Mal'uocchiu: Ambiguity, Evil Eye, and the Language of Distress 9781442676947

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MAL'UOCCHIU:: AMBIGUITY, EVIL EYE, AND THE LANGUAGE OF DISTRESS

The evil eye has received considerable attention in the literature of disciplines as diverse as anthropology and medicine. Researchers have attempted to identify and explain this essentially ambiguous and variable phenomenon from a number of perspectives - as a culture-bound syndrome, an idiom of distress, a mechanism of social control, and a representation of psychobiological fear. In Mal'uocchiu: Ambiguity, Evil Eye, and the Language of Distress, Sam Migliore shifts the focus of discussion from paradigms to a practical examination of how people use the notion of the evil eye in a variety of sociocultural contexts, particularly in various aspects of Sicilian-Canadian culture and experience. Drawing on the theories of Luigi Pirandello and Ludwig Wittgenstein, Migliore argues that mal'uocchiu, and by implication other folk constructs, is like a character in search of an author to give it 'form' or 'meaning.' The book begins by considering the indeterminate nature of the evil-eye complex. Migliore proposes that this indeterminacy allows people to create myriad alternative meanings and messages to define and make sense of their personal experiences. He then examines how the evil eye relates to Sicilian-Canadian conceptions of health and illness, and discusses treatment and prevention strategies. Throughout the study, the author blends context-setting, case-studies, personal recollection, and interpretation to provide readers with an accessible, alternative look at the multifaceted nature of this folk tradition. His position as both an anthropologist and a community 'insider' affords him a unique perspective on the subject. This study will be essential reading for students of medical anthropology, religion, and ethnic studies. (Anthropological Horizons) SAM MIGLIORE is an associate professor of anthropology at the University College of Cape Breton.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL HORIZONS Editor: Michael Lambek, University of Toronto

This series, begun in 1991, focuses on theoretically informed ethnographic works addressing issues of mind and body, knowledge and power, equality and inequality, the individual and the collective. Interdisciplinary in its perspective, the series makes a unique contribution in several other academic disciplines: women's studies, history, philosophy, psychology, political science, and sociology. Published to date: 1 The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses. Edited by David Howes 2 Arctic Homeland: Kinship, Community, and Development in Northwest Greenland. Mark Nuttall 3 Knowledge and Practice in Mayotte: Local Discourses of Islam, Sorcery, and Spirit Possession. Michael Lambek 4 Deathly Waters and Hungry Mountains: Agrarian Ritual and Class Formation in an Andean Town. Peter Gose 5 Paradise: Class, Commuters, and Ethnicity in Rural Ontario. Stanley R. Barrett 6 The Cultural World in Beowulf. John M. Hill 7 Making It Their Own: Severn Ojibwe Communicative Practices. Lisa Philips Valentine 8 Merchants and Shopkeepers: A Historical Anthropology of an Irish Market Town, 1200-1986. Philip Gulliver and Marilyn Silverman 9 Tournaments of Value: Style, Status, and Sociability in Zabid, Yemen. Ann Meneley 10 Mal'uocchiu: Ambiguity, Evil Eye, and the Language of Distress. Sam Migliore

SAM MIGLIORE

Md'uocchiu:

Ambiguity, Evil Eye, and the Language of Distress

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

www.utppublishing.com University of Toronto Press Incorporated 1997 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-0959-X (cloth) ISBN 0-8020-7922-9 (paper)

Printed on acid-free paper

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Migliore, Sam Mal'uocchiu : ambiguity, evil eye, and the language of distress Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8020-0959-X (bound) ISBN 0-8020-7922-9 (pbk.) 1. Evil eye. 2. Evil eye - Italy - Sicily. 3. Italian Canadians - Folklore.* 4. Italian Canadians - Social life and customs.* I. Title. GN475.6.M531997

133.475

C96-932231-3

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council and the Ontario Arts Council. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Humanities and Social Sciences Federation of Canada, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

For my wife, Margaret, who has stood by me in difficult times; my parents, who have always been an inspiration to me; and

Don Gesualdo (1905-1992), healer, mentor, and good friend

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Contents

PREFACE

IX

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

xiii

1 Introduction 3 Pirandello, Wittgenstein, and the Evil Eye 4 Representations of the Evil Eye in the Literature 13 2 The Ethnographic Context 17 The Research Site: A Geographic and Historical Background 18 The Fieldwork Experience 22 3 The Power of Strong Emotions: Constructing the Sicilian-Canadian Evil-Eye Complex 30 Mal'uocchiu in the Context of Sicilian-Canadian World-View 30 Etiology, Strong Emotions, and the Illness Process 34 Diagnostic and Therapeutic Measures 36 Protecting Oneself against Mal'uocchiu 45 Summary and Discussion: Deconstructing an Image of the Evil Eye 49 4 Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress 54 Explanation and Rationale for Taking Action 55 Illness Narratives and the Experience of Distress 61 Alterazione: A Healer's Conception of Distress 68 Discussion 71 5 Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 74 The Language of Distress and the Communication of Alternative Messages 75

viii Contents Mal'uocchiu, Social Control, and the Language of Argument Summary: Mal'uocchiu as Metaphor 97

87

6 Extending the Web of Significance 99

Mal'uocchiu: Powerful Symbol or Meaningless Chatter? 99 Summary 112

7 Conclusion 114

Family Resemblance: The Variable Meaning of Mal'uocchiu Implications for Anthropological Investigation 121

Epilogue 125 GLOSSARY OF SICILIAN TERMS AND PHRASES NOTES

131

BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX

155

137

127

115

Preface

Or e Venniri e (domani e) Sabatu. (Nessuna Strega o Fattucchiera ni puo fare male o sentire.) Today is Friday and (tomorrow is) Saturday. (Neither a witch nor a sorceress can harm or hear us.) Don Gesualdo

In the early 1980s, shortly after I had completed my master's thesis, I had the opportunity to read Arnold van Gennep'sThe Semi-Scholars (1967; see also 1992). In this book, van Gennep presents a humorous account of a compulsive young man who accepts the evil eye as a research topic for his doctoral dissertation. The young man never completes the project. Instead, he becomes embroiled in a compulsive literature search for more and more references to the evil eye. By the time of his death, many years later, he has managed to accumulate more than 12 million bibliographic notes on the topic. Had I read van Gennep's account earlier, I might not have proceeded with my own study of the phenomenon. This book is the product of a project that has been more than fifteen years in the making. I began my study of the evil eye in the late 1970s. It was the central theme of my MA thesis ('Mal'uocchiu: The SicilianCanadian Evil Eye Complex,' 1981), and later an integral part of my PhD dissertation ('Stress, Distress, and Nerves: An Examination of a SicilianCanadian Idiom of Distress/ 1991). Although I have not concentrated solely on the evil eye subsequently, it has remained one of my topics of interest and I have continued to collect relevant literature and data whenever possible. My thoughts on the evil eye (mal'uocchiu) have changed in some

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Preface

respects over the years. At the outset of my graduate work, I was attempting to apply epidemiological principles to the study of mal'uocchiu. I was very much impressed by Arthur Rubel's (1964) now classic work on susto (sudden fright), and 1 wanted to produce a similar study of the 'evil eye.' Today, as a reading of this book will reveal, the approach seems somewhat alien to me. My interactions with family and friends in various contexts, the relationship I developed with Don Gesualdo (a traditional healer), and my ongoing research within the community have made it difficult for me to discuss mal'uocchiu and other phenomena in terms of the language of Western medicine and science. This text, then, should be seen as an attempt to both build on and move beyond my previous work. I believe, however, that one underlying theme of my work has remained relatively intact - namely, that to understand the evil eye, one must focus, not on the phenomenon itself, but rather on how people interpret and use the evil eye in specific contexts. Borrowing from both Luigi Pirandello and Ludwig Wittgenstein, I address this issue in the introductory chapter. I then examine mal'uocchiu as an aspect of Sicilian-Canadian world-view. As part of this presentation, I discuss the phenomenon's relationship to Sicilian-Canadian conceptions of health and illness, treatment strategies, and prevention. This is followed by a discussion of actual cases of people making use of mal'uocchiu in both medical and nonmedical situations. I concentrate on the many meanings and uses the evil eye can have in people's everyday experiences. In concluding, I argue that the evil eye (and I believe that this is also true for many other 'folk concepts') is much more impervious to scholarly explanation, and much more difficult to comprehend, than researchers sometimes indicate. The phenomenon is inherently ambiguous, vague, and variable. I suggest that an understanding of the evil eye entails a shift in focus from an attempt to 'objectify' and 'explain' the phenomenon to an examination of how people manipulate mal'uocchiu to generate multiple meanings and accomplish various results. This book, then, deals with three interrelated issues: first, various aspects of Sicilian-Canadian culture and experience; second, the multiple 'uses' and 'meanings' of mal'uocchiu, and their implications for the study of the evil eye in general; and, third, the nature of 'ambiguous' or 'fuzzy' cultural constructs and how one might proceed to examine them. My goal is to provide an alternative voice, from the position of both anthropologist and community 'insider,' to the study of 'folk concepts.' I address the implications of my work in my concluding remarks.

Preface xi I would like to end this preface with a short story I once heard in Sicily. My friends and relatives were trying to coax me into telling them what types of food I preferred to eat. It was my first return visit to Sicily since my parents and I had emigrated to Canada; everyone wanted to do everything possible to make my stay an enjoyable one. An elderly man approached the topic in this way: Two men were sitting together for a meal. They talked, and they ate. As one of the men placed a spoonful of pasta in his mouth, they heard a cricket chirp. It was on the spoonful of pasta the man had just put in his mouth. The man simply stated "You spoke too late" and finished his mouthful of food/ If you desire something, or if you want to accomplish something, you must speak up before the moment has passed. After more than fifteen years of struggling with the evil eye, I am ready to discuss, and in the process reclaim, a 'folk concept' that I believe has not received adequate treatment.

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Acknowledgments

Many people have helped to make this work possible. I would like to thank my wife, Margaret, for her support, encouragement, and useful comments throughout the writing process. My parents have helped me in a variety of ways, and I would like to express to them my appreciation for the interest they have shown in my work. My only regret is that my father did not get a chance to see the final work in print. The depictions of evil-eye charms and gestures that appear in chapter 3 were drawn by my brother John. Within the Sicilian-Canadian community, I owe a debt of thanks to the many people who shared their time, thoughts, and memories with me. I am particularly grateful to Don Gesualdo, the traditional healer, who accepted me into his home, shared his knowledge with me, and always treated me with great respect. Without him this work would not have been possible. I dedicate the book to his memory. Within the academic community, I would like to acknowledge my thanks to the following: first, Drs Richard Preston, William Rodman, Richard Slobodin, and John Weaver for their assistance as members of my PhD dissertation committee; and, second, Drs Edward Glanville, Richard Preston, William Rodman, and Peter Stephenson for their assistance as members of my MA thesis committee. In particular, I would like to thank Bill Rodman for his patience, support, and assistance as my supervisor for both the MA and PhD work. I also owe a debt of thanks to: Dr Richard Keshen for his assistance in helping me come to terms with the complicated thought of Ludwig Wittgenstein, and commenting on various aspects of the manuscript; Dr Michael Lambek, University of Toronto, and the anonymous reviewers for their many comments and suggestions; my colleagues in the Anthropology and Sociology depart-

xiv Acknowledgment ment of the University College of Cape Breton for their support and encouragement; and Dr Chris Szafnicki for his assistance in the Sociology and Anthropology computer lab at Simon Fraser University. I have also been well served by Virgil Duff and the staff of the University of Toronto Press, and in particular by Beverley Beetham Endersby's excellent work in copy-editing. This work was made possible through the support of McMaster University (during my graduate studies) and, more recently, the University College of Cape Breton (CERP and REC funding) and the Humanities and Social Sciences Federation of Canada (publication grant). I also would like to thank the Sociology and Anthropology department of Simon Fraser University for providing me with visiting-faculty status during the writing of this book. Finally, this book makes use of certain ideas, and sometimes portions of text, that have appeared in a different context: in my MA thesis and PhD dissertation, and in published articles in Canadian Ethnic StudiesCulture, Medicine and Psychiatry; Journal of Contemporary Ethnography; Medical Anthropology Quarterly; and Western Canadian Anthropologist.

MAL'UOCCHIU:

AMBIGUITY, EVIL EYE, AND THE LANGUAGE OF DISTRESS

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1

Introduction

Think of the tools in a tool-box ... The functions of words are as diverse as the functions of these objects. (And in both cases there are similarities.) Wittgenstein (1958: no. 11)

This book represents my attempt to understand and discuss a complicated phenomenon: lu mal'uocchiu, the Sicilian-Canadian 'evil eye' complex. Sicilians often present complicated ideas through an indirect process that makes extensive use of proverbs, analogy, and metaphor (Giovannini 1978; Migliore 1993; Sciascia 1984). With this in mind, I would like to begin with a short story I call 'Alone Together/ It is a story I heard on several occasions while growing up as a member of a SicilianCanadian household in Southern Ontario. The story does not deal with the evil eye, but it does reveal how I intend to approach the phenomenon. 'Na vota (once upon a time) a boy and his father sat together in an open field. While the father talked, the boy counted the many ants entering and leaving a nearby mound. The boy, to his surprise, counted more than three hundred ants within a short period of time, and he enthusiastically related this to his father. But, the information upset the father.

As presented, this is a simple story. It identifies the characters and briefly relates what transpired. It does not, however, provide the necessary context and detail that would allow the reader (or hearer) to understand the meaning behind the narrative. I once heard my father use 'Alone Together' as a comic story. It

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occurred during a family get-together, while everyone was laughing and exchanging jokes. He told the story something like this: 'Na vota a boy was misbehaving. To correct the problem, the father decided to have a talk with his son. They sat together in an open field. The father related all of the bad behaviour, voiced his disapproval, and gave the boy a stern warning to not let it happen again. All this time, the boy kept his head down and looked at the ground. Then the father added: 'Do you understand!' At precisely that moment, the boy enthusiastically stated: 'I've just counted more than three hundred ants entering and leaving that ant mound.'

From what I remember, the story achieved the desired effect; everyone laughed, and some people commented on my father's storytelling abilities. I suspect that three factors contributed to making this version of the story funny - how my father told the story; the context within which it was told; and the presence in the narrative itself of an intentionally constructed contradiction between the conventional expectations established throughout much of the story and the boy's unconventional response (see Macionis 1989). The boy had not heard a word the father had spoken. Although I took part in the laughter, the story had an additional meaning for me. It was not the first time I had heard my father tell the story. It brought back memories of my childhood. When I was about eight years old, my father had reason to sit down and speak to me about some problems I was causing. As part of his lecture, he related 'Alone Together.' In this instance, it was not a comic story. My father used the punch-line as a strategic element in his didactic discourse. It reinforced in my mind the need to pay attention to what he was saying, and to correct my behaviour. Maybe this is why I remember 'Alone Together' so well, well enough to use it to make an important analogy. At any rate, in this context, the story took on a very different meaning. The point I am trying to make is that meaning is context-dependent. To understand something, it is necessary to examine how people interpret and make use of it in specific situations.1 This, I believe, is true whether one is discussing 'Alone Together' or a phenomenon as complicated as the 'evil eye/ Pirandello, Wittgenstein, and the Evil Eye My discussion of the evil eye is informed by the works of Luigi Pirandello (1867-1936) and of Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951). In terms of

Introduction

5

what we know about their background, personality, life experience, and the types of works they wrote, these two authors differ greatly. Pirandello, for example, is a critically acclaimed Sicilian writer whose works of drama and fiction earned him the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1934. Wittgenstein, in contrast, is regarded in many circles as a highly innovative thinker, a person who has had an 'enormous influence ... on the development of philosophy in this century' (Monk 1991: xviii).2 At a general level, however, Pirandello and Wittgenstein share a philosophy of meaning and context. They both stress that meaning is culturally, historically, and situationally 'relative' (see Pirandello 1952a, 1974, 1990; Wittgenstein 1958,1969b). Many of Pirandello's works address the tension between 'life' (or 'reality') and 'form' (Tilgher 1967; see also Bini 1991; Caputi 1988; Moestrup 1972). 'Life/ according to Pirandello (1974: 137), is in a constant state of flux; it is characterized by ambiguity, vagueness, and continual change. Human beings have a difficult time dealing with this flux of life. As a result, we tend to construct various forms (i.e., images, abstractions, concepts) to fix, stabilize, and thereby give meaning to ourselves, others, and experience. Pirandello is not a metaphysical idealist; he acknowledges that reality exists outside of the individual mind (see Bini 1991; Caputi 1988: 28; Cincotta 1989: 103-22). What he proposes is that there is a human tendency to create a series of fictions to represent a 'reality' that is difficult, if not impossible, to comprehend. These fictions, however, are not absolute and final. To quote Pirandello (1974: 140), human beings do not have 'an absolute idea or conception of life, but rather a feeling that changes and varies depending on the times, the circumstances, and luck. Now logic, by abstracting ideas from emotions, tends precisely to fix what is changeable and fluid. It tends to give an absolute value to what is relative ...' The conceptions and representations we construct, then, are open to interpretation, differ from individual to individual, and change continuously as we try to come to terms with the flux of life. For Pirandello there is noabsolute truth, but rather many versions of a possible truth. Generally speaking, Pirandello's ideas have not been used as a primary basis for anthropological inquiry.3 In large part, this omission is attributable to the fact that Pirandello is not a social scientist. A contributing factor, however, may be that his philosophical ideas appear to contradict or challenge many of the things anthropologists, and social scientists in general, have traditionally attempted to do. Pirandello's

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discussion of the 'life'/'form' tension carries the implication that anthropological attempts to explain a particular phenomenon are destined to produce a set of fictions that tend to cloud or distort reality. From this point of view, anthropological theories, concepts, and abstractions become nothing more than tools in a frail attempt to give order and meaning to the flux of life. Through these tools, we construct generalizations that generate their own truths* Pirandello's position appears to render problematic, if not meaningless, all efforts at theory construction, explanation, and cross-cultural comparison. Yet, in my view, Pirandello does have something important to offer anthropology. His emphasis on relativism, subjectivity, and the construction of 'fictions' has its parallels in the works of postmodernists, deconstructionists, and anthropologists interested in the 'polities' and 'poetics' of ethnographic writing (see Clifford and Marcus 1986; Derrida 1974; Marcus and Fischer 1986; Mason 1990; Ruby 1982; Strathern 1987; and Tyler 1990). In fact, Pirandello's philosophical ideas appear to have anticipated the rise of certain elements in postmodernist thought.5 A Pirandellian anthropology, for example, would begin with the simple recognition and acknowledgment of the 'fictions' we construct through our ethnographic representations. Reality is something that both anthropologists and the people we study are constantly constructing. The aim, then, is to examine how people construct their reality, and to be reflexive in dealing with our own constructions. For Pirandello, reflexivity and sincerita (honesty, sincerity) are the key to creating what, borrowing from postmodernists, can be labelled truthful fictions (Pirandello 1974; Caputi 1988; see also Tyler 1984: 335). In order to achieve this aim, however, it is necessary to embrace ambiguity, subjectivity, variability, and complexity as key features of the flux of life. This is precisely what Pirandello does in many of his literary works (e.g., 1952a, 1952b, 1990; see also Borlenghi 1968 and Giudice 1990). An attempt to discover or explain the underlying 'order' of a phenomenon through abstraction and generalization would not be compatible with a Pirandellian approach to anthropology. To link Pirandellian anthropology with postmodernism is to invite the type of criticism that has been directed recently to postmodernist perspectives (e.g., Bruner 1994; Knauft 1994; Singer 1990). Knauft (1994: 118), for instance, points out that postmodernism's concern 'with representation and self-representation ... is not complemented frequently enough by a rigorous, systematic, or comprehensive portrayal or analysis of social action.' Pirandello's emphasis on the creative and theatrical

Introduction 7 aspects of human life, however, invites this type of analysis. His dramatic works concentrate to a great extent on the interplay between social and self-reflexive interaction in specific contexts. To avoid Knauft's postmodernist dilemma, my aim is to combine Pirandello's concern with subjectivity and reflexivity with Wittgenstein's vision of a study of 'life experience.' During his lifetime, Wittgenstein produced two radically different philosophies. The ideas he presents in the Philosophical Investigations (1958), and in much of his later work, differ significantly from those presented in the Tractatus (1961). Wittgenstein's early writings attempted to develop a grammar that would allow him to arrive at absolute, universalistic 'explanations' of various phenomena. The later Wittgenstein rejects this position in favour of 'description' and 'relativism' (see Gier 1981; Hilmy 1987; Monk 1991). It is this later work, with its obvious parallels to Pirandello's position, that informs my study. In the Philosophical Investigations, Wittgenstein (1958: no. 109, emphasis in original; see also Shotter 1993) makes what many may regard as a controversial statement; he argues that 'we must do away with all explanations, and description alone must take its place. And this description gets its light, that is to say its purpose, from ... philosophical problems. These are, of course, not empirical problems; they are solved, rather, by looking into the workings of our language, and that in such a way as to make us recognize those workings: in despite of an urge to misunderstand them/ Wittgenstein's statement, as in the case of Pirandello, seems to call into question, if not challenge directly, much of the work anthropologists (and others) tend to produce. Although description has always held a prominent place in anthropological writing, interpretation and explanation are central features of the discipline (see Nuckolls 1993).6 Given the importance of 'explanation' in anthropological discourse, it may be tempting to ignore Wittgenstein's contention. In my view, however, to do so is to risk misunderstanding the phenomena we investigate. Wittgenstein is not suggesting that we cease attempts to understand the various interrelationships that exist among culture, society, and the individuals that make up a society. Instead, he is directing our attention to the notion that human experience is much more indefinite, vague, and ambiguous than scholarly presentation sometimes indicates (Shotter 1993: 82). According to Wittgenstein (1958), there is a basic difference between 'scientific' and 'ordinary' language. Scientific language has a tendency to present things in terms that condense and gloss over irregu-

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larities, and thereby presents an ordered abstraction of reality (Wittgenstein 1958: no. 18; see also Gier 1981; Hilmy 1987; Kleinman 1973). These abstractions, in turn, can generate an 'illusion of simplicity' (Barrett 1984:195-9; see also Abu-Lughod 1993, Earth 1992, Lambek 1993, Leach 1965, and Stoller 1994). Efforts to uncover the underlying order or essence of a phenomenon, then, move us farther away from the 'ordinary language' or 'everyday human experience' that we seek to understand. Wittgenstein's philosophy explicitly directs us to the study of language and meaning, and, more specifically, to an examination of the relationship of meaning to both individual behaviour and social interaction. Meaning is inextricably linked to human action and experience. To use a Wittgensteinian slogan, 'the meaning of a word is its use in the language' (Wittgenstein 1958: no. 43; see also 1969b: 69). Meaning in Use Wittgenstein's later philosophy, to a large extent, is a rejection of the various theories of 'meaning' that were current at the time (including his own earlier work; see Hallett 1967, Hanfling 1989, and High 1967). By linking 'meaning' to 'use/ Wittgenstein moved himself outside of the traditional discourse(s) dealing with issues of denotation and connotation, reference and sense, and other aspects of a 'referential' theory of meaning (Garza-Cuaron 1991: 75-6, 89). Referential theories of meaning tend to have three interrelated features in common. First, they portray meaning as something that is fixed by some referent - object, mental image, mental concept, and so on - that exists outside of language (Hanfling 1989: 43-4). Second, they tend to treat language and meaning as if they were separate from human action (High 1967: 43). And, third, they use terms such as denotation to specify the primary, direct, or fixed meaning of something, and terms such as connotation to refer to the secondary, indirect, or variable aspects of meaning (Garza-Cuaron 1991: 213-15). However, the implication is that the denotation, because of its direct link to a referent, is of primary importance. It provides the basis for and, to a certain degree, establishes the limits of all subsequent connotations. Beatriz Garza-Cuaron (1991: 242; emphasis in original) provides an apt analogy to illustrate this point: 'denotation is like the first wave that forms when a pebble is thrown into the water and connotation is all the ensuing waves.' The Wittgenstein of the Philosophical Investigations (1958) rejects all three of the premises outlined above. He stresses that language and

Introduction 9 meaning cannot be separated from human action.7 Meaning is an 'experiential' phenomenon (Wittgenstein 1958; see also Taylor 1985) - it is not something attached to'and fixed by a particular referent; it is not something contained in a particular word or concept, but rather something people creatively construct through their 'use' of language in specific circumstances.8 To quote Wittgenstein (1958: no. 23; emphasis in original) directly: There are countless ... different kinds of use of what we call "symbols," "words," "sentences." And this multiplicity is not something fixed, given once for all; but new types of language, new language-games ... come into existence, and others become obsolete and get forgotten.' Wittgenstein uses the term language-games, at least in this case, to signify that 'the speaking of a language is part of an activity, or a form of life' (1958: no. 23). Moreover, the term can refer to a wide range of phenomena, including, for example, 'the giving and obeying of orders'; 'the telling of a joke'; and, within the context of this text, 'the invocation of evil eye.' For Wittgenstein (1958: nos. 11, 421, and 569; see also Hunter 1990), then, language is a 'tool' or 'instrument' that people use to construct meaning and communicate with others. Meaning can be understood only in terms of the context within which it is used. For example: '... a sign "R" or "B," etc. may be sometimes a word and sometimes a proposition. But whether it "is a word or a proposition" depends on the situation in which it is uttered or written' (Wittgenstein 1958: no. 49). From this perspective, the distinction between denotation and connotation in 'referential' theories of meaning becomes problematic. A word or concept may denote or refer directly to something, but it can do so only if an individual(s) uses it in this particular way in a specific situation(s). Denotation constitutes only one of many potential uses, and therefore meanings, of a word or concept. In addition, according to Wittgenstein (1958: no. 65), these multiple meanings, although often related in various ways, do not necessarily have in common any one feature, let alone a primary or fixed feature. Wittgenstein's ideas have had a dramatic influence on the philosophy of language and the development of the field of pragmatics. A number of scholars have taken up the challenge to examine the interrelationship between 'meaning' and people's 'use' of language (e.g., Austin 1961, 1975; Clark 1992; Grice 1989; Schiffer 1972; and Searle 1969). Some of these individuals, however, have taken their studies in directions that Wittgenstein (see 1958: nos. 84, 129-33), I believe, would not have approved of - that is, attempts to codify, establish a grammar for, and/ or explain language behaviour and its relationship to 'meaning' (see

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Mal'uocchiu

Dascal 1994 and Recanati 1994). For Wittgenstein (1958), concepts can have 'blurred edges' (no. 71); they are 'not everywhere circumscribed by rules' (no. 68). He opposes efforts to discover the underlying order of language use (no. 132). His philosophy of language, then, contrasts sharply not only with much of modern-day semantics, but also certain approaches within the field of pragmatics. Linking Pirandello and Wittgenstein In the Philosophical Investigations, Wittgenstein (1958: no. 432; emphasis in original) states: 'Every sign by itself seems dead. What gives it life? - In use it is alive.' In many respects, this statement sums up Wittgenstein's conception of meaning. Pirandello (1990: 31-2) shares a similar view when he states: 'words, in themselves, are empty ... And you fill them with your meaning ... and I, as I hear them, inevitably fill them with my meaning.' There is, however, a basic difference between the two positions. According to Caputi (1988), Pirandello concentrates primarily on three interrelated phenomena: (1) the individual's subjective consciousness of the outer world; (2) the reflexive aspect of self-consciousness; and (3) the role of consciousness in an individual's attempt to deal with reality. Pirandello is concerned with the mental activity that processes, and attempts to shape, 'the data of experience' (Caputi 1988: 3-4). Wittgenstein is less concerned with the internal workings of the mind. He focuses on meaning, not as an aspect of individual consciousness, but rather as an expression of 'actual linguistic transactions' (Hilmy 1987: 125-6). Meaning, for Wittgenstein, cannot be 'reduced to the mental states of individuals' (Rubinstein 1978: 316). Although subjectivity remains important, it is inextricably bound to the sociocultural context of the action itself (Wittgenstein 1958: no. 337 and 580). In fact, Wittgenstein dissolves the dichotomy between internal and external factors - factors ranging from intentionality to social institutions, to shared cultural knowledge - by combining them as features of the situational context (Rubinstein 1978; see also Gier 1982 and Schatzki 1993). From this point of view, meaning cannot be separated from behaviour, and behaviour cannot be separated from the complex, indefinite, and variable sociocultural matrices within which it occurs. This emphasis on the interrelationship between 'action' and 'meaning' links Wittgenstein's work to that of early American pragmatists (see Putnam 1995) and socialbehaviourists such as George Herbert Mead (1962; see also Gier 1981, 1982), and, indirectly, to those of symbolic-interactionists (e.g., Becker

Introduction 11 1963, Blumer 1969, Goffman 1959), ethnomethodologists (see Coulter 1991a, 1991b), and scholars who advocate an 'experientialist' view of meaning (Taylor 1985) and metaphor (Johnson 1987, Lakoff 1987, Lakoff and Johnson 1980, and Lakoff and Turner 1989). Wittgenstein and Pirandello, then, approach meaning from different perspectives. One is concerned specifically with 'experience/ whereas the other concentrates on various aspects of 'consciousness.' These two positions, however, are not incompatible (see Taylor 1985). Pirandello's discussion of mental activity is grounded in life experience. He does not psychologize the characters he presents in his literary works (Moestrup 1972: 126-7), and he virtually avoids any mention of unconscious processes (Caputi 1988: 3). More important, Pirandello's discussion of subjectivity is consistent with a Mediterranean conception of 'self - that is, a self 'perceived as constituted or "indexed" by the contextual features of social interaction in diverse situations' (Gaines 1982: 182). This position is not radically different from the one Wittgenstein presents. In fact, I would argue that the differences between Wittgenstein and Pirandello are a matter of degree and emphasis, rather than substance. There is considerable overlap between the two positions. Wittgenstein and Pirandello, for example, would agree that: (1) 'everyday human experience' is a complex phenomenon characterized by ambiguity, vagueness, and variability; (2) 'meaning' is context-dependent, and therefore relative; and (3) attempts at scientific explanation of social and philosophical issues are bound to simplify, and thereby misrepresent, the phenomena under investigation. This overlap is significant, because it provides a rationale for combining Wittgenstein's pragmatic, observation-based description of meaning in action with Pirandello's emphasis on the role of experience in subjectivity, interpretation, and reflexivity. What I do in this text, then, is frame my study of mal'uocchiu with reference to Pirandello and Wittgenstein. More specifically, I take some of their ideas, and combine them with some of my own thoughts, to arrive at a particular understanding of the Sicilian-Canadian 'evil eye' complex. Pirandello, as a Sicilian figure who can serve as both a source of philosophical insight and a privileged informant, will play a much more visible and central role in this discussion. Although Wittgenstein may not explicitly appear and reappear as often as Pirandello, his notion of 'meaning in use' occupies a central place in the thesis I develop. As a qualification, however, I would like to stress that my aim is to examine people's uses of mal'uocchiu, not to superimpose Pirandello and Wittgenstein over the data.

