Mapping Urban Regeneration: City Life Experiences in Yunnan, China 9789819935413, 9819935415

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Urban Sustainability

Ali Cheshmehzangi

Mapping Urban Regeneration City Life Experiences in Yunnan, China

Urban Sustainability Editor-in-Chief Ali Cheshmehzangi , Qingdao City University, Qingdao, Shandong, China

The Urban Sustainability Book Series is a valuable resource for sustainability and urban-related education and research. It offers an inter-disciplinary platform covering all four areas of practice, policy, education, research, and their nexus. The publications in this series are related to critical areas of sustainability, urban studies, planning, and urban geography. This book series aims to put together cutting-edge research findings linked to the overarching field of urban sustainability. The scope and nature of the topic are broad and interdisciplinary and bring together various associated disciplines from sustainable development, environmental sciences, urbanism, etc. With many advanced research findings in the field, there is a need to put together various discussions and contributions on specific sustainability fields, covering a good range of topics on sustainable development, sustainable urbanism, and urban sustainability. Despite the broad range of issues, we note the importance of practical and policyoriented directions, extending the literature and directions and pathways towards achieving urban sustainability. The series will appeal to urbanists, geographers, planners, engineers, architects, governmental authorities, policymakers, researchers of all levels, and to all of those interested in a wide-ranging overview of urban sustainability and its associated fields. The series includes monographs and edited volumes, covering a range of topics under the urban sustainability topic, which can also be used for teaching materials.

Ali Cheshmehzangi

Mapping Urban Regeneration City Life Experiences in Yunnan, China

Ali Cheshmehzangi Qingdao City University Qingdao, Shandong, China

ISSN 2731-6483 ISSN 2731-6491 (electronic) Urban Sustainability ISBN 978-981-99-3540-6 ISBN 978-981-99-3541-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3541-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

I am not a brilliant painter, but this is a quick painting of one of the old towns in Dali, Yunnan. Everything seems to be divided into four well-defined segments —by Ali Cheshmehzangi, July 2022

For the Yunnan Province, rich with many minerals, resources, and productions, and yet underdeveloped and unkempt in many ways. We continue to work with the local organizations, industries, and governments in Yunnan to fast-forward opportunities and mechanisms for human-oriented and harmonized development in the region and beyond. We hope equity, justice, and equality are the backbone of any future development in this abundant region.

Prologue

Urbanization is not about simply increasing the number of urban residents or expanding the area of cities. More importantly, it’s about a complete change from rural to urban style in terms of industry structure, employment, living environment and social security. —Li Keqiang

Highlighting from what is said above, we should be aware of multiple transitions, those we are part of or those we create or co-create. We ought to realize the impacts of urbanization—and of course, regeneration—on society and how we continuously shape and reshape our communities. In the past few decades, we have witnessed larger-scale transitions and even irreversible transformations—some good and some not necessarily so good. We have undergone some tangible transitions that have changed our traditions, cultures, social values, and other associated attributes. But, we expect more future transitions, and some may be even much faster, more invasive, and more persuasive due to the rapid digitalization and digitization processes. We must be more aware, or our contemporary directions may take us far away from humanity. Mapping cities and their experiences has always been a fascinating way of studying them. I enjoy cities and urban environments through observations, multiple analyses, data collection, surveys, and getting to know people and their activities. I often talked to residents and visitors when I had the opportunity to be in the same social environment as them. We encounter many exciting exchanges, and we value them as city life experiences. These experiences are essential for us—urban specialists, urbanists, urban geographers, planners, and designers—as we can learn more about city life attributes and accurately reflect on them. We should refrain from generic solutions and rather focus on context-specific directions, utilizing more carefully and considerably the capacity of people and communities. We usually forget that urban regeneration should happen for residents or people of those respective communities and not those who are just visitors. We know decision-making processes have

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significant flaws, and our participatory approaches are often artificial and based on simulated discussions rather than the realities that matter the most. Cities and communities are important social hubs where we hope they can go through organic regeneration rather than become different entities through invasive clinical or experimental processes. Mapping Urban Regeneration is the first book of (hopefully) many more on the way on urban mapping studies with various themes and focus areas. I hope I have enough time and energy to put together a set of books dedicated to urban mapping research, which I am sure will be invaluable in practice, teaching, and research. My ultimate goal here is to ensure urban mapping is recognized well and practised extensively in research and education. I recall that many years ago, we used more urban mapping techniques and onsite work. Nevertheless, the growing digital technologies and our demand to do remote research by exploiting and using big data have pushed us away from realities on the ground. Those realities in cities and communities must be experienced, perceived, and touched—not just via desk research. Mapping techniques are more than just common tools in urbanism, urban geography, urban studies, urban planning, etc. They are not just tools but are inventive ways of understanding cities, places, communities, experiences, and people. Lest not forget, we map everything constantly in our brains—and why not we map cities and city experiences as we go through them? This collection is my first attempt at having very concise context-specific research focused on only one region. The decision to do so is intentional, just because contextual, cultural, and local attributes need to be looked at more accurately, considerably, and dexterously. Hence, this collection delves into case study examples of the beautiful Yunnan Province of China, an inspiring location where traditions remain, resources are plenteous, and cultures are diverse. Yunnan Province is one of the few left in China that offers a lot for comprehensive research studies at the urban, rural, and township levels. The experiences we get from mapping studies, observations, and multi-stakeholder engagements are exceptionally rich and vibrant, allowing us to think more holistically and find ways and suggestions beyond just the generic globalized models elsewhere. Yunnan is truly a place where further research can happen, and we hope we can play a more prominent role in this part of the country. In the existing literature, it is uncommon to map urban regeneration. In this book, I hope mapping urban regeneration is meaningful in how cities and city life experiences are mapped, observed, and assessed. This collection is based on several mapping studies pinpointed around urban regeneration case study examples. These examples are unique in many ways but could also offer practical lessons in other contexts. We hope that in the face of rapid urbanization in a region like Yunnan, we can come up with strategies, policies, and practices that are context specific, unique, and people oriented. The latter is exceedingly crucial as the role of people in urban regeneration processes must be recognized, valued, and highlighted. As we see more top-down decisions are made in urban regeneration processes, we hope to bring people back to the heart of decision-making and planning paradigms. Without people, urban regeneration is just a fake plastic surgery of cities without considering the value of

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communities and local attributes. Hence, in this book, we map urban regeneration from an unusual approach where we see people and places together and not separated. February 2023

Ali Cheshmehzangi Director of Center for Innovation Professor of Architecture and Urban Planning at Qingdao City University (QCU) Research Associate at NERPS Hiroshima University, Japan

Acknowledgements

First, I acknowledge those who provided us with generous financial support through external research funds or grants. I thank the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology (MEXT), the Japanese Government, and Hiroshima University, Japan. I also acknowledge the National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC) for funding project 71950410760, used for material purchase and recruitment of local research interns in China. It is unfortunate that some of the costs associated to the fieldwork of this book had to be covered by three of the involved members, but we hope the future can bring us better luck and success. Good work must prevail! Above all, I acknowledge contributions and full support from my local collaborators, local research partners, research interns, and many industry representatives, developers, and local governments, whom we met in Yunnan and elsewhere. In our visits to Yunnan and many online and onsite exchanges we have had so far, we have created excellent knowledge-share and knowledge-exchange platforms where we could put forces together and enhance the nexus between academia, industry, and government. We hope to continuously have positive impacts on underdeveloped areas in China and around the globe. This is our ultimate goal. Our activities in Yunnan started in September 2021 when we held a mini workshop in the beautiful City of Lijiang. Since then, we have had many exchanges with local actors and stakeholders, allowing us to access case study projects, sites, and events. Our engagements have been extremely helpful in understanding the local contexts, conditions, and pathways. These have continued to date, and we hope to be part of the next phase of regional development in the abundant Province of Yunnan. This inspiring region gives us a positive vibe that boosts our enthusiasm, aspiration, and assiduousness. In July and August 2022, we had a very fruitful visit to multiple cities in Yunnan. This visit created many opportunities for new exchanges and activities and helped us learn more about cities and life experiences in cities, townships, and rural areas of Yunnan. Since then, we have extended our dialogue and interactions with many local stakeholders, communities, and research partners—hoping to do even more soon. We hope our work is impactful—and by that, I mean the real impacts on

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practice, policy, and people. Academic impacts are just peanuts in comparison with what we have in mind. I also thank those who joined our activities in the summer of 2022, including local partners and collaborators who conducted surveys, did several urban mapping studies, developed transcripts of our studies, and helped coordinate the activities for almost two weeks. The work could not have been completed without collective support from all team members, whom I am truly proud and honoured to work with over the years. This appreciation is genuine, as I know certain situations may have created displeasing experiences that were caused by negative externalities. Those who cannot see excellent work do not know that good work always prevails. The little ones constantly belittle the others while we try to focus on what is impactful on underdeveloped regions where we work. Keeping cool is the right way to combat the unjust waves of sabotaging behaviours. We believe in excellent collaboration that could break barriers between academia, industry, government, and people. And we are proud that this book is truly one of those examples of breaking such usual barriers. With the many hindrances and disruptions, this book happened and became a reality. That’s what truly matters to us, and nothing or no one can sabotage, dispirit, and devalue that. Such disruptions are vivaciously tolerated on top of every other adversity we face. The little ones are not innovative enough to know this well. In particular, I would like to thank my collaborators, whom I value the most in completing this work/book. With a few of them, we have established long-term professional relationships with clear outputs, mindsets, and cooperation. We have done many survey works, workshops, and activities together, and some will be truly remembered as our collective and individual lifetime experiences. Above all, those who joined us in July–August 2022 are commended here without a single disinclination, including Tang Tian, Xie Li, Wang Debi, Li Shuang, and Lu Liaojie. I can name and appreciate a few more with my whole heart, but the list could go on for pages. For us, criticality keeps working unprecedentedly towards achievements or unified, niche, and novel creations; and this has established perfect ambitions ready to yearn. I understand we have gone through some vicissitudes—or unexpected ups and downs—but I truly appreciate all my collaborators’ efforts in working with us so professionally, enthusiastically, and efficiently. Our daily discussions in the renovated courtyards (in Yunnan) were the ones that I shall remember for a long time. We shared many meaningful experiences and co-created new collaboration opportunities with local stakeholders. During our several full days of fieldwork and onsite activities, we talked to many residents, newcomers, and visitors who helped us get a better picture of happenings in places that mattered to them, to us, and to everyone else who reads this book. Without such fervent and effectual collaborators, this book could not have happened. I genuinely thank them for their steadfast support, even in the most challenging times. I always believe good accidents happen in healthy working environments created by people who are passionate about what they do and what they would like to achieve. This book is simply one of those good accidents.

About This Book

Mapping Urban Regeneration is divided into eight chapters. Chapter 1 serves as an introduction and research background to urban regeneration research. Chapter 2 explores local industries and transitions by looking at regeneration processes. Chapters 3 and 4 focus on case examples in the City of Dali, looking at displaced communities through regeneration processes and mapping old town regeneration projects’ visual and perceptual aspects. Chapters 5 and 6 are based on the City of Lijiang, where we explore urban landscapes of regenerated old towns and the social life of in-between spaces created through regeneration projects, respectively. Chapter 7 focuses on the local characteristics of the City of Shangri-La, where city life experiences and identity generation are essential for tourism. The book then concludes by highlighting some of the main lessons learnt for future urban regeneration strategies. Below are the abstracts of each chapter.

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About This Book

Location map of case studies in this book, generated from open-access maps on www.d-maps.com, showing four city locations of Kunming, Dali, Lijiang, and Shangri-La (in Diqing). Legend: Red Circle: Kunming (Chap. 2), Green Circle: Dali (Chaps. 3 and 4), Blue Circle: Lijiang (Chaps. 5 and 6), and Orange Circle: Shangri-La (Chap. 7)

Contents

1 Mapping Urban Regeneration: Introduction to the New, the Old, and the New-Old . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Mapping Urban Regeneration as We Should Know . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 The Aim and Objectives of the Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 The New, the Old, and the New-Old . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 Urban Regeneration Practices in China: Challenges and Opportunities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.1 Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.2 Opportunities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5 Why Mapping Urban Regeneration? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.6 A Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Regenerating Local Industries and Urban Experiences that Matter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 The Linkage Between Urban Regeneration and Industry Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Urban Transitions and Process of Change: Kunming, Yunnan . . . . . 2.3 Local Industries and Their Playful Part in Urban Experiences . . . . . 2.4 Local Industries, Local Economies, and Local Urban Life . . . . . . . . 2.5 Other Industries and Urban Regeneration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Urban Regeneration and the Inevitable Gentrification: The Study of Displaced Communities in the City of Dali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Revitalisation or Displacement? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Urban Regeneration and Realities Behind the Inevitable Gentrification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 The Study of Displaced Communities in the City of Dali . . . . . . . . . 3.4 Urban House Displacement Versus Urban Heritage Protection . . . .

1 1 3 3 6 8 10 14 15 19 23 23 25 25 29 35 73 77 77 79 80 92

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3.5 Urban Regeneration in the Context of Gentrification: Mapping Regeneration and Its Impacts on Eventual Gentrification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 4 Urban Regeneration and Building Colours: Mapping Visual and Perceptual Dimensions of Dali’s Old Towns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Introduction to Urban Regeneration and Building Colours . . . . . . . . 4.2 Mapping the Visual and Perceptual Dimensions in Old Town Regeneration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Typological and Colour Analyses in Dali’s Regenerated Old Towns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 From Urban Regeneration to Urban Image Formation . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Urban Regeneration and Creating Urban Landscapes: Enhancing City Life Experiences in Lijiang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Urban Regeneration, Urban Landscapes, and Spatio-Temporality of Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Regenerated Urban Landscapes and Enhancing City Life Experiences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Lijiang’s Old Towns: Major Physical Transitions and Keeping Distinctive Urban Landscapes in Regenerated Zones . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.1 Greenery in Shuhe Old Town: Landscape Preservation and Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 Memorable Localities Through Regenerated Urban Landscapes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Urban Regeneration and In-between Spaces: Mapping the Social Life of Lijiang’s Old Towns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Urban Voids, In-between Spaces, and Socio-Spatial Relations: Integrating the Social Life into Regenerated Places . . . . . 6.2 Different Categories of In-between Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Mapping the Social Life in Two Old Towns: Lijiang and Shuhe Old Town Case Study Examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.1 Lijiang Old Town . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.2 Shuhe Old Town . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4 Urban Regeneration and Social Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Regenerating the Local Characteristics: The Impacts on City Life Experience and Identity of Shangri-La’s Old Town . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Regenerating Locality and Local Identity of Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 What Makes the City’s Local Characteristics? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Shangri-La’s Old Town Regeneration: Making the Local Characteristics Visible . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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7.4 Locality and Local Characteristics for Identity Formation and Enhancement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 8 City Life Experiences: Lessons Learnt for Future Urban Regeneration Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Mapping Urban Regeneration: A Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 Lessons for the Future Urban Regeneration Programmes and Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 Urban Regeneration and City Life Experiences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.4 Not Global—But Local . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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About the Author

Ali Cheshmehzangi is the World’s top 2% field leader, recognised by Stanford University. He is an urbanist and urban designer by profession and by heart. He studies cities and city transitions, sustainable urbanism, and integrated urban design strategies. He has recently taken a senior leadership and management role at Qingdao City University (QCU). He is Professor of Architecture and Urban Planning, Director of the Center for Innovation in Teaching, Learning, and Research, and Advisor to the Department’s international communications at QCU. Over 11 years at his previous institute, Ali was Full Professor in Architecture and Urban Design, Head of the Department of Architecture and Built Environment, Founding Director of the Urban Innovation Lab, Director of Center for Sustainable Energy Technologies, Interim Head of Research Group for Sustainable Built Environment, and Director of Digital Design Lab. He was Visiting Professor and now Research Associate of the Network for Education and Research on Peace and Sustainability (NERPS), Hiroshima University, Japan. So far, Ali has published over 300 journal papers, articles, conference papers, book chapters, and reports. His other 13 books are titled Smart-Eco Cities in China: Trends and City Profiles 2016 (2016), Designing Cooler Cities (2017), the awardwinning Eco-development in China (2018), Sustainable Urban Development in the Age of Climate Change (2019), Identity of Cities and City of Identities (2020), the double award-winning The City in Need (2020), Urban Memory in City Transitions (2021), Sustainable Urbanism in China (2021), China’s Sustainability xxi

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Transitions (2021), Urban Health, Sustainability, and Peace in the Day the World Stopped (2021), Green Infrastructure in Chinese Cities (2022), ICT, Cities, and Reaching Positive Peace (2022), and China’s City Cluster Development in the Race to Carbon Neutrality (2022). Ali is globally known for his research on ‘urban sustainability’.

Chapter 1

Mapping Urban Regeneration: Introduction to the New, the Old, and the New-Old

There’s something about urban life – you walk out your door, and you’re in a steady of stream of life happening around you, and it’s very easy to get caught up in that stream and simply kind of keep on moving. —Dani Shapiro

1.1 Mapping Urban Regeneration as We Should Know A couple of years, I was invited to deliver a talk in Nanjing, China, on the important topic of urban regeneration. I perfectly recall that the translation was mixed between urban renewal and urban regeneration, reminding us the fact that urban renewal and regeneration are perceived as the same practices in China. This was a light-bulb moment when I realised more clarifications were needed, and more efforts should be made. This is where we must explore and address the policy and practice issues, through which we hope urban regeneration is more holistic, human-centric, and community-driven. Hence, bottom-up approaches are recommended in the face of increasing top-down decision-making and policies. According to Richards (2014), urban renewal is a different approach, which “refers to a set of plans and activities to upgrade neighborhoods and suburbs that are in state of distress or decay. Urban renewal programs address the physical aspects of urban decay. Urban problems such as deteriorating housing, poor physical infrastructure (including water and sanitation services), and poor community services such as sports and recreational amenities are addressed through such programs”. This reflects very well on Lang’s understanding of the differences between urban renewal and urban regeneration, where we must see different practices and processes. According to Lang (2005), we have to distinguish between ‘urban renewal’ and ‘urban regeneration’. In fact, urban regeneration is more comprehensive in terms of policy interventions—and even innovations—that “incorporates physical, social, and environmental regeneration” (ibid). This practice differs entirely from urban renewal practices of slum clearance, urban replacements, displacements, and new urban developments. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 A. Cheshmehzangi, Mapping Urban Regeneration, Urban Sustainability, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3541-3_1

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1 Mapping Urban Regeneration: Introduction to the New, the Old …

We have noted before that cities and communities are constantly subject to (urban) decay and decline (Cheshmehzangi, 2020, 2021a). This applies to institutional structures and operations (Dawodu et al., 2021), understanding urban typologies and development patterns (Cheshmehzangi & Butters, 2015), industries (Healey, 1991), and identifying the purpose of regenerating a city or urban areas in the face of decline (Roberts, 2000). According to De Magalhães (2015), the urban decline has gradually become a major urban pressure, seen as “inadequate or downright harmful to communities” that need help and support. Thus, we see the role of urbanists—urban designers and planners—is to ensure opportunities are provided and nurtured via the right urban design practices (Cheshmehzangi, 2021b), beyond just the city marketing and image reconstruction of cities and urban areas (Paddison, 1993). In this regard, we note that urban regeneration is not enough as a concept or practice. We should also delve into how it affects cities and communities after policies and practices are implemented. In the literature, ‘Mapping the Urban’ is limited to very few good books. For instance, in the book titled ‘The exposed city: mapping the urban invisibles’, Amoroso (2010) delves into analysing the city information, those that we may not visibly see or perceive in our daily routines. Another example is ‘Mapping urban spaces’, edited by Lamberto et al. (2021), which explicitly looks into European cities, specifically from the spatial perspectives. The editors provide a narrative that explores open spaces and public realms from various psychological, sociological, and aesthetic points of view. Their approach is partly similar to King’s (1996) study of emancipating space and Coomans et al.’s (2019) study of mapping landscapes in transformation. Both studies are quite inspirational in terms of understanding spaces and landscapes, particularly through urban changes and transitions. Partly related to the practice of cartography, studies such as ‘Mapping Society’ by Vaughan (2018) highlight the importance of maps and mapping techniques in identifying spatial qualities, factors, and issues that exist in our society. In a way, her discussions of the spatial dimensions of social cartography remain robust discussions about matters of social patterns and pressures in our cities and built environments. Other good books in the context of mapping the urban focus on how mapping reveals issues behind urban forms and spaces, such as Dovey et al.’s (2017) collection of mapping urbanities that focus on morphologies, flows, and possibilities in urban areas. Another example is a recent collection by Bauer et al. (2020) that focuses on the impossibility of mapping, responding mainly to the notion of critical spatial practice. The other books in this area mainly focus on mapping technologies or citylevel case studies, such as the collections on UK cities that show the importance of urban maps and urban mapping in understanding cities and urban areas. Some studies like Millea’s (2015) work on ‘street mapping’ look into explicit areas in cities, delving into the history of urban cartography and exploring maps and urban spaces in strategic sites of multiple cities. In this book, however, we try to combine several ideas from the literature to map not only a city or multiple locations of various global examples but several cities of a region. By mapping, we refer to examples of city life experiences and those that are important to urban regeneration strategies and practices.

