath” (269). In a follow-up letter,
sumes
that even Anna’s fictional locations are
modeled upon
Austen
as-
real places:
Introduction
23
not the Cottage taken from Tollard Royal?” (276). In her poetry, too, Austen charts journeys through real-world settings with astonishing “Is
Todd and Linda Bree point out in their notes to “See they come,’ a poem written in 1806 to celebrate the marriage of Frank accuracy, as Janet
Austen to Mary Gibson.” Just as Thom’s directory was famously indispensable to Joyce in recreating the layout of the streets and environs of 1904 Dublin when he lived
him
check the accuracy of his memory as well as invent with authority, so too did Austen have at her disposal publications that could have helped hone her accuracy about setting. John in Paris, because
Cary’s inns,
New
it
allowed
to
Itinerary (1798), for example, indexed distances, locales,
and roads—a
veritable
Google Maps of Austen’s day.”
New and
older version, Cary’s
Correct English Atlas: Being a
of County
Maps from Actual Surveys
mersham
inventory.”
When
tocratic families, the 1780s
Treble Almanack,
which
it
A
is
listed
among
New
Set
the God-
to tracking the residences of aris-
came
and
(1787),
slightly
saw cheap
’90s
directories such as
The
and surgeons along and famous, giving columns for their “Town
listed addresses for hotels
with the homes of the rich
Residence” and “Prim.[ary] Country Residence.” For example, one 1786
almanac |
St.
lists
“William Wentworth,
James’s-square,
|
Wentworth
|
Wentworth] 1711 Yorksh.”” The existence and
Strafford, [V.
Castle,
|
format of such almanacs also confirms that Austen was by no means singular in her attentions to aristocratic celebrity. In addition to being able of England in the form of books, almanacs, and atlases
to consult
maps
in private
and public
libraries,
Austen might also have
relied
upon loose
printed maps, toll scarves, or popular souvenir charts, as well as her own limited experience traveling through many of the southern counties,
where most of her
fictions are set.”
When Austen was uncertain,
she asked others to fact-check locations—
just as Joyce would. For example, while
composing Mansfield Park, she
prodded Cassandra to do some reconnoitering on her travels: “If you c* discover whether Northamptonshire is a Country of Hedgerows, I sh‘ be glad
again.’”? Austen’s request tantalizingly
resembles James Joyce’s
question to a Dublin aunt in a letter from Paris, written while he was finishing Ulysses: “Is
it
possible for an ordinary person to climb over
the area railing of no 7 Eccles street, either
himself
down from
from the path or
the lowest part of the railing
2 feet or 3 of the ground and drop unhurt?
I
till
saw
steps,
lower
his feet are within
it
done myself by a
man of rather athletic build. I require this information in detail in order
24:
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
determine the wording of a paragraph.”®° David Lodge drew on
to
this
same letter to exemplify novelistic methodology, observing that just as Samuel Richardson worried that his characters “do too much in the time” and Henry Fielding consulted almanacs for 1745 when writing Tom Jones—just so does the modernist, who “moves cautiously from the real to the fictional world, and takes great pains to conceal the movement.” Virginia Woolf’s famous dictum that Jane Austen
is
of
great writers
all
the hardest to catch in the act of greatness conveys just how perfectly Austen hides her art inside the glassy, unrippled realism of her novels. In the 1830s, another fellow novelist,
Thomas
that Austen
was “too natural” for the that the highest triumph of art consists
Lister,
had already remarked
“They did not consider concealment; and here the
critics:
in
its
was so little perceptible that they believed there was that this book exposes some of Austen’s hidden artistry. art
Austen’s historical approach to writing, tracked in
through her choices of surnames and
none.”®? I
hope
my own book
settings, defies a neatly
compartmentalized argument. As shown in her long-standing fascination with
the Yorkshire Wentworths, Austen’s interests in historical families and
spanned decades, leaving their marks upon a number of her works drafted and revised in overlapping ways. As much as pos-
locations often
sible, I
have nonetheless tried to cluster Austen’s historical interests to
conform
to the
dominant custom of discussing her novels
individually.