12 Md'uocchiu Making use of certain aspects of Pirandello's and Wittgenstein's philosophy will allow me to address the following: first, the individual's subjective attempts to understand certain physical and emotional experiences; second, the interplay of subjective and intersubjective models of cultural knowledge; and, third, how individuals actually manipulate the evil eye in the process of both social and self-reflexive interaction. From this point of view, the focus of study shifts from an explanation of the nature of the phenomenon to a discussion of how people interpret and make use of md'uocchiu to construct, deconstruct, and reconstruct meaning in specific contexts (Pirandello 1974,1990, Wittgenstein 1958: no. 23, 1969a: 67-9, 1969, and Shorter 1993: 78-9). I believe that this approach can make a contribution to anthropology by: shedding light on certain aspects of Sicilian-Canadian culture and experience, and, using the discussion of mal'uocchiu to raise certain implications concerning the study of 'evil eye,' the language of distress, and 'fuzzy' cultural constructs in general. The evil eye has received considerable and consistent scholarly attention over a relatively long period of time (see Dundes 1992 and Maloney 1976b). This work has produced a number of explanations for the phenomenon. Although they are useful in various respects, I contend that these explanations are insufficient. More specifically, I argue that the literature has failed to address adequately the ambiguous, vague, and variable nature of the evil eye. Scholars may acknowledge or comment on these aspects of the phenomenon, but they do not focus on them as central issues for discussion. Yet, I contend that an examination of 'ambiguity' is essential for an understanding of the evil eye.9 To ignore or understate the importance of the inherent ambiguities surrounding the concept is to misrepresent the phenomenon. Rather than attempt to explain the evil eye, I proceed as follows. First, I describe the Sicilian-Canadian evil-eye complex, including some of the ambiguities and inconsistencies inherent in this cultural system. Second, I examine how people make use of the concept, and its ambiguities, in a variety of contexts. I argue that ambiguity, vagueness, and variability are the essential ingredients that generate the type of flexibility necessary to allow people to make sense of their personal experiences (or the experiences of others), and to manipulate evil-eye talk to create a potentially infinite set of alternative 'meanings' or 'messages.' The evil eye, then, is not something specific and absolute; it is an ambiguous cultural construct whose meaning varies cross-culturally, and that is open to interpretation, argument, and negotiation within specific sociocultural

Introduction 13 contexts. This, I believe, is true whether we focus on a discussion of the evil eye among Sicilian Canadians, or on a discussion of the phenomenon within a scholarly circle. Finally, I address the implications of these ideas for the study of the evil eye and other folk concepts. I propose that cultural constructs such as the evil eye are not responsive to the type of empirical method, and search for universals, which Carole Browner, Bernard Ortiz de Montellano, and Arthur Rubel (1988; see also O'Meara 1989) outline as a program for medical anthropology. Representations of the Evil Eye in the Literature The evil eye refers to the ability of the human eye to cause, or at least project, harm when it is directed by certain individuals towards others and their possessions.10 The concept itself is historically and geographically widespread. The available evidence, for instance, indicates that the evil eye has had a long history within the circum-Mediterranean region (Dickie 1991, Elliott 1988, 1990; Holloway 1986; Kern-Ulmer 1991; and Thomsen 1992). In fact, DiStasi (1981: 111-16) goes so far as to suggest that a prototype for the phenomenon can be traced back to the Palaeolithic period. Today, references to the evil eye can be found throughout Europe, North and East Africa, the Middle East, the Indian subcontinent, the Philippines, Latin America, and among various North American immigrant groups (Dundes 1992, Gilmore 1982, Maloney 1976b, Murdock 1980, Roberts 1976, and Shimizu 1983). Given this widespread distribution, it is not surprising to find that the evil eye has attracted considerable scholarly attention. Early publications tend primarily to provide general or descriptive accounts of the phenomenon (Elworthy 1895, 1912; Maclagan 1902; Seligmann 1910; and Story 1877). Elworthy (1895), for example, concentrates to a large extent on the description of various ornaments and gestures that ancient and classical civilizations used to ward off the evil eye.11 According to Hocart (1938: 156-7; see also Spooner 1976), these early publications 'do little more than add instances to instances'; they fail to elucidate key features of the phenomenon. More recently, researchers have approached the topic from a variety of perspectives, and they have arrived at a number of conclusions. At a general level, a common theme is an attempt to understand the evil eye within the broader analytical context of envy (Foster 1972, Ghosh 1983, Lykiardopoulos 1981, Schoeck 1992, Stephenson 1979, and Wolf 1955).12 This point of view is consistent with many emic explanations of the

14

Mal'uocchiu

phenomenon (see Dundes 1992 and Maloney 1976b).13 The literature, however, has not produced a 'chorus of harmony/ Scholars have identified or explained the evil eye in terms of representations that appear to ignore, compete with, and sometimes contradict one another. Charles Hughes (1985: 487), for instance, has included the evil eye in his glossary of culture-bound syndromes - that is, folk illnesses of psychiatric interest. This position contrasts sharply with Nichter's (1981: 393; see also Sachs 1983) suggestion that 'the evil eye can serve as both an idiom of distress and a coping strategy/ An idiom of distress represents a mode of expression that enables people to communicate their experience of suffering (psychic, somatic, and social) in a culturally recognizable and appropriate way, and thereby seek support and assistance from significant others (Nichter 1981, Parsons 1984, and Parsons and Wakeley 1991). The evil eye may, in some cases, be linked to psychiatric illness, but to identify it as a culture-bound syndrome is to ignore or understate important aspects of the phenomenon. The same argument, however, can be applied to the notion that the evil eye constitutes an idiom of distress. The evil eye is an ambiguous phenomenon that cannot be easily or simply explained. In an effort to deal with some of the complexities arising from this ambiguity, researchers have developed a number of alternative hypotheses. They have explained the evil eye in terms of various, often interrelated, phenomena such as: 1 / strained social relations (Sault 1990); 2 / moral transgression and the maintenance of social boundaries (Herzfeld 1981; see also Rheubottom 1985); 3 / social-control mechanisms (Dionisopoulos-Mass 1976, Foster 1965, Sault 1990, Teitelbaum 1976, and Wolf 1955); 4 / a rationale for deviant behaviour, or a rationale to understand deviant behaviour (Foulks et al. 1977, Maguire 1994, and Teitelbaum 1976); 5/a symbol of interpersonal and/or structural power relations (Appel 1976,1977; Buonanno 1984; Gait 1982; Ghosh 1983; Garrison and Arensberg 1976; and Reminick 1974); 6/cultural explanations of illness and misfortune (Migliore 1983,1990; Maloney 1976a; Moss and Cappannari 1976; and Rivera and Wanderer 1986); 7 / the power of superstition to reaffirm a cultural system and maintain order within a community (Siebers 1983); and,

Introduction 15 8 / the survival of an ancient symbol of fertility and mana, albeit in altered form, into the modern period (Gravel 1995). Other researchers have concentrated on the interrelationship between the evil eye and psychological, social-psychological, or psychiatric phenomena (e.g., Carroll 1984, Dundes 1992b, Freud 1959, Parsons 1969, Roheim 1952, Stein 1976, and Tourney and Plazak 1954). Although their specific conclusions may differ significantly, these scholars tend to link the evil eye to symbolic representations of aggression, hostility, fear, and/or anxiety. Ernesto De Martino, Michael Kearney, and Peter Stephenson also address certain psychologically oriented issues, but they do so at a more general level of analysis. De Martino (1987) makes use of a modified Marxist perspective to associate the evil eye with a 'psychological state' brought about by a long history of domination in southern Italy. Kearney (1976; 1984) proposes that the evil eye / envy complex is a feature of a paranoid world-view among the Zapotec of Mexico. While Stephenson (1979: 248) suggests that the evil eye represents 'a symbolic resolution of conflicting cultural and psychological variables' among the Hutterites. Finally, a small number of researchers have concentrated on the evil eye as a feature of 'sight' and 'staring.' Frank MacHovec (1976), for instance, regards the evil eye as an ancient form of hypnotic activity. Meanwhile, Coss (1992) and Meerloo (1971) explore the biopsychological roots of the phenomenon. They link the evil eye to a 'biological fear of being trapped in the enemy's visual field' (Meerloo 1971: 130). From this point of view, the phenomenon is rooted in instinctual defences which we share with various animal species. As in the case of other explanations, however, not everyone agrees. Anthropological research indicates that culture can play a significant role in how people conceptualize and experience the various 'senses' (see Classen 1993 and Howes 1991). With this idea in mind, Anthony Synnott (1992) identifies the evil eye as one element in Western society's long history of preoccupation with sight, and the social construction of self.uThe widespread nature of the evil eye however, prevents us from associating the phenomenon exclusively, or too closely, with developments in Western history. Each of these explanations, in its own way, succeeds in isolating and elucidating aspects of one or more dimensions of the phenomenon. They provide a glimpse into the ambiguous nature of the evil eye, and the complex contextual relations within which it occurs. Taken individually and collectively, these works transform a vague, ambiguous, but

16 Mal'uocchiu dynamic folk construct(s) into something that is much more definite, specific, and understandable to an academic audience. The evil eye, for example, becomes an idiom of distress, a culture-bound syndrome, or a symbolic representation of a biological fear. The 'order' and 'meaning' these explanations create, however, is an illusion. The complexity and ambiguity surrounding people's use of the evil eye remains unexamined. For this reason, I suggest that, no matter how appropriate in particular circumstances, each of these explanations is a misrepresentation of the phenomenon. My aim is not to challenge and debate the specifics with the various authors of these 'evil eye' articles or books, but rather to provide an alternative 'voice' from the position of someone who is both a Sicilian Canadian and an anthropologist. I will attempt to do this in two ways: (1) by concentrating specifically on the vague, ambiguous, and variable nature of the Sicilian-Canadian evil-eye complex; and (2) by using my 'insider' status as an advantage in developing an experience-near discussion of md'uocchiu. First, however, I will discuss the ethnographic context of the study.

@

The Ethnographic Context

I am a son of Chaos; and not simply allegorically, but in reality, for I was born in the country, near an intricate forest the inhabitants of Girgenti [Agrigento] call Cavusu ... the local dialect's corruption of the ancient Greek word 'Khaos.' Pirandello (1960:1241) Since 1977, I have conducted periodic field research among Sicilian Canadians residing in a large urban centre of Southern Ontario, Canada. I also have travelled to Sicily, where I collected background information. Although my work has focused on various topics, I have concentrated primarily on idioms of distress - the culturally recognized means by which members of a particular group interpret and communicate their experience of some kinds of suffering (Nichter 1981 and Parsons 1984). The specific idioms I have examined include the evil eye (Migliore 1981; 1983; 1990), pain (Migliore 1989) and, more recently, the concept of 'nerves' (Migliore 1991; 1993; 1994). My aim has been to examine how: (1) Sicilian Canadians communicate their pain and suffering to others; (2) significant others interpret the message(s) they receive; and (3) people explain and deal with the problem. In other words, I have attempted to unravel the various meanings Sicilian Canadians communicate through the language of distress. As a Sicilian Canadian who resided in Southern Ontario until recently, I have many kinship and friendship links within the community. My investigation of the Sicilian-Canadian 'language of distress' involves what scholars have labelled native or auto-ethnography (see Hayano 1979, Jones 1970, Nakhleh 1979, and Stephenson and Greer 1981).11 have conducted a series of ethnographic studies of my own people.

18 Md'uocchiu At the best of times, fieldwork cannot be conducted from an entirely objective, emotionally disinterested perspective; it involves a highly charged process of both social and self-reflexive interaction. This is particularly true in cases where ethnographer and informants are members not only of the same ethnic group, but also of the same community. For this reason, my discussion of the ethnographic context concentrates not only on background information about the community, but also on how I came to better understand the meanings people attach to mal'uocchiu. I hope to shed light on the effects an ethnographer's personal background may have on her or his fieldwork experience, and the collection and presentation of data. In other words, I attempt to give Voice' to the interaction process that allowed me, in collaboration with my informants, to construct an 'image' of social reality. The Research Site: A Geographic and Historical Background There are approximately 25,000 Sicilian Canadians residing in the Hamilton-Wentworth region of Southern Ontario. Roughly 95 per cent of these individuals were either born in, or can trace their ancestry to, the town of Racalmuto, Sicily. Sicily has experienced a long history of foreign domination and exploitation. In the last hundred years, it has also experienced repeated waves of out-migration as people have attempted to escape various socio-economic problems and achieve a new lifestyle characterized by prosperity and security. Racalmutese emigration to the Hamilton-Wentworth region must be understood within this historical context. From Racalmuto to Hamilton Racalmuto is a small city located in south-central Sicily, not far from Cavusu (or Khaos), Pirandello's place of birth. Its name derives from the North African term Rahal Maut, meaning 'dead village.' Modern-day Racalmuto originated as a Moslem town in the ninth century A.D. (Martorana 1982 and Messana 1969). The Moslems of North Africa named the town Rahal Maut, because it was built near the ruins of an ancient archaeological site. This site probably dates back to the Sican period in Sicilian history. The Sicans were the people who occupied central Sicily prior to the arrival of the Greeks at approximately 750 B.C. (Brea 1966 and Finley 1979). Sicily, the land where Ulysses first encountered the powerful gaze of

The Ethnographic Context 19 the mythical Cyclops, is the largest island in the Mediterranean Sea. Its strategic location has attracted invaders for thousands of years. Until very recently, Sicilian history has been characterized by successive waves of foreign invasion and domination. With the arrival of the Greeks in the eighth century B.C., much of the island became Hellenized. Since that time, Sicily has come under the control or influence of various peoples; including Carthaginians; Romans; Vandals; Moslems; Normans; Spaniards; Austrians; and, more recently, mainland Italians (Ahmad 1975; Finley 1979; and Mack Smith 1968a, 1968b). Sicily officially became an integral part of the newly united Italian state in A.D. 1861. The extended period of foreign domination and exploitation created various social and economic problems for the region. This state of affairs reached severe proportions during the Italian unification period (Lopreato 1967). The economic policies of the new government favoured the northern regions of Italy; thus unification did not improve conditions in the south (see Blok 1975, and Schneider and Schneider 1976). In response to these adverse economic and social conditions, many Sicilians chose out-migration. Initially people migrated to northern Italy and the other European countries. By 1900, the pattern changed and Sicilians began to travel to overseas destinations such as Argentina, Brazil, Canada, and the United States. John Weaver (1977: 10) estimates that 'between 1900 and 1910 roughly two million southern Italians' emigrated, permanently or temporarily, to overseas destinations. It is ironic that the land which attracted so many foreign invaders was now sending its own people to foreign lands. Although Canada received only a small portion of this mass exodus, it was sufficient to increase the number of Italians living in Canada, including both Italian-born and individuals of Italian ethnic origin, from a low of 10,834 in 1901 (Statistics Canada 1902) to a total of 45,411 by 1911 (Statistics Canada 1913). The Italian community in Hamilton may have numbered approximately 1,500 in 1910 (Weaver 1977: 11). This population grew very slowly during the time between the two great wars. The major wave of Italian immigration to Canada occurred after the Second World War, as people attempted to escape the social problems and economic hardships of postwar Italy. By 1961, the number of Italians residing in Canada increased to 450,351 (Statistics Canada 1962). Hamilton, with its wealth of industries, attracted many of these postwar immigrants. The Italian population in Hamilton increased from 6,294 in 1941 to roughly 23,000 in 1961 (Roncari 1977: 21-2; see also M.J. Foster 1965), and has gradually increased since that time. The 1991 census fig-

20

Mal'uocchiu

ures indicate that 40,190 individuals of Italian ethnic background reside in Hamilton (Statistics Canada 1993). Although Canadian census figures do not distinguish between people from different regions of Italy, I estimate, based on conversations with members of the ethnic community, that more than 25,000 Sicilian Canadians (the large majority of whom are Racalmutese) currently reside in the city. The Racalmutese in Hamilton It is difficult to determine why certain Racalmutese chose to emigrate to Canada, and specifically settle in Hamilton, at the turn of the century. Some of the older people, however, remember hearing stories about relatives who originally emigrated to New York state but later came to Hamilton to work on the harbour-construction project and in the railway-bar rolling mills. These initial emigrants provided the necessary catalyst to attract others. Through correspondence with friends and relatives in Hamilton, many Racalmutese became aware of the potential economic benefits of living in this country. The people who had already established themselves in the city sponsored and assisted other Racalmutese wishing to emigrate to Hamilton. Chain-migration is a common feature of southern Italian emigration to both the Americas and Australia (see MacDonald and MacDonald 1964,1970; Sturino 1989). Within a relatively short period of time, two separate Italian communities were established in the city (Cumbo 1985, M.J. Foster 1965, and Migliore 1988). One group was composed of people of central and northern Italian background, while the other consisted of southern Italians. The Racalmutese, at least in terms of numbers, became the dominant group within this southern Italian community. As immigrants, the Racalmutese left their homes and families in the hope of improving their socio-economic situation, and providing a better future for their children. When they arrived in Canada, they were faced with adjusting to a totally new social and cultural environment. The Racalmutese soon found that they had to learn a new language, and adjust to new customs, values, and expectations. Some of these adjustments were made very quickly, while others were painfully difficult. By the 1920s, however, the Racalmutese had helped build a Roman Catholic church to serve their needs in the Italian language, and they had developed various formal organizations, ranging from mutual-aid societies to recreational clubs (Migliore 1980, 1988). The large wave of new immigrants who arrived in Hamilton in the 1950s and 1960s benefited greatly

The Ethnographic Context 21 from the presence of these institutional structures. In fact, by providing a forum for social interaction, these institutional structures helped new immigrants cope with life in Canada, and provided the Racalmutese already established in the city with a means of retaining a sense of ethnic and cultural identity. The Racalmutese are now well established in the city. They have, in general, overcome the various hardships they faced as immigrants in a new country. They have succeeded in providing their sons and daughters with what they perceive as a better life - a life that includes the achievement of various educational, professional, and personal goals. Today, the Hamilton Racalmutese are contributing members of Canadian society in many fields of endeavour. At the same time, however, they have continued to develop and support various techniques to help them preserve both their cultural identity as Sicilians and a strong attachment to their native or ancestral community of Racalmuto. They have done this in the following ways. First, the Racalmutese in Hamilton have kept a close rapport with friends and relatives in Sicily. Second, they have reconstructed a number of traditional Sicilian pastimes within the new sociocultural environment. Some of the older men, for example, walk up and down one of the local streets, occasionally visiting Sicilian cafes or clubs in much the same way they did in the piazza of Racalmuto. Third, the parish church and the various Racalmutese associations continue to play a significant role in the lives of many people. Fourth, community members have organized several key religious and cultural events to celebrate their identity as Racalmutese. And, fifth, the community has been successful in working with the city of Hamilton to establish formal twin-city relations with Racalmuto (see Migliore 1988,1991). This, in turn, has opened the door to various cultural exchanges between the two communities. Although, generally speaking, the Racalmutese community has been able to retain a strong sense of ethnic and cultural identity, it would be misleading to suggest that there is a uniform Racalmutese-Canadian (let alone Sicilian-Canadian) culture. The community has had a long history within the Hamilton-Wentworth region. A number of factors - ranging from time of arrival as immigrants, to English-language ability, to intergenerational differences in background and lifestyle - have contributed to producing an extremely heterogeneous population. As a result, the community is characterized by a great deal of diversity in terms of people's understanding of, and commitment to, various aspects of Sicilian 'culture.'2 My references to a Sicilian-Canadian evil-eye complex,

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Mal'uocchiu

then, should not be construed as an indication that everyone within the Racalmutese community necessarily shares a similar conception of the phenomenon. Having said this, it becomes all the more important to discuss how I arrived at an understanding of the evil eye. The Fieldwork Experience The information I present in the following chapters is based on qualitative data I obtained using traditional anthropological methods. I engaged in intensive participant observation among the Racalmutese of Hamilton from 1979 to 1984. Moreover, from 1984 to the present, I have continued to participate in various activities, and to gather additional data. This technique has helped me gain a great deal of background information about the community, and various aspects of SicilianCanadian world-view. I chose specifically to conduct my ethnographic fieldwork among members of the Racalmutese community because of my personal background. I was born in a small town located less than 15 kilometres from Racalmuto. My mother, and her family, are Racalmutese. My parents and I emigrated to Canada in 1957, and we settled in an area of Hamilton that was populated largely by Racalmutese immigrants. Having grown up in this atmosphere, I feel very much a part of the community. My first experience with anthropological field research occurred in 1977. At that time, I was investigating Sicilian recreational clubs in the Hamilton-Wentworth region (see Migliore 1980). I recall entering the field with the impression that, as a member of the Sicilian-Canadian community, I had been involved in participant observation among the Racalmutese of the city for most of my life. I felt that the fieldwork portion of the study could be completed quickly, and without difficulty. I soon realized that this was a naive assumption. Although I had participated actively in many family and community activities, I was uninformed about various things. I also misjudged how receptive people would be to participating in my investigation. I learned that fieldwork could be a painful and lonely experience, even among one's own people. The difficulties I encountered were attributable mainly to my own expectations. I expected people to welcome me into the clubs, agree to take time out of their regular activities to provide me with relevant information, and be patient while I asked questions and recorded their answers. Initially, only a few people agreed to participate in the study. In retrospect, I believe these individuals allowed themselves to be inter-

The Ethnographic Context 23 viewed out of a sense of obligation. They were simply displaying respect either directly to me, because we shared a kinship relationship, or to my parents, with whom they shared a friendship relationship. Within a short period of time, however, these people became less and less willing to forgo club activities in order to answer my questions. The interviews had become too much of an imposition for the club members. Everyone became distant. I began to feel I was an outsider, even though I was among other Sicilian Canadians. The fieldwork situation improved tremendously once I re-examined my expectations and changed my behaviour. Two individuals were instrumental in this process. The first individual, Signor V., was employed as a bartender at one of the recreational clubs. I am in debt to Signor V. for bringing to my attention some of the shortcomings of the research technique I was attempting to employ. The second individual, my father, has helped me in various ways throughout my studies. Signor V. came to my rescue on one of the occasions when I was left standing alone in the clubhouse, while the club members engaged each other in conversation and played various card games. He took me aside, and prepared me a drink. After introducing himself, Signor V. established a link between us; he explained that he and my mother's father's deceased brother had been friends. Signor V. then went on to say that, although he did not want to interfere in my affairs, he was prepared to offer advice, if I was willing to listen. Realizing that my research efforts had been futile thus far, I was more than willing to listen to what he had to say. Signor V. communicated the following message to me: 'If you want to accomplish anything here, you have to go about things differently. Put away your pen and paper! You have to listen to people, not try to write down everything they say. Do you want them to think you're some kind of spy? People come to the club to have a good time, not to answer questions. Talk to people, offer them drinks, and take part in the activities. You don't have to ask questions to get the information you need/ Signor V.'s message was clear; community affiliation did not make me a participant observer. I had to actually participate in club activities in order to collect relevant data. In addition, as a member of the community, I was expected to display correct or appropriate behaviour in my interaction with club members. It was simply not appropriate for a young man to enter the club and disrupt the activities of his elders. Signor V.'s message caused me to reflect on what I had been doing, and what I should do in the future.

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Mal'uocchiu

Signer V. offered me sound advice. I now realized that I would have to re-evaluate my expectations, and begin to act in a more culturally appropriate way towards the club members. One of the problems I have repeatedly encountered in the process of conducting field research among Sicilian Canadians is that people have very high expectations of me. As a member of the community I am expected to react appropriately in various situations. I am expected to know what type of behaviour is, or is not, acceptable in specific circumstances. Yet, having grown up in Canada, I have not always been adequately prepared to meet these expectations. Over the course of the last approximately fifteen years, I have relied on my parents for both encouragement and assistance. My father was particularly helpful during my initial research experience with members of Sicilian recreational clubs. He is the individual who helped me fully understand the implications of Signer V.'s message. It was through discussions with my father that I gained an insight into the types of implicit assumptions people make about others, and how they should behave in various contexts. Since that time, both of my parents have been instrumental in helping me develop an understanding of the various implicit assumptions and expectations that constitute an important dimension of ongoing social interaction among Sicilian Canadians. This assistance helped me reformulate my research method into a more culturally appropriate technique. Through experience, I was able to further modify and improve this approach. Although each conversation and each interview is unique, I have learned to interact with people, and to approach the field research, in the following ways: 1 /1 make contacts by moving along both kinship and friendship networks. This approach is appropriate for three reasons. First, it is an acceptable way to introduce oneself to others. Second, it allows people to place me in a familiar social context. It ensures, for example, that they already know something about me, my family, and the type of work I do. Third, it allows me to establish a link between us. I am not simply a researcher, but rather someone with whom they share acquaintances, friends, and/or relatives. This, I believe, is one of the potential advantages of working with members of one's own ethnic community. 2 / Interviews should not be highly structured and formal. The people I work with invite me into their homes as a guest. As a guest, it is

The Ethnographic Context 25 necessary to display the proper etiquette and respect for the hosts. To insist upon conducting a highly structured and formal interview would be to disrupt the host-guest relationship. This, in turn, would jeopardize my ability to conduct a successful interview. 3 / In order to conduct a successful interview, one must be patient. Sicilian Canadians prefer to begin by engaging in a general conversation - a conversation that usually has nothing to do with the topic of interest for the researcher. This general conversation, however, is very important. It is through this discussion that my informants and I establish or reaffirm the links that provide the basis for our relationship. The general conversation also allows people to communicate indirectly messages such as: how long I am welcomed to stay on that particular visit; what types of questions I should avoid; and to which family member(s) I should direct my questions. In some cases, I found it necessary to visit people on several occasions before I could ask relevant questions about the 'evil eye/ Successful research, then, depends on one's ability to display patience, and to identify correctly and act upon the cues people communicate implicitly before the interview actually begins. 4 / Once the interview begins, people expect you to be attentive to what they say and to converse with them. In many cases, this meant that I could not record the information on tape, nor could I write down the information as we conversed. Data collection, at times, became difficult. I often found myself spending time alone trying to recall what had transpired and what people had related to me. Complying with their wishes, however, strengthened my relationship with informants. Some individuals now allow me to bring my notes to the interviews so they can comment on whether I have captured the essence of what they were trying to communicate, and I can make corrections. In some cases, people have allowed me either to tape-record, or take extensive notes, as we discussed a particular topic. These people were individuals with whom I share a close personal relationship. The reader, then, should be aware that the case-histories I will present fall into three categories: my descriptions of what transpired; direct quotes from the victim or significant others; and reconstructed dialogue, which I present in the first-person-singular and narrative format as a stylistic device. These case-histories, however, provide as accurate a paraphrasing of dialogue as possible under the circumstances. I have attempted to do this by: following closely the notes I

26

Mal'uocchiu

recorded several hours after the interview; ensuring that the reconstructed dialogue does not change the meaning of what people were attempting to communicate; and discussing case-histories with informants on more than one occasion, whenever possible. In the text I identify these reconstructed passages. The reader should also be aware that, no matter how the cases are presented, most of the accounts were related to me in the Sicilian dialect. The insights I gained during my initial research experience proved useful when I began to investigate the Sicilian-Canadian evil-eye complex. Over the years, I have discussed mal'uocchiu with many members of the Racalmutese community, and I have interviewed informally more than fifty individuals. The vast majority of these people emigrated to Canada as adults, and were fifty-five years of age or older at the time of their interview. The ideas I present in the manuscript, then, do not necessarily apply across the generations. I suspect, based on casual conversation, that the evil eye means far less, or at least something different, to the younger generation of Sicilian Canadians. I touch on this point briefly later in the text. The investigation also benefited greatly from my interaction with several traditional healers - one male and three female. Although each healer has made a contribution to my work, Don Gesualdo was particularly helpful (Migliore 1981: 57-64; 1983).3 He either provided, or corroborated, a great deal of the ethnographic data I present as a model of the evil-eye complex. As a male ethnographer, it was not appropriate for me to spend as much time alone with the three female healers that participated in the study. Don Gesualdo (1905-1992): Healer, Mentor, and Friend

Don Gesualdo was born in 1905, in a small village on the outskirts of Racalmuto, in southwestern Sicily. He recalled receiving his initial training as a traditional healer at an early age. His father taught him how to treat naturally caused ailments such as colds, stomach aches, and strained muscles (spilaturi). In time, however, Don Gesualdo became interested in ailments and illness processes that were not as easily explained or cured. He became interested in gaining knowledge concerning the manipulation of 'mystical' forces.4 Don Gesualdo's initial experience with 'supernatural' forces occurred at age thirty-five, when he became an apprentice to a local spiritualist -

The Ethnographic Context 27 Don Pippino. Whenever someone was suffering from an ailment that could not be treated successfully by other means, Don Pippino would be asked to communicate with the spirit world to obtain the information needed to assist the victim. During one of these seances, the elderly spiritualist was called away suddenly because of a family crisis. Don Pippino asked Marcellus, the attending spirit, if Don Gesualdo could continue the questioning process in his absence. Marcellus - a nonhuman, beneficent, celestial spirit - quickly responded: 'What you can do, he can do; he has the power.' From this point on, Don Gesualdo began to conduct his own spiritualist meetings. Through contact with Marcellus, Don Gesualdo gradually was able to obtain a great deal of information concerning various ailments, including the illness people attribute to the 'evil eye.' This enhanced his position as a practitioner. He gained further recognition and respect by refusing payment for his services; this indicated to others that he was a true folk healer, not a fattucchieri (magician/sorcerer). Don Gesualdo and his wife emigrated to Canada in the late 1960s. Once they established themselves in Hamilton, he began to operate as a traditional healer to serve the needs of a relatively small number of friends and relatives. He did not, however, attempt to utilize his power and knowledge to conduct spiritualist meetings; according to Don Gesualdo, this phase of his life ended when he left Sicily. I first heard of Don Gesualdo when I began to investigate the SicilianCanadian evil-eye complex for my MA thesis. Many of the people I worked with suggested that he was the person I should be talking to. Intuitively I recognized that what they said was true, and that my investigation of the evil-eye complex would benefit from a discussion of the phenomenon with an established healer. After some manoeuvring, a friend of a friend was able to arrange an appointment for me to visit Don Gesualdo. My first impression of Don Gesualdo was that he was a very agreeable and interesting gentleman. He was the type of person who commanded respect. My investigation of the evil eye, however, proceeded slowly. Don Gesualdo controlled the conversation during the initial interviews, and ensured that the discussion remained at a superficial level. The situation changed dramatically on my fourth visit. As I began to ask complicated questions about the evil eye, Don Gesualdo stopped the discussion suddenly and asked me if I was wearing something to protect myself against the evil eye. Being a naive anthropologist, I was not carrying a protective amulet. Don Gesualdo terminated the interview. He told me

28

Mal'uocchiu

not to return until I had acquired something for protection; then he added: 'Don't you know that even talking about this with me might cause you to become ill?' By the time I reached my home, I was indeed ill. I had developed many of the symptoms people usually attribute to the evil eye - for example, stomach cramps, headache, and mental confusion. In retrospect, my experience can be explained in terms of psychosomatic symptoms resulting from suggestion. At the time, however, I did not know what to believe. I was totally unprepared for this outcome. Don Gesualdo complicated the situation further by phoning to let me know that he was willing to visit and perform a healing ritual. I found it difficult to explain how he knew that I was ill. I found it even more difficult to explain why and how I recovered completely after he performed the diagnostic and healing ritual. Again, in retrospect, now that I am removed from the situation, it is easy to rationalize what happened in terms of suggestion, coincidence, and similar concepts. At the same time, I am not completely prepared to rule out the possibility that Don Gesualdo was a man with exceptional powers. In terms of the theme of this book, the incident raises questions, such as Did Don Gesualdo, a respected healer, give me an 'evil eye'? Did he merely diagnose a problem I was already afflicted with? or was it the power of the 'words' themselves which exposed me to danger? (see Favret-Saada 1980 and Ibrahim 1994). From a Sicilian-Canadian perspective, all three explanations are possible. It is part of the ambiguity surrounding the concept, an ambiguity which I address more explicitly in later chapters. At a personal level, however, I am reluctant to label the incident a case of evil eye. I respect Don Gesualdo too much to entertain this thought. I suspect that the incident occurred because I was not adequately prepared; I did not possess the internal strength to deal with Don Gesualdo as an equal. At any rate, Don Gesualdo, through either suggestion or his own knowledge and power, helped me recover from the symptoms I was experiencing. This allowed me not only to witness a diagnostic and healing ritual, but also to experience its effects. Once I had recovered, Don Gesualdo gave me an amulet which he had prepared specifically for my future protection. I still carry it with me. The episode I have just described provided the basis for the development of an intimate relationship between Don Gesualdo and me. He accepted me as a friend, and gradually began to treat me as his assistant. He taught me many of the techniques he used to help people suffering

The Ethnographic Context 29 from various conditions. As a result, I suddenly had access to privileged information (see also Dow 1989, and Stoller and Olkes 1987). Don Gesualdo revealed to me the prayers he used to diagnose and treat cases of mal'uocchiu. Since this information represents secret knowledge, I have not presented it in my previous work, and I will not reveal it here. Access to this information, however, has helped me develop a better understanding of both the evil-eye complex and Sicilian-Canadian world-view in general. Serving as Don Gesualdo's assistant had two additional consequences for my research. I was able to witness how he interacted with patients in various circumstances, and it placed me in a position where I could discuss mal'uocchiu with individuals who were suffering from its effects. In other words, my new status allowed me to experience a new level of participant observation, and facilitated the collection of evil-eye casehistories. In summary, I owe a great deal of the knowledge I have gained about mal'uocchiu directly or indirectly to Don Gesualdo. Over the years he has been a good teacher, and a good friend. I will always cherish the moments we spent together. The model of the evil-eye complex I present in the next chapter belongs as much to him as it does to me. It represents one of the products of a collaboration that began in the late 1970s and ended recently with his death.

#

The Power of Strong Emotions: Constructing the Sicilian-Canadian Evil-Eye Complex

... in these eyes of mine, I have the power to reduce an entire city to rubble! Look out for me! Pirandello (1964b: 136)1

The 'evil eye/ the notion that a look or stare can operate as a potential source of human suffering, is prevalent in a number of societies. How people conceptualize the phenomenon, however, varies considerably not only from society to society, but also from individual to individual. Following Pirandello's (1990) logic, I believe that there are as many models of evil eye as there are people who have formulated some idea about the phenomenon.2 The model I am about to present is not necessarily shared by all Sicilian Canadians. Instead, it represents my understanding of the phenomenon based on a synthesis of information I collected within the Hamilton Racalmutese community and filtered through my collaboration with Don Gesualdo.3 In other words, it is an abstraction of an abstraction Don Gesualdo and I developed over the course of several years. Mal'uocchiu in the Context of Sicilian-Canadian World-View Michael Kearney (1984: 41) defines world-view as the way members of a particular society look at reality; 'it consists of basic assumptions and images that provide a more or less coherent, though not necessarily accurate, way of thinking about the world.' A key feature of the circumMediterranean world-view, if such a generalization is possible (see chapter summary and discussion), is the explicit distinction between

The Power of Strong Emotions 31 good and evil (Moss and Cappannari 1976). Aspects of this good/evil dichotomy are discernible among Sicilian Canadians. They can be found in both religious and secular dimensions of the cultural 'tool kit/ Sicilian Canadians, for example, are predominantly Roman Catholic. Religious doctrines associated with the Roman Catholic Church tend to emphasize this distinction between good and evil. The distinction is clearly visible in Roman Catholic beliefs concerning the relationship between God and Satan, heaven and hell, saints and sinners, and other phenomena. The good/evil dichotomy is also discernible in secular matters. Among Sicilian Canadians, interpersonal relations often are characterized by ritualized behaviour that emphasizes the correct and incorrect way of doing things. This ritualized behaviour is linked to the notion of respect; to give, and thereby receive, respect is good and honourable, while disrespect is an insult that breeds hostility. Envy, or mmidia, is an expression of disrespect. For Sicilian Canadians, the display of mmidia has a twofold implication. It implies not only that a person desires what belongs to another, but also that she or he wishes the other individual to forfeit the item. From the point of view of individuals who suspect they are victims of mmidia, it does not matter whether the envious person(s) does, or does not, actually gain the desired item; what is important is that the victims themselves have suffered a loss. It is the possibility that a desired item such as monetary wealth or good health - may be lost as a result of someone's envious feelings that makes mmidia a potentially dangerous emotion.4 The recognition that envy can be a dangerous emotion in turn influences how Sicilian Canadians behave in certain circumstances. Individuals, for example, display their respect for others by controlling or counteracting envious feelings. To intentionally display envy, or to ignore ritualized behaviour that counteracts unconscious envy, is a sign of disrespect. Although the display of disrespect may be appropriate in certain social contexts, Sicilian Canadians assign it to the evil dimension of the good/evil dichotomy whenever it occurs in conjunction with envy. The good/evil dichotomy, then, is an important feature of SicilianCanadian world-view. It influences how people perceive reality, and how they interact with one another. A second key feature of SicilianCanadian world-view is the notion that human beings have the ability to influence the course of future events. This world-view feature is intimately linked to the good/evil dichotomy. The two features, in fact, complement and reinforce each other.