1.3 The New, the Old, and the New-Old

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1.2 The Aim and Objectives of the Book As the name of the book entails, mapping urban regeneration is not a simple task. It requires a detailed understanding of urban regeneration practices and their impacts on society. Such impacts are often studied in growing cities or regions (Raco, 2003). Still, they are not looked at carefully in areas where decay and decline are intrusive, making cities and urban regions undergo extreme gentrification, renewal, and redevelopment. Hence, the idea of ‘mapping urban regeneration’ is to map the regeneration practices and their impacts on urban areas, people, and places. Here, urban regeneration’s purpose is important—How does it matter? How it affects society? How it creates change? And how it leads to new urbanities? There are concerns about how urban regeneration relates to realities, particularly in the context of China (Zhai & Ng, 2009). Some of these realities need to reflect on socio-economic developments, governmental strategies, cultural conflicts, spatial requirements, management issues, and regional and local economic strategies. Therefore, we can summarise the objective of this book into four critical areas. The first is to evaluate the urban regeneration practices of a region. The second is to understand mechanisms, directions, and impacts driven by the notion of ‘urban regeneration’ versus urban renewal practices. The third is demonstrating case study examples, mapping, and understanding how urban regeneration influences placemaking strategies, people, and their daily lives. And the fourth is to dig out the pros and cons of context-specific urban regeneration practices to see how they meet environmental, physical, social, and cultural objectives in their strategies.

1.3 The New, the Old, and the New-Old First, it is important to distinguish between the three different urban areas, particularly in old towns and regenerated urban areas/zones—i.e., the new, the old, and the new-old. These three regeneration types are seen and experienced in many Chinese cities, where there are often traces of urban regeneration projects. The ‘new’ is where the development is sold as a sort of regeneration project, which is, in fact, a renewal project. Such projects often have extreme economic and physical transformations, leading to inevitable gentrification and displacement of local economies and communities. The terms renewal and regeneration are combined in the hope that the new is appreciated more, which is usually the case. The ‘old’ is where we see genuine regeneration happen either fully or partially, but it happens. In this process, regeneration may remain a top-down process, often leading to a top-down creation of a cultural cluster (Sonn et al., 2017), art zone, etc. There are social dynamics involved in such processes that are centered around regenerating a place/zone by putting or injecting identity into the community (Heath et al., 2017). The ‘new-old’ is an attempt at mixed renewal and regeneration, which is often the case where older quarters and heritage sites were wiped out several decades ago. In declining cultural

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quarters (Cheshmehzangi, 2011), we see similar approaches that help retain some of the sites’ physicality but change land uses, economic and industrial structures, social and cultural attributes, and even patterns of the urban areas. These three examples are standard practices of programmes under the umbrella of ‘urban regeneration’ projects, usually seen in larger cities, touristic hubs, and small-to-medium-size cities of historical value. By questioning the future of urban regeneration, Lawless (2010) explicitly argues about augmenting strategies for regeneration programmes, which should include more of just make-up attempts for regeneration of the older parts of the city. We see similar trends and struggles in many global examples, but many activists help keep the older quarters alive and functional. The functionality of such older urban areas is a big challenge, especially since some could not keep the original communities and economies, and some need to be more adaptive and flexible to include new industries, new spatial layouts, etc. The conflicts between the old and the new-old are apparent in many projects in China. In fact, by engaging with the public, we usually realise they prefer to be relocated to a better living environment rather than staying in old and rusty communities. Some still resist staying in older communities just because of land values and their attachment to what they have developed or acquired over the years. However, for most of the local communities, if a better alternative were provided, they would not hesitate to move out. Hence, this situation has become an excellent opportunity for developers and local communities to reshape the city environments in the name of urban modernisation. The process often occurs via densification and renewal processes rather than regeneration projects. The old is often kept or preserved in a different context than it occurs in other contexts, such as in the European context. The new is usually a mid-to-highrise development of multiplied floor area rations (FARs) and smaller surface coverages on the ground. The new-old is often a new touristic hub or a place where the citizens and visitors could spend their half-day leisure or family time. In all cases, Chinese cities have gone through and are going through extreme transitions at a very rapid pace. In the cities of Yunnan Province, which we focus on in this book, the situation is slightly different. Due to their historical charms and values, those cities are not large and are already touristic hubs. Hence, the trio of the new, the old, and the new-old development and transformations occur very vividly. Considering that China is still urbanising and an industrialised nation, we are yet to witness the impacts of deindustrialisation on some of its urban regions. However, urban regeneration has become the backbone of many medium-sized cities, particularly in historical areas where domestic tourism is booming. Despite many efforts by other scholars and us, public participation in urban regeneration processes is still primitive. Issues of community engagement and social capital are yet to be explored further (Zhai & Ng, 2013), and the development of social infrastructure is not yet the priority. Some argue about the cultural politics of urban regeneration in China (Chen et al., 2020a, 2020b), where we see more culture-based regeneration programmes taking place in larger cities. There are also conflicts with land ownership, labour mobility, workforce retention, and property-rights transitions that continuously shape and reshape urban regeneration policies and strategies. Some

1.3 The New, the Old, and the New-Old

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urban areas with historical values, architectural characteristics, and cultural qualities are exceptions. Nevertheless, renewal is the ultimate choice for most of the older residential, commercial, and industrial urban areas. We note there remain many challenges related to urban regeneration policies and practices in China. However, these challenges could differ from context to context within the country. In larger cities, we see different trends of contemporary regeneration programmes, while in the declining regions, the struggles are entirely different. In the following section, we briefly delve into some of the general challenges and opportunities of urban regeneration policies and practices in China. In doing so, we hope to shed light on some of the current issues that could be looked at more precisely and considerately, at least from the people-oriented opportunities and community perspectives. Figures 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9, 1.10, 1.11, 1.12, 1.13 and 1.14 are some examples of what happens in areas where regeneration is no longer an option and urban development reshapes the city.

Fig. 1.1 The many closed doors of a community in southern part of Huangpu district in Shanghai, China. By the time this book is published, these buildings are demolished and their sites will be redeveloped to high-end mixed-use development, prominently for new areas of commercial towers, residential compounds, and businesses (Source The Author)

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Fig. 1.2 The many closed doors of a community in southern part of Huangpu district in Shanghai, China. By the time this book is published, these buildings are demolished and their sites will be redeveloped to high-end mixed-use development, prominently for new areas of commercial towers, residential compounds, and businesses (Source The Author)

1.4 Urban Regeneration Practices in China: Challenges and Opportunities Over a decade ago, Ye (2011) highlighted some of the main issues related to urban regeneration in China, exploring policies and development paradigms that may still be visible now. Some of the arguments included “how residents and communities are affected and how their economic and social rights are protected, the role of governments and developers, and the interaction between main participants in a broad Chinese socio-political context” (ibid). The latter point remains a global issue, where remaking places are often branded in various ways and sold as making better places for the citizens or people (Cheshmehzangi & Li, 2020; Raco, 2003). The so-called community-oriented approaches we seek often neglect the social issues or needs that may suggest a different story than the end results of regeneration programmes. By assuming that we do the right thing, there remain law and legal struggles in urban regeneration programmes, mainly through relationships between various stakeholders and including the local communities (Imrie & Thomas, 1997). The struggle is seen elsewhere in post-socialist contexts (Keresztély & Scott, 2012) and in places

1.4 Urban Regeneration Practices in China: Challenges and Opportunities

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Fig. 1.3 The many closed doors of a community in southern part of Huangpu district in Shanghai, China. By the time this book is published, these buildings are demolished and their sites will be redeveloped to high-end mixed-use development, prominently for new areas of commercial towers, residential compounds, and businesses (Source The Author)

where socio-political processes have undergone institutional transitions or transformations. In China, from the socio-political perspective, the challenge remains to be in place for issues related to ‘right to the city; (Shin, 2011), urban redevelopment paradigms (Shin, 2008), and changing policies that support renewal strategies (Romano, 2020). There are many examples of such challenges in redevelopment programmes of urban villages in China (Li et al., 2014), land readjustments (Li & Li, 2007), and urban land conversations via the modernisation process. In addition, there is also this common perception of ongoing international influence and local response (Fan, 2014), which should there are still many experimental projects or knowledge transfer platforms where governments and developers still follow some of the non-local practices. For instance, the attempts to transform brownfield areas in a transitional economy (Wu & Qin, 2018) exemplify socio-political interplays, particularly in regard to regenerating urban areas. Removal and resettlement procedures (Yang & Chang, 2007) often raise many eyebrows and are considered significant issues that suggest pro-growth and redevelopment strategies in the name of urban regeneration programmes. In recent years, culture-led regeneration programmes have also become more sensitive that question issues of stakeholder classification, community participation processes, and decision-making methods. These examples reflect the adaptive reuse of older industrial and cultural sites (Niu

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Fig. 1.4 The many closed doors of a community in southern part of Huangpu district in Shanghai, China. By the time this book is published, these buildings are demolished and their sites will be redeveloped to high-end mixed-use development, prominently for new areas of commercial towers, residential compounds, and businesses (Source The Author)

et al., 2018) as well as spatial and physical transformations. In the following two sub-sections, we highlight some of the significant challenges and opportunities for urban regeneration practices in China.

1.4.1 Challenges When it comes to challenges, it is hard to look away from the rapid urban growth and expansions of these past decades. Some of these expansions have created many gentrified areas, and some have genuinely upgraded cities, communities, and lifestyles. And perhaps, it is likely that a few generations were sacrificed to reach what we currently see in many medium and large (and super large) Chinese cities. Fostering community engagement has been narrowed down to some specific participatory practices, which are also quite similar to the other contexts. In a way, we barely believe in genuine people-oriented approaches in urban regeneration programmes. The primary challenge for many cities now is the fact that some of their historical areas are negatively affected by rapid urban transformations and/or expansions. We see a lack of adaptive strategy in urban regeneration practices (Tan & Altrock,

1.4 Urban Regeneration Practices in China: Challenges and Opportunities

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Fig. 1.5 The many closed doors of a community in southern part of Huangpu district in Shanghai, China. By the time this book is published, these buildings are demolished and their sites will be redeveloped to high-end mixed-use development, prominently for new areas of commercial towers, residential compounds, and businesses (Source The Author)

2016), which lack public participation practices. Although there are many reports of literature about collaborative decision-making for urban regeneration programmes in China (Wang et al., 2021), we see the realities on the ground to be very different. The processes are often redevelopment and removal of the local communities through mutual agreements, which we have witnessed many times. This is also linked to another challenge related to the institutional dilemma and governance transformation in China’s urban regeneration (Zhang et al., 2022), meaning that there is an urgent need for innovation in paradigm shifts. Emerging participative approaches in many Chinese cities (Chen & Qu, 2020) indicate there is a demand to overcome participatory and governance challenges, enabling people to be at the core of directing or influencing urban regeneration projects. Lastly, we see critical issues related to resident structures, property rights, and land ownership, some of which we expect to be addressed through transitions and/or reforms via China’s New-Type Urbanisation Plan (NUP) (Chen et al., 2022; Cheshmehzangi, 2016; Cheshmehzangi & Tang, 2022). The three aspects of land, finance, and people are the highlights of the NUP (Cheshmehzangi, 2016), which remain to be major issues for urban regeneration programmes in China and elsewhere (Wu et al., 2020). The associated challenge is related to the diversity of multiple stakeholders’

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Fig. 1.6 The many closed doors of a community in southern part of Huangpu district in Shanghai, China. By the time this book is published, these buildings are demolished and their sites will be redeveloped to high-end mixed-use development, prominently for new areas of commercial towers, residential compounds, and businesses (Source The Author)

interests in urban regeneration programmes. This fact also influences adaptive planning measures and grading of what could be perceived as valuable and not valuable in urban areas. Hence, we see major renewal projects taking place in historical quarters or areas where community livelihood could be flourished. Bringing art and culture-led regeneration back to communities has become a sort of common practice that is over-exploited already, meaning there are too many of the same projects or programmes that cannot be sustained for long. Hence, the economic viability in this vacuum of socio-economic sustainability has become a significant concern for pure urban regeneration projects with substantial land-use changes, such as those post-industrial sites converted to art and cultural zones.

1.4.2 Opportunities While China’s urban regeneration policies practices drive many challenges, we also provide a brief overview of opportunities. One of the opportunities is related to stakeholder management in government-led urban regeneration (Wang et al., 2022),

1.4 Urban Regeneration Practices in China: Challenges and Opportunities

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Fig. 1.7 The many closed doors of a community in southern part of Huangpu district in Shanghai, China. By the time this book is published, these buildings are demolished and their sites will be redeveloped to high-end mixed-use development, prominently for new areas of commercial towers, residential compounds, and businesses (Source The Author)

which is gradually changing the dynamics of people’s participation in urban regeneration processes. Such an approach is based on debates on choices between topdown and bottom-up practices that may differ from context to context. However, the approaches in inner cities and culture-oriented urban regeneration projects are slightly different, as top-down approaches are commonly practiced. While there is a major consideration of human-centric planning and design (Guo et al., 2021), we still have more opportunities than strengths regarding such practices. In some examples of post-industrial urban regeneration projects, we see more opportunities for economic and technical development zones (Chen et al., 2020a, 2020b), such as developing high-tech zones, industrial parks, etc. Regarding decision-making processes, we see there are still gaps in how policies drive top-down decision-making processes. However, these are gradually changing, as there is more force behind space reproductions in Chinese cities (Liu, 2022) within a significant dilemma of spatial planning and spatial reconfiguration in cities and urban areas. There is also a growing number of institutional innovations (Tang et al., 2017) that directly address matters related to political structure, spatial governance, and land revenues. While the great-leap-forward development mode has positive effects on urban development (Sun et al., 2013), we see further transitions are needed to develop characteristics of urban regeneration in China. In most cases, the

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Fig. 1.8 The old waiting to be demolished and replaced with the new in Huangpu District, Shanghai (Source The Author)

1.4 Urban Regeneration Practices in China: Challenges and Opportunities

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Fig. 1.9 The old with some architectural characteristics but with an uncertain future, in Huangpu District, Shanghai (Source The Author)

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Fig. 1.10 A view of emptied residential areas where timber components of buildings are dismantled piece by piece, South of Huangpu District, Shanghai (Source The Author)

transitions are based on embedding local or Chinese characteristics in developing new commercial hubs (Ng et al., 2001) or creating trade-offs for adaptive governance of such projects (Li et al., 2022). Hence, there are opportunities for urban renovation projects of various scales (Sun & Chen, 2021), processes that could create opportunities for a more comprehensive and sustainable urban regeneration. Thus, we must look at critical factors and the relationship of regeneration with other factors, such as placemaking strategies, urban transitions, and community development. These are the points that we hope could be covered in this book.

1.5 Why Mapping Urban Regeneration? It is crucial to map impacts rather than practices and see how changes, transitions, and transformations occur in cities and urban areas (Cheshmehzangi, 2012). These are even more important in the context of declining urban areas, decaying regions, and shrinking cities. The question remains, “why map urban regeneration?” The answer reflects that the study of urban regeneration policies and practices alone is insufficient. Instead, we have to delve into the impacts and assess what urban regeneration

1.6 A Summary

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Fig. 1.11 An old area that cannot be regenerated due to political and economic decisions and waiting to be demolished soon, South of Huangpu District, Shanghai (Source The Author)

does to places and people, as well as life experiences and society. Existing literature explores examples of mapping stakeholders in urban regeneration partnerships (Vandenbussche, 2018) and cultural mapping studies related to places’ narratives (Ortega Nuere & Bayón, 2021). Nevertheless, little is done on how urban regeneration affects urban areas and uses, particularly those that somehow determine city life experiences. Thus, mapping urban regeneration is a sensible way to evaluate the impacts rather than just practices—something that we hope is relatively new in the urban regeneration area.

1.6 A Summary This book is a collection of case study examples in a particular context focused on mapping urban regeneration and its impacts on places and people. The notion of city life experience is brought in directly as we hope to debate regeneration versus various other factors related to socio-cultural, socio-economic, socio-environmental, and socio-political aspects of cities and communities. The book covers case study

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Fig. 1.12 An old area that cannot be regenerated due to political and economic decisions and waiting to be demolished soon, South of Huangpu District, Shanghai (Source The Author)

examples in the Yunnan Province’s four cities: Kunming, Dali, Lijiang, and ShangriLa. These case study examples shed light on urban regeneration practices and their impacts on city life experience. The mapping approach is rich in terms of evaluating the effects and influences of such projects on people and places. These case study examples are highlighted in Chaps. 2–7. The book concludes with several reflective views, lessons learnt, and pathways for future urban regeneration policies and practices, particularly in the context of China and similar places where rapid urbanisation has already wiped out or is in the process of wiping out the older quarters of cities and towns. The last chapter serves as a summary chapter, concluding with some extracted lessons for urban regeneration directions, now and in the near future. We have done quite a bit on how urban regeneration should be directed and perceived in China, but often we sense that our efforts are not persuasive enough. The advocacy role we took by putting our social scientist hat on seems to have less influence on what we hope can occur in a sort of organic urban regeneration process or mode (Cheshmehzangi & Mangi, 2023). Thus, there is an urgent need to map urban regeneration and its impacts on people and places, i.e., life experiences. The following examples in the following six chapters will help us highlight the importance of people, places, and city life experiences in urban regeneration processes and results. The following chapters provide context-specific case study examples in Yunnan Province, southwest China. The case study examples map urban regeneration practices and how they matter to local economies, communities, visitors, governments, and observers/researchers/professionals. In the end, best practices

1.6 A Summary

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Fig. 1.13 The end of an era and closure of old buildings, uncertain future of the old fire detection towers, and inevitable changes, South of Huangpu District, Shanghai (Source The Author)

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Fig. 1.14 The new that is gradually meeting the old, where the future has only one direction of redevelopment and renewal, South of Huangpu District, Shanghai (Source The Author)

References

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matter to us, and we hope these case study examples showcase them in the best possible way. Hence, we hope it helps to map urban regeneration.

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Chapter 2

Regenerating Local Industries and Urban Experiences that Matter

This is a pivotal time for urban regeneration. We must take a long term view. —Richard Rogers

2.1 The Linkage Between Urban Regeneration and Industry Development China has a major emphasis on industrial production (Chen et al., 2022; Cheshmehzangi, 2016) and how it fuels opportunities for urban entrepreneurialism and sustainable development (Xie et al., 2020). Industrial production remains the backbone of many cities, towns, and communities, particularly in less-developed regions like Yunnan province. The under-developed areas often go through rapid redevelopment or urban expansion, some via utilising the existing industries and some via new industry development. It is evident that many Chinese cities are still tangled with their industrial development and urban expansion plans—if not urbanisation processes— in a sort of transitional development (Cheshmehzangi, 2021). We can see this trend continuing in areas where urban regeneration is still ongoing. Hence, we note there is an apparent linkage between urban regeneration and industry development. Healey (1991) is probably one of the first scholars who adeptly links urban regeneration with the development industry, somehow identifying the role of industry structure in local and regional developments. She also discusses the role of institutional structures and how they operate in regenerating obsolete industrial sites through property development, showing the significance of the dynamics of the local conditions (Healey, 1995). Such studies highlight the importance of industry capacity and industry development in regenerating cities and urban areas. The absence of industries or sufficient industry structure means there are more considerable challenges regarding regeneration processes. Despite their robust industrial structure, major global hubs have faced significant urban pressures that could challenge their officials for decades. Examples of © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 A. Cheshmehzangi, Mapping Urban Regeneration, Urban Sustainability, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3541-3_2

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shrinking cities and urban decline demonstrate how severe the impacts could be on society. Detroit’s urban decay is probably the most protuberant example of a city after deindustrialisation. Nonetheless, the auto industry’s collapse was not the only cause of such enduring decay. This industrial decline was combined with other factors or externalities of political conflicts and segregation that fuelled Detroit’s failures. In the process of the rise and fall of the urban environments, even major cities like Tokyo, Seoul, and Saint Petersburg face considerable decline, such as the decline in their urban population. Thus, no evidence exists that the continuity of industrial operations could sustain growth or even stability in a particular city. However, the decline of industrial structure and its functions could certainly lead to eventual decay. In many projects in China and elsewhere, we could see the direct link between urban regeneration and industry development. Cities and urban areas are often regenerated based on the industrial structure, demand, and new operations that are embedded in their industrial development. Many cases of importing or injecting new industries lead to regenerating cities and urban areas with new infrastructure, new residents and workers, and new visitors. In cases like Kunming, the capital city of Yunnan Province, the rapid growth of food and flower production is perceived as a tool for regenerating many urban areas and nearby villages and communities in and around the city. According to the local government’s recent report on February 2023, the city’s industrial investment has increased by 41% compared to 2006. This means there is continuous support for investment promotion, high-tech enterprises, and economic development at the city level: The city has built four industrial parks for traditional industries and another four zones for newly emergent sectors. It has also nurtured such specialty industries as petrochemicals, mineral exploration, equipment manufacturing, new materials, bio-medicine, digital economy and food processing…Meanwhile, Kunming had 361 new high-tech enterprises in 2022, up by 25.29 percent from a year earlier. This year, Kunming will intensify its efforts to promote industrial revitalization, carry out an industry-driven development strategy, optimize industrial layout, administrative mechanisms and operating models of local industrial zones, and shore up weak links in the construction of infrastructure facilities. (Kunming Government, 2023)

There are also many examples of a major relocation of older industries out of the city, such as the Southwestern Copper Co. Ltd. and Yunnan Gold Industrial Park. Nowadays, there is more room for smart manufacturing and food production industries, supporting major enterprises “to further optimize their product structure, consolidate and expand their traditional strength as well as market share, and push for the building of manufacturing bases” (Kunming Government, 2023). There is also a significant emphasis on several new areas, such as smart city development, internetconnected vehicles, AI innovation, and industrial digitisation—moving toward integrating digital technologies with traditional industries and towards digital economy development. In particular, the optimisation of operations for food and flower production is vital as they are embedded in the city structure, city life, and the resident’s local roots in their city production.