However, my discussion of Austen’s major novels cannot offer balance: with one chapter attentive to Lady Susan, two chapters on Northanger Abbey, and one each on Evelyn, Sense and Sensibility, and Persuasion, leave several of Austen’s major novels relatively unexplored.
While
I
I
am
and Prejudice, and Mansfield Park would benefit from the same approach—indeed, the names of their protagonists readily yoke to the history of the Wentworth family—a single study convinced that
cannot exhaust
Emma,
all
Pride
of the historical references and topographical clues
word on Austen’s fact-infused fiction, I hope that the following case studies and clusters will begin to deepen an appreciation of Austen as a local and found in Austen’s oeuvre. Rather than attempt to voice the
final
national historian, leading to additional explorations by others.
With these caveats upon Donald Greene’s
in place, I begin the next chapter initial insights into
by expanding
the Wentworth line of names.
Greene's crisply political characterization of Austen’s interest in the Whig
Wentworth family from Wentworth Woodhouse ignores their Tory cousins at nearby Wentworth Castle, a branch whose history may side of the
Introduction
25
help date the contested composition of Lady Susan. In the two chapters that follow
I
show how contemporary maps of Bath can expose the
his-
behind Austen’s precisely timed routes for characters in Northanger Abbey. These local rereadings suggest further similarities
torical allusions
between Austen’s method and that of the modernist James Joyce. Scholars take James Joyce’s boast that turn-of-the century Dublin might forever be reconstructed from the details in his Ulysses extremely seriously—
than anyone takes the descriptions of Bath in Austen's Northanger Abbey, written a century earlier. Joyce also bragged
more seriously,
it is
certain,
that the puzzles of Ulysses
would keep scholars scrambling
for centuries.
Given Austen's similar penchant for wordplay, historical accuracy, and cartographic precision, scholars may be even further behind schedule on solving her puzzles—even as
we
celebrate the two-hundredth anniver-
sary of Austen’s initial publications.
26
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
CHAPTER ONE
“Quite unconnected” The Wentworths and Lady Susan
J ANE AUSTEN
ASKS one of her most sycophantic and unreliable char-
acters to inoculate her against celebrity culture. In her
name of Wentworth was
so
own
era, the
famous that its mere mention enabled,
as
one
eighteenth-century newspaper columnist put it, “Admission to the Intimacy of the Great.” Knowing, as she must have, that any astute reader
would connect the hero of Persuasion with the Wentworth family, she disclaims. She has Sir Walter Elliot sneeringly dismiss any link between Capt. Frederick Wentworth, the story’s self-made naval officer, and the highborn Wentworths from Yorkshire, who held titles such as the Earl of Strafford: “Mr.
Wentworth was nobody,
nothing to do with the Strafford family.
many site
remember, quite unconnected; One wonders how the names of
I
become so common” (P, 26). By placing the requithe mouth of Sir Walter, however, Austen keeps her
of our nobility
disclaimer in
own tongue
firmly in her cheek. Sir Walter
a narcissistic fop Sir Walter’s
who
is
notoriously unreliable—
lacks judgment. Despite, or perhaps because
blunt assertion, the
name of Wentworth
of,
so flagrantly invites
contemporary associations that the upending of those expectations becomes part of the story’s appeal. When Austen names her landless sailor one of the nation’s most prominent landholding families since 1066, she winks knowingly at her reader.
for
Donald Greene accurately ascertained the irony behind sneer.