32

Mal'uocchiu

FIGURE 3.1 Mal'uocchiu: A cause of misfortune DISGRAZIA

Natural causes

Supernatural causes

Human agents I

Non-human agents (e.g., God, good and evil spirits)

ittatura

stregonaria

fattucchieria

(to cast evil)

(witchcraft)

(sorcery)

mal'uocchiu (evil eye)

mail lingua (evil tongue)

(malatio) as a specific manifestation Sicilian Canadians regard illness (malatia) They also also recognize recognize aa number number of of factors, factors, of misfortune (disgrazia).55 They including the evil eye (mal'uocchiu), as potential misfortune-causing agents. I identify and distinguish between some of these causal agents in figure 3.1 and table 3.1. I developed the classificatory model presented in figure 3.1 in order to disrupting future events FIGURE 3.2 Mal'uocchiu: A means of disrupting SORTILEGIO

Ammaliari (to wish or cause harm)

ittatura I

stregonaria

mal'uocchiu

mail lingua

Aiutari (to help, assist)

sortilegio (use of magic)

fattucchieria

curari (to heal)

sortilegio (to foretell the future)

The Power of Strong Emotions 33 TABLE 3.1 Causal factors associated with human agents Fattucchieria is similar in meaning to the set of practices many anthropologists define as 'sorcery' (e.g., Evans-Pritchard 1937: 387). It involves the mechanical manipulation of devices to cause, prevent, or counteract misfortune. Sicilian Canadians recognize women and men as equally capable of learning the various techniques, and obtaining the necessary materials, to become fattucchieri. Although fattucchieri may employ their power and knowledge to treat cases of illness, they differ from folk healers in two essential ways. First, they are pa/dfor their services (see case 3 in chapter 4). Second, they are capable of using their power to cause harm intentionally. The term ittatura refers to 'the casting of evil' by means of either mal'uocchiu (evil eye) or mali lingua (evil tongue). These two processes share the following features in common: (1) they involve ordinary people; (2) ittaturi do not have actual control over the power to cause harm; and (3) they involve strong emotions such as envy or anger. Examples of mali lingua include the verbal curse and vicious backbiting. Stregonaria is similar in meaning to the set of beliefs many anthropologists define as 'witchcraft' (e.g., Evans-Pritchard 1937:387). Stregi (witches), whether female or male, have an innate power to cause harm. In order to supplement this power, stregican either act in unison, or manipulate various devices in much the same way as fattucchieri. Sicilian Canadians believe that the effects of stregonaria are always produced intentionally.

distinguish mal'uocchiu from other sources of misfortune. Once it was completed, I discussed the model with Don Gesualdo. He agreed that my model accomplished what I had set out to do; however, he suggested that mal'uocchiu is best classified under the broad category of sortilegio. Although sortilegio literally means 'to foretell the future/ Don Gesualdo indicated that, at a very general level, it refers to the various means by which human beings can affect or disrupt the natural course of events. I present Don Gesualdo's classificatory system in figure 3.2. Although Don Gesualdo and I present conceptually different frameworks, the two systems, at least at one level of analysis, are complementary. They both identify mal'uocchiu as a means by which humans cause misfortune. By classifying the phenomenon within the broad category of sortilegio, however, Don Gesualdo provides additional information that clarifies the link between mal'uocchiu and misfortune. More specifically, he suggests that mal'uocchiu causes misfortune by disrupting the natural course of events. The notion that human beings have the ability to affect future events by either causing or alleviating the effects of misfortune is an important feature of Sicilian-Canadian world-view. This feature is directly related to the good/evil dichotomy. Don Gesualdo's division of sortilegio into

34 Mal'uocchiu the subcategories of aiutari and ammaliari (see figure 3.2) reflects this dichotomy; aiutari represents the 'good' dimension, while ammaliari represents the 'evil' dimension. Since mal'uocchiu is classified under the subcategory of ammaliari, it too is part of the 'evil' dimension. In contrast, the use of magic is not clearly defined as part of one subcategory or the other; its classification remains ambiguous, because it depends on the specific results each fattucchieriattempts to accomplish. The term sortilegio itself also remains ambiguous; people can use the term at different levels of abstraction to convey alternative meanings. At another level of analysis, the two classificatory models reveal a very different approach to the topic(s) under consideration. Figure 3.1, the model I developed, is based on similarities and differences represented by and contained within abstract nouns. I was trying to get at the 'meaning' behind terms such as ittatura, stregonaria, and fattucchieria. What I accomplished, however, was the appropriation of indigenous terms which I could use as abstract repositories of some absolute or concrete meaning. Don Gesualdo's model, in contrast, deals directly with use or action; he makes use of roughly the same terms, but his focus is on 'intentional acts/ As the discussion above indicates, my abstract nouns (and the meanings they contained) simplified and misrepresented the phenomena they were meant to represent. My aim in this text is to slowly, but systematically, move away from the type of thinking that went into the preparation of figure 3.1, and towards an understanding of mal'uocchiu in terms of its meaning in 'use' or 'action.' Etiology, Strong Emotions, and the Illness Process Mal'uocchiu refers to an internalized evil power that may emanate from the eyes, of an individual who is in a highly emotional state, to cause illness or general misfortune. The process involves primarily two components: (1) a gazer, or ittaturi, who possesses the power to cause harm by directing a glance (taliatura) at another individual in anger, envy (mmidia), or simply overadmiration; and (2) the victims, or li culpiti (the stricken) - anyone exposed to and affected by mal'uocchiu. Initially, I found the information I received about who may possess the mal'uocchiu to be somewhat contradictory. Many individuals suggest that everyone possesses this power to some degree or another, while others insist that it is an innate power, possessed by specific people. After I discussed the problem with several folk healers, including Don

The Power of Strong Emotions 35 Gesualdo, the apparent contradiction was resolved; both responses are correct. The evil-eye complex is sufficiently flexible to accommodate both responses. Sicilian Canadians associate mal'uocchiu with the notions of strength and weakness.6 Each person possesses a degree of internal strength, or power, the amount of which varies from individual to individual. Under normal conditions the individual is in a state of equilibrium. As long as this internal strength does not exceed or fall below a particular level, the person is unlikely either to cause or to be affected by mal'uocchiu. Envy and other strong emotions tend to upset this strength/weakness balance. A gazer, or ittaturi, is capable of injuring others because she or he is in a highly emotional state, and because emotions such as envy (mmidia) activate and increase an individual's strength to the point at which mal'uocchiu becomes effective. Often, however, ittaturi do not know they possess the power, and have no control over its effects. In this sense, they injure others unintentionally. Stregi (witches), in contrast, have the innate power to cause harm intentionally. A person who is suspected of intentionally injuring someone by means of an evil eye is therefore regarded as a witch. Mmidia, then, can disrupt a person's internal equilibrium. It is a potentially dangerous emotion, because it activates and directs the human capability to cause misfortune. In the case of mal'uocchiu, envy activates and directs the evil power so that it works outward to injure others. The ittaturi, however, are not only dangerous to others, but also to themselves. Sicilian Canadians, as well as other peoples (see Dunbabin and Dickie 1983, and Kearney 1972), regard envy as a powerful emotion that can also turn inward to cause the ittaturi, or potential ittaturi, to slowly waste away. The victims (li culpiti) are also in a state of disequilibrium.7 They are susceptible to mal'uocchiu because their strength/weakness balance has been disrupted by a physical disability, previous exposure to the phenomenon, or other factors. Children and elderly people are particularly susceptible to mal'uocchiu - the former because they have not yet developed the internal strength to prevent (or cause) suffering and the latter because their internal strength has declined with advanced age. For Sicilian Canadians, individuals who are healthy, physically strong, and mentally aware of the possibility of exposure, and thereby able to take preventive measures, are much less susceptible to evil-eye attacks. Some people also consider individuals born on Fridays or festive days such as Christmas, Easter, and certain saint's days to be immune. Don Gesualdo

36

Mal'uocchiu

and the other traditional healers I interviewed disagree; they stress that birth dates cannot confer immunity. Once an individual is effectively exposed to mal'uocchiu, she or he experiences certain presymptomatic processes such as uncontrollable yawning, hiccups, and twitching of the eye muscles. Actual symptoms usually appear within a day of exposure. These symptoms include nervous tension, mental confusion, depression, headache, stomach cramps, and a weak or exhausted feeling. If caused unintentionally, the symptoms will run their course within three to seven days. Stubborn cases, however, may last from three to seven weeks. Intentionally produced symptoms usually appear three to five days after the individual is afflicted by mal'uocchiu to prevent the victim from determining the identity of the assailant (a Strega or stregone). Although the symptoms are basically the same, they are much more severe and long-lasting than those produced unintentionally. In extreme cases, they may also lead to mental disorders; partial or total paralysis; and, in rare cases, death. Intentionally caused symptoms do not run a natural course; the victim must consult a traditional healer in order to obtain relief from the complaint. Although Sicilian Canadians recognize mal'uocchiu as the cause of specific symptoms, they also regard it as the potential cause of general misfortune. This two-dimensional nature of the phenomenon allows people to attribute anything from the 'common cold' to 'bad luck' to the evil eye as a manifestation of misfortune. It is one of the internal ambiguities which makes mal'uocchiu a complicated phenomenon. Diagnostic and Therapeutic Measures During the process of social interaction, individuals may suspect that they are potential victims of mal'uocchiu if someone displays strong emotions, or directs a taliatura (an intense glance or stare), towards them. Most people, however, are unaware that they have been exposed to mal'uocchiu until certain signs or symptoms actually appear. At this point, li culpiti may attempt to cure themselves (often with the help of family or friends), or consult a traditional healer who has the power and knowledge to diagnose and cure the ailment. Although most individuals, at least of the immigrant generation, are able to provide some information concerning traditional methods of diagnosing and treating mal'uocchiu, their knowledge of this dimension of the evil-eye complex is limited. Traditional healers possess secret

The Power of Strong Emotions 37 knowledge that is not readily available to the layperson. To obtain detailed information, therefore, I found it necessary to consult several healers. Since I obtained the bulk of my information from Don Gesualdo, I will describe the procedure he utilized to treat cases of mal'uocchiu. At his request, however, I will not include the 'prayers' that make these procedures effective. Don Gesualdo did not advertise his healing ability; he preferred to serve a relatively small group of friends and relatives. Since he was familiar with the people who visited him for help, the healing sessions had a relaxed and friendly atmosphere. Several clients indicated to me that they preferred Don Gesualdo to a medical doctor for several reasons. First, Don Gesualdo did not limit visits to specific days and time periods. Second, he was not solely interested in asking a few questions and making a quick diagnosis; he was willing to talk and listen to the patient. Third, he actually attempted to cure people, rather than prescribe medication and ask them to return for further consultation in a week's time. Fourth, if he did not understand the ailment, he would let the patient know immediately. Finally, he understood ailments that medical doctors are not even aware of. According to Don Gesualdo, however, ailing individuals usually visited a doctor before they consulted him. These individuals were dissatisfied with the attention they had received from their medical doctor(s). On a number of occasions, I observed Don Gesualdo as he treated the effects of mal'uocchiu. The sequence of events in the treatment I observed is as follows. After reassuring the patient that my presence would not be a disruptive factor, Don Gesualdo would begin by questioning the individual. The questions would focus on why the person suspected that she or he was suffering from mal'uocchiu. While the patient slowly answered these questions, Don Gesualdo listened attentively, and looked for certain evil eye-related signs; for example, whether the patient yawned or displayed an eye-muscle twitch. Based on the information the individual provided, and the presence or absence of visible signs, Don Gesualdo would make an initial diagnosis. In order to be sure, however, he always performed a diagnostic test involving the following procedures: 1 / Don Gesualdo assembled and prepared the various items necessary for the test; these included a saucer of water, olive oil, a penny, a strip of cloth, matches, and an empty drinking glass. 2 / He sprinkled several drops of oil into the saucer of water.

38

Mal'uocchiu

3 / He made the sign of the cross and recited a silent prayer over the saucer. This step was repeated a total of three times. 4/Once Don Gesualdo had wrapped securely the strip of cloth around the penny, he would moisten the cloth with oil. This material was then placed into the saucer of water. 5 / Don Gesualdo used a match to light the moistened cloth and placed the glass over the flame. 6/Placing the glass over the moistened cloth extinguished the flame. In the process, however, it produced a slight bubbling action in the water. If the oil droplets enlarged and spread throughout the water, Don Gesualdo confirmed that the ailment was in fact caused by mal'uocchiu. Although the reaction of victims who saw proof that mal'uocchiu was the cause of their suffering varied, these individuals were generally satisfied and relieved by the diagnosis. The diagnostic test confirmed what they themselves already suspected. They experienced a sense of relief, because they knew Don Gesualdo could effectively handle cases of mal'uocchiu. Don Gesualdo reinforced the patient's sense of relief by stressing that the symptoms probably occurred as a result of an unintentional taliatura. Since the patient was a victim of an unintentional attack, there was no reason for her or him to fear that someone would attempt to counteract the beneficial effects of the curing ritual. For certain individuals, however, a positive diagnosis generated anxiety. In order to relieve their anxiety, Don Gesualdo reassured the victims that the diagnostic test was merely the first step towards recovery. In one particular case, the victim became very angry, and began to name several individuals who might have caused the ailment. Don Gesualdo responded slowly and calmly; he suggested that the ailment was not caused intentionally. He even went as far as to suggest that stregi (witches) no longer exist, because the Pope had performed a religious ceremony during the 1920s to ask God to ensure that stregonaria (witchcraft) would no longer be effective. Since stregi no longer exist, the ailment must have been caused by an ittaturi who probably does not even know that she or he possesses the power to cause harm. Whenever a positive diagnosis was made, Don Gesualdo performed a specific healing ritual. This ritual (see table 3.2) involves both a verbal and a mechanical component. The first, vocalized portion of the prayer simply invokes the Christian Trinity ('God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit'), in what Don Gesualdo considered to be an old form of Latin; the rest of the prayer is silent.8

The Power of Strong Emotions 39 TABLE 3.2 A healing ritual Prayer

Mechanical process

H _

1 Fill glass with water.

2 O Fader (In the name of the Father); plus short, silent prayer

2 Lick thumb and make sign of the cross with thumb over glass Make sure thumb touches both glass rim and water.

3 O Felle (and the Son); plus short, silent prayer

3 Repeat step 2.

4 O Saba (and the Holy Spirit); plus short, silent prayer

4 Repeat step 2.

5 Sabaticon (Amen)

5 -

6 Process repeated two more times

6 Repeat procedure each time prayer is repeated. Have patient drink the water.

Once the healing ritual was completed, Don Gesualdo would repeat the diagnostic test. This was done to determine whether mal'uocchiu was removed completely. A positive diagnosis at this point would signify that the individual was affected heavily (carricata /carricatu), and entail a repetition of the curing ritual. According to Don Gesualdo, the diagnostic and therapeutic procedures can be performed only three times per day per patient. If the test was still positive after the third try, Don Gesualdo would ask the individual to return the next day, or as soon as possible, to ensure that she or he was completely cured. The procedure is repeated until a negative diagnosis is made. On one occasion, I witnessed a case in which the first diagnostic test indicated that the person was not suffering from mal'uocchiu. The patient became noticeably agitated, and asked Don Gesualdo if anything could be done. Don Gesualdo did not answer; he simply began to question the patient. Eventually he concluded that the patient's severe headaches were attributable to natural causes. In order to help relieve the symptoms, Don Gesualdo recited a short prayer and recommended camomile tea (cucumiddd) ) mixed with three fennel seeds (finucieddu).). After the patient had left, I asked Don Gesualdo if this was standard procedure in cases where mal'uocchiu was definitely not responsible. His reply was that the herbal tea is effective for headaches and stomach problems. He then stressed that, in serious cases, he would recommend that the patient see a medical doctor.

40

Mal'uocchiu

Other Practitioners and Their Healing Techniques

Within the Racalmutese community, traditional healers who specialize in evil-eye cures tend generally to be female. Therefore, in addition to discussing mal'uocchiu with Don Gesualdo, I interviewed three female healers - Zia Elena, Zia Mimma, and Zia Rosa. Although the information I obtained from these healers was limited, it will suffice to demonstrate the similarities and differences between treatments for cases of the evil eye. Zia Elena is approximately forty years old. She was born in Sicily, but has resided in the Hamilton area for about twenty-five years. In contrast to Don Gesualdo, Zia Elena has never participated in spiritualist activities, nor does she consider herself an all-purpose healer. Years ago, Zia Elena's maternal grandmother taught her how to diagnose and treat cases of mal'uocchiu. According to Zia Elena, this information is passed down within the family. In order to be effective, the procedures must be taught on either Christmas Eve, as close to midnight as possible, or Good Friday (Easter Friday). If a person were to reveal this information at any other time, neither the healer nor the trainee would be able to use the procedures effectively. Without revealing the pertinent information, Zia Elena described her diagnostic and therapeutic technique as follows: 'Initially, I make the sign of the cross and recite a short prayer. After repeating the prayer two more times, I place several drops of oil into a saucer of water. If the oil droplets enlarge, and spread throughout the saucer, the ailment is mal'uocchiu. In order to cure the ailment, I repeat the procedure until the oil droplets remain small and distinct.'9 Zia Mimma, a thirty-two-year-old healer, was born in a small town in Calabria. She came to Canada, with her family, at age fifteen. Although she is not Sicilian, Zia Mimma often treats Sicilian-born neighbours who are suffering from the effects of mal'uocchiu. On one occasion I observed how Zia Mimma cured an elderly woman. She made the sign of the cross and silently recited a short prayer a total of nine times. She then asked her son to bring the woman an orange and a knife. Once the woman had eaten the orange, Zia Mimma repeated the prayer nine more times. While reciting the prayer, Zia Mimma began to yawn; this signified to her that the ailment occurred as a result of the evil eye. After reassuring the woman that there was nothing to worry about, Zia Mimma stated:

The Power of Strong Emotions 41 Chi vafascina, cu luocchi viguardo, lu cori vi tasso; cu luocchi e cu la menti vi guardo; passa afascina, vafori e nun fa nenti.

She/he whofascina (bewitches by means of an evil eye) has gazed upon you, has wounded your heart; with her/his eyes and mind has gazed upon you; pass through afascina, begone and do no harm.

At the end of this statement, she recited the silent prayer a total of nine more times to end the curing ritual. In general, Zia Mimma agrees with the statements made by Zia Elena concerning the transmission of secret information. She insists, however, that the procedures cannot be taught on Good Friday. Since Good Friday is the day Jesus Christ was crucified, Zia Mimma maintains that effective transmission of prayers is not possible. Zia Rosa is a sixty-eight-year-old pensioner who has resided in Southern Ontario for most of her life. Although she was born in Calabria, she too has helped Sicilian neighbours in cases of mal'uocchiu. Zia Rosa was taught how to diagnose and cure the effects of the evil eye by her mother. She insists that the procedure can be transmitted, from one family member to another, only on Christmas Eve. She also stresses that traditional healers do not accept payment for their services. The healing ritual she employs closely resembles the one used by Zia Elena. Healing Methods Used by Non-Specialists Traditional healers are not the only ones in the community who may attempt to treat cases of mal'uocchiu. Non-specialists may also know short prayers or phrases that can be used, in the case of illness or misfortune, to help themselves and others. These individuals, however, do not perform diagnostic tests. When they suspect mal'uocchiu to be the cause of an ailment, they merely recite a prayer that has been passed down within the family. I refer to these people as 'non-specialists' because they do not consider themselves to be traditional healers; they are not recognized as traditional healers by other Sicilian Canadians; they do not possess the secret knowledge to perform diagnostic tests; and, finally, they recog-

42

Mal'uocchiu

nize that their methods are unreliable. These individuals maintain that the prayers can provide an effective treatment only for mild symptoms. The following examples will illustrate the type of techniques 'nonspecialists' may use in cases of mal'uocchiu. Signora Franca, a native of Racalmuto, is approximately seventy years old. She has resided in Hamilton for over thirty-seven years. In order to relieve mild symptoms of the evil eye, she employs a simple procedure. Signora Franca makes the sign of the cross over the victim's forehead, and recites the following prayer: Gesu, Giuseppe, e Maria leva stu mal'uocchiu di li carni mia. Fori mal'uocchiu! Jesus, Joseph, and Mary remove this evil eye from my flesh. Be gone evil eye!

According to Signora Franca, this prayer has been passed down within the family from generation to generation. There is no need, however, to maintain it as a secret. This prayer, unlike the secret knowledge of traditional healers, does not become impotent if it is revealed to others. Signer Antonio, an eighty-one-year-old native of western Sicily, has resided in Hamilton for over thirty years. Whenever a family member suspects that she or he is suffering from mal'uocchiu, Signer Antonio performs a simple curing ritual. While standing behind the victim, he places his left hand on the victim's left shoulder, and recites a short prayer. Fuocu di Dio lo ti scongiuro di perdere il tuo furore, comofice Giuda dinanzi il nostro Signore persi il suo colori, cosi tu perdi il tuo furore. Fire of God I appeal to you, lose your fury, as Judas lost

The Power of Strong Emotions 43 his colour [became pale] in the presence of our Lord, in this way you will lose your fury.

Once the prayer is recited, Signor Antonio makes the sign of the cross over the victim's right shoulder, and makes a motion as if to draw something out of the victim. He repeats the procedure a total of three times. Signor Antonio, in response to my questions, stressed that the prayer does not imply that God is responsible for causing the ailment. The statement itself does not involve the evil eye. It simply suggests that God, for some reason, has chosen to remain distant; the prayer is an appeal for God to assist the victim. Signor Antonio also suggests that the prayer can be employed to ask God's help in curing other ailments, including naturally caused illness. Since the prayer is merely an appeal for help, he maintains that it is not necessary to keep it a secret. In fact, he found the prayer in an old book he purchased in Sicily. The specific techniques Sicilian Canadians, and southern Italians in general, use to diagnose and treat cases of mal'uocchiu tend to vary considerably. At the same time, however, an underlying unity is discernible. A religious prayer, or at least the invocation of the Christian Trinity, provides the basis for each procedure. In addition, I suggest that Roman Catholic beliefs are symbolically represented in the healing ritual. Most traditional healers use water and oil as the essential ingredients of the diagnostic test and/or healing ritual. These ingredients are also essential for various Roman Catholic ceremonies, including the administration of certain sacraments. By reciting a short prayer while she or he sprinkles several drops of oil into a saucer of water, the healer symbolically takes on the role of a Roman Catholic priest; she or he becomes God's representative here on earth. With God's assistance, the healer purifies the ingredients and charges them with power. The healer transforms the water and oil mixture into a 'holy' oracle capable of providing a yes/no answer. If the oracle provides a positive diagnosis, the healer recites a secret prayer to appeal to God and the saints to cure the victim. This appeal is effective because the prayer is also charged with power. During the diagnostic and therapeutic process, traditional healers repeat the religious prayer, and in some cases the procedure itself, either a total of three times or by a multiple of three. I suggest that the number three is a symbolic representation of the Christian Trinity.10 In this sense, traditional healers identify and counteract the effects of mal'uocchiu, a

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Mal'uocchiu

component of the 'evil' dimension of the good/evil dichotomy, by both consciously and symbolically invoking the forces of 'good/ Diagnostic and healing rituals involve the use of secret information, information which is transmitted, from generation to generation, by one family member to another. For this reason, unless two individuals are taught the procedure by the same traditional healer, I believe that it is unlikely they will use precisely the same technique to assist victims of mal'uocchiu. This explains why local, as well as regional, differences exist. These differences, however, appear to be superficial. The diagnostic and therapeutic information I present above is comparable to, and relatively consistent with, the ethnographic data described by other writers dealing with Italians (e.g., Appel 1976: 18-20; Esposito 1991: 155-7; Foulks et al 1977: 30-2; and Rush 1974: 48-9). In general, although the specific techniques may vary, the healing ritual tends to involve a religious dimension - a direct or indirect supplication to God, the ultimate symbol of 'goodness/ Having said this, however, I have fallen into the trap that both Pirandello and Wittgenstein attempted to avoid. Generalizations tend to gloss over irregularities, and thereby simplify the representation of a phenomenon. Some of the verbal charms traditional healers use to counteract the effects of mal'uocchiu, for instance, are of a pre-Christian or nonChristian origin. Phyllis Williams (1938:155) provides this example: Ciglia cigliano, coltello tagliamo, menamelo a mare. We pare the eyelash, We cut it with a knife, Take it to the Sea.

The phrase Zia Mimma employs can serve as a second example (see discussion above). These non-Christian charms are most likely exceptions to the general rule. Their existence, however, supports the notion that what may appear as a general rule is often an inadequate representation of the ambiguous, vague, and variable nature of the evil-eye complex. During my 1983 field trip to Sicily, I experienced the full weight of this 'vagueness' first hand. I had made contact with Don Mattia, Don Gesualdo's friend and counterpart in Sicily, but, owing to family and health problems, I had to return to Canada before we could collaborate extensively for research purposes. On the day I visited to say goodbye, he

The Power of Strong Emotions 45 took me aside and performed a ritual for me. He took my right arm, blew two warm breaths over my hand, and then breathed in to produce a cool sensation over the same general area. I suspect that he recited a short charm as he performed this ritual, but he did not confirm that he had. Instead, he laughed and told me that he had just transmitted to me all the information I needed. The information would make itself known to me at the appropriate time. Don Mattia paid me a great honour that day. He shared with me, albeit in an unusual way, his knowledge of various phenomena, including mal'uocchiu, and the healing techniques that could be used to nullify their effects. I am in his debt. The encounter, however, has left me to ponder questions such as: What type of knowledge was Don Mattia referring to? Have I somehow incorporated this knowledge into this text? Did Don Mattia perform the ritual as a display of friendship and respect for Don Gesualdo (i.e., by providing a sign that he was prepared to share his knowledge with someone Don Gesualdo trusted)? Or was Don Mattia simply giving me his blessing to construct and develop my own model of mal'uocchiul I am not sure how to interpret what transpired. For me, the encounter remains an example of: (1) the vague and indefinite nature of some aspects of cultural knowledge and practice; and (2) the tension between form and the flux of life - the ritual act Don Mattia performed was something concrete, something we shared, something I experienced personally, while the content or message he was attempting to transmit was and still remains for me vague and ephemeral. Protecting Oneself against Mal'uocchiu The evil-eye process involves primarily an interaction between ittaturi and victim. As mentioned earlier, the effects of this interaction are dependent upon the interplay of the strength/weakness equilibrium of both parties. Preventive measures act directly on this equilibrium. They may either decrease the strength of the ittaturi or increase the strength of the potential victim. In either case, Sicilian Canadians maintain that these measures help prevent effective exposure to mal'uocchiu. Preventive Measures that a Potential Ittaturi Can Take

During the process of social interaction, individuals who suspect that they may be potential ittaturi in certain circumstances can take appropriate measures to ensure that they do not cause misfortune. After praising

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Mal'uocchiu

or complimenting a child, for example, an individual can include a protective phrase such as Diu ti binidici (God bless you), fori mal'uocchiu (begone, evil eye), or toccafierru (touch iron). Sicilian Canadians regard praise and compliments as signs that an individual may be consciously or unconsciously envious of others. Envy is the activating force behind mal'uocchiu. By repeating a protective phrase, the potential ittaturi avoids unintentionally exposing the child to the evil eye. Ittaturi, unlike stregi (witches), generally do not know they possess mal'uocchiu, and have no control over its effects. For this reason, most people take preventive measures at the appropriate times. This does not mean that every time people utter a protective phrase they necessarily regard themselves as potential ittaturi. Sicilian Canadians repeat protective phrases not only to prevent misfortune, but also to demonstrate their respect for the individual(s) with whom they are communicating. The recipient of the protective phrase accepts the statement as a sign of goodwill. Preventive Measures that a Potential Victim Can Take11

When people come in contact with a person they suspect may be a potential ittaturi, they can take various measures to prevent effective exposure to mal'uocchiu. These measures include the following: Gestures, such as touching the genitals, the mani cornuta12 (made by closing the fist and extending the index and small fingers), and the manifica (made by closing the fist and extending the thumb between the index and middle fingers) Spoken words, such as toccafierru (touch iron), coma (horns), and fori mal'uocchiu (begone, evil eye) Talismans or charms. Individuals sometimes wear a cornetto (a small, horn-shaped ornament, often made of gold). They may also hang large, plastic corni (horn-shaped items) in their homes or from the rear-view mirror of their cars. In addition, chiavi masculini ('keys of male gender' that resemble skeleton keys, and symbolically represent the penis), objects made of iron or steel, red ribbons (or red-coloured articles), packets of salt, as well as other items are used within the community as evil-eye talismans Many female Racalmutese also stress that regular attendance of church services, and in some cases the wearing of religious items (such as a crucifix or medallion), may provide a degree of immunity to mal'uocchiu.

The Power of Strong Emotions 47 Although these measures can neutralize mal'uocchiu and thereby prevent the occurrence of misfortune, they are not effective in all cases. Several people, including Don Gesualdo, have estimated that preventive measures are effective in approximately 90 per cent of cases. In order to reduce the risk factor, many individuals employ more than one measure. Although the people I work with do not associate evil eye with sexual intercourse, at least one grouping of preventive measures seems to involve some form of sexual symbolism.13 Charms such as the cornetti and chiavi masculini can be regarded as phallic symbols, while the mani fica appears to symbolize the act of sexual intercourse. At one level of symbolic meaning, then, the act of transmitting an evil eye may represent something analogous to an aggressive attempt to penetrate and violate a particular person sexually. By means of these charms, however, the potential victim is in a position to reverse the process; I suspect that the cornetti and chiavi masculini serve to penetrate the evil eye itself and render it ineffective. The mani cornuta, in contrast, may act as a warning to the aggressive eye that it risks being transformed into a cuckold, and thereby exposed to the shame associated with that status. From Evil-Eye Charms to Symbols of Ethnic Identity In a 1976 article, Richard Swiderski examined certain differences between traditional Italian evil-eye knowledge, and notions held by third- and fourth-generation Italian Americans. He suggests that Italians originally used a number of folk charms or talismans to negate the effects of the evil eye. The Italian Americans he interviewed, however, did not use these charms as mere preventive devices; they attributed positive value to the items. For the Italian Americans the items became 'good luck' charms. In addition, Swiderski suggests that these charms became symbols of ethnic identity in the new sociocultural context. The Italian-American charms Swiderski describes are made of plastic, and often combine various features of different talismans (see items depicted in figure 3.3 and the accompanying photograph). During my initial research on mal'uocchiu in the 1970s, I did not observe or hear of these conglomerate charms within the Racalmutese community. The reason for this discrepancy may be related to the fact that I worked primarily with Sicilian-born individuals. More recently, however, these items have become prominent within the community, and there are signs that the process Swiderski speaks of is also occurring in Hamilton.

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Mal'uocchiu

Mani cornuta

Chiavi masculini

Cornetto

Mani fica

Plastic, goldcoloured chiavi

FIGURE 3.3 Examples of protective charms and gestures

Sicilian Canadians of various generations are making use of evil-eye talismans as 'good luck' charms and symbols of ethnic identity, or simply as decorative items. Although the pattern Swiderski speaks of is discernible among Sicilian Canadians, I do not wish to overstate the point. There always seems to be a significant exception or variation to every pattern. While visiting a small Italian grocery store in the greater Vancouver district of British Columbia, for example, my wife enquired about the 'good luck' (evil eye) charms the owner usually displayed for sale behind the counter. She was hoping to purchase one of these charms for me. His response was that he no longer sold those items, then he proceeded to explain why. One of his Italian customers, a woman, had noticed the charms on display and was upset by their presence. She insisted that they were something evil, and that they would only bring people 'bad luck/ After the woman left the store, the owner took all the charms down and placed them in the garbage. He will no longer carry the items in his

The Power of Strong Emotions 49

Included in this collection of evil-eye charms are examples of 'conglomerate charms/ which bring together various protective and 'good luck' elements. The hunchback figures combine the colour red, the cornetto, the horseshoe, and the mani cornuta gesture. (The charm with an eye in the palm of a hand is an Egyptian rather than a Sicilian evil-eye charm.)

store. An item that serves as a symbol of ethnic identity for one person, then, may represent a source of evil for another, and a potential threat to one's business (in the sense of upsetting certain valued customers) for yet another. Summary and Discussion: Deconstructing an Image of the Evil Eye The Sicilian-Canadian evil-eye complex helps people cope with personal misfortune. It does this in two primary ways. First, it provides people with a means by which they can identify, explain, and communicate specific experiences to significant others. Second, it provides people

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Mal'uocchiu

with a means by which they can take action when confronted by misfortune. An individual who suspects that she or he is a victim of mal'uocchiu, for example, can consult a traditional healer. Or, as often occurs, an individual, in consultation or negotiation with significant others, will reach a decision to seek formal assistance. The healer, in turn, can perform a culturally appropriate diagnostic and therapeutic procedure in an attempt to help the person. Many Sicilian Canadians, however, do not wait for misfortune to strike; they take various measures to avoid or prevent exposure to mal'uocchiu. Since Sicilian Canadians recognize that everyone is, at one time or another, a potential ittaturi, they also take appropriate measures to ensure that they do not unintentionally expose others to envy and its consequences. The ideas in the preceding paragraph are consistent with the image of the Sicilian Canadian evil-eye complex that I have presented in this chapter. They are also consistent, at a general level, with EvansPritchard's (1937) discussion of Azande witchcraft, and the work of scholars who make use of Evans-Pritchard's model to understand various aspects of the 'supernatural' (e.g., Douglas 1970; MacFarlane 1970; Spooner 1976; and Thomas 1970, 1971).14 In fact, if I were to compare closely, I suspect that I could find a number of consistencies and similarities that would link my discussion to many other anthropological works. I have constructed, with the help of Don Gesualdo and others, an anthropological abstraction of the phenomenon. Following Pirandello and Wittgenstein, this abstraction constitutes the form I have created to represent mal'uocchiu. It reflects my attempt to provide as accurate a portrayal as possible of the various elements and processes Sicilian Canadians, or at least some Sicilian Canadians, associate with the phenomenon. In the process, however, I have misrepresented mal'uocchiu. I have given 'order' to a phenomenon that is inherently ambiguous, vague, and variable. More specifically, I have transformed mal'uocchiu into an element of Sicilian-Canadian epistemology, an aspect of Sicilian-Canadian world-view, and a means of explaining and dealing with misfortune. I have transformed mal'uocchiu into something that is as much an anthropological construct as it is a SicilianCanadian concept, yet not quite one or the other. I have complicated the misrepresentation further in two ways. First, by using the terms mal'uocchiu and 'evil eye' interchangeably in the body of the text, I risk elevating my construction to a reification of the phenomenon - a reification that gives the impression that mal'uocchiu is part of a relatively homogeneous complex that occurs in a number of

The Power of Strong Emotions 51 societies, and that anthropologists call 'the evil eye' (see Herzfeld 1984). I intend, however, to continue the practice - not because I agree with the notion that mal'uocchiu is part of some artificial, homogeneous entity (this would be entirely incompatible with the approach I am using to guide my work), but rather in recognition that 'meaning' depends on use and intent. By using the two terms interchangeably, I wish to convey the fact that my construction of the phenomenon is caught betwixt and between two radically different systems of thought. Second, and very much related to the preceding point, is my use of the notion that there is a 'circum-Mediterranean world-view' (see the beginning of this chapter). It is beyond the scope of this book to assess critically the existence of this generalized world-view. Given my position on the evil eye, however, it is difficult for me to now accept and promote such a generalization. My aim in making use of the concept is simply to acknowledge the existence of certain similarities in how people from the circum-Mediterranean region, at least at a very general level, perceive and conceptualize reality. In a sense, my construction of the evil eye is also caught betwixt and between the dangers of reification of a generalized 'circum-Mediterranean world-view' (and the various elements associated with it), on the one hand, and the promotion of a reification of 'distinct local cultures,' on the other. Although this is an issue worthy of further examination, I will not pursue it in this text. Instead, my aim here is to examine how Sicilian Canadians make use of the concept of mal'uocchiu. In the following chapters, then, I shift my attention from a discussion of form to an examination of mal'uocchiu as a component of the tension between form and the flux of life.I examine how people make use of the concept in specific contexts. Before proceeding, however, I would like to stress that, although my step-by-step construction of the SicilianCanadian evil-eye complex has smoothed over some of the inconsistencies and irregularities surrounding the phenomenon, it has not succeeded in freeing itself completely from the turbulent forces characteristic of the flux of life. The form I have superimposed over mal'uocchiu acknowledges the presence of certain areas of ambiguity, vagueness, and variability. Mal'uocchiu, for example, is one component of the general category of sortilegio (the means by which human beings can affect future events), but it is distinct from sortilegio (the use of magic) and sortilegio (the foretelling of the future). Although stregonaria (witchcraft) and mal'uocchiu are distinct phenomena, stregi (witches) can injure people by means of an evil eye. Mal'uocchiu is intimately linked to people's conceptions of

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Mal'uocchiu

health and illness. As such, it represents an important aspect of SicilianCanadian ethnomedical knowledge. Yet, because mal'uocchiu can also cause general misfortune, it cannot be understood solely in these terms. People's use of the concept is not restricted to medical contexts; they can manipulate the vague, ambiguous, and variable nature of mal'uocchiu to explain a number of phenomena. These, as well as other, features of the Sicilian-Canadian evil-eye complex provide the type of flexibility that allows people to generate a variety of 'meanings' - meanings appropriate for what they wish to accomplish in specific situations. This final statement raises an important question that I have not yet addressed. How can Sicilian Canadians speak of mal'uocchiu, and share some understanding of the concept and how it is being used, if it has a potentially infinite set of meanings that do not necessarily share any one feature in common? The question is problematic in Pirandello's case. For Pirandello (1952a, 1990; see also Cincotta 1989:163-8), the role of subjectivity in both the construction and the interpretation of meaning makes 'true' communication a difficult, if not impossible, task. Yet, the characters in his dramatic works engage in social interaction and, with the exception of a few individuals with remarkable insight, often come away from various situations thinking that they have understood one another. It seems that people can be creative in not only constructing 'meaning,' but also in constructing a sense of mutual understanding. The question does not pose a problem from a Wittgensteinian point of view. Wittgenstein (1958: nos. 198-201) acknowledges the possibility that, within the infinite range of possible 'uses' and 'meanings/ a concept can have a more conventional or customary usage among a particular group of people. Multiplicity of meaning does not imply the absence of intersubjectivity (see Tully 1995:106). What Wittgenstein would argue, however, is that intersubjectivity is based on people's practical experience in using a concept, not on explicit or implicit rules that fix how it can be used in specific circumstances (1958: nos. 75 and 84; see also Tully 1995: 106-9). Combining Wittgenstein's notions of intersubjectivityandmeaningin use with Pirandello's conception of the type of subjectivity and creativity that people employ in the process of both social and self-reflexive interaction is one way of addressing the question. It is also a way of bringing their philosophical insights in line with certain trends in the field of pragmatics. Communication is a dynamic phenomenon. It involves: (1) a collaborative effort on the part of all participants in the interaction; (2) some sense of common ground; (3) the creative use and interpreta-

The Power of Strong Emotions 53 tion of various utterances; and (4) an ongoing process of people constructing, deconstructing, and reconstructing: (a) both personal and shared knowledge of a topic; (b) the context; and (c) an understanding of each other's words and intentions (see Clark 1992 and Mey 1979). Subjectivity and creativity can make communication difficult at times; 'the result may not be quite (sometimes not at all) the one intended by' the speaker (Mey 1979: 12; emphasis in original). Communication depends on people's ability to coordinate successfully their efforts at 'meaning' construction (Clark 1992, and Lakoff and Johnson 1980). My solution to the question, then, is to acknowledge that mal'uocchiu can have some customary 'usage' and 'meaning' among Sicilian Canadians, but at the same time to stress that this usage does not exhaust or restrict what people can do with the concept. This is the position that guides my discussion of mal'uocchiu in the following chapters.

