Lucius Cary. Second Viscount Falkland 9780231885874

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L U C I U S

C A R Y

Second Viscount Falkland NUMBER

I47

UNIVERSITY AND

OF T H E STUDIES

COMPARATIVE

COLUMBIA IN

ENGLISH

LITERATURE

LUCIUS

CARY

Second Viscount Falkland

By

COLUMBIA

KURT

WEBER

UNIVERSITY

PRESS

New York : Morningside Heights : 1940

COPYRIGHT COLUMBIA

UNIVERSITY

1940 PRESS, N E W

YORK

FOREIGN A G E N T S : OXFORD U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS, H u m p h r e y

Milford,

Amen House, London, E . C . 4, E n g l a n d , AND B . I. Building, Nicol Road, Bombay, Indiai

MARI/ZEN COMPANY, LTD., 6 N i h o n b a s h i ,

Tori-N'ichome, T o k y o , J a p a n MANUFACTURED

IN T H E

U N I T E D STATES OF

AMERICA

TO MY

PARENTS

PREFACE

I T IS T H E P U R P O S E O F T H I S BOOK T O R E C R E A T E , N O T T H E W A N

tragedy of Falkland's last years, but the fullness of his days as the lord and patron who kept open house at Burford and Tew. Characteristically a man of energy, though Suckling once complained of his being "gone with divinity," Falkland was an ideal host in the gratifying acuteness of his attention. A delighted listener, he so promptly took in what his friends most desired to express, and so refined their best thoughts before they had finished uttering them, that when he spoke he aroused the sympathy and approbation of all. His guests were poets, courtiers, lawyers, and divines. Some of these divines were very human people like the companionable Thomas Triplet. Others were both human and thoughtful, capable, indeed, of steady reflection. Rationalists like Chillingworth and Earle were among the most tolerant men of their day, and in their reasoned pleas for charity in religious opinions stimulated all that was best in the thought of their acknowledged spokesman, Falkland. I believe that this circle, including also its less remarkable but no less sociable members, deserves a fuller portrayal than has yet been accorded to it. Few of the guests construct the thought of the circle as noticeably as does Chillingworth, who dwells with Falkland and sits discoursing with him in his own library. But none is incapable of sustaining a reader's interest in humanity, and the majority still offer silent or spoken attestation to the amenities of Falkland's home and to that humanistic love of good living and of good conversation which united all Tewbound travelers into a bond of heartwarming expectation.

Vili

PREFACE

T h e keenest intellects of the group were as much a party to this bond as were the others. It would clearly be unjust to segregate these few from the rest and to disembody them for the sake of what interests one most, their minds. I intend to show Falkland experiencing his thought in the actual society of his wiser friends, while he applies their counsel to the kindred problems of his own religiously disunited family and of the national Church. In these living conversations, among his guests at Burford and Tew, the young and strenuously receptive viscount turned his hours to their best account. Herein lies his true importance. Many a reader knows with what lustre Falkland has been compelled to shine in the role of the high-minded statesman who won a martyr's crown. 1 For me his securer distinction remains that of a friend and sponsor of liberal thought on the eve of the Civil War. In accordance with this belief, I have dwelt chiefly upon that more fruitful part of Falkland's life which came to an end in 1639. In that year he volunteered in the Scottish campaign, and began the active participation in affairs of the realm which led ultimately to his death at the first battle of Newbury. His career as a member of the Long Parliament, where he was a leader in the attacks on Finch and Strafford, and as principal secretary of state to Charles I, when he sought in vain to effect a national reconciliation, has been abundantly discussed by capable historians such as Gardiner and Marriott. I cannot avoid the conclusion that those positive talents which Falkland revealed at Tew proved nearly a mockery to him when he carried them over into the noise and business of a state. His power of cementing friendships, his leadership of enlightened opinion, were gifts adapted to a 1 T w o centuries before Matthew Arnold, a Roman Catholic controversialist was already recalling Falkland as "that martyr of peace."

PREFACE

ix

scholarly salon, not those that were fit for Parliament or for courtly intrigue. In short, more than ample warrant seems to be given for a discussion focused only upon Falkland's halcyon days and upon the sort of life for which he had the worthiest qualifications. The present inquiry may well be freed of the impulsion some writers of a former day have felt to hurry ahead toward a treatment of Falkland's political career. The final chapters that might otherwise have been given over to the political years are here reserved for a study of the sources and contents of Falkland's religious thinking. In his rationalism and irenicism he was an heir of spiritual humanists of the preceding century such as Erasmus, Cassander, and Acontius, and he was also the contemporary of H u g o Grotius. A comparison of these writers with Falkland and Chillingworth will reveal that the latter occupy no obscure station in the history of rationalism and that in their appeal to the unity of the spirit they reaffirm the charity of Erasmus with pleas as eloquent as his own. It is true that their vision was limited and that their Erasmian hope of restoring unity in Christendom was obviously futile. Falkland, Chillingworth, Hales, and Hammond had little comprehension in the 1630's of the unabated vigor of Puritanism and the assurance it gave of rendering nugatory any offer they made to reunite the national Church. As humanists they had their affinities with many Puritans of culture; but as oversanguine men of latitude and good will they were too intellectual, too quietly sensible, ever to judge at its true value the fervor and intensity which Puritan piety bred among its followers. Nevertheless, their abiding faith in a Christian reasonableness induces a meditative person to behold them as pioneers rather than as preservers, as men who

PREFACE

X

took some active part in advancing toward the best in modern thought. Accumulations and discharges of religious energy and partisan zeal have tensed the muscles and straitened the lives of countless Christians in every age and generation; pleas for peace and charity have had no such galvanic effects, and the spirit in which they have been offered has gone for naught in the practical futility of their proposals. But a knowledge of the pleaders and their temper is not without value to those who, like Falkland himself, desire to multiply the roots of their own tolerance. I wish to thank the authorities of the Columbia University Library, the Library of Union Theological Seminary, New York, the Bodleian Library, and the British Museum for the privileges they have extended me in the use of rare books and manuscripts. M y research abroad was made possible through the grant of a Columbia University Fellowship, a benefit for which I shall never cease to be grateful. H a d it not been for a number of individual kindnesses in England, my collection of fresh materials concerning Falkland would have been meagre in the extreme. I am happy to acknowledge my indebtedness to M r . H . F . B. Brett-Smith, my onetime tutor at Oxford, whose advice led me to interesting manuscript discoveries at the British Museum. T o the librarian of the Honourable Society of Lincoln's Inn, M r . Hodgkinson, and to the library committee, I owe special thanks for placing one of the Hale manuscripts at my disposal. I desire also to express my appreciation to the Right Honourable Earl Spencer for so readily permitting me to make transcripts of the Falkland letters in his possession, letters which I should have used more freely had I not restricted the compass of this biography. M y obligations at home are manifold. D r . Giles E . Dawson, of the Folger Shakespeare Library, has been most courte-

xi

PREFACE

ous and helpful to me in making available manuscript copies of poems by Falkland and his friends. Professor W. K. Jordan, of Harvard, gave me valuable assistance when I was still very much at sea concerning the course I should pursue in my final chapters. His volumes on The Development of Religious Toleration in England have given me repeated guidance. It is with pleasure and gratitude that I own my obligation to Professor Kenneth B. Murdock, of Harvard, who, learning that an unknown student had, without knowledge of trespass, appropriated and undermined his own subject, generously offered accommodation and assistance and gave them in full measure. The Sun at Noon interprets Falkland with accuracy and understanding; it has been my privilege to find that the author possesses Falkland's own courtesy and consideration. I offer my final acknowledgments to members of the English Department of Columbia University: to Professor E. H . Wright, whose kindness has been unfailing; to Professors H . M. Ayres, O. J . Campbell, H . N. Fairchild, W. Y. Tindall, Dr. H . W. Wells, and others; as also to Professor J . L . Gerig, Professor A. J . Barnouw, and other members of other departments. For the patient, fatherly interest of Professor F. A. Patterson, in whose Milton seminar I was long a student and to whose acts of kindness and steady encouragement I owe my progress in graduate studies, I feel profoundly grateful. One last acknowledgment remains. Without Professor William Haller's unflagging interest in the growth of this book, without his expert and apposite advice and sympathetic encouragement, I do not know how I should ever have been emboldened to complete my study and to have it published. KURT

Clinton, S.C. March 26, 1940

WEBER

CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS A Y O U N G MAN OF P R O P E R T Y A N T E C E D E N T S AND U P B R I N G I N G SIR

WHAT-CARE-I

T H E L O R D OF B U R F O R D AND T E W C H I L L I N G WORTH IN N E C E S S A R I I S

UNITAS

APPENDICES 1.

FALKLAND'S VERSE

2.

PATRICK CARY

BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX

(1624-56)

ABBREVIATIONS Athen. Oxott. Cai. CSP Dom. D.N.B. N. ¿if Q. n. s. N. S. P. R. O. S. P.

Athenae Oxonienses. See under Wood, Anthony. Calendar. Calendar of State Papers: Domestic. See under Great Britain. Dictionary of National Biography. Notes and Queries. new style (of dating). New Series. Public Record Office, London. State Papers.

L U C I U S

CARY

Second Viscount Falkland

C H A P T E R

A

Y O U N G

M A N

OF

O N E

P R O P E R T Y

IN T H E Y E A R I 6 2 9 SIR L U C I U S C A R Y , T H E E L D E S T SON O F T H E

retiring L o r d Deputy of Ireland, came into possession of two of the most delectable estates in Oxfordshire. H e had not his father, Lord Falkland, to thank for them; and as for his mother, it was in part through her folly that the lands went directly to young Sir Lucius. She had mortgaged the remaining part of her jointure in 1622 in order to enable her husband to meet the viceregal obligations he was then assuming. T h i s reckless act, together with other manifestations of her unthrift, so vexed her father, the avaricious Sir Laurence Tanfield, that he willed both his properties in Oxfordshire to the care of his widow, who was to hold them in trust for their grandson Lucius. Lady Tanfield survived her husband by only four years, and thus it fell that upon her death, in the summer of 1629, "all the lande with his very good houses, very well furnished (worth above 20001- per annum) in a most pleasant country, and the two most pleasant places in that country, with a very plentiful! personall estate, fell into his hands and possession, and to his intire disposall."

1

T h e parents of Sir Lucius "were not well enough contented," says Clarendon, "to finde themselves passed by in the descent." 1

2

T h e first Lord Falkland, in the course of his

Clarendon, Life

( 1 8 5 7 ) , I, 3 6 ; Nichol Smith, Characters,

pp. 8 7 - 8 8 .

Quotations from Clarendon are based wherever possible on Nichol Smith. 2

Clarendon, Hist. Reb., ed. M a c r a y , III, 1 7 9 ; Nichol Smith,

p. 72.

Characters,

4

A

Y O U N G

M A N

OF

P R O P E R T Y

deputyship, had fallen into worse debts than ever before; for the Privy Council had been a niggardly provider of funds, and the Irish were not amenable to heavy taxation. And now he was resigning his office, was returning to England as a somewhat discredited courtier, and had little reason to hope that he might mend his fortunes at Whitehall. Indeed, had it not been for one expectation he might have foreseen the calamity impending: his imprisonment in the Duchy House for debt. This one expectation was a profitable marriage for his eldest son, by means of which Falkland could have restored not merely his own solvency but also his favor with the King. It was a hope to build upon, and there was even then "some probable treaty," according to Clarendon, concerning such a marriage. 3 " T h e truth is," wrote Sir George Gresley to Sir Thomas Puckering on M a y 28, 1629, "the Lord Falkland and the L o r d Treasurer are to match two of their children together and thereupon the L o r d Falkland to continue Lord Deputy."

4

Gresley's expectations proved false. Lord Falkland was ordered on August 10 to resign his authority, the contemplated union was held in abeyance, and in the meantime Sir Lucius Cary—still a minor, but the financially independent lord of two manors—was shaping his destiny with his own impulsive hands. T w o cares there were that occupied the mind of the young knight. H e had his honor, in the defense of which he attempted a duel—not without embarrassing his father, who was obliged to petition the King for his release from the Fleet. H e had his romantic conceptions of love and 3 4

Clarendon, Life, I, 37. Lady Lewis, Lives, I, 8«; Birch, Court and Times of Charles /, II, 16.

A

Y O U N G

MAN

OF

P R O P E R T Y

5

devotion, which his association with Ben Jonson and young Sir H a r r y Morison so fostered that he grew indifferent to his father's mercenary objectives. Morison fell young, as every reader of Ben Jonson knows, and Cary's heart overflowed with grief at his death. But, fancying that he saw his H a r r y survive in Lettice Morison, his friend's only sister, Sir Lucius proposed to her, although she had no dowry, and precipitately married her. It was like an elopement. T h e wedding took place in Leicestershire, at a church not far from her home, in the early spring of 1630. By this act Sir Lucius permanently estranged himself from his father. S r L u c i u s C a r y w a s very conscious to himselfe of his o f f e n c e a n d transgression, a n d the consequence of it, w h i c h t h o u g h he c o u l d not repent, h a v i n g e m a r r y e d a lady of most extraordinary w i t t a n d j u d g e m e n t , a n d of the most signall virtue and e x e m p l a r y life, that the age p r o d u c e d , and w h o b r o u g h t him m a n y hopefull children, in w h i c h he tooke greate delight, yett he confessed it with the most sinceare a n d d u t i f u l l applications to his F a t h e r for his pardon, t h a t could be m a d e , a n d in order to the p r e j u d i c e he had b r o u g h t upon his f o r t u n e by bringinge no portion to him, he o f f r e d to repayre it by resigninge his w h o l e estate to his disposall, and to rely w h o l y upon his kindnesse for his o w n e maintenance and supporte, and to that purpose he had caused c o n v a y a n c e s to be d r a w n e by c o u n c e l l , w h i c h he b r o u g h t ready ingrossed to his father, and w a s w i l l i n g e to seale and e x e c u t e t h e m , that they m i g h t be valid: B u t his fathers passyon and indignation so farr transported him ( t h o u g h he w a s a g e n t l e m a n of excellent parts) that he refused any reconciliation and rejected all the o f f e r s w h i c h w e r e m a d e of the estate. 5

Lord Falkland lived on in desperate financial straits for a few years longer and then died of a gangrened leg in September, 1633, being attended at his bedside by his wife (whom he 5

Clarendon, Life, I, 37; Nichol Smith, Characters, pp. 89-90.

6

A

Y O U N G

MAN

OF

P R O P E R T Y

had forgiven for her great follies), but not by the son who had so deeply offended him. Upon his death, Sir Lucius Cary succeeded to the title and became the second Viscount Falkland. H e inherited also some of his father's financial problems and was obliged to add the manor of Aldenham, in Hertfordshire, and other mortgaged properties to the unencumbered Tanfield entail of the manors of Burford and Great T e w . T h e time was now at hand in which the true inclinations and aptitudes of this young man of property might be expected to show themselves and to commit him to a career in which either selfishness or a generous spirit would prevail. I n behalf of self-interest he had before him the crafty example of his maternal grandparents, the Tanfields, whose estates were now his and against whose embittered tenants he might proceed as shrewdly and relentlessly as they had done. I n behalf of self-interest again, but not with an entire sacrifice of generous feelings, he might have obeyed the Cary tradition, and sought his good at Whitehall—to become a cynic at last, disheartened like his father. Actually, he began by following another Cary tradition, that of arms; but he turned f r o m it to pursue a life in which he truly found himself, although most of his progenitors—his mother notably excepted —would have felt it uncongenial and unprofitable. A f t e r a season, in 1 6 3 0 , of fruitless waiting for a military commission in H o l l a n d , Cary retired with his wife into Oxfordshire and there entered upon that career of eager study and of hospitality to liberal spirits which has made the name Great T e w famous in the history of English thought and letters. Although he was much in London in the winter following his father's death, and although he was as much attracted by the

A

YOUNG

MAN

OF

P R O P E R T Y

7

place as was poor Herriclc in Devonshire, he had made his choice. It is in anticipation of the Tew period that the reader may now care to review Lucius Cary's antecedents and education.

CHAPTER

A N T E C E D E N T S

TWO

AND

U P B R I N G I N G

BURFORD DOES NOT HOLD T H E NAME OF SIR L A U R E N C E T A N F I E L D

in high honor. T h e town can never forget him entirely, and not merely because the most pretentious tomb in Burford Church is that of the Tanfields. 1 Of the grandson's virtuous name local legend does seem to be oblivious; but it has recalled the misdeeds of the grandparents with gusto. The reputation of the latter was as ill here as at their other estate of Great T e w ; tradition reveals how they were regarded: A t W i l c o t e they are believed to have stolen the " P o o r ' s P l o t " l e f t by Sir W i l l i a m and L a d y Willicote in the

fifteenth

c e n t u r y , and

one d a y , as they passed the plot, the donors appeared in a chariot in the s k y , c r y i n g " C a s t up, cast u p . " B u t elsewhere it is the T a n fields

w h o have the chariot. W h e n the W i n d r u s h at B u r f o r d is

d r y to the third arch of the bridge they will appear flying over the tops of the houses. 2

Sir Laurence drives his restless chariot in the Tew legends also, observing a lofty elm as the meta of his race.3 But it is Burford that is entitled to reflect upon the deeper grievance. For Tanfield took away the ancient liberties of the wool town, humbled the solid self-respect the burgesses had enjoyed throughout centuries of autonomous government, 1

Lady Tanfield's appropriation of space in is said to have been without the churchwardens' 2 Quoted from R. H. Gretton, The Burford Henry Lee, p. 207. 3 Marriott, "The Mistress of Great T e w , "

the church for the monument leave. Records, by Chambers in Sir Fortnightly

Review,

X C , 61.

A N T E C E D E N T S

AND

U P B R I N G I N G

9

and impaired, lastingly, the prosperity of the inhabitants. H e presided over the trial in the summer of 1620 which led to the conviction of the burgesses on the charge of usurpation of liberties and which effectively disposed of Burford as one of the independent boroughs of England. The advantages to Sir Laurence were, of course, considerable. Had he not purchased the town and manor in 1617? Had it not behooved him, as the first resident lord of the manor Burford had known since the Conquest, to repair the omissions of his predecessors in maintaining their authority and collecting their revenue? T h e power of the burgesses had been largely the result of want of manorial control. T o a man skilled in the letter of the law, as Tanfield was, there could be no compelling logic in the plea of long-established custom. Therefore Tanfield imposed his will as he saw fit and reaped his rewards. It must have aggravated the bitterness of the townspeople of Burford to recall that Tanfield's own father had been one not far different from themselves—a newcomer, to boot, from Northamptonshire. T h e son, Laurence Tanfield, was a "new man," who was indebted for his rise solely to his shrewdness at the law and to an opportune marriage. His bride had been Elizabeth Symondes, a grandniece of Sir Henry Lee, of Woodstock. It was perhaps through Lee's influence, as M r . E . K . Chambers suspects, that Tanfield was able to represent the borough of New Woodstock in Parliaments from 1589 to 1601. 4 But nothing save his innate ability could account for his conspicuous rise in the law. Attached to the Inner Temple, Tanfield had been called to the bar at the early age of eighteen and had made an astonishing success of his first case. H e had pleaded it against the Crown and in opposition to a coun4

He sat for Oxfordshire in James's first Parliament. See Chambers, Sir Henry Lee, p. 206; Marriott, Life and Times of Lucius Cary, p. 47.

10

A N T E C E D E N T S

A N D

U P B R I N G I N G

sel that had included none other than the famous Plowden. 5 A f t e r the trial was over, "the same M r . Ployden [jfc] met him coming out of the hall, and, embracing him, said, the law was like one day (if he lived) to have a great treasure of him, and England an excellent judge."

8

T h e prophecy was in

large measure fulfilled. In 1607, a year after he had been raised to the bench, Tanfield became Chief Baron of the Exchequer. l i e appears to have carried on his office with ability, although he and his wife, the latter especially, did not escape charges of bribe-taking. H i s career was so long that he is said to have survived all the judges in all the benches at Westminster; he died on the 30th of April, 1625. Lines inscribed on the elaborate Jacobean monument in Burford Church express regret that his bones rest here rather than in a national Pantheon: N o t this smail heape of stones & straightned Roome T h e Bench, the C o v r t , Tribvnail are his tombe T h i s bvt his dvst, bvt these his name interre A n d these indeed n o w bvt a sepvlcher W h o s e meritts only raised him; and made good His standing there, where f e w so long have stood Pitty his memory ingaged shovld stand V n t o A privat C h v r c h not to the land

A t Burford Priory, Tanfield had entertained King James, in 1603, in the course of the royal progress from Scotland. T h i s was Tanfield's seat, which he had purchased and so improved that it was the manor house in all but legal fact. 7 For6 Edmund Plowden ( 1 5 1 8 - 8 5 ) , referred to in the proverb, " ' T h e case is altered,' quoth P l o w d e n . " See Fuller's Worthies, III, 54, 6 1 ; A . E . Richardson, The Old Inns of England, p. 53. 8 The Lady Falkland: Her Life, pp. 1 - 2 . 7 T h e actual manor house was at Bury Barns. Tanfield acquired the L o r d ship of the manor and town of Burford in 1617 ( M . S. Gretton, Burford Past and Present, p. 1 0 0 ) .