He
Sir Walter’s
names of Fitzwilliam, Darcy, Woodoccupants of Wentworth Woodhouse in Yorkshire,
traced the additional
house, and
Watson to
showing how Austen repeatedly borrows for her protagonists’ surnames fraught with Wentworth clout. His tracings of the prominent appearances of so onstrates
many Wentworth-related names
what must have been
focuses in particular
on the
all
across Austen’s works
dem-
too obvious in Austen’s day. Greene
politics of Pride
and
Prejudice,
where the
name, Fitzwilliam Darcy, amalgamates two branches of the Wentworth family of Whigs. Although his findings offer important insights hero’s
27
method and
Greene found only half of her Wentworth-family references—only those from the Whig side. He omitinto Austen’s
political savvy,
ted to take into account their Tory cousins at nearby in
whom I argue Austen was just as keenly interested.
ics,
most notably
Wentworth Castle, When modern crit-
Patrick Parrinder, redeploy Greene's findings, they also
therefore see only “the strong
Whig associations”
of “Austen’s names.”!
This chapter reconstructs Jane Austen not only as someone informed
by contemporary
celebrity culture
her borrowings across the
political
but also as an author promiscuous in spectrum.
It redirects
Greene’s argu-
ment, outlining the neglected history of the Tory families at Wentworth
and tracing that history's impact on a few of Austen’s fictions. When Austen wrote Persuasion, the last three Wentworth men to carry the title Castle
had died out in 1799, were all Tories residing at Wentworth Castle (not at Wentworth Woodhouse). The name of the last Earl of Strafford, a
title
that
and most recent Earl of Strafford—and there lies the true rub of Sir Walter’s remark—was Frederick Wentworth. In addition to resonating with the story of Persuasion, which celebrates a fictional Frederick Wentworth’s
from
rise
obscurity, specific
moments
in the history of Wentworth Castle
inform squabbles among Vernons over a family castle in Lady Susan. In real life the Vernon branch of the Wentworth family inherited
may
also
Wentworth
Castle in 1803, after a confused legal fracas that followed the
death of Frederick Wentworth, third Earl of Strafford. Suggestive parallels
between Wentworth Castle
fact
and Austen's Vernon-centered
fiction
may
even pinpoint a date for the contested composition of Lady Susan.
The century-long rivalry between the Tory and Whig sides of the high-profile Wentworths had finally abated when Austen wrote Persuaston, itself an investigation of family dynamics and dynasties. Starting in the 1710s, the nation had closely watched Tory and Whig cousins vent their political spleen on the battleground of their landscaped gardens, where increasingly elaborate structures took part in an escalat-
of architectural one-upmanship reported on by almost every travel writer and aesthetician who visited Yorkshire. Just such unique ing
game
and unhappy family tension makes,
as Tolstoy
famously remarked, for
The Tory branch the family estate at Went-
the type of fraught dynamic that intrigues the novelist. of the Wentworths, resentful at not inheriting
worth Woodhouse in 1695, purchased nearby Stainborough Hall in 1708. Decades of “improvements” turned this park and residence, which
was rechristened Wentworth Castle to denigrate the mere House of their Whig cousins, into a model landscape garden. Horace Walpole in 1731
28
MATTERS OF FACT IN JANE AUSTEN
hailed the house itself as representing “the
most perfect taste in the Wentworth Castle
archi-
estate Major renovations to were duly answered with elaborate improvements to nearby Wentworth Woodhouse, shaping English garden design through one family’s politi-
tecture”
1.1).
(fig.
cal rivalry? (fig. 1.2).
The competitive landscaping
at these neighboring
bulk of which took place between 1710 and 1790, was a prolonged endeavor that occurred on a grand scale and in the national spotestates, the
light.
And
while the
contemporary at
Wentworth
Whig branch
of this family did indeed dominate
debates during that time, their celebrity cousins
political
Castle remained
well into Austen’s adulthood. It
makers of manners
was
in 1791,
in their
own
when Austen was
right
in her
Wentworth Castle estate and titles were inherited by an obscure gentleman from Dorset named Frederick Wentworth. When she reached her late twenties, it became the property of young Frederick Vernon, after a heated Wentworth family dispute. The historical circumstances surrounding this contested transfer of Wentworth wealth resemble those in Lady Susan, which features at least two characters
teens, that the
named Frederic Vernon
as well as a dispute over a family castle.