2.3 Local Industries and Their Playful Part in Urban Experiences

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2.2 Urban Transitions and Process of Change: Kunming, Yunnan While Kunming has gone through transitional development to modernise its industrial system, it is mostly dominated by three primary industries of “the modern service industry”, “modern agriculture”, and “advanced manufacturing industry” (Kunming Government, 2022). The transitions in how such modernisation occurred via planning and spatial interventions could be seen clearly from how the local industries are developed over the years. The city’s service sector has grown significantly over the years and has “formed an eight-industry system focusing on trade and logistics, finance, tourism, and cultural and creative industries” (ibid). While almost 70% of the province’s high-tech enterprises are located in and around Kunming, we can see traces of a gradual shift to scientific and technological innovation. Thus, we are witnessing another round of transitions related to industrial restructuring and the industrial structure of the city (Figs. 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7 and 2.8). In the following 18 examples of transitions through a sort of cartography analysis (Figs. 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 2.14, 2.15, 2.16, 2.17, 2.18, 2.19, 2.20, 2.21, 2.22, 2.23, 2.24, 2.25, 2.26, 2.27, 2.28, 2.29, 2.30, 2.31, 2.32, 2.33, 2.34, 2.35, 2.36, 2.37, 2.38, 2.39, 2.40, 2.41, 2.42, 2.43, 2.44, 2.45, 2.46, 2.47, 2.48, 2.49, 2.50, 2.51, 2.52, 2.53, 2.54, 2.55, 2.56, 2.57, 2.58, 2.59, 2.60, 2.61, 2.62, 2.63, 2.64, 2.65, 2.66, 2.67, 2.68, 2.69, 2.70, 2.71, 2.72, 2.73, 2.74, 2.75, 2.76, 2.77, 2.78, 2.79, 2.80, 2.81, 2.82, 2.83, 2.84, 2.85, 2.86 and 2.87), we can see significant transitions in traditional local industries, particularly the ones related to the city’s food and flower production (and some related to local coffee production). As seen in these maps of various locations in and around Kunming, the change process has been transformative regarding infrastructural, physical, and spatial developments. These cartography analyses are shown in tables of 4–6 transitional phases for the past two decades, showing how the planning and configuration of the specific urban areas have changed over the years. These transitional developments indicate the importance of local industries and regenerating them to retain workforces, maintain regional or local characteristics and production, and enhance the city’s industrial structure. In essence, the impacts are also on (urban) life experiences of local communities, neighbourhoods, and visitors.

2.3 Local Industries and Their Playful Part in Urban Experiences The importance of market-driven industry frameworks is highlighted at smaller scales of neighbourhoods (Dawodu et al., 2017, 2022) and is likely to be the case to help enhance urban experiences at the smaller scale too. Undoubtedly, local industries are a playful part of creating better urban experiences—either as palimpsests through regeneration processes or as part of urban life through integrated mechanisms.

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Fig. 2.1 Examples of urban living and working areas within the large food and flower production industries. In many cases local villages and urban-village are surrounded by local industries in larger industrial clusters (Source photos taken by the author)

Embedded as part of sustainable development approaches in China, we can see traces of improving city life experiences at the local level (Liu et al., 2014), where local industries and governments play a role in regenerating cities and urban areas. Despite labour market segmentation by industry sectors and issues related to migrant wages (Ma, 2018), the growing disparities between rural and urban residents could be partially resolved by integrating local industries and urban livelihoods. The case of Kunming is a good example where in the case of growing local economies or industries, there are opportunities for the local communities and villages to be part of the overall growth. However, this may apply to something other than shrinking industries where recent urban transformations have negatively impacted some existing or traditional industries.

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Fig. 2.2 Examples of urban living and working areas within the large food and flower production industries. In many cases local villages and urban-village are surrounded by local industries in larger industrial clusters (Source photos taken by the author)

While in other cities in Yunnan, there is more support for cultural and creative industries in urban development, in Kunming, there are conflicts between local industries and urban space development (as shown in case study examples above). There is an evidenced temporally cyclic growth model of urban spatial morphology in Kunming (Wu & Cheng, 2019), which slightly differs from other major cities of the Yunnan Province. The coordination between social economy and industrial structure enables the urban areas to include more industrialised or commercialised industries as part of the urban livelihoods. Perhaps, they sit slightly far from city life experiences unless residents and visitors experience them and if interactions could occur through daily operations. For instance, the push for modernised development of the urban farming industry in Kunming (Wang & Liu, 2016) has led to significant

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Fig. 2.3 Industry and local communities

urban transformations, such as the development of recreational farms, cultural experiences, agricultural development, and local industry productions. Over the years, such directions have mainly focused on configuring growth coalitions, particularly for programmes that are related to urban aggrandizement in the city and its nearby villages or towns (Wu & Waley, 2018). The process of decentralising some of these traditional industries through a modernisation process has created a dual effect of clustered industries and individualised industries linked to particular living areas or zones. In a way, the impacts are visible on institutional decision processes as well as developing main urban regions and satellite cities around the city (Sun & Huang, 2020; Yi et al., 2023). Hence, the linkages between industry parks and creative, cultural, and leisure-based activities are growing more rapidly. In this transitional development, there is more emphasis on how local industries could become more playful in creating urban experiences and enhancing urban livelihoods through local

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Fig. 2.4 Industrial production and the city

values and traditional industries. The productions, partly linked to productive city ideals, could support spatial modernity (Zhang, 2006) and context-specific planning and spatial interventions.

2.4 Local Industries, Local Economies, and Local Urban Life The city, as a palimpsest, is a lively place where post-industrial urban areas could become renovated and revitalised through regeneration processes (Cheshmehzangi & Willman, 2023). Where there are opportunities for economic circles and industrial

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Fig. 2.5 Where the city meets its traditional sites, local industries, food production, landscapes, and living (Source photo taken by the author)

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Fig. 2.6 Two aerial views of the same local community, food production, and industrialised packaging and dissemination centers and warehouses in Northern part of Kunming, Yunnan (Source photo taken by the author)

clusters (Cheshmehzangi & Tang, 2022a, 2022b), there are more opportunities for developing and integrating industries in urban areas. As highlighted by Rowley (1994), local economies should not be neglected in the process of urban regeneration, or else the negative impacts on them will be severe. Similarly, Carley (1991) suggests businesses should be part of urban regeneration partnerships, ensuring they can be integrated and included in such transitional processes. These directions could be seen in places like Kunming, where non-residential urban areas are prominently developed around local industries and economies’ capacity. For years, the City of Kunming has been growing to become a regional international (mega) city focused on promoting local economic development (Wu et al., 2015). This development trend is seen in places where local economies and industries

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Fig. 2.7 Two aerial views of the same local community, food production, and industrialised packaging and dissemination centers and warehouses in Northern part of Kunming, Yunnan (Source photo taken by the author).

have grown more rapidly, some through industrial restructuring and some through industry transfer or development. Hence, for more than two decades, the emphasis has been on developing domestic economic policies and adapting towards a market orientation model (Ranganathan, 2001). However, more recent studies show that there is a sort of spatial mismatch between life quality and local economic development in cities like Kunming (Zeng et al., 2020). This means some of the rapid regional development strategies are segregated from local life values and expectations. This phenomenon could become a major challenge in reviving and regenerating the city and its urban areas in a post-industrial urban society. Hence, it is vital to keep healthy relationships between local industries and economies and local urban life.

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Fig. 2.8 Another type of local neighbourhoods or traditional villages linked with local production and industries (Source photo taken by the author)

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Fig. 2.9 Case study example 1 in Kunming, Yunnan (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2006 to 2022)

Fig. 2.10 Case study example 1 in Kunming, Yunnan (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2006 to 2022)

Detaching these from each other could eventually change the city’s identity, characteristics, and local features. This is already evident in declining rural livelihoods and local economies, where the negative impacts of urbanisation and urban growth are more visible.

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Fig. 2.11 Case study example 1 in Kunming, Yunnan (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2006 to 2022)

Fig. 2.12 Case study example 1 in Kunming, Yunnan (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2006 to 2022)

2.5 Other Industries and Urban Regeneration Some other examples to look up to are creative industries and cultural creativity to enhance social inclusion, traditional industries, and innovation (Cheshmehzangi & Munday, 2022; Gregory, 2016; Sasaki, 2010). For instance, in many cases, cultural quarters are considered mechanisms for urban regeneration (Montgomery, 2004), meaning they can co-create and simulate various economies, urban cultures, and

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Fig. 2.13 Case study example 1 in Kunming, Yunnan (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2006 to 2022)

Fig. 2.14 Case study example 2 in Kunming, Yunnan. This examples shows the complexity of urban industry changes and how new residential and leisure areas are introduced in a productive part of the city (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2005, 2009, 2011, 2013, 2016, and 2022)

street life. This is also similar to the renovation of industrial heritage sites (Sun & Chen, 2021) through which catalysing sustainable urban regeneration is a significant opportunity for renovation and fabric improvement. Moreover, creative industries have become an active part of regeneration projects/ programmes and are embedded in policy terms as part of the regeneration agenda. This is common in European and North American contexts, where post-industrial sites are used for creative industries or zones. Some cities like Shanghai also invest

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Fig. 2.15 Case study example 2 in Kunming, Yunnan. This examples shows the complexity of urban industry changes and how new residential and leisure areas are introduced in a productive part of the city. (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2005, 2009, 2011, 2013, 2016, and 2022)

Fig. 2.16 Case study example 2 in Kunming, Yunnan. This examples shows the complexity of urban industry changes and how new residential and leisure areas are introduced in a productive part of the city (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2005, 2009, 2011, 2013, 2016, and 2022)

heavily in creative industries and create creative industrial clusters (Yang, 2012). This is similar to cultural regeneration projects in Hong Kong (Tang, 2016) or other places where cultural and creative industries (CCIs) could play a playful part in regenerating or revising urban areas (Liang & Wang, 2020). In a way, as O’Connor and Xin (2006) argue, there is an opportunity for ‘a new modernity’, where cultural and creative industries could develop culture-led urban regeneration and contemporary urban

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Fig. 2.17 Case study example 2 in Kunming, Yunnan. This examples shows the complexity of urban industry changes and how new residential and leisure areas are introduced in a productive part of the city (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2005, 2009, 2011, 2013, 2016, and 2022)

Fig. 2.18 Case study example 2 in Kunming, Yunnan. This examples shows the complexity of urban industry changes and how new residential and leisure areas are introduced in a productive part of the city. (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2005, 2009, 2011, 2013, 2016, and 2022)

cultures. In his handbook of cultural and creative industries in China, Keane (2016) argues that much of the development in these areas is owed to the influx of foreign companies working in China, which is partially true as they provided exchanges and knowledge sharing between their origin countries and China. Hence, in the past decade or so, there has been more emphasis on developing context-specific theories and models of urban regeneration that did not exist before.

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Fig. 2.19 Case study example 2 in Kunming, Yunnan. This examples shows the complexity of urban industry changes and how new residential and leisure areas are introduced in a productive part of the city (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2005, 2009, 2011, 2013, 2016, and 2022)

Fig. 2.20 Case study example 3 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the emergence of new industries, industrialised operations, and distribution centers (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2002, 2006, 2009, 2012, 2016, and 2021)

Lastly, we can reflect on how specific industries could help revive cities and urban areas. Through regeneration processes, such directions are critical to sustaining local urban life, or else, the disappearance of localities could create alienated urban environments. Some earlier examples are focused on music industries and urban regeneration (Cohen, 1991), showing how local media, local communities, and local traditions could be kept active through regeneration processes. Thus, through our

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Fig. 2.21 Case study example 3 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the emergence of new industries, industrialised operations, and distribution centers (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2002, 2006, 2009, 2012, 2016, and 2021)

Fig. 2.22 Case study example 3 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the emergence of new industries, industrialised operations, and distribution centers (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2002, 2006, 2009, 2012, 2016, and 2021)

transitional analysis, we urge the governments and developers to consider more of the local values than creating new locals that may not be relevant to the context. While art, design, and media have become more visible in developing creative industries in China (Keane, 2013), we still believe in the role of spatial characteristics of creative clusters in cities (He & Gebhardt, 2014). Therefore, as reported in this chapter, we have to keep a balance between urban development, local industries and economies,

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Fig. 2.23 Case study example 3 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the emergence of new industries, industrialised operations, and distribution centers (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2002, 2006, 2009, 2012, 2016, and 2021)

Fig. 2.24 Case study example 3 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the emergence of new industries, industrialised operations, and distribution centers (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2002, 2006, 2009, 2012, 2016, and 2021)

and those localities that matter for the city’s characteristics, progress, and sustainability. Without such linkages or a balance, we would face transformations and not transitions, and some could be irreversible despite the repentant decision-making processes. In this regard, industrial restructuring should not be looked at from the economic and environmental perspectives alone but also from social, cultural, and institutional perspectives.

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Fig. 2.25 Case study example 3 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the emergence of new industries, industrialised operations, and distribution centers (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2002, 2006, 2009, 2012, 2016, and 2021)

Fig. 2.26 Case study example 4 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows rapid land-use changes including the formalisation of productions, road networks, and industrial structure and infrastructure in a mixed area of many villages and industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010, 2014, 2016, and 2022)

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Fig. 2.27 Case study example 4 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows rapid land-use changes including the formalisation of productions, road networks, and industrial structure and infrastructure in a mixed area of many villages and industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010, 2014, 2016, and 2022)

Fig. 2.28 Case study example 4 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows rapid land-use changes including the formalisation of productions, road networks, and industrial structure and infrastructure in a mixed area of many villages and industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010, 2014, 2016, and 2022)

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2 Regenerating Local Industries and Urban Experiences that Matter

Fig. 2.29 Case study example 4 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows rapid land-use changes including the formalisation of productions, road networks, and industrial structure and infrastructure in a mixed area of many villages and industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010, 2014, 2016, and 2022)

Fig. 2.30 Case study example 5 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the rapid growth and development of formalising food production industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010, 2012, 2016, and 2022)

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Fig. 2.31 Case study example 5 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the rapid growth and development of formalising food production industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010, 2012, 2016, and 2022)

Fig. 2.32 Case study example 5 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the rapid growth and development of formalising food production industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010, 2012, 2016, and 2022)

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2 Regenerating Local Industries and Urban Experiences that Matter

Fig. 2.33 Case study example 5 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the rapid growth and development of formalising food production industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010, 2012, 2016, and 2022)

Fig. 2.34 Case study example 6 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example is a typical spatial layout of a village and its surrounding food industries and production (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.35 Case study example 6 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example is a typical spatial layout of a village and its surrounding food industries and production (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

Fig. 2.36 Case study example 6 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example is a typical spatial layout of a village and its surrounding food industries and production (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

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2 Regenerating Local Industries and Urban Experiences that Matter

Fig. 2.37 Case study example 7 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the role of new industries and productions in changing the layouts, development pattern, and spatial configuration of local villages and their productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

Fig. 2.38 Case study example 7 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the role of new industries and productions in changing the layouts, development pattern, and spatial configuration of local villages and their productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.39 Case study example 7 in Kunming, Yunnan. This example shows the role of new industries and productions in changing the layouts, development pattern, and spatial configuration of local villages and their productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

Fig. 2.40 Case study example 8 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of a fast-growing industrial food production and its impact on local urban development as well as industrialised zones, distribution centers, and warehouses (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010 to 2022)

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2 Regenerating Local Industries and Urban Experiences that Matter

Fig. 2.41 Case study example 8 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of a fast-growing industrial food production and its impact on local urban development as well as industrialised zones, distribution centers, and warehouses (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010 to 2022)

Fig. 2.42 Case study example 8 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of a fast-growing industrial food production and its impact on local urban development as well as industrialised zones, distribution centers, and warehouses (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.43 Case study example 8 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of a fast-growing industrial food production and its impact on local urban development as well as industrialised zones, distribution centers, and warehouses (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2010 to 2022)

Fig. 2.44 Case study example 9 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of rapid formalisation and modernisation process where the industries are embedded in local urban development, residential unit development, and industrial production (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2008, 2012, 2014, 2019, and 2022)

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Fig. 2.45 Case study example 9 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of rapid formalisation and modernisation process where the industries are embedded in local urban development, residential unit development, and industrial production (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2008, 2012, 2014, 2019, and 2022)

Fig. 2.46 Case study example 9 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of rapid formalisation and modernisation process where the industries are embedded in local urban development, residential unit development, and industrial production (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2008, 2012, 2014, 2019, and 2022)

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Fig. 2.47 Case study example 9 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of rapid formalisation and modernisation process where the industries are embedded in local urban development, residential unit development, and industrial production (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2008, 2012, 2014, 2019, and 2022)

Fig. 2.48 Case study example 9 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of rapid formalisation and modernisation process where the industries are embedded in local urban development, residential unit development, and industrial production (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2008, 2012, 2014, 2019, and 2022)

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Fig. 2.49 Case study example 9 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of rapid formalisation and modernisation process where the industries are embedded in local urban development, residential unit development, and industrial production (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2008, 2012, 2014, 2019, and 2022)

Fig. 2.50 Case study example 10 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of land-use changes and shrinking local industries, giving way for new real estate and commercial projects (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2006 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.51 Case study example 10 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of land-use changes and shrinking local industries, giving way for new real estate and commercial projects (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2006 to 2022)

Fig. 2.52 Case study example 10 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of land-use changes and shrinking local industries, giving way for new real estate and commercial projects (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2006 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.53 Case study example 10 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of land-use changes and shrinking local industries, giving way for new real estate and commercial projects (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2006 to 2022)

Fig. 2.54 Case study example 11 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another example of rapid urban transformations where shrinking local industries are marginalised (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2005 to 2021)

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Fig. 2.55 Case study example 11 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another example of rapid urban transformations where shrinking local industries are marginalised (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2005 to 2021)

Fig. 2.56 Case study example 11 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another example of rapid urban transformations where shrinking local industries are marginalised (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2005 to 2021)

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Fig. 2.57 Case study example 11 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another example of rapid urban transformations where shrinking local industries are marginalised (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2005 to 2021)

Fig. 2.58 Case study example 12 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another example of local food production and the emergence of new industrial units (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.59 Case study example 12 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another example of local food production and the emergence of new industrial units (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

Fig. 2.60 Case study example 12 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another example of local food production and the emergence of new industrial units (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.61 Case study example 12 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another example of local food production and the emergence of new industrial units (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

Fig. 2.62 Case study example 13 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of gradual land-use changes, while local village communities remain intact with their nearby food production industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2009 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.63 Case study example 13 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of gradual land-use changes, while local village communities remain intact with their nearby food production industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2009 to 2022)

Fig. 2.64 Case study example 13 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of gradual land-use changes, while local village communities remain intact with their nearby food production industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2009 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.65 Case study example 13 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is an example of gradual land-use changes, while local village communities remain intact with their nearby food production industries (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2009 to 2022)

Fig. 2.66 Case study example 14 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another rapid expansion of local food, fruit, or flower productions linking to local communities and villages where local workforces reside. (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.67 Case study example 14 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another rapid expansion of local food, fruit, or flower productions linking to local communities and villages where local workforces reside (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

Fig. 2.68 Case study example 14 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another rapid expansion of local food, fruit, or flower productions linking to local communities and villages where local workforces reside (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.69 Case study example 14 in Kunming, Yunnan. This is another rapid expansion of local food, fruit, or flower productions linking to local communities and villages where local workforces reside (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

Fig. 2.70 Case study example 15 in Kunming, Yunnan. An example of industrialised food production through formalisation and modernisation processes (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.71 Case study example 15 in Kunming, Yunnan. An example of industrialised food production through formalisation and modernisation processes (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

Fig. 2.72 Case study example 15 in Kunming, Yunnan. An example of industrialised food production through formalisation and modernisation processes (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.73 Case study example 15 in Kunming, Yunnan. An example of industrialised food production through formalisation and modernisation processes (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2008 to 2022)

Fig. 2.74 Case study example 16 in Kunming, Yunnan. An example of a community attached to its nearby industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2009 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.75 Case study example 16 in Kunming, Yunnan. An example of a community attached to its nearby industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2009 to 2022)

Fig. 2.76 Case study example 16 in Kunming, Yunnan. An example of a community attached to its nearby industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2009 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.77 Case study example 16 in Kunming, Yunnan. An example of a community attached to its nearby industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2009 to 2022)

Fig. 2.78 Case study example 17 in Kunming, Yunnan. Another example of formalisation and modernisation of local industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2012 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.79 Case study example 17 in Kunming, Yunnan. Another example of formalisation and modernisation of local industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2012 to 2022)

Fig. 2.80 Case study example 17 in Kunming, Yunnan. Another example of formalisation and modernisation of local industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2012 to 2022)

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Fig. 2.81 Case study example 17 in Kunming, Yunnan. Another example of formalisation and modernisation of local industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2012 to 2022)

Fig. 2.82 Case study example 18 in Kunming, Yunnan. Another example of formalisation and modernisation of local industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2007, 2011, 2016, 2020 and 2022)

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Fig. 2.83 Case study example 18 in Kunming, Yunnan. Another example of formalisation and modernisation of local industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2007, 2011, 2016, 2020 and 2022)

Fig. 2.84 Case study example 18 in Kunming, Yunnan. Another example of formalisation and modernisation of local industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2007, 2011, 2016, 2020 and 2022)

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Fig. 2.85 Case study example 18 in Kunming, Yunnan. Another example of formalisation and modernisation of local industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2007, 2011, 2016, 2020 and 2022)

Fig. 2.86 Case study example 18 in Kunming, Yunnan. Another example of formalisation and modernisation of local industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2007, 2011, 2016, 2020 and 2022)

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Fig. 2.87 Case study example 18 in Kunming, Yunnan. Another example of formalisation and modernisation of local industries and productions (Source maps extracted by the author, from Google Earth maps, from 2001, 2007, 2011, 2016, 2020 and 2022)

References Carley, M. (1991). Business in urban regeneration partnerships: A case study in Birmingham. Local Economy, 6(2), 100–115. Chen, W., Cheshmehzangi, A., Mangi, E., & Heath, T. (2022). Implementations of China’s new-type urbanisation: A comparative analysis between targets and practices of key elements’ policies. Sustainability, 14(10), 6341. Cheshmehzangi, A. (2016). China’s new-type urbanisation plan (NUP) and the foreseeing challenges for decarbonization of cities: a review. Energy Procedia, 104, 146–152. Cheshmehzangi, A. (2021). Low carbon transition at the township level: Feasibility study of environmental pollutants and sustainable energy planning. International Journal of Sustainable Energy, 40(7), 670–696. Cheshmehzangi, A., & Munday, R. (2022). From global to local: The case of migration and urban identity for regenerative city transformations. Journal of Urban Regeneration & Renewal, 15(3), 308–324. Cheshmehzangi, A., & Tang, T. (2022a). Shandong Byland city cluster: From an agricultural hub to three economic circles and industrial clusters. In China’s city cluster development in the race to carbon neutrality (pp. 107–118). Springer Nature Singapore. Cheshmehzangi, A., & Tang, T. (2022b). Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei city cluster: From a political center to a major industrial and innovation chain. In China’s city cluster development in the race to carbon neutrality (pp. 35–46). Springer Nature Singapore. Cheshmehzangi, A., & Willman, E. (2023). The city as palimpsest to redefine the role of architectural continuity in re-establishing urban identity in post-industrial landscapes. Journal of Urban Regeneration & Renewal, 16(3), 340–357. Cohen, S. (1991). Popular music and urban regeneration: the music industries of Merseyside. Cultural Studies, 5(3), 332–346. Dawodu, A., Akinwolemiwa, B., & Cheshmehzangi, A. (2017). A conceptual re-visualization of the adoption and utilization of the pillars of sustainability in the development of neighbourhood sustainability assessment tools. Sustainable Cities and Society, 28, 398–410.