A N T E C E D E N T S

AND

U P B R I N G I N G

II

merly the place had been the Hospital of St. John the Evangelist, an institution which had had a long though rather obscure history in Burford. 8 After the Dissolution, the priory was leased to Edmund Harmon, King Henry's barber, upon whose death it reverted to the Crown. Tanfield then bought it and upon the site of the ruins built himself a mansion, which is still standing, though in a much altered condition. Here, in this setting of beauty, Elizabeth Tanfield passed her studious childhood, and here, in all likelihood, Lucius Cary, her eldest son, was born.® Elizabeth was the only child of the Tanfields and their sole heir. Sir Henry Cary married her, says the anonymous life of L a d y Falkland, "only for being an heir, for he had had no acquaintance with her (she scarce ever having spoken to him) and she was nothing handsome, though then very fair." 1 0 T h e marriage contract was signed, it is believed, on June 27, 1602; the wedding itself followed in the autumn. 11 After the ceremony had been performed, the husband rode home, leaving his bride to continue for more than a year under her father's roof, the studious existence to which she had been accustomed. Such, at least, is the version which is presented by the biography and which, mistaking the date of the marriage, fixes the bride's age at fifteen or thereabouts. This account, however, was written under pious influences and some forty years later than the event by one of the daughters of the marriage, who, having taken the veil at Cambrai, felt it a religious duty to preserve the memory of that parent to whom 8

See art. by the Reverend H. E . Salter, Victoria History of Oxfordshire, II, 1 5 4 - 5 J ; M. S. Gretton, Burford Past and Present, p. 98. 8 Ibid., p. 101 j Wood, A then. Oxon., Vol. II, col. $66. On the house itself see the interesting article by Walter H. Godfrey in Oxoniensia, IV, 7 1 - 8 8 . 10 That is, of complexion. The Lady Falkland: Her Life, p. 7. 11 The Scots Peerage ( 1 9 0 6 ) , p. 6IOJ CSP Dom. Elizabeth, June 27, Oct. 2, 1602.

12

A N T E C E D E N T S

AND

U P B R I N G I N G

she, her sisters, and her little brothers owed their conversion. As with the accounts of the lives of other eminently pious women, so here a proper discount must be set on the narrative of the heroine's girlhood. If such a discount is not allowed, then the reader must believe that in the following year Elizabeth was turned over from parental care to further close supervision in Hertfordshire, specifically, as a prisoner of her mother-in-law, who, being one that loved much to be humoured, and finding her not to apply herself to it, used her very hardly so far as at last to confine her to her chamber, which seeing she little cared for, but entertained herself with reading, the mother-in-law took away all her books, with command to have no more brought

her.12

T h e prisoner, it is said, then wrote verses. It is difficult to believe that the young lady led such a caged existence. For she was apparently growing very well acquainted with all the literary practices of that fashionable group of writers which included Lucy, Countess of Bedford, and the Countess Dowager of Pembroke. She may have become a member of this early bluestocking group. W e do not know. A letter of December 23, 1602, tells us that "Sir John Harrington meanes to kepe a royall Christmas in Rutlandshire, having the Erles of Rutland and Bedford, Sir John Gray and Sir Harry Carie, with their ladies, the Erie of Pembroke, Sir Robert Sidney, and many more gallant." 1 3 Membership of this group would have been a privilege, but we cannot be sure that another Sir Harry was not the man here referred to. More cogent evidence is supplied by our knowledge of the L a d y Elizabeth's undoubted literary absorptions and of the recognition they received. 12

The Lady Falkland:

Her Life, p. 8.

13

Chamberlain, Letters, p. 171.

A N T E C E D E N T S

AND

U P B R I N G I N G

13

Her childhood had been precocious. In her command of languages, her juridical acumen, and her doubts about her religion she had been a match for most of the adults about her. The fame of her learning was spread abroad as early as her eleventh or twelfth year. Two of Michael Drayton's Heroical Efistles (1597), those between Queen Margaret and the Earl of Suffolk, are dedicated to "my Honoured Mistress, Mrs. Elizabeth Tanfield, the Sole Daughter and Heir of that famous and learned Lawyer, Lawrence Tanfield, Esq." "Sweet is the French tongue," writes the poet,14 more sweet the Italian; but most sweet are they both, if spoken by your admired self. If poesy were praiseless, your Virtues alone were a Subject sufficient to make it esteemed, tho' among the barbarous Getes: B y how much the more your tender Y e a r s give scarcely W a r r a n t for your more than Womanlike Wisdom, by so much is your Judgment, and Reading, the more to be w o n dered at. T h e Graces shall have one more Sister by yourself, and E n g l a n d to herself shall add one Muse more to Muse.

Here was recognition, indeed, to be considered worthy of a dedication along with Lucy, Countess of Bedford, and the other personages whom Drayton celebrated. If her father had had some hand in it, it is unlikely he let her know. Many years later, in 1612, John Davies of Hereford dedicated his Muses Sacrifice; or, Divine Meditations to "The most noble, and no lesse-deservedly-renowned Ladyes, as well Darlings as Patronesses, of the Muses; Lucy, Countesse of Bedford; Mary, Countesse-Dowager of Pembrooke; and Elizabeth, Lady Cary, (Wife of S r Henry Cary:) Glories of Women." In this dedication Lady Cary is said to inspire fear in Minerva, Regent of the Arts. Furthermore, 14

Drayton, England's

Heroicall Efistles, p. 155.

14

A N T E C E D E N T S

A N D

U P B R I N G I N G

T h o u mak'st Melpomen proud, and my Heart great of such a Pupill, w h o , in Buskin fine, W i t h Feete of State, dost make thy Muse to mete the Scenes of Syracuse and Palestine. A r t , L a n g u a g e ; yea; abstruse and holy T o n g u e s thy W i t and Grace acquir'd thy Fame to raise; A n d still to fill thine owne, and others Songs; thine, with thy Parts, and others, with thy praise. Such neruy Limbs of A r t , and Straines of W i t T i m e s past ne'er knew the weaker Sexe to haue; A n d times to come, will hardly credit it, if thus thou giue thy W o r k e s both Birth and G r a u e . 1 5

That it was our Lady Cary whom Davies celebrates as joining in tragedy the scenes of Syracuse and Palestine seems certain, if, as there is evidence for doing, we make her the author of The

Tragedie

of Mariam,

the Faire Queene

of

Iewry. This closet drama, which was published in 1613, may have been written as early as 1603 or 1604. L a d y Cary's other play, the setting of which was Syracuse, has not come down to us; it probably antedated the Biblical drama. 16 The

Tragedie

of Mariam

exhibits the characteristics of

"French Seneca," especially of the dramas of Robert Gamier (d. 1590), a theatre which was in vogue at this time in English courtly circles. T h e Countess of Pembroke had translated Garnier's Antonie

in 1590, and Thomas K y d and Samuel

Daniel had sought the approval of the discriminating with plays modeled upon the French author. For the most part, according to Professor Schelling, the English imitations of French Seneca appear to be the products of a definite literary 15

The

Tragedie

of Mariam,

p. x v i i . 18

Ibid., pp. v i i i - i x .

ed. A . C . Dunstan ( M a l o n e Soc.

Reprints),

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AND

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15

coterie. 1 7 It w o u l d be rash to assert that L a d y C a r y was a member of this coterie, but the conjecture that she may have been is agreeable and need not be quite discarded unless w e still accept the story in the biography of L a d y F a l k l a n d . O n the other hand, if we persist in believing that for more than a year after her marriage L a d y Cary remained under parental protection at B u r f o r d P r i o r y , and that during her husband's subsequent absence abroad her mother-in-law made a virtual prisoner of her in Hertfordshire, it is difficult indeed to understand how she managed to be au courant with the literary practices of one particular group and w h y John Davies of H e r e f o r d subsequently associated her as a writer of tragedy with L u c y , Countess of B e d f o r d , and the D o w a g e r Countess of Pembroke. T h e daughter's account is brought into further question since we know reasonably w e l l the times when Sir H e n r y was absent abroad. Prior to J u l y 12, 1599, when he was knighted at Dublin, H e n r y Cary appears to have performed foreign service as "lieutenant" to Sir Francis Vere, w h o was governor in 1598 of the Brill, in the province of H o l l a n d . 1 8 T h e r e is no certain evidence of his having gone abroad again until 1604 or 1605. In the latter year he met with misfortune; it was the first of those misfortunes that were to warp his temper in later life. In letters of October, 1605, we read of his having been taken prisoner by the Spaniards in the L o w Countries. B y refusing to take flight when the English were disgracefully repulsed at the River R o e r , Sir H e n r y and three others fell into the enemy's hands. O f the four, only Sir John R o e made good his escape—to expire some years later in B e n Jonson's arms. 17

F . E . Schelling, Elizabethan

Drama,

I I , 5 et sqq. T h e Countess of P e m -

broke's g r o u p was, in a limited w a y , a centre of French culture. 18

C h a m b e r l a i n , Letters,

p. 63.

16

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AND

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It w a s most shamefull, for ther w e r t w e l v e hundred

Hollanders

and Englishe m e n n e rann a w a y f r o m f o w e r hundred Italions, and only f o w e r did charge those f o w e r hundred, whiche w e r S r H e n r y C a r i e , M r R a t c l i f e , and C a p t a y n e Pigott, which three w e r taken prysoners, the forthe w h i c h e w a s S r J h o n R o o being taken as they three w e r , t w o fell out w h i c h e of ther prysoner he shold be, and they t w o w e n t together by the eares, and in the meane tyme he ranne his w a y and escaped. 1 9 C a r y , b e i n g s u s p e c t e d o f p o s s e s s i n g m e a n s , w a s r e g a r d e d as a c o n s i d e r a b l e p r i z e , as a l e t t e r h e w r o t e t o S i r T h o m a s

Ed-

m o n d s makes clear. E d m o n d s was resident ambassador with t h e A r c h d u k e at B r u s s e l s . T h e l e t t e r is d a t e d f r o m M a r c h 29, o.s.,

Ghent,

1606.20

F o r the A r c h d u k e ' s excuse to deal for me in regard I have not deserved it at his hands, I w a s never so simple to imagine for m y self he could be m o v e d to shew me any favour if other respects induced him not. H a d I money to pay, no favour w e r e like it. T h e order he gave for my reasonable liberty and good usage I found m a d e g o o d at G u a n d . T h e r e though the L i e u t e n a n t G o v ernor be willing to shew himself as courteous, yet is he more restrained, and I to my c h a m b e r confined. Y e s t e r d a y I spake with D i e g o L o p e z L u e r o , w h o seems far f r o m taking my offers, nor speaks under 1 2 , 0 0 0 c r o w n s , though I k n o w he aimeth at less. A t h o w m u c h less t h a n 1 2 , 0 0 0 c r o w n s his r e l e a s e w a s e f fected does not a p p e a r ; but, thanks to Sir Charles C o r n w a l l is's n e g o t i a t i o n s , C a r y w a s f r e e t o r e t u r n to E n g l a n d in t h e spring or s u m m e r of 1606. In a letter dated A u g u s t 27, 1606, E d m o n d s a l l u d e s t o t h e n e g o t i a t i o n s in r e t r o s p e c t . H e r e p o r t s t h e r e i n t h a t a c e r t a i n M . d e F l a i x h a s b e e n t a k e n p r i s o n e r at 19 Letters of Philif Gauody, ed. I. H. Jeayes, p. 161. C f . Murdock, Sun at Noon, p. 13. 2 0 Gr. Brit. Hist. M S S Com., Downshire, II, 435.

The

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17

the siege of Rheinberg by the Spaniards, who qualify him "to be a person of good accompt and great living; by the reputation whereof they intend to flea him in his ransome as they did Sir Henry Carye." 2 1 The affair must have been vexing in the highest degree to Sir Henry's unromantic soul, and, as Longueville suggests, it is most unlikely that he agreed with Jonson in the exalted sentiments of the latter's epigram. Ben lauds his valor, . . . w h e n no foe, that day, Could conquer thee, but chance, w h o did betray. L o v e thy great loss, which a renown hath w o n , T o live when Broeck not stands, nor Roor doth r u n . 2 2

Cary, ambitious man that he was, could not be enamored of an accident that depleted his exchequer and retarded the progress of his career. T h e Carys had been pushing their fortunes for many generations, had made various important connections, and had welcomed the wider opportunities at court that James was making possible at the expense of the Tudor nobility. One branch of the Carys had indeed been ennobled by Elizabeth j but not Sir Henry's, which had still to content itself with knighthoods and lesser offices. The first Carys of whom we know anything were not inconspicuous. Sir John Cary, of Cockington, in Devon, was a fourteenth-century predecessor of Sir Laurence Tanfield in the office of Chief Baron of the Exchequer, but he died an exile in Ireland in the year 1395. 2 3 Sir William Cary, likewise 21

Ibid., De L'lsle and Dudley, III, 308 n. 2. On the action at the Roer see also Works of Ben Jonson, ed. Gifford & Cunningham (London, 1 8 7 5 ) , V I I I , 179, and Sidney Letters, ed. Arthur Collins, I I , 31 j . 22 Works of Ben Jonson, ed. Gifford & Cunningham, V I I I , 179, Epigram lxvi. 23 F. Harrison, The Devon Carys, I, 74, 104.

l8

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of Cockington, was beheaded in 1 4 7 1 , after having fought for the red rose of Lancaster at the Battle of Tewkesbury.- 4 H i s son Thomas married the niece of the Duke of Somerset, and the two sons of Thomas of whom we have record also made profitable marriages. J o h n , the elder, won the hand of Joyce, daughter of a Baron of the Exchequer, and mother, by her first husband, of the famous Sir Francis Walsingham.

In

1 5 3 6 , possibly through his wife's influence, he obtained from the Crown the grant of a dissolved priory in Essex, and in 1 5 4 7 he was knighted. Sir John was the great-grandfather of Lucius Cary, while his brother William, who married the sister of Anne Boleyn, became the ancestor of the Lords Hunsdon. T h e line of the future Falklands continues with Sir E d ward Cary, the second son of Sir J o h n . Although he failed to equal the success of his cousin who was created First Baron Hunsdon, E d w a r d Cary contrived, nevertheless, to gain several offices of trust and a fair estate in the bargain. H e was a groom of the P r i v y Chamber, Keeper of Marylebone Park, Master of the Jewel-House, and he was knighted by Queen Elizabeth in 1596. H e had secured the lease from the Crown, in 1 5 6 0 , of Berkhampstead Castle, and, in 1 5 7 1 , of the royal manor of Minster in the Isle of T h a n e t ; and in 1588 he was able to purchase the manor of Aldenham. In virtue of the Berkhampstead and Aldenham estates, the father of

Sir

H e n r y Cary was regarded, like his cousin L o r d Hunsdon, as a well-established property owner in Hertfordshire. H e married Katherine, daughter of Sir H e n r y K n y v e t t and widow of H e n r y , L o r d Paget, of Beaudesart, by whom he had three sons and six daughters. 24

Robinson, Records of the Family of Cary, pp. 4. et sqq.; The Scots Peerage, III, 607-8.

A N T E C E D E N T S

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19

H e n r y Cary, afterward Viscount Falkland, was the eldest son. H e was only fourteen years of age when, on August 2, 1 5 9 0 , his father entered him at Gray's Inn. 2 5 At the age of about sixteen, he was sent, says Anthony Wood, "to obtain academical learning in this university [ O x f o r d ] , particularly, as it seems, to Exeter coll. where by the help of a good tutor, and extraordinary parts, he became a most accomplished gentleman."

26

His chamber, Fuller asserts, was the rendezvous

of all the eminent wits, divines, philosophers, lawyers, historians, and politicians of the time. 27 Wood, however, points out the obvious confusion in Fuller's account. " H a d those things been spoken," he argues, "of Lucius Cary his son, who retired several times to, and took commons in, Exeter coll. while his brother Lorenzo studied there in 1628 and after, I should have rather believed it."

28

Actually, it was at Queen's Col-

lege, not at E x e t e r , that Henry Cary and his two brothers matriculated in the year 1593.- 9 In the summer of 1599 Essex knighted Cary at Dublin Castle, little suspecting that he would be in authority there one day as L o r d Deputy. About the same time, the mastership of the Jewel-House, one of his father's offices, was transferred to the young man. This office was worth two or three thousand pounds to him when he sold it, early in 1 6 1 8 . 3 0 T o the events of Cary's marriage and of his tribulations abroad it will not be necessary to return, except to remark that Whitehall heard his name not infrequently mentioned during these years. H e became a gentleman of the bedchamber and was kept in mind by the King for the future. W h a t 25 26 28 29 30

F. Harrison, The Devon Carys, II, 405. 27 Wood, A then. Oxon., II, 46. Fuller, Worthies, II, 46. Wood, Athen. Oxon., Vol. II, col. 565. F. Harrison, The Devon Carys, II, 402. The Lady Falkland: Her Life, pp. 1 26-27.

20

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AND

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advancement he achieved at this time was not financial, and he must have regretted bitterly, in 1 6 1 1 , the loss of his Berkhampstead estate, which the Crown took over as a part of the Duchy of Cornwall. 3 1 In the same year he acquired, with his brother Philip, his father's interests in the royal manor of Minster, in Thanet; but the only returns he enjoyed therefrom were protracted lawsuits. 32 Recognition arrived at last in Buckingham's time. In 1 6 1 7 Sir Henry was appointed a privy councilor. In February of the next year he became Comptroller of the Royal Household. And by a patent dated at Newmarket, November 14, 1620, he was created Viscount of Falkland, in the Peerage of Scotland. 33 T h e title brought neither him nor his heir any land in F i f e , as Sidney Smith has taken the liberty to assume in his play of Falkland. 3 4 " A West Countryman by descent," says Marriott, "his Scotch peerage was due to a settled policy on the part of the first two Stuarts to bring England and Scotland into closer union by the bestowal of Scotch titles upon Englishmen." 3 5 T h e first Lord Falkland became a naturalized Scot on September 18, 1627. 3 6 T h e year 1620 is said to be the earliest date on which a Scottish peer sat in or was elected to the English House of Commons. 37 Falkland sat for Hertfordshire, the county in which his Aldenham property was situated, from 1620 to 1622. 3 8 According to Lloyd, Lucius Cary habitually sat " ( a s some Noble mens Sons use to do formerly in the House of 31 Not without Prince Henry's paying £4,000, however, for the newly erected house (Victoria History of Hertfordshire, II, 1 6 7 ) . 32 See F. Harrison, The Devon Carys, II, 400«, 405; Aldred, The Manor of Minster, pp. 4 - 5 , 8, 9; Brit. Mus. Add. MS 12,496, fol. 395. 33 Complete Peerage, V, 239. 34 Sidney Smith, Falkland; an Historical Play. 35 Marriott, Life and Times of Lucius Cary, p. 56. 38 37 3 Complete Peerage, V, 239. Ibid., p. 239«. ' Ibid., p. 239.

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Lords) behind the Chair of State from his very hood."

30

21

Child-

If there is any truth in this bit of information, then

the future champion of the Commons against Finch was "nursed in Parliaments" much more prematurely than Edmund W a l l e r was. A n d , indeed, from the age of ten, or thereabouts, Lucius Cary might have enjoyed special privileges in that House of which his father was a member—not the Lords but the Commons. In 1622 Falkland suceeded Viscount Grandison as L o r d Deputy of Ireland. Buckingham is said to have procured him the post. T o fit himself for this new station, Falkland required a great deal of money. H e sold his comptrollership of the Royal Household to Sir John Suckling, the Cavalier's father, for a good, high price; but was not immediately paid. In fact Falkland's departure for Ireland was delayed for seven months by the long haggling over the matter. 40 H e r e was another one of those financial worries which seem always to have plagued the first Viscount, perverting his disposition and proving at least the partial reason for his bitter though temporary estrangement from his wife, as they were afterward the essential cause of his rupture with his eldest son, who ran away, as we know, with the well-nigh portionless Lettice Morison. Made desperate by the delay of his departure for Ireland, the Lord Deputy turned to his w i f e ; and thus it was that he prevailed upon her to mortgage the rest of her jointure. Little did he expect that this action would so incense his fatherin-law, Sir Laurence Tanfield, as to make him change his will and declare Lucius the sole heir of Burford and T e w . Lloyd, Memotres, Bagwell, Ireland 169-70. 39

40

p. 332. under the Stuarts and during

the Interregnum,

I,

22

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A N D

U P B R I N G I N G

W e may now begin to follow the fortunes of the L o r d Deputy's eldest son, Lucius C a r y , who was already about twelve years of age and who was destined to pass the next six or seven years in Ireland. 4 1 T h e anonymous biography relates that L a d y Falkland had eleven children born alive, all of whom, except her eldest son, she nursed herself. She had been married seven years before her

Catherine, arrived.42

firstborn,

T h e second child, Lucius, appears to have been a year younger than Catherine. T h e r e is no record of his baptism, the parish registers of B u r f o r d prior to 1 6 1 2 having disappeared. T h a t he was born in B u r f o r d is not quite certain, but Anthony W o o d did not discredit the belief, and he reported the tradition "that he was mostly nursed there by a wet and d r y nurse."