4

Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress

The brain uses [logic] to pump the emotions from the heart and to extract ideas from them. In passing through ... the emotions leave behind whatever they contain that is heated and troubled ... Thus, a poor emotion ... becomes a generalized and abstract idea... Pirandello (1974:139-40)1

Pirandello regards human emotions, feelings, and other sensations as an integral part of an individual's experience of the flux of life.In order to understand and communicate these sensations, however, the individual must find a way to give them 'form' or 'meaning/ Speaking through the philosopher in his play At the Exit, for example, Pirandello (1964a: 179) states: 'it is not enough for the living iofeel; they want to see their feelings expressed concretely, be able to touch them, and so they build a house for them/ In the play, the philosopher is referring specifically to the notion that tombs are not built for the dead, but rather to represent the feelings of the living. By analogy, we can extend Pirandello's house metaphor to apply to the various symbols, concepts, idioms, and so on that people use to give 'meaning' to a variety of sensations. These phenomena allow individuals to condense and transform their idiosyncratic feelings into personal and/or cultural abstractions that concretize the experience (see Migliore 1993). At the same time, following Wittgenstein (1967) and Abu-Lughod and Lutz (1990:11-12), I contend that these abstractions do not simply reflect and communicate information about an individual's internal state. They can also provide a comment on the person's social position, and the state of her or his interaction with others. The personal and cultural abstractions an individual uses serve both to concretize the experience

Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress

55

of idiosyncratic feelings and to place this experience firmly within a specific social context. Distress, as the case-studies I provide below indicate, is as much an interpersonal or social phenomenon as it is an internal experience. How people identify, explain, and communicate distress - including its various social dimensions - may differ considerably from one sociocultural group to another (e.g., Migliore 1989; Pugh 1991; Zborowski 1952,1969; and Zola 1966). Cultural meanings can play a significant role in an individual's attempt to understand particular feelings or sensations, and to construct a discourse on suffering that can be presented to significant others. More specifically, as both Nichter (1981) and Parsons (1984) point out, people tend to communicate their distress through various culturally appropriate somatic and verbal idioms, including etiological concepts. Collectively, these modes of expression constitute a group's language of distress. They represent essential elements in the interaction process that enables the victim to seek assistance, and helps significant others to interpret correctly the distress messages they receive. Mal'uocchiu is a component of the Sicilian-Canadian language of distress. It is one of a number of idioms or 'forms' individuals can employ to explain, express, and cope with their personal experiences of suffering. My aim in this chapter is to address these aspects of the phenomenon. Here I examine the interrelationship between mal'uocchiu and distress in the accounts of 'sickness' and 'misfortune' which people have shared with me. In the final segment of the chapter, I introduce Don Gesualdo's concept of alterazione. In translation, the term refers to some type of change or alteration. However, Don Gesualdo employs the term differently. He makes use of alterazione as a general category within which to discuss the interconnections that exist among various folk illnesses, including the effects of mal'uocchiu. Alterazione, then, represents a particular healer's attempt to construct an abstraction or 'form' that gives order to a set of vague, ambiguous, and variable idioms within the SicilianCanadian language of distress. Explanation and Rationale for Taking Action Sicilian Canadians make use of mal'uocchiu, at least in certain circumstances, as an idiom of explanation. It is an etiological concept that allows people to explain specific instances of pain and suffering. The ability to identify the possible source of one's suffering is significant, because it

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Mal'uocchiu

provides a basis for establishing a plan of action to deal with the situation (Evans-Pritchard 1937). The case-histories I present below will help illustrate these points. CASE r. MAL'UOCCHIU, INFECTION, AND ANTIBIOTICS. Silvana, a secondgeneration Italian Canadian, recently married Ricco, a Sicilian-born Racalmutese. They both are employed, and they have just purchased a new home. Silvana is approximately twenty-eight years old. The following statement provides a description of Silvana's encounter with mal'uocchiu. Silvana was ill for a relatively long period of time prior to the wedding ceremony. Her symptoms included sore throat, a minor body rash, headache, and a lack of energy. A medical doctor diagnosed the condition as an infection and prescribed antibiotics. However, the medication failed to produce the desired effect, and the symptoms persisted. Silvana did not revisit the medical doctor; instead, her parents took her to see a traditional healer - Don Gesualdo. They suspected mal'uocchiu as a possible cause of their daughter's ailment, but they were not sure what to think. Don Gesualdo's diagnostic test revealed that mal'uocchiu was indeed responsible. Once Don Gesualdo had completed the healing ritual, he recommended that Silvana consult her family doctor. Silvana, apparently, was suffering from both mal'uocchiu and an infection. Don Gesualdo suggested that the medication would be much more effective now that mal'uocchiu was no longer a complicating factor. Silvana followed Don Gesualdo's instructions. The medical doctor re-examined her, and prescribed stronger medication. Silvana adhered to the treatment regimen rigorously, and she recovered fully within a week.

Silvana relied initially on Western medical attention to treat her condition. She and her parents, however, began to re-evaluate their understanding of the situation as a direct result of the failure of the prescribed medication to relieve her symptoms. By implicating mal'uocchiu, the parents made it possible to seek an alternative opinion. Don Gesualdo confirmed their suspicion, and took the necessary steps to counteract the effects of mal'uocchiu. In this case, then, the concept of mal'uocchiu served as both an explanatory device and a rationale for establishing a plan of action. It helped the family understand, at least in part, why Silvana experienced certain symptoms, the initial failure of the prescribed medication, and the even-

Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress 57 tual success of the medical treatment. The case is consistent with James Dow's suggestion (1986; see also Csordas 1983 and Waldram 1993) that the healing process depends to a certain extent on the willingness of an individual to accept a healer's explanation of 'sickness' (or a related problem), and to abide by her or his recommendation(s). CASE 2: PARALYSIS AND THE EVIL EYE. Sicilian Canadians recognize mal'uocchiu as a potential cause of partial or total paralysis. This casehistory deals specifically with this aspect of the phenomenon. Alfredo, a Canadian-born Sicilian, is approximately sixty-four years old. He suffers from a chronic muscle condition that cannot be cured. The statement I provide below represents a reconstruction of the account Alfredo related to me on two separate occasions. In the early 1960s, I suffered a major misfortune. I became very ill and weak. Since that time I have not been able to work. My legs have become weaker and weaker. At first I could walk slowly with the help of a cane, but now I can hardly move my legs at all. My family has to help me with everything. Over the years my wife and I have consulted various [medical] specialists in both Canada and the U.S. They tried all kinds of treatments on me, but nothing has helped. The condition keeps getting worse. The doctors say I have some type of muscle problem, but I don't think they know what's really wrong with me. My wife, Rena, thinks I'm suffering from mal'uocchiu orfattura [sorcery]. We even went to see a sonnabola - a woman who goes into a deep sleep to reveal your past, present, and future. This woman is supposed to have healing powers. Anyway, when this woman came out of her deep sleep, she said that someone had given me mal'uocchiu intentionally. In fact I was probably exposed to mal'uocchiu over and over again for a long time. The person must have been a witch. Well, she [the sonnabola] couldn't help me either; she said that the illness had gone too far. The witch had slowly drained me of my energy, and the nierbi [nerves] in my legs got weaker and weaker. Now they don't even have the strength to move. The sonnabola says there is no cure for me, and the doctors can't seem to help. What the sonnabola says seems to make sense. It explains why the doctors can't help me. But I don't know what to believe anymore. All I know is that I've been suffering for a long time, and there doesn't seem to be any hope that things will get better. At least there is no pain, and luckily I have a family that's willing to help me.

Alfredo and his family have resigned themselves to the fact that his

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condition is not likely to improve. At the same time, however, it is clear that they are dissatisfied with, and unwilling to accept, the medical explanations that have been proposed to them. Although the sonnabola does not provide an effective solution for the problem, the implication of witchcraft serves as a logical, culturally recognizable explanation. A witch has exposed Alfredo repeatedly and intentionally to the negative effects of mal'uocchiu. This evil power has damaged permanently his strength/weakness balance. As a result, his legs will remain weak and ineffective; the nierbi simply do not have the energy or strength to facilitate movement.2 In addition to providing an explanation that is consistent with Sicilian-Canadian world-view, the sonnabola provides the family with a rationale that allows them to avoid any implication that they are to blame for the misfortune. Alfredo experienced the incurable condition not as a result of any moral, physical, or social defect in himself or his family, but rather as a result of the hostile intentions of an innately evil individual. He is the victim of a malicious act. In this case, then, mal'uocchiu serves as a powerful explanatory device which, in combination with the inability of medical doctors to treat the condition successfully, allows for 'closure/ It enables the family to accept the condition, and to carry on in the face of adversity. CASE s: THE UNEXPECTED BEHAVIOUR OF A NEIGHBOUR. Zia Cal, an elderly Racalmutesa, related the following information to me in June 1984. It involves events that took place many years earlier in Sicily. In Sicily we had a cow that produced a great deal of milk. The cow was very tame; she would allow anyone to manage her. One day, however, the cow began to kick. She wouldn't allow anyone in the stall, and she would not let herself be milked. I told my neighbour about the problem. The neighbour told me that the cow must have mal'uocchiu. I asked her to please take it away, if she knew how to remove it. The neighbour went over to look at the cow, and she performed a ritual to take away the mal'uocchiu. The animal became very gentle. We were able to get lots of milk, as if nothing had been wrong. After a few days we had the same problem. I again went to visit my neighbour. I brought her a basket of eggs and told her about our new problem. The neighbour went over and cured the cow. The cow quickly began to act normal. We were able to milk her, and take her out to pasture. Two or three weeks later, we had problems again. The cow wouldn't eat, it

Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress 59 kicked people, it wouldn't allow anyone to milk her, or it would knock over the milk pail. So I had to visit the neighbour again, for the third time. When the neighbour saw me, she said she wouldn't help us unless we paid her. I told her that we did pay her; I had brought eggs, cheese, fruit, or other things each time I visited her. I asked her: 'Don't you think this is payment?' She said: 'No!'; 'When you pay me the cow will get better.' I said goodbye and went home. I went to another town, and searched for someone capable of taking away the mal'uocchiu. I found someone who helped us, and who taught me how to perform the cure. From that day on things were okay. Whenever the cow had a relapse, I performed the cure. I was also able to help whenever we had problems in the family. Even today, in Hamilton, I take away mal'uocchiu and make people better. I think my neighbour was the one who could give and take away the mal'uocchiu.

I believe that this case-history indicates that Zia Cal experienced at least two upsetting episodes. The first episode concerns the unruly behaviour of the family cow. Zia Cal and her family did not expect the animal to behave in the way she did; the animal had always allowed herself to be milked without making a fuss. These circumstances led Zia Cal to seek advice and assistance from her neighbour. The neighbour made use of mal'uocchiu to explain why the cow had suddenly become troublesome, and to take action on Zia Cal's behalf. The second upsetting episode concerns the unexpected behaviour of the neighbour. Among Sicilians, interpersonal relations between neighbours are characterized most often by a type of generalized reciprocity. According to Sahlins (1965: 147; 1968: 81-6; see also Service 1966: 14-21), 'generalized reciprocity' refers to a mode of exchange in which the expectation of a direct material return would not be proper. In this form of exchange, the obligation to reciprocate is diffuse; it is left undefined and indefinite. Sahlins suggests that, in cases of generalized reciprocity, the social relationship between the participants is more important than the material relationship. Taylor (1992), building on the ideas of Mauss (1967) and Gregory (1982), takes this discussion one step farther. He proposes that direct payment, especially the use of money, tends to cancel or block long-term obligations of mutual reciprocity, and to thereby weaken social bonds.3 For Sicilians, reciprocity among neighbours does not involve a simple, direct exchange; instead, the diffuse nature of the exchange process provides the basis for a long-lasting relationship. Zia Cal attempted to interact with the other woman on the basis of the culturally appropriate exchange system. By bringing the neighbour

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gifts, Zia Cal made a partial repayment for the assistance she had received, and expressed her deep appreciation. Implicit in this interaction is the notion that the neighbour can count on Zia Cal for assistance in the future. The neighbour, however, acted inappropriately. She demanded a direct monetary payment for her services. This in itself is an unneighbourly act. It indicates that the two women have a distant relationship. It also raises the question: What type of person is the neighbour? True traditional healers do not accept direct payment for helping others, although they may accept a token of appreciation at some later time. The healing act is the healer's 'gift' to the patient (and/ or a significant other). The two are linked together by a spiritual bond; one shares in the power and knowledge of the other (see Mauss 1967: 10-12; and Taylor 1992: 5). To seek monetary payment is to signify that: (1) there is no spiritual bond between the two; and (2) there is no longterm commitment to promote, or concern oneself with, the well-being of the patient. The neighbour, then, is not a traditional healer. In addition, only a witch, or Strega, has the ability to control mal'uocchiu, and cause its effects intentionally. Zia Cal's final statement suggests that the neighbour may be a Strega, and that she may have been responsible for the unruly behaviour of the cow. Zia Cal resolved the tension she experienced as a result of the discrepancy between her expectations and the neighbour's behaviour, by reevaluating her view of the woman, and by seeking the assistance of another folk practitioner. In the process, she made use of the evil-eye complex to explain why: (1) the woman behaved in an unneighbourly manner; and (2) the cow misbehaved repeatedly during this time period. These explanations helped Zia Cal formulate a plan of action to deal with the problem(s). By becoming a traditional healer, Zia Cal ensured that she would not be at a disadvantage in future dealings with the neighbour. The final segment of the narrative establishes Zia Cal as a person who has the knowledge and ability to protect herself and her family. The preceding case-histories illustrate how Sicilian Canadians can make use of mal'uocchiu to explain how and why a specific individual experiences 'sickness' or 'misfortune' at a particular time. In some cases, the phenomenon represents an etiological concept that identifies the cause of certain symptoms. Its role as an explanatory device, however, is not restricted to etiological explanations. Mal'uocchiu provides people a means by which they can interpret and explain a wide range of physical, psychic, and social experiences. An individual, for example, can use the

Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress 61 concept in a discussion of illness causation or, as in the case of Zia Cal, to understand someone's unexpected behaviour. Mal'uocchiu can help explain the effects of moral and social transgressions that violate people's conceptions of a harmonious relationship between 'self and 'other.' The vague, indefinite nature of the phenomenon allows people to be creative in their use of mal'uocchiu. Illness Narratives and the Experience of Distress In his discussion of alternative means of expressing psychosocial distress in South India, Nichter (1981: 392-3) identifies the evil eye as an 'idiom of distress.' He suggests that the concept is one of several idioms Havik women may use to 'express, experience, and cope with feelings of distress.' A similar process occurs among Sicilian Canadians. Mal'uocchiu is not merely an idiom of explanation; in some cases it is an integral component of both one's experience of suffering and the communication of that suffering to significant others. Although the preceding casehistories touch on this aspect of the phenomenon, the following cases address the issue more specifically. CASE 4: THE BEAUTIFUL DRESS. This account involves a series of problems Lora, an elderly, Sicilian-born Racalmutesa, experienced in the early 1980s. At the time the incidents occurred, Lora worked as a private seamstress. Lora designed and prepared a special dress for her daughter-in-law. However, an unexpected visit from two female acquaintances - Malba and Marinara delayed completion of last-minute alterations. Although Lora was anxious to complete the work, she prepared coffee and allowed Malba and Marinara to inspect the work. Both women commented favourably, and praised Lora's natural ability. In addition, Malba indicated that she wished to borrow the design. Since Lora designed the dress specifically for her daughter-in-law, she suggested that this was not possible. Malba interpreted the implicit refusal as a personal insult; this precipitated a lengthy argument. When Malba and Marinara finally departed, Lora attempted to complete the work. Although the alterations should have been completed within a couple of hours, the dress remained unfinished for well over a week. Whenever Lora attempted to work on the dress, she would begin to yawn uncontrollably, gradually lose the strength in her hands, and be unable to concentrate on the work. Following the advice of a friend, Lora consulted Don Gesualdo.

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Don Gesualdo suggested that the visitors may have been somewhat envious of Lora's work, and thereby exposed her to mal'uocchiu. Since the effects were relatively minor, he also suggested that the problem was caused unintentionally. The diagnostic test corroborated Don Gesualdo's initial diagnosis; therefore, he performed the healing ritual. Lora completed the alterations on the dress later that day. Several weeks later, Lora encountered Malba unexpectedly at a local grocery store. According to Lora, Malba gave her a strange taliatura (intense look or stare), refused to exchange greetings, and quickly departed. Lora became seriously ill that day; the symptoms included depression, headache, general aches and pains, forgetfulness, inability to concentrate, and 'the feeling that the house was caving in on [her].' These symptoms persisted for approximately two weeks. Although Lora suspected mal'uocchiu as the cause of the ailment, she consulted a medical doctor. The doctor proposed that the problem was caused by stress, and that Lora should attempt to relax and do things to enjoy herself. Dissatisfied with both the diagnosis and the recommendation, she revisited Don Gesualdo. Since the diagnostic test produced a positive result, Don Gesualdo performed the healing ritual. Lora, however, was curricula (heavily affected); it was necessary to repeat the procedure three times. The diagnostic/healing ritual can be performed only a total of three times per day, per person; therefore, Don Gesualdo could not determine whether mal'uocchiu was neutralized effectively. In order that he be able to readminister the diagnostic test, he recommended that Lora return within the next two or three days. Early the next morning, however, Lora experienced a severe headache that caused her to collapse. She quickly consulted Don Gesualdo, but the diagnostic test produced a negative result. Don Gesualdo explained that the illness may reach its peak just after the healing ritual; therefore, the individual, although cured, may experience temporary discomfort. Lora and Malba resolved their differences, at least temporarily, at Lora's initiative. Lora agreed to design and prepare a dress for Malba at a low price. This attempt to resolve the disagreement, however, failed. When Lora delivered the dress, Malba complained that the finished product had certain imperfections and, thus, was not worth the asking price. This precipitated a major argument. The final result of the argument was the termination of their relationship. While walking home after the argument, Lora experienced considerable discomfort - that is, severe stomach pains, difficulty breathing, nervous tension, and an inability to move her legs. Lora maintains that she was fortunate to encounter two female acquaintances. With their assistance, she was able to reach a friend's [Nonna's] home. On the basis of information she obtained from Lora

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and the other women, Nonna quickly prepared a glass of liqueur, made the sign of the cross over Lora's forehead while silently reciting a short prayer, and forced Lora to drink the liqueur. Lora was reluctant to drink the liqueur initially, because she has an ulcer. Although Nonna is not a traditional healer, she performed this ritual to counteract the possible effects of mal'nocchiu. Lora's condition improved significantly within a short period of time.

Lora experienced a series of highly upsetting encounters with Malba. The process began with an unexpected visit. During the course of polite interaction, Malba made an unexpected request and took offence when Lora suggested that she was not in a position to satisfy the request. Malba displayed strong, hostile emotions towards Lora. I suggest that the illness narrative reveals that Lora's distress occurred as a direct result of the combination of: (1) the unexpected nature of the visit and request; and (2) the display of hostility. From a Sicilian-Canadian point of view, it is strong emotions, particularly hostile emotions, which activate and direct mal'uocchiu. Don Gesualdo's diagnosis confirmed Lora's suspicions. Lora experienced a relapse immediately after another unexpected encounter with Malba. During their brief interaction at the grocery store, Malba again displayed what Lora and significant others interpreted as mal'uocchiu-related behaviour. She gave Lora a taliatum (stare). The fact that Malba refused to exchange greetings violated notions of sociability, and indicated that she still harboured hostile emotions towards Lora. Under these circumstances, Sicilian Canadians maintain that the taliatura could easily serve as a mechanism to channel the pent-up internal power outward, towards the potential victim. I suggest that this mal'uocc/nu-related behaviour played a significant role in Lora's experience of suffering. For Lora, the third encounter also involved an unexpected, upsetting exchange with Malba. She agreed to design and prepare a reasonably priced dress, in order to resolve their interpersonal conflict. Instead of accepting the peace offering, Malba criticized Lora's work; this precipitated a serious argument. Lora became ill within a short period of time. I contend that Lora experienced this distress for the following reasons: first, she failed to resolve the conflict; second, Malba reacted in an unexpected way; and, third, the interaction degenerated into a hostile exchange. Nonna helped relieve Lora's symptoms by performing a mal'uocchiu healing ritual. Taken together, the various segments of this case-history reveal how

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the evil eye can function as an activating force in the process of rapid somatization of social distress. The evil eye is not simply an explanatory device. In a sense, Lora's suffering was caused by cultural symbols indicative of mal'uocchiu. This conceptualization of the phenomenon, however, must be understood within the context of interpersonal conflict, moral and social transgression, and the feelings of violation that Lora expressed in her narrative. To summarize, the encounters Lora described to me were characterized by highly charged displays of emotion, tension, and distress. In my view, this case serves as an example of both the social origins of some distress, and the role of mal'uocchiu as a key element in the experience, explanation, and expression of that distress. In addition, by providing a rationale for taking certain action, the evil-eye complex played a significant role in Lora's ability to seek assistance and support, and, with the help of significant others, to cope with the situation(s). CASE s: THE CONCERNED DAUGHTERS. In this section, I present two versions of a particular case-history. The first version was related to me by Mrs Ma. I collected the second version from Mrs Ma's older sister a few days later. The two women are very concerned about their father's psychological well-being. Mrs Ma's discussion of the case relates some of the efforts she and her family have made to help overcome the father's problem(s): My father first experienced problems in the old country. It happened just before he was about to marry. He was twenty years old. He went to visit one of the families that lived nearby. They offered him a drink. They poured him a drink, and then they gave a child a drink from a different container. He asked them why they had done this; he was suspicious. They just said that the child wanted something else. There was something in that drink. These people were envious that my father was going to marry my mother. My father went home, and went to sleep. He slept straight through for a long period of time. When he finally came to, he was having all kinds of problems. He was able to get married, but after the marriage he spent some time in a mental hospital. When I was young, my mother used to tell me and the other children that our father was okay, but that we shouldn't make him nervous or upset. And, everything was okay for some time. But then the problems started again. It would happen every once in a while, and it would only last for a short time.

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When we moved to Canada, the problems seemed to stop. Then they started again. This time my father started to abuse himself; he would hit and hurt himself. We had to place him in a home. There they tried to help him with shock treatment. All the time he was in the home, he was very ashamed to be there. He couldn't face the family; he was very conscious of what other people would think of him and the rest of us. He was afraid of bringing shame to the family. We finally got him out of the home. But he became very quiet. Sometimes it seemed as if he didn't recognize some of us. We would take him to see the doctors, but nothing seemed to help. We started to feel like the doctors had abandoned my father. We needed help. My mother kept thinking about that drink he was given in the old country. Someone must have put a spell on him. So we called a healer to check if my father was suffering from the evil eye. My husband and I picked up the healer and drove him to my parents' home. Well, you know what happened next, but I'll describe it anyway. The healer performed a healing ritual. He made the sign of the cross three times over my father's forehead, and quietly repeated some type of prayer. He then placed several droplets of oil into a saucer. The oil droplets enlarged and formed two large eye-shaped globules. This was a sign that he had the evil eye. The healer said another prayer, and then cut the globules with a pair of scissors. The oil globules moved apart, but then moved back together again. You could see two large eyes in the water. The cure failed. The healer had to repeat the ritual three times. Finally the oil globules separated and mixed with the water. The cure was complete. The healer gave us a palm strand, the type you get on Palm Sunday, that was worked into the shape of a cross. He then said another prayer, not for the evil eye, but a general prayer to help us. He asked God to help us overcome our problems. I witnessed the healing ritual Mrs Ma describes. During the visit, I was able to observe how the family members interacted with the father. They displayed a great deal of concern for the man. They also made a conscious and deliberate attempt to get him to participate in the conversation. The family members constantly asked him questions such as: 'How are you?'; 'Have you eaten today?'; 'Did you work in the garden today?' The father, however, responded only when pressed for an answer. When he did respond, it was always in a very low mumble. Although it was difficult to understand his responses, he seemed to comprehend what was being asked of him. After the healing ritual had been completed, the mother brought out drinks and various food items. The father would not eat or drink any-

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thing. He made an exception when I offered him something to eat. The mother said: 'See, he's offering you something to eat.' The man accepted the offer; he met the cultural expectation that a host does not refuse the request of a guest. Some time later, I asked the father to show me his garden. Again, he acknowledged my request and met the cultural expectation. At the same time, however, he would not acknowledge the requests of his family members. A few days later, I discussed the case with Mrs Ma, her older sister, and their husbands. Everyone stressed that the father's actions on the day of the healing ritual did not reflect his usual behaviour: MRS MA: My father was on his good behaviour in front of you, but he's not that way all the time. Sometimes he abuses himself. SISTER'S HUSBAND: One time he punched himself in the eye. MRS MA: He seems to understand what's going on, but doesn't like to socialize. SISTER'S HUSBAND: The other day he could see that I was in pain; I have an ankle problem. But, he wouldn't say anything about it. One time we were going to visit some friends, so I took him and my mother-in-law along. When he noticed where we were going, he insisted on going home. I got mad and he shut up. While we were there, he didn't say a word to anyone. SISTER: My father remembers everything from the past. He likes to sit my mother down beside him and just talk and talk all the time. She can't do anything around the house. She can't wash or cook. He gets very angry when she won't just sit there with him. But when other people are around, like you, he acts okay. He doesn't talk too much, and he isn't pushy. It gives people the impression that he isn't that bad. MRS MA: Sometimes he doesn't eat for days at a time, unless we force him. During the course of the evening, Mrs Ma's sister provided the following information concerning her father's psychiatric history: When my father was a young man, he and his nephew visited a neighbour's home. They gave him something to drink, but they didn't give the child a drink from the same container. My father asked them why they had done this, but they just made some excuse. My father came home that evening, went to bed, and slept through the next day. When he woke up, he was not the same. He had psychological problems. He spent a year in a mental institution in Italy. He was finally cured by a woman who performed a healing ritual for him. The problems subsided and he and my mother were okay. We came to Canada at that time.

Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress 67 Everything was okay for a long time. Sometimes my father would get nervous, but nothing serious. Then one day he went back to the old country, because a family member had died. He went back alone. On the way back [to Canada], he experienced problems. He caused trouble for the staff on the plane. The airport officials had to restrain him, and we had to sign papers that we would take care of him so he could stay in Canada. We wrote to the old country to try to find out what had happened there. A relative suggested that maybe his earlier 'cure' only worked as long as he was not in his home town. Going back to the old country reactivated the spell. Or maybe someone gave him an evil eye. Our relatives were not sure what happened either. All they know is that, during the two weeks he was there, he didn't even wash or change his clothes. He's been having problems since then. Mostly, he talks too much. He keeps talking about the past, and he won't let my mother do any housework. At the same time, he won't talk with other people. He won't eat, and he won't work in the garden. He also abuses himself; he inflicts pain on himself. We had to have him placed in a mental institution at one point. There he received shock treatment. All the time he was there he kept asking us to get him out. He was ashamed to be there. He was afraid of what people might think. When he was released, he became very subdued. He still abuses himself sometimes, but not often. Sometimes he acts like he doesn't know us. We feel sometimes that he's trying to hurt us by not eating and not communicating with us. Maybe he's upset that we put him in the institution. Sometimes I wonder if he's being sly and manipulative with his feelings. Other times I don't know what to think. I only hope the healer has helped him! If he doesn't get better soon, we'll have to call a psychiatrist again. As an anthropologist, I am not in a position to comment on what type of pathology, if any, the father is suffering from. The preceding discussion, however, indicates that Mrs Ma and her family are confronting what has become a chronic problem. The father constantly fails to meet their expectation of how he should behave. The interaction between the father and other family members is plagued with conflict and tension. The interaction generates stress for all family members. In their attempt to deal with the situation, Mrs Ma and her family have consulted both traditional healers and Western medical professionals. They are looking for some type of 'cure' that will allow them to live a normal family life. So far, their efforts have been unsuccessful. However, Mrs Ma and her family periodically return to evil eye- and sorceryrelated explanations to understand: (1) the father's behaviour or mis-

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behaviour; and (2) the failure of various 'folk' and 'medical' treatments to provide an effective 'cure/ Although these explanations have not resolved the problem, nor provided the type of closure that occurred in Alfredo's experience of paralysis (see case 2, above), they are an indication that the family's hope for recovery is still strong (see Good 1994: 155-6). The family is prepared to interpret and reinterpret the situation, and to entertain alternative explanations and treatment regimens, in an effort to understand and cope with the father's illness. In this case, then, mal'uocchiu again does not serve simply as an idiom of explanation. It is one of several idioms family members, individually and as a unit, have used to express and deal with their own experiences of suffering. The family is struggling with a chronic problem that has repeatedly threatened to undermine, or 'unmake/ their lifeworld - that is, 'the world of our common, immediate, lived experience' (Good 1994:122; see also Scarry 1985).4 Or, using Pirandello's terminology, the father's illness continuously calls into question the various 'forms' Mrs Ma and her sister have constructed of family history, family relations, interpersonal obligations within the family, and so on. The father's behaviour threatens to collapse their sense of family, their very sense of reality, into the chaos characteristic of the 'flux of life.' Movement from one explanation to another allows the family to express their distress, search for an alternative treatment for the father, and seek assistance in their efforts to support or reconstruct an acceptable lifeworldfor themselves. Taken together, the preceding case-histories illustrate how people may use mal'uocchiu as a component of the Sicilian-Canadian language of distress. The concept can serve as an explanatory device, a means of communicating one's suffering, and/or a rationale for taking appropriate or alternative action. It can be an integral component of someone's very experience of pain and suffering. The implication of mal'uocchiu, moreover, helps people to condense and concretize their idiosyncratic feelings, and to transform them into a culturally recognizable expression of distress (see Fernandez 1986, Lakoff and Johnson 1980, and van der Geest and Whyte 1989). Alterazione: A Healer's Conception of Distress The Sicilian-Canadian language of distress includes several vague, inherently ambiguous, and sometimes overlapping folk concepts (see Migliore 1990; 1991; 1994). My research aim over the years has been to

Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress 69 find ways to deal with this ambiguity. Don Gesualdo has helped me address the issue. He answered my questions concerning specific illness categories, and he allowed me to witness various healing sessions. In this section, I present Don Gesualdo's concept of alterazione (alteration, change). He developed the concept, at least in part, in response to my many questions. Don Gesualdo made use of alterazione as an umbrella term to discuss the potential effects of phenomena such as mal'uocchiu; nirbusu ('nerves/ nervousness); spavientu (sudden fright); and stregonaria (witchcraft). He used the term to indicate that some etiological factor had disrupted the victim's internal equilibrium to generate distress. Alterazione, then, refers to a severe disequilibrium state. Don Gesualdo, however, did not attribute causal or symptom specificity to the phenomenon; a number of factors could precipitate a case of alterazione, and the disequilibrium state itself could involve a variety of adverse effects. In other words, the phenomenon represents a vague disequilibrium state that occurs as a complication in some cases of mal'uocchiu, nirbusu, and other conditions. Although my informants generally do not use the term alterazione to describe their distress, Don Gesualdo's views are not radically different from those expressed by other Sicilian Canadians. The basic difference is that Don Gesualdo provides a 'label' to identify the disequilibrium state, and he isolates two significant features that are characteristic of this phenomenon. The significant features are: (1) the victim experiences some type of physiological and/or psychological change; and (2) the disequilibrium process involves a disruption of the victim's 'blood.' According to Don Gesualdo, 'alterazione affects the sangu [blood] ... Once the blood is alteratu, the entire person becomes alteratu ... blood is the life of the person. If the sangu is alteratu, the entire body is alteratu.' The specific symptoms may vary considerably from one case of alterazione to another; however, the individual always experiences a disruption of her or his circulatory system - that is, a change in blood pressure and, in some cases, a change in the quality of the blood. This is particularly true in the case of nirbusu and spavientu. The following case-history illustrates the interrelationship between alterazione and 'blood.' CASE 6: TERROR IN THE NIGHT. Li Signori A. are an elderly Sicilian couple; they are both pensioners. Signora A. was born in Racalmuto, while Signer A. is from Caltanissetta. The couple paid Don Gesualdo a visit during one of our interview sessions. The conversation focused on nirbusu, nightmares, and alterazione.