Only an expanded Wentworth context—including
travel guides,
books
on landscape gardening, the society pages of contemporary newspapers, and perhaps even pamphlets peddling scandal—might explain, as Greene’s austere emphasis ter of a quiet
on Whig
politics cannot,
Tory parson” seems to
Greene thinks, Whig
greats.*
That
is,
name
why
so
“the quiet
many
Tory daugh-
of her heroes
for,
as
only the larger historical context of
these two neighboring estates in Austen’s day can reveal
why a writer who
apparently sets her family-centered stories exclusively in the villages and
towns of southern counties would reach repeatedly for Yorkshire politiclans as a naming source. That larger context shows how Austen may not restrict
her concern with history to what Catherine Morland disparages
solemn history,’ but expand her gaze to a wider swathe of human experience now termed cultural history. Her more expansive appreciaas “real
tion of history seems to have delighted in
Wentworth
celebrity well be-
yond parliamentary politics. |
Wentworth Fame In the long eighteenth century, both political branches of the extended
Wentworth
family,
not just the
enjoyed pride of place
among
Whig occupiers
of Wentworth Woodhouse,
the “abnormally interesting people”
“Quite unconnected”:
The Wentworths and Lady Susan
now
29
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that
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“Then
I
should like to see
As previously
(VA, 83)
it.”
explained, Blaise Castle
a small garden
folly built in 1766.
guidebook aggrandizes the
Although
describing
folly,
building” with “stately turrets”
was neither
“old”
fit
it
named after St.
only for picnics.>
The
Blasius for his association it
amounted to but
much
recorded
for
manor
estate’s neoclassical folly,
remained under construction
but
one contemporary as “a Gothic castellated
house, also called Blaise Castle after the quirky so that in 1797, the year of Austen’s
“real,”
at least
with “an ancient chapel” formerly occupying the spot,
one open-air room
nor
first
was newer still—so
banker John Harford.
visit to I
Bath,
it
explained in
the previous chapter that Blaise was modeled upon Bath’s
own Sham
However, from Catherine’s starting point in Pultney Street it is not only possible to see the twin folly built by Allen but also to set out Castle.
for a genuine castle relatively nearby.
One
real
medieval castle does exist
within the reach of the day’s outing—Farleigh Hungerford. That Thorpe does not take Catherine to this nearby tourist destination that so perfectly fits her gothic expectations enlarges his idiocy and, consequently,
emboldens Austen’s
irony.
Austen provides further clues to distance. The group fails even to get halfway to Blaise, because after “exactly an hour coming from Pulteney-
more than seven miles,” finding themselves “within view of the town of Keynsham” (NA, 87 and 86). Here they reluctantly recognize that they must abort the outing to Blaise and street”
they have traveled “very
little
“turn round,’ back toward Bath (87). In the context of Austen's precision
about location elsewhere in Northanger Abbey, her seemingly gratuitous details
about distance in this scene look significant. For a
Keynsham boasted a genuine twelfth-century abbey, which was connected to the Brydges family and the early dukes of Chandos, to whom, in turn, start,
Austen was related though her mother’s family.®° Their stopping within view of Keynsham Abbey’s genuine Gothic ruin likely compounds the irony of their not reaching the faux-Gothic folly at Blaise
many miles
off
(164 and 165). But
why also mention that they traveled just seven miles? The party's “view” of Keynsham already provides sufficient information to calculate just how far along the northern road the characters have traveled,
making a reference
dundant.
What
to their
journey of “seven miles” a bit re-
could be significant about a distance of “very
than seven miles”
from
little
more
their starting point?