43

What evidence there is points to 1 6 1 0 as the year of Lucius Cary's nativity. It is true that Clarendon says he died on September 20, 1 6 4 3 , "in the fowre and thirteeth yeere of his A g e " ;

44

but this could mean, as the Latin equivalent,

aetatis suae, not infrequently does mean, the inclusive year. Hence, 1 6 1 0 would be the year of birth. 43 Other statements by Clarendon support this assumption. H i s grandmother's death, we learn, " f e l l out aboute the tyme that he was 19. yeeres of a g e . " 41

48

Since L a d y Tanfield died on J u l y

21,

Lucius Cary spent seven years in Ireland according to his own testimony Lord of Faulklands Reply [ 1 6 5 1 ] , p. 1 7 5 ) . 42 The Lady Falkland: Her Life, p. 1 i. Catherine was thirteen in 1 6 2 2 . 43 Wood, A then. Oxon., Vol. II, col. 566. 44 Clarendon, Hist. Reb., ed. Macrav, I I I , 1 9 0 ; Nichol Smith, Characters, p. 86. 45 " H e did not live to see four and thirty" ( T h e Lady Falkland: Her Life, p. 5 6 ) . On aetatis suae sec G . D . Burtchacll and T . V. Sadlcir, Alumni Dublinenses (Dublin, 1 9 3 5 ) , pp. x—xi. 46 Clarendon, Life, I, 3 6 ; Nichol Smith, Characters, p. 87.

(The

A N T E C E D E N T S

A N D

U P B R I N G I N G

23

1629/ 7 the date of birth according to this reckoning would be 1610. Furthermore, "in a shorte tyme after he had possession of the estate his grandfather had left him, and before he was of age, he committed a faulte against his father, in marry inge a younge L a d y whom he passionately loved."

48

This

marriage took place between a day in 1629, when the license was issued, and April 12, or, at the latest, M a y 22, 1630, by which time the first L o r d Falkland's dejection was becoming common knowledge. In all probability the date was in March or early April, 1630. 40 From Clarendon's phrase, here italicized, we may judge that at any rate Lucius was not born in 1608 j and if Catherine was born in 1609 we conclude that 1610 is the likeliest date of the birth of the eldest son. 50 Lucius Cary probably knew not only Burford but also Great T e w from the days of his earliest recollection. H e was adopted in early infancy by his grandfather, Sir Laurence, and grew up, it is said, under his care. 51 Sir Laurence had purchased the manor of Great T e w from Edward Rainsford in 1610. 52 More significant, however, than the fact that Cary grew up on the Tanfield estates he was subsequently to inherit is the childhood separation from his parents. T h o u g h Lucius undoubtedly saw his parents on numerous occasions, he did not come under their direct surveillance until he was out of his long coats; and by that time he was very nearly ready for the university. 47

B u r f o r d Parish Register.

48

C l a r e n d o n , Life, I, 37; N i c h o l S m i t h , Characters,

49

Leics.

Lives,

Marriage

Licenses

(Index

Lib.,

I, A p p . E ; H i s t . M S S C o m . , Report

No.

p . 89.

38), p . 80; L a d y

on MSS

in Various

Lewis,

Collections,

V, . 3 3 60

See The Lady Falkland:

Her Life,

p. 13, a n d A p p . , p . 126; R o b i n s o n ,

Records, p . 1 o. 61

The Lady Falkland:

52

A l f r e d R a n s f o r d in Notes and Queries, s e r . xiii, C L ( M a y 1, 1926), 309.

Her Life,

p.

n.

24

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U P B R I N G I N G

It is profitable to compare his position with that of his brothers and sisters. Certainly he learned obedience as well as they did, for the Tanfields would not have relaxed their sternness out of fondness for their grandson. Their daughter Elizabeth had been so strictly brought up that she was accustomed " a l l her life to speak to her mother (when she was sitting) on her knees, which she did frequently, for more than an hour together, though she was but an ill kneeler, and a worse riser. She loved them both much, though her mother was never kind to her, especially after her being a Catholic."

53

She passed on to her own children this tradition of duty and respect, as Lucius did to his. 54 Only she directed their filial reverence the way it was inclined to go, toward her husband, Sir Henry, rather than toward herself. To

her husband she bore so much respect, that she taught her

children as a duty to love him better than herself; and though she saw it was a lesson they could learn without teaching, and that all but her eldest son did it in a high degree, it never lessened her love or kindness to any of them.

H e was very absolute;

and

though she had a strong will, she had learned to make it obey his. 5 5

In spite of this submissiveness, however, to her husband's will, the first Lady Falkland knew how to exercise strong influence over her children. Just as in her girlhood, when her father had declared she had a spirit averse from Calvin, so as a married woman she possessed a mind of her own in matters of religion. In time her religious convictions not only caused her to defy her husband's authority but also deeply affected 63

54 65

The Lady Falkland: Her Life, pp. 2 1 - 2 2 . Longueville, Falklands, pp. 85-86. The Lady Falkland: Her Life, p. 14.

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U P B R I N G I N G

2$

the lives of her children, six of whom accepted the R o m a n Catholic faith. 5 9 Lucius, we know, " e v e r showed himself a more than ordinarily good son to her."

57

But, whether it was

because he had not passed his childhood under her wing or simply because as the eldest son he grew up before the others, he escaped going the way of his sisters and younger brothers and remained an Anglican to the end. So did his eldest brother Lorenzo. 5 8 Lucius and Lorenzo must have had many earnest discussions with their mother's priests, especially in the winter following their father's death, when the two young men were often at their mother's table. But they courteously resisted the proselytizing to which, it is dubiously alleged, even their father had succumbed} and each went to an early death unreconciled to the Church of Rome. 5 9 Lorenzo was named after his maternal grandfather, Sir Laurence, but, unlike Lucius, he was not brought up by him. T h e form of his name was not the result of a later alteration of his own j it appears in the record of his baptism at Great Berkhampstead, October 5, 1 6 1 3 , and indicates, as M r . H a r rison has suggested, that his father still had his experiences with the Spaniards in mind. 6 0 Apparently they no longer rankled. 56 "She lived to see six of her children (by God's great mercy) Catholics, and out of the danger living amongst their Protestant friends might have put them into, being all out of England, four of them clothed with the habit of St. Benet" (The Lady Falkland: Her Life, p. m ) . 57 Ibid., p. 83. 68 On Lorenzo Cary's life ( 1 6 1 3 - 4 2 ) see F. Harrison, The Devon Carys, II, 4 1 9 - 2 0 ; Hist. MSS Com., Cal. Ormonde MSS, N. S., II, 63; Longueville, Falklands, pp. 8 - 9 ; Wood, Fasti, Vol. I, col. 4531 Bodleian Lib., M S Malone 13, fol. 29 (Earle's mock epitaph). 69 The Lady Falkland: Her Life, pp. 49-50, 55. 60 F. Harrison, The Devon Carys, II, 420.

26

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Although Lorenzo was three years younger than Lucius, both were admitted to St. John's College, Cambridge, at the same time. The only entry of their names that appears in the college books reads as follows: 8 1 1621 First Quarter Received for the tennis court pro M r o L u c i o et L o r e n z o C a r y , pro singulis 5s. 1 OS.

The boys were so young that it is scarcely conceivable they were setting up to be "young gentlemen of the University." But it may be that they were striving thus early to arrive at one of those two marks of seniority which John Earle, who later satirized Lorenzo, distinguishes in his Microcosmografhy: 82 " T h e two marks of his seniority is the bare velvet of his gown, and his proficiency at tennis, where when he can once play a set, he is a freshman no more." Robert Dawson, chaplain to the first L o r d Falkland and subsequently Bishop of Clonfert and Kilmacduagh, is said to have brought it about that Lucius and Lorenzo became St. John's men. 83 H e himself had been appointed a fellow of 61 The Eagle (St. John's C o l l . ) , X X I X (Lent T e r m , 1 9 0 8 ) , 24.1 ; Floris Delattre, Robert Herrick (Paris, 1 9 1 1 ) , p. 37n. 62 Earle, Microcosmografhy, p. 74. 63 "Robertus Dawson natus Kendalae in agro Westmorland., literis grammaticis institutus in schola vicina de Sedbergh; admissus est socius coll. J o . pro doctore Lupton Apr. 6 an. 1 6 0 9 ; bach, theol. an. 1 6 2 0 ; non diu morain traxit apud nos, admissus est in familiam Henrici vicecomitis Falkland Hiberniae proregis, factus illius sacellanus, eique (ni f a l l o r ) debemus quod Lucius Cary illius primogenitus vice-coinitis Falkland admissus est in collegium an. 1 6 2 1 (una cum fratre suo Lorenso C a r y ) in honorem collegii." Dawson died at Kendal in 1643 (Thomas Baker, Hist. College of St. John the Evangelist, I, 2 6 3 ) .

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I")

that foundation in 1609, but had left in order to take up his chaplaincy. T h e reason for the absence of college records of the brothers' attendance is obvious. Their stay at St. John's was cut short by their father's acceptance of the office of lord deputy, and they had to make ready to go to Ireland. As events turned out, Lucius took his bachelor's degree from Trinity College, Dublin, while Lorenzo took his as a member of Exeter College, Oxford. In spite of his brief connection with St. John's, Lucius ever after professed himself a member of that body, and was therefore a little pained in 1642 to find that the president and others neglected to address him as one. In the following letter addressed to Dr. Beale, the president, and dated January 16, 1 6 4 1 / 2 , he thus declared his attachment: 64 Sir: I received lately a Lettre f r o m your selfe and others of your noble Society, wherin as m a n y Titles were given me to which I had none, so that which I shold most willingly have acknowledged and m o u g h t

with most Justice clayme, you were

not

pleased to vouchsafe me, that is that of a S* J o h n s m a n . I confesse I am both proud and ashamed of that, and the latter in respect that the fruites are unproportionable to the seed-plott: Y e t S r as little Learning as I brought f r o m you, and as little as I have since encreased and watered w h a t I did bring, I am sure I still carry about me an Indelible Character of affection and duty to that Society, and an extraordinary longing for some occasion of expressing that Affection and that D u t y : I shall desire you to express this to t h e m , and to adde this, that as I shall never forgett my selfe to be a m e m b e r of their Body, so I shall be ready to 64 Ibid., I, 593; reprinted also in Peter Barwick's Life of Dr. John

"George

M o r l e y first became known to t h e w o r l d as a friend of t h e L o r d F a l k l a n d ' s , and that was enough to raise a m a n ' s character." U r g e n t enough was t h e need of raising M o r l e y ' s character in t h e eyes o f his creditors at least, if t h e f o l l o w i n g anecdote is to be believed. L o r d F a l k l a n d , S i r F r a n c i s W e n m a n ,

Mr.

C h i l l i n g w o r t h , M r . G o d o l p h i n , E d m u n d W a l l e r , and others, were accustomed to meet ( a p p a r e n t l y in L o n d o n ) as a club. 6 " At one of their meetings they heard a Noise in the Street, and were told a Son of Ben

Johnson's

him and he prov'd M r . Morley, M r . Wnller

was arrested. They sent for

afterwards Bishop of

Winchester:

liked him so well that he pay'd the Debt, which was no

less than 100 I. on condition that he would live with him at Beconsfield, which he did for eight or ten Years together; and from him M r . Waller

us'd to own he learn'd a Taste of the ancient

Poets, and got what he had of their Genius. T h e anonymous retailer of this tradition a little modifies W a l l e r ' s encomium by explaining that M o r l e y o n l y improved a taste which W a l l e r had already acquired. N e v e r t h e l e s s , for those who have o n l y a Calvinist cleric in m i n d , it m a y still be surprising to learn that M o r l e y had such acquaintance with verse as to be reputed a son of B e n and the p u r v e y o r of elegance to no less a poet than E d m u n d W a l l e r . M o r l e y ' s surviving verse deals t h e tradition no suicidal b l o w ; it even renders it plausible. F o r " G . M . " was a smooth 58 59 60

Waller, Poems, ed. G. T h o r n D r u r y , p. x x i i . Burnet, History of His Own Time ( 1 8 3 3 ) , I> 3 2 1 Waller, Poems, toth edition ( 1 7 2 2 ) , p. vii.

104

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L O R D

OF

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AND

T E W

and competent versifier, and his fugitive pieces readily found their way into the commonplace books. Indeed, if Earle and Falkland deserve notice for their early and rather skillful use of the heroic couplet, then so does Morley, and he may be ignored no more as their fellow poet than as their fellow theologian. 61 The elegiac range of subject matter sets bounds to Morley's efforts as it does to Falkland's. H e lightly essays the amatory and the drinking song and labors over his epitaph on King James. H e writes chaste verses upon his mistress's eyebrow, expands in true confraternal style the theme "Upon drinking in the Crown of a H a t , " and in studied couplets zealously implores a quiet grave for " J A M E S the Peaceful and the Just." In addition he celebrates in best Renaissance fashion the song of the nightingale, as follows: 62 M y l i m b s w e r e w e a r y , a n d m y h e a d opprest W i t h d r o w s i n e s s e a n d y e t I c o u l d n o t rest. M y bed w a s such no d o w n n o r feathers can M a k e one more soft, though J o v e again turn

Swan.

N o f e a r distracted thoughts m y s l u m b e r broke, I heard no screech-owle squeak, nor raven croak; N a y e v e n the flea ( t h a t p r o u d i n s u l t i n g e l f e ) H a d t a k e n t r u c e , a n d w a s a s l e e p it s e l f e : B u t ' t w a s n i g h t s d a r l i n g , a n d the w o o d s c h i e f e j e w e l T h e N i g h t i n g a l e t h a t w a s so s w e e t l y c r e w e l . 81

Morley's poems may be found in different versions in Brit. Mus. Add. M S S 30,982, 33,998, 6 9 3 1 , 22,602, 2 5 , 3 0 3 (and 2 1 , 4 3 3 ) ; ' n Folger M S S 1.17, 1.28, 46.2, 646.4, 2 0 7 1 . 6 , etc. j elsewhere as indicated. 62 Reprinted from Wright, ed., Parnassus Biceps ( 1 6 5 6 ) , pp. 9 4 - 9 5 , where the poem is anonymous. T h i s version is superior, in a few particulars, to that in Musarum deliciae, 2d edition ( 1 6 5 6 ) , p. 90. Add. M S 30,982 contains four poems ascribed to " G [ e o r g e ] M [ o r l y ] , " including " T h e nightingegale, George M o r l y " ( f o l . 2 v ) , which has been compared with the text here reprinted. M S Sloane 1 7 9 2 , fol. 41 v, contains an anonymous version.

THE

LORD

OF

BURFORD

AND

TEW

105

And wooed my ears to rob my eyes of sleep, T h a t whilst she sung of Tereus,

they might weep,

And yet rejoyce the tyrant did her wrong, Her cause of woe was burthen of her song; Which whilst I listned too, and greiv'd to hear, T w a s such I could have wish'd my selfe all eare. Tis false the Poets feigne of Orpheus,

he

Could neither move a stone, a beast, nor tree T o follow him; but wheresoere she flies She makes a grove, where Satyrs and Fairies About her perch to daunce her roundelayes, F o r she sings ditties to them whilst Pan playes. Y e t she sung better now, as if in me She meant with sleep to try the mastery. But whilst she chanted thus, the Cock for spight (Dayes hoarser herald) chid away the night. Thus rob'd of sleep, mine eyelids nightly guest, Methought I lay content, though not at rest.

" F l e d is that music—Do I wake or s l e e p ? " W h i l e it is true that little of Keats's rapture could be read into the conventional sentiments of this nature piece, they seem, nevertheless, not entirely closet-bred. T h e allusions to the L e d a story, to T e r e u s and Orpheus and P a n and the satyrs, are of the kind that is inevitable in a humanist's p o e m ; but there is matter, too, that localizes the thought a little, makes the experience seem close at home and perhaps authentic. T h e inactivity of the flea, the sympathetic silence of the squeaking owl and croaking raven, and the dancing of roundelays by fairies as well as by classic satyrs, are elements of an English, a J o n sonian vein of realism. O t h e r poems of M o r l e y ' s betray a closer resemblance to Jonson's lyric verse. F o r example, " O n a fayre child who died soe sone as it was borne" strives after simplicity in the man-

106

T H E

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

ner of Jonson's epitaphs on " E l i z a b e t h

T E W

L . H . " and

"On

Salathiel P a v y " and likewise of Browne's " O n the Countess Dowager of P e m b r o k e " : W i t h i n this marble casket lyes A matchless J e w e l l of rich prize Which

N a t u r e in the W o r l d s

disdaine

B u t shewed and then put vp a g a i n e . 6 3

M o r l e y ' s braver epitaph, on the other hand, that on K i n g J a m e s , reminds one rather of a religious climax in Crashaw than it does of the more even tenor of a tribute by Ben. T h e reminder, to be sure, is somewhat pallid. " U p o n drinking in the Crowne of a H a t t "

04

reveals what

the reader is already disposed to believe, that M o r l e y did not embarrass his freer companions through any lack of conviviality: T h u s did we round it, and did n e v e r shrinke till w e , that w a n t e d cupps, n o w w a n t e d drinke.

T h e commentary provided by this poem enables one to doubt, moreover, the presence of any great amount of disapproval in the account that M o r l e y , as " m y lord of W i n t o n , " gave Aubrey of Ben's habits during his declining years. E v e n if the Bishop's growing asceticism had slate-greyed his views, disgust had probably to contend with delighted reminiscence: M y lord of W i n t o n told m e , he told him

[Morley]

he w a s

his long r e t i r e m e n t , and sickness, w h e n he saw him, w h i c h

(in was

o f t e n ) m u c h aflickted that hee had profain'd the scripture, in his playes; and l a m e n t e d it with h o r r o r ; yet, that a t that time of his 03 The title is taken from Add. M S 30,982, fol. 2, where the poem is ascribed to " G . M o r l e y " ; text from Folger M S 46.2, fol. 2 5 3 , where the poem is anonymous, and the title reads: "On Prince Henry." In Witt's Recreations (Facetiae [London, n. d . ] , II, 2 4 6 ) , there is likewise an anonymous version. i;4 Add. M S 22,602, fols. 2 i v - 2 2 r ; printed in Musarum Jeliciae, p. 92.

T H E

L O R D

OF

B U R

F O R D

A N D

T E W

107

long retyrement, his pentions (so much as came y n ) was giuen to a w o m a n that gouern'd him, with whome he liud and dyed nere the Abie in W e s t mimster; and that nether he nor she tooke much care for next weike, and wood be sure not to want w i n e ; of which he vsually tooke too much before he went to bed, if not oftner and soner. M y lord tells me, he knowes not, but thinks he was borne in Westminster. 6 3

" Y o u r Authors then of these few sheets are Priests, as well as Poets," Abraham Wright discloses to the "Ingenuous Reader," in his preface to Parnassus Biceps, an anthology of poems by university men that was published in 1656. Morley is duly represented in this collection by a love lyric that Falkland, though not Ben Jonson and never Suckling, might have considered unworthy of a priest.60 Its sentiments could not alarm the most innocent reader of Palgrave: only its frivolity might have disturbed the man whom Suckling was to find "gone with divinity." The "Verses" themselves are as modest as these lines that introduce them: Read (faire m a i d ) and know the heat T h a t w a r m e s these lines is like the beate T h y chast pulse keeps; thy mornings thought Hath not more temper: were there ought O n this virgin paper shed T h a t might to crimson turne thy red I should blush for thee, but I v o w 65

Aubrey, Brief Lives, II, 1 5 . W r i g h t , cd., Parnassus Bicefs: quotation from Wright at sign. A4. M o r l c y ' s anonymous verses ("Verses sent to a L a d y , which she sending back unread, were returned with this inscription") are at p. 92. In Add. M S S 21,433, 1 5 3 , and 2 5 , 3 0 3 , fol. i 6 8 v , the same piece, with minor variants, appears with the title, " O n his M r s being maskt," and with attribution to George M o r l e y . F o r the possibility of Falkland's disapproval see " T o my noble friend M r . Sandys, upon his J o b , Ecclesiastes, and the Lamentations . . . " in George Sandys, Poetical Works, ed. R . Hooper, I, l x x x v i . Rn

108

T H E

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

T E W

T i s all as spotless as thy b r o w . R e a d t h e n , a n d k n o w w h a t a r t thou hast, T h a t thus canst m a k e a P o e t chast.