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SIGNORA A.: I was in bed. I had felt ill all day with acitu [acid indigestion]; I had to vomit. Anyway, I was half asleep, and half awake. I happened to stretch out my hand off the bed, and I felt someone's knee. I didn't recognize the person; it was a woman, a sgorbu [spirit, apparition]. She grabbed my hand, and wouldn't let go. I was frightened! I tried to yell out, but I couldn't; nothing would come out of my mouth. I needed help. It took five minutes before I could scream. That's when my son came into the room. The sgorbu disappeared. I was released, because I was able to make the sign of the cross with my tongue. Up to that point, I couldn't move. The release helped ease my fears. SIGNOR A.: At the very moment she became free, the sgorbu put one leg on me. I felt it touch my leg and stomach. In my dream, I grabbed her leg and said: 'E levati [get off].' I pushed the leg away. I think this is what released my wife. In the morning when she told me her story, I told her mine. SIGNORA A.: It happened because of my illness. I was still feeling bad when I went to bed. I was agitated; I was nirbusa. The poison from the acitu was in my system. I have had bad dreams on other occasions when I have been ill. One time, in Sicily, I was very ill; I had malaria. I remember having a vision of a woman dressed like a nun. She came to my bed, and told me that I still had time. Then she pushed the blankets off my bed. I started to feel better after that; I recovered completely. SIGNOR A.: I wondered if it could have been one of the donni di notti [ladies of the night, witches], but they have all been excommunicated, and no longer exist. It must have been due to the illness. It was a vivid dream. It was a bad dream, because she was feeling bad. DON GESUALDO: She was feeling bad; she was nirbusa. Maybe it was sangu ingrussatu [agitation of the blood]. The heart beats faster and the person experiences a rapid blood flow. It may have been alterazione. With a rapid heart beat and blood flow, a person can become fearful. It may be due to thoughts; a person's thinking can upset her equilibrium. You need cool water to help calm the person. It is worse than nirbusu [the episode of 'nerves' has led to complications]. Alterazione can be brought on by thoughts, nirbusu, spavientu, and other things. You might take ribarbaro [some type of medicinal plant] to calm the alterazione of blood. Or, you might drink a glass of wine with charcoal. You take the hot coal, and let it cool in a glass of wine. When you take the coal out, the wine is ready for drinking. The wine works like the ribarbaro. It fixes the blood. When the blood is alteratu, the good and bad microbi [microbes] interact. The good microbi weaken, and the bad microbi become stronger.5 Ribarbaro strengthens the good microbi; it helps to bring the blood back to normal. When the blood is alteratu, it turns to water; it no longer has strength. Cures like wine or ribarbaro help restore the blood's strength. When the blood is alteratu it can lead to illness,

Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress 71 and even death. A person suffering from alterazione should not go to sleep in that condition. It leads to complications. They have to calm down. They should go out for fresh air.

Don Gesualdo explains Signora A.'s nightmare in terms of alterazione. He suggests that the woman's initial bout of nirbusu precipitated an escalation of the disequilibrium process. As a result, Signora A. experienced additional symptoms, including a disruption of her circulatory system. The nightmare occurred because Signora A. fell asleep while her blood was still alteratu. The disequilibrium process had not been brought under control. Don Gesualdo's account, then, provides an insight into his conception of alterazione, and the techniques people can employ to counteract its effects. He reveals that it is necessary to first calm the victim. This enables the blood pressure to return to its normal state. The second step is to take medicinal action, such as ingesting ribarbaro, to restore the blood to its former quality or strength. The account I present above does not involve mal'uocchiu; similar action, however, would be required in the case of mal'uocchiu-induced alterazione. The key difference would be the need to supplement this action by performing the type of healing ritual I described in chapter 3. Although these views are consistent with Sicilian-Canadian medical knowledge, Don Gesualdo places much more emphasis on the role of blood in the disequilibrium process than do other informants. I believe that alterazione represents Don Gesualdo's attempt to impose order upon the language of distress. I suspect that two factors contributed to the development of this emic, yet personal, concept: first, Don Gesualdo's desire to better understand the various folk illnesses that he has had to deal with over the years; and, second, his need to reflect upon, and synthesize, the information so I could better understand the ideas we discussed in various contexts. Discussion We, as human beings, encounter a variety of emotions, feelings, and sensations in the course of our daily lives. These phenomena are an integral aspect of what Pirandello (1974) would regard as a person's experience of the flux of life.To understand these 'feelings,' an individual, through social and/or self-reflexive interaction, must find a way to identify and give meaning to what she or he has experienced.

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In the case of distress, for example, the individual must work the experience into a form that has personal meaning, and that can be communicated effectively to significant others (Hollan 1994 and Obeyesekere 1985). 'Illness idioms crystallize out of the dynamic dialectic between bodily processes and cultural categories, between experience and meaning' (Kleinman 1988: 14). This process condenses and transforms the experience into an intersubjective abstraction. As an abstraction, the phenomenon cannot reflect the true nature of the individual's anguish and pain (Pirandello 1974: 139-40). What it does, however, is provide the necessary labels, meanings, and symbols that an individual, often in collaboration with others (including healers), can use to: (1) concretize an idiosyncratic experience of suffering into a culturally recognizable idiom; and (2) establish a basis for taking appropriate corrective action (Dow 1986, Migliore 1993, and van der Geest and Whyte 1989; see also Fernandez 1986, and Lakoff and Johnson 1980). Mal'uocchiu is one of the personal and cultural 'forms' characteristic of the Sicilian-Canadian language of distress. The concept serves as an idiom of explanation, an idiom of distress, and a coping strategy. To identify mal'uocchiu in these terms without qualification, however, is to simplify and misrepresent the phenomenon. These labels gloss over the multiple and variable meanings people can generate within their illness narratives. Mal'uocchiu, for instance, can represent a symbol of 'hope' that opens new avenues for seeking assistance, or it can represent a symbol of 'hopelessness' and 'closure.' It can be used to understand a victim's experience of distress, or the suffering of family members who have to deal with a chronic situation on a day-to-day basis. To identify the concept as an 'idiom of explanation,' or as an 'idiom of distress,' understates the extent to which people can be creative in their construction of meaning. Don Gesualdo's concept of alterazione is a clear illustration. He did not mention this phenomenon during my initial study of mal'uocchiu. He developed the concept at a later point, in order to help me better understand some of the differences and similarities that exist among a number of folk idioms. In my view, then, mal'uocchiu can represent many things within and outside of the Sicilian-Canadian language of distress. It is a vague and ambiguous concept. The indefinite, flexible nature of the phenomenon allows individuals not only to objectify their suffering, but also to identify, manipulate, and negotiate the meaning of both personal and social experiences. As Kirmayer (1994: 183) states: 'Meaning - any meaning serves to turn back the tide of chaos and bafflement that confronts us in

Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress 73 affliction. Given specific meaning, illness becomes metaphor - a rhetorical resource to be used to explore and communicate the wider significance of our predicament/ In the next chapter, I examine how people sometimes make use of the mal'uocchiu metaphor to generate alternative messages through the language of distress.

6

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience

The ordinary happenings, the commonplace details - in short, the material substance of life, so varied and complex - harshly contradict those ideal simplifications. Pirandello (1974:144)

During a telephone conversation, several weeks before I began to write this book, I revealed to my mother that I was concerned about how some community members might react to my publishing a book on mal'uocchiu. My concern was, and still is, that certain individuals, people who have not participated in the study, will feel that I am presenting a negative image of Sicilian Canadians - that I am depicting community members as 'superstitious' people. This is not my intent, but I obviously have no control over how others will interpret my work. My mother's response surprised me. She stated: There are so many people who write books, and they write about so many topics. Why shouldn't you write about mal'uocchiu.' She then went on to tell me about an Italianlanguage interview she had viewed on television. The program host asked a priest if he believed in evil eye, witchcraft, and sorcery. The answer was a definite 'Yes!' The priest, according to my mother, stressed that evil exists, and that we must be wary of it. After briefly relating additional details of the program, she added: 'You see, even a priest talks about such things.' Our conversation addressed mal'uocchiu, but it did not concern a specific case of illness or misfortune. We did not speak of mal'uocchiu as something to fear, we did not whisper the word, and neither one of us recited a protective phrase. The phenomenon we spoke of is definitely

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 75 related to the cultural concept I presented in the previous two chapters, but our use of the concept diffused its power and meaning. Mal'uocchiu was simply our topic of conversation. It represented one of several topics a person could write an entire book about. My mother, in fact, took the conversation one step farther. She used the story of 'the priest and the evil eye' as part of an analogy to allay my fears and encourage me to proceed with my work. How people use mal'uocchiu in everyday experience can vary considerably. In the context of the conversation I had with my mother, the phenomenon took on a very different meaning from that it had several years earlier, when I first discussed it with Don Gesualdo. He used mal'uocchiu as a dramatic and effective means of ending our conversation. He presented it as a powerful phenomenon the mere mention of which could result in misfortune. This difference may be attributable, in part, to the fact that Don Gesualdo and my mother do not share exactly the same mental model of mal'uocchiu. I contend, however, that 'context' and personal 'intent' are significant contributing factors. As Don Gesualdo and I began to understand each other better, for example, mal'uocchiu''s role in our interaction changed. Rather than terminating our brief association, it became the dominant cultural symbol that helped establish and structure our relationship (see chapter 2). By successfully treating my symptoms, Don Gesualdo demonstrated his power and knowledge, reinforced his position as an authority figure, and established himself as my protector. Mal'uocchiu linked us together and facilitated the development of a strong friendship. The remainder of this, as well as the following, chapter is devoted specifically to examining the meaning of mal'uocchiu in terms of these variable, and often complex, contextual relations. The Language of Distress and the Communication of Alternative Messages The philosophical writings of Pirandello (1974) and Wittgenstein (1958) contain a warning for anyone interested in unravelling the meaning of various aspects of the human condition. They emphasize that everyday experience is much more complex than the ideal representations and explanations we are able to construct. This is true in the case of the Sicilian-Canadian evil-eye complex. Mal'uocchiu is a 'symbol' and 'idiom' of suffering; it is capable of conjuring up powerful images of psychic and somatic distress. How people use the concept, however, can extend its meaning in a number of directions.

76 Mal'uocchiu Mal'uocchiu episodes, for example, often involve a moral commentary about self, other, and interpersonal relations (Migliore 1983, 1990; see also Herzfeld 1981, Rebhun 1994, and Sault 1990).1 More specifically, Sicilian Canadians sometimes invoke and manipulate the concept to generate a series of metaphorical statements that attempt to: (1) present a particular image of self; (2) convey a message about the moral character of others; and (3) influence people's behaviour in specific situations. This moral commentary does not occur as an independent phenomenon. Instead, it is inextricably bound with the language of distress. In fact, I contend that the images of suffering people associate with mal'uocchiu tend to bestow added power or meaning to the alternative messages a person may attempt to communicate. Presenting a Positive Image of Self and Other CASE 7: THE ANGUISH OF A GOOD WOMAN. In February 1995, several months after the phone conversation I mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, I received an audio-cassette recording of stories, poems, and songs from my mother. A number of the stories involve mal'uocchiu. Knowing that I was writing about the evil-eye complex, she, without my knowledge, spoke to a number of people to gather additional information for me. At first, I was reluctant to use any of this material. The following case, however, speaks to the issues so effectively that it would be a shame not to include it here. What the reader should keep in mind is that my mother's version of the story represents a third-hand account of a particular set of events in one woman's life. Sam, this story was told to me by [name's an elderly woman]. She told me that once there was ... a husband and wife who were going to come here to Canada. Well, the husband left first... she waited for her husband to send her I'attu di richiamu [the immigration papers]. Well, there was one who always wanted to bother her ... she didn't know anything about it. So, he would say to her mother: 'Before she leaves for America ... your daughter/ he said, 'I did something good [a favour] for your son-in-law. I helped him go, prepared papers and things, etc., because he couldn't leave, and I helped him go. Now I want you to let me lay with your daughter some evening.' So one day, to get him off her back, she said to her daughter: 'You are leaving anyway, why don't you? See, I'm afraid because he knows how to give mal'uocchiu; he does magic and things. Why don't you lay with him for an evening and

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 77 that way we'll let him settle his mind? Then I can be rid of him. Pretend to go to the manciatura [place where the animals are fed]/ she said; 'go feed them there, and in the evening he'll be there and do everything.' Well, the daughter said: 'No, I won't do that; if you want you can go, but I won't go, I won't go for any reason.' So the mother brought the man the response. She brought him the response that the daughter didn't want to go. So the next evening he visited them and said: Tour mother told you, now I'll tell you. If you don't come with me, like I told your mother, you, I will tell you what experience you will have in America.' The daughter said: 'I'm not coming with you, not now, not ever'... He said: 'First of all you will never have peace with your husband, and in America you will always go in search of who will give you the dollar, because, with all your work, you will never have one dollar, and you will always be like that.' And that poor creature, just like he said, she has never had peace here. Now they [no specification] put into her head: 'You know what happened to you ... go to the priest and tell him, because there are priests who can help you.' And she always had this headache, and never felt good. She had children, had everything, but she never had peace. Her husband always looked for bad things, always told her that she was bad. He always said these things to her. So, one day she went to see the priest, and she told him about her situation: 'This is what happened to me, this and this happened.' The priest asked her: 'But do you have faith in the Lord.' [She said:] T have faith in the Lord.' 'Then, since you have faith in the Lord,' he said, 'we can't help you a lot, but we can help your mind, your heart, help you resign yourself, and at the same time, you will get to handle some money ... but the past is the past, what you've had you have to get it off your mind.' So she changed her life. She would go to church and everything. But she remained with a problem, the headache did not go away. But she was able to help set up her children ... the evil had affected her and her husband, but the children were okay; they worked and everything. And she remained somewhat sickly. She seems strammata [dazed, disoriented], but the things turned for her. And this is what [the elderly woman] told me. My mother's story presents a positive image of a woman who has experienced a lifetime of suffering as a result of her strong commitment to personal and societal values. The woman refused to accept the sexual advances of a known ittaturi (person capable of casting an evil eye) and fattucchieri (sorcerer). She retained her honour, and the honour of her family, in the face of both sexual harassment and the improper prodding of a mother who was prepared to sacrifice her daughter to protect herself. The woman endured hardship, struggled against the odds, and,

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eventually, with the help of the church and her faith in God, was able to improve her situation. The woman still suffers from the effects of mal'uocchiu, but there has been a positive change in her life. Although my mother's intent was to record the story in order to help me with my work, the story itself illustrates how a discussion of mal'uocchiu can also involve a commentary on two interrelated phenomena: (1) a person's moral character; and (2) the conflicting demands or expectations women are sometimes confronted with. When I called my mother to thank her for the recording, she was pleased to hear that I was thinking of using this particular story. As part of our conversation, she commented: 'You see how we women suffer for our families. The woman has suffered so much, because she is a good woman/ My mother, in a sense, used the story in this context to present a positive image of herself and all women who are prepared to suffer for what is right. Protecting One's Public- and Self-Image

CASE s: JEHOVAH'S WITNESS. Signora Boscia related the following account to me in the mid-1980s. The woman is approximately sixty-two years old. She and her husband have resided in the Hamilton-Wentworth region for about thirty-five years. They have three children, all of whom were born in Canada. Two women, Jehovah's Witnesses, came to my home last week; they wanted to give me some magazines. Both women spoke Italian. Well, I told them I didn't want their magazines, because it wasn't my religion. Instead of leaving, they took out a bible, and began to read a section. I asked them if they always read those few words. They said, Those are God's words;' then they added, 'Jehovah is God's witness.' I told them it was no use reading to me, because I have my own religion. When I was born my parents made me a Catholic, and I want to die a Catholic, just as my parents did. They still wouldn't leave! They began to argue with me. They asked, 'Do you understand the English version of the Mass at your church?' I told them that I have attended that church for eighteen years, and that I have an Italian prayerbook so I understand everything. I also told them I have my own bible, and that the two bibles are the same. My husband reads the Bible, but I don't read it often. Then they said, 'We will send someone to help you read it, and understand it.' I wasn't interested. They said, 'When the final earthquake comes, the homes of Catholics will be destroyed, but the homes of Jehovah's Witnesses will have less damage.' I told

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 79 them that there was one God, and the damage would be the same for everyone. God takes care of those that have faith. I told them that my religion was better than theirs. One of them said, 'We are weak, we go walking around preaching, and you must be strong, because you stay at home.' I'm not sure what she meant by that statement. We argued for a long time. One of the women is Racalmutese, I know her; the other Italian. I asked the Racalmutesa: 'Is this your religion? When your father died you went to the cemetery. What did you go for? You didn't even give him a final salutu [farewell gesture], by taking the flower from the priest and placing it in the grave.' She replied: 'Why; were you there?' I said, 'No, but I believe the people when they talk about the vergogna chifacisti [shameful way you acted].' The woman responded: 'What if this lady says to me that you are evil; I would say that I don't know, because I don't know you.' She said that as she was leaving, as she went down the steps. She was upset, nirbusa [experiencing 'nerves']; she almost fell down, but she held on to the railing. At the bottom of the stairs she turned and said, 'My father, before dying, told me to do the right things; my father will come again.' But her father was Catholic. He was buried in a Catholic cemetery. His wife went to the cemetery; she is Catholic too. I told them to forget this house; I told them that I had already said this to others, and that I was now telling them. As they were leaving, the Racalmutesa turned and said, 'Have a good day.' All this talk made me very nirbusa. I took some salt, and made the sign of the cross on the steps. Then, I cut a clove of garlic into four pieces, and threw them in four different directions [as a sign of the cross]. I was so nirbusa I had to go out. I visited my neighbour Signora Vertino. She told me that they had been to her home as well. But, they didn't stay long. There had been no hostility at her home. Well, I was so nirbusa I had to talk; I told her everything that happened. I was talking very loud, very angry. My face was red. I didn't calm down until my friend read me some passages from the Bible. The words the Jehovah's Witnesses read are false; where they should read that Christ will come again, they say Jehovah will come again. Hearing the Bible passages helped to calm me down. I was able to spuvari [release tension] with Signora Vertino. I went home, but I was still feeling a little nirbusa. That's when I made the sign of the cross on the steps with the salt and garlic. You see, when the woman said 'Have a good day/ I took it as a ittatura [casting of evil]. Salt and garlic can ward off ittatura, whether it is mal'uocchiu or mail lingua [evil tongue].

I obtained additional information concerning this case from Signora Vertino, a sixty-six-year-old Racalmutesa. Her version of the story dif-

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fers significantly from the account I obtained from Signora Boscia. Signora Vertino stated: She told me the whole story. She told me how she got upset, and how she yelled at those women. Signora Boscia was very abusive to the Racalmutesa. She should not have talked about the woman's father and mother in that way. I know she was upset, but she should try to take it easy and not act in that way. She has to remember that they are people too. Maybe they sin because of their beliefs, but we can also sin by mistreating them. We are all people! Signora Boscia got upset with me for saying this, but I don't care. She was wrong for doing that.

Initially, Signora Boscia identified her emotional distress as nirbusu ('nerves'). The encounter with the Jehovah's Witnesses caused her to experience a disequilibrium state. In order to deal with the problem, Signora Boscia made use of the concept of 'nerves' as both an idiom of distress and an idiom of explanation. She sought, and according to her statement received, support from her neighbour Signora Vertino. The neighbour helped Signora Boscia regain some control over her emotions by allowing her to spuvari (release tension by talking), and reading her several passages from the Bible. Signora Vertino, however, recalls a different version of what transpired. It is clear from her statement that, although she may have helped her neighbour cope with the effects of nirbusu, Signora Vertino does not condone the type of behaviour Signora Boscia displayed towards the Jehovah's Witnesses. She feels that Signora Boscia had no right to insult the visitors. By arguing with the Jehovah's Witnesses, and bringing the discussion to such a personal level, Signora Boscia was at least partially responsible for generating the stressful situation. The woman is not blameless in the matter. I believe that Signora Boscia chose not to address this aspect of her conversation with Signora Vertino in order to protect her public- and self-image. Signora Boscia did not receive the level of support and understanding she had expected from Signora Vertino. Use of the 'nerves' idiom failed to elicit a satisfying response. In fact, Signora Vertino's comments cast doubt upon the woman's moral character. Given this scenario, it is not surprising that Signora Boscia continued to experience certain ill effects after her return home. Signora Boscia re-evaluated the situation at this point, and she identified ittatura as the possible cause of her suffering. She interpreted the phrase 'have a good day' as an indication that the woman had cast evil upon her. This explanation allowed Signora Boscia

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 81 both to take additional, culturally appropriate action to restore her natural equilibrium and to protect her public- and self-image. Signora Boscia communicated that she was the helpless victim of ittatura. This idiom enabled her to externalize the cause of the problem, cast blame upon the Jehovah's Witnesses, and take attention away from her role in the conflict. I suggest that Signora Boscia chose the idiom of explanation that did least damage to her public- and self-image. I also contend that this explanation reinforced the notion that the Jehovah's Witnesses must be kept at a distance. Moral Commentary and Social Distance Signora Boscia's account illustrates how an individual can make use of mal'uocchiu, and the language of distress in general, as part of an impression-management strategy (see Bailey 1983; Burke 1969b; and Goffman 1959, 1963). She used the concept to avoid the negative implications of her behaviour, and thereby to protect her reputation within the community. In other situations, as the following case-histories will demonstrate, a mal'uocchiu narrative may address the moral transgressions of others. This moral commentary tends to reveal the social distance that exists among the individuals involved in a particular interaction (see Herzfeld 1981). CASE 9: INDIGESTION, NOT MAL'UOCCHIU. Mr and Mrs Fo are both Canadian-born Sicilians. At the time I collected this account, they had two children - a daughter, Rosetta, who was four years old, and a son who had just reached the age of two. Rosetta became ill during one of their Christmas celebrations. Mr and Mrs Fo initially attributed her symptoms to mal'uocchiu. Each year Rosetta and her family, including the grandparents, eagerly await the Christmas festivities. The children usually receive a number of gifts from various friends and relatives. Prior to her fourth Christmas, Rosetta was particularly anxious to open her presents. On Christmas Day, however, she suddenly became ill. She experienced severe stomach cramps and general nausea. During the festivities, Rosetta had received complimentary remarks from most of the guests. Since compliments can be a sign that someone, consciously or unconsciously, may be envious of others, Mrs Fo considered the possibility that mal'uocchiu may have caused the symptoms. Only close relatives, however, were present at the festivities. For this reason,

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Mr and Mrs Fo decided that Rosetta probably had become too anxious, and was merely suffering from indigestion. The symptoms disappeared later the same day without treatment. Since mfl/'wocdnw-related ailments usually last three to seven days, the Fos consider their final explanation to be an accurate reflection of what transpired. Mr and Mrs Fo momentarily entertained the possibility that the symptoms were mfl/'wocc/nw-related. They specifically rejected this idea, however, on the basis that only close relatives were present for the festivities. They did not wish to imply that one or more members of their family had been mmidiusi (envious). In this particular case, then, the evil eye says something not only about social distance, but also about the meaning of kinship. Ideally, it is one's kin that a person can rely on to provide emotional support, to provide assistance in times of need, and to share various intimate details of one's life experience. Kin are linked together by various bonds of mutual obligations and responsibilities; they are not the type of people one would normally expect to wish them harm or entertain feelings of envy. Sicilian Canadians value family ties and are often reluctant to risk disrupting these ties with accusations of mal'uocchiu. CASE 10: A DIAGNOSIS OF SUDDEN FRIGHT. In the late 1970s I observed a series of events involving Pippinedda, a Canadian-born Racalmutesa who was approximately seven years old. At school, Pippinedda had disciplinary problems. Her parents regarded her as a hyperactive child. Both relatives and family friends, however, considered Pippinedda a troublemaker. The following represents a combination of my observations and the parents' account of what happened to the child. While attending an informal reception in honour of a newly arrived emigrant family, Pippinedda and several other children began to create a minor disturbance. Although most adults ignored the incident, the host was noticeably annoyed. Rather than complain to the parents, he rushed towards Pippinedda and administered a verbal chastisement. The host's unexpected behaviour stimulated an unpredictable reaction. Pippinedda began to cry uncontrollably, hyperventilate, and shake violently. Her parents had to carry her home. The next morning, Pippinedda was unable to attend school. She experienced a severe headache, an exhausted feeling, and noticeable depression. Her parents consulted Don Gesualdo, because they suspected that mal'uocchiu had triggered the symptoms.

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 83 Don Gesualdo stated that it was not necessary to conduct a diagnostic test; the ailment was not due to mal'uocchiu. He attributed both the reaction and the symptoms to spavientu (sudden, extreme fright). In order to relieve the symptoms, Don Gesualdo silently recited a short prayer and recommended that she drink a hot cup of camomile tea. Don Gesualdo rarely dismissed mal'uocchiu without first conducting a diagnostic test. His actions surprised me, but he did not explain why he proceeded in the way he did. Looking back, I suspect that Don Gesualdo wanted to avoid a situation that could easily escalate into a hostile exchange. He was well acquainted with everyone involved; they were a relatively close group of friends and relatives. A diagnosis of mal'uocchiu would have focused directly on the host's 'anger/ and his unexpected and inappropriate behaviour. It would imply that his strong emotions were the cause of Pippinedda's suffering. A diagnosis of spavientu does not absolve the host from blame. He did react inappropriately. The explanation, however, focuses less on his 'anger' and 'hostility/ and more on the sudden, unexpected nature of the incident. It was the spavientu which disrupted Pippinedda's natural equilibrium. In this sense, the diagnosis still makes a moral comment about the host's behaviour, but it is the type of comment that does less damage to existing social relations. CASE 11: KNOWING WHEN TO STOP. La Zza Lolinda is approximately fiftyeight years old. She resides in the Hamilton-Wentworth region with her husband and two daughters. The following account represents my reconstruction of the events Zza Lolinda related to me in June of 1984. My sister and brother-in-law came over for a visit the other day. It was my birthday. We had a cup of coffee, and we started talking about various things illnesses, weddings, various things. We talked about the various good and bad things that had happened to our family over the last few years. While we were talking, I began to feel nirbusa [nervous, experiencing 'nerves']. I thought it might be the coffee; it was very strong. I felt bad! My veins were burning, and the burning feeling reached my head. Meanwhile, a neighbour [Signora N.I and her daughter had come over. My brother-in-law continued to talk about the family problems. My husband saw that I was upset, so he asked him to go out to see the garden. He tried to get my brother-in-law out of the house, and end the conversation. But, Signora N. sat down and started talking about the same subject with my sister. I didn't feel the

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strength to stop them. I didn't want to shame [mortificari] them by asking them to stop. The more they talked the harder it was for me to breathe. Then I started burping. I asked Signora N.'s daughter to rub my back and shoulders, but it was too painful. I kept burping. All of a sudden I felt myself mmuddari[weaken]. I couldn't see clearly! I told them I wasn't feeling good, and I laid down on the couch. I seemed asleep, but I could hear everything. Someone brought out the vinegar, and they placed some on my nose and face to wake me. I asked for a cup of tea. Instead, my sister made me a cup of addau [a tea made from laurel leaves]. While I was waiting, I began to sweat; the perspiration was as cold as snow. I had difficulty breathing; I could feel it in my chest. I drank the addau, and later vomited. I started thinking that maybe my stomach was causing the problem. So, I asked for a cup of tea. While they were busy with the tea, I secretly recited a prayer against mal'uocchiu. I said to myself: Ts this la tantazioni [evil; an evil attempt to injure]'? 'Did someone, near or far, give me mal'uocchiuT I made the sign of the cross, and I repeated the prayer. Then I drank the tea. I was still weak but, and I don't know whether it was the tea or the prayer, I had no further problems. That was three days ago. I'm still weak, but I haven't had any other problems. Whenever I experience any disturbance, my blood seems to react. Abberta [It serves as a warning]! It tells you that something is going to happen. You feel the bad news early. Since they didn't stop talking about our family problems, I became more nirbusa and I fainted. For the next few days, my sister and Signora N. kept phoning to check on my condition. My sister kept saying that next time we shouldn't talk about family problems in front of others; she was sorry for continuing the discussion after the neighbour had arrived. My other sister was very upset when she heard what happened. She said that they had no business discussing those family problems with outsiders, especially in my home. My husband and daughters were very helpful; they did many of the chores around the house. Next time, I will ask them to leave if they start talking like that again. I have enough problems, I don't want them discussing my problems with outsiders. Zza Lolinda's account reveals that she made use of both mal'uocchiu and nirbusu ('nerves') in her efforts to understand and explain the illness episode. The two systems of explanation are superimposed. The account also reveals that Zza Lolinda was, at least initially, uncertain about the cause of the complaint. She wavered from one explanation to the other. In order to deal with this uncertainty, Zza Lolinda took culturally appropriate action aimed at solving the problem, no matter what the cause.

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 85 She recited a prayer to ward off mal'uocchiu, and she drank the tea to calm her 'nerves/ By the end of the account, however, mal'uocchiu is no longer a topic of concern. Zza Lolinda seems to have accepted nirbusu as the most likely explanation. In her view, the discussion of family problems agitated her blood, and precipitated a bout of 'nerves.' The fact that family members continued to discuss personal matters in Signora N.'s presence served as a complicating factor to generate further emotional distress. Identifying the illness as nirbusu helped to ensure that significant others responded favourably. In this case, everyone responded with support and understanding. To openly suggest that a close relative or neighbour has given you the evil eye is equivalent to implying that the nature of your relationship should change. It would serve to distance the other person(s). The idiom of 'nerves' allows Zza Lolinda to make a moral statement without risk of dissolving or weakening her social support network. CASE 12: CARELESS TALK. Stella, Signora Franca's (see p. 42) only grandchild, was approximately eight months old at the time I collected this information. She was a victim of the effects of mal'uocchiu on two separate occasions. Unlike the previous accounts, however, Stella's case demonstrates not how someone may reject the implication of mal'uocchiu to show 'closeness/ but rather how the phenomenon can be used to imply 'distance/ The first incident occurred as follows: Friends and relatives consider Stella to be a very friendly, lovable child. Signora Franca is particularly proud of her granddaughter's disposition. In order to introduce Stella to certain relatives, Signora Franca convinced the parents to bring the child to an important wedding reception. Upon arrival at the reception hall, Stella began to cry violently. Although the parents made various attempts to calm Stella, she continued to cry uncontrollably. Signora Franca finally took the child outside, made the sign of the cross over her forehead, and recited a short prayer. She then took Stella home. According to Stella's parents, 'the crying probably resulted because Stella was not used to seeing so many people at one time/ Signora Franca, however, insists that the child was a victim of an envious taliatura (look, stare).

Several days later, I discussed the incident with Signora Franca and Stella's parents. During the conversation, Chirasa, a neighbour, paid us an unexpected visit. She participated in the discussion, and provided useful information concerning the evil-eye process.