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Dawodu, A., Cheshmehzangi, A., Sharifi, A., & Oladejo, J. (2022). Neighborhood sustainability assessment tools: Research trends and forecast for the built environment. Sustainable Futures, 4, 100064. Gregory, J. J. (2016). Creative industries and urban regeneration–The Maboneng precinct, Johannesburg. Local Economy, 31(1–2), 158–171. He, J. L., & Gebhardt, H. (2014). Space of creative industries: A case study of spatial characteristics of creative clusters in Shanghai. European Planning Studies, 22(11), 2351–2368. Healey, P. (1991). Urban regeneration and the development industry. Regional Studies, 25(2), 97– 110. Healey, P. (1995). The institutional challenge for sustainable urban regeneration. Cities, 12(4), 221–230. Keane, M. (2013). Creative industries in China: Art, design and media. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Keane, M. (Ed.). (2016). Handbook of cultural and creative industries in China. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing. Kunming Government. (2023). Kunming industrial investment up 41%, highest since 2006. http:// en.www.km.gov.cn/2023-02/22/c_860709.htm Kunming Government. (2022). Kunming refining industrial system underlies sound development. http://en.www.km.gov.cn/2022-08/25/c_805568.htm Liang, S., & Wang, Q. (2020). Cultural and creative industries and urban (re)development in China. Journal of Planning Literature, 35(1), 54–70. Liu, H., Zhou, G., Wennersten, R., & Frostell, B. (2014). Analysis of sustainable urban development approaches in China. Habitat International, 41, 24–32. Ma, X. (2018). Labor market segmentation by industry sectors and wage gaps between migrants and local urban residents in urban China. China Economic Review, 47, 96–115. Montgomery, J. (2004). Cultural quarters as mechanisms for urban regeneration. Part 2: A review of four cultural quarters in the UK, Ireland and Australia. Planning, Practice & Research, 19(1), 3–31. O’Connor, J., & Xin, G. (2006). A new modernity? The arrival of ‘creative industries’ in China. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 9(3), 271–283. Ranganathan, C. V. (2001). The Kunming initiative. South Asian Survey, 8(1), 117–124. Rowley, G. (1994). The Cardiff Bay development corporation: Urban regeneration, local economy and community. Geoforum, 25(3), 265–284. Sasaki, M. (2010). Urban regeneration through cultural creativity and social inclusion: Rethinking creative city theory through a Japanese case study. Cities, 27, S3–S9. Sun, M., & Chen, C. (2021). Renovation of industrial heritage sites and sustainable urban regeneration in post-industrial Shanghai. Journal of Urban Affairs, 1–24. Sun, X., & Huang, R. (2020). Spatial meaning-making and urban activism: Two tales of anti-PX protests in urban China. Journal of Urban Affairs, 42(2), 257–277. Tang, W. S. (2016). Creative industries, public engagement and urban redevelopment in Hong Kong: Cultural regeneration as another dose of isotopia? Cities, 56, 156–164. Wang, N., & Liu, F. (2016). Modernized development of urban farming industry: A case study of Kunming City. Asian Agricultural Research, 8(9), 28. Wu, Q., & Cheng, J. (2019). A temporally cyclic growth model of urban spatial morphology in China: Evidence from Kunming Metropolis. Urban Studies, 56(8), 1533–1553. Wu, Q., Cheng, J., Liu, D., Han, L., & Yang, Y. (2015). Kunming: A regional international mega city in Southwest China. Urban Development Challenges, Risks and Resilience in Asian Mega Cities, 323–347. Wu, Q., & Waley, P. (2018). Configuring growth coalitions among the projects of urban aggrandizement in Kunming Southwest China. Urban Geography, 39(2), 282–298. Xie, L., Cheshmehzangi, A., Tan-Mullins, M., Flynn, A., & Heath, T. (2020). Urban entrepreneurialism and sustainable development: A comparative analysis of Chinese eco-developments. Journal of Urban Technology, 27(1), 3–26.

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Yang, H. (2012). Creative industries, creative industrial clusters and urban regeneration: a case study in Shanghai, China. HKU Theses Online (HKUTO). Yi, Z., Jianye, Z., Xi, F., & Qiongli, Z. (2023). New urbanization strategies of Fumin County, Kunming City during the fourteenth five-year plan period. Journal of Landscape Research, 15(1), 36–40. Zeng, W., Xiang, L., & Zhang, W. (2020). Evaluation of life quality and its spatial mismatch with local economic development in large Chinese cities. Applied Research in Quality of Life, 15, 239–258. Zhang, L. (2006). Contesting spatial modernity in late-socialist China. Current Anthropology, 47(3), 461–484.

Chapter 3

Urban Regeneration and the Inevitable Gentrification: The Study of Displaced Communities in the City of Dali

Gentrification brings money, new people, and renovated real estate to cities, but it also kills them. —Peter Moskowitz

3.1 Revitalisation or Displacement? Regenerative city transformations are excellent ways of revitalising cities and urban areas (Cheshmehzangi & Munday, 2022), but they could simply neglect the social and cultural attributes of local communities. In a debate to discuss the differences between revitalisation and displacement, Twigg (2020) argues that “although a wellknown concept in the streets of Brooklyn and San Francisco — and increasingly in Columbus — gentrification is still a vague, but highly controversial concept even more than half a century after the term was first coined”. She also reflects on the statement by Ruth Glass (1964) based on the ‘aspects of change’, highlighting the facts behind the process of gentrification: One by one, many of the working class neighbourhoods of London have been invaded by the middle-classes—upper and lower. Shabby, modest mews and cottages—two rooms up and two down—have been taken over, when their leases have expired, and have become elegant, expensive residences … Once this process of ‘gentrification’ starts in alike district it goes on rapidly, until all or most of the original working-class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is changed.

In this regard, there are at least five stages of gentrification, extended from Philip Clay’s model of gentrification in 1979 (Twigg, 2020). The first is the stage where individual lower-middle-class residents fix up the neighbourhood, which often occurs through the first wave of individual renovators who often come to poorer neighbourhoods. Some of these renovations are for homes, and some for cheap studios and setting up new lower-cost working units or workspaces. The second stage is when vacancies go down, and then the middle class eventually moves into the neighbourhood. At this stage, displacement processes start by attracting more newcomers to the © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 A. Cheshmehzangi, Mapping Urban Regeneration, Urban Sustainability, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3541-3_3

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neighbourhood. Once the new residents start investing in real estate, there is the start of displacement. The third stage is when public and private interests sink money into a formerly disinvested neighbourhood. While investors could be developers, enterprises, and new companies, there seems to be a flow of capital from many parties feeding into the process of gentrification. At this stage, large-scale investors are often seen to be part of the process of change, or dynamics behind urban transformations at the neighbourhood level. This leads to the fourth stage, which is all about investment and revenues. According to Twigg (2020), Clay’s gentrification model suggests changes in the urban area’s real estate landscape, often moving from low-income or a poor neighbourhood to mixed-income housing and then a middle-to-upper-class area. Large-scale developers become the main actors of change through a large-scale influx of people. According to Clay’s model, the middle-class group “that some view initially as “gentrifiers” end up being pushed out themselves” (Twigg, 2020). At this stage, perseveration is not for the people at the bottom of the pyramid but for newcomers of a higher class. Some evidence shows there may even be an overflow of gentrification beyond the neighbourhood’s boundaries and into nearby regions or communities/urban areas (ibid). In addition to these four stages, Twigg (2020) also suggests two additional stages, one that attracts global investors to enter the local real estate game, and then the other is city governments or officials start opening the door for further development. In this so-called fifth stage, developers have identified the benefits of regeneration that have taken place and strategise further to bring in new businesses and investors. This reflects very well in Moskowitz’ book, ‘How to Kill a City’ (2017), “noting that today’s development deals are started by foreign investors, leading many neighborhoods in globalized cities to be affordable only for the global elite” (Twigg, 2020). In his book, Moskowitz (2017) argues very well that “the fifth and last phase of gentrification is when neighborhoods aren’t just more friendly to capital than to people, but cease being places to live a normal life — with work and home and school and community spaces — and become luxury commodities”. However, beyond this stage, Twigg (2020) argues that the city government’s late interference with new development signals ways of shifting money and demographics to change the neighbourhood entirely. This is regarded as stage zero just because all city decisions are already made (Moskowitz, 2017). This is the unfortunate process of economic disinvestment to a sort of upgrading process that local governments seek and fuel with a half-open eye. Other published books also suggest the apparent correlation between gentrification and displacement. Some of these studies focus on emerging voices as well as complex political, social, cultural, and legal issues (Muniz, 2002), while others study the displacement process as part of the overall gentrification plan (Salam Khoshnaw, 2016). Some scholars have attempted to suggest alternative futures aside from gentrification and displacement scenarios (Romero et al., 2022), while some argue against forced relocation and displacement processes (Morris, 2018). Some earlier attempts tried to discuss the role of revitalisation in such processes (Palen & London, 1985), while the more recent arguments argue against the contemporary and ongoing uneven development and displacement processes (Lees & Shin, 2015). But, more importantly, we see good views on resistance and adaption strategies against the flow of

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gentrification and displacement processes (Eckardt, 2021; Helbrecht, 2017), mainly focused on housing and residential issues. In this chapter, we delve into topics related to old-town regeneration and mapping gentrification that occurs during the displacement process. The ultimate directions are related to renewal and urban redevelopment investments that go entirely against what urban regeneration should be, i.e., for regenerating and revitalising the communities rather than displacing them.

3.2 Urban Regeneration and Realities Behind the Inevitable Gentrification In a recent book published under this book series (i.e., the Urban Sustainability Book Series), Yang (2022) generalises three aspects of institutional changes in the cultural, economic, and social spheres that have thus far directed the operation of gentrification in the transitional economy. She explores another case study in China but carefully examines the institutional changes that form the Chinese model of gentrification. The same situation applies to urban regeneration processes where realities are beyond what can be seen on the ground, and inevitable gentrification occurs in a so-called natural—or maybe unnatural—process. Globally gentrification occurs so crudely with many peculiarities but is accepted as the by-default process of modernising cities and urban areas. Unfortunately, this trend is global, and efforts by local governments are either inconsequential or ineffective. In China’s New-Type Urbanisation Plan (NUP), there seems to be more understanding of targets and practices (Chen et al., 2022), with a particular emphasis on land (Cheshmehzangi, 2016). Thus, the focus has been increasingly on urban redevelopment and renewal projects, where land values are expectedly to be higher. In such processes, even urban regeneration projects tend to fuel gentrification in the name of the so-called urban upgrading and modernisation processes. The realities, therefore, are different from what regeneration’s purpose is meant to be. In many cases of cities of historical value and heritage sites, we see regeneration has become a tool for tourism industries (Cheshmehzangi, 2021a, 2021b), mainly converting old towns and villages into large-scale open-air museums or changing the land uses of residential buildings into commercial, hotels, and homestay functionalities (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). These typology changes may seem partly invisible to the eye, as the visitors often only see the physicality and spatiality of the regeneration sites, not caring much about what may have occurred during the process of gentrification and local population displacements. In addition, there seem to be different trends in different contexts or regions in China (Cheshmehzangi, 2020a; Chow, 2005; Gálvez & Cheshmehzangi, 2015; Nientied et al., 2022). This is the reason why cities of the Yunnan Province are of interest in this book, as they have different modes of development. While in the City of Lijiang, old towns are converted into large-scale clusters of old compounds and blocks, in Dali, we see a different regeneration trend. In Dali, old towns are

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dispersed around Erhai Lake (or Er Lake) in the form of individual and segregated regions, towns, or villages (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). Dali’s central parts are also slightly different from its vast areas of regenerated outskirts. In Dali, earlier developments represent identities through tourism (Doorne et al., 2003), developing opportunities for renovated old towns. Benefitting from a very diverse geographical setting, Dali has expanded mainly around the lake, where older villages and traditional towns have become hubs for local tourism—yet in their own segregated boundaries. In these old towns and villages, there are representations of unique local characteristics, traditions, and cultures. Some of these renovated old towns include new developments, often in the form of larger hotel corporations, new temples, and new mid-rise to high-rise residential compounds (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). Only a few exceptions show that a traditional village is entirely renovated without any new development projects. On the northeastern side of the Erhai Lake, we could see the emergence of high-end housing and villa-type projects, where the traditional setting or layouts are less visible. While most of the city’s new and regeneration projects are alongside the southern edges of the Erhai Lake, there are patches of village or town regeneration on both sides of the lake (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). Between these renovated villages, where tourism is the primary industry, there are new housing projects, farms, and other green environments.

3.3 The Study of Displaced Communities in the City of Dali Based on survey and mapping studies, our earlier findings (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023) signify the large scale of displaced communities of old towns in the City of Dali. The local tourism industry is a significant part of Yunnan’s economic revenue, and cities like Dali have become major touristic hubs in the province. While the cultural diversity and tourism development in Yunnan province (Chow, 2005) have for long developed the region’s development patterns, there is a growing pattern of “economic incorporated tourism” (Cheshmehzangi, 2020b; Donaldson, 2007) that motivates local and non-local developers to consider urban house displacement projects (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). In this process, most of the local residents are moved out of the renovated old towns and are replaced by tourism industries, such as hotels, shops, restaurants, etc. The main similarity between various case study examples of urban regeneration practices is that urban house displacement occurs in the name of urban heritage protection. This so-called transitional process creates new opportunities for new development, urban regeneration projects, and building or urban cluster renovations. The commercialisation process in the name of tourism is somewhat inevitable (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023), where we see displacement happened or happening on an immense scale. In our mapping studies, we noted five distinct impacts of urban regeneration practices or models on gentrification and/or displacement processes. These examples are shown below as well in Figs. 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 3.14, 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, 3.18, 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 3.22 and 3.23:

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Fig. 3.1 A main commercialised street in one of Dali’s old towns show spatial interventions where local shops or houses are turned into restaurants, teahouses, and bars. These streets are also the busiest routes where tourists could shop, ride a horse, and be transferred between different nodes of the old town by carriages (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.2 An example of village urban displacement to a homestay or a hotel, where there are signs of plug-in development, extensions, and renovation. In these case study examples, we see new balconies and rooftops as well a renovated private courtyards that are used as front or back gardens of homestays and hotels (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.3 An example of village urban displacement to a homestay or a hotel, where there are signs of plug-in development, extensions, and renovation. In these case study examples, we see new balconies and rooftops as well a renovated private courtyards that are used as front or back gardens of homestays and hotels (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.4 A view of an old courtyard house and fragmented furniture, where those resisting residents try to have a share of tourism economy (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.5 Wall decorations often resemble ways of hiding the apparent decay and creating an artificial old image over the new facades (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.6 Wall decorations often resemble ways of hiding the apparent decay and creating an artificial old image over the new facades. (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.7 An example of an old courtyard house converted into a bar, where the night-time economy also plays a part in social and economic vitality of renovated old towns in Dali. Unlike Lijiang or major renovated old towns, such uses are limited in Dali. Most of Dali’s old town renovation and regeneration projects focus on daytime economy while their night-time economy is mainly based on restaurants and bars (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.8 Main commercial streets are used for places of traditional events, celebrations, and gatherings in Dali (Source The Author)

1. Regeneration of main commercial streets—where the impacts are mainly on the displacement of land uses, spatial layouts, nodes, and edges of the previously residential units; 2. Regeneration of residential units to homestays and hotels—where larger houses or clusters of houses turn into different uses to boost local tourism; 3. Regeneration of courtyard houses into bars, pubs, hotels, and leisure-based tourism uses—where changes are primarily based on functional and physical aspects; 4. Regeneration of open spaces and public realms to photo-shooting spots—where changes are mainly on node development, spatial configuration, and community layouts; and 5. Regeneration of balconies or roof spaces into bars, tea houses, coffee shops, and rooftops—where the impact is mainly on vertical spaces of the old towns. In recent years, land-use conversion from residential to homestay has been common in many villages and old towns in China. This has become a popular way of staying in local areas, particularly for youngsters. This mode of vacation and staycation has become popular in recent years because it helps visitors to have a local experience while staying in an old town or village. In most cases, there needs to be more linkage between homestays and local communities or residents, where

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Fig. 3.9 Often, the new also follows the old, in terms of physical setting, spatial layout, and visual elements (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.10 Primary routes and public places are over-commercialised due to their higher land values and rental costs (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.11 Primary routes and public places are over-commercialised due to their higher land values and rental costs (Source The Author)

they are expected to have been displaced already. So far, most homestay projects or uses are not over-commercialised by larger enterprises or hotel brands. However, this transitional development displaces residents and replaces the residential units with renovated temporary residential units, such as homestays or more affordable hotels. In some cases, they are converted to hostels and community buildings, where again, local communities or residents are usually not present. The dual effects here are new urban development or urban decay. The end result of both scenarios is the same, i.e., gentrification. In some of the urban redevelopment projects, the locals may be given a chance to be housed in the same or nearby living areas after the new projects are completed. They are usually supported to be accommodated in temporary residential units for a year or two before they can move into their newly-developed or renovated houses. In places like Dali, there are only a few examples of this type of project. Where decay is inevitable, and old houses are left abandoned or empty, city officials often try to paint the walls with the hope that the city’s eventual decay does not give any wrong impressions to the visitors. In these cases, the painted walls often become great spots for taking photos, while behind them, there are often signs of decay and displacement.