T h e enjambments that account for much of the beauty of these tetrameters (the consonant clusters are the gravest defects) are less typical of Morley's practice than are the successions of genuine closed couplets in his other poems. In the verses on the Nightingale, for example, the only passage containing enjambments is that beginning, "tis false the Poets feigne of Orpheus," and including the next five lines. T h e rest of the poem is in closed couplets, though the frequent variation of the caesura gives them some of the liquidity of overflow. While balance and antithesis are dearer to Falkland than they are to M o r l e y , they are present at least in this verse of Morley's, which combines precision with melody: " A n d wooed my ears to rob my eyes of sleep." T h e tetrameter couplets of " A n Epitaph upon K i n g J a m e s " are almost all of the closed kind. T h e y are likewise not without forward movement. If Morley lived with Waller f o r eight or ten years together, he must have had an Apollo-given opportunity to teach the younger man that successful imitation of the ancients and that quality of controlled but mellifluous ease which appear in Morley's own verse. But the anecdote needs looking into, as the biographer who uses it takes special care to warn us. 87 B u t 'tis evident, by his [ W a l l e r ' s ] p o e m s w r i t t e n b e f o r e this incid e n t of M r . Morley's

A r r e s t , that he h a d early a c q u i r ' d that e x -

quisite T a s t e ; h o w e v e r he i m p r o v ' d a n d e n l a r g ' d it a f t e r w a r d s by M r . Morley's 67

C o n v e r s a t i o n a n d Assistance.

Waller, Poems ( 1 7 2 2 ) , p. vii.

T H E

LORD

OF

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AND

TEW

109

T h e earliest of these poems, written by Waller as " a brisque young sparke" of eighteen, commemorated Prince Charles's escape at St. Andero. " H i s versification was, in his first essay, such as its appears in his last performance," declared D r . Johnson, with easy exaggeration, but with a recognition of the fact that W a l l e r revealed his gift from the beginning. 68 H o w continuous Morley's residence at Hallbarn actually was is itself a doubt-bringing question. T r u e it is that a genuine "allyance and frendshipp" existed between the two, and quite possibly M o r l e y may have paid longer visits to Beaconsfield than to Great T e w ; but that he actually lived under Waller's roof as Chillingworth did under the Viscount's seems unlikely. What chiefly discredits the anecdote is, after all, Clarendon's statement that it was Morley who brought Waller into Falkland's company. As D r . Johnson did not fail to observe, Clarendon had a nearer knowledge of the meeting than W a l ler's biographer did, and consequently his version, though less picturesque, deserves the preference. It also merits rather f u l l quotation:

69

H e [ W a l l e r ] had the good fortune to have an allyance and f r e n d shipp with D r M o r l y , w h o had assisted and instructed him in the readinge m a n y good bookes, to which his naturall parts and p r o m p titude inclined him, especially the poetts, and at the age w h e n other m e n used to give over writinge verses ( f o r he w a s neere thirty yeeres of age w h e n he first ingaged himselfe in that exercize, at least that he w a s k n o w e n to to do soe) he surpryzed the towne with t w o or three pieces of that kinde, as if a tenth muse had bene n e w l y 68

Johnson, Lives of the English Poets, ed. G. Birkbeck Hill, I, 2 5 1 ; Johnson, Works ( 1 8 1 6 ) , IX, 2 3 1 . A. Hamilton Thompson (Cambridge Hist. Eng. Lit., VII, 6 1 ) objects to this judgment. "In this early essay," he says, "Waller certainly did not attain the complete mastery of the closed couplet." 89 Clarendon, Life, I, 4.4; Nichol Smith, Characters, p. 179.

110 borne,

T H E to

L O R D

cherish

OF

droopinge

B U R F O R D poetry;

b r o u g h t him into that c o m p a n y

the

which

A N D

Doctor

at

T E W that

tyme

w a s most celebrated

for

good conversation, w h e r he w a s receaved a n d esteemed with greate applause and respecte.

Waller told Aubrey "he was not acquainted with Ben. Johnson (who dyed about 1 6 3 8 ) , but familiarly with Lucius, lord Falkland; Sydney Godolphin, M r . Hobbes; &c." 70 Morley, then, never took his friend to see the man of fame who lived behind the abbey, never made him queasy with the sight of so much sack. Waller, whose constitution was not robust, drank only water. H e would not have drunk in the crown of a hat with Morley, impairing with heady liquors those intellectuals which Aubrey reported were very good yet in 1680. His intellectuals remained good in spite of the cruel fall his tender body had one night upon the water stairs at Somerset house. Some malicious person had made him "damnable drunk," according to Aubrey, and had not thought it shameful "to use such a sweet swan so inhumanly." This must have been a Restoration prank; it would not have been played upon Waller by the company he kept in the first Charles's reign. We should like to believe, also, that the leges conviviales would have preserved him from such hard usage had he ever attended a lyric feast at the Sun, the Dogg, or the Triple Tun. A few of the Sons of Ben, however, would not have respected his water drinking, though they might have found him as readily convivial as they were. " H e was a very pleasant discourcer in earnest and in jest," says Clarendon, "and therefore very gratefull to all kinde of company, wher he was not the lesse esteemed, for beinge very 70

A u b r e y , Brief Lives, I I , 2 7 5 . W a l l e r wrote a poem on Ben Jonson ( W a l l e r , Poems, ed. G . T h o r n D r u r y , I, 2 9 - 3 0 ) .

T H E

rich,"

71

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

T E W

III

probably even among the guests at T e w , who re-

spected landowners. With Falkland, it is to be presumed, he discoursed oftener in earnest than in jest, satisfying the Viscount's questions on such matters as property, the law, and Parliament, whereof W a l l e r was f a r f r o m ignorant.

The

"something magisteriall" in W a l l e r ' s nature lent an air of authority to his opinions, while his " g r a c e f u l l way of speakinge" and readiness of wit, for which both Clarendon and Aubrey commend him, added persuasiveness. Such pleasant persuasion would have been grateful to Falkland. Waller's acquaintance with property came not only through inheritance but also as a result of the resolve to improve that inheritance. H e was born at the manor house of Coleshill, which was then in Hertfordshire, on March 3 , 1 6 0 5 - 6 , and was wisely looked after and handsomely provided for by his father, Robert W a l l e r , who died in his tenth year. T h e written counsels and memoranda which the father left his son must have cautioned the boy against an idle use of his income (which some think reached £ 3 , 5 0 0 a year during his minority), and they may have set his mind upon that strenuous resolve to improve his patrimony which became so evident later on. Not only well off but well connected, W a l l e r was related through his mother to the Hampdens, and had J o h n Hampden for his cousin. Another relative was Oliver Cromwell. It must not be supposed, however, that these connections should have committed W a l l e r to the side of rebellion in the Civil W a r , for his mother Anne is said to have been an ardent royalist. W h a t might have won his permanent adherence to Hampden's party, but did not, were his Cambridge education, his mingling with lawyers while he studied at Lincoln's Inn, Clarendon, Life, I, 4 5 ; Nichol Smith, Characters,

p. 179.

112

T H E

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

T E W

and, above all, his long experience of parliaments. H e is believed to have sat in the Parliament of 1 6 2 1 and is known to have represented "Agmondesham" (Amersham, then in Bucks) in 1624. At the same time he frequented King James's court. T h e opportunity to improve his estate came to Waller in his twenty-fifth year. Like Sir Lucius Cary he contrived a clandestine marriage, but unlike Cary he married a rich city heiress. She was the only daughter of the late John Bankes, mercer, who, on his death, had committed the girl and her inheritance of £8,000 or so to the safekeeping of the Court of Aldermen. Waller abducted her out of the range of their jurisdiction,—or rather relatives of his did so—and he then married her at Westminster, on J u l y 5, 1 6 3 1 , and took her to his seat at Beaconsfield. T h e fortune was not yet his, however, and would never have been if King Charles had not written a letter of pardon. After his wife's death in childbirth on October 23, 1634, Waller was left a very rich widower, indeed. It is computed that, among English poets only Rogers was wealthier. H o w inconsolable his wife's death left him, it is not possible to judge, for Waller's life is a blank during the next year or two. "About 23, or between that and thirty," writes Aubrey, "he grew (upon I know not what occasion) mad; but 'twas ( I thinke) not long ere he was cured:—this from M r . Thomas Bigg. . . . Captain Hamden affirmes it is false." 7 2 And false it probably was, even if we acknowledge that Waller received, in his next romantic endeavor, a "check" strong enough to produce a distemper. Aubrey conjectures that the Sacharissa episode gave the check. W e need not conjecture at all, who incline to believe that Waller was neither a Kenelm Digbv in 72

Aubrey, Brief Lives, II, 274-75, 279.

T H E

L O R D

O F

B U R F O R D

A N D

T E W

II3

mourning his first beloved nor as one deranged in being rejected by his second. Waller's intellectuals did not desert him in crises. Between the death of his first wife and his wooing of Sacharissa, W a l l e r was admitted to the sodality of T e w . 7 3 If Falkland and his friends had been impressed by the capture of Anne Bankes and her fortune and had since met the man who had achieved that capture, they were bound to follow with amused interest their associate's courtship of the high-born Lady Dorothea. Dubious they must have been, although they knew that the Sidneys as a race were friendly to poets and susceptible to the charms of poetry. Could poetry and wealth without a title of nobility purchase the heart and hand of a Sidney? It remained to be seen. In the meantime, H e n r y Hammond, whose living was at Penshurst, might send them such tidings of the suit as he could decently and safely divulge. Sacharissa was the Lady Dorothea Sidney, the eldest daughter of Robert, second Earl of Leicester. In the year 1636, when Waller was protesting his devotion, she had reached the age of nineteen, and she would obviously soon find a husband. Now, although the Earl loved W a l l e r , he was not content to have him the husband of his eldest daughter. " H e would have been contented," says Aubrey, "that he should have had one of the youngest daughters; perhaps this might be the check."

74

Waller's suit did not prosper. It was all very

well that the Earl was a kind man, who had proved his good will to poets in the past. 75 For W a l l e r to marry the L a d y Dorothea was impossible, although, with such a fortune, he 73

Nichol Smith ( C h a r a c t e r s , p. 3 0 1 )

w o u l d date the introduction about

.635. 74

A u b r e y , Brief

75

A s Sir Robert Sidney he had entertained v a r i o u s poets at Penshurst.

Lives,

II, 275.

114

T H E

L O R D

OF

B U R F O R D

A N D

T E W

might be highly acceptable as a suitor to one of her sisters. It was not to be expected, however, that the humble lover would transfer his affections to another member of the family as he afterward shifted his political loyalties. T h e motives for the procedure would be too obvious. Aubrey maintains he was passionately in love with Sacharissa. While the poems of the courtship do not bear Aubrey out, undoubtedly they show this much, that W a l l e r had wrought himself too elaborately into a posture of devotion to redirect his wooing and his importuning gracefully. H e could not change over now. Consequently, when Sacharissa's

marriage

to another was an-

nounced, there came those "imprecations of the deserted" which the editors of W a l l e r have printed for the delectation of their readers. 7 9 On J u l y 20, 1 6 3 9 , at Penshurst, the L a d y Dorothea was married to L o r d Spencer of Wormleighton, better remembered as the unhappy E a r l of Sunderland, who died, like Falkland, at Newbury. Short, indeed, was the married life of this pair. T h e letters that Spencer wrote to his wife while campaigning with the King's army reveal a discontent as tragic as Falkland's. " I f there could be an Expedient f o u n d , " he wrote, " t o salve the Punctilio of Honour, I would not continue here an H o u r . "

77

Spencer adhered to the Punctilio of

H o n o r as W a l l e r did not see fit to d o ; and Spencer lost his life, whereas W a l l e r saved his. L a d y Spencer's youthful brother, Algernon Sidney, chose the Parliamentary side, and was wounded at Marston M o o r . A stanch republican throughout his life, he gave trouble to 76

G . T h o r n D r u r y , in W a l l e r , Poems, Introduction, pp. x x v i i i - x x x ; W a l l e r , Poems, i i t h edit. ( D u b l i n , 1 7 2 7 ) , p. x i ; Works, ed. Fenton ( L o n don, 1 7 3 0 ) , p. 282. On the Sacharissa episode see also Gosse, Prom Shakespeare to Pope, pp. 3 9 - 7 8 . 77 Sidney Letters, ed. Collins, I I , 667.

T H E

L O R D

OF

B U R F O R D

A N D

T E W

II$

C r o m w e l l and to Charles I I and was executed on T o w e r H i l l in 1 6 8 3 , four years before W a l l e r died of tumidity. W a l l e r knew no such consistency of principle. A f t e r his disgrace before the bar of Parliament in the summer of Falkland's death he crossed, under sentence of banishment, to France, where he kept a lordly table for the emigres who followed him a few years later. M a r y Bracey, his second wife, sat by his side. 78 In 1652, thanks to the intervention of his brother-in-law, Colonel Scroop, he was allowed to return from exile and to resume a sober life at H a l l b a r n , his house near Beaconsfield. Cromwell, his kinsman, now L o r d Protector, admitted W a l l e r to familiar conversation and thus unwittingly assured himself of a panegyric from the grateful poet. Cromwell was apparently persuaded that Cousin W a l l e r had had his wings too badly burned in 1643 to share in another plot, although he might have served his mother's interest and acted for the King once more. She had been living at Beaconsfield throughout the troubled times, bringing up her son's first child and sturdily opposing the enemies of the King. Johnson records her royalism in his life of W a l l e r : 7 9 H i s m o t h e r , t h o u g h r e l a t e d to C r o m w e l l a n d H a m p d e n , w a s z e a l o u s f o r the r o y a l c a u s e , a n d , w h e n C r o m w e l l visited h e r , used to r e p r o a c h h i m ; h e , in r e t u r n w o u l d t h r o w a n a p k i n at h e r , a n d say he w o u l d n o t dispute w i t h his a u n t ;

but f i n d i n g in t i m e t h a t she

a c t e d f o r the k i n g , as w e l l as t a l k e d , he m a d e h e r a p r i s o n e r to h e r 78 Waller had paid court to Amoret, Phillis, and others, after his repulse by Sacharissa. According to Fenton, Amoret was the Lady Sophia M u r r a y , whom Lord Falkland admired (Waller, Works [London, 1 7 3 0 ] , p. l x x i i ) . G . Thorn Drurv prefers for the role Lady Anne Cavendish, afterward L a d y Rich (Waller, Poems, II, 1 7 9 ) . 79 Johnson, Lives, ed. Birkbeck Hill, I, 2 6 8 ; Johnson, Works ( 1 8 1 6 ) , I X , 2 5 1 . Johnson's account is a compression of what is related in the anonymous Life (Waller, Poems [ 1 7 2 7 ] , p. i v ) .

116

THE

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

TEW

o w n daughter, in her o w n house. If he w o u l d do anything, he could not do less.

It was altogether natural that W a l l e r , who was habitually, if not steadfastly, a friend to monarchy, should have expressed his joy at Charles's return in 1660. It was the last occasion on which he was obliged to trim his sails, for he died a whole year before the Glorious Revolution, his thoughts fixed on religion. During the remaining portion of his life his wit and agreeable nature pleased K i n g , courtiers, and Parliament j and Parliament paid him a certain respect, which gratified him, for his long service in the House. "Sir, we poets never succeed so well in writing truth as in

fiction"—the

amused ac-

ceptance by Charles I I of Waller's excuse for writing an address inferior to the panegyric on Cromwell is representative of the tolerant treatment the poet received after the Restoration. H e was welcome in courtly society and again took part in the business of a State. Clarendon saw to it, however, that he did not obtain the provostship of Eton. 8 0 So much has ben made of Waller's unheroic role in 1643 and of his vacillating allegiance thereafter that it is conventional to brand him with insincerity in his attitude toward his friends. But, while Clarendon's assertion that "his company was acceptable, wher his spirit was odious" may perforce color our views of his relations after he had testified against Conway, Portland, and Northumberland, the sentence ought not, in justice, to be applied to the social intercourse Waller enjoyed before he abased himself. Before 1643 Clarendon did not regard his spirit as odious, nor had anyone else of the T e w set any reason to cast accusatory eyes upon him. Far 80 Johnson, Lives of the Eng. Poets, ed. Birkbeck Hill, I, 273; Johnson, Works (1816), IX, 256.

T H E

L O R D

OF

B U R F O R D

A N D

T E W

117

from regarding him as deficient in resolution, his associates probably regarded him as one who was very intent upon his ends. H i s poetry sounded no more insincere than other polite verse of the day, and his graceful lines addressed to Falkland echoed the sentiments of those who were as sorry as he that the convtvta must suffer interruption. T h e occasion of the complimentary epistle, " T o M y L o r d of Falkland. In the Year 1 6 3 8 , " was Falkland's going forth as a volunteer in the First Bishops' W a r . M r . M a r k Van Doren has noted as a mark of sincerity on Waller's part the use of radical enjambment in the passage beginning, " A h , noble f r i e n d ! " Others, on the contrary, have found a want of sincerity in the poem. While enjambment is not a convincing proof of true emotion in a poet of Waller's facility, the tribute need not be rejected as insincere. 81 Its first twenty lines contain both flattering compliment and solicitude for the Viscount's safety: To My Lord of Falkland B r a v e Holland leads, and with him F a l k l a n d goes. W h o hears this told, and does not straight suppose W e send the graces and the Muses forth, T o civilize and to instruct the north? Not that these ornaments make swords less sharp; Apollo bears as well his bow as h a r p ; A n d though he be the patron of that spring, W h e r e , in calm peace, the sacred virgins sing, He courage had to guard the invaded throne Of J o v e , and cast the ambitious giants d o w n . A h , noble friend! with what impatience all T h a t know thy worth, and k n o w how prodigal 81 See Mark Van Doren, The Poetry of John DryJert, pp. 1 2 1 - 2 2 . T h e date given in the title of Waller's poem signifies 1 6 3 8 / 9 .

I 18

T H E

L O R D

OF

B U R F O R D

A N D

T E W

O f thy great soul thou art, (longing to twist Bays with that ivy which so early kissed T h y youthful temples) with w h a t horror w e T h i n k on the blind events of w a r and thee! T o fate exposing that all-knowing breast A m o n g the throng, as cheaply as the rest; W h e r e oaks and brambles (if the copse be burned) C o n f o u n d e d lie, to the same ashes t u r n e d . 8 -

W a l l e r and Falkland were to meet frequently during the troubled times ahead, at Westminster and even at Oxford, but how often to discourse of poetry and the Muses? These lines of Waller's may be said to mark the virtual end of their association. For the tie between the two men was the result of common literary and social tastes and was not strengthened by theological or political sympathies. That they shared certain poetic preferences is clear enough. They both sedulously cultivated the distich and may have been critical examiners of each other's work in that form. W a l l e r is usually considered a more important improver of the heroic couplet than is Falkland. T h e poets and critics of the Restoration, who had no doubt about the matter, were inclined to regard W a l l e r as the inventor of the form and the man who first brought smoothness into English verse. W a l ler, for his part, was not disposed to combat this fallacious opinion, and, furthermore, although he did acknowledge a debt to Fairfax, he felt no obligation to express a wide indebtedness, least of all one to a figure who was as poetically obscure as Falkland. H e had no need of confessing that Sir John Beaumont, George Sandys, and George Morley had all been expert in the use of the heroic couplet; they wanted 82 Waller, Poems (Dublin, 1 7 2 7 ) , pp. 4 4 - 4 6 ; Works, ed. Fcnton ( L o n don, 1 7 3 0 ) , pp. 6 2 - 6 3 , l x x x v i - x c ; Poems, ed. T h o r n D r u r y , I, 7 5 - 7 6 .

T H E

L O R D

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

T E W

I 19

smoothness. As for Falkland's verse, it had not even been collected. Challenged, Waller could not have pleaded ignorance of some of the work of Sandys, at any rate, for that divine poet had presented him with a copy of his Para-phrase the Divine

Poems—for

upon

which, indeed, Waller had composed

commendatory verses. 83 Along with his commendatory verses were included lines by Falkland, King, Digges, " T h o . Carew," Francis Wiatt, Henry Rainsford, Wintoure Grant, and Sidney Godolphin. Of these, all are in couplet form except Waller's, Grant's, and Godolphin's; Godolphin's are in triplets. Somewhere along the route of his reading Waller might fairly have acknowledged a few additional obligations besides that to Fairfax's translation of Gerusalemme

liberata.

How

humble Waller might feel today in the presence of Miss Ruth Wallerstein's criticism, which, while admitting that he has greater smoothness, pronounces the following strictures on his inferiority to Falkland: Musically, W a l l e r has nothing like the scope and force of design of F a l k l a n d . I n rhetorical design he is s o m e w h a t richer and m o r e varied than in metrical m o d e , but still he is m o n o t o n o u s and has n o t h i n g like the fecundity a n d r a n g e of F a l k l a n d . O f J o n s o n ' s neat and flexible phrase he seems to have learned m u c h ; of his boldness and scope n o t h i n g . O f F a l k l a n d ' s secret of perfectly

establishing

the closed couplet in the reader's e a r a n d then v a r y i n g this basic unit itself while still suggesting it firmly in the half-lines, he is not possessed. T h e secret is D e n h a m ' s . 8 4

Never has the poetic worth of Falkland's few poems been held so high as in this article by Miss Wallerstein. In Ap83 See note on Waller in Hebel and Hudson, Poetry of the English Renaissance, p. 1034. T h e copy was "recently sold at Sotheby's from the Britivell Court Library." 84 Wallerstein, " T h e Development of the Rhetoric and Metre of the Heroic Couplet, especially in 1 6 2 5 - 1 6 4 5 , " PMLA, L (March, 1 9 3 5 ) , 200.