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As Chirasa prepared to leave, she directed several complimentary remarks towards Stella. Her departure coincided with another bout of crying; it was difficult to control Stella. Signora Franca quickly repeated the family healing ritual. At this point, Stella suddenly stopped crying. Although Signora Franca did not explicitly accuse Chirasa of causing the problem, she stated that 'an individual who claims to know information about mal'uocchiu should be more careful to employ the appropriate protective phrases after making a compliment/ I suggest that Chirasa was not careless. Since she considers Signora Franca to be her best friend, and she is in continuous contact with Stella's family, Chirasa considers herself to be above suspicion and to be a part of the family. Although anyone may be a potential ittaturi, family members are generally not suspected of injuring one another by means of mal'uocchiu. I propose, however, that Signora Franca does not share this definition of Chirasa's family status. Cases 9 through 12 appear to establish a pattern. Mal'uocchiu serves as an idiom of explanation, a metaphorical means of making a moral comment, and a social distancing mechanism. This pattern appears and reappears in these, and many other, cases. In some instances people reject an explanation of mal'uocchiu to signify that they have a close relationship with the people who were present, while, in other instances, people make use of the concept to specifically distance others. These labels, however, do not capture the full meaning of the phenomenon. As the following case will reveal, people can manipulate the mal'uocchiu complex in a very different way, and yet still address the issue of 'closeness' and 'distance.' CASE is: ATTRACTING ATTENTION. Ninarda, a Sicilian-born Racalmutesa, is approximately sixty years old. She came to Canada sometime in the late 1950s, and is currently employed at a small factory in the Hamilton area. After a difficult day at work, Ninarda rushed to the women's locker-room in order to change into her good clothes. She and her husband were planning to spend the evening with friends. The other female workers delayed Ninarda by expressively complimenting her on the way she was dressed. An Italian woman, Pi, was particularly vocal. Within minutes, Ninarda came down with a headache, and experienced stomach problems. Pi took Ninarda aside, asked about the symptoms, and mentioned that she

Md'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 87 could cure mal'uocchiu. Although Pi was not absolutely sure, she suggested that she may have caused the ailment unintentionally. In order to relieve the symptoms, Pi silently recited a prayer while making the sign of the cross, with a knife, over Ninarda's abdomen area. She repeated the procedure a total of three times, and then asked Ninarda to drink a glass of water. According to Ninarda, the symptoms disappeared as soon as she finished drinking the water. Compared with the other accounts, this case is unusual in that the victim receives support and assistance from the very person who may have acted, albeit unintentionally, as the ittaturi. It also differs from the other accounts in a significant way. Pi does not use the mal'uocchiu idiom to convey a negative message about 'self or 'other/ nor does she use it to indicate social distance. Instead, the concept becomes a symbol of her deep concern for Ninarda's well-being. Pi, through the language of distress, demonstrates that she respects Ninarda, wishes her no harm, and, as a true friend, that she is prepared to take positive action to help Ninarda overcome the problem. Mal'uocchiu, then, cannot be depicted as a 'distancing mechanism/ It can serve this purpose in certain circumstances, but it could also represent a symbol of 'closeness/ depending on how someone uses it in a specific context. As both Pirandello and Wittgenstein suggest, the meanings surrounding a phenomenon are not absolute and final. Mal'uocchiu, Social Control, and the Language of Argument The alternative messages Sicilian Canadians communicate through the idiom of mal'uocchiu often extend beyond a simple moral commentary that addresses issues of 'closeness' and 'distance.' In certain situations, the language of distress is transformed into a language of argument. A person involved in an interpersonal conflict, for example, may manipulate the concept, and its associated images of pain and suffering, to voice her or his grievances publicly. More specifically, she or he can construct an image of reality that aims not only to influence how others regard a particular person or event, but also to control the behaviour of specific individuals. CASE 14: FOFO AND THE CONCERNED GRANDMOTHER. This Case involves 3

boy I refer to as Fofo (see Migliore 1983). At the time I collected the information, he was approximately seven years old. Fofo and his parents lived with his maternal grandparents in a predominantly Sicilian-

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Canadian neighbourhood in Hamilton. The grandparents were both born in Racalmuto. At one time, Fofo's maternal grandmother (Signora A.) and her neighbour (Signora T.) were very good friends. The two women belong to the same age group, they grew up together in Sicily, they attended the same school, and they both emigrated to Canada and settled in Hamilton at roughly the same time. A major argument, however, drew them irreconcilably apart. According to Signora A.'s daughter, Fofo's mother, 'for years the two women have not even looked at each other whenever a chance encounter has occurred.' This statement should not be taken literally; it is an emphatic expression relating the extent of the conflict between the two women. Signora A. and Signora T. are no longer friends, and they attempt to avoid each other as much as possible. Fofo usually returned home promptly after school. One day, Signora T. delayed his return. She stopped Fofo and asked him several questions. During this brief conversation, Signora T. commented that Fofo was growing rapidly. The boy became very ill that evening; he experienced general nausea, stomach cramps, and a headache. After questioning Fofo, Signora A. rushed to Signora T.'s home, accused her of causing the illness by means of either mal'uocchiu or a fattura (magical ritual), and warned Signora T. that the police would be notified if the condition did not improve. Signora T. denied any responsibility concerning the illness. Without the benefit of & diagnostic/healing ritual, Fofo recovered fully by morning. Signora A. maintains that her scare tactic forced Signora T. to break or remove the spell. Signora T, however, suggests that, since Fofo recovered so quickly, the ailment occurred as a result of natural causes. Mal'uocchiu-related ailments usually last three to seven days if the individual does not receive treatment. Other Sicilian Canadians living in the neighbourhood, although somewhat wary, are not entirely convinced that Signora T. can cause harm intentionally. Signora A. and Signora T. had been able to avoid and ignore each other for a relatively long period of time. This avoidance behaviour represents the plan of action the two women chose to cope with the conflict situation. Signora T. disrupted the established pattern of interaction by accosting Fofo. Since Signora T.'s actions did not correspond to the established pattern of interaction, and Fofo became ill immediately following the encounter, Signora A. experienced a stressful discrepancy between her personal expectations and what actually transpired. In order to explain why the discrepancy, and Fofo's illness, occurred at pre-

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 89 cisely the same time, Signora A. interpreted Signora T/s behaviour as a disguised act of hostility. She accused Signora T. of causing Fofo's ailment intentionally, and threatened to call the police if Signora T. did not remove the spell. At one level, this case-history serves as an example of how a mal'uocc/n'w-related episode can operate as an idiom of distress. Signora A. experienced a great deal of distress as a result of Signora T/s unexpected encounter with Fofo. She made use of mal'uocchiu to communicate this distress to Signora T. and others. The implicit and explicit messages she communicates through this language of distress, however, are much more complex. First, Signora A. makes a public statement that Fofo, her grandson, is ill. She also indicates that she loves him very much, and that she is deeply concerned about his welfare. It is very disturbing for her to see him suffer. Second, Signora A. also confirms that she and Signora T. are enemies. Since they are enemies, it is distressing to hear that Signora T. has accosted her helpless child. Furthermore, Signora A/s actions stress that she will not tolerate this type of behaviour from an enemy. Third, by accusing and threatening Signora T., Signora A. not only insults the woman, but also suggests implicitly that she is either a Strega (witch) or a fattucchiera (sorceress). Signora A. bases this interpretation on the following notions: (1) mal'uocchiu is a potential source of human suffering; (2) owing to his age, Fofo does not possess the internal strength to prevent effective exposure to mal'uocchiu; (3) Signora T. displayed strong, hostile emotions towards Signora A. in the past; (4) according to Signora A., Signora T. did not include a protective phrase at the end of the compliment she directed at Fofo; and (5) stregi and fattucchieri are capable of removing their evil spells. From Signora A.'s point of view, Signora T. is an evil person with evil intentions. Finally, the suggestion that Signora T. is inherently evil reaffirms and justifies Signora A.'s desire to continue their pattern of avoidance behaviour in the future. Through the mal'uocchiu accusation, Signora A. communicates that Signora T. must refrain from interacting not only with her, but also with her immediate family. Signora A., then, is able to make use of mal'uocchiu to communicate her distress to others, to explain why she experienced this distress, and to emphasize to Signora T. that: they are enemies; they are to remain enemies; and, as enemies, they are to continue to ignore and avoid each other. As a result of the sudden and unexpected nature of Signora A.'s actions, and the implications these actions conveyed to Signora T. and

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others, Signora T. also experienced a great deal of distress. The implication that she is a witch or sorceress does not correspond with Signora T/s self-conception. For this reason, she denied any responsibility for causing the ailment. Instead, she suggests that the ailment occurred as a result of natural causes. Mal'uocchiu-related ailments usually last three to seven days if the individual does not receive treatment. The denial reaffirmed Signora T/s self-conception; she is not an inherently evil person. At the same time, however, Signora T. received and understood the implicit messages Signora A. communicated. Signora T. must continue to display avoidance behaviour towards Signora A. and her family, in order to avoid a repeat performance of what transpired. Signora A. has made it clear that any further interaction between the two women will only exacerbate the situation and raise the level of hostility. If Signora T. attempts to communicate with Fofo again, she also runs the risk that other Sicilian Canadians in the neighbourhood will accept Signora A/s interpretation. Both Signora A/s and Signora T/s interpretation of what transpired are consistent with Sicilian-Canadian ethnomedical knowledge. The two women arrive at different interpretations because they manipulate and address different aspects of this knowledge. I suggest that they both make use of the vague, ambiguous, and variable nature of the concept to construct plausible, but conflicting, points of view. In this sense, mal'uocchiu represents, among other things, a key component in their language of argument. CASE 15: ALCOHOL ABUSE AND THE INAPPROPRIATE BEHAVIOUR OF A

NEIGHBOUR. I collected the following case history in March 1984, two days after the incident occurred. Signora Altra, the person who recounted the episode to me, was born in Racalmuto. She and her family came to Canada approximately thirty years ago. Signora Altra is a sixtyyear-old housewife with three children. The other day, I was getting ready to visit a friend when one of my neighbours came to the door. This neighbour is also Racalmutese. His wife and I are friends. When I opened the door, I knew the man was drunk. I could see him staggering. I called to him to come in as he stood by the door. He replied: 'I haven't asked you if your husband is home and you ask me to come in.' I said: 'If he wasn't home, I wouldn't ask you in; I'd ask you to leave/ He took off his shoes and jacket, and came upstairs into the kitchen. He sat down without being asked.

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 91 There was still some food on the table, so I asked him if he wanted to eat anything. Maybe some coffee. He said: Til accept a little so as not to be maleducatu [ill-mannered]/ He ate two spoonfuls of minestra [minestrone soup]. Again, I asked if he wanted coffee. He replied: 'Yes, but put some poison in it.' I told him: 'I've never given anyone poison.' He said he was joking. But, as I was preparing the coffee he again added, 'Put some poison in it.' You see, this man is a troublemaker. He's often drunk, he fights with his wife, and he's been in trouble with the police. I told him to prepare his own coffee, and I brought him the coffee, milk, and sugar. All the time this was going on, I was trembling. His face was pale, but he looked very angry. It was as if he was ready to kill someone. His neck and ears were dark red. Propia mi sbuntavu -1 was so terrified that it made my stomach turn over from the fright. My husband was present all this time, but I was still scared of what might happen. He said: 'I didn't expect you to let me in; now I see that I was too confused.' Then he started calling me 'Altrarina,' and asked me to put poison in the coffee again. He remembered that I don't like that name, but said: 'Even though you've told me not to call you that, I'm going to call you that.' I could tell that he was very drunk, so I said: 'Call me what you like [I was afraid!]; anyway your mouth is an instrument, play it whichever way you like.' I was trying to set him at ease; I was trying to joke about things. But it wasn't really a joking matter. 'Altrarina' is a possible nickname for me. But it was also the name of a prostitute in Racalmuto during the time we were all teenagers in Sicily. He knows that, so he's implying that I'm a whore too. He was trying to be offensive. Then he added: T'm pazzo [crazy]; I'mfurbu [cunning or sly]; I'mfartzu [deceitful]; and I'm tintu [bad].' I told him: 'We all have problems, we're all tinti; none of us will go to heaven.' He said: 'I know you also have problems in your house.' So I told him: 'I have enough of my own problems, I don't want to hear anyone else's problems.' He replied: T think I don't make a mistake in talking, if I do, forgive me, because if I make a mistake throw me out of the house on my ass.' Then he started asking for cigarettes. He smoked all of my husband's cigarettes in five minutes. Then he started asking for wine, but we told him we didn't have any. He said he knew better, but he didn't push the point. I offered him a bottle of beer. He refused and asked for more poison coffee. At that point company arrived. It was my brother [P.] and his wife [Ai]. My neighbour recognized them from Racalmuto. He started to make small talk, mostly about Racalmuto and the past. He told us he was feeling better. He even said that he remembered how my father had bought him a loaf of bread in Racalmuto when he had no money and the store clerk wouldn't give him credit.

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Then the drunk began to insult my brother. He said he remembered how P. used to sell wine in Sicily. He added that P. used to charge too much, so he bought wine elsewhere. He also chastised my brother for never giving him a free bottle of wine. He said to P.: 'For all the wine you have pissed here and in Sicily, I probably have had more than you - you just sit and look at it/ P. responded: 'If you buy wine from others, how can you expect me to give you free wine? As far as how much you've had to drink, I can see that you're drunk for it.' The neighbour stood up and motioned that he was about to leave, but my brother said: 'No, you stay; we're going to leave.' The neighbour insisted that he was going to leave, and added that he had already stayed too long. Then he added that he was happy that he had been treated so well. My husband accompanied him to the door. I found out later that one of the reasons he had come over in that state is that he had been making trouble at home, and his wife had called the police. He didn't want to be found at home, so he came here. Why did he have to bother us? After he left my home, I was morta di lu spavientu [frightened to death]. My hands were trembling. I kept eating constantly; I would eat anything in front of me. I developed a pain in my stomach, and it lead to vomiting and later to diarrhoea. I had been very nirbusa [nervous] the whole time he was here. My heart was beating rapidly. I was in my own home, but I didn't know what he was going to do. After my bout with diarrhoea, I felt very weak. I took two tranquillizers. I suffer from nierbi ['nerves']. The pills helped me relax, and I fell asleep. The next morning I was still tense. The vomiting and diarrhoea returned. I was very nirbusa, agitated, and I kept trembling. I didn't know what to do first. I was confused. I would become very hot and start to sweat; then suddenly I would become cold. My head felt like it was ready to explode. I had to ask my husband to shut off the radio; I couldn't stand to hear anything. My ears were ready to explode. I felt so bad, I asked my husband to close the windows and lock all the doors. I was afraid someone might come over again. I was afraid I was about to die. That afternoon, I went to see Zia M. to ask her to see if I was suffering from the mal'uocchiu. Zia M. made me sit down, she removed the mal'uocchiu, and gave me some coffee and cake. At first I was afraid to eat; I was afraid the vomiting and diarrhoea would return. But Zia M. encouraged me to go ahead and eat. I did eat, and I didn't have any more problems.

I was fortunate to be able to discuss this case with Signora Altra just a few days after the incident occurred. The events that transpired were

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 93 still on Signora Altra's mind, and she was able to provide a detailed account of the episode. At the same time, she was able to reflect and interpret some of the things that had been said during their conversation. From her description, it is clear that she found the encounter with the drunk neighbour disturbing. It was a particularly distressing situation, because the neighbour was abusive to both her and her family. The neighbour, although under the influence of alcohol, presented Signora Altra and her family with a number of implicit and explicit messages: The Neighbour's Messages 1 / Signora Altra is not an 'honourable' woman; therefore, she does not deserve respect. In 1954, Julian A. Pitt-Rivers (see also 1966; 1977) presented a discussion of the Andalusian moral and value system in terms of honour and shame. This early discussion of the topic has influenced the work of most, if not all, Mediterraneanists who deal with the phenomenon. Pitt-Rivers (1966: 21; 1977: 1) defines 'honour' as Value of a person' not only 'in his own eyes, but also in the eyes of his society.' Honour, then, is intimately linked to an individual's reputation. Today, although scholars may argue over specific points (see Blok 1981; Davis 1977; Gilmore 1987; and Herzfeld 1980,1984), honour and shame remain key concepts in the study of moral systems of societies throughout the circumMediterranean region. Among Sicilians, including Sicilian immigrants residing in Canada, honour (onore)and shame(vergogna)are interrelated and complementary qualities.2 An individual's honour is a reflection of her or his reputation within the community. This reputation is based on both moral and economic factors. In order to maintain a good reputation, the individual must live up to local expectations. Honour, then, is a positive quality. Shame, at least in certain respects, is also a positive quality. A person who has shame does not act in a shamefulway. It is a quality that enables individuals to regulate their own behaviour, and thereby maintain their honour. A person who has both honour and shame commands respect. An individual's reputation influences how she or he is able to interact with other members of the community. Engaging in what the community regards as 'shameful' behaviour may have severe ramifications. The individual, for example, may be subjected to negative sanctions such as

94 Mal'uocchiu vicious gossip, partial or total ostracism, and in certain cases violence. These negative sanctions obviously have an immediate effect on the individual. More important, however, are the long-term effects these sanctions may have for both the actual individual who committed the 'shameful' act and her or his entire family. It has severe implications for the future. The following hypothetical example, based on conversations with informants, illustrates this point: If a man allows himself to become a cuckold and does not take action to avenge the insult, he suffers an immediate loss of honour. He will not receive the same degree of respect that others displayed towards him in the past. In addition, it affects his ability to make suitable marriage arrangements for his children; his descendants will be referred to not only by their own name but also by a qualifier such as son or grandson of the cuckold; he and his family may no longer be viewed as suitable business partners; and so on. By maintaining a good reputation within the community, Sicilians take positive action towards avoiding the effects of negative sanctions and ensuring their future well-being. The Sicilian-born Racalmutese of Hamilton associate 'respect' with notions of honour and shame. The neighbour, during his interaction with Signora Altra and her family, suggested that she was not an honourable person. He did this in at least two ways. First, he insinuated that she was inviting him into her home when her husband was not present. Second, he cast doubt on her reputation by referring to her by the name 'Altrarina' - that of a known prostitute in Racalmuto. Through these means he communicated to Signora Altra the notion that she was a dishonourable person who did not deserve his respect, nor the respect of others. By implication this appraisal also applied to her husband and their family. The neighbour's disrespectful behaviour reinforced this message. 2 /Signora Altra wishes him harm, and is capable of inflicting harm. The neighbour communicated this message to Signora Altra through metaphor. He did this by repeatedly asking her to put poison in his coffee. The implication associated with this type of statement is that the neighbour is aware that Signora Altra harbours ill-feelings towards him, and that he knows she has the means at her disposal to actually cause him harm. In gathering background information for this case-history, I learned that the neighbour and his wife were having serious marital problems. The neighbour suspected and blamed Signora Altra of causing many of

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 95 these problems. More specifically, he suspected that she was making use of vicious gossip (mali lingua) to upset his wife, and turn her against him. I believe that asking for poison was his way of confronting Signora Altra, without having to make a direct accusation. I also suspect that it was his way of attempting to shame and/or frighten Signora Altra into staying out of his affairs. He wanted to be treated with respect. Signora Altra's Response Signora Altra's discussion of the episode indicates that she is aware of the messages the neighbour was attempting to communicate. In fact, her statements clearly show that she addressed his insinuations and concerns. She communicated to the neighbour, at least in the account presented to me, that: 1 / She is an 'honourable' woman. With respect to the neighbour's suggestion that she was the type of woman who would invite a man into her home in her husband's absence, Signora Altra made it clear that her husband was home, and that this was the only reason she was inviting him to enter. She also made it clear that she did not appreciate his referring to her as 'Altrarina.' By stating 'your mouth is an instrument, play it whichever way you like/ she indicated that he could try to cast doubt on her honour, but that it was simply idle talk - it had no basis in fact. 2 / She means him no harm; she is not a bad person. Signora Altra attempted to communicate this message to the neighbour by stressing that she has 'never given anyone poison.' Since he would not accept this as an indication that she meant him no harm, she asked him to prepare his own coffee. I believe that Signora Altra also made use of metaphor in the communication process. The poison represents the marital problems. Asking him to prepare his own coffee, suggests to me that Signora Altra wished to communicate that it was the neighbour himself who was responsible for the marital problems he and his wife were experiencing. It was he who was in the position to complicate or disentangle the problems that were ruining his marriage. Alcohol abuse was one of the factors poisoning his marital relationship. Signora Altra and her husband reinforced the idea that they did not mean him harm, by displaying hospitality to a man who came to abuse them. The neighbour, then, attempted to generate and promote a negative image of Signora Altra. Although Signora Altra did not accept this nega-

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tive image, and she made every attempt to present a positive image of herself, the situation was still disturbing. Signora Altra experienced a great deal of distress; she experienced various physical, emotional, and psychological effects as a result of the encounter. Md'uocchiu provided a means by which she could explain why she experienced these symptoms. It also provided her with a means by which she could attempt to correct the problem. Mal'uocchiu, however, does not simply serve as an explanation for what transpired. The illness itself is an indication that Signora Altra was suffering from distress. By implicating mal'uocchiu, Signora Altra communicates not only that she is suffering from distress, but also how both the distress and the circumstances that brought it about should be interpreted. She became ill because the neighbour displayed deep hostility towards her. The man was in a state of disequilibrium as a result of his abuse of alcohol. His hostility and anger further disrupted his internal strength, and directed mal'uocchiu towards Signora Altra. It is not she who has victimized the neighbour; instead, he is directly or indirectly responsible for disrupting her home and causing her to suffer misfortune. The fact that a traditional healer confirmed that Signora Altra was suffering from mal'uocchiu makes this interpretation much more plausible. This does not necessarily mean that everyone in the community will now regard the neighbour as a ittaturi. He will, however, have to control his behaviour in the future. Signora Altra made use of the Sicilian-Canadian evil-eye complex to indicate to the neighbour and others that a repeat performance of the episode could be interpreted only as a deliberate attempt to injure her and her family. Until the neighbour changes his attitude, he should refrain from attempting to interact with her. To my knowledge, the neighbour has had only minimal contact with Signora Altra and her family since the incident occurred. Paul Stoller and Cheryl Dikes (1987: 229) suggest that 'sorcery is a metaphor for the chaos that constitutes social relations/ The preceding casehistories indicate that a similar interpretation can be made for some cases of mal'uocchiu. Signora A., Fofo's grandmother, and Signora Altra make use of the evil-eye complex in the context of strained social relations. In each case, a neighbour has caused them distress by disrupting their lifeworld - that is, their world of everyday experience (Good 1994: 124).3 By implicating mal'uocchiu, the two women make use of a cultural

Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 97 symbol to express their distress, indicate that they and the ittaturi have a strained relationship, and communicate that they should, at least temporarily, refrain from interacting with each other. As in the case of some witchcraft accusations (see Marwick 1964; 1972), mal'uocchiu, as part of a language of argument, can serve to either establish a new pattern of interaction between disputants or, in certain cases, distance and exclude individuals from one's social network. People, in other words, can employ the concept (and the implications associated with it) in an attempt to control the behaviour of others, and thereby neutralize what they perceive as a threat to their lifeworld. Summary: Mal'uocchiu as Metaphor Aristotle (1954: 251), in an early discussion of metaphor, suggests that the phenomenon involves a simple process of 'giving the thing a name that belonged to something else.' From this point of view, metaphor represents what we might call colourful language - a figure of speech capable of embellishing a phrase or statement. This is the conception of metaphor that has dominated Western philosophical thought until recent years (see Brown 1977 and Ricoeur 1977). Viewing metaphor in these terms, however, denies the phenomenon an active role in cognition and experience. Following George Lakoff and associates (see Johnson 1987, Lakoff 1987, Lakoff and Johnson 1980, and Lakoff and Turner 1989), I recognize the potential of metaphor to frame, structure, and redefine our experience of reality (see also Burke 1969a). Mal'uocchiu is an integral component of the Sicilian-Canadian language of distress. It can operate as a powerful 'symbol' of suffering capable of bringing to mind various images of physical, emotional, and psychological distress. These images are significant, because they allow people to concretize and express their personal experience of suffering in terms of a culturally recognizable idiom. Mal'uocchiu, however, is a vague, ambiguous, and therefore flexible phenomenon. People can manipulate mal'uocchiu to generate a number of meanings. The concept, as this chapter indicates, can be used as a metaphorical device to express a series of alternative messages. The implication of mal'uocchiu, for example, can serve as a commentary on the moral character of 'self and 'other'; a means of impression management; a comment on social distance; and a technique that can be used in an attempt to control the behaviour of others. An individual, however, could easily communicate these messages

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through other means. What I contend is that mal'uocchiu as metaphor enables people not only to communicate alternative messages, but to bestow these messages with added power or meaning. By embedding one's moral commentary within an illness narrative, for instance, an individual can draw on the images of suffering to construct, and then attempt to convey, a more convincing representation of 'self and/or 'other/ I suggest that the language of distress frames the discourse in such a way that it makes it difficult for others to ignore the implications of this moral commentary. Metaphor, as Crocker (1977) and Fernandez (1986) indicate, can operate as an effective tool of persuasion (see also Burke 1969b).

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Extending the Web of Significance

The capacity for deluding ourselves that today's reality is the only true one, on the one hand, sustains us, but on the other, it plunges us into an endless void, because today's reality is destined to prove delusion for us tomorrow ... Pirandello (1990: 62-3) Sicilian Canadians can make use of mal'uocchiu to explain a variety of experiences, and to communicate a number of messages. The vague, ambiguous, and variable nature of the concept provides the type of flexibility that enables people to use mal'uocchiu as a component in an intricate web of significance that sometimes links together the language of distress, moral commentary, and the language of argument. This would make a good ending for my story. Unfortunately, it would also misrepresent the phenomenon. Not everyone within the community makes use of mal'uocchiu in these ways. For some, the concept has little or no value. Meanwhile, others have taken mal'uocchiu in directions which I have not yet explored. These are the issues that I will now address. Mal'uocchiu: Powerful Symbol or Meaningless Chatter? In 1984, Paolo and Vittorio Taviani released a feature film, Kaos, based loosely on several of Pirandello's short stories. The first story, The Other Son/ contains a reference to the evil eye. In it, a number of people are walking along a country road as they prepare to leave Sicily for America. As they walk by, a woman looks them over in the hope of finding someone to entrust with a letter for delivery to her two sons in Santa Fe. One of the men notices her stare and asks: 'Hey, are you try-

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ing to give me the evil eye?' The woman stops staring, and explains her predicament. I have heard people use similar statements in both Hamilton and Racalmuto. The statement is not necessarily an indication that the person suspects someone of trying to expose her or him to mal'uocchiu. Instead, it indicates that she or he feels uncomfortable, and that the other should refrain from staring. It would be a sign of disrespect to ignore the person's request. In this context, mal'uocchiu represents a simple stylistic device that is intended to convey a particular message, but is not intended as a charge of wrongdoing. The statement may even stimulate laughter and an exchange of jokes.1 To suggest that mal'uocchiu, a powerful symbol of distress, can be a source of humour seems a contradiction in terms. Yet, Sicilian Canadians sometimes make use of the concept in precisely this way. The example I have chosen to illustrate this point involves Giufa, the wise fool of Sicilian folklore. The following account, then, is not an actual case-history of a victim of mal'uocchiu; it is one of several humorous stories I have collected concerning the exploits of this well-known fictional character. CASE 16: GIUFA AND THE RIPE TOMATOES. According to both Italo Calvino (1980: 755) and Leonardo Sciascia (1985: 60; 1994: 52), Giufa has an Arabic origin. The character was introduced into Sicily about one thousand years ago, during the Moslem period of Sicilian history.2 For all intents and purposes, Giufa is a fool; yet, through some stroke of luck or misunderstanding, he often gets the best of others. This is the comic twist that makes the stories funny. Although the stories are not as prevalent in Hamilton today as they were in the past, it is not unusual to hear some of the older people recount them on festive or happy occasions. This version of 'Giufa and the Ripe Tomatoes' was related to me by a family member. She began in this way: This is another Giufa story I want to tell you. One day, Giufa's mother said to him: 'Look, we're going to prepare the garden, and we are going to plant a lot of tomatoes so we can make extract for the whole year.' So ... he undertook to produce the best tomatoes, better than those of their neighbours. Well, there was a family that always said: 'You don't know how to do anything.' Tou this, you that' - they said many words [negative talk] to him. His response was: 'At the crushing you'll see how many tomatoes I'll have.' So, the time of the tomatoes came, and he had a beautiful tomato [crop]. But, another neighbour told him that their crop was better. So, Giufa's mother would

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say to him: 'See, even though we do so much [work hard on the crop], hers is better. And, she always says that hers is the best tomato.' Giufa responded: 'Don't worry, because we are going to make the extract and she won't.' Well, he would spend the day with the tomato; he would look at the tomato. He started looking at the tomato, and she [the neighbour] would say: 'Giufa, why are you looking at my tomatoes?' And he said: 'You know why I look at your tomatoes, because your tomatoes are so beautiful. You know how much extract you're going to get from that tomato? Just figure. My mother always tells me that you have the best tomato, but, after, at the crushing, you'll see.' 'Well, what does it mean "at the crushing you'll know?"' [the neighbour asked]. 'Nothing/ he said. 'I'm happy that you are going to do the tomato.' When the tomato was ripe, then she [the neighbour] saw that, instead of getting ripe, the tomato leaves looked damaged. The tomato began to sag. So she started: 'Why is my tomato like this, and yours is good?' [Giufa said:] 'Didn't I tell you that at the crushing you would see; mine is the good tomato, not yours; my mother is going to make the beautiful extract.' 'So, that's why you were looking at it everyday/ she said. 'You gave my tomato the mal'uocchiu. Well, you son of your mother, now I'll make you see.' [Giufa responded:] 'No, there's nothing to see; you can come to my mother, and she will sell you the extract.' And he made everyone laugh! One could analyse the account to examine the 'moral/ or set of messages, contained within the narrative. For example, the story seems to indicate that a person should not draw attention to her or his good fortune in order to avoid the envy, and by implication mal'uocchiu, of others. This interpretation would be consistent with George Foster's (1972) general discussion of envy and the evil eye. The story also reveals that, if you are not careful, even a fool can get the better of you. Although these interpretations are plausible, and mal'uocchiu may operate as a didactic device in some cases, the intent of the storyteller must be taken into consideration. In the context of festive occasions, the intent often is to entertain one's audience. Mal'uocchiu is simply part of the punch-line - a punch-line which transforms a symbol of suffering into a comic device, and the narrative into a humorous folktale. From Humour to Superstition Luigi Pirandello (1964b) makes use of the evil eye as a central feature of his one-act play La Patente, or The Licence.3 The play itself .contains elements of both the comic and the tragic as it grapples with the issue of

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superstition versus rationality in human thought. Rosario Chiarchiaro, a key character in the play, is treated as an outsider by other members of the community. People regard him as one who is capable of injuring others by means of the evil eye. As a result of this reputation, he and his family experience a series of negative consequences. This aspect of Pirandello's play seems consistent with some of the material I presented in the previous chapter concerning the interrelationship among mal'uocchiu, moral commentary, and social distance. Chiarchiaro attempts to rectify the situation by charging two prominent individuals with libel. Although the judge recognizes that Chiarchiaro is a victim of injustice, a victim of people's superstitious belief, there is little chance that he will win the suit. In fact, the judge counsels Chiarchiaro to drop the suit, because he realizes not only that the man will lose the case, but that the loss itself will confirm in the minds of the local people that Chiarchiaro is indeed an ittaturi, or witch. The judge, however, has misread Chiarchiaro. The man does not seek to win the case; he expects to lose, and he plans to use the loss as a licence to verify that he is a legally recognized ittaturi. Furthermore, he plans to use this licence to take revenge, and make a living, by extorting money from the townspeople. Chiarchiaro seems to be trying to make the best of a bad situation. The judge refers to Chiarchiaro's plan as a 'tax on ignorance' (Pirandello 1964b: 136). He again, however, has misread the man. Chiarchiaro responds as follows: 'A tax on public safety! Because I've accumulated so much spite and so much hatred against the whole of this disgusting humanity of ours that I really do believe, Your Honor, that here, in these eyes of mine, I have the power to reduce an entire city to rubble! Look out for me! Don't say I didn't warn you!' (Pirandello 1964b: 136). In the middle of this conversation, a gust of wind swings the window open, knocking over the judge's birdcage, and killing his pet goldfinch. Chiarchiaro is triumphant. As far as he, and likely the community, is concerned this is proof of his extraordinary power. Pirandello ends the play without attempting to resolve the tension between superstition and rationality. Readers are free to interpret the outcome in their own way. Chiarchiaro, for example, can be seen as, among other things: (1) a victim of injustice who, as a result of strong emotions, has indeed been transformed into a powerful ittaturi; (2) a tragic character who, in response to a negative societal reaction, has come to believe that he has supernatural powers; or (3) both a comic and a tragic character, someone who takes advantage of circumstance and

Extending the Web of Significance 103 coincidence. Pirandello's ending is consistent with his view that there are multiple realities, realities we construct on the basis of various personal, social, and cultural factors. By avoiding closure, Pirandello indicates that whether mal'uocchiu is or is not a remnant of superstitious belief depends on which version of reality we are willing to accept. Pirandello developed La Patente at least in part to entertain an audience. The play, however, has relevance for my discussion of the SicilianCanadian evil-eye complex. By saying this, I do not mean to imply that certain members of the community have identified themselves as individuals capable of casting mal'uocchiu intentionally. I do not know of any real-life Chiarchiaro. To identify oneself in these terms would be to risk a negative, and possibly severe, response from others. Although, given the circumstances Pirandello establishes in the play, it would not surprise me to hear that someone had made a similar claim.4 In addition, as case 13 (chapter 5) indicates, a person may take responsibility for causing someone distress unintentionally. The point I wish to make is that Pirandello's discussion of the tension between those who see mal'uocchiu as superstition and those who regard it as a potential source of suffering can also be found within the SicilianCanadian community. There is some disagreement among community members concerning the nature and significance of mal'uocchiu. Certain people - including individuals of different educational, class, and emigration background - have referred explicitly to the phenomenon (as both a concept and what it can stand for) as nothing more than chiacchiari (meaningless chatter, foolishness).5 During informal conversation, for example, some of these individuals have indicated to me that there is no truth in what people say about mal'uocchiu: 'It is just babarii (silly talk).' They have also suggested that 'a study of mal'uocchiu is a waste of time.' For these individuals, the phenomenon represents a superstition; it is a remnant of past belief which has little or no meaning in their everyday lives. Mal'uocchiu, Superstition, and Embarrassment Recognition that there are members of the community, as well as the wider society, who regard mal'uocchiu, or the evil eye, as superstition can be a potential source of embarrassment for some individuals. To indicate or imply that you regard mal'uocchiu as a source of suffering may expose you, in certain circumstances, to the laughter and ridicule of others.6 The following case-history deals specifically with this issue.

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CASE 17: PROTECTING ONE'S REPUTATION. Lillo, a Canadian-born male, was approximately fifteen years old at the time I collected this information. Although his parents, Signor and Signora R., were both born in Italy, only his mother is from Racalmuto. Signor R. was born in Calabria. Late one evening, Lillo became restless and began to complain that he was suffering from a severe headache. Signora R. recommended a patent medicine, but the medication did not relieve the problem. She then suggested that they visit a traditional healer. Lillo, however, refused to go; he was afraid that the healer's son, who was in the same class at school, would tell everyone. The symptoms disappeared a few days later. Signor and Signora R. are convinced the ailment occurred as a result of mal'uocchiu.