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Fig. 3.12 Some of the secondary routes and lanes become places of extended local markets and displays, where visitors could interact with them through their movements in and out of old town areas (Source The Author)

3.4 Urban House Displacement Versus Urban Heritage Protection We highlight diverse displacement effects in the provided examples of old town regeneration (see Figs. 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 3.14, 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, 3.18, 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 3.22 and 3.23) in and around the City of Dali. There are examples of (1) displacement of people or residents of older (local) communities, (2) displacement of building uses, often through replacement of residential units with other uses, while the residential areas are moved outside the regenerated old towns, and (3) displacement of social and community characteristics with newly renovated touristic places, hubs, and leisure-based environments. In all cases, the most significant impacts are on urban and rural houses. In the name of urban heritage protection or preserving the historical/old areas, residential areas go through four stages before they are turned into different uses. At first, there is a sort of decline that occurs in old communities, and then multiple externalities play their

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Fig. 3.13 An obvious regeneration strategy in and around Dali is creating photo-shooting spots or nodes, where the visitors could interact with the newly-renovated and renewed areas for a longer period (Source The Author)

parts in having abandoned houses in specific areas. This decay occurs due to three factors. (1) Original residents have fewer job opportunities inside their villages and towns and hence work elsewhere, and their houses are left empty. (2) In most cases, the older protected houses of historical value cannot be renovated by the house owners. The other involved actors delay the renovation, which indirectly fuels the inevitable decay of dwellings. (3) There is a lack of economic support and often a noticeable void in policies supporting community regeneration, leading to tapping on other opportunities, such as bringing new developers, external investments, and governmental interventions. While community regeneration could occur much earlier, these externalities delay the process, and the eventual decay occurs. Once a larger group of houses become abandoned and empty (in larger clusters), new investment happens. The strategic trade-offs then play their part in displacing people outside their original residential areas/units/communities. As seen in these displacement examples, we clearly map what urban regeneration does on social changes, economic changes, community changes, and spatio-physical

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Fig. 3.14 An obvious regeneration strategy in and around Dali is creating photo-shooting spots or nodes, where the visitors could interact with the newly-renovated and renewed areas for a longer period (Source The Author)

transformations. Thus, urban or even rural heritage protection should be explored with a pinch of salt, knowing the impacts are always two-sided, with positive impacts on renovating the built environments and negative impacts on local economies and communities. In such processes, gentrification is accepted as the way that people’s living environments are upgraded. In our interactions with the local residents and communities, it seems that they mostly welcome the idea of living in their new and more modern houses. Yet, local communities do not see the longer-term impacts, where major socio-cultural and socio-economic transformations become the only remains of their traditional livelihoods, heritage, and local lifestyle and characteristics. In essence, the transformative regenerations create new old town areas and cultural quarters, where the locals are mostly detached from their original living environments. In Dali, this trend has become a common practice, where segregated regenerated old towns are playful parts of pseudo-local and cultural experiences, and the local livelihoods are fading away in between these enclaved quarters of the city.

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Fig. 3.15 Public places may have lost their original functionalities/uses but remain to be the nodes in Dali’s old towns, where people meet, gather, interact, and re-navigate to other parts. Here, we see an example of mixed new and old buildings, gate, and landscapes (Source The Author)

3.5 Urban Regeneration in the Context of Gentrification: Mapping Regeneration and Its Impacts on Eventual Gentrification In our earlier work, we questioned urban regeneration by asking ‘urban heritage protection for whom?’, which seems to have become an opportunistic approach for developers. In urban regeneration projects of Dali’s old towns, there seems to be an attempt to maintain architectural continuity in regenerated areas (Cheshmehzangi & Willman, 2023). We see the growing urban house displacement is changing the characteristics of old towns and villages into tourist hubs where the local residents and their everyday living and livelihoods are often absent (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). This process is irretrievable, and the heritage site conversations have only helped the locals to be displaced to their upgraded and modern living areas, with better living conditions and upgraded environments. Nonetheless, the displaced communities need help with the process of decision-making pathways that neglect their role in upgrading their existing living environments. Instead, they are displaced with few options in hand (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). Through some general observations of

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Fig. 3.16 The resisting and remaining local residents tend to create opportunities where visitors could be attracted to their compounds (Source The Author)

three case study cities, we highlight here a genuine reflection on how urban heritage protection pushes the idea of urban house displacement. In addition, we could see the physical and visual attributes of some of these old town regeneration sites. Still, the spiritual, social, and cultural attributes have evolved to be other than what the local residents could consider their home (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). The landscape of such urban heritage sites and old town regenerated areas could simply be seen through the visual and physical attachments, where the old settings remain almost the same or close to their original looks, and the old fabrics are experienced through vernacular characteristics, identities, and traces of experiences of the local contexts. However, the displacement phenomenon, particularly associated with urban house displacement, challenges the social and cultural attributes of such regenerated areas, where heritage protection often feeds tourism

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Fig. 3.17 The resisting and remaining local residents tend to create opportunities where visitors could be attracted to their compounds (Source The Author)

and more extensive plans for economic development (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). The locals are often relocated to designated communities where they can often access these newly regenerated old towns. In a way, such areas are cherished by people who may only visit the sites for a few days, while the ones who used to reside there could be elsewhere, in the vicinity or far away (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). Lastly, we note there are clearly certain influential decision-making factors in the direction of urban development in such conservation projects (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2023). Some challenges often create inevitable conflicts between the local residents and authorities, providing political implications for urban planning and regeneration programs that could become more bottom-up in the future. In this brief study, we highlighted issues of urban regeneration and displacement scenarios to open up further

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Fig. 3.18 The many renovated old towns still suffer from lack of business, abandoned areas, and inactive facades and spaces (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.19 Main streets and connections between segregated old towns are places where you can find mixed uses of residential, hotels, restaurants, and other services. These are outside the regenerated old towns, and are normally where the urban upgrades have happened for those who were displaced from the old town communities to outside areas/zones (Source The Author)

Fig. 3.20 The emergence of high-end housing, homestays, hotels, and touristic hubs is a trend that has created smaller zones and neighbourhoods around the Erhai lake and in Dali’s outskirts (Source The Author)

debates on what causes the displacement of local residents in such contexts. The overcommercialization approaches could be critical to how far tourism could displace a place’s identity, experiences, and characteristics. Hence, we have to consider methods

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Fig. 3.21 The new follows the old, while the old is replaced by the new. Here are two distinct examples of new development in the form of the old layout or shape, while the old is demolished as the new building takes over. As we have discussed in Chap. 1, here are examples of the new-old regeneration model, where the new is sold as the old-looking buildings or communities, while the original old is either replaced, displaced, or entirely gone (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.22 The new follows the old, while the old is replaced by the new. Here are two distinct examples of new development in the form of the old layout or shape, while the old is demolished as the new building takes over. As we have discussed in Chap. 1, here are examples of the new-old regeneration model, where the new is sold as the old-looking buildings or communities, while the original old is either replaced, displaced, or entirely gone (Source The Author)

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Fig. 3.23 Where the old meets the new in old town regeneration projects of Dali’s outskirts (Source The Author)

References

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that could meet both the top-down decision-making of economic development as well as the bottom-up values and livelihoods that may soon be forgotten. In this regard, we note that urban regeneration should be people-centric, particularly to understand and value local demands/needs in the process, rather than creating by-default top-down processes of change or transformations. Cities like Dali are booming with tourism, offering unique historical sites where people can have new life experiences. Yet, the overexploited approach to tourism industries may put pressure on local communities that have gone through displacement processes rather than inclusion. The common practice here tends to go against social cohesion and boost opportunities for new urban developments, investments, and sector-based developments. Thus, it seems gentrification is accepted as an inevitable by-product of urban regeneration. Acknowledgements We acknowledge that part of this chapter is included in the paper: Cheshmehzangi et al. (2023). Exploring Influential Factors for Decision-Making in the Directions of Urban Development: Urban House Displacement vs. Urban Heritage Protection, Bhumi: The Planning Research Journal, Sri Lanka, which is currently in the publishing process. The original study compares three city case study examples in Yunnan, and relevant parts of the study are extracted for this chapter, focused on the case of Dali.

References Chen, W., Cheshmehzangi, A., Mangi, E., & Heath, T. (2022). Implementations of China’s new-type urbanisation: A comparative analysis between targets and practices of key elements’ policies. Sustainability, 14(10), 6341. Cheshmehzangi, A. (2016). China’s new-type urbanisation plan (NUP) and the foreseeing challenges for decarbonization of cities: A review. Energy Procedia, 104, 146–152. Cheshmehzangi, A. (2020a). Evaluating the Nexus between housing and energy sectors: The comparison of urban, peri-urban and rural housing areas in Zhuhai, China. Energy and Power Engineering, 12(06), 314. Cheshmehzangi, A. (2020b). Identity of cities and city of identities. Springer. Cheshmehzangi, A. (2021a). Recording urban memory city transitions. In A. Cheshmehzangi (Ed.), Urban memory in city transitions: The significance of place in mind (pp. 283–301). Springer. Cheshmehzangi, A. (2021b). Capturing the realities of experience: Case study example of the city of Changsha, China. In A. Cheshmehzangi (Ed.), Urban memory in city transitions: The significance of place in mind (pp. 189–213). Springer. Cheshmehzangi, A., & Munday, R. (2022). From global to local: The case of migration and urban identity for regenerative city transformations. Journal of Urban Regeneration & Renewal, 15(3), 308–324. Cheshmehzangi, A., & Willman, E. (2023). The city as palimpsest to redefine the role of architectural continuity in re-establishing urban identity in post-industrial landscapes. Journal of Urban Regeneration & Renewal, 16(3), 340–357. Cheshmehzangi, A., Zou, T., Tang, T., & Xie, L. (2023). Exploring influential factors for decisionmaking in the directions of urban development: Urban house displacement vs. urban heritage protection. Bhumi: The Planning Research Journal, Sri Lanka, In press. Chow, C. S. (2005). Cultural diversity and tourism development in Yunnan Province, China. Geography, 90(3), 294–303.

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Donaldson, J. A. (2007). Tourism, development and poverty reduction in Guizhou and Yunnan. The China Quarterly, 190, 333–351. Doorne, S., Ateljevic, I., & Bai, Z. (2003). Representing identities through tourism: Encounters of ethnic minorities in Dali, Yunnan Province, People’s Republic of China. International Journal of Tourism Research, 5(1), 1–11. Eckardt, F. (2021). Gentrification: Research and policy on urban displacement processes, essentials series. Springer. Gálvez, L., & Cheshmehzangi, A. (2015, June). China’s urban housing: The review of three housing typologies and patterns. In Proceedings of the 6th conference on urban space and social life: Theory and practice, Macau, China (pp. 6–11). Glass, R. (1964). London: Aspects of change. MacGibbon & Kee. Helbrecht, I. (2017). Gentrification and resistance: Researching displacement processes and adaption strategies (1st ed). Springer VS. Lees, L., & Shin, H. B. (2015). Global gentrifications: Uneven development and displacement (Kindle). Policy Press. Morris, A. (2018). Gentrification and displacement: The forced relocation of public housing tenants in inner-Sydney. Springer briefs in sociology. Springer. Moskowitz, P. E. (2017). How to kill a city: Gentrification, inequality, and the fight for the neighborhood. Bold Type Books. Muniz, V. (2002). Resisting gentrification and displacement: voices of Puerto Rican women of the Barrio (Latino communities: Emerging voices—Political, social, cultural and legal issues). Routledge. Nientied, P., Aliaj, B., & Stachowiak-Bongwa, K. (2022). Social urban identity formation and local government. Current Urban Studies, 10(3), 361–380. Palen, J. J., & London, B. (Eds.). (1985). Gentrification, displacement, and neighborhood revitalization. SUNY series in Urban Public Policy. State University of New York Press. Romero, E., Zuñiga, M. E., Hernandez, A. C., & Torres, R. D. (Eds.). (2022). Gentrification, displacement, and alternative futures. Routledge. Salam Khoshnaw, D. (2016). Gentrification and displacement process: A case study of Erbil. AuthorHouse UK. Twigg, M. (2020). Revitalization or displacement: What is gentrification really? https://www.mat ternews.org/community/developus/gentrification-explained Yang, Q. (2022). Gentrification in Chinese cities: State institutions, space and society. Springer.

Chapter 4

Urban Regeneration and Building Colours: Mapping Visual and Perceptual Dimensions of Dali’s Old Towns

Only in name, we regenerate cities and communities for people. Everything seems to be in place, visually and perceptually, but deep inside we know major changes have already transpired. —Ali Cheshmehzangi

4.1 Introduction to Urban Regeneration and Building Colours The role of colour and light in the environment is studied extensively in the ‘urban regeneration’ area. For instance, light and colour are studies for public space usability through media-surface design approaches (Gasparini, 2017). Other studies look at textile colours for urban regeneration, reflecting on issues of urban and social degradation (Gasparini, 2021). Some other scholars touch on critical aspects related to place identity and how building colour facades and rhythms are part of the identity formation process (Cheshmehzangi, 2020a, 2020b; Muminovic, 2016). When there is little or no control over building colours, there seem to be challenges in how urban regeneration is directed at the community level (Douvlou & Ryder, 2007). Some other city-level case studies also identify the relationship between colour and visual-cultural of urban regeneration (Kennedy, 2004) and the classification of urban areas, such as residential buildings (Natividade-Jesus et al., 2013). If to be linked with notions of identity and memory, then colours could be part of signage systems (Cheshmehzangi, 2021a, 2021b) and part of the overall urban environment structure. Llopis et al. (2015) conducted the most influential study in the literature on building colours and material characteristics. In their study, the study of space, physicality, and materiality correlates well with building and urban landscape colours, as well as the preservation of the historical cities’ hereditary and cultural values (ibid). In a way, the authors evaluate what could be understood better in terms of the visual and perceptual of the urban environments, highlighting the significance of colour and materiality. Their typological approach also influenced us to study differences that may exist in the built environments. This could be understood as a sort © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 A. Cheshmehzangi, Mapping Urban Regeneration, Urban Sustainability, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3541-3_4

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of colorography, representing more of telling a personal story through colour. But, the colographic suggestions or solutions could partly help strengthen the identity and characteristics of a place. Thus, when regeneration occurs, colours and materiality could play a meaningful part in enhancing the identity-relations of urban areas, communities, and buildings. Calabi et al. (2009) neatly discuss the city identity matters related to communication design, indicating colour and sound as its two qualifying and salient fields. The same analytical approach is seen in other studies like Liu’s study of colour in urban spaces, particularly during events (Liu, 2012), or using colours as an essential factor in preserving locality or local identity (Zybaczynski, 2014). The understanding of various perspectives of local colour identity correlates well with other aspects of placeness and constructing and identity of place (Xu, 2017). Hence, for years, the use of local colour in urban areas has been a tool to make cities distinctive through their local characteristics and image (Bickford-Smith, 2016; Cheshmehzangi & Li, 2020; Guaralda, 2009; Vasiljevi´c-Tomi´c, 2009; Vasiljevi´c-Tomi´c & Mari´c, 2011). Thus, there is no surprise that cities utilise the so-called city colour planning methods (Boeri, 2013) in various heritage protection, conservation, renewal, and regeneration projects. This chapter correlates urban regeneration and building colours from visual and perceptual perspectives. This is conducted by exploring several old town regeneration projects that occur in and around the City of Dali.

4.2 Mapping the Visual and Perceptual Dimensions in Old Town Regeneration Mapping the visual and perceptual dimensions of cities and urban areas is an art in how they can be studied holistically (Cheshmehzangi, 2012; Cheshmehzangi & Heath, 2012; Topcu & Topcu, 2012). From listening to urban soundscapes (Irwin et al., 2011) to measuring the spatial geometries (Salerno, 2017), we can provide a good sense of cities and urban areas through their visual and non-visual attributes. The perception we get from urban environments could be completed very well through these sensual interactions and experiences, meaning that the two—i.e., visual and perceptual dimensions—are closely correlated. We can see distinction between mental maps and direct perception (Soini, 2001) that suggest various ways we could see and experience a place at different times (Cheshmehzangi, 2012). The cognitive transformations for information (Beck & Wood, 1976) that we observe and record help us better understand urban characteristics, features, relations, and memories. A successful collection written by Amoroso (2010) examines mapping visualisation that relates to our mind’s visual dimension. This understanding is also seen in cartographic approaches, such as those for making mental maps, memory maps, and urban topographic maps (Dickmann et al., 2017). Thus, we highlight the importance of mapping the visual and perceptual dimensions in understanding cities and urban areas.

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The nexus between visual and perceptual dimensions become even more important when it comes to places of significance, such as old towns and memorial places. Many studies focusing on cortical maps include the position of visual dimension in evaluating memory and the identity of places (Cowey, 1979). Some of these occur through a more holistic approach to mapping the senses, bringing together perceptual and social aspects (Cunningham, n.d.). These approaches indicate the representation and perception of mapped spaces, urban areas, and cities in mind (Hofmann, 2012). For instance, interactive maps that were suggested by Andrienko and Andrienko (1999) offer various variables to help boost our visual and perceptual understanding of places, or in another word, the creation of visual intelligence (Barry, 1997) that puts together perception, image, and manipulation in visual communication. The latter aspect is visible in how regenerated sites are sold as genuine-old or fake-old places. The colour selection constantly manipulates our minds and our subliminal connections with the environment. In a way, there is a sort of environmental determinism that automatically generates images and senses through our constant observations, recording, and relations. Studies that focus on photogrammetry and visual analysis of old towns (Koutsoudis et al., 2007) suggest the importance of materiality, colour, and visual attributes. This could be linked to the perceptual coding of places and the physicality of old town areas, also referring to the visual quality of streets, streetscapes, urban landscapes, and building configurations. Hence, the materiality and colour are not only limited to buildings but help create a collective image—a sort of ’wholeness’ of the regenerated old town area. The spatial correlations are also vital as they make visual-attentionaware cognition (Seok & Lee, 2014) of the built environments. Thus, the image of the old town is related to both cognitive and imaginative thoughts (Botez et al., 1985) based on our visual and perceptual perspectives. In the following section, we delve into Dali’s regenerated old towns by providing brief typological and colour analyses of the sites.

4.3 Typological and Colour Analyses in Dali’s Regenerated Old Towns In one of our earlier studies, we aimed to capture realities through mapping and comprehensive analyses of buildings’ material, uses, typology, and colour (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2015). Also, by following Llopis et al. (2015), we could better evaluate how colour is important in the image-making of historical old towns. This approach, as Llopis et al. (2015) suggest, helps us understand the city configurations as well as preservation and regeneration impacts: Understanding the physical and material characteristics of our historical cities is essential for the preservation of their hereditary and cultural values. Beyond the historical logic of the urban scene and its functional nature, the city is sensed through the spaces, which it creates and configures. The spaces of the historical city represent the soul of its history and the final result of its development. Through the architectural configuration of these spaces, we can

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visualize the historical and vital logic that underlies the city, the heritage of the people and cultures that make it up.

First, we provide a mapping of typological and colour analyses of three regenerated old towns in the City of Dali, mainly around Erhai Lake. We identify six primary types of colour formation and integration in regenerated sites. These are based on our survey studies conducted in July and August 2022. Tables 4.1 and 4.2 show these types under three materiality and colour categories. As shown in Tables 4.1 and 4.2, earthy materials highlight the regenerated old towns’ traditional and historical sense. For instance, different shades of ochre colour are commonly used, which is believed to be one of the first earthy or natural materials ever used in buildings. The combination of grey and white is also very effective as it articulates the spaces and building configuration very well, i.e., through both building facades/components and the ground. Figures 4.1 and 4.2 show how roofs are collectively in the same style/pattern and colour, while spaces and buildings are also articulated well in the combo effect of grey and white pigments. As shown in the examples in Figs. 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 4.13, 4.14, 4.15, 4.16, 4.17, 4.18 and 4.19, we verify that colour plays a significant part in three specific project types: regeneration, preservation, and renewal. In regeneration projects, in particular, we see the use of traditional colours, and their combination has effectively offered visitors coherent visual and perceptual senses. The traditional setting, even if not all genuinely old, catches the eye through traditional colour selection, local characteristics, paintings and murals, and local features/components. Nonetheless, the case of Dali’s regenerated old towns is not necessarily unique in China. There are many similar examples that highlight how localities and local identities are represented through materiality, colour selection, and building forms.

4.4 From Urban Regeneration to Urban Image Formation The combo effect of materiality and colour is commonly practiced for urban regeneration projects in China and elsewhere. This approach helps promote urban image formation or enhance the traditional characteristics and sensuality of old towns and cultural quarters. For this reason, most old towns do not welcome funky colours or anything that may not fit the local context. Nevertheless, there are examples that other colours are introduced in regenerated sites just to make a difference or promote otherness through colouring and visual alterations. According to Smith (2005), image formation is a process of communication. Therefore, it is necessary to create an image and regenerate the purpose of the image, so they can become key players in regeneration and identity formation. Such creation is a way to preserve the traditional image, and local colours/pigments could help achieve it. As Paddison (1993) suggests, this approach is part of city marketing through image reconstruction and urban regeneration. Hence, in order to foster

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Table 4.1 Typological and colour analyses of three regenerated old towns in the City of Dali (Source Surveys are conducted by research team members and the author, photos are taken and recorded by the author) Category 1: Natural materials such as cream, ochre, and raw sienna soil pigments Type 1: Traditional look—preserved areas Using cream/earth colour mixed with white or grey ground and building components—mostly for residential areas, renovated homestays/hotels or hostels, and large communal houses

(continued)

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Table 4.1 (continued) Category 1: Natural materials such as cream, ochre, and raw sienna soil pigments Type 2: Traditional look—new and renovated areas Using different shades of ochre pigment with grey, stone, and white buildings and grey ground colour Mostly for main architectural relics, historical sites, temples, public buildings, and buildings of significance

(continued)

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Table 4.1 (continued) Category 2: Timber/wooden materials for facades, doors, and gates Type 1: Timber/wooden materials are used for gates and doors Mostly for shops, restaurants, and amenities/ commercial units

(continued)

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Table 4.1 (continued) Category 2: Timber/wooden materials for facades, doors, and gates Type 2: Timber/wooden materials are used or preserved in building facades Mostly for renovated residential buildings regenerated for other uses such as shops/stores, restaurants, commercial units, and mixed-use buildings

(continued)

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Table 4.1 (continued) Category 3: Combination of white and grey for building facades, components, and the ground Type 1: Combination of white and grey between buildings and the ground Mostly for renovated residential areas, homestays/hotels, and regenerated mixed-use sites

(continued)

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Table 4.1 (continued) Category 3: Combination of white and grey for building facades, components, and the ground Type 2: Combination of white and grey between buildings and their components Mostly for renovated residential areas and new mixed-use areas of residential and commercial units

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Table 4.2 Mapping the combined colour maps Type

Primary pigments and combinations

1

Mainly raw sienna soil, cream, and earthy materials 2

Mainly different shades of ochre colour, and earthy materials (continued)

economic regeneration of old towns, cities, and urban areas could take advantage of the original roots, local artefacts, and traditional features and colours. The cases of regenerated old towns in Dali represent good examples of how colour has been selected carefully for buildings of different typologies, roofing, facades, building components, street facades/edges, and the ground. As shown in this chapter, this coherency suggests how urban images are created and recreated through local dynamics rather than globalised developments. However, the repetition of similar strategies in many of Dali’s old towns could lead to the absence of local characteristics, as the competition between regenerated areas and villages could surge. In regards to visual and perceptual perspectives, one can argue that experiencing one of the old towns may be sufficient to have a taste of the locality in Dali. Thus, if not driven forward with generic branding strategies, such old town development could create unique experiences of local culture and values that may heavily rely on visual and perceptual senses.