120

T H E

L O R D

OF

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AND

T E W

pendix I the reader will have his own opportunity to investigate her claims and to discover whether Dr. Earle has been wrong all this while in not allowing Falkland to be a good poet. For the present, it is enough to suggest that Falkland must have been helpful to Waller, at least by secondary means, aiding him, if not with his imagination and metrics, then with his library and converse. H e may have been very nearly as helpful as Morley was. Let us abandon the question of the debts Waller should have acknowledged, with the remark, that, while he may well have profited by association with Morley, Falkland, Godolphin, and Sandys, his own early reading probably helped him most of all. 8 5 The names of Waller and Cowley are so habitually linked in histories and anthologies of English poetry that it is convenient to present them together here, especially in view of the very good reason that both poets not only knew Falkland but also deplored in similar metre the selfsame event, his departure for the Scottish campaign in 1639. To

the Lord

Falkland.

the Northern

For

Expedition

G r e a t is thy Charge,

his safe Return against

O North;

E n g l a n d commits her Falkland

the

Scots.

be wise and just, to thy trust;

R e t u r n him safe: Learning

w o u l d rather choose

H e r Bodley,

to loose.

or her Vatican

A l l things that are but writ or printed I n his unbounded Breast engraven T h e r e all the Sciences A n d every Art 85

from

there,

are.

together meet,

does all her K i n d r e d greet,

See, besides Miss Wallerstein's article, C o u r t h o p e , History Poetry, I I I , 193 et sqq., 2 7 4 - 7 5 .

of

English

T H E

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

T E W

121

Yet justle not, nor quarrel; but as well Agree as in some Common

Principle.

And this great Prince of Knowledge is by Fate Thrust into th' noise and business of a State, All Virtues, and some Customs of the Court, Other mens Labour, are at least his Sfort. Whilst we who can no action undertake, Whom Idleness it self might Learned make, W h o hear of nothing, and as yet scarce know, Whether the Scots in England be or no, Pace dully on, oft tire, and often stay, Yet see his nimble Pegasus fly away. 'Tis Natures fault who did thus partial grow, And her Estate of Wit on One bestow. Whilst we like younger Brothers, get at best But a small stock, and must work out the rest. How could he answer't, should the State think fit T o question a Mono-poly of Wit? Such is the Man whom we require the same W e lent the North;

untoucht as is his

He is too good for War, As far from Danger,

Fame.

and ought to be

as from Fear he's free.

Those Men alone (and those are useful too) Whose Valour is the onely Art they know, Were for sad War and bloody Battels Let Them

the State Defend,

and He

born; Adorn.66

Cowley's poem is clearly more hyperbolical, more enthusiastic than Waller's, and it shows much of the reckless zest for exaggeration of Falkland's own earlier verse. D r . Johnson was not imposed upon by this ardor. " I n his verses to L o r d Falkland, whom every man of his time was proud to 80

Cowley, Poems, ed. A. R . Waller (Cambridge, 1 9 0 5 ) , pp. 1 9 - 2 0 .

122

T H E

LORD

OF

BUR FORD

AND

T E W

praise, there are, as there must be in all of Cowley's compositions, some wrought."

striking

thoughts,

but

they

are

not

well

87

Whether or not there is justice in this observation, D r . Johnson might have added that the "striking thoughts" are not strongly original. T h e concluding lines, however, give over conceits and restate a plain idea in plain and simple language. H e is too good for W a r , and ought to be As far from Danger,

as from Fear

he's free.

T h a t Cowley's eulogy carries more feeling than Waller's, this final passage may show, although the egregiously flattering verses concerning the sacrifice of the Bodleian or the Vatican dwell too persistently in the memory. A similar eulogistic abandon enlivens the verses that Cowley's friend Robert Cresswell addressed " T o y" most Accomplish'« his Honour'd Patron. y e L o : Falkland, vpon y° Receipt of a Booke, w th a L r e , from his L o p . " T h e book was "Cyrill & Synesius graece." Young Cresswell expatiates rather on the giver than on the book: Y f Bookes be fayrest Pictures of the mind, As mind's of T h i n g s ! W h a t Titles can I find T o paint this beauteous M i r r o u r ? W h e r e I do View the great Authour, & the Giuer too: W h o iustly may giue that which is his owne As well by vse, as by Possession. F o r in your M e m o r y I seeme to looke, Not here alone but in each worthy B o o k e ; Liuy, Herodotus and X e n o p h o n W i t h all the L e a r n e d T r i b e , are Y o u r s alone; 87

Johnson, Works ( 1 8 1 6 ) , IX, 35.

THE

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

T E W

Others may clayme them too, by y c same hould W i t h Stationers: O r as your Misers, gould. O u r Libraries are Plagiaries! Uniust T o keepe Em Captiues, wrapt in mold, 8c dust; T i s wisely done to C h a y n e them! T h e y would forth And fly to you, w h o know their vse & worth. W h a t folly more Inhumane then to part T h e Instrument from Him that ha's y e A r t ? W h o giues Damoetas Pen 8c ynke? O r tryes A City W i t , with L o g i g ? T i s no Prize. Apelles pensill, s [ c ] o r n e s a ruder h a n d [ . ] F a r m e r ! that C a r d 8c Compasse metes no l a n d ! Did Banks reade G r a m m a r to the Learned Horse? W o u l d Midas for the L y r e a Bagpipe scorse? All Tooles by skill are measur'd! Y o u are Lord Of Both, to Both an equall grace affourd, T h e curious Searcher of all A g e s ! T h u s T h e y are to you Examples, you to vs W h o can a Prodigie convert to T r u t h And reconcile Authority with Youth. T h e Gra:cian Critigs g a z e to see One leade T h e i r L a n g u a g e captiue, Others feare to reade: T h e Accents bring some t' an Enclitig death, Some ere T h e y can pronounce It, spend their breath; But though to th' R o m a n Yoke, It long did bow Grsecia was neuer Conquered till n o w . T h e Muses are your Handmayds and admire T o see rich Glories deck the thread-bare Q u y r e . Nor does your L a w r e l l crake in g a w d y Flames, But your Philosophy's without hard Names: Reason vnmask't there, makes no vaine pretence Nor feares disparagement in speaking sense; O h ! Our unfruitfull Labours! who haue wrought And tyr'd our Selues, to understand iust nought:

124

T H E

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OF

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AND

T E W

I n humane W r i t , W e e B e g g a r s turne 8c Fooles T o learne the C a n t i n g L a n g u a g e of y c Schooles. Y o u haue T r u t h ' s L o o k i n g - G l a s s e , Expression!

Tis

A s cleere 8c faythfull as the N o t i o n is: Y o u leade the T r i u m p h of I m m o r t a l l B e n A n d fluent Sands, runs brighter f r o m your Pen T h i s credits the Profession! T h i s , tis T h i s , W h i c h add's A u t h o r i t y to the Frontispice: T h i s N a m e makes C u r r a n t , & E n d e a r e s y e Sale B e y o n d a L i c e n c e , though Poeticall. Y o u r F a u o u r makes mee freely dare write true W h o daigne to g r a c e those A r t s , w c h H o n o u r you. R C. Junr88

" I t is indeed over written," as Robert Cresswell senior confessed of his son's Tripos speech, but verse such as this merely reflects the baroque taste so prevalent at this time. 89 In a letter to Falkland accompanying this poem Cresswell thanks his patron for inducing him to substitute the study of divinity for that of poetry, professing that he has derived a great advantage from the change. It is clear, nevertheless, that Cresswell, like his benefactor, still saw a legitimate use or two for occasional verse of his own composition. "Gone with divinity" they might both be, the pupil in the wake of the master. Still, they both retained a humanist's good opinion of polite verse, and the younger man, who had evidently known Falkland for some time, was very well aware that he might still in 1638 flatter his Lordship by declaring that the Muses 88

I am indebted to the Library Committee of the Honourable Society of Lincoln's Inn f o r permission to quote from Hale M S X I I this and adjoining Cresswell extracts. T h e poem is here printed as it appears in Hale M S X I I , fol. j o r - j i r . The version found in Rawlinson M S Poet. 246 ( B o d l e i a n ) , fols. 2 6 - 2 7 , shows a few variants, e . g . , " l e a r n e d " for " w o r t h y " in v. 8, none of which is preferable to the corresponding reading in the Hale M S . 89 F o r the quotation see the father's letter in Hale M S X I I , fol. 5 1 .

T H E

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

T E W

12$

were his handmaids. Falkland was, of course, still writing poetry—his long elegy, for example, on M a r y , Marchioness of Hamilton, who had died two days before Cresswell sent his poem. 90 Truly, neither Falkland nor Cresswell was of a mind to worship the black-stoled maiden exclusively. Did Cresswell induce Cowley to pen his verses, "Great is thy Charge, O North," in Falkland's honor? By that time Cowley probably knew how to improve his acquaintance without Cresswell's assistance. But it was Cresswell who apparently had been the first to bring him to the Viscount's attention. The facts of the relationship are known in some detail, and they reveal Falkland's willing patronage. 91 Cresswell and Cowley had been at Westminster School together, and they were both members of Trinity College, Cambridge. The former took his B.A. in 1636 and became a fellow of his college. 92 It may be that he owed his introduction to Falkland to the kindness of John Selden, who knew his father, the elder Robert Cresswell. 93 Whatever the circumstances, the date of young Cresswell's letter to Falkland shows that he was on good terms with his patron a whole year or more before the latter's departure on the Scottish expedition. In a manuscript at the Bodleian this letter immediately follows the poem which has been quoted and which Cresswell obviously sent at the same time. Of chief interest to us is the mention of Cowley, who was rooming with Cresswell j he was his "ingenious chamber fellow." 90 She died on May io, 1638, and was buried in the abbey on May 12. Complete Peerage, VI, 258. 91 See N'ethercot, Abraham Cowley, The Muses' Hannibal, pp. $ 8 - 5 9 ; Loiseau, Abraham Cowley, sa vie, son ceuvre. 9 - In 1644. he was dispossessed of his fellowship. 93 The father acknowledges in the letter in Hale M S X I I , fol. 5 1 , Selden's efforts in behalf of his son, who is in confinement ( 1 6 4 4 ? ) ) a n d complains to Selden about the mischief Prynne is causing.

126

T H E

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

TEW

M y Noble L o r d , Y o r L d ship hath highly f a u o r d my v n w o r t h y n e s both in y o r R e m e m b r a n c e & g i f t , the m e m o r y whereof will encrease my a d m i r a c o n , of y o u r L d ships singular humanity, & my a f f e c o n to these studyes w h e r u n t o y o r L d s h i p giues both counten [ a n c e ] & p e r f e c tion. T h e great a d v a n t a g e I haue made of this c h a n g e , Diuinity f o r P o e t r y (besides the addition of the l a n g u a g e & yo r Lordships f a u o r ) makes

me

remember

the Judicious

H e a t h e n T h e o l o g y , whose only F a t h

Ld rs

Verulams

pitty of

the

w e r e the Poets. I humbly

thank y o r L d s h i p f o r this & other vndeserued courtesyes ther, w h e r I had only that & my boldnes to authorize my w e l c o m e . T h e like obligation I must a c k n o w l e d g in the behalf of my ingenious c h a m ber f e l l o w [ M r . C o w l e y ] , albeit n o w absent. H e hath been as yett a Poett in D e c i m o sexto, but is n o w e n l a r g i n g the E d i t i o n : — A n E n g l i s h Pastorall & a L a t i n C o m e d y prsented here: W e have as yett receiued neither them nor himselfe. B u t I transgresse against y o r Lordships occasions & my manners. I w a s bold besides vsing this liberty in Prose, to signify that this poor peice of Poetry w a s no fiction, but the g r a t e f u l l a c k n o w l e d g m e n t of Y o r L d ships humble 8c most obliged seruant, R.

Creswell:

T r i n . Coll. may. 1 2 . 1 6 3 8 . 9 4 C o w l e y h a d a l r e a d y w o n t h e n , in o r b e f o r e h i s t w e n t i e t h y e a r , t h e a t t e n t i o n a n d i n t e r e s t of F a l k l a n d , a n d it is q u i t e possible that he a n d C r e s s w e l l h a d both been received a m o n g t h e g u e s t s at G r e a t T e w . B u t t h e y w e r e l a t e a d d i t i o n s , a t a l l e v e n t s , to the circle, a n d C o w l e y ' s association w i t h

Falkland

w o u l d s e e m s l i g h t if it d i d not g o b e y o n d t h e occasions s u g g e s t e d b y C r e s s w e l l ' s l e t t e r a n d b y " G r e a t is t h y C h a r g e ,

O

N o r t h . " T h o m a s S p r a t , h o w e v e r , i n f o r m s us in h i s l i f e o f t h e 01

T h e " E n g l i s h P a s t o r a l l " w a s Love's

jragium

joculare.

Riddle,

the " L a t i n C o m e d y "

See G . C . M o o r e Smith, N. & Q., 1 2 t h S e r . , I X ( O c t .

Nau15,

1 9 2 1 ) , 3 0 5 , whose transcript of the letter in R a w l . Poet. M S 2 + 6 , f o l . 2 7, itself a c o p y , is accurate.

T H E

L O R D

OF

B U R F O R D

A N D

T E W

127

poet that, far from remaining a humbly respectful acquaintance, Cowley won the entire friendship of Lord Falkland while the two were at Oxford in the service of the King. 93 W h e n the Civil W a r broke out, his affection to the Kings cause drew him to O x f o r d , as soon as it began to be the chief seat of the Royal Party . . . He speedily grew familiar to the chief men of the Court and the G o w n , whom the Fortune of the W a r

had

drawn together. And particularly, though he was then very young, he had the entire friendship of my Lord Falkland,

one of the Prin-

cipal Secretaries of State. T h a t affection was contracted by the agreement of their Learning and Manners. F o r you may remember, Sir, we have often heard M r . Cowley

admire him, not only

for the profoundness of his knowledge, which was applauded by all the world, but more especially for those qualities which he himself regarded, for his generosity of mind and his neglect of the vain pomp of humane greatness.

During this later period of association at Oxford there occurred the well-known incident, which some believe fictitious, of the Sortes

Virgiliatiae.

James Wellwood is the authority

for the story as it is usually told. 90 At the "public library" one day the King was shown among other books a Virgil nobly printed and exquisitely bound. Lord Falkland, to divert His Majesty, invited him to make a trial of his fortunes by opening the text at random. Charles did so, and his eye fell upon that part of Dido's imprecation against Aeneas which, in Dryden's translation, reads as follows: Y e t let a race untamed, and haughty foes, His peaceful entrance with dire arms oppose; 95 Sprat, An Account of the Life and Writings of Mr. Abraham Cowley, reprinted by Spingarn in Critical Essays of the Seventeenth Century, II, 1 22. 90 Wellwood, Memoirs, pp. 9 0 - 9 2 , quoted rather extensively both by Longueville, Falklands, p. 162, and by Marriott, Life and Times, p. 2 8 3 .

128

T H E

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

Oppressed w i t h n u m b e r s in th' unequal

TEW

field,

His m e n discouraged, and himself expell'd, L e t him f o r succour sue f r o m place to place, T o r n f r o m his subjects, and his son's e m b r a c e . First let him see his f r i e n d s in battle slain, A n d their u n t i m e l y fate l a m e n t in v a i n ; A n d w h e n at l e n g t h the cruel w a r shall cease, O n hard conditions m a y he buy his p e a c e ; N o r let him then e n j o y s u p r e m e c o m m a n d , B u t fall u n t i m e l y by some hostile h a n d , A n d lie unburied on the b a r r e n sand.

L o r d Falkland, in his turn, stumbled upon an equally luckless passage: 0

P a l l a s ! t h o u hast failed t h y plighted w o r d ,

T o fight w i t h caution, not to tempt the s w o r d : 1 w a r n ' d thee, but in v a i n ; f o r w e l l I k n e w W h a t perils y o u t h f u l a r d o u r w o u l d p u r s u e : Y o u n g as thou w e r t in d a n g e r s , r a w to w a r !

A m o n g modern commentators, M . Jean Loiseau not only willingly accepts Wellwood's account but also associates two other names with those of Falkland and the King. H e n r y J e r m y n is found asking Cowley to translate the ominous passage which Charles has come upon in the Virgil that is open before them. Cowley, then, is of the group in the Bodleian, witnessing how first the King and then L o r d Falkland read their destinies out of the Aeneid? T h e r e is no need of pointing out once more how the ironical result of this consultation must have depressed both Charles and his Secretary; especially the latter, who had lost by 1643

power of re-

sisting any direct inducement to yield to his hypochondria. J e r m y n was also affected by this unlucky trial of texts; otherwise he would not have asked Cowley for an exact translation

T H E

LORD

OF

BURFORD

AND

TEW

129

of one of them. And as for Cowley, he is known to have believed in the value of such a divination. 97 Let us not smile at his superstition before we acknowledge the vitality it had received from the Middle Ages and the fact that even Emerson had a try at the Sortes Virgiliattae, when he knew not whether he should enter the ministry. 98 In respect of Cowley, the account, thus enlarged by the researches of M . Loiseau, is of interest chiefly for showing him in the company not only of Lord Falkland but also of his later protector, Jermyn. According to Sprat, whose "ambition of eloquence" vexed Dr. Johnson, Cowley admired Falkland for the profoundness of his knowledge, for his generosity, and for his neglect of the vain pomp of humane greatness. In other words, Cowley found the young Lord well read, easy of access, and desirous of helping him. If Cowley's abiding impression of the man was such as Sprat describes, then the falling off observable in him during the last months of his life did not alter the poet's regard for him. Cowley's perceptions were not shallow, and while he may not have continued to rate Falkland's intellect as high as he once did, he still honored him as the Lord of Tew, as a man who was too good for war, where his gifts, even his gift of courage, went for nothing. Cowley remembered Falkland, we may believe, as the defender of a liberal church, as a counselor of moderation, as a man who rested all his arguments on the power of being reasonable. If he came to realize how naive some of his patron's expectations had really been, he was little disposed to sneer at them, for all his life he retained his own faith in the ultimate power of the reason. Cowley did not forget how Cresswell had brought him to ap87 96

See Marriott, Life and Times, p. 284.; Verney, Memoirs, I, n o . Van Wyck Brooks, The Flowering of New England, p. 198.

130

T H E

LORD

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

T E W

prove the scholarly nobleman whose expression was free of the "Canting Language of y*1 Schooles," and whose philosophy was without hard names. As Cresswell had written, Reason unmask't there, makes no vaine pretence N o r feares disparagement in speaking sense. F r o m Falkland [says M . Loiseau of C o w l e y ] he takes his ideal of religion, clear, moderate, tolerant, and the clear seeing loynlism of his politics; Hobbes transmits to him the love of a positive philosophy, logically a r r a n g e d ; he derives from B a c o n and from H a r vey his conception of experimental science. In all these points, heshows himself to be the precursor of the eighteenth century, and no longer the heir of the sixteenth century. 0 1 '

Evidence is wanting, of course, to support this clear statement of Cowley's indebtedness to Falkland, but at least it is entirely possible that he was so indebted. I f not at Great T e w , then later at Oxford, Cowley must have had sufficient opportunity to learn Falkland's views at first hand and to adopt their spirit. Since, according to Sprat he possessed the entire friendship of the Viscount, it is more probable that Cowley was inspired by him than by other similarly-minded idealists with whom he had had no personal relationship. Thomas Hobbes, who is known to have influenced Cowley, is included by Aubrey in the list of Falkland's acquaintances. Falkland was, in fact, " his great friend and admirer."

100

Was

it the Viscount who so profitably extended the range of Cowley's acquaintances that they included two of the poet's future benefactors, Jermyn and the Malmesbury philosopher? One must remain content with a guess. It may be that Hobbes was an honored guest at T e w itself, as Longueville believed. 1 " 1 90 100

Loiseau, Abraham Cowley, p. 6 1 2 . Aubrey, Brief Lives, I, 1 5 1 , 365.

101

Longueville, Falkland!,

p. 68.