Signor and Signora R. made use of mal'uocchiu as an idiom of explanation to identify the cause of Lillo's suffering, and to establish a plan of action to correct the problem. Lillo and his parents, however, did not share the same view of the situation. The young man feared that the healer's son would reveal to his classmates that he had participated in an evil-eye healing ritual, and that this information would adversely affect his reputation at school. He did not want to give others the impression that he maintained superstitious beliefs. Mal'uocchiu, for Lillo, was a liability. It was a potential source of embarrassment, ridicule, and shame. To avoid exposing himself to negative consequences, Lillo simply refused to follow his parent's plan of action. Lillo, I am sure, is not the only member of the community who regards mal'uocchiu as a potential liability to his or her reputation. I suspect that statements such as 'it is only chiacchiari' or 'it is just babarii' serve not only as an indication of an individual's personal opinion about the subject, but also as a means of deflecting any implication that she or he is a superstitious person. I also suspect, based on conversations with third parties, that certain people do not want the term 'evil eye' linked to the community; they regard mal'uocchiu as superstition, and they fear being tainted with the brush of ignorance. From Superstition to Powerful Symbol

Both Pirandello (1990) and Wittgenstein (1958) stress that meaning can change as circumstances change. I find this to be true in the case of the interrelationship between mal'uocchiu and superstition. Although many individuals who regard the evil eye as 'foolishness' are firm in their con-

Extending the Web of Significance 105 viction, there are those who, depending on the situation, may change their mind. At a simple, humorous level, for instance, it may involve the following scenario. A man may indicate to me that mal'uocchiu represents nothing more than a superstition. Yet, I notice that he is wearing a gold chain with a cornetto (horn-shaped evil-eye charm). When I ask about the cornetto, the person laughingly responds: 'It was a gift, but why take chances.' The statement itself is somewhat ambiguous, although the laughter seems to indicate that the final phrase should not be taken seriously. The case-history below is less ambiguous. It demonstrates how a person's view of mal'uocchiu can change as her or hislifeworld is threatened by various factors. CASE is: HOOKED ON A FEELING. In March 1994, while in Sydney, Nova Scotia, I received a long-distance telephone call from Mauro in Hamilton, Ontario. Mauro, a Canadian-born individual of Sicilian descent, is approximately twenty-eight years old. During the conversation, he revealed to me that he had had an experience with mal'uocchiu. In fact, this was the primary reason he had called. I asked him if he would be willing to tape an account of the experience, and to mail it to me in Sydney. Several weeks later, I received his audio-cassette. It contained more than an hour's discussion of a series of events leading to and following his encounter with the phenomenon. Unlike many of the other cases, the information was recorded in English. Given the length of the account, I will not present it in its entirety. I feel compelled, however, to provide sufficient detail to preserve the integrity of the account. Just after my birthday, less than four days after my birthday, my car broke down ... I decided that I needed to fix it, but I didn't have time, because I was working. So a few days went by, which I was using my wife's car to get to work. And then, that weekend, I decided to buy a new battery, 'cause that's what I thought was wrong. Put it into the car. When I did that, the car would start right away and then turn off immediately. And then it wouldn't start again for a few hours ... The third time I tried there was a loud bang, there was smoke, there was a little bit of flame, and the engine had caught on fire; something in the engine had blown ... It was towed to my wife's parents' friend's garage, and I was told that the engine had blown and that it may need replacing. Another day went by, and I found that the car was in such bad shape that he didn't even want to replace the engine; he thought he could get me a used car for only slightly more than it would take to replace the engine and fix all the other problems ...

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Another week and a half goes by... while I'm waiting for him to find me a car. During that week and a half, I'm out shovelling snow and I hurt my groin. And I thought I just pulled something from doing so much lifting. So, it bothered me so much that night and the next day, I was in a lot of pain, I decided to make a doctor's appointment. I made one for the next week, and the doctor sent me immediately to see a specialist. I had an appointment the same day. So I went to the specialist that same day, and he looked me over and decided that I would need to get an ultrasound, because he wasn't sure what was going on. It seemed that I had a lump on one of my testicles; it was a small one, but he wasn't sure at the time what it was. At that time he thought I might have had some kind of hernia. So, he sent me for an ultrasound to double check, because it may have been something else. It may have been a cyst; it may have been something cancerous. I was, of course, worried about all this, so I was waiting for the ultrasound, which wouldn't be for another two weeks. Meanwhile, I get a car at the end of that same week... [names model and year]. I take it out for a drive. I look over the body. It's in nice shape. I buy it, we drive it all around town that day, no problem. So then that evening [we] decide to see a movie. The movie is in Burlington, so we decide to try out the new car, have some fun with it. Drove out onto the highway, hit around 100 [kilometres/ hour], and as soon as I hit around 100 the car stalls out, the engine shuts down, and I barely have enough time, but I do have enough time, to get over to the side. At the side, I realize that the engine is not going to start again, and something is very seriously wrong with the car ... They had to come and tow my car back to the garage. Once we were back to the garage, [the owner] was obviously upset that it turned out this way, said he would fix the car, and yet I was without a car again and now really upset with what happened ... That entire week goes by, in which I have to go to work again with [wife's] car every day. This was putting pressure on both of us, because I have to wait for [wife] to be ready. [Wife] gets to work too early, and has to find things to do, whereas I get to work much too late, and barely have time to do what I have to do. At the end of the day, I have to rush out, still not having time to finish things, and [wife] on the other hand has again much too much time on her hands waiting for me to pick her up. This went on for almost a month ... The other thing that was really bugging me at work was that there are people who kept asking me about the car, and it got to the point where I just got sick of talking about it. I didn't want to be reminded of my problems every five minutes by people who had nothing else to think about, to talk about. Some of them were just interested or wanted to make casual conversation and meant no harm, and yet others were really insistent about the way I should handle things ... what I

Extending the Web of Significance 107 should tell the garage owner, demanding new cars, demanding everything, even telling me at one point... that I should not even work with this guy any more. I should get my money back and buy this car she saw, which first of all I have never seen, she doesn't even know what I want in a car, but of course she has to be right that that is the right thing for me. So this was all very upsetting as well, and the thing that bothered me the most was that those people don't know the entire situation. They don't know that the person [garage owner] is somewhat known to the family, that I'm trying to deal with it in a fashion that's going to make sure that there are no enemies made, and they don't understand that, and that's a problem. Anyway, what happens next is, I also get a bit of trouble at work because I've told them that, they have wondered why I have looked like I've been walking with a little bit of pain or whatever, and so I've told a few of the people what's being going on, and again that is another thing that I get questions a lot about, and it just seemed that for that month people were asking me, and constantly reminding me, of the things that were disturbing me the most, which is disturbing in itself. After a week, my car was ready, again ... I took it out for a ride, got on the highway. I hadn't been in possession of the car for more than twenty minutes when the engine blows again. This time much worse than the time before. The engine was in very bad shape. I once again got towed to the place ... I was talking to the woman on the phone [to make arrangements for a tow], and the woman was very nice and very polite to me, and I was a little upset and I said to her, you know this is the second time in just a week that I have had to be towed. And the woman's exact words to me were: 'Maybe the car is just cursed, honey.' And I said [laughs]: 'Yes, maybe it is.' And I was upset, and I didn't know what else to say. The car was towed. [The garage owner] was very upset. [He] was upsetting me quite a bit too though, because instead of just saying 'Gee, I'm really sorry. I'll do what I can to help you, blah, blah, blah,' instead, he was making comments like 'Well, Mauro, you know this is an inconvenience for you at the most; for me, I've got to do all this work, and I got to spend all this money to fix the car.' And no matter what, it always seemed like it had to be more of a problem for him than for me. But I was the one without a car, I was the one with my money out, and if he had to fix the car, well then that's just his tough luck for not fixing it in the first place. I was very upset that I was told that obviously my role was nowhere near as bad as his role, which I thought was very untrue. Anyway, they go to fix the car again. At this point I have very little faith in the car and I'm very upset. Another week and a half goes by ... And I have ... my doctor's appointment. The week before that, I should say, I had the ultrasound.

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The ultrasound went well; the person who gave me the ultrasound told me that they saw no actual masses, and so realized that very likely there was no testicular cancer, and thought instead that just one of the arteries, I guess, was a little swollen from strain. Very likely from the shovelling. So that was that person's view, but I was going to get the final, doctor-approved view that Thursday, and being the last day of work [he and his wife were leaving for vacation], I was a little upset that I would miss work that day to see the doctor ... my boss told me that, because it was my last day of work, the company is not very receptive to people taking the time off... They are suspicious ... they dock you that day's pay, roughly I guess $300 ... We had just spent our money on this car ... we were in a tight, tight financial situation ... I was very upset that we would lose this big chunk of money. I was very upset about that. So, anyway, I would go to work that day, and on my lunch hour I would rush to the doctor's office and then rush back to work. So I wouldn't lose any of that money. Now what this turned out to be, for me anyway, was a very, very stressful day. And when I was first sitting there that morning [at work]... with my hand kinda over my face, just rubbing, rubbing my eyes a bit, thinking about what I was going to do, and somebody asked me what was wrong and I told them that I still didn't have the car, there were problems with the car, and I had my doctor's appointment and was a little worried about the outcome of that appointment, at which time my [co-worker, female] pipes up very angrily and tells me that I don't really have a problem, my problems are no big deal, that it's not like someone in my family is pregnant or something, now that would be a problem. I don't know why she thought that would be a problem, but she did; at which point I got a little upset with her and told her that my problems are important to me, and if you don't think they're that big then don't talk to me about them... That day I went to the doctor. My appointment was five minutes in length. The doctor told me that I must have had some kind of a strain, and that the pain I had had was only from the strain and that everything else was all right, would probably go back to normal. The little bit of a lump we felt would either go down in swelling or it would be something I would deal with for my life without much consequence. So I felt better about that, and I went back to work. I managed to pull off the day. At the end of the day, I called the garage, because they said the car would be ready. [The owner] told me the engine was done, so I thought, great I'll come pick up the car before I leave for holidays the next day... He told me, 'No, no the engine is finished. We just haven't put it back in the car yet.' So obviously it wasn't ready/So! After that I put [pause] the car aside and said to [the owner]: 'I'll be back in a week; I'll expect to pick up the car then'...

Extending the Web of Significance 109 That evening he received a call from a male co-worker. There were certain work-related matters that had to be cleared up. Mauro had to take some of the paper work with him on his vacation. Upon his return from the holiday, Mauro had a major disagreement with this co-worker concerning how they should deal with the business matters. And I laced into him for everything ... I just decided [pause] I decided the weekend before ... that I wasn't going to take this crap from people anymore. I had been to the point where I'd be quiet, I'd deal with things in my own way without being [pause] getting into a confrontation, and it was at this point I finally said: This is it, I can't stand this shit anymore, not putting up with it.' The co-worker backed off, and the two men settled their dispute. Next day, I got my car... [My wife's father] decided to come with me for a drive, and he noticed that it wasn't kicking into gear properly, especially when trying to speed up for passing [pause] so we decided to bring it back ... [The garage owner] couldn't believe it, wanted to drive it himself. He saw for himself that it wasn't perfect. He put it up on the hoist... [and] found out that not only the transmission screwed up, but one of the gaskets was also leaking oil... For the longest time, while they were finding all this out, they were behind a closed door and it was like a lot was going on that I didn't know about, and I was getting upset. [The owner] told me he'd fix the car, that I'd have it back soon. That evening [my co-worker] comes over and checks out my paper work; he says to me that he likes it a lot better, it is more meaty, it has more to it, he knew I could do it, so it still had some things that he wanted to play around with, still took several hours. But he went home with a copy ... saying "I want to check it over, and then I'll get back to you.' The next day, at 8:00 A.M., the co-worker phoned asking for more corrections on the paper work. Mauro kept his cool, offered to make the changes that day, but at the same time demanded to be treated with respect. Thursday I called up [pause] to find out if my car would be ready [pause]. He gave me the run-around, and I really started to feel like he was hiding something from me [pause] and I was upset. That night we were supposed to go out with [friends]; we were going to go get something to eat. Before we did that we went to go visit my mom [pause]... All right, so, we're inside [pause] and I told my mom [pause] that a lot of stuff had being happening, and I felt really bad, and I would really like for her

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[pause] to [pause] do the ritual to get rid of the mal'occhio, in case that's what... I was suffering from. That all this bad stuff, all these people treating me bad, this bad stuff happening with my equipment, especially my car, the health problems ... the entire thing [pause]. I wanted her to take care of it for me. So, after a bit of a visit, she decided to do that for me. My wife was present, and was ah, a little surprised by the whole procedure, didn't know that that's how it would be, was surprised that my mother didn't even touch me, or any part of me, when she did it, and instead it was just prayer, signs of the crosses, and putting the oil into the water [pause]. When that was done, she did it three times, there was a lot of large spots of oil, which she said [pause] was the sign that I did have the mal'occhio, and that I had a lot of it. So, [pause] she blessed me, she blessed my car, that everything would be okay. When she was done, I thanked her and [my wife] and I left to meet [our friends]. When we went out, before we went to eat, I said: 'You know, I kinda need a distraction, could we stop at the mall?' [pause] So we went into the mall, and for some bizarre reason I said to [one of the friends], 'You know there's this song, this song I really like; I haven't heard it in twenty years.' I'd like to tell you that that is an exaggeration, but it's not. It was 1973 the last time I had heard 'Hooked on a Feeling'... So anyway, we get into the mall, and [my friend] says, 'Well, you know what, I'm pretty sure that that song was used in a movie... soundtrack. So, after twenty years of looking, we walk into the first record store and they had it, and the song was on the CD ... I wanted to buy it immediately. The CD was $19.99.1 felt like my luck had changed [pause]. Yet, [my wife] talked me into no, no, no don't buy it, but we'll buy it on the way out. So I didn't buy it, and I felt like I was taking a chance; here's something I've been looking for for so long, why would I pass it up now [pause]. But I did. We went around the mall. We went into another record store. I found the soundtrack, actually [my friend] found the CD again. It was only $12.99. So I bought it. Not only had all this happened, but I had saved money [pause] looking for it [pause]. The next day was the first day in a week that I didn't receive a call from [my co-worker, male]. It was also the first day that I didn't get a call from anybody [pause] asking or demanding anything. It was the first day I slept in [pause]. And when I called [the garage owner], he kept giving me the run-around. And I thought, well, things aren't totally right yet [pause]. But, when I called him at 6:30 P.M., he was there [pause]. And he told me that he got me a new car [pause]... So, I went, I drove it [pause]. I really liked it... It's a really nice car, and I like the way it runs [pause]. It's a newer car [pause]. I didn't have to pay much more for it. I did pay a little more, but I'll tell ya, I still didn't pay as much as it's worth [pause]. I think he was giving it to me sort of as a peace offering to some extent [pause]. So now a lot had happened [pause]. And, I felt, you know, I couldn't help but

Extending the Web of Significance 111 think, even though I'm an educated man [pause]. I think I'm an intelligent man [pause], but I won't say I'm not a religious man, 'cause I think I am a religious man [pause], but mal'occhio has always been sort of on the outside of religion for me. I always felt it was almost ah, to the point of superstition more than religion [pause]. Or my mom does it [pause], she does it with a lot of religious intent. Not supernatural intent [pause]. And so I couldn't help but think that what she did had some effect, 'cause it's not very often [pause] that all this kind of stuff happens to you. I've left out one thing [pause] that I also left out of our phone conversation I think, [pause] the Thursday before the mal'occhio [laughs] was taken away, no the Wednesday before, [pause] I was talking on the phone and I broke my tooth eating a piece of pizza ... The tooth was cosmetically fixed once before [pause], so it was the cosmetic part that broke off, but still it's been three years, [pause] Why this week? It was almost as if it was the crowning [pause] negative affect. So, anyway. I made an instant appointment before my mom even got to me for taking off the mal'occhio, but the same day ... my tooth was repaired. One other thing that was kinda funny is [pause] the Saturday that I got my new car, I put a lot of things in my car, and there are some things that I have that are a little religious relics that my mom had given me, that I had taken and put in the car. One of them was a statue of St Joseph [pause]. When I talked to my mom that night, she made a point of saying that it was St Joseph's festival day [pause] in which I got the car and that that would be good luck. So it was interesting that I had put the statue in the car the same day that it was the festival for that particular saint [pause]. Let's see. Things since then have been pretty good [pause]. [My co-worker] likes to throw his weight around, [but the boss asked me, not the co-worker, to write the covering letter for the work]. You can believe me that I haven't told [the co-worker] about it. I just went ahead and did it. It was my job as far as I was concerned. Let's see what else happened [pause]. Ah [pause]. [The other coworker, female] hasn't been much of an ass ... [identifies other personal problems that have been resolved] ... I'm not going to say that only negative things happened during the period before my mom did her ritual, [pause] But [pause] predominantly a lot of bad things happened. I'll be honest with you: until this last week [pause]... I really felt, until this last week, that I hadn't had one good day since I entered this new [year], [pause] That's not a good feeling [pause]. I also felt that these were two of the worst months I've had in years, years, and I'm glad to say that that seems to be changing now. [pause] Ahm, some things that I'll change about myself [pause]. Well, my [names a relative] tells me he's going to give me some items that, ah, will help ward off mal'occhio, and I think I'll probably carry them [pause]. I've never worn a chain [pause] with a cross on

112 Mal'uocchiu it. I've always kinda thought of it as, ah, not so much that it was too religious, 'cause I'm very religious, I have no problem with religion, [pause] I always thought it was, ah, too Italian [pause] and something I wanted to avoid for that reason [pause] but, I'll tell ya, soon as I can find one I like, I'm going to get one. And, ah, I don't know, I don't think this experience has made me more superstitious, [pause] I think instead it's made me more thoughtful. And, maybe a little bit more religious, and I'm not willing to say that these things are simple superstition any more. That's just how I feel. That's the whole story, if, ah, I can think of anything else I'll add it [laughs], but for now I hope that's enough, or not too much, [pause] [The tape ends with a recording of the song 'Hooked on a Feeling.']

Mauro presents a very detailed discussion, with much more detail than I have provided here, of a series of troubles and problems he encountered over a period of several weeks. The narrative reveals that he experienced a great deal of distress as the upsetting situations began to accumulate. His attempts to solve the problems often failed, only partially succeeded, or generated new difficulties. In a sense, I suggest, Mauro experienced a threat to his lifeworld.He lost control over certain aspects of his life and, as a result, he had difficulty dealing with the overwhelming weight of the flux of life. Mal'uocchiu provided Mauro with a means by which he could explain his troubles and take corrective action. My reading of the final segment of the narrative is that Mauro was going through a process of reformulating his lifeworld.The healing ritual seemed to change his 'luck' for the better. Mauro had to come to terms with the fact that what he had previously considered a superstitious belief was now a part of his life experience. He did this by reaffirming that he is not a superstitious person; he is an educated, intelligent man. His experience with mal'uocchiu did not make him superstitious, but rather more thoughtful and more religious. This line of reasoning allows Mauro to protect his self-, and possibly his public-, image. By the end of the narrative, then, Mauro has reconceptualized his understanding of the evil eye or, at the very minimum, reframed his talk. He transforms a superstition into both an idiom of distress and a powerful symbol of his religious conviction. Summary My discussion of the variable 'meanings' and 'uses' of mal'uocchiu has come full circle. I began, in chapter 4, by establishing the concept as

Extending the Web of Significance 113 an idiom of explanation, and as an integral component of the SicilianCanadian language of distress in general. Mal'uocchiu represents a powerful symbol of suffering that allows people to identify, understand, and communicate their personal experiences with distress. This powerful symbol of suffering, in turn, can be manipulated and used as an extended metaphor to convey a wide range of additional or alternative messages. The concept, for example, can be used to make a moral statement about self and/or other. Since these messages are intricately linked to the language of distress, they have the potential to influence effectively the thought and behaviour of others. This chapter attempts to extend the web of significance surrounding the meaning of mal'uocchiu within the Sicilian-Canadian community. I demonstrate that identifying mal'uocchiu in terms of the language of distress or the language of argument does not exhaust the potential uses people may make of the concept. As Pirandello might say, the phenomenon has an unlimited range of meanings; its significance can change from individual to individual, and from situation to situation. A powerful symbol of suffering, for instance, can be transformed, in the context of a festive occasion, into a comic device that generates laughter. Or, depending on the individual, it can represent nothing more than meaningless chatter. Echoing Pirandello's statement at the beginning of this chapter, I contend that 'today's reality may have a different meaning tomorrow.' Mauro's account (case 18) is a good illustration. A firm conviction that mal'uocchiu represents a meaningless superstition can, under stressful conditions, be re-evaluated and changed to construct a new understanding of oneself and one's experience. Just as a powerful symbol of suffering can be transformed into chiacchiari, meaningless chatter can be restructured into a language of distress that explains one's troubles and makes a statement about one's religious convictions. Mal'uocchiu is a dynamic concept; its vague, ambiguous, and variable nature gives the Sicilian-Canadian evil-eye complex a degree of flexibility, a flexibility which people can manipulate to take the concept in a variety of directions.

7

Conclusion

... these phenomena have no one thing in common which makes us use the same word for all - but that they are related to one another in many different ways. Wittgenstein (1958: no. 65)

I would like to begin the conclusion the same way I began the introduction - with an analogy. The analogy involves what is probably Pirandello's (1952b) best-known play, Six Characters in Search of an Author.1 The work focuses on six partially developed characters who have been discarded by their creator. As the drama unfolds, the characters enter the stage and interrupt a theatre company about to rehearse a play. The characters are in search of an author who can give them a more definitive 'form/ and an opportunity to communicate their story. Although the drama presents the characters' story (or stories), Pirandello concentrates to a great extent on the complex interactions that take place among the characters, the theatre actors, and the stage manager. A key feature of the work is Pirandello's use of ambiguity in addressing the nature of reality, the degree to which the characters are aware of themselves as 'characters/ the tension between characters and actors, and the presentation of a play within a play. The analogy I wish to make is not concerned so much with the specific details of the play as it is with the general outline I have presented above. I propose that mal'uocchiu should be understood as a vague and ambiguous concept that, metaphorically speaking, is in search of someone who can: (1) give it 'form' or 'meaning'; (2) develop that 'meaning' to communicate one or more messages to significant others; but, it is to be hoped, (3) not rigidify the 'form.'2 In a sense, this has been the

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primary theme of my work. I have concentrated on how Sicilian Canadians interpret and make use of mal'uocchiu in the process of both social and self-reflexive interaction. I have examined the directions people have taken the concept in the course of their everyday life experiences. Family Resemblance: The Variable Meaning of Mal'uocchiu Mal'uocchiu, as a component of the Sicilian-Canadian language of distress, serves as a powerful 'symbol' of suffering that conjures up images of physical, emotional, and psychological distress. These images are significant, because they enable people, often in consultation with others, to objectify and express their idiosyncratic experiences in the 'form' of a culturally recognized idiom. The ambiguity surrounding the language of distress, in turn, provides a degree of flexibility that ensures people have a variety of options for dealing with their health problems (see Fabrega 1970, Good 1977, Kleinman 1980, and Migliore 1994). The meanings Sicilian Canadians attach to mal'uocchiu, however, are not absolute and final. The concept can signify many things to many people. Depending on how an individual interprets and uses mal'uocchiu in a specific context, it can represent, among other things, a source of suffering, an idiom of distress, a technique for managing impressions, or a social control mechanism. As many of my case-histories indicate, these aspects of the phenomenon are not necessarily mutually exclusive. An individual can make use of mal'uocchiu to convey two or more messages simultaneously. In fact, the images of suffering tend to bestow added power or meaning to the alternative messages people sometimes present through the language of distress. My work, in certain respects, tends to support Bailey's contention (1983: 58-9; see also Lutz and White 1986: 424, and Lutz and AbuLughod 1990) that the display of emotion, including emotion discourse, is one of the means by which human beings can manage impressions and manipulate others. Mal'uocchiu constitutes a language of argument as well as a language of distress. At the same time, however, the concept may have little or no meaning for certain members of the Sicilian Canadian community. Cultural categories are based on 'gradations of membership'; they are not characterized by a set of homogeneous and sharply bounded criteria that everyone can agree upon (see Good and Good 1982, Kempton 1978: 63, Lakoff 1987, and Rosch 1975: 196). Mal'uocchiu constitutes a vague, ambiguous, and variable phenomenon characterized by a number of

116 Mal'uocchiu meanings that share what Wittgenstein (1958: nos. 65-7; 1969a) would call a family resemblance - that is, a complex network of interrelated, overlapping, and criss-crossing similarities that do not necessarily entail the presence of one or more common attributes (see also Needham 1983: 37 and Gait 1982). In fact, we can place these meanings on a continuum whose end-points, although indirectly linked to each other, may have very little in common. People, for example, may use the concept to express their pain and suffering, or they can use it to refer to meaningless chatter (chiacchiari). Both cases involve an understanding of mal'uocchiu, and they both display how Sicilian Canadians may use the concept in the process of social and self-reflexive interaction, but the meanings themselves are significantly different. A Further Extension of the Web of Significance The continuum I mention above is not composed of concrete, fixed, and static elements; instead, it can be depicted as a fluid and dynamic set of phenomena that are capable of expanding or contracting as the circumstances under which people reflect on and/or use mal'uocchiu change. Sicilian Canadians, for instance, are not immune to influences from other sectors of the Canadian and global communities. My discussion of superstition in chapter 6 is an indication of this. The term 'evil eye/ however, also appears in various popular, media, and even scientific discourses. At least some members of the Sicilian-Canadian community are exposed to these discourses, and possibly affected by them. A partial, and far from complete, list of examples from these discourses includes the following: 1 /Scientists have labelled galaxy NGC4826 as the 'Evil Eye' or 'Black Eye' galaxy because of its structure (see Braun, Walterbos, and Kennicutt, Jr 1992; Quinn 1992; and Witt et al. 1994).3 2 / Pest-control magazines report on the use of 'evil eye' beach balls to frighten birds away from buildings or work sites (see Delaney 1994). 3/Guy Lyon Playfair (1990) has labelled television the 'evil eye.' 4 / Gary Larson has used the evil eye in his newspaper panels of The Far Side; Al Capp (1964,1978; see also Elliott 1988) unleashed Evil Eye Fleegle and his powerful 'whammy' on the world of Li'l Abner; while Brenda Rosenbaum (1985) has made use of the Jewish-American tradition to create a humorous, cartoon-illustrated book titled How to Avoid the Evil Eye.

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5 / The term appears in popular music and song - for example, the Chico Hamilton and Gabor Szabo recording of 'Evil Eye'; and the Aretha Franklin recording of Leonard Feather's 'Evil Gal Blues.'4 6 / A version of the concept appears as one of several physical, psychic abilities in a book dealing with a role-playing game (see McCall and Siembieda 1988). 7 / It has also appeared in various movies (e.g., The Rose Tattoo, 1955, featuring Burt Lancaster and Anna Magnani), television programs (e.g., an episode of Happy Days), novels (e.g., Mancini 1977), and comic books (see Rovin 1987:123-4). 8 / The evil eye, not surprisingly, has also made its way to the pages of the World Wide Web. A trip through alia vista, infoseek, lycos, yahoo!, or one of the other search-engines of the Internet reveals a number of items listed under the rubric 'evil eye.' Included in this list are: Evil Eye: Tales of Terror - an electronic magazine dealing with short horror fiction; and The Evil Eye - a 'zine dealing with various topics. In fact, the evil eye even came up at one of the sidebar sessions during the Rosa Lopez testimony in the O.J. Simpson murder trial (CNN coverage, 28 February 1995). Sicilian Canadians may or may not be aware of some of these discourses. And, they may or may not be affected by the presence of 'evil eye' representations in the wider society. A preliminary investigation, however, indicates to me that this would be a fruitful line of inquiry. The following excerpts from a conversation I had with a Canadian-born Sicilian male, Viciu, will serve as illustration. Viciu is a comic-book collector. S.M.: I was wondering if you were aware of any discussion or images of evil eye in anything, from songs to TV, to movies, comics. viciu: Ya, I would say that there is quite a bit of that, and I wonder often in what context it's being used. For example, I've heard on TV, as early as last week, I don't remember what show, but somebody said something about 'he's giving you the evil eye.' So, I think it's there in society. I think people use it... without knowing any of its origins or even if it is a real thing or just a turn of phrase. I think people use it as a turn of phrase sometimes, without any concept of its cultural background. In comics it's almost always used as mystical. And it's never implied as a Roman Catholic-based thing. It's always mystical, supernatural wizard-type guy that had the, you know, power of evil eye. So, that's what I've noticed; it's never [pause] you know, it's never implicated under my perception of evil eye as, you know, I know Roman Catholic people from our area [pause]

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see it one way, and then when I see it in comics it's always, you know, these mystics, you know, from the Himalayas [we laugh]. You know? It's always that sort of thing; so, again, I can't help but think it's got to be completely unrelated ... S.M.: Do you have any [specific examples]? ... viciu: ... as far as the comics go, it would take me a while to go through and catalogue. I'm sure I've got plenty that mention it. I'm sure I have plenty, and then I have offshoots of evil eye. I think they're offshoots anyway. People who have powers through their eyes. Don't you think that's an offshoot? S.M.: Well, it's at least related, I guess. viciu: Do you think the fact that Superman can burn people with his eyes is related? S.M.: I never thought of that. What do you think? viciu: [pause] I think, I think if you can believe, culturally, that people have power through the eyes, and cultural icons like Superman have physical power through the eyes, then it's related. S.M.: Ya ... he doesn't use it for evil, viciu: No, he doesn't. S.M.: It's for 'good.' viciu: Ya, and he has several eye powers. He has, like, x-ray vision, telescopic vision. He has a lot of powers that are related to his eyes. You know, he doesn't have powers related to, let's say, his mouth so much, he has super breath where he can freeze something, or blow something over, but that's the limit of it. Right? He doesn't have, he doesn't have mental powers. He has eye powers. S.M.: What are all the eye powers again? viciu: Telescopic vision, x-ray vision, heat vision ... Those are the things I can think of right now. Telescopic. Microscopic. He can look and see something really small, or something really far away. He can burn things with heat vision. He can see through things with x-ray vision. Those are the ones I can think of off the bat. Okay. S.M.: I never thought of Superman like that. viciu: Well, then there's a character called Cyclops, and he's a mutant, and he's born with, he shoots energy blasts out his eyes. In fact he doesn't have control over his power; he has to wear special goggles all the time, and it, by controlling the goggles, he can release the energy beams whenever he wants to, but he has to wear these goggles or else his eyes are always shooting out energy ... So there's a whole thing here just on people who have eye powers. I say it's related. S.M.: How do you think it's related? Just the fact that there is power in the eyes? viciu: Just the fact that there's power in the eyes, and that it can be used to manipulate either other people or things. That's what it is being used for, right? [Further discussion of various characters]

Conclusion 119 S.M.: So, why would you link it up to the evil eye again? viciu: I see it as they are both, they are both powers connected with a look. Okay. So there's that. They're, I think, both come from the same [pause] you know [pause] little speck of inner fear that someone else's look can do you harm. I think they both stem from that, [pause] Ah, and I think in both cases they use the eye power to manipulate others or things to get what they want. Now, in the case of the evil-eye people that you are talking about, it's almost always evil, but even Superman is doing it to get what he wants, he's still manipulating. He just has more honourable [pause] more honourable objectives, [pause] Make sense? S.M.: Ya, sounds interesting. I hadn't even thought of Superman ... viciu: So you don't think that's too much of a reach, that eye powers are somewhat connected to this cultural belief? S.M.: Well, I don't know. That's ah, I never thought about it. [pause] But, do you think it's a far reach? viciu: You see, I don't, but I'm not, I don't study this stuff that much. I don't know if, you know, I don't know if I'm making a bizarre connection that to me seems to make sense, but to someone like you, you know, you could look into this stuff more, and know if this is just a silly coincidence thing. Do you know what I mean? S.M.: Well, what I find is that so many people have so many views that [pause] viciu: You don't know, [we both laugh] S.M.: I don't know. viciu: It would be interesting to see if other people were to think there's a connection ... I don't know. I think there's somewhat of a connection if beings of power can do things with their eyes and normal people can't. It sets them apart. It makes them different. Viciu is an articulate and insightful young man. He begins by acknowledging that he is familiar with certain uses of evil eye in popular culture, and comic books in particular.5 These representations, however, do not match his conception of mal'uocchiu. Viciu, for instance, does not associate mal'uocchiu with evil wizards who have mystic powers. On first impression, then, it seems as if he is able to maintain a sharp distinction between his understanding of Sicilian-Canadian and comic-book representations of the evil eye. As we continue our conversation, Viciu begins to present his interpretation of possible linkages between the two phenomena. The evil eye is a subcategory of eye powers. This linkage allows Viciu to discuss the special powers of a number of comic-book heros, including Superman, as phenomena that are related to the evil eye. The common features are:

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(1) power emanates from the eyes; (2) this power is used to manipulate, and possibly injure, people or things; and (3) the ability to use this power separates certain individuals from others. Viciu has constructed an understanding of the evil eye that is similar to, and yet distinct from, the manifestations of mal'uocchiu that I have discussed in earlier chapters. He has extended the web of significance, and thereby expanded the continuum of variable meanings people can attribute to mal'uocchiu. A Further, Further Extension of the Web of Significance

William Rodman (1991), in his essay 'When Questions Are Answers/ presents a moral (and ironic) tale about the anthropological field experience. He addresses 'the illusory nature of some anthropologists' view that they can be interpreters uninterpreted, quiet as mice and of as little consequence in the lives of the people they study' (Rodman 1992: 695). Given my background and my relationship with many of the people I have worked with, I am in a position not only to gain an insight into people's conceptions of mal'uocchiu, but also to affect those conceptions. I cannot help but wonder, for instance, to what extent Viciu's construction of a connection between the evil eye and Superman was a direct response to my questions, and his knowledge of the type of work I do. I have, however, more explicit examples of the type of thing Rodman is writing about. One, which I discussed in chapter 4, is Don Gesualdo's concept of alterazione. A second example involves what transpired during and after one of my PhD dissertation-committee meetings. I recall mentioning to committee members that, from a Sicilian-Canadian point of view, mal'uocchiu could cause nirbusu, or 'nerves.' Someone asked if the opposite were also true. Could nirbusu activate mal'uocchiu? I had never thought of this, and I had never heard anyone in the community mention this possibility. Following the model I developed in chapter 3, however, an individual can be transformed into an ittaturi, or potential gazer, if strong emotions disrupt her or his strength/weakness balance. It is strong emotions which activate the evil power within a person and direct mal'uocchiu towards others. Theoretically speaking, then, a bout of 'nerves' should be able to activate the evil eye. Nirbusu represents a state of emotional disequilibrium (see Migliore 1994). Victims of 'nerves' are no longer in control of their emotions. Although theoretically possible, I was able to gather little evidence to support this argument. I have no case-histories in which people implicate 'nerves' as the cause of evil eye. When I raised the question with

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several community members, though, three individuals agreed that nirbusu is capable of activating mal'uocchiu. What is significant, however, is that these individuals did not raise the issue themselves; they responded in the affirmative to a suggestion I had raised. Other individuals rejected the suggestion outright. They stressed that nirbusu could make a person susceptible to the negative effects of someone else's mal'uocchiu, but it could not activate this evil power within an individual. In my view, the concept of 'nerves' would be ineffective as an idiom of distress if Sicilian Canadians recognized nirbusu as an activating force behind mal'uocchiu. This would place people in a paradoxical position. A sufferer of 'nerves/ for example, suddenly would be both a victim of distress and a potential ittaturi. The individual would be seeking assistance from the very people that she or he might injure by means of an evil eye. This may help explain why Sicilian Canadians do not implicate nirbusu as a cause of mal'uocchiu. Yet, by raising the issue with certain people, I may have created inadvertently a rationale for not providing specific victims of distress with the support they seek. If this is the case, then they are victims of 'evil eye' by 'committee.' An anthropological discourse has helped transform the meaning of mal'uocchiu in the eyes of at least some individuals. Implications for Anthropological Investigation The philosophical ideas of Luigi Pirandello and Ludwig Wittgenstein, although different in certain respects, share a common focus on the relativity of 'meaning.' Both regard meaning as something that tends to vary from society to society, individual to individual, and from situation to situation. Following this line of thinking, I have attempted to demonstrate how mal'uocchiu can be associated with a potentially infinite set of 'meanings/ Having arrived at this conclusion, I fully expect certain scholars to label me a non-objectivist, an obscurist, or, worst, a nihilist (see Reyna 1994). Although I present a model of the Sicilian-Canadian evil-eye complex in chapter 3,1 have refused to discover the underlying order and consistency that would help simplify scholarly discourse about the phenomenon. I also have refused to adapt mal'uocchiu 'into the standardized, measurable, and verifiable units of bioscience/ and thereby made it more difficult to come to terms with what Browner, Ortiz de Montellano, and Rubel (1988: 689; see also Baer and Bustillo 1993, and Rubel 1993) regard as 'the relatively invariant properties of specific disease entities and physiological processes/ My position, moreover, calls into question the ability of social scientists to develop

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explanations and/or generalizations not only of the evil eye, but, by implication, of various other phenomena as well. To be labelled a non-objectivist is not necessarily something negative (see Lambek 1991). It does not mean that anthropologists have nothing to say about the phenomena we attempt to comprehend. I believe that my discussion of mal'uocchiu and its place in the Sicilian-Canadian language of distress can make a contribution towards improving health care within the community. A narrow representation of mal'uocchiu in terms of 'illness/ however, would not provide medical practitioners with the type of understanding that speaks to the needs of Sicilian Canadians. In fact, by constructing a generalization that ignores the flexible character of mal'uocchiu, I might provide a basis for various misunderstandings between patient and medical practitioner. Simplification of the phenomenon may have some appeal to busy medical professionals, but it does not necessarily improve health care. What non-objectivism and, in extreme form, nihilism, do is to dissolve all the 'truths' anthropologists (and others) have constructed, deliberately or by implication, and expose them for what they are: interpretations (see Vattimo 1988) or, from Pirandello's point of view, frail attempts at objectifying and concretizing the 'flux of life/ The evil eye represents scholarly abstraction(s) based on a series of interpretations and abstractions that the people we study have constructed to represent a wide range of feelings, sensations, and messages they wish to understand and/or communicate to significant others. As such, it condenses and modifies what the local people have already condensed and modified. This scholarly abstraction (or set of abstractions), in turn, has taken on a life of its own. It stalks the halls of academia in search of a scholar (and I include myself here) who will give it a more definite meaning, and a more prominent place in the scholarly literature. The notion that the evil eye is an element in the language of argument could just as easily be applied to anthropological discussions and debates on the topic, as it can to discussions of Sicilian Canadian uses of mal'uocchiu. My position is as follows. Identifying mal'uocchiu as an idiom of explanation, an idiom of distress, an idiom of social control, etc., is not incorrect. The phenomenon does function as each and all of these things. To label mal'uocchiu in terms of one or more of these generalizations, however, is to underestimate the power of human thought and action to manipulate, and to transform, cultural concepts for the purpose of presenting a variety of messages. It misrepresents the phenomenon. This text, then, is in agreement with a growing body of literature that

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is critical of attempts to construct explanations and generalizations that present a homogenized, coherent, discrete, and/or timeless view of certain people and their sociocultural models (e.g., Abu-Lughod 1991, 1993; Appadurai 1988; Cohen 1994; Ewing 1990; Lambek 1993; Said 1978; and Wikan 1991). What is significant from my point of view is not the meaning of a concept, nor how we can capture and explain it, but rather: (1) how people interpret and use the concept to generate multiple, variable, and sometimes contradictory meanings; (2) how others interpret and react to the messages they receive; and (3) the various outcomes of these interactions. Generalizations about mal'uocchiu, and the evil eye, tend to produce a simplification of the phenomenon. They gloss over difference, ambiguity, and vagueness to construct an image that conveys 'order' and 'consistency.' Such order and consistency, however, is an illusion; abstractions, in and of themselves, cannot articulate the concept's place in the complex contextual relations that are characteristic of people's everyday life experiences. The realization that there is a need to focus on how people interpret and use a particular concept in various contexts does not obscure our understanding of that concept. It brings us closer to how people conceive of and experience their reality. In the case of mal'uocchiu, I suggest that this approach raises our understanding of the concept and its relationship to the various emotions, illness experiences, interpersonal tensions, and so on that people attempt to address by invoking the concept. Anthropological enquiry must embrace the notion that life is in a constant state of 'flux,' and that cultural concepts are tools for making sense of a reality that is not readily comprehensible. This proposal does not bring us closer to the 'truth,' but I believe that it brings us closer to a new kind of authenticity in the discussion of mal'uocchiu, the evil eye, and other phenomena.