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Table 4.2 (continued) Type

Primary pigments and combinations

3

Mainly middle or lighter shades of wooden/timber use 4

Mainly darker or middle shades of wooden/timber use (continued)

Table 4.2 (continued) Type

Primary pigments and combinations

5 and 6

Mainly light-to-middle shades of grey for buildings, and darker grey shades for building components and the ground. Buildings are usually in white or light grey, and sometimes in yellow ochre light pigment or light earthy materials

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Fig. 4.1 A relatively homogenised roof colours and patterns in one of the regenerated old towns in Dali (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.2 An articulated colour, pattern, and materiality in one of the regenerated old towns in Dali (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.3 Facades that need resurfacing and painting as decaying canvases in one of the regenerated old towns in Dali (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.4 Facades that need resurfacing and painting as decaying canvases in one of the regenerated old towns in Dali (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.5 The wall of one of the decaying residential units have become a mural and a photo-shooting spot for visitors (Source The Author)

122 Fig. 4.6 Examples of traditional and non-traditional wall paintings on the walls of many regenerated and new residential areas in Dali (Source The Author)

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4.4 From Urban Regeneration to Urban Image Formation Fig. 4.7 Examples of traditional and non-traditional wall paintings on the walls of many regenerated and new residential areas in Dali (Source The Author)

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124 Fig. 4.8 Examples of traditional and non-traditional wall paintings on the walls of many regenerated and new residential areas in Dali (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.9 Timber facades and wooden doors are used mainly for commercial buildings, restaurants, and other non-residential typologies (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.10 Examples of new and old wooden doors/gates used for closing bars and shops in Dali (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.11 Examples of new and old wooden doors/gates used for closing bars and shops in Dali (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.12 The combination of grey and white is the most popular use of colours in both regenerated and renewal sites in Dali (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.13 The combination of grey and white is the most popular use of colours in both regenerated and renewal sites in Dali (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.14 Traces of the genuine historical relics show colours that are also selected in regeneration, preservation, and renewal sites in Dali (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.15 Colourful decorations normally belong to monumental buildings, historical relics, and major gates (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.16 Colourful decorations normally belong to monumental buildings, historical relics, and major gates (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.17 White and grey remain as two main colours for new buildings of various typologies, but mainly residential, homestays, hotels, and hostels (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.18 The new follows the old in terms of colour selection, materiality (at least visually), layout, and configuration (Source The Author)

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Fig. 4.19 The new follows the old in terms of colour selection, materiality (at least visually), layout, and configuration (Source The Author)

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Chapter 5

Urban Regeneration and Creating Urban Landscapes: Enhancing City Life Experiences in Lijiang

Ultimately we need to recognize that while humans continue to build urban landscapes, we share these spaces with other species. —David Suzuki

5.1 Urban Regeneration, Urban Landscapes, and Spatio-Temporality of Cities In urban design practices, the urban landscape is important in enhancing the cities’ livelihoods and spatial qualities (Cheshmehzangi, 2021a). As part of memorable urban environments, we often find ourselves in a network of connections with urban landscapes, shaping the cognition of the domains/environments/settings in our minds (Cheshmehzangi, 2021b). While the modern urban landscape is created based on the little resemblance of anything of its past (Relph, 2016), traditional urban landscapes provide more association with localities and traditional urban settings. More importantly, regenerated urban areas could benefit extensively by preserving their original urban landscapes through various forms of spatio-temporal interventions. Xue et al. (2015) argue that urban regeneration aims to “solve urban problems and make long-term improvements to the economic, physical, social, and environmental conditions of an area”. This means regenerated sites should benefit from improved living and working environments and, ultimately, enhanced city life experiences. Over these few decades of rapid urban development, Chinese cities have undergone significant changes in their urban landscapes. Such changes resulted in almostirreversible alterations to the internal structure of cities and urban landscapes (Wu & He, 2005). Such regeneration city transformations (Cheshmehzangi & Munday, 2022) have become the backbone of creating new urban landscapes, private green environments, inner parks, green spaces, etc. Often community-oriented approaches could only mean responding to internal community needs (Cheshmehzangi & Li, 2020), which could neglect other important factors, such as social cohesion, urban landscape continuity, and spatial networks that sustain urban livelihoods. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 A. Cheshmehzangi, Mapping Urban Regeneration, Urban Sustainability, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3541-3_5

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This chapter delves into the nexus between urban regeneration and placemaking strategies, mainly from the urban landscape creation perspective. Hence, the notion of place and spatial regeneration (if not resurrection) are essential to how architects, planners, designers, and landscape architects could ultimately enhance city life experiences. In culture-led urban regeneration projects (Miles & Paddison, 2005), urban landscapes are often considered based on their economic performance, meaning that time and experience of places are critical aspects of regenerating them (Degen, 2017). In this regard, we can see significant economic regeneration opportunities through tourism and investment (Remesar, 1997), partly from the cultural and historical preservation directions. In post-industrial sites and brownfield reclamation programmes, there seems to be a much larger focus on creating landscape quality through environmental design strategies and landscape transformations (Oudes & Stremke, 2020). However, when it comes to the urban regeneration of old towns, there seems to be a missing element about urban landscapes, as the focus is usually on the architectural design of historic and new buildings. In arguing against global urban strategies and generalised gentrification issues, Smith (2006) highlights the shift from local anomaly to generic urban regeneration trends, something that we see commonly happening in many Chinese old town regeneration projects. In many cases like this, we often have iconic and glossy buildings popping out in strategic locations, several similar snack shops and food vendors, a series of retail stalls, several spots to take photos, and open spaces for events. If you can imagine these in a particular old town urban setting, you will likely have experienced at least one of the regenerated old town areas in China. To follow these imaginaries into realities, we look into a regenerated old town project in Lijiang, where urban landscapes are considered a distinct part of the old town’s characteristics and features. These urban landscapes, through regeneration and integration, play an important part in enhancing city life experiences and help build the identity of the regenerated sites.

5.2 Regenerated Urban Landscapes and Enhancing City Life Experiences In our earlier work, we highlighted that “place is a complex and multi-dimensional system capable of embracing different uses, interpretations, and even various definitions” (Cheshmehzangi, 2014). A memorable image in mind mainly refers to functionalities, spatialities, and social life attributes that may be represented in various forms (Cheshmehzangi, 2011). According to Granger (2010), in some cases, urban regeneration could create disjointed and incoherent redevelopment of urban landscapes, which could have adverse impacts on the livelihood of urban areas. However, the creation of a new landscape could mean social representations of entrepreneurial landscapes (Hubbard, 1996) and better management of historical

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urban landscapes (Rodwell, 2008). Thus, it is vital for urban landscapes to be part of the overall regeneration strategy, and not separated from spatial, planning, and design interventions. When it comes to the reclamation of both industrial and historical sites, we see a greater potential in utilising landscapes and not just buildings alone (Loures & Panagopoulos, 2007a, 2007b). There is this sort of urban system complexity (De Rosa & Di Palma, 2013) that also indicates the complexity of urban landscapes, spaces, and the relationship they may have with historic buildings and sites. More importantly, such a regeneration approach could also correlate well with public health interventions, meaning the socio-cultural attributes, through regeneration of the urban landscapes, could potentially help revitalise the actual experience of the city (MacGregor, 2010). Thus, the power of place, as Hayden (1997) argues, can be seen through urban landscapes as public history, through which experiences are created and spaces are regenerated, reused, rejuvenated, and, perhaps, reinvented. In the study of sensing cities, Degen (2008) refers to methods of regenerating public life through sensory experiences and urban landscapes that produce more than just aesthetic qualities. Thus, when places go through transformations, e.g., through regeneration processes (Awad & Jung, 2022; Bakır, 2019; Basso et al., 2022; Clemente & Salvati, 2017; Gao et al., 2020; Grazuleviciute-Vileniske & Urbonas, 2014; Zanzi et al., 2021), they could create experiences that are more meaningful for the local contextual values, history, and cultural representations. In the next section, we explore the case of old town regeneration in the City of Lijiang, where urban landscapes differ from other parts of the region. In Lijiang, old towns include different spatial strategies, integrating a large scale of greenery, green spaces, green facades, and water bodies. Therefore, there is this remarkable distinctiveness in Lijiang’s old towns that are rarely seen and experienced elsewhere.

5.3 Lijiang’s Old Towns: Major Physical Transitions and Keeping Distinctive Urban Landscapes in Regenerated Zones Urban landscapes could certainly help augment the local characteristics, historical experiences, and city life interactions that matter to the local context. This could be regarded as a type of augmented locality through spatial interventions and qualities. However, this type of augmented locality may differ from other contemporary placemaking strategies (Cheshmehzangi & Ornsby, 2017) and is more based on creating distinctive experiences through existing and integrated urban landscapes. The trend against ‘glocalising’ (not globalising) urban landscapes could mean the creation of regenerated zones through local spatial forms, characteristics, and social exchanges that are unique to the specific context. This may be easier to achieve in post-industrial landscapes as regeneration could be linked with certain architectural continuity and

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historical attributes (Cheshmehzangi & Willman, 2023). However, time and experience are both crucial for urban regeneration programmes (Degen, 2017), particularly in old town areas. As Gregory (2016) argues, the primary intention is and has been to create and recreate spaces that could offer experiences, such as creative industries and urban regeneration programmes. In a city like Lijiang, old towns are formed in isolated clusters of historical sites, old buildings, and old urban layouts. These are often regenerated and preserved areas of the city, where car access is either non-existence or very minimal to certain parts. These regenerated old towns are surrounded by redevelopment and new development projects. The city has several of these old towns and benefits from large-scale preservation that occurred years ago to ensure the city’s historical and cultural features are protected, showcased, experienced, and ultimately branded. The maps shown below indicate the many developments in the city over the years, primarily based on new development between old towns. The first set of maps is based on the overall city-level development, highlighting how the city has expanded from its old town areas into a larger city (Figs. 5.1, 5.2, 5.3 and 5.4). The second set of maps shows the progress of regeneration and development around the main Lijiang old town (Figs. 5.5, 5.6, 5.7 and 5.8). And the third set of maps shows the transitional development of Shuhe old town and its surroundings (Figs. 5.9, 5.10, 5.11 and 5.12).

Fig. 5.1 Lijiang city in 1985, showing the main old town in central east, and several other old towns, including Shuhe old town in other locations but with a network between them (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

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Fig. 5.2 Lijiang city in 2000, showing gradual extension of the city towards north of the central old town and many in-fill developments between original old town areas (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

Fig. 5.3 Lijiang city in 2010, showing new development and expansions in almost all directions, as well as the new zones (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

5.3.1 Greenery in Shuhe Old Town: Landscape Preservation and Integration City branding is often considered as a tool for urban regeneration (Prilenska, 2012). There is this so-called visual cultural of urban regeneration (Kennedy, 2004) that suggests the use of urban landscapes in urban regeneration programmes. Hence, the impacts are on public experience and the creation of new and regenerated urban spaces (ibid) that matter to the local context. Biophilic urbanism has been one of

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Fig. 5.4 Lijiang city in 2020, showing the city as it is now with many in-fill developments, new developments, new expansions, new zones, and regenerated old towns that are now fragmented part of the city (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

Fig. 5.5 Lijiang old town in 2005, where the new development has already started around the old town area mainly in 1990s. Unfortunately, maps from 1980 and 1990s are of very low quality, but they still show very little development around the original old towns of the city (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

these examples to contribute to urban greening methods (Fan & Cheshmehzangi, 2022; Reeve et al., 2015), but mostly for renewal projects rather than regeneration programmes. In cases like Shuhe old town, located on the northern edge of Lijiang, we can see traces of greenery and green/blue integration in regenerated zones. Considering that most of the old town has been redeveloped in the past two to three decades, the original spatial layouts and urban landscapes are either retained or integrated into newly added areas.

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Fig. 5.6 Lijiang old town in 2010, where the new-old areas are added in south, west, and eastern edges. These occurred after mass demolition of older areas and replacing them with old-looking new zones in the historical zones (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

Fig. 5.7 Lijiang old town in 2018, showing more expansion and in-fill development in and around the original old town (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

As shown in Figs. 5.13, 5.14, 5.15, 5.16, 5.17, 5.18, 5.19, 5.20, 5.21, 5.22, 5.23, 5.24, 5.25, 5.26, 5.27, 5.28, 5.29, 5.30 and 5.31, there are traces of greenery in old towns in Lijiang, which are different from other regeneration models in Yunnan and China. The pattern of urban landscapes in Shuhe Old Town is also close to Lijiang’s main old town, which we also include in the next chapter.

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Fig. 5.8 Lijiang old town in 2022, with limited new development and mostly in-fill development in and around the old town. It is important to note that new developments do not happen in the old town areas anymore (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

Fig. 5.9 Shuhe old town in 2005, located in north of the city, with mass demolition of historical sites in the southern parts (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

5.4 Memorable Localities Through Regenerated Urban Landscapes In our earlier work, we highlighted that “place is a complex and multi-dimensional system capable of embracing different uses, interpretations, and even various definitions” (Cheshmehzangi, 2014). A memorable image in mind mainly refers to functionalities, spatialities, and social life attributes that may be represented in various forms (Cheshmehzangi, 2011). According to Granger (2010), in some cases, urban

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Fig. 5.10 Shuhe old town in 2012, with new developments and additions to the old town, expanding on the very few remaining old houses and buildings, retaining most of the original layout, internal landscapes, and configuration (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

Fig. 5.11 Shuhe old town in 2016, with new developments in and around the old town areas, expanding more towards the east with new housing compounds and gated communities (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

regeneration could create disjointed and incoherent redevelopment of urban landscapes, which could have adverse impacts on the livelihood of urban areas. However, the creation of a new landscape could mean social representations of entrepreneurial landscapes (Hubbard, 1996) and better management of historical urban landscapes (Rodwell, 2008). Thus, urban landscapes and greenery could be linked together to help shape and reshape the quality of spaces offered in the old town and historical sites. In a way, the case of Shuhe Old Town resembles the local characteristics of a

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Fig. 5.12 Shuhe old town in 2022 as it is now, with further expansions in south and east, and more in-fill development in the west and within the old town areas (Source generated from Google Earth Maps, open source)

regenerated zone; but without its urban landscapes and greenery, the recreated spaces are not distinctive. In our studies on capturing the realities (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2015), we emphasised preservation strategies and opportunities for spatial reinventions and interventions. In this chapter, we reflected on some of those earlier findings, emphasising the importance of regenerating urban landscapes beyond just building and physical regeneration and renovation processes. Aside from helping to create continuity in urban settings, integrating urban landscape in the overall regeneration plans could help promote memorable localities. This itself is important in boosting our spatial syntagma with places (Cheshmehzangi, 2014), leading to establishing better relations with historical and cultural quarters. For the residents, a sense of continuity links to their localities. For the visitors, a sense of temporality helps connect them with the local city life experiences. In both cases, the urban landscapes could simply complete the visual and socio-spatial relations of urban regeneration and city life experiences. Thus, we note the importance of memorable localities in the face of globalised and generic urban regeneration models. Should our regeneration practices become more localised or contextualised, then we should have a more holistic approach that could include urban landscapes as an integrative part of planning and design processes.

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Fig. 5.13 The entry points and gates of Shuhe Old Town often lack greenery but have clear routes or entrance points to old town, specific zones/areas (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.14 The entry points and gates of Shuhe Old Town often lack greenery but have clear routes or entrance points to old town, specific zones/areas (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.15 Water bodies in central parts of Shuhe old town are the main urban landscapes that offer social life, particularly at nights. The water bodies in Shuhe and other old towns of Lijiang are distinctively integrated in regenerated areas (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.16 Water bodies in central parts of Shuhe old town are the main urban landscapes that offer social life, particularly at nights. The water bodies in Shuhe and other old towns of Lijiang are distinctively integrated in regenerated areas (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.17 Local features, urban furniture, and traditional characteristics are visible in and around regenerated old towns like in Shuhe (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.18 Local features, urban furniture, and traditional characteristics are visible in and around regenerated old towns like in Shuhe (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.19 The combination of fire, music, and dancing brings together local and visitors to gather at 8 pm every night and interact in one of the main open spaces of the Shuhe old town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.20 Walls are playful part of urban landscapes in Shuhe Old Town, where painting, urban furniture, and plantation are used to create interactions (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.21 Walls are playful part of urban landscapes in Shuhe Old Town, where painting, urban furniture, and plantation are used to create interactions (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.22 Newly decorated walls resemble the past, local culture, and traditions, such as the importance of dogs in traditional community setting (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.23 Newly decorated walls resemble the past, local culture, and traditions, such as the importance of dogs in traditional community setting (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.24 Dogs are also part of urban landscapes, creating pause moments, interactions, and places of significance (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.25 Dogs are also part of urban landscapes, creating pause moments, interactions, and places of significance (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.26 Blue and green infrastructure in Shuhe and other regenerated old towns in Lijiang are integrated with the new-old and old urban settings (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.27 Traditional water system and local community farms are important urban landscape features in Shuhe and other regenerated old towns in Lijiang (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.28 Green and blue spaces help shape the spatial configuration and layout of regenerated and new zones in old town areas (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.29 Clean water streams and local plantation are inseparable parts of urban landscapes in Shuhe and other old towns in Lijiang (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.30 Clean water streams and local plantation are inseparable parts of urban landscapes in Shuhe and other old towns in Lijiang (Source The Author)

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Fig. 5.31 The tree and greenery here is the actual urban landscape of this path in Shuhe Old Town, Lijiang (Source The Author)

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Hubbard, P. (1996). Urban design and city regeneration: Social representations of entrepreneurial landscapes. Urban Studies, 33(8), 1441–1461. Kennedy, L. (Ed.). (2004). Remaking Birmingham: The visual culture of urban regeneration. Psychology Press. Loures, L., & Panagopoulos, T. (2007a). Sustainable reclamation of industrial areas in urban landscapes. Sustainable Development and Planning Iii, Vols 1 and 2, 102, 791–800. Loures, L., & Panagopoulos, T. (2007b). From derelict industrial areas towards multifunctional landscapes and urban renaissance. WSEAS Transactions on Environment and Development, 3(10), 181–188. MacGregor, C. (2010). Urban regeneration as a public health intervention. Journal of Social Intervention: Theory and Practice, 19(3), 38–51. Miles, S., & Paddison, R. (2005). Introduction: The rise and rise of culture-led urban regeneration. Urban Studies, 42(5–6), 833–839. Oudes, D., & Stremke, S. (2020). Climate adaptation, urban regeneration and brownfield reclamation: A literature review on landscape quality in large-scale transformation projects. Landscape Research, 45(7), 905–919. Prilenska, V. (2012). City branding as a tool for urban regeneration: Towards a theoretical framework. Architecture and Urban Planning, 6, 12–16. Reeve, A. C., Desha, C., Hargreaves, D., & Hargroves, K. (2015). Biophilic urbanism: Contributions to holistic urban greening for urban renewal. Smart and Sustainable Built Environment, 4(2), 215–233. Relph, E. (2016). The modern urban landscape. Routledge. Remesar, A. (Ed.). (1997). Urban regeneration: A challenge for public art (Vol. 6). Edicions Universitat Barcelona. Rodwell, D. (2008). Urban regeneration and the management of change: Liverpool and the historic urban landscape. Journal of Architectural Conservation, 14(2), 83–106. Smith, N. (2006). Gentrification generalized: From local anomaly to urban ‘regeneration’as global urban strategy. Frontiers of capital: ethnographic reflections on the new economy (pp. 191–208). Wu, F., & He, S. (2005). Changes in traditional urban areas and impacts of urban redevelopment: A case study of three neighbourhoods in Nanjing, China. Tijdschrift Voor Economische En Sociale Geografie, 96(1), 75–95. Xue, C., Zheng, X., Zhang, B., & Yuan, Z. (2015). Evolution of a multidimensional architectural landscape under urban regeneration: A case study of Jinan, China. Ecological Indicators, 55, 12–22. Zanzi, A., Andreotti, F., Vaglia, V., Alali, S., Orlando, F., & Bocchi, S. (2021). Forecasting agroforestry ecosystem services provision in urban regeneration projects: Experiences and perspectives from Milan. Sustainability, 13(5), 2434.