T H E

L O R D

OF

B U R F O R D

AND

T E W

131

If he was, the host must have had to exercise his utmost tact to preserve the harmony of discussion. Hobbes "would not provoke, but if provoked, he was sharp and bitter." 1 0 2 Men such as Hyde were likely to disagree with him. 103 Fortunately, it was probably elsewhere than at Tew that John Selden, coming to the defense of the Christian faith, rated Hobbes out of the room. 104 And, indeed, one need not speculate on the possibility of such collisions at Tew, for apparently they never happened there. What is more to the point is the persistent doubt whether Hobbes was actually a member of the group of the 1630's. No one could possibly have accused Sidney Godolphin of disturbing the amenities of discussion, although he was often seen in Hobbes's company. H e appears to have been a particular friend of Hobbes, who, eight years after Sidney's death, dedicated Leviathan to his brother Francis Godolphin and did not neglect to praise the deceased in the warmest terms of gratitude and admiration. 103 His life offers a parallel in respect of more than dates to that of his friend and 102

Aubrey, Brief Lives, I, 373. In his criticism of Leviathan Clarendon is anxious to declare that few men have been longer known to Hobbes than he "in a fair and friendly conversation and sociableness." But, he says, " I t hath bin alwaics a lamentation amongst M r Hobbes his Friends, that he spent too much time in thinking, and too little in exercising those thoughts in the company of other Men of the same, or of as good faculties; for want whereof his natural constitution, with age, contracted such a morosity, that doubting and contradicting Men were never grateful to him" (Nichol Smith, Characters, p. 1 8 2 ) . 104 Baxter, Reliquiae Baxterianae, Part 3, p. 48. 105 Hobbes, Leviathan (Oxford, 1 9 0 9 ) , p. 3. Hyde writes to Earle, Jan. i , 1646, 7: " I pray remember my service to M r . Hobbs by the same token that Sydney Godolphin hath left to him by his Will a legacy of 200, and desire him for old acquaintance sake, and for your intercession, to bestow one of his books upon me, which I have never seen since it was printed, and therefore know not how much it is the same which I had the favour to read in English" (State Papers Collected by Clarendon, II, 3 2 2 ) . 103

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host, Falkland, whom he resembled in his affable and generous nature and in his sense of duty. In fact, Clarendon's character of Godolphin arouses a sense of pathos—more fleeting, perhaps, but no less genuine, than that which attaches to Falkland's tragedy. T h e r w a s n e v e r so g r e a t a m i n d e and spirit c o n t a y n e d in so little r o o m e , so l a r g e a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g e and so unrestrayned a f a n c y in so very small a b o d y , so that the L d F a l k e l a n d e used to say m e r r i l y , that he t h o u g h t it w a s a g r e a t e ingredient into his friendshipp for M r G o d o l p h i n , that he w a s pleased to be f o u n d e in his c o m p a n y , w h e r he w a s the properer m a n .

But a delicate constitution was united with the smallness of his stature, inclining him to inactivity and to a somewhat melancholy retirement among his books, however much everyone solicited his company. A little rayne or w i n d e w o u l d disorder h i m , and deverte him f r o m a n y shorte j o u r n y he had most w i l l i n g l y proposed to h i m s e l f e : ins o m u c h as w h e n he ridd abroade w i t h those in w h o s e c o m p a n y he most delighted, if the w i n d e c h a n c e d to be in his face, he w o u l d ( a f t e r a little pleasant m u r m u r i n g e ) s u d d a y n e l y t u r n e his horse, and g o e h o m e . 1 0 6

Shortly after the outbreak of the Civil W a r , nevertheless, he joined Hopton's army in the West and endured all the rigors of the soldier's life. H e was killed at the little village of Chagford under Dartmoor early in 1643, that unhappy year which saw also the deaths of Sir Bevil Grenville, Lord Falkland, and others of the best men on the royalist side. Godolphin is the " L i t t l e Sid" of " A

Sessions of

Poets":107 106

C l a r e n d o n , Life,

107

S u c k l i n g , Works,

I, 43 ; N i c h o l Smith, Characters,

pp. 9 5 - 9 6 .

ed. A . H a m i l t o n T h o m p s o n , p. 1 1 , v v . 9 1 - 9 4 .

the

T H E

L O R D

OF

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A N D

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I33

D u r i n g these troubles in the court w a s hid O n e that A p o l l o soon missed, little S i d ; A n d having spied him, called him out of the t h r o n g , A n d advised him in his ear not to write so strong. T h e r e is no reason to suppose [says his editor, M r . D i g h t o n ] that Godolphin did not k n o w all of the men mentioned in Suckling's A Sessions

of the Poets.

His contributions to Jonsonus

the mention of his name in F a l k l a n d ' s Eclogue

on Ben

Virb'tus and Jonson

are

sufficient evidence that he must also have k n o w n J o n s o n , and w e can be sure that Godolphin w a s one of the "tribe of B e n . "

108

The evidence is a trifle too slender to permit such certainty that "little S i d " was a Son of Ben. For, while it is undoubtedly true that Godolphin contributed to the memorial volume of 1638, the fact that Falkland included him in the "inspired train" of the " E c l o g u e " is no proof he knew Jonson. Waller, who is a member of the same "inspired train," confessed to Aubrey that he did not know Jonson. 1 0 9 Falkland's verses run as follows: 1 1 0 L e t D i g b y , C a r e w , K i l l i g r e w , and M a i n e , G o d o l p h i n , W a l l e r , that inspired traine,

A n s w e r thy wish.

Yet, although Falkland's mention is only dubious evidence, it is indeed quite likely that Godolphin sat with the rest at the feet of Ben. The hold-all list with which George Daniel honors his contemporaries and of which Falkland's is a brief but curious echo reveals the same partiality for Jonsonian 108 W i l l i a m D i g h t o n , ed., The Poems of Sidney Godolphin, Introduction. 109 Aubrey, Brief Lives, II, 1 7 5 . 110 F a l k l a n d , " A n Eclogue on the Death of Ben J o h n s o n , between M e l y baeus and H y l a s " ( f r o m Jonsonus Virbius).

134

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verse that is to be found in other parts of " A Vindication of Poesie":

111

T h e noble

ffalkland,

Digbie, C a r e w ,

Maine

Beaumond, Sands, Randolph, Allen, Rutter, T h e d e v i n e H e r b e r t , a n d the

ffletchers

May,

twaine,

H a b i n t o n , S h i r l e y , S t a p i l t o n ; I stayT o o m u c h on n a m e s ; y e t m a y I not f o r g e t D a v c n a n t , a n d S u c k l i n g , e m i n e n t in w i t t .

Surely a multitude of the Sons of Ben rises up before us here; yet where is "little Sid"? L o , he is out in the margin, withdrawn as usual, but standing in the company of Cartwright, Beaumont (with a /), and Montagu. Certainty we may not have concerning Godolphin's filial relation to Daniel's Prince of Drammatickes, but we may feel a reasonable assurance. Godolphin's verse is surprising for the variety of its metres. N o more than Patrick Cary did he adhere to deca- or octosyllabic couplets, but he experimented felicitously with lines and stanzas of divers lengths and shapes. Apparently Falkland did not share this curiosity about versification, and indeed the poetic efforts of the two men are not easily comparable, Godolphin's range being freer. A few of Godolphin's poems, perhaps, invite comparison sooner with

Falkland's

efforts than with Carew's or with those of Falkland's brother Patrick. Such a poem is the one in decasyllabic couplets lamenting the death in 1638 of Sir Ferdinando C a r e y . 1 1 - But still it seems rather fruitless to suppose that Falkland and Godolphin were of much help to each other poetically. Falk111

G e o r g e D a n i e l , Poems,

ed. G r o s a r t , I , 3 0 , v v . 1 2 7 - 3 2 . T h i s is of course

not an e x c l u s i v e l y J o n s o n i a n list. 112

G o d o l p h i n , Poems,

p. 3 0 . H o w e v e r , this piece m a y be compared as

r e a d i l y with C a r e w ' s e l e g y on Donne as with F a l k l a n d ' s elegies.

T H E

L O R D

O F

B U R F O R D

A N D

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135

land may not even have appreciated the amatory verse that his friend wrote in the cavalier manner. Politically, too, they were not of the same inclination, for Godolphin was an adherent of Strafford and an uncompromising royalist. These differences, however, did not effect their friendship, which remained as it is commemorated in Clarendon's Life. The death of Godolphin, in February, 1643, must have brought bitter anguish to Falkland, who was then engaged in anxious but ineffective negotiations for peace. Among those who, besides Falkland, befriended the young Cowley was Sir Kenelm Digby. T o him Cowley dedicated Love's Riddle, which was the "English Pastorall" mentioned by Cresswell in his letter of May 12, 1 6 3 8 . 1 1 3 Hobbes was a friend of Sir Kenelm's, and, since both were interested in Cowley, they may have formed a kind of triplicity in after years. This is the merest guess, however, and one far less warrantable than the speculation that Sir Kenelm may have been a member of the circle at Tew. In the couplet by Falkland, which has just been quoted because it mentions Godolphin, the name Digby—and it must be Sir Kenelm—heads the list. And in the lines by George Daniel it immediately follows "ffalkland." Let us derive what testimony we can from these citations, for they seem to provide the only suggestions available of a close association on the part of Sir Kenelm and the Viscount. It is well known that after the death, in 1633, of Venetia Digby—a death lamented in verse by Ben Jonson, Aurelian Townshend, Tom May, and others—the bereaved husband retired to Gresham College, in London, and remained there for two or three years, 113

Sec A u b r e y , Brief

Lives,

I, 226.

136

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diverting himself with his chemistry and letting his beard g r o w l o n g as a sign of his abiding sorrow. 1 1 4 L o n g u e v i l l e believed that, for a time, he g a v e up the professors' good conversation at Gresham in exchange for the pleasant intercourse at T e w , where " h e would meet his friend Ben Jonson, as w e l l as W a l l e r , Selden, Hobbes, C a r e w , Suckling, and W a l t e r Montague."

IIr'

I think that it is nothing more than a likely

conjecture that D i g b y sought the hospitality of T e w , but it is a conjecture that one would g l a d l y vindicate if one could. Sir K e n e l m D i g b y would have been acceptable in any company. " H e was not apt in the least to give offence," says Aubrey. " H i s conversation was both ingeniose and innocent." N o need for F a l k l a n d to look another way, as he sometimes d i d ! H e needed only to look up beyond D i g b y ' s chest and beard into a face that showed sympathy and imagination.

Much

could be read into that face—learning, courage, courtesy, a w o r k i n g mind. " T h e M i r a n d o l a of his a g e , " as his tutor called him, rather tritely, "the P l i n y of our age for l y i n g , " as he impressed another, " a gentleman absolute in all numbers," and "an arrant mountebank," D i g b y had a character open to many interpretations. 1 1 6 H e was a man w h o fascinated his contemporaries, whether or not they felt that he imposed upon them. T h e thought of D i g b y and Falkland in conversation may induce a smile, when one thinks of Sir K e n e l m ' s huge form 114

A u b r e y , Brief

115

[ T . L o n g u e v i l l e ] , The

Lives,

I, 226. Life

of Sir Kenelm

Digby

(London,

1896),

p. 228. 116

The

tutor w a s T h o m a s A l l e n

(Aubrey,

Brief

Stubbes likened him to P l i n y ( L o n g u e v i l l e , Falklands,

Lives,

I, 2 1 5 ) .

Dr.

p. 2 8 6 ) . Ben Jonson

called him absolute in a l l numbers (in " E u p h e m e " ; see The

Poems

of

Ben

Jonson,

ed. N e w d i g a t e [ 1 9 3 6 ] , p. 2 0 2 ) . E v e l y n declared him a mountebank

{Diary,

N o v . 7, 1 6 5 1 ) .

T H E

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OF

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F O R D

A N D

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I37

stooped in polite attention to the little Viscount's scrannel voice. Digby "was such a goodly handsome person, gigantique and great voice, and had so gracefull elocution and noble addresse" 117 that the contrast must have revealed all of the host's physical shortcomings. For in personal appearance Lucius Cary had nothing to recommend him. His small stature, his awkward gestures, the harshness of his utterance and the simplicity of his facial expression gave no indication either of his attractive personality or of his conspicuous ability clearly and tersely to express his mind on the topic of the moment. 118 What his uncouth looks might have suggested to some, however, was the suspicion that, in times of stress his nature would be found impetuous, instead of calm, and insufficiently controlled by those habits of forbearance and of sweet reasonableness which he had so earnestly cultivated. But the times that were to search his temperament as a mature man are not those with which this chapter is concerned. Habitual visitors to Tew, among whom Digby was not one, numbered for the most part academically-minded men who would not go out of their way to question Falkland on his untried faith in the reasonableness of man. Unlike Wenman, the lawyers, and perhaps a very few other shrewd souls like Sheldon, they were little disposed to inject into their conversations such a tone of worldly-wise skepticism as might tarnish their clerical reputations. Even Chillingworth avoided a Machiavellian study of the world as it was; it better accorded with the habits of scholars to remain upon the higher plane of reason and to hope that all problems might yet be solved by rational investigation. Reason would prevail 117

Aubrey, Brief Lives, I, 2 2 5 . C f . Clarendon, Life, I, 36. Clarendon exaggerates somewhat, of course, in his inveterate fondness f o r contrast, but he is probably not making a caricature of the physical portrait. 1,8

I38

T H E

L O R D

OF

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AND

T E W

through the efforts of scholars such as these who gathered at T e w and through the sympathy of like-minded men: by means of their accommodating spirit people of all classes might yet be held together within the framework of a magnanimous national Church. Such was the eager hope of Chillingworth and H a l e s ; such was the placid belief of other less meditative divines who counseled Falkland. Within the next few years all beheld their ideal of uniformity threatened with what they believed to be anarchical destruction. Of Falkland's clerical friends, at least three did not survive the days of strife; one died in penury during Cromwell's protectorate; the rest lived on to become prominent members of the Restoration Church. Some of the latter have been accused of a bitter and vengeful insistence on conformity which was remote indeed from the spirit in which a common national worship had been conceived at T e w . John E a r l e was very nearly alone in preserving his serenity and his charity; unfortunately, he was destined to play but a short role in the history of the Re-establishment. H e died in 1665, the year of the F i v e M i l e Act, a measure the purpose of which he d e p l o r e d . 1 1 9 George Eglionby, or Aglionby, who died at O x f o r d in November, 1 6 4 3 ,

the epidemique disease then rageing,"

follows Chillingworth and E a r l e in Aubrey's list of Falkland's intimates. 1 2 0 H e was "much in esteem with his lordship" and with Hobbes, too, it appears. 1 2 1 H a v i n g come into the world as the son of the principal of St. E d m u n d H a l l , in 119 " g e f o r e his death, he declared himself much against the Five M i l e A c t " ( B u r n e t , History of My Own Time [ O x f o r d , 1 8 9 7 ] , P a r t I, Vol. T, p. 4 0 1 ) . 120 Aubrey, Brief Lives, I, 151. According to G. N. C l a r k , " A g l i o n b y is a good C u m b e r l a n d n a m e " ( N . & Q., 12th Ser., I X , 1 + 1 ) . It is also spelt " A i g l i o n b y " and " E g l i o n b i e . " 121 Aubrey, Brief Lives, I, 370.

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I39

Oxford, and nephew of Dr. John King, who in 1605 became dean of Christ Church and in 1 6 1 1 bishop of London, E g lionby was foreordained to lead an ecclesiastical life. 1 2 - While Eglionby was still a schoolboy, the Bishop's brilliant firstborn, Henry King, was already pursuing the path of preferment and finding it easy; Eglionby must profit by his kinsman's example and must begin by enrolling as a member of his college. Accordingly, he matriculated at Christ Church in 1 6 1 9 and was given the degree of B.A. in June, 1 6 2 3 ; an M . A . followed, in 1626, and his Bachelor of Divinity in the wet and windy month of April, 1633. In 1632 he had been appointed vicar of Cassington, a damp village near the Thames, whence he might gladly go a journey now and then to breathe the higher air of Tew. Pedagogy was Eglionby's interest at two different times in his career. At some time he was a master of Westminster School, perhaps while Abraham Cowley was a pupil there. Subsequently, he tutored, to the boy's little permanent good, George Villiers, the second duke of Buckingham, who was born in the year of his father's assassination. "Bred about" Prince Charles, the Duke became the "Blest Madman" whom Dryden satirized as Zimri and to whom Burnet assigned the "main blame" of the Merry Monarch's "ill principles, and bad morals." 1 2 3 T h e tutor probably found that he had to deal with a child quick in perception, but devoid of persistence. Eglionby may have been glad to return to churchly cares. These churchly cares were to be augmented three years or so after he had proceeded Doctor of Divinity. H e became a 122 Wood, Fasti, ed. Bliss, Vol. I, col. 476, whence other details in the following paragraphs are also derived. Dr. John King died in 1 6 2 1 . 123 Burnet, History of My Own Time ( 1 8 9 7 ) , Part I, I, 183.

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canon of Westminster in 1638, a prebendary of Chichester in 1639, and dean of Canterbury in 1642. Officially, he had done very nearly as well as his cousin Henry King, who from being archdeacon of Colchester and a canon of Christ Church had risen to be dean of Rochester and, in 1642, bishop of Chichester. Whether they were conscious of rivalry and whether they were on intimate terms, discussing poetry as well as theology, there is no means of knowing. King's good friend and predecessor at Chichester, Brian Duppa, may have talked to both men about Ben Jonson. If Canon Eglionby was on less familiar terms with men of letters than was his cousin, whom Walton calls Donne's dearest friend, he at least was closely acquainted with Lord Falkland, "whose notice cast a lustre on all to whom it was extended." 1 2 4 There were so many bachelors in the T e w circle that it is gratifying to read of Eglionby's subscribing himself an exception. On J u l y 3, 1635, George Aglionby, of St. Martinin-the-fields, bachelor, was licensed by the Bishop of London's Office to marry Sibella Smith, who was aged twenty-six and was a spinster of the same parish. It appears that he stepped out of bachelorhood twice within the same month—not by repeating the ceremony of marriage, but by exchanging, on the 26th, the hood of a Bachelor of Divinity for that of a Doctor. 1 2 5 124 Johnson, Works ( 1 8 1 6 ) , I X , 5. M r . W . D. Briggs suggests that the poem on Bolsover Castle in Harl. M S 4 9 5 5 , by " M r . A g l i o n b y , " may be by this member of the family ( A n g l i a , X X X V I I , 4 8 5 ) . There were so many other educated Aglionbys that an ascription had better not be risked. Ambrose Aglionby, for example, may have been the author. He was of the Inner Temple, went to Ireland with Henry Viscount Falkland, returning in 1 6 2 9 ; was alive April 7, 1 6 3 2 (Marcham, editors, Court Rolls of the Bishop of London's Manor of Hornsey [London, 1 9 2 9 ] , pp. x x x i v , 5 9 « ) . He was born in 1606 (Students Admitted to the Inner Temple). 1=5 Wood, Fasti, Vol. I, col. 476, w r o n g l y gives 1 6 3 4 as the date of the D . D .

T H E

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I4I

Eglionby removed from Chichester before the Parliamentary occupation. H e n r y King remained to be expelled from his bishopric by the Puritans. William Chillingworth was brought to the same town a prisoner from Arundel, where he had fallen ill during the siege j here he languished in the bishop's palace, while the bigot Cheynell, who had supplanted King as rector of Petworth, strove to reclaim his soul} here he died and was buried, with Cheynell's maledictions upon him. But this is not the occasion for enlarging on the lugubrious end of Falkland's mentor. Rather it behooves us to notice another victim of these years, D r . Walter Raleigh, of whom Chillingworth

was

wont to say that he was " t h e best disputant that ever he met withal."

126

D r . Raleigh was a friend of L o r d Falkland's.

According to Anthony Wood, T h o s e that remember him, have often said that he was a person not only of genteel behaviour, but of great wit and elocution, a good orator and a master of a strong reason, which won him the familiarity and friendship of those great men, w h o were the envy of the last age, and wonder of this; viz. Lucius lord Falkland, D r . H e n . H a m m o n d and M r . W i l l . C h i l l i n g w o r t h . 1 2 7

T o these three may be added the name of Hyde, whom Raleigh addressed as "Sweet N e d " in the afterpart of a letter written from the rectory of Chedzoy on J u l y 12, 164.1:

128

I am sorry I may not expect any serious newes from you, but Sweet Ned, for I must be familiar w , h you still, be not too wise nor reserued to you r shallow, but true friend, that esteemes a little from your hand, aboue sheets of the vncertayne coniectures of others.

H e signed himself " Y o u r most affectionate friende." Chedzoy is a village near Bridgewater, in Somersetshire. Raleigh 128 128

Wood, Athen. Oxon., I l l , col. 197. Clarendon State Pafers, X X , fol. 1 1 2 , No. 1536.

127

Ibid.