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Epilogue

Oi e Venniri e (domani e) Sabatu. (Nessuna Strega o Fattucchiera ni puofare male o sentire).

Today is Friday and (tomorrow is) Saturday. (Neither a witch nor a sorceress can harm or hear us). Don Gesualdo

Don Gesualdo's statement, which appears both here and at the beginning of the Preface, is a short protective charm to ward off the possible effects of mal'uocchiu and related phenomena. He provided the charm many years ago for inclusion in my MA thesis; it was his way of protecting readers from potential harm. Since this book is dedicated to his memory, and I owe a great deal to him, it is only fitting that the charm should appear here. Besides, why take chances. At the risk of repeating myself, I would like to conclude by stating that anthropologists (including myself) and others have explained, interpreted, and presented the evil eye in various ways. Each of these works tells us something about the concept and what it represents. Yet, by failing to address adequately the ambiguous, vague, and variable character of the concept, they tend to misrepresent the evil eye. We need to shift our focus from explanation and generalization to an examination of people's uses of the concept. This, I suggest, may bring us closer to an understanding of people's life experiences. Having said this, I feel that I (as a Sicilian Canadian) have reclaimed the concept. Mal'uocchiu has multiple and variable meanings; it is a flexible concept that can be modified and changed easily in the process of both social and self-reflexive interaction. To borrow yet another analogy from Pirandello (1990), and more specifically the title of one of his

126 Epilogue novels, mal'uocchiu is something, nothing, and one hundred thousand different things. This does not mean that all modifications will necessarily be accepted by other members of the community; each and every case is open to scrutiny and debate. In the end, however, the concept represents whatever Sicilian Canadians use it to represent. And, if this is true, the phenomenon is, among other things, a powerful symbol and source of suffering. Echoing Viciu's words in the concluding chapter, all that is left to say is: Am I reaching too far? Am I right? What do you think? Ah, you don't know. Maybe it is a superstition, or an idiom of distress, or ...

Glossary of Sicilian Terms and Phrases

Abberta To give warning Acitu Acid, acid indigestion Addau Laurel-leaf tea Aiutari To help, assist Alterazione Some type of change or alteration. Term used by Don Gesualdo, a healer, to discuss various interconnections among a number of folk illnesses including the evil eye Ammaliari To wish or cause harm Attu di richiamu Immigration papers Babarii Silly talk Carricata (f), carricatu (m) Heavily affected Chiacchiari Meaningless chatter, foolishness Chiavi masculini Keys of male gender that resemble skeleton keys and symbolically represent the penis. Charms used to protect oneself from the evil eye Coma Horns Cornetti (small), corni (large) Horn-shaped talismans or charms Cucumidda Camomile tea CulpitiThe stricken Curari To treat, cure, heal Disgrazia Misfortune Diu ti binidici God bless you Donni di notti Ladies of the night, witches, spirits Fartzu Deceitful Fasdna Fascination (reference to the evil eye or bewitchment) Fattucchieri Magician or sorcerer Fattucchieria Sorcery Fattura An act of sorcery

128 Glossary Finucieddu Fennel, fennel seeds Fori mal'uocchiu Begone, evil eye Furbu Cunning, sly Giufa A character in Sicilian folklore who is often portrayed as a 'wise fool' Ittatura The casting of evil (unintentional) Ittaturi People capable of casting evil (unintentionally) Malatia Illness Maleducatu Ill-mannered Mali lingua Evil tongue Mal'uocchiu Evil eye Manciatura Place where animals are fed Mani cornuta Hand gesture to protect oneself from the evil eye - made by closing the fist and extending the index and small fingers ManificaHand gesture to protect oneself from the evil eye - made by closing the fist and extending the thumb between the index and middle fingers Microbi Microbes Minestra Minestrone Mmidia Envy MmidiusiEnvious MmuddariWeaken Morta di lu spavientu Frightened to death Mortificari Shame, embarrass Nierbi Nerves (see Migliore 1994) Nirbusu Nerves, nervousness Onore Honour Pazzo Crazy 'Propia mi sbuntavu' 'I was so terrified that it made my stomach turn.' Salutu Farewell gesture Sangu Blood Sangu ingrussatu Agitation of the blood Sgorbu Spirit, apparition Sincerita Honesty, sincerity Sonnabola A woman who goes into a deep sleep or trance state to reveal your past, present, and future. The person may have healing powers. Sortilegio To foretell the future; the use of magic. Don Gesualdo used the term to refer to the various means by which people can affect or disrupt the natural course of events. Spavientu Sudden fright Spilaturi Strained, damaged muscles Spuvari Release of tension - often emotional tension

Glossary Strammata Dazed, disoriented Strega (f), stregone (m), stregi (pi) Witch, witches Stregonaria Witchcraft Taliatura Glance, look, stare Tantazioni Evil or evil intent to injure; temptation; the devil Tinta (f), tintu (m), tinti (pi) Someone who is T^ad' ToccafierruTouch iron Vergogna Shame Vergogna chifacistiThe shameful way you acted Zia or Zza Aunt, or term of respect

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Notes

1: Introduction 1 This is a position shared and addressed by a number of anthropologists (e.g., Abu-Lughod 1993; Angrosino 1989; Bibeau 1981; Early 1982,1993; Good 1977,1994; Kleinman 1980; Lutz 1992; Miller and Hoogstra 1992; White 1992; Turner 1967; and Turner and Bruner 1986). For an early discussion of the interrelationship between 'meaning' and 'context' in anthropology see Malinowski 1946; see also Robins 1971. 2 For a detailed discussion of their life and works see Bassnett-McGuire 1983, Bentley 1986, DiGaetani 1991, Kenny 1973, Malcolm 1984, Monk 1991, Pears 1971, Sciascia 1968, and Starkie 1965. 3 A notable exception is Paul Sant Cassia's (1991) recent article on 'personhood' and 'identity' in the Mediterranean region. Sant Cassia makes use of Pirandello's play Six Characters in Search of an Author (1952b), as a metaphorical device to examine certain areas of controversy in Mediterranean anthropology. 4 Lila Abu-Lughod's 1993 critique of the anthropological concept of culture, precisely on the grounds that it represents a generalization that distorts everyday experience, fits in nicely with this discussion. See also Appadurai 1988, Whittaker 1992. 5 Although Pirandello's ideas are postmodern in certain respects, an examination of Maggie Giinsberg's Patriarchal Representations(1994) illustrates that Pirandello's literary works are closely linked to the gender ideology of the period. Pirandello was very much influenced by his Sicilian background (Bernstein 1991, Gunsberg 1994, and Sciascia 1968). 6 Not all anthropologists, especially in recent years, however, are willing to accept O'Meara's (1989) view of anthropology as empirical science with

132 Notes to pages 9-26

7 8 9 10

11 12 13 14

explanatory goals that are somewhat similar to those of the 'natural' sciences. See also O'Meara 1990 and Shore 1990. There are certain parallels between Wittgenstein's ideas and Kenneth Burke's (1966) notion of 'language as symbolic action.' Michelle Rosaldo's Knowledge and Passion (1980) attempts to apply these ideas to the study of emotion discourse among the Ilongot. A detailed discussion of 'ambiguity/ and the various forms it may take, can be found in William Empson's Seven Types of Ambiguity (1965). In previous discussions of the evil eye, I have referred to the phenomenon as a 'belief (see Migliore 1981,1983,1990,1991). After reading Byron Good's critique of anthropological uses of the term (1994:6-24), however, I am reluctant to do so in this work. It is not my intention to contrast Sicilian-Canadian 'belief (connoting error or falsehood) with Western medical knowledge, although, following Pirandello, it would be appropriate to discuss both these systems of knowledge in terms of cultural fictions. For a more recent discussion of evil-eye representations in ancient Greece and Rome see Dunbabin and Dickie 1983, Johns 1982, and Walcot 1978. For a detailed discussion of the concept of envy see Schoeck 1969. In the Byzantine era, the evil eye was associated not only with envy but also the work of demons (see Limberis 1991, Maguire 1994). Further discussion of the visual paradigm, and its importance in the West, can be found in the work of Constance Classen (1993), Martin Jay (1993), and Colin Murray Turbayne (1962).

2: The Ethnographic Context 1 For a critique of the sharp distinction between 'native' and 'non-native' anthropology see Narayan 1993. 2 It is beyond the scope of my presentation, but I would expect to find, albeit for different reasons, a similar situation to exist in Racalmuto, and in Sicily in general. 3 To provide anonymity, I use fictive names to refer to my informants. 'Don Gesualdo' is a name I have taken from a novel by Giovanni Verga, Mastro Don Gesualdo (1940). 4 In the text I occasionally use terms such as 'mystical' and 'supernatural' to refer to certain forces or powers. I do this because these words convey a particular meaning to an English-speaking audience. What the reader should remember, however, is that, although the natural-supernatural distinction may have some relevance for Sicilian Canadians, it does not represent a clear or sharp dichotomy (at least not among the generation of people I worked with).

Notes to pages 30-43 133 3: The Power of Strong Emotions 1 This is a statement made by Rosario Chiarchiaro, a character in Pirandello's one-act play La Patente (1919). 2 In One, No One, and One Hundred Thousand, Pirandello (1990) is concerned specifically with conceptions of 'self and 'other/ but his ideas can be applied to an understanding of a variety of phenomena, including the evil eye. 3 For a discussion of evil eye in Italy see Appel 1976,1977; De Martino 1987; Esposito 1991; Gallini 1973; Gait 1982; Izzi 1980; Moss and Cappannari I960, 1976; and Pitre 1889. For a discussion of the phenomenon among Italians in North America see Buonanno 1984, Rush 1974, Smith 1972, and Swiderski 1976. 4 My presentation of Sicilian-Canadian conceptions of envy is consistent with Foster's general discussion of the phenomenon (1972). 5 The term disgrazia translates literally as 'without grace/ and is used by people to signify that someone has experienced some form of 'misfortune.' It is not the equivalent of the English term 'disgrace.' Notions of 'disgrace' or 'shame' are best discussed in terms of vergogna. 6 An association between the evil eye and notions of strength/weakness can also be found among various Hispanic groups in the United States and Latin America (see, for example, Cosminsky 1976, Madsen 1964, and Rubel 1960). 7 The term culpiti derives from the word colpo (a 'blow' or 'strike'). 8 As I mentioned earlier, I assured Don Gesualdo that I would not reveal the secret prayers he used to diagnose and treat cases of mal'uocchiu and related phenomena. Rush (1974: 48), however, provides the following example of a prayer recited by an Italian-Canadian woman to treat cases of evil eye: Father, Son, Holy Spirit Think of your Mother, Think of your Mother, Let us fight with Holy Mary. Two eyes offended me, Four eyes offended me. First, Second, Sixth Saints, The Universe blow away the evil. For an example of a healing prayer from Italy see Esposito 1991:156-7. 9 I have reconstructed this statement from notes I recorded several hours after the interview. 10 Willa Appel (1976:18-19) arrives at a similar conclusion for mainland Italian evil-eye beliefs.

134 Notes to pages 46-96 11 For a general discussion of preventive charms and gestures from different places and times see El worthy 1895 and Potts 1982. 12 This gesture is somewhat ambiguous in that it can represent an evil-eye protective device or a symbol to indicate that someone is a cuckold. 13 For a discussion of erotic images and the evil eye in Greece and Rome see Johns 1982. For a discussion of evil-eye aggression and sexuality see Tourney and Plazak 1954. 14 The term 'supernatural' is not necessarily 'salient in the collective representations of some people' (Saler 1977: 49; see also Migliore 1990: 7-9). I use the term here simply to be consistent with Evans-Pritchard's presentation of Azande witchcraft. For a discussion of his rationale for using the term see Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande (1937: 80-1) and Theories of Primitive Religion (1965:109-10). 15 George Simeon (1973) makes a similar point in his discussion of the 'evil eye' in a Guatemalan village.

4: Mal'uocchiu and the Language of Distress 1 Pirandello regards the heart as the seat of 'emotions'. This view is consistent with the information I have collected among Sicilian Canadians (see Migliore 1991), and the material Pitre (1971: 97) collected in Sicily. 2 For a detailed discussion of the Sicilian-Canadian concept of 'nerves' and its relationship to physical ailments affecting movement see Migliore 1991,1994. 3 According to Parry and Bloch (1989), however, this view of 'money' is consistent with Western conceptions of the phenomenon, but not necessarily a view shared by other peoples. 4 This notion of Hfeworld is associated with the work of Husserl and the tradition^) of phenomenology in both philosophy and the social sciences. 5 Don Gesualdo's views concerning 'microbes in the blood' were influenced by a medical film he viewed, in Italy, before he emigrated to Canada.

5: Mal'uocchiu in Everyday Experience 1 Various studies indicate that a similar process occurs in the case of 'nerves/ and illness narratives in general (e.g., Davis 1989; Gaines 1982; Good 1994; Migliore 1994; and Rebhun 1993). In addition, discussions of health and 'wellness' may also involve a moral discourse (see Conrad 1994). 2 As in the case of mal'uocchiu, however, these concepts are also vague, ambiguous, and variable, and therefore open to interpretation and manipulation. 3 Although Scarry (1985) and Good (1994) make use of the notion of an

Notes to pages 100-3 135 'unmaking of the lifeworld'to discuss cases of extreme or chronic pain, I believe that concept can be extended, by analogy, to discussions of social relations. 6: Extending the Web of Significance 1 Abdullahi Ali Ibrahim (1991,1994) provides an examination of the interrelationship among the evil eye, metaphor, and humour among the Muslim Arab Rubatab of the Sudan. As one might expect, this discussion differs significantly from the account I have provided here. Among the Rubatab, an individual may 'shoot' an evil-eye metaphor at another to create a humorous situation for an audience. The recipient of the comment, however, does not regard the statement as a joking matter. I suspect that a similar situation could easily occur in the Sicilian context, depending on how someone interprets a humorous remark involving mal'uocchiu. 2 Further discussion of Giufa and his exploits appears in Costanzo 1990,1991. For a discussion of Giufa, physical distress, and the idiom of 'nerves' see Migliore 1991. A large collection of Sicilian folktales concerning Giufa also appears in Pitre 1875. 3 Pirandello is not the only author to make use of the evil eye in a literary work. For other examples see Buzzelli 1995; Diamond 1994; Gadda 1965; Gautier 1863 (see also Siebers 1983: 87-109); Mancini 1977; and the volume of works edited by Giuseppe Izzi (1980). 4 The Rodman and Rodman (1991) article on 'rainmaking' in Vanuatu can serve as an example, albeit from a very different sociocultural context, of a situation in which someone may accept a deviant label and use it to her or his advantage. 5 The word chiacchiari and the name Chiarchiaro are similar enough that Pirandello may have used the name, as part of a metanarrative, to convey a particular message about the character and the theme of the play. As a word, chiarchiaro does not appear in any of the Italian-English dictionaries I have consulted. In talking to people in the community, the term seems to signify different things to different people. I have had some people link the term to: (1) chiacchiari; (2) a particular mountain peak in south-central Sicily that was severely damaged by an earthquake; (3) a place where a certain type of rock is processed to make building materials; and (4) the debris that collects and solidifies within water pipes. The last two possibilities lead me to suspect that Pirandello may have used the term to signify that the community, through its evil-eye allegations, had broken the man down and made him into what he eventually became by the end of the play. It is not at all clear to

136 Notes to pages 103-19 me, however, what Pirandello may have intended with the use of the term maybe it simply represents a name. Or, more consistent with the theme of this text, maybe the meaning of the term depends on where we are willing to take it. 6 Denise Lawrence (1982:92) also touches on this aspect of the phenomenon in her discussion of the interrelationship among the evil eye, envy, and menstrual taboos in Portugal. 7: Conclusion 1 Although Paul Sant Cassia (1991) and I address different issues, I would like to acknowledge his use of Pirandello to discuss the anthropology of the Mediterranean as the inspiration for my analogy. 2 In recent years, director Anatoli Vassiliev has taken Pirandello's Six Characters in Search of an Author in directions that Pirandello himself could not have anticipated (see Alessio 1992). It seems that the three-point analogy that I have just made for mal'uocchiu could be applied to the play itself. 3 In a recent article, Vera Rubin (1994) has proposed that NGC4826 be renamed the 'Sleeping Beauty' galaxy, owing to its unusual aesthetic qualities. 4 Since the initial preparation of this text, it has come to my attention (thanks to the efforts of Dylan A. Jones) that artists such as Alcatrazz, Black Sabbath, Robbie Dupree, Joe Jackson, Yngwie Malmsteen, Gino Vannelli, and others have also recorded songs with 'evil eye' in their titles. 5 More recently, Viciu provided me with additional information concerning uses of the 'evil eye' in comic books and TV programs. Two of these usages I found particularly interesting because they transform the concept from an 'evil power capable of emanating from the eyes to injure others' into: (1) an object - Prester John, a Marvel Universe comic character, possesses a magical object called the Evil Eye that can be used to project a powerful force; and (2) a place - The Tick, an animated Saturday-morning TV program, features a place called the Evil Eye Cafe. These transformations support my notion that the meaning of a concept can be understood only in terms of how people use that concept.

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Index

absolute truth, 5 abstraction, 50-1, 72,122-3; abstract nouns, 34; levels of, 34; of reality, 5, 6, 30, 54-5 Abu-Lughod, L., 54,131 n4 acitu, 70,127 alterazione. See Don Gesualdo alternative Voice/ x, 16 ambiguity, vagueness, variability, x, 5, 6, 7,11,12,14,15-16,28,30,34,36, 44-5, 48,50-2, 55, 68, 72, 75, 90,97, 99,105,112-13,114-16,120,121-3, 125,132n9,134nl2,134n2,135-6n5 analogy, 3-4, 8, 54, 74-5,114-15,122, 125-6,136nl, 136n2 Appel, W., 133nlO Aristotle, 97

Capp, A., Li'l Abner, 116 Caputi, A., 10

Bailey, F.G., 115 Bloch, M., 134n3 boundary maintenance, 14; see also social distance Browner, C, 13,121 Burke, K., 'language as symbolic action,' 132n7

De Martino, E., 15 denotation and connotation, 8-9 deviant behaviour, 14,135n4 didactic discourse, 4,101 disgrazia, 32,127,133n5 DiStasi, L., 13 distress, 55, 64,69 donni di notti, 70,127 Dow, J., 57

Calvino, I., 100

carricata/carricatu, 39, 62,127

chiacchiari, 103-4,116,127,135-6n5 Chiarchiaro, R., 102-3,133nl, 135-6n5 comic books, 117-20,136n5 communication, 52-3; of pain and suffering, 68; see also idioms of distress; language of distress concretization of experience, 54-5,68, 72,97 coping strategy, 14, 72 Coss, R.G., 15 Crocker, J.C., 98 culpiti, 34-5,36,127,133n7 culture-bound syndromes, 14,16 Cyclops, 19,118

156 Index El worthy, FT., 13 emotions, 33,34-5,36,54-5,63-4, 71, 83,89,96,102,115,120,123,132n8, 134nl; see also envy and 'nerves' Empson, W., Seven Types of Ambiguity, 132n9 envy, 13,31,33,46, 50,62,64,101, 132nl2,133n4,136n6; see also evil eye; mmidia epidemiological principles, x Evans-Pritchard, E.E., 33,50,134nl4 evil eye, 50-1; biopsychological roots and instinctual defences, 15, 16; definition, 13,30,132nlO; demons, 132nl3; envy, 13-14,33, 35,132nl2; hypnotic activity, 15; in scholarly literature, 12-16,132nll, 133n3; paranoid world-view, 15; popular, media, and scientific discourses, 116-20,136n4,136n5; protective charms, 13,134nll; sexual symbolism, 47,134nl3; symbol of fertility and mana, 15; widespread phenomenon, 13,15; see also mal'uocchiu Evil Eye, The, 117 'Evil Eye' galaxy, 116,136n3 Evil Eye: Tales of Terror, 117 'explanation' in anthropological discourse, x, 7,11,16,50,121-3,125, 131n4,131-2n6 fattucchieri, ix, 27,33,34,77,89-90, 127 fattucchieria, 32,33,34,127 fattura, 57,88-9,127 Fernandez, J.W., 98 flexibility of cultural constructs, 35, 52,72,97,99,113,115-16,122,125 Foster, G.M., 101,133n4

fright, x, 82-3,91-2; see also spavientu Gaines, A.T., 11 Garza-Cuaron, B., 8 generalized reciprocity, 59 Gesualdo, Don, ix, x, xiii, 26-9,33-4, 34-6,37,44-5,50,61-3,75,125, 132n3,133n8,134n5; alterazione, 55, 68-71,72,120,127; diagnostic ritual, 37-8,39,62; fright, 82-3; healing ritual, 38-9,62; medical doctors, 37,39,56,62; sangu (blood), 69-71,129; treatment, 70-1 gift vs payment, 33,59-60,134n3 Giufa, 100-1,128,135n2 Good, B.J., 132nlO, 134n3 Gregory, C.A., 59 Giinsberg, M., Patriarchal Representations, 131n5 Hamilton, 19-22; ethnic and cultural identity, 21; Racalmutese in, 20-2 Happy Days, 117 healers and healing techniques, 26, 33,3^45,50,57,60-2,65-6,87,110, 133n8; healers and medical doctors, 57-8,65-8; healing and religion, 43-4; non-specialists, 41-3,62-3, 85-6; transmission of healing knowledge, 40-1,44; variability of healing techniques, 44; see also Don Gesualdo Hilmy, S.S., 10 Hocart, A.M., 13 honour/shame, 47,65,67,76-8,79, 84,93-5,133n5; see also respect; disrespect; reputation Hughes, C., 14 humour, 4,100-1,105,116,135nl

Index 157 Ibrahim, A.A., 135nl idiom of distress, 14,16,17,55, 61, 68,72, 75, 80,89,96,112,121-2, 126 idiom of explanation, 14,55-61,64, 68, 72, 80-1, 86,96,104,113,122 illness narratives and 'closure,' 58,68, 72 'illusion of simplicity/ 8,123 Internet, World Wide Web, 117 intersubjectivity, 52, 72 Italian immigration/emigration to Canada, 19-20; chain-migration, 20; see also Sicilian ittatura, 32, 33, 34, 79-81,128 ittaturi, 33,34-5, 38, 45-6, 50, 77,86, 87, 96-7,102,120-1,128 Kaos, 99

Kearney, M., 15, 30 kinship, 82 Kirmayer, L.J., 72-3 Kleinman, A., 72 Knauft, B.M., 6-7 Lakoff, G., 97 language of argument, 87, 90, 97, 99, 122; see also language of distress language of distress, 12,17, 55, 68, 71-2, 97-8, 99,113,115,122; communication of alternative messages, 75-87, 97,113; impressionmanagement, 81, 97,115; and language of argument, 87-97,115; moral commentary, 76,86,98,99, 113 Larson, G., The Far Side, 116 Lawrence, D.L., 136n6 life' experience, 7, 8,52,61, 68,97, 112,115,123,125

lifeworld, 68,96-7,105,112,134n4, 135n3 Lutz, C, 54,137 MacHovec, F.J., 15 mail lingua, 32,33, 79,95,128 mal'uocchiu, 32, 33, 45,50,128; alterazione, 71; definition, 34; etiology, 34-6,55-6,60; 'good luck' charms, 47-8; intentional/unintentional, 35-6,38,46, 50,57,60, 62,87,103; misfortune, 36,52,60; mmidia, 34-5, 46,82; presymptomatic signs, 36, 37; preventive measures, 35,45-9, 105,134nl2; strength/weakness balance, 35,45, 58, 96,120,133n6; susceptibility, 35, 89; symbols of ethnic identity, 47-9; symptoms, 36,42,56, 57, 62,82, 88; variable meaning, 115-16,126 Marxist perspective, 15 Mauss, M., 59 Mead, G.H., 10 meaning: alternative meanings or messages, 12, 34,52, 75-87,97; construction of, 5-6, 9,12,18,45, 50-3, 72, 87,122; context and, x, 3-4, 5, 9, 10,11,12-13, 51-3, 75,131nl; 'experientialist' view of, 11, 97; human action and experience, 8-9,11; interpretation of, 52-3,55,90,101, 122; in use, 8-10,11,34,51,72,74-5, 112-13,123,126; 'referential' theory of, 8-9; relativity of, 5-6,7,10,11; see also metaphor Mediterranean; conceptions of 'self and 'other/ 11, 93,131n3; worldview, 30-1,51 Meerloo, J.A.M., 15 metaphor, 3,11, 54,94-5, 97,131n3,

158 Index 135nl; illness as, 73,76; mal'uocchiu as, 73, 97-8,113; sorcery as, 96; tool of persuasion, 98 misfortune and illness, 32-3,36, 49-50,55, 57,60 mmidia, 31,34-5,128; strength/weakness balance, 35 Monk, R., 5 moral commentary, 76,97-8,102, 134nl; see also honour/shame; language of distress native or auto-ethnography. See research, 'insider' 'nerves/ 17,64,67,80,85,120-1, 134n2,134nl, 135n2; see also nierbi; nirbusu Nichter, M., 14, 55,61,147 nierbi, 57-8,92,128; see also 'nerves'; nirbusu nirbusu, 69-71, 79-80, 83-5, 92,120-1, 128; see also alterazione; 'nerves'; nierbi Olkes, C, 96 O'Meara, J.T., 131 n6 Ortiz de Montellano, B., 13,121 Parry, J., 134n3 Parsons, C.D.F., 55 Pirandello, L., x, 4-7,10-12,17,18,30, 44,50,52,54,74-5,113,125-6, 131n5,132nlO, 134nl, 135n3, 135-6n5,136nl; At the Exit, 54; consciousness, 10-11; fiction, truth, and reality, 5-6,99,102-3,122; La Patente, 101-3,133nl; 'life,' 'form/ and the 'flux of life/ 5-6, 45,50-1, 54,68,71-2,112,114,122; Nobel Prize for Literature (1934), 5; One,

No One, and One Hundred Thousand, 125-6,133n2; The Other Son, 99; Pirandellian anthropology, 6; reflexivity, 6,11; relativity of meaning, 5-6,10,52,87, 102-3,104,113, 121; sincerity 6,129; Six Characters in Search of an Author, 114,131n3, 136n2 Pitre, G., 134nl Pitt-Rivers, J.A., 93 Playfair, G.L., 116 postmodernism, 6-7,131n5 pragmatics, 9-10, 52-3 psychological or psychiatric explanations, 15 Racalmuto, 18,21 rationale for action, 56-7,60,64,68, 72,81,104 reflexivity, 6,11 reputation, 93-4,104; see also honour/ shame research: 'insider', x, 16,17-18, 22-6, 132nl; methods and experience, 22-9; site, 18 respect/disrespect, xiii, 27-8,31, 45-6,91-4,100 Rodman, M.C., 135n4 Rodman, W.L., 120,135n4 Rosaldo, M., Knowledge and Passion, 132n8 Rose Tattoo, The, 117 Rosenbaum, B.Z., How to Avoid the Evil Eye, 116 Rubel,A.,x,13,121,138 Rubin, V.C., 136n3 Rubinstein, D., 10 Rush,J.A., 133n8 Sahlins, M.D., 59

Index 159 Sant Cassia, P., 131n3,136nl Scarry, E., 134n3 Sciascia, L., 100 self-reflexive interaction, 7,12,18, 52, 55, 71,115-16,125 semantics, 10 sgorbu, 70,128 Sicily, 18-19; social and economic problems, 18,19 Sicilian: history, 18-19,100; history of domination, 15,18,19; migration and emigration, 18-19; stories or tales, xi, 3-4,100-1,135n2 Simeon, G., 134nl5 Simpson, O.J., murder trial, 117 social-control mechanisms, 14, 87, 93-4, 96-7,115,122 social distance, 81-7, 97,102 social interaction, 7, 8,12,18, 24,36, 52,54-5,63, 71, 88-9, 97,115-16, 125 social origins of distress, 64 social support, 14, 64, 85 sonnabola, 57-8,128 sorcery, 33, 67, 96; see also fat tucchieria sortilegio,32-4,5I,U8 spavientu, 69-70, 83,128 spilaturi, 26,128 Stephenson, P.H., 15 Stoller, P., 96 strained social relations, 14, 96-7 stregi, ix, 33,35-6,38,46,51,60,89-90, 129 stregonaria, 32, 33, 34,38, 51, 69,129 subjectivity, 6,10,11,12,52-3

Superman, 118-20 superstition, 74,102-13,116,126 Swiderski, R., 47-8 symbolic-interactionists, 10-11 Synnott, A., 15 taliatura, 34, 36,38,62-3, 85,129 Taylor, C.C., 59 truthful fictions, 6 van Gennep, A., Semi-Scholars, The, ix Verga, G., Mastro Don Gesnaldo, 132n3 Weaver, J.C., 19 Western preoccupation with sight, 15, 132nl4 Williams, P.H., 44 witch, 57, 70,102; see also stregi witchcraft, 33, 50, 58,97,134nl4; see also stregonaria Wittgenstein, L., x, 4-5, 7-12,44, 50, 54, 75,87,114,132n7; description and explanation, 7; family resemblance, 115-16; language-games, 9; language, meaning, and use, 7-8,9, 10,11,52; meaning as 'experiential' phenomenon, 9-11, 54, 75; PhilosophicalInvestigations, 3, 7, 8-9,10; relativity, 7,104,121; 'scientific' and 'ordinary' language, 7-8; Tractatus, 7; words as tools, 3, 9 world-view, x, 15,29, 50-1; definition, 30; good/evil dichotomy, 30-1, 34, 43-4, 48-9; means of affecting future events; see also sortilegio, 31-2