Chapter 6

Urban Regeneration and In-between Spaces: Mapping the Social Life of Lijiang’s Old Towns

We need more insurgency in the city in order to break unsustainable and privatizing patterns of urban development. —Jeffrey Hou

6.1 Urban Voids, In-between Spaces, and Socio-Spatial Relations: Integrating the Social Life into Regenerated Places There are examples of urban voids and in-between urban spaces that offer a variety of socio-spatial relations. Some of these relations could help develop or promote the identity of cities and places (Cheshmehzangi, 2014, 2021; Cheshmehzangi & Heath, 2012; Cheshmehzangi & Munday, 2022; Osti, 2015; Soja, 1980). For instance, in developing a cultural economy, one can argue the significance of creative industries and regenerated places in developing the cultural economy of cities (Gibson et al., 2002). We referred to these relations as socio-spatial inter-relations between people and the environment (Cheshmehzangi, 2016, 2020). In touristic areas or districts, we see a higher chance of utilising urban voids and in-between spaces to create denser and more interactive environments (Tulumello, 2016). Hence, successful regeneration or revitalisation projects usually have good quality public realm regeneration, too (Ramlee et al., 2015). In a way, they become cultural entrepreneurs of urban regeneration (Kim, 2016), meaning they create vibrant spaces, threshold spaces, and in-between linkages that connect different parts of the regenerated old town. According to Rembeza and Sas-Bojarska (2022), in-between spaces could divide urban structures and sometimes could help impact urban flows. In shaping public spaces, in-between spaces are important in creating spatial diversity and hierarchy, such as those that can be seen in urban periphery areas (Dembski et al., 2017), inner urban areas, and urban cores. Some, as suggested by Mathews (2010), create in-between moments that correlate well with the visual and social attributes of the place, particularly in regenerated areas where the new and old ought to be in © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 A. Cheshmehzangi, Mapping Urban Regeneration, Urban Sustainability, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3541-3_6

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dialogue or cohesion. Oldenhof et al. (2020) suggest that in-between spaces could create livable cities through the development of urban living laboratories. Such spaces could enhance socio-spatial relations that matter to multi-cultural and multifunctional spaces (Begum, 2004; Mottaghi et al., 2022). In a sense, such spaces could boost tourism and processes compressed in time and space (Amore, 2019). Thus, “the new economic and social intermediaries in the contemporary process of urban regeneration” (Fiorentino, 2019) are essential to co-creating and re-inventing urban spaces. This chapter delves into regeneration and space, mainly focused on in-between spaces in regenerated old towns. Two case study examples are surveyed and studied in this chapter, both located in the City of Lijiang, Yunnan Province. In this chapter, we study spatial networks and how various in-between spaces create social life and interactions in regenerated old towns. These are important as critical regeneration strategies considering place development (Reggiani, 2022) and the sustainability of urban heritage places (Özçakır, 2018). In the study of ‘Healing City’, Van Niekerk (2014) refers to in-between spaces as “spaces that invite to go one step further every time”. In this chapter, we map different categories of in-between spaces that suggest urban livelihoods and social life in regenerated areas.

6.2 Different Categories of In-between Spaces In urban regeneration projects, we often seek to have experience of diversity (Dines, 2007) but forget that we should also have diverse experiences that could help nurture and sustain the regenerated areas. In cultural heritage quarters, we see the focus is usually on regenerating buildings and spaces in relation to “population, social function, and role in the collective imagination” (Boeri et al., 2018). However, we also need to see what type of spaces could offer diversity in experiences, social experiences, social interactions, and, ultimately, social life. The emphasis could then be on the co-creation of spaces with social, historical, cultural, and other associated attributes. Thus, we ought to consider the regeneration of spaces as well as buildings and historical zones (Feliciotti et al., 2017), moving towards creating spatial networks (Hamdy & Plaku, 2021) and even developing new social enterprises (Benadusi & Sapienza, 2018). This approach is commonly seen in examples of public space as urban regeneration (Manehasa & Çoniku, 2021), creative productions by using vacant spaces (Bruzzese, 2017), and defining characteristics of social formations and spatial configurations (Agirbas, 2020). Thus, our goal as urban planners and designers should be to help contest public places to create social lives of urban redevelopment and regeneration (Wall, 2022), which means we have to consider design features, planning methods, functionalities, social attributes, etc. Considering there are different categories of in-between spaces, we could identify those that create spaces between public and private uses. Some are simply threshold spaces between different zones, typologies, and quarters. Placemaking strategies

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are essential in achieving transformative and regenerative urban environments, ultimately affecting the urban fabric and creating new urban environments (Najjar & Ghadban, 2015). Such strategies must consider both buildings and spaces and the articulation between them (Belpoliti et al., 2021). Unfortunately, degraded and abandoned spaces could be challenging to transform in-between spaces (Russo, 2016), which means placemaking analysis is required. We verify six different types of in-between spaces to support the survey and mapping studies conducted in two old towns in the City of Lijiang (Fig. 6.1). The first type is in-between spaces between public and private zones, mainly ornamented with flowerpots and plantations. The second type is the ground floor and upper floor spaces of bars and restaurants, often visible to the public. There are usually plantations, flowers, or streams separating the public and indoor areas. Some of these spaces are open, and some are closed, depending on the nature of spatial use. They could be used as balconies, podiums, or verandas of buildings. The third type is in-between spaces that suggest a change of functionality and levels, mainly seen in places where there are topographical variances. The fourth type is the regenerated courtyards that are open to the public but are intermediate spaces between outdoor flows/activities and indoor environments such as shops, cafés, bars, and restaurants. This type of space differs from private or semi-private inner courtyards of residential units, homestays, hotels, and hostels. The fifth type is the immediate space in front of shops, bars, and restaurants, where there is a dedicated small space for social interactions. In this type, various things are present. In some cases, we map furniture for seating or drinking/ eating, such as a small sofa, a set of chairs, tables, and places for extended stays. Some shops also have shorter-term interactions by having intermediate spaces where dogs or cats are present. Such space creates a short pause in movement and offers interactions with the animals/pets at the shop/store entrance. Lastly, the sixth type is where the wall is used as threshold space, catching the viewers’ eye in moving through or within the urban spaces. The walls are either decorated to create a flow or interaction or are used for directions and advertising the activities and functionalities of spaces and buildings around.

6.3 Mapping the Social Life in Two Old Towns: Lijiang and Shuhe Old Town Case Study Examples In this section, two case studies are explored, i.e., Lijiang Old Town and Shuhe Old Town. Both examples are similar in terms of their regeneration models. Lijiang Old Town is a much larger regenerated zone located almost in the central part of the city (See Chap. 5 for details). This old town is the original city of Lijiang, where we have seen expansions around it and of it over the years. This old town is unique for its wide range of greenery and landscapes integrated with regenerated and new areas. The spatial layout is also quite diverse, where we often see in-between spaces surrounded by neighbouring greenery, plantation, and flower decorations. In Shuhe

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Between public and private

Podiums, balconies, and verandas

Wall and wall spaces

In-between Spaces

Between different levels or functions

Front areas/spaces of buildings Courtyard between outdoors & indoors

Fig. 6.1 The suggested six types of in-between spaces identified in Lijiang’s old towns

Old Town, we see similar spaces often decorated with plantation and greenery, but perhaps less than those spaces mapped in Lijiang Old Town. Figures 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7, 6.8, 6.9, 6.10, 6.11, 6.12, 6.13, 6.14, 6.15, 6.16, 6.17, 6.18, 6.19, 6.20, 6.21, 6.22, 6.23, 6.24, 6.25, 6.26, 6.27, 6.28 and 6.29 show examples of Lijiang Old Town’s in-between spaces and social life. Figures 6.30, 6.31, 6.32, 6.33, 6.34, 6.35, 6.36, 6.37, 6.38, 6.39, 6.40, 6.41, 6.42, 6.43, 6.44 and 6.45 demonstrate examples of Shuhe Old Town’s similar spaces.

6.3.1 Lijiang Old Town Based on our identified six categories of in-between spaces, we provide examples highlighting spatial strategies, socio-spatial relations, and social interactions in Lijiang Old Town. As shown in Chap. 5, some of these areas are regenerated, and some are based on replicating the historical areas in the form of renewal projects.

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Fig. 6.2 In-between spaces between public and private areas, more in the form of threshold spaces, in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

6.3.2 Shuhe Old Town The same approach is followed for examples of in-between spaces in Shuhe Old Town, Lijiang. This particular old town is located in the north of Lijiang (see Chap. 5), with more renewal development in the form of historical and cultural urban settings or environments. Nonetheless, the historical parts are regenerated over the years, making Shuhe one of the most popular old towns in the City of Lijiang.

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Fig. 6.3 In-between spaces between public and private areas, more in the form of threshold spaces, in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

6.4 Urban Regeneration and Social Life Both examples in this chapter show that in-between spaces are diverse and influential in how people experience the regenerated old towns. The renewal or urban redevelopment areas also follow the same approaches to ensure keeping the local or historical characteristics of the sites. Some studies, like Campbell et al.’s (2017) study of the social life of measurement, indicated the importance of culture-led urban regeneration and creating social life in urban environments. Hence, this reflects well on the notion of place and place meaning and, more importantly, the identity of place (Cheshmehzangi, 2020; Ujang & Zakariya, 2015). Cultural quarters are identified as mechanisms for urban regeneration (Montgomery, 2003), meaning they can

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Fig. 6.4 In-between spaces in the form of see-through podiums in bars and restaurants, in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

promote urban areas’ economic and social life. In a way, this goes back to earlier arguments in previous chapters that the complexity of social life (Degen, 2017) should be included in urban regeneration processes, placemaking strategies, and urban reinventions. This sphere of social life (Griffiths, 1993) involves contacts, interactions, and exchanges that could be embedded in urban regeneration strategies. Thus, spatial interventions, such as in-between spaces, are critical to create and create social life and social experiences in regenerated urban areas. The mapping studies of this chapter help us understand the spatiality and sociality (or socio-spatiality) of spaces in regenerated urban areas. A lack of people and social life could become a major pressure in declining urban areas. Also, for regenerated sites, the same situation applies. In the proposal for design-led urban regeneration models (Bell & Jayne, 2003), the character of social life is considered as the everyday

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Fig. 6.5 In-between spaces in the form of see-through podiums in bars and restaurants, in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

part of regenerated sites and not just for tourism exchanges. Thus, we need to move away from just creating spaces that matter to visitors or to boost economies and tourism. The engagement between the locals and the visitors could be introduced and integrated in a better way, allowing people to be part of the community in an enhanced social cohesion mode. Hence, the fabric of social life (Mehdipour & Nia, 2013) should be embedded in placemaking strategies through regeneration and revitalisation models. In doing so, we could tackle some of the common issues, such as social exclusion, displacement, and social segregation in regenerated urban areas. Lastly, we hope planning and spatial interventions are integrated at the core of urban regeneration policies and practices, allowing for social life and urban experiences to be part of the whole process rather than the artificial mockeries that may harm the local values, cultural settings, and historical attributes of regenerated urban areas.

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Fig. 6.6 Private, in-between, and public spaces that are shown and separated by pavements and water streams, in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

Fig. 6.7 Podiums with mass decoration and plantation, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.8 Artificial and natural separations, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.9 In-between spaces separating between different topographical levels, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.10 In-between spaces separating between different topographical levels, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.11 A preserved heritage well is integrated in streetscape and street life, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.12 In-between spaces separating between different functions and spatial configurations, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.13 In-between spaces separating between different functions and spatial configurations, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.14 In-between spaces that create movement flows with the use of urban furniture, decorations, and spatial recreation, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.15 A courtyard at a lower level where it creates an intermediate space between indoor and outdoor areas, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.16 Space and decoration around a building that creates multiple in-between spaces, threshold spaces, and connections, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.17 Space and decoration around a building that creates multiple in-between spaces, threshold spaces, and connections, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

Fig. 6.18 Space and decoration around a building that creates multiple in-between spaces, threshold spaces, and connections, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.19 A threshold space created by decoration and spatial interventions, Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.20 A decorated bridge between outside space and a restaurant in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.21 Bridges that connect between stores and residential units and the pedestrianised flow, in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.22 Intermediate spaces in front of shops/stores, bars, and restaurants, in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.23 Intermediate spaces in front of shops/stores, bars, and restaurants, in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

6.4 Urban Regeneration and Social Life Fig. 6.24 Pets and animals at front of shops/stores, restaurants/cafés, and hotels in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.25 Pets and animals at front of shops/stores, restaurants/cafés, and hotels in Lijiang Old Town (Source: The Author)

6.4 Urban Regeneration and Social Life Fig. 6.26 Pets and animals at front of shops/stores, restaurants/cafés, and hotels in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.27 Front of shops and decorated wall in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.28 A decorated wall is a playful part in making transition between spaces in such in-between space, in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.29 The closure and openness of the shops and other units continuously create intermediate spaces, threshold spaces, and spatial relations, in Lijiang Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.30 This in-between space is a threshold space between the outside, i.e., the public place, and the inside, which is the private place, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.31 A flexible balcony space with a canopy that is used as a place of sitting, eating, and people watching, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.32 A podium and place of interaction in-between indoor and outdoor spaces, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.33 In-between spaces that become spaces of functional change and transitions in the urban fabric, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.34 In-between spaces that become spaces of functional change and transitions in the urban fabric, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.35 Water stream, a step, and a bridge could form an in-between space at a different level that separates and integrates the functionalities of the urban area at the same time, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

6.4 Urban Regeneration and Social Life Fig. 6.36 Immediate spaces outside the local bars are in-between spaces where interactions happen through photo-shooting, social media, social activities, and other interactions, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.37 Immediate spaces outside the local bars are in-between spaces where interactions happen through photo-shooting, social media, social activities, and other interactions, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

6.4 Urban Regeneration and Social Life Fig. 6.38 Immediate outside spaces in front of shops are spaces for decoration, ornaments, and social interactions, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.39 Immediate outside spaces in front of shops are spaces for decoration, ornaments, and social interactions, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

6.4 Urban Regeneration and Social Life Fig. 6.40 Dogs and other animals/pets are interactive part of the shopfronts where people are attracted in these active in-between spaces, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.41 Dogs and other animals/pets are interactive part of the shopfronts where people are attracted in these active in-between spaces, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.42 Walls that talk and determine movement or flow within the regenerated sides of Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.43 Walls that talk and determine movement or flow within the regenerated sides of Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.44 Informative walls and pause moments for photo-shooting, directions, and spatial engagement, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 6.45 Informative walls and pause moments for photo-shooting, directions, and spatial engagement, in Shuhe Old Town (Source The Author)

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Chapter 7

Regenerating the Local Characteristics: The Impacts on City Life Experience and Identity of Shangri-La’s Old Town

Shangri-La is a state of mind, Vinay. If you’re happy, then everything around you will be okay and in harmony. Nothing is perfect anywhere. We must find our own paradise amidst the chaos. —James Hilton, from the novel “Lost Horizon”

7.1 Regenerating Locality and Local Identity of Cities Many research studies focus on regenerating localities or the local identity of cities and urban areas. Most of these studies do not address city life experiences that matter in the process and product of urban regeneration. Often, developers and policymakers foresee what the product could be and neglect the fact that the process is more important to ensure locality is at least maintained, if not enhanced. Some scholars study the nexus between regeneration and locality from the perspective of developing alternative strategies (Bennett & Butler, 2000; Hudson, 1995), arguing how locality could be served as a catalyst for transformative changes in urban areas. The linkage between perceptions of locality and quality of life (QoL) (Rogers et al., 2008) is also an interesting attempt to bridge the gaps between regeneration and city life experiences. In recent studies, the co-creation of locality is highlighted more in connection with sustainability and design-driven regeneration strategies (Jiang et al., 2020), meaning we have to consider the various factors of functionalities (or use before and after), spatiality, and activities (Osman et al., 2015). In understanding the economic regeneration prospects of a locality (Loftman & Nevin, 1995), we need to identify the conflicts between various stakeholders and what urban regeneration means to local governments and authorities. Thus, networks and partnerships are essential (Lowndes et al., 1997) in connecting urban regeneration with locality and local development patterns. In the study of innovation through urban diversity (Cheshmehzangi & Li, 2020), we looked at possibilities for community-oriented development, in a way, delving into localities rather than generic generalities. Multiple socio-economic and sociocultural factors were examined in line with socio-spatial and socio-political factors. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 A. Cheshmehzangi, Mapping Urban Regeneration, Urban Sustainability, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3541-3_7

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Hence, we can argue that the political economy plays a part in how localities are developed, emerged, or recreated. Transformative regeneration processes play their role in addressing specific economic and social systems in contemporary city development programmes, making them more viable through locality enhancement. In another study, we argued in favour of the nexus between identity and locality (Cheshmehzangi & Ornsby, 2017), which we believe could be a major driver to augment localities in cities and urban areas. Consequently, the arguments of ’identity as a relation’ (Cheshmehzangi, 2020) suggest the importance of context-to-content relations in urban environments. This means there is a sort of urban entrepreneurialism (Xie et al., 2020) needed to enhance social and public life in cities and towards achieving sustainability (Cheshmehzangi, 2021a). Our other attempt to capture the realities of a rural community aimed to highlight the built environment’s locality beyond just the standardised process of gradual commercialisation (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2015). Thus, the shift from global to local attempts is needed to create regenerative city transformations (Cheshmehzangi & Munday, 2022), something that we hope could happen through participatory processes (Dawodu et al., 2021), and more than just creating places of remembering (Cheshmehzangi, 2021b), recording (Cheshmehzangi, 2021c), and nostalgia. In essence, regenerated places should have a sort of locality beyond their historical looks and provide spatial relations, social values, and city experiences that matter to the majority, or at least the locals. In this chapter, we stress the importance of locality, local identity, and local characteristics of urban areas in urban regeneration. While we could not be part of the regeneration process of Shangri-La’s old town, we did surveys of the city’s transformative changes that clearly highlight various local characteristics of the city. ShangriLa is a unique case in China, as the city itself is just renamed for tourism purposes. This branding or rebranding approach is based on this mythical image of Shangri-La (Llamas & Belk, 2011), a name that is given for enhancing tourism and the making of place (Kolås, 2004). Formerly called Zhongdian County (or in Chinese: 中甸 县; and in pinyin: Zh¯ongdiàn Xiàn), the city was eventually renamed in December 2011. This rebranding approach helped boost the local economies, mainly based on tourism industries, and upgrade Shangri-La into a country-level city in December 2014. This follows very well the fictional novel ‘Lost Horizon’ by James Hilton, who described Shangri-La as a numinous haven. The city is located right on the edge of the Deqen Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, making it unique in terms of its geographical setting, climate conditions, and local characteristics. While it is a sort of Western creation of a sacred landscape (Bishop, 1989), it is an important city for cultural appropriation, tourism, and local characteristics. To date, no study focuses on Shangri-La’s urban regeneration programmes, set aside mapping the approaches and the impacts on the locality of the place. Only a few studies highlight factors such as reconnecting with traditional knowledge through experiencing the city (Liu & Constable, 2012), the spatio-temporality of the city (Sun et al., 2021), and tourism resources (Shi et al., 2015). Therefore, this case study selection is strategic as it highlights a major research gap in the context of Shangri-La and the larger Yunnan Province area. The findings from the chapter focus on the local characteristics of the city and how they matter in regenerating the city’s old town.

7.2 What Makes the City’s Local Characteristics?

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7.2 What Makes the City’s Local Characteristics? If we really need to delve into this overarching topic of what makes the city’s local characteristics, then we have to write a separate book to map various examples of urban localities, local characteristics, and local attributes. In most global examples, local characteristics of a place refer directly to strategies embedded in place distinction (Paulsen, 2004), the identity of a place (Cheshmehzangi, 2020) or place-identity (Dovey et al., 2009), and city life (Cranshaw et al., 2012). The approach to studying the characters of a city or place helps policymakers to develop their guidelines and regulations (Dovey et al., 2009), directly related to the importance of maintaining or even promoting a place or city locality. Thus, local characteristics are more than just physical attributes but are widespread in various planning and design dimensions. We cannot neglect the importance of social, spatial, temporal, visual, perceptual, and morphological aspects, while locality could certainly be comprehensive and diverse. Place promotion is often needed in various ways, such as symbolic charactertisation (Kim, 2010) and the quest for urban identity (Oktay, 2002). More than just the physical local characteristics that could catch the eye, cities need to have defined local landscape characters, biodiversity, and land use (Kim & Pauleit, 2007), meaning the need for local spatialities is as important as the local physicality of the built environments. In the process of city marketing to city branding (Kavaratzis, 2004), creating the city’s distinctive identity is important in how local characters are presented and represented in the built and non-built environments. Molotch et al. (2000) highlight how city character sits with urban traditions and place accomplishment, indicating that character and tradition could be studied together rather than separately. Hence, the local authorities often look for marketing and branding strategies that help the city’s attractiveness for investment (Snieska & Zykiene, 2015), which could (possibly) help nurture the city’s locality and identity. Here, we map and identify four different local characteristics that are part of the urban regeneration process in Shangri-La’s old town. The first is preserving the local urban landscapes in and out of the city, showing how the city has so far retained its historical and original urban setting in most parts. Aside from the northern areas of the city, where new development projects are mid-rise, the other parts of the city are relatively low-to-midrise, retaining the original setting and urban landscapes close to the local characteristics of the city. The second is based on regenerating local spatial characteristics where the city’s main urban public places are revived and revitalised for social and cultural activities. The third is based on preserving and highlighting the iconic buildings at strategic nodes, where main temples and other public buildings are visible. This approach has helped promote the city’s image pinpointed around major nodes, depending on functionality and location. For instance, we see the preservation and promotion of Tibetan characteristics in critical nodes in the city, where the overall city life experience gives a sense of a genuine Tibetan experience. This is perceptible in the city’s tangible and intangible characteristics, features, and components. The fourth—and perhaps the most common—is preserving the historical visual, and

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Fig. 7.1 Four types of Shangri’s Local Characteristics based on our mapping studies. We note these could vary in different contexts (Source The Author)

Urban Lanscape

Visual and Physical

Local Characteristics in Shangri-La

Spatial and socioCultural

Iconic Landmarks

physical aspects of the cultural quarters, old residential areas, and new redevelopment zones. In regenerated sites, the change in land uses had little impact on the physical and visual dimensions of cultural quarters. Instead, it focused on preserving the materiality, colour, and building shape. The local characteristics here are either visible in buildings (new and old) or in the spatial qualities generated from locality enhancements. The common new-old development is emerging fast in the city’s inner areas where the old town areas are deemed to be expanding. Figure 7.1 summarise these four types in Shangri-La and perhaps could vary in other contexts.