142

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had been rector here since 1620, but he had taken care to remain known beyond the peat bogs in which his parish lay. H e had been appointed a chaplain to Charles I in 1630, had obtained a prebend at Wells, and in 1641 became dean of that cathedral. It may safely be assumed, as his chaplaincy indicates, that his absences from the diocese of Wells were frequent and sometimes prolonged and that he had opportunity to share Falkland's hospitality. His university was Oxford, and his college was that of Hyde and Hammond, who, however, came up to Magdalen only after Raleigh had been ordained. As a son of Sir Carew Raleigh and a nephew of the famous Sir Walter, he was assured of a wide acquaintance, which he held by the social and intellectual gifts which Wood mentions. Since he belonged to a musical family, it is to be hoped that he acquired his father's skill in accompanying himself on the olpharion. " 'Tis as big as a lute, but flatt-bellyed with wire strings." 12U Music goes unmentioned in the annals of T e w , except as it is recognized here and there in the verse of the group. Perhaps Raleigh was not so absorbed by millenary speculations as to be unwilling to play occasionally for his friends. 130 Of Dr. Raleigh's sequestration and imprisonment in his own house and of his murder by the miscreant Barrett, who was his jailer, a full and sympathetic account will be found in Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy. H e died in 1646 in the sixtieth year of his age. 1 3 1 129

Aubrey, Brief Lives, II, 179. " A millenarie (his tract of that doctrine is lost), but he was conformable, and chaplaine to K i n g Charles 1st" (ibid., p. 1 7 8 ) . Sanderson was fond of music (ibid., p. 2 1 2 ) ; and it is said that Hammond could sing very tunably to a harpsicon or theorbo. 131 John Walker, An Attempt towards Recovering an Account of the Numbers and Sufferings of the Clergy of the Church of England, Part 2, p. 7 1 . See also S. Austin Allibone, A Critical Dictionary ( 1 8 8 2 ) , II, 1 7 3 0 . 130

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I43

T h e trials of Thomas Triplet began somewhat sooner than did those of Dr. Raleigh, but they did not reach so barbarous a conclusion. Although he was sequestered also, he survived to witness His Majesty's Glorious Restoration and to live prosperously once more, in the decade that followed, upon a prebendary's income. Since he had become a prebendary of Westminster and had suffered for the royal cause, sepulture was granted him in the abbey, and room was found for his inscription in the space vacated by Thomas May, who had been secretary of the Long Parliament. 132 T h e first of the several indignities that befell Triplet in the course of his threescore years and ten, was, it seems, his whipping at the hands of Dr. Alexander Gill, the famous headmaster of St. Paul's School, who had a reputation for whipping fits. Triplet enjoyed a full and thorough revenge. 133 H e got a fellow-Oxfordian named Pitcher, "who had a strong and a sweet base, to sing this song under the schoole windowes, and gott a good guard to secure him with swords, etc., and he was preserved from the examen of the little myrmidons which issued-out to attach him . . ." Aubrey, who relates that Triplet was very much frightened while the prank was going on, quotes the merry song in extenso, including the portion, "Gill upon Gill," where the master "sawces" his son and namesake for the slovenly Latinity of his epistle. It is a public chastisement. A n d n o w I doe begin T o thresh it on thy skin F o r n o w m y hand is in, is in.

No matter that Alexander the younger was already a Bachelor of Arts; many an adult fell victim in the same way, 132

Aubrey, Brief

Lives, II, 56, 263-6+.

133

¡bid.,

I, 2 6 3 - 6 6 ; II, 264.

144

THE

LORD

OF

BURFORD

AND

TEW

and Triplet himself was already an " o l d b o y " of the school. Triplet's friends Hodson and H y d e took pleasure in remembering the story. 1 3 4 It has to be admitted in passing that Triplet himself did his best to earn the epithet -plagosus when he turned to schoolmastering long afterward. It was after his sequestration, while he was teaching at H a y e s near L o n d o n , that he committed an act of violence which "well-nigh did breake" his school. Triplet had a sweet tooth, as one may j u d g e from his correspondence. But let Aubrey relate the anecdote, since it concerns " o u r common friend George E n t . "

135

I'le tell you a story of our old friend. His master Triplett was a great lover of honey, and one of his schoolefellow's mother having sent a pott of honey to the doctor, G . E n t putt his schoolfellow to beg a little of his master, and he had gott a manchet and so they would have a regal'to. T h e doctor was in his study; and the boy takes the confidence to approach, with his 'Quaeso, praeceptor, da mihi mel.' G . E n t was sneaking behind. Q d . the disturbed doctor, ' Y o u audacious raskall,' and gave him a good cufFe on the ear, 'how dare you be thus impudent? Sirrah, who putt you o n ? ' T h e boy answered (whiningly) ' G . E n t . ' T h e enraged doctor flies out of his study (he was a very strong m a n ) , gives poore George a kick in the breech, and made him fly downe a flight of 7 or 8 staires to the landing-place, where his head first came to. He was stunn'd, but 'twas well his neck was not broken. ' T w a s a most cruel and inhumane act to use a poore child so. It so happened that a day or two before G . E . had shaled a tooth. He writes a letter to his father (now Sir George E n t ) and incloses the tooth in it; relates the story and that he lost the tooth by that meanes. T h e 134

See Hodson's letter to Hyde [Jan., 1640], Clarendon State Papers, XIX, fol. 257, No. 1488. 135 Aubrey, Brief Lives, II, 264-65. How Triplet escaped subjection to the ordinance of 1655 forbidding the ejected clergy to act as schoolmasters does not appear. Perhaps he did not escape.

T H E

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next day the g r a v e and learned D r . E n t comes to H a y e s (the f a m e of w h o s e learning and testimonie did give great credit and reputation to this s c h o o l ) ; expostulates with the doctor about his sonne. T o be short, tooke him a w a y .

Unhappy Dr. Triplet. His multiplied distresses had crazed his equanimity. He could not depend on himself, and others could not depend on him. John Evelyn was much displeased with his proofreading of the translation (1656) of the first book of Lucretius's De rerum natura.136 Fortunately for Triplet, the Restoration came not very long afterward. From St. Paul's School Triplet had gone to Christ Church. In Wood's list of Falkland's acquaintances, he is remembered as "a very wity man of Ch. Ch." 137 Apparently he was excellent company in his younger days and indeed at all normal times; his epitaph commends him for his "innocuous jocundity of manners." Although he had intended to make a name in the profession of medicine, he changed his mind—to his subsequent regret—and took orders. A h N e d [he wrote to H y d e in a time of distress], w h e n I w a s first M r of A r t , h o w happy had I bin had I kepte to m y trade I w a s then learning, w h e n I w a s studying Laueditius & Fuschius & peeping into G a l e n & Hippocrates; I had by this time quackt better then Capt. Mennes;

I a m sure I had quackt safer then I haue done

now.138

The time was 1640, and Triplet's nostalgia was great for the happiness he had left behind in his native Oxfordshire. Before his departure in 1631 for distant County Durham he 136

Evelyn, Diary, ed. Austin Dobson ( 1 9 0 6 ) , II, 1 1 in. Wood, Athen. Oxon., Vol. II, col. 567. 138 Clarendon State Papers, X X , fol. 90, No. 1528. "Fuschius" is probably Leonhard Fuchs ( I J O I - 6 6 ) . "Laueditius" is a puzzle. 137

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had spent at least some time in the company of C a r y , H y d e , J o h n E a r l e , and the rest, and in the interval before the Bishops' Wars he had probably returned for visits. 1 3 9 H i s livelihood was in the North, but his heart longed for the old places and the times that had gone. R a r e l y did a friend of his seek him out in his remote rectory. But a certain day in 1639 brought him an occasion of special rejoicing. Falkland visited Triplet at Whitburn, County D u r h a m , in the course of the Scottish expedition of that year. H e liked Triplet's butter and protested that, though he had been three weeks or more in that country, he had not tasted anything like good butter till his arrival there. 1 4 0 Both Triplet and his Betty must have beamed with pleasure at this news. Before his Lordship galloped back to Newcastle, Triplet took him to see his neighbor and good friend, M r . J o h n s o n , 1 4 1 who was parson of Bishop Wearmouth. D i d the twain seize the occasion to tell their guest of the suspicions they harbored concerning one George Lilburne, who was alderman and a jack-of-all-trades in the town of Sunderland a short distance 139

T r i p l e t became rector of Whitburn, on the coast of County D u r h a m , M a y 25, 1 6 3 1 . F o r a time in 1 6 4 0 he was parson of Woodhorn, east of Morpeth, in Northumberland, but he exchanged this living f o r the rcctory of Washington, County Durham ( A p r i l 7, 1 6 4 0 ) , which he subsequently regained after "one Williamson an intruder" had held it, and which he resigned March 9, 1 6 6 1 ( W i l l i a m Hutchinson, History and Antiquities of Durham, I I , 4 9 1 , 4 9 8 ; also, T r i p l e t ' s letter to Hyde partly quoted above, Clar. Slate Papers, X X , f o l . 90, No. 1 5 2 8 ) . " H e g a v e A 0 1 6 6 4 , 300 1. out of the use of which he ordered 5 1. per ann. to be paid to Woodhorn, j 1. to Washington, j 1. to Whitburn to bind out poor children apprentices, & c . " (Hutchinson, o f . cil., II 4 9 8 » . ) 140

Letter from T r i p l e t to L a u d , M a r . 4, 1 6 3 9 / 4 0 , ( C S P Dottt. Chas. I, C C C C X L V I I , 5 1 8 ) . T h e month of F a l k l a n d ' s visit was probably M a y , when he was much in Newcastle. See Hist. M S S Com., 11th Report, Rutland MSS, I, 504, 5 1 0 , 5 1 1 . 141 John Johnson had held the living from 1 6 3 2 . He died before J a n . 20, 1643 (Hutchinson, op. cil., I I , J 1 2 ) .

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down the River Wear? Perhaps it was a trifle early to do so then, but at any rate Triplet, confessed his fears to Falkland before the latter's final departure southward. Writing to H y d e from York in January, 1 6 4 0 / 1 , Triplet recalled the conversation in these words: 1 4 2 " T h e Person of Lilbourn I told my L . of Falk, something of him when he was here, whereby he seemed satisfyed that Lilbourn was no S', & might pretend to Tybourn as well as Religion." George Lilburne, whom Triplet was to denounce as "that H o u n d " for worrying both M r . Johnson and himself, appears to have been the uncle of John Lilburne, the famous agitator. 143 " H i s trades are infinite," Triplet writes to Hyde, "chandler, grocer, mercer, linnen draper, freightour to shipps, fermer of Cot[trellr], fermour of Laud, Keelman, Brewer." 1 4 4 It is strange to find him a farmer of Laud's. As a freighter to ships Lilburne undertook in 1639 to do a business in coals for Triplet. Thomas was minded to send his father, R . Triplet, a ship of coals as a present—remember he lived near Newcastle—and he had to see about their conveyance. It occurred to him that he could most conveniently make the arrangements with a man who had recently married the daughter of one of his tenants. This man was a freighter and keelman, and his name was George Lilburne. Lilburne was pleased to transact the matter, and, so Triplet afterward averred, cheated the clergyman out of £9. The following 30th of March, R . Triplet, the father, heard 142

Triplet to Hyde, Clar. State Papers, X I X , fol. 274, No. 1496. See C. H. Firth's art. on John Lilburne in D.N.B. I assume he was the brother of Richard Lilburne, John's father, who had wished a court at Durham to allow him to settle his lawsuit by combat between hired champions (Haller, The Rise of Puritanism, p. 2 7 3 ; Gardiner, History of England, V I I I , 2 4 9 ) . 144 Triplet to Hyde in letter just cited. 143

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a mortifying story from Giles Baggs, a coal merchant of Lon don, who told him that his son Thomas had done a very ill office in the North, having brought two very honest men into great trouble and charges, so that that they had endured long imprisonment and spent at least £50 apiece, presumably in trying to clear themselves. 1 4 5 T h e K i n g in Council had now heard their complaints, Baggs reported, and had given them thanks for their pains. A t the present moment they were anxious to have their remedy against Thomas Triplet, "with whom the Bishop of Durham and all the gentlemen in the country are much offended." " I f all this be true," R . Triplet wrote to his other son Matthew the next day, " I have cause enough to be very sorry that my son Thomas has so much overshot himself."

146

Thomas received this letter, with a note from Matthew, at Durham, on April 17. T h e next day he wrote an indignant letter to Archbishop Laud, petitioning that Secretary Windebank might send for Baggs and demand an account of "this prodigious scandal," which concerned, as Triplet insisted, no less a person than the King's Sacred Majesty. Which were the two whom Baggs called honest men he did not know, but if they were Cottrell and Lilburne, he would be very much ashamed if, as he had brought the charge, he did not make it appear that they were as dishonest men and as ill subjects, especially one of them, as any the K i n g had in these northern parts. 147 H e who deserved the "especially" was undoubtedly George Lilburne. Whatever the truth of the matter was—and it has to be remembered that the evidence preserved is chiefly the version of Triplet and his allies—the Parson's enemies "had it in for i4iCSP 140

ibid.

Dom. Chas. 1, C C C L (164.0), 51, No. 116, Encl. II. 147 Ibid., Triplet to Laud, April 18 [1640].

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him." Triplet was not poor. His property at Whitburn was considerable, and he had many fine head of cattle. But, alas, after the miserable events of 1640 he could no longer supply the best butter in the county; he was nearly destitute and lived on the support and the sympathy of his friends. T h e Scottish invasion caused his undoing. T h e Tyne was crossed on August 28, and County Durham was occupied. Triplet's house was plundered in his absence, and his cows were driven off. By his own reckoning, which he subsequently presented to the Lords at Ripon, his losses amounted to £607, 16 s., 8 d. 1 4 8 With every due regard for exaggeration, the figure is by no means unimpressive. It was natural that Triplet should suspect Lilburne and his accomplices of having committed the outrage. "First by all probable presumptions," he wrote to Hyde, " I am plundered by & through him & his fellow Divell G. Grey of Sudwick." 1 4 0 At another time he blamed Lilburne exclusively. " T h a t damned Vilain," he called him, "that cruel Amalekite, that spawne of Lilbourn, that fell upon me when I was faint, weary & undone in my flight, & cosn'd mee of 9 of the best of my oxen." ,r>0 But what are cows to a man who has read Seneca? " I may now say what are 10 cowes & oxen, for 9 are stolen by Lilbournes brokers, & one is dead." 1 5 1 T h e first of his old associates to befriend Triplet in his adversity was Dr. Hodson, of York, who took him to live 148 Petition of M r . T r i p l e « to the Lords at Rippon, Clar. State Papers, X X , fol. 6 1 , No. 1 51 5. 149 Triplet to Hyde, ibid., X I X , fol. 274, No. 1496. " " T r i p l e t to Hyde, ibid., X X , fol. 90, No. 1528. In an earlier letter to Hyde (ibid., XX, fol. 60, No. 1 5 1 4 ) , dated Feb. 12, 1 6 4 0 / 1 , where he said he had "bin now aboue half a yeare banisht from my Howse," Triplet accused Lilburne's " M a u g h , " i. e., his brother-in-law Lambert, of the theft of his cattle. They were worth £50 to him. 151 Triplet to Hyde, Clar. State Papers, X I X , fol. 279, No. 1499.

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with him in his house near the minster. Hodson was well acquainted with E d w a r d H y d e and kept him informed of Triplet's distresses. H e will be remembered by readers of Clarendon as that " g o o d prebendary of the church" with whom H y d e resided at Y o r k in 1 6 4 2 . , 3 1 ! It took some time for Triplet's friends in the South to hear of his plight. But when the news reached them, they wrote letters expressing their concern, and Sheldon £20.

1S3

sent

Probably even graver information, which will shortly

be mentioned, was mingled with what E a r l e read in a letter from George M o r l e y of the following January. E a r l e , at the moment, was writing to H y d e and took the opportunity to reveal to him how the knowledge upset him. 1:54 Sr I had no sooner writt this enclosed but I receyvd a letter fro G . M o r l y w , h such n e w e s c o n c c r n i n g T . into a great deale of distraction

. . .

T r i p l e t , that has put me

I hope m y L . of falkland &

you will bestirre y'selves notably in his behalfe, certainlic he never more needed y o u .

Falkland did indeed bestir himself in Triplet's behalf. It was he who induced the commissioners at Ripon to grant the rector of Whitburn a restitution. Triplet was grateful to Falkland, and he wrote to H y d e on February 1 2 as follows: My

13r

'

Ned

A l l thancks to y " and m y H o n o r e d L d for y r uncessant C a r e . . . T h i s very petition [ e n c l o s e d ]

. . . w a s one of the n u m e r i -

call ones presented to the L o r d s at Rippon, & this very

inclosed

paper w a s that w r h I w a s willd to read m y selfe by m y L d H o w a r d 152

Clarendon, Life, I, 1 2 8 . Sheldon to Hyde, Clar. State Papers, X I X , fol. 79, No. 1447 ( A l l Souls College, Nov. 6, 1 6 4 0 ) . 154 " J o : E a r l e s " to Hyde, ibid., fol. 276, No. 1497 (Bishopston, J a n . 1 5 ) . 155 Triplet to Hyde, ibid., X X , fol. 60, No. 1 5 1 4 ( f r o m Y o r k ) . 153

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& the rest of the Hou, 6 3 5 - 3 6 ) , C C C X X I , 444, for the testimony of Henry Auxley, who says he waited for the children in a close near the house. 3S Even then she did not fully reveal her state to him, for shortly before her death he discovered her in the utmost poverty. Lucius had not been neglectful (see his letter to the Privy Council, CSP Dom Chas. / [ 1 6 3 6 ] , C C C X X X V I I , 2 3 0 ) . T h e daughter says that he had ever shown himself a more than ordinarily good son to her, his wife furthering his being so (The Lady Falkland: Her Life, pp. 8 3 - 8 4 ) . But the D o w a g e r Lady Falkland realized better than he suspected that with his small estate he could not be "an 111 Father to bee a good Sonne" and that he had to husband his means; accordingly, after he had seen her into a new house, she refrained from seeking his further aid.

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conferred with her, and treated her kindly j but f r o m his brothers Patrick and H e n r y he suffered an irremediable separation. T h e y were too y o u n g f o r him to think of blaming t h e m ; but they seemed to him to have been lost into another w o r l d . In the days of his adversity Patrick C a r y remembered his brother the Viscount with feelings of resentment rather than of affection, not because he had tried to withold him from his mother's r e l i g i o n — " f o r I knew no other distinction then, between the Catholick and Protestant one, but that my M o t h e r was of that, m y Father of t h i s " — b u t because he had, as Patrick thought, behaved toward him with such unbrotherly severity. 4 0 M y B r o t h e r took m y flight in such ill part, that n e v e r a f t e r did I hear f r o m h i m , t h o u g h M r . C r e s s y says that before his death he had some intentions of using m e better. M y very n o t h i n g of a portion he detained in his hands, and left me to a strange likelihood of starving.

E d w a r d H y d e did his best to assure Patrick that Lucius had had no desire to prove an unkind brother. 4 1 But the fact remains that because of this flight f r o m T e w in the year 1636 a cleavage not ended by death resulted between Lucius and the most g i f t e d of his brothers—the brother to w h o m , as it befell, the F a l k l a n d line was to owe its continuance. Patrick was not the happier for h a v i n g changed his r e l i g i o n — w h a t e v e r tranquillity his brother H e n r y may have found, w h o adopted the name P l a c i d — a n d for this outcome, as w e l l as for his estrangement from his eldest brother, he was beholden to his mother, his sisters, and that deception of M r . C h i l l i n g w o r t h which had seemed such a lark at the time. Since Patrick deserves a longer notice than the present opportunity can afford, an appendix is 40

State Papers

Collected

by Clarendon

( 1 7 6 7 ) , I I , 5 3 6 : P a t r i c k C a r y to

H y d e , Brussels, M a r c h 18, 1 6 5 0 . 41

Ibid., p. 5 3 8 : H y d e to P a t r i c k C a r y , M a d r i d , A p r i l 26, 1 6 5 0 .

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I 8 I

offered wherein his career and his proficiency as a maker of verses receive attention. 4 2 Chillingworth and L o r d F a l k l a n d were left in the library at T e w , once the tumult had subsided and the worst chagrin was over—the former to go on developing his reply against Knott's book, the latter to brood upon the subtle power o f the Church of R o m e . F a l k l a n d felt now that the polite evasiveness with which he had once answered the questions o f the priests in his mother's house had been, not true civility, but weakness unworthy of him. H e could no longer account for the diffidence which had kept him from entering firmly into debate with the priests on the fundamental issues of religion. E v e n if he was a simple amateur in the presence of their training and their knowledge, had he not read the F a t h e r s , had he not mastered the language of the Gospels, had he not wit enough and a ready enough tongue to show his opponents what seemed patently false in their doctrines? H i s presumption grew with his indignation, and he resolved to throw himself into those religious controversies which the times demanded. H e intended that neither he himself nor others of his kin—to say nothing of friends, such as M o n t a g u , who had already succumbed—might be seduced into a frivolous and amiable acceptance of the Romanists' persuasions. B u t for active controversy he must vastly augment his reading, and he must appeal anew to the experience of those who had felt his own sympathies toward the Church of R o m e , only to subdue them through trial and error and the power of logic. O f men with such experience and severe penetration, obviously the scholar who sat with him in his own library and who had smarted with him in the vexation of his own personal loss was the one best fitted to give him 42

Appendix II. Patrick C a r y was a better poet than F a l k l a n d , though not

a more sinccre one.