Touring Farleigh Hungerford Castle
97
A
swivel of the compass point seven miles round Bath suggests an
answer. If these same seven miles had been traveled in the opposite direction, to the southeast rather
than northwest,
it
would have taken the
party to a genuine castle capable of fulfilling even Catherine’s ambitious expectations of gothic gore. Although this castle confines of Mr. Thorpe’s original
“Map
lies
just
beyond the
of Five Miles round the City of
BATH, his touchstone map does help to establish our bearings (fig. 3.3). As this detail from Thorpe’s original 1742 map shows (note how the thick marks the county border, not a route), the short southward road to “Farly Castle” proffers a virtual smorgasbord of castles and abbeys, both fake and genuine, of the sort that Catherine craves, since in addition to
line
might satisfy the gothic-minded along that at Midford stands another contemporary faux-Gothic castle,
Farley Castle two road. First,
more
sites
Sham Castle and Blaise.’ The road next leads through Hinton,’ home to an abbey with ties to Farleigh Hunger-
comparable to the “Charterhouse ford Castle, as
I
shall explain.
The very guidebook owned by the Austens
during their residence in Bath confirms these additional points of inter-
en route to nearby Farleigh—constituting a
est
virtual Gothic
Row
for
tourists.
The remains
of Farleigh Hungerford Castle stand in
what guide-
books, then as now, describe as “one of the most rural and picturesque spots within a wide radius of Bath’—worth visiting for “its antiquity, its
importance, and the beautiful romantic scenery with which it is encompassed.”* At “about seven miles distant” from the city of Bath, the castle “within the compass of a summer day’s ramble.”? Built in the fourteenth century on a piece of land that derives its name “from the fairness lies
of
its /eys,
or meadows,’ Farleigh Castle was
home
to the
Hungerford from 1369 to 1686.*° Three cen-
family for about three hundred years, turies of residence at the castle by the Hungerford family ended at the close of the seventeenth century, as “the spendthrift,”
was forced
when
Sir
Edward Hungerford, known
to sell the family
home to pay his
debts.”
Edward’s sale of the property in 1686 virtually finished the castle's days as a habitable residence, although the sister of the poet Lord RochSir
ester,
the notorious Restoration rake,
is
said to have lived there for a
few years with her husband, Henry Baynton.” In 1705 the castle was “sold for salvage,” resulting in a slow dismemberment that “over the next
30
years”
saw
it
“systematically reduced to ruin for
its
materials.’
The
became a popular tourist destination for day-trippers from Bath and, after its chapel was repaired in 1779 by a distant Hundeteriorating ruin
98
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9) _In the
Cotell,
who “had
sibly Sir
previously been married to a certain John Cotell, pos-
Edward’s steward.” Although the Cotells were, by
all
accounts,
Agnes evidently saw an opportunity to improve her situation: “On 26 July 1518, two of her servants, ‘by the procurement and abetting of the said Agnes, strangled John at Farleigh castle with his materially comfortable,
own
linen neckerchief.”*® Trial records
show that
“the
body of the
said
John [was] put into a certain fire in the furnace of the kitchen in the castle of Farley... and did burn and consume” his remains. Six months by now the new Lady Hungerford, Agnes
later,
coolly received these
knowing that they had done the murder aforesaid.”?° Locally, the murder was an open secret, but Agnes and her hired killers remained unprosecuted while the powerful Sir Edward, her new husband, lived. After Sir Edward died in 1522, however, all three two servants
at the castle, “well
were speedily hanged at Tyburn in London for the crime. Given the kitchen-centered murder in Farleigh Hungerford’s
past,
General Tilney’s preoccupation with improvements to “the ancient kitchen of the convent, rich in the massy walls and smoke of former days,’ which he has stocked with every modern convenience, especially with effi-
and hot
begins to sound perverse (NA, 188-89). After news of thousands of troops starving on the European battlefield cient “stoves
for
closets,”
want of supplies had shocked the
army
general’s interest in his
British
when Susan was supposedly
had been written prior
“finished,”
General Tilney’s interest in stoves
fies
history.