7.3 Shangri-La’s Old Town Regeneration: Making the Local Characteristics Visible While Shangri-La’s old town covers most of its urban core, several associated programmes or projects are expanding in all four directions, particularly with renewal and regeneration projects that happen in the western and southern edges of the old town areas. Despite the recent obvious negative impacts of the pandemic on ShangriLa’s economy, the city still offers a unique experience by name through marketing and branding, a local life through its calm and relaxing landscapes, and a moment of pause through the accumulated social and cultural experiences it offers. The city has created a set of significant places and locations that highlight the local Tibetan image, lifestyle, and characteristics. These are embedded in regenerated sites, newly developed areas, and the central part of the city. The socio-political factors behind these regeneration models are critical to how the city has been rebranded over the

7.4 Locality and Local Characteristics for Identity Formation …

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Fig. 7.2 The urban landscape of urban core and inner areas in Shangri-La, facing south and east regions (Source The Author)

Fig. 7.3 The outskirt landscape in one of the preserved historical and religious sites in Shangri-La (Source The Author)

years. Figures 7.2, 7.3, 7.4, 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.9, 7.10, 7.11, 7.12, 7.13, 7.14, 7.15, 7.16, 7.17, 7.18, 7.19, 7.20, 7.21, 7.22, 7.23 and 7.24 show various examples of local characteristics based on the above four types.

7.4 Locality and Local Characteristics for Identity Formation and Enhancement The case of Shangri-La resembles a city with mixed regeneration and renewal configuration and life experiences. The rebranding approach to make the city what it is now has been based on reviving the place’s locality, where local characteristics help form and enhance the city’s identity. Thus, a collective image of Shangri-La is created to ensure a sense of architectural continuity, articulated urban landscapes, and coherent spatial configurations. The locality of the city is somewhat recreated through the new and old, combined with the preservation of diverse local characteristics we covered in this chapter. All these are based on specific local characteristics highlighted as part of regeneration and renewal projects. So far, the city has not followed other trends of mid-to-highrise development, but this is already changing around the city, particularly on the northern edges of the city. Despite many attempts, the local economies still suffer due to the region’s complex socio-political issues, location, and lack of industries. However, the city has become a national strategic hub for the

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Fig. 7.4 Tibetan characteristics and local urban landscapes of renewal and religious sites towards the northern edge of Shangri-La, where mid-rise buildings are emerging (Source The Author)

tourism economy through a model of city branding. Tourism is still flourishing in the city, while regeneration programmes constitute a significant part of transformative processes. Regarding identity formation and enhancement, mapping local characteristics shows how they are part of this process. The locality and identity, particularly from the visual and spatial perspectives, create this unique wholeness that is still different in China. However, this trend has been elsewhere where heritage-led and historical-led regeneration is prioritised. Usually, in such cases, the tourism economy is enforced to ensure part of the city—if not all—is regenerated through new and old localities, tourism industries, and regenerated zones. Thus, regeneration projects or programmes are fast-forwarded for city marketing and branding strategies, helping those national-level priorities to appear more clearly on the map. In some cases,

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Fig. 7.5 The main central square in Shangri-La is surrounded by official buildings and the most iconic part of the city (Source The Author)

Fig. 7.6 Social and cultural events are regular daily activities in the central square in Shanrgi-La, adding to the local taste and experiences the city offers (Source The Author)

unfortunate miscalculations lead to inevitable decay and decline. In some cases, like Shangri-La, regeneration works as long as the localities are preserved. However, the danger here is when localities are marginalised or replaced with new industries, images, and experiences. If so, urban regeneration processes have failed, and renewal

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Fig. 7.7 Domestic yaks are part of the local characteristics in the region and are brought into the socio-spatiality of the old town areas (Source The Author)

programmes will take over. This has started to happen gradually in Shangri-La, where we see new developments emerging fast and at a large scale. To reverse these abysmal development trends, there is still time.

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Fig. 7.8 A mixed regenerated and renewal setting turned into a photo-shooting spot where local characteristics, features, and spaces are combined together (Source The Author)

Fig. 7.9 Highlighting the local significances is a big driver of tourism economy in and around Shangri-La (Source The Author)

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Fig. 7.10 The city’s main historical and religious iconic buildings remind visitors of the Tibetan experiences of Lhasa due to similar local characteristics and familiarities. These are often very picturesque part of the city’s inside and outside regenerated zones (Source The Author)

Fig. 7.11 The city’s main historical and religious iconic buildings remind visitors of the Tibetan experiences of Lhasa due to similar local characteristics and familiarities. These are often very picturesque part of the city’s inside and outside regenerated zones (Source The Author)

7.4 Locality and Local Characteristics for Identity Formation … Fig. 7.12 The thriving new and declining old of residential areas in Shangri-La (Source The Author)

Fig. 7.13 The thriving new and declining old of residential areas in Shangri-La (Source The Author)

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Fig. 7.14 The new residential and commercial units try to follow the traditional and local characterises via spatial, physical, and visual dimensions (Source The Author)

Fig. 7.15 The new residential and commercial units try to follow the traditional and local characterises via spatial, physical, and visual dimensions (Source The Author)

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Fig. 7.16 The regenerated residential buildings are reused for tourism purposes and facilities, while keeping the majority of old features and local characteristics (Source The Author)

Fig. 7.17 Regenerated areas create unique opportunities for photo-shooting, socio-spatial interactions, and local engagement (Source The Author)

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Fig. 7.18 Regenerated areas create unique opportunities for photo-shooting, socio-spatial interactions, and local engagement (Source The Author)

Fig. 7.19 The renewal sites follow the same trends of regenerates sites, visually and physically (Source The Author)

7.4 Locality and Local Characteristics for Identity Formation … Fig. 7.20 The renewal sites follow the same trends of regenerates sites, visually and physically (Source The Author)

Fig. 7.21 Local characteristics are visual part of the spaces created in regenerated sites across Shangri-La (Source The Author)

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Fig. 7.22 An example of a new development area on the northern edge of Shangri-La’s old town, using local characteristics, materials, building shape, building components, and colours based on original residential layouts and spatial configurations (Source The Author)

Fig. 7.23 A high-end old-new area where locality is regenerated and recreated in a new physical and spatial setting, on the western edge of Shangri-La’s old town (Source The Author)

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Fig. 7.24 A high-end old-new area where locality is regenerated and recreated in a new physical and spatial setting, on the western edge of Shangri-La’s old town (Source The Author)

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Chapter 8

City Life Experiences: Lessons Learnt for Future Urban Regeneration Strategies

To discover a city is in itself a unique event, but when we have the privilege sharing it with friends most dear to us, it becomes a once-in-a-lifetime experience. —Reinaldo Arenas

8.1 Mapping Urban Regeneration: A Summary The by-default perception of ‘mapping urban regeneration’ could perhaps be based on a series of mapping studies of various—and sometimes randomised—urban areas using common urban planning and design software, such as GIS, ArcGIS Urban, CityEngine, LotWorks, 3D City Planner, Lumion, CityCAD, etc. However, the book did not rely on just the computational tools but rather mapped what is actually on the ground. Capturing the realities, as we once referred to them (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2015), is vital to evaluate and understand the urban contexts and contents. In doing so, city life experiences were surveyed, mapped, assessed, and explored in detail. Hopefully, this approach should be more sensible to urban planners, designers, geographers, policymakers, and specialists. This is why this book is an unusual attempt to study urban regeneration, as it truly reflects on city life, livelihoods, and experiences. These are more important than just mapping what may be generated as computational solutions, analysis, and directions. Hence, on-site surveys and recordings were favoured compared to desk-work big data analysis; on-site mapping work was utilised rather than computational software; on-site stakeholder engagement was selected rather than cherry-picking processes of pseudo-participation; and on-site observations and investigations were conducted rather than going through the-often-vainglorious grey literature. By exploring context-specific case study examples, we delved into contextual issues relative to a particular region’s urban regeneration decisions, processes, and practices. This is a message to all researchers in the field of ‘urban regeneration’ to ensure they refrain from generic and bizarre theories that may not be suitable to a specific context, culture, socio-political content, and socio-economic background. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 A. Cheshmehzangi, Mapping Urban Regeneration, Urban Sustainability, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3541-3_8

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Particularly in China, urban regeneration programmes are poorly processed and managed. Usually, they are branded and sold in the name of regeneration, while they are just typical renewal or urban redevelopment projects. This artificial process of creating the new-old has become a standardised urban regeneration model that suggests deficiencies in decision-making processes and long-term visions. As shown in many examples in this book, the intention is to re-establish newly-branded old towns and cultural quarters. In the case of heritage-led urban regeneration projects, we see many preserved projects that suggest brick-by-brick redevelopment of historical sites with glossy and renewed buildings that represent the past, the old, and local characteristics. This approach is perhaps not received well in other contexts, like in the European context, where even façade cleaning of a historical building is debated. The resistance to creating or recreating the artificial old is to avoid developing synthetic historical architecture and urban areas. This means the imitations should only be represented and not replicated. However, the suggested urban regeneration trends in China differ entirely from what we see in other contexts, where urban renaissance, regeneration, renewal, preservation, and revitalisation are not mixed-up but are well-defined. Through our context-specific examples, we have highlighted the importance of mapping urban regeneration from various perspectives. These mapping approaches are meant to delve into critical factors of urban life and city experiences, not only through the physicality of urban areas but also based on spaces, urban landscapes, social life, localities, industry productions, etc. These are all important to map urban regeneration, whatever it could mean to other contexts other than Yunnan or China. Urban regeneration should be regenerative rather than promoting urban change. It should instead focus on transitions and revitalisation opportunities, co-creating new industries and areas through various industries and enhancing localities where it is feasible. The localities should not be limited to some visual and physical characteristics of historical buildings. However, they should instead include socio-spatialities, local industries and economies, local livelihoods, culture, and diversity of spaces that matter to the majority. As you read this book, we are certain new large-scale openair museums are being developed in various places. To avoid such trends, we could advocate regeneration at the heart of co-creating and production, enabling opportunities for self-sufficient cities/zones, creative cities, cultural cities, and genuine city life experiences. For people like us, urbanists, urban specialists, urban planners, urban designers, etc., cities are playful platforms of interventions, reinventions, and recreations. Cities and urban areas constantly evolve, and we continuously regenerate and revive areas that may need to reverse decay and decline. In post-industrial cases, we see opportunities for introducing and integrating new industries. In historical cases, we see excellent preservation ideas and the integration of the new with old or historical areas. In heritage sites, we see sensitivity around protection and appropriately highlighting the past. And in shrinking cases, we see many examples of regenerating and revitalising urban areas that save cities from socio-economic and socio-political failures. Nonetheless, many examples remain of empty regenerated towns, tedious

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ghost towns, declining historical and cultural quarters, crumbling historical buildings, and unprotected heritage sites. These examples suggest ways of saving—and sometimes healing—cities, where localities, social life, and spatial intervention are closely linked to urban regeneration strategies. In the following sections of this brief chapter, we explore several lessons for future urban regeneration programmes and models. In doing so, we delve into some critical contextual issues and the contents that matter in preserving, promoting, or even recreating the localities. For the latter, we must avoid recreating the ‘fake new’, which often replaces the old with a historical image. The local life and city life experiences need to be embedded in the socio-spatiality of regenerated cities and urban areas. Otherwise, any other attempt is to boost economies in a different direction. After exploring some of these overarching lessons, we discuss urban regeneration and city life experiences. The nexus between the two is evidenced through our mappings and surveys conducted in case studies of this book. These case study examples suggest the importance of mapping urban regeneration and (expectantly) widening the horizon of those who believe in alternative regeneration strategies and solutions. Lastly, we conclude the chapter—and the book—by arguing against global directions and favouring local and context-specific paradigms, solutions, and policies. In this regard, we hope localised or contextualised policies could respond to social development issues and not just focus on economic growth. In doing so, we advocate policymakers to be more critical about the recent planning and design trends and propose policies that are human-centric, all-inclusive, and reflective.

8.2 Lessons for the Future Urban Regeneration Programmes and Models From retail development (Mitchel & Kirkup, 2003) to climate-friendly regeneration models (Balaban & Puppim de Oliveira, 2014), we could see the importance of diversity, innovation, and community-oriented approaches (Cheshmehzangi & Li, 2020). People involvement, in particular, has been pinpointed in how cities could regenerate and revitalise their urban areas, allowing people to have their say in decision-making processes. In this section, we provide 10 key lessons for future urban regeneration programmes and models (Fig. 8.1). All these are important for how contextualised regeneration policies and processes should be developed and taken forward. (1) People-centric regeneration models Where we hope to see people at the heart of regeneration programmes, making sure local residents are valued, and their needs are addressed. Thus, we should be able to

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Fig. 8.1 Summary of 10 key lessons for urban regeneration programmes and models from three aspects of contents, process, and product in urban planning and design (Source The Author)

Product

• People-centric models • Community-led initiatives • Integration

Process

• Renaissance • Continious improvement • Sustainable communities

Contents

• Locality • Equity, diversity, & inclusivity • Quality of Life (QoL) • Social Life & Livelihoods

formulate contextual regeneration models with people’s involvement in harmonious coexistence. Public-private partnerships will be critical in achieving such models. (2) Urban renaissance against gentrification Where we should evaluate the roots of urban problems, such as ‘gentrification’, making sure cities are equipped with long-term plans or visions, and not immediate and risky transformations. Transitions are necessary and they should be comprehensive. (3) Genuine equity, diversity, and inclusivity Where we hope to see ‘equity’ and ‘equity distribution’ during all stages of urban regeneration, before and after before and after the completion of the projects. We could simply see opportunities for sustainable economies by promoting diversity and inclusivity. (4) Continuous improvements and adaptive planning Where we anticipate maintenance and management to be continuous to help improve regenerated urban areas. In doing so, adaptive planning is recommended in making reflective plans, directions, and strategies. (5) Nurturing community-driven or community-led initiatives Where we expect communities to participate in a different manner than the typical box-ticking exercises of participatory processes. In doing so, we should avoid cherrypicking exercises and instead focus on creating platforms for communities to lead ideas and initiatives. (6) Locality and responding to local, cultural, and historical values Where we must not separate locality from regeneration processes, ensuring cities maintain their local characteristics, cultural attributes, and historical values. In doing

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so, the locality is preserved and promoted at a pace suitable for upgrading or improvement processes. (7) Social life and social livelihoods Where we should entrench a diverse set of social attributes in regeneration processes. The sociality of urban regeneration programmes is important to planning and spatial interventions, as well as recreating spaces through livelihoods and experiences. (8) Promoting quality of life (QoL) Where we should foster stronger partnerships for better quality regeneration programmes, healthier communities, and to achieve the quality of life (QoL). This reflects very well on the UN Habitat’s (2021) expression that “urban regeneration brings back underutilized assets and redistributes opportunities, increasing urban prosperity and quality of life”. (9) Aiming to achieve sustainable communities through robust institutions Where we could see opportunities for sustainable urban regeneration models, allinclusive from various perspectives and dimensions. We note that robust institutional structures and institutions are critical to achieving this ultimate goal. (10) Integration, integration, and integration Where we should not advocate anything but integrated urban planning and design strategies. Holistic approaches must be welcomed, allowing for platforms of integrated models, the co-creation of socio-spatial qualities, and life experiences. Integration is essential to urban regeneration combined with renewal, preservation, restoration, and revitalisation strategies.

8.3 Urban Regeneration and City Life Experiences Urban regeneration is bound to time and experience (Degen, 2017), ensuring that communities, neighbourhoods, urban areas, districts, and cities offer genuine social life experiences that matter. The conflict between complete preservation and regeneration (Knippschild & Zöllter, 2021) remain to be the case for many projects around the globe. As Degen (2008) suggests, sensing cities is an important factor in creating and recreating various aspects of city life. Experiences should represent more than just physical development or redevelopment of urban areas (Gullino, 2009) and shift towards all-inclusive possibilities. For instance, place attachment and creating lived experiences in urban areas (Pan & Cobbinah, 2023) are good examples of providing opportunities for community-led regeneration rather than government-led regeneration approaches. In this regard, we hope the misperception between ‘urban renewal’ and ‘urban regeneration’ could be sorted into policies and practices, allowing multiple stakeholders to be part of decision-making processes for transformative changes or transitions. As it happens in cities across China, the top-down decision-making have

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already led to many irreversible developmental trends. Some cities have launched their quest for identity, while others try to replicate their old urban and rural fabrics in the hope of reviving what has been lost during the mass redevelopment era of the 1990s and 2000s. Marketing and branding have been critical to making pleasurable experiences (Cerreta & Daldanise, 2017; Coletti & Rabbiosi, 2021; Eshuis & Edelenbos, 2009; Prilenska, 2012), but often lead to commercialisation and even over-commercialisation processes in cities and urban areas. Globally, many cities suffer from decay, decline, and shrinking populations and economies. The ups and downs that cities go through should be based on the position of change, transitions, and evolutions that should occur in reviving cities, reinventing them, and recreating them. As Hetherington (2007) argues, the creation of symbolic economics could potentially develop obstacles against experiencing city life. Thus, city officials and authorities need to clarify their directions very well, ensure their regeneration programmes are long-term and not quick short-term fixes, and promote the localities and identities rather than remaking them through generic cosmetics processes. Yes, beautifying the cities is an important task, and so is the modernisation process and the essential set of upgrading that could help improve the city and its experiences for all. However, we must remember that quality cities have multiple layers over a longer-term history, multiple cultures, and diverse urban environments. Thus, we highlight the importance of ‘integration’ in the overall picture of urban regeneration processes. From practice and policy perspectives, urban regeneration must be integrative, creative, and regenerative. In this way, we would be able to help promote people’s participation, multi-dimensional approaches, and co-creation of opportunities for local communities and economies. These are all essential to achieving genuine urban regeneration on the ground.

8.4 Not Global—But Local While we argue that urban identity is a global phenomenon, it indeed includes a range of hybridity and contextualisation considerations when it comes to placemaking and urbanism (Cheshmehzangi, 2015). In this book, we highlighted context-specific examples of urban regeneration programs and their impacts on various urban aspects. For instance, we highlighted culture and locality, which are specifically crucial for regenerating old towns, cultural quarters, and historical sites. On the one hand, culture and authenticity are essential to how branding works in urban regeneration programmes (Nagaynay & Lee, 2020; Rius Ulldemolins, 2014). On the other hand, they help us revive cities through a range of palimpsests that belong to them. Thus, creative dimensions for branding and regeneration are needed to ensure processes are inclusive, “where creative aspects of diversity, ethnicity and demographics in each neighbourhood can add perceived value to the brand” (Trueman et al., 2008). Thus, we need to promote context-specific solutions and not global regeneration models. The hybrid model of ‘glocal city’, while appreciated in many ways, is something that may neglect the localities, policies, and differences that may not be seen through

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urban regeneration processes. To achieve context-specific solutions, we ought to understand the multiplicity of urban regeneration programmes and processes and not only how they may appear as the end-products of urban modernisation and upgrading directions. We have to strategise co-creations that are based on public participation, people-centric planning and design, and community support. By putting people at the heart of urban regeneration policies and practices, we could advocate new opportunities that create urban life, livelihoods, and social experiences. For urbanism, creating key cultural havens integrated neatly and appropriately in cities is just a dream come true. However, the realities differ from what we often plan in mind or on the drawing boards. Mapping urban regeneration is a novel approach to probing into regeneration models and their impacts on society. The examples covered here are diverse, from local industries to local characteristics of regenerated sites, showing how regeneration models/programmes or practices could differ within a particular region. Yunnan Province is an excellent region with many examples of regeneration projects and programmes. Our earlier surveys and mapping studies were utilised to demonstrate city life experiences, social life, and urban livelihoods of regenerated zones in multiple cities. More importantly, the impacts of various urban regeneration models on how cities are perceived and experienced are demonstrated in this book to make us know our current directions are not flawless. In Yunnan, cities are still developing and competing against each other; industries are established, and economic growth is booming; and communities are experiencing the same mistakes that have happened before elsewhere. By engaging more with multiple stakeholders, we hope to find ways of bringing communities back into the bigger picture of regeneration for all and not just for tourists/visitors, developers, and investors. Cities are playful living environments, and urban regeneration could influence how they are revived, revitalised, and ultimately reincarnated.

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