Austen
is
front in 1804,
an kitchens would become standard. But if
this detail
Hungerford
home
to 1803,
may
point,
also atypically specific
if
obliquely, to
when
she identi-
the General’s fireplace as “a Rumford,’ a brand associated with the
latest
and most
named
efficient stoves
for their designer, a
Bavarian
macabre history of incineration renders even “The Comforts of a Rumford Stove” rather sinister.”: It may be coCount
(165). Farleigh Castle's
incidental that any tour of Farleigh Hungerford Castle emphasizes, like
Miss Morland’s tour of Northanger, the outlines of the old kitchen and servants’ quarters
still
visible in the vestigial
remains of the castle walls,
while stories of murder, oven burnings, and domestic intrigue seize the imagination. Even so, the dark to black in the
comedy of Northanger Abbey may deepen
shade of Hungerford
The Hungerford who received
history.
“the greatest attention of local gossip”
was a wife killer by the name of Lord Walter Hungerford, executed, at age thirty-seven, in 154.0.?? James Tunstall, author of a popular nineteenthcentury guidebook, describes this bizarre episode in terms that closely
Touring Farleigh Hungerford Castle
101
resemble Catherine’s mistaken fantasies about General Tilney, identifying Walter Hungerford as “something of a Bluebeard.” “Three wives in succession complained of his cruel treatment,’ with the third piteously petitioning then-king
where her
Henry VIII that she was “imprisoned”
in a tower
continued to try to “poyson” her.?? Sir Walter, intent upon remarrying for increased wealth and political position, might have succeeded in his sequence of murderous schemes were it not for this “lord”
third wife Elizabeth, who, aided
attempts to
kill
by
local villagers, defied his incessant
her by poison.
was the daughter of the well-connected Lord Hussey, a court favorite when Sir Walter married her in 1532. Through his fatherElizabeth
recommendations,
in-law’s
court,
Sir
Walter rose in the esteem of Henry VIII's
became an agent of Thomas Cromwell, and gained the one-time
of Baron Hungerford of Heytesbury. But as Hussey’s political star
title
faded, so did Sir Walter’s fondness for the daughter. Elizabeth wrote to
Cromwell
1539 that she was “continually locked in one of my Lord’s towers in his castle .. these three or four years past.’** She claimed in
.
was being poisoned upon her husband’s order, had been reduced to drinking her own urine, and that without the charity of the
that she
country women who “brought me to my great window, in the night, such meat and drink as they had,’ she would have starved to death.”> Tradition has
it
what
that Elizabeth remained imprisoned for four years in
consequently became
known
as the
Lady Tower of the
castle, visible in
Her imprisonment ended when Henry VIII felt Sir Walter’s insolence directed at him and simply beheaded the nuisance. On 28 July 1540, both Cromwell and
the background of this 1785 print of the chapel
Sir
Walter were executed on Tower
Hill,
(fig. 3.5).
Cromwell
for treason, a
move
Henry VIII came to regret, and Sir Walter for the additional charges of witchcraft and homosexuality. Elizabeth, “the lady in the tower,” remarried after Sir Walter’s death, happily this time, to a
had
man with whom
at least four daughters.”°
Walter Hungerford’s
first wife,
been named Susan.?’ Austen’s
and probably
his initial victim,
Or was
to
is
a
common enough name, and one
have favored, as she used
Mansfield Park, for Fanny’s shire
A coincidence?
the initial choice of name for the heroine intended to signal her
vulnerability? Susan
seems
had
original title for her manuscript, for the
eventual Northanger Abbey, was of course also Susan.
102
she
it
also in
little sister.
have cautioned, a ubiquitous
that Austen
Lady Susan and
again in
As Maggie Lane and John Wilt-
first
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