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further instruction. And Chillingworth was a man who could harden him for controversy without requiring that he relinquish his vague yet precious feeling that men could differ much in their opinions and still preserve a Christian fellowship. " I t is 'the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace,' Ephes. iv. 3. and not identity of conceit, which the H o l y Ghost requires at the hands of Christians."

43

J o h n H a l e s was the

author of these words, but the thought they convey—"that multiplicity of conceit trouble not the Church's peace"—is implicit in that part of The Religion to Salvation

of Protestants

a Safe

Way

wherein Chillingworth reaches the height of his

great argument. What we are to believe concerning G o d and what H e expects of us, says Chillingworth, is in the Bible, the Bible only. I n o t h e r t h i n g s I w i l l take no m a n s liberty of j u d g e m e n t f r o m h i m ; n e i t h e r shall a n y m a n t a k e m i n e f r o m m e . I w i l l t h i n k n o m a n the w o r s e m a n , n o r the w o r s e C h r i s t i a n : I w i l l l o v e n o m a n the lesse, f o r d i f f e r i n g in opinion f r o m m e . A n d w h a t m e a s u r e

I m e a t to

o t h e r s I e x p e c t f r o m t h e m a g a i n . I a m f u l l y a s s u r e d t h a t G o d does n o t , a n d t h e r e f o r e that m e n o u g h t n o t to require a n y m o r e of a n v m a n then this, T o believe the S c r i p t u r e to be G o d s w o r d , to e n d e a v o u r to find the t r u e sense of it, a n d to live a c c o r d i n g to it. 4 4 43

"Of Dealing with Erring Christians. Preached at St. Paul's Cross," in Hales, The Works of the Ever Memorable Mr John Hales of Eaton (Glasgow, 1 7 6 5 ) , II, 94. Subsequent references to Hales are to this threevolume Foulis edition, unless otherwise assigned. 44 Chillingworth, The Religion of Protestants a Safe Wax to Salvation (Oxford, " 1 6 3 8 , " first edition), p. 376. Subsequent references to this work are to the first edition, which was actually published in 1 637. If Chillingworth made declarations, like the one just quoted, which were to arouse the satisfaction of the deists, he also made one or two others which must have distressed them, as, for example, his statement that he abhorred "that most impious & detestable Doctrine . . . that men may be saved, in any Religion" (Religion of Protestants, Answer to 7th chap., § 8, p. 3 9 2 ) .

C H I L L I

N G W O R T H

18 3

T h e same spirit informs the writings of L o r d Falkland, who in the following passage is denying the need of an infallible visible C h u r c h : 4 5 I n the S c r i p t u r e I c o n c e i v e , t h a t . . .

all that is n e c e s s a r y is c l e a r ,

o r if a n y m a n that s t r i v e s to s q u a r e both his actions a n d opinions by t h a t R u l e , c h a n c e t o f a l l into a n y e r r o r ( f o r w h i c h his u n d e r s t a n d i n g is o n e l y in f a u l t a n d not his w i l l ) it shall n o t h i n d e r his rising to h e a v e n : S u c h a n i n f a l l i b l e w a y e x c l u d e s , if not all use, at least all necessity of an i n f a l l i b l e g u i d e , a n d is as g o o d a J u d g e

to keep

U n i t y in C h a r i t i e ( w h i c h is o n e l y n e e d f u l l ) t h o u g h n o t in opinions.

In the selfsame fourth chapter of Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians from which Hales (like so many other spiritual humanists before him) quotes the phrase on the unity of the Spirit, there come four or five verses ( v v . 1 1 — 1 5 ) which seemed to Chillingworth at one time to present certain proof that an infallible guide to faith must exist in the world in a succession of living pastors. I w a s d r a w n to this belief [ o f an i n f a l l i b l e g u i d e ] , because I c o n c e i v e d that it w a s e v i d e n t , o u t of the E p i s t l e to the E p h e s i a n s , that t h e r e m u s t be u n t o the w o r l d ' s e n d a succession of pastors, by a d h e r i n g to w h o m m e n m i g h t be kept f r o m w a v e r i n g in m a t t e r s of f a i t h , a n d f r o m b e i n g c a r r i e d up a n d d o w n w i t h e v e r y w i n d of false d o c trine.4"

Such a succession of pastors could not possibly teach anything to be necessary which was not so, nor anything unnecessary which was so, they themselves being obviously incapable of guidance if they could ever fall into error. Since Chillingworth, casting his eyes about through Christendom, could find no 45

The Lord of Faulklands Reply ( 1 6 5 1 ) , p. 95. ' "An Account of what moved the Author to turn Papist . . . " Chillingworth, The Works of Wm. Chillingworth (London, 1 8 2 0 ) , I I I , 429. ,r

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church which claimed infallibility save only the Roman Catholic, he thought it necessary, upon the grounds of his faith in Scripture and the proof positive of Ephesians iv.i 1 , to believe the Roman Church. H e became a convert about the year 1 6 3 0 and was requested by M r . Fisher, the Jesuit, who was the outward agent of his conversion, to set down in writing the reasons for his reconciliation. H e was also induced to enter the Jesuit seminary at Douai that he might be strengthened in his obedience. By going over to the Romish persuasion Chillingworth automatically lost the fellowship he had possessed for the past two years at Trinity. H e did not, however, sacrifice the friendship of a fellow-Oxonian, Gilbert Sheldon, who, having failed to keep Chillingworth an Anglican in 1 6 3 0 , was not the less willing to discuss matters with him anew as soon as he returned from Douai to O x f o r d . T o Sheldon, Chillingworth had sent a letter at the time of his conversion in which he propounded two queries concerning infallibility, the first to be answered positively, the second negatively: 1.

W h e t h e r it be n o t e v i d e n t f r o m s c r i p t u r e a n d F a t h e r s

r e a s o n , f r o m t h e g o o d n e s s o f G o d , a n d the necessity of

and

mankind,

t h a t t h e r e m u s t be s o m e o n e c h u r c h i n f a l l i b l e in m a t t e r s of f a i t h ? 2.

W h e t h e r t h e r e be a n y o t h e r society of m e n in the w o r l d , b e -

sides the c h u r c h of R o m e , t h a t e i t h e r c a n upon g o o d w a r r a n t , o r i n d e e d at a l l , c h a l l e n g e to itself the p r i v i l e g e of infallibility in m a t t e r of faith?

47

T h e question of infallibility, then, had obliged Chillingworth to discontinue his resistance to the arguments of Fisher, the Jesuit, and had been the effective cause of his abandoning 47 Chillingworth, The Works of William Chillingworth, 1 8 3 8 ) , I, x v j Tulloch, Rational Theology, I, 270.

M.A.

(Oxford,

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

185

a Protestant church. At Douai he very quickly found reason to repent of the motives which had led him into Catholicism, and, with the help of Laud, who corresponded with him, he discovered how he could answer the argument of infallibility and every one of the challenging questions that were related to it. In the process, however, he did not relegate the demand for an infallible Church to a position of unimportance. Upon resuming, gradually, the Protestant position of the supremacy of the individual reason in matters of conscience, Chillingworth continued to place the doctrine of infallibility in the very centre of his controversy. To Falkland, as indeed to the general host of Protestant controversialists, infallibility was the key question. The deductions that followed from the acceptance or the refutation of this doctrine provided the bulk of the arguments that appear in the tracts directed against Potter, Chillingworth, and Falkland and in the works that they themselves wrote against the Catholic position. The doctrine of the infallibility of the Church of Rome 48 is, accordingly, the inevitable point of departure for any analysis, however informal, of the polemical writings of Chillingworth and his noble patron. For the moment, however, let us complete a few details of the history of Chillingworth's religious problems prior to his completion of The Religion of Protestants. Having made a trial of Roman Catholic discipline at a college of the most militant of that Church's orders, having discovered for himself details of worship that offended his nostrils, 49 having found, with his godfather's help, answers to the ecclesiastical questions which but yesterday he had thought insurmountable, Chillingworth turned a "doubting papist" 48

T h e infallibility of the pope was not officially pronounced until 1 8 7 0 . See " A Conference concerning the Infallibility of the Roman C h u r c h , " in Chillingworth, Works (London, 1 8 2 0 ) , p. 3 6 6 ; T u l l o c h , o f . cit., I, 2 7 3 . 49

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C H I L L I N G W O R T H

(to borrow his own phrase) and left Douai in the year 1 6 3 1 . 5 0 H e was still the master of his own private reason, and, as he had owed his conversion to that faculty and to his faith in Scripture, so now the same two individual forces, his intellect and his trust in the text of the Bible, restored him to Protestantism. Temperamentally he had been a Protestant throughout, as Anne Cary sensed when she expressed her disbelief that he had ever been a sound Catholic.•r>1 T w o or three years passed before Chillingworth emerged from his doubts sufficiently to confirm himself a Protestant. Perhaps Falkland helped him in the later stages of his return, as Chillingworth helped him in his tentative opinions against the Romanist arguments. But it was Sheldon who seems to have been his constant adviser and to have brought it about that eventually (though only after additional years of scrupling) Chillingworth subscribed the Thirty-nine Articles/'Behind Sheldon stood J u x o n , who was president of St. John's College in O x f o r d , and of course L a u d , who afterward took to himself, as he had a right to do, the credit for his godson's recovery. A letter of Juxon's to the Bishop, dated March 19, co

Chillingworth, Works ( O x f o r d , 1 8 3 8 ) , I, xvi. Chillingworth uses the familiar image of the w a y f a r i n g Christian in defending his changes: " I know a man that of a moderate Protestant turn'd a Papist, and the day that he did so, (as all things that are done are perfected some day or other,) was convicted in conscience, that his yesterdaies opinion was an error, and yet thinks hee was no Schismatique for doing so, and desires to bee informed by you, whether or no hee was mistaken? T h e same man afterwards upon better consideration, became a doubting Papist, and of a doubting Papist, a confirm'd Protestant. And yet this man thinks himselfe no more to blame for all these changes, then a T r a v a i l e r , who using all diligence to find the right way tc some remote Citty, where he never had been, (as the party I speak of had never been in Heaven,) did yet mistake it, and after finde his error, and amend i t " ( R e l i g i o n of Protestants, p. 3 0 3 ) . 61

The Lady Falkland: Her Life, p. 64. See Tulloch, Rational Theology, II, 2 8 3 - 8 8 , where Chillingworth's letter of Sept. 2 1 , 1 6 3 5 to Sheldon is printed. He sent it from T e w . 52

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

I 87

1 6 3 1 / 2 , reveals Chillingworth as "content to putt himself upon vs as before, & come to conference," the following week in fact, when he has entreated M r . Sheldon to look him up at his address in London. Juxon communicates to Laud his suspicion "that all his motives are not spirituall, protest he never so much," a suspicion that those of us need not share who find it altogether natural that Chillingworth should want to be "your L p p s Convert or no man." 5 3 That the returned traveler was earnestly battling with his own doubts is evidenced by the desire he had expressed more than once in the course of the winter to cross the sea again and "consider with Grossius." 54 Hugo Grotius, who had returned to Holland from exile in October, 1 6 3 1 , 5 5 had for a long time impressed himself on a school of English religious thought. Much of this reputation he owed to a religious work in Latin which had been published at Leiden in 1622. If among students of international law Grotius is enduringly famous for the great and original De jure belli et -pacts, he is not less well known among readers of Christian apologetics for his De veritate religionis Christianae, "Of the Truth of the Christian Religion." It was the latter work in which Chillingworth discovered, not textual ammunition against the Catholics (for Grotius would demonstrate only the excellence of the Christian religion), but an exalted defense of religion by reason and of the primacy of Scripture. Chillingworth was so much impressed by the support that passages in this book gave to 63

P.R.O., S.P. 16, Vol. C C X I V , No. 49. I can find no evidence for Hutton's statement (Hutton, Laud, p. 1 5 7 ) that Laud and Juxon exchanged letters about Chillingworth in March, 1628. 54 P.R.O., S.P. 16, Vol. C C X I V , No. 38. 55 H. Vreeland, Hugo Grotius (New York, 1 9 1 7 ) , p. 180. Grotius went into exile again on April 17, 1 6 3 2 .

188

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

his own fundamental conceptions that he included a long excerpt from it in his Religion of Protestants. L e t that learned m a n Hugo Grotius speake f o r all the R e s t , in his B o o k e of the truth of Christian

Religion;

which B o o k whosoever

attentively peruses shall find that a man may have great reason to be a Christian without dependance on your C h u r c h f o r any part of it . . . H e then in the last chapter of the second book hath these excellent w o r d s , " .

. . N o w it is the pleasure of A l m i g h t y

God

that those things which he w o u l d have us to beleeve (so that the v e r y beleef thereof m a y be imputed to us for obedience) should not so evidently appear, as those things which are apprehended by sense a n d plaine demonstration, but only be so f a r r e f o r t h revealed as m a y beget faith, a n d a perswasion thereof, in the hearts and minds of such as are not obstinate: T h a t so the Gospell m a y be as a touchstone f o r triall of mens j u d g m e n t s , whether they be sound or unsound."

56

Grotius thereupon proceeds to show that the reason for other men's infidelity is not want of sufficient testimony, but their refusal to accept for truth what is contrary to their "wilfull desires." They will not relinquish their honors and advantages to follow what Christ has commanded. Accordingly, it is to be noted of them that they accept for true historical narrations which have no such proofs of authenticity as belong to Scripture. T h e whole quotation from Grotius is a veiled attack on the temporal grandeur, and the insistence on the authority of cumulated tradition, which supported the Catholic Church. The attack came from a man whom Chillingworth well knew to be as eager a composer of the differences that kept Christians apart as he himself w a s . " Considering with Grotius might not have seemed a bad 56 The Religion of Protestants, p. 372. For Dr. John Clark's translation see Grotius, The Truth of Christian Religion, p. 140. 87 For Grotius's advocacy of a tolerant healing of differences see his speech addressed to the magistrates of Amsterdam, Gerard Brandt, The History of

C H I L L I N G

W O R T H

189

thing for Chillingworth to do had it not been that Laud and Juxon feared his slipping out of their hands again. Grotius was looked upon with favor by the now dominant part of the English clergy, which had won for itself the imported designation of "Arminian." Years before he had been favorably received on a visit to England by Dean Overal and Bishop Andrewes, who had found his Arminian views not uncongenial.-''8 Archbishop Abbot, on the other hand, had found very distasteful his likening of the English Puritans to the Contraremonstrants of Holland and had had no sympathy for his notions of universal grace. Only some years after the defeat of the Remonstrants (or Arminians) at the Synod of Dort did the Anglican Church turn away, under the influence of Laud and his party, from its inclination toward a moderate Calvinism and soften its views on predestination. " T h e Synod of Dort is not my rule," Richard Montague declared emphatically in A fpello Caesarem, but even then, in 1625, the cause of the English Arminians was shocking in its newness. 59 By 1 6 3 1 , however, the only official disapproval to fear from a consultation with the Arminian Grotius was Abbot's, and that no longer mattered. Abbot's forthcoming successor, Laud, was, theoretically at least, in sympathy with the Hollander's doctrinal tolerance. 80 the Reformation and Other Ecclesiastical Transactions in and about the LowCountries, II ( B k . x x i v ) , 2 0 8 - 2 9 . I " '4 2 Grotius published his edition of Cassander's irenic Consultatio de articulis inter Catholicos el Protestantes controversis. Clement Barksdale, who wrote a life of Grotius ( 1 6 5 2 ) , speaks of him in Nymp/ia Libethris (p. 7 ) as: He that was studious how to reconcile This and that Church, in milde Cassanders stile. On Cassander, see below, chap. vi. Harrison, The Beginnings of Arminianism to the Synod of Dort, p. 200. 59 R . Montague, Afelio Caesarem ( L o n d o n , 1 6 2 5 ) , pp. 107 et sqq. Laud was tolerant in matters of doctrine. See the quotation on p. 2 1 1 . Gladstone, it is said, found Laud the most tolerant churchman of his time ( G e o r g e , Seventeenth Century Men of Latitude, pp. 5 2 - 5 3 ; see also M a r -

190

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

But this did not mean (as J o h n D u r y learned to his g r i e f ) that he was prepared to take practical steps toward achieving a brotherhood of the Protestant churches. 61 Those who are acquainted with the early history of the L o n g Parliament will remember Falkland's charge against "some Bishops and their adherents," that they had "slackned the strictnesse of that union which was formerly betweene us, and those of our religion beyond the sea, an action as unpoliticke, as ungodly."

82

A n d Chillingworth himself, in spite of his close-

ness to L a u d , probably regretted those imperial Anglican dreams of his godfather's which prevented him from seeking a union with the continental churches. If only, instead of being zealous Papists, earnest Calvinists, rigid Lutherans, and (he might have added) seemly-surpliced Anglicans, we would become ourselves and be content that others should be plain honest Christians!

83

It is well known how dubious and cold-mannered was the interest that L a u d betrayed in " M . Grotius H i s Thoughts concerning the Union of the Protestant Churches."

64

Gro-

tius, encouraged perhaps by some of J o h n Dury's activities and by Oxenstierna's interest, had proposed a scheme in 1637 riott, Life and Times of Lucius Cary, p. 1 2 5 , where Gladstone's Romanes Lecture of 1892 is briefly quoted). 61 See Hutton, William Laud, p. 1 6 2 ; Jordan, The Development of Religious Toleration in England, 1603-1640, p. 1 3 1 ; and especially Henson, The Relation of the Church of England to the Other Reformed Churches, pp. 3 2 - 3 9 , 84, et passim. " T h e insularity of the anti-Calvinist movement in the Church of England gained force from the circumstance that its principal exponents were island-bred, and had never left its shores" (ibid., p. 3 6 ) . 02 Falkland, A Speech Made to the Hovse of Commons concerning Episcopacy, p. 2. 63 Chillingworth, The Religion of Protestants, p. 180. 64 See Matthew Gibson, A View of the Ancient and Present State of the Churches of Door, Home-Lacy, and Hempsted, pp. 7 6 - 9 1 ; Masson, Life of Milton, I, 701 ; I I , 368«.

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

I9I

for a union of the Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, and English churches. The Dutch and the French churches he regarded as hopeless at the present time, and therefore he left them out; in Germany the Thirty Years' W a r was raging. Laud's damper arrived before Grotius had fully detailed to Scudamore the advantages and practicability of his plan. In a letter of December, 1637, the Ambassador wrote to Laud: T o deale cleerly with your G r a c e , mee thought hee seem'd to be surpriz'd, and quail'd much in his hopes, by the reasons y o u r L e t t e r gives of y o u r doubtfullness w h e t h e r it will come to so farre as hee, out of his W i s h e s , thought it might, w h e n England

and

Sweden

will have given the E x a m p l e to other R e f o r m e d C h u r c h e s . 6 5

Evidently Scudamore had questioned Grotius narrowly, whereby it had appeared that the latter had had more to say on doctrinal agreements than on the subject of discipline, which he had wished to evade. As for the method of procedure, Grotius had proposed that Sweden and England publish: T h a t they believe the Scriptures in such sense as the auncient F a thers interpret t h e m ; T h a t they receive the three C r e e d s ;

That

they submitt to the foure auncient C o u n c e l l s ; a n d , T h a t they a p prove one another's L i t u r g i e , and Articles of D o c t r i n e , as C h r i s tian. T h i s he conceives to be the W a y . 6 6

One can see Laud shaking his head in sorry amusement over this proposal, as Grotius himself may have done in his turn, although with greater sympathy, over some of the more quixotic dreams of John Dury. 6 7 T h e conversations with 05

66 Gibson, o f . cit., p. 8 1 . Ibid., p. 83. On the more than pathetic figure of John Dury see Wood, Fasti, Vol. I , cols. 4 2 0 - 2 2 ; Scudamore's letter of J a n . 8, 1 6 3 8 , in Gibson, A Vievj, pp. 8 9 91 ; Sir Thomas Roe's discouraging letter to D u r y (endorsed, J a n . 24, 1 6 3 6 ) , P.R.O., S.P. 1 6 / 3 4 5 , No. 32 ; the encouraging Opinions of Certainc Reverend 67

192

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

Scudamore went on, but they resulted in nothing. Just as in the field of international law Alberico Gentili had been more willing to take things as they were, so in the endeavor to unite the Protestant churches Laud had safely shunned the impossible. H o w desirable the union would be, mused the religious exile, if only to keep in the Protestant church the thousands who now, because of the subdivisions, flee into the Roman. W e l l , y e t it is a c o n t e n t m e n t to b e e , a n d to live, a n d d y e in the w i s h e s of so g r e a t a G o o d : I f it m a y bee, a n d that it pleaseth

God

to s u f f e r us to see so g r e a t a B l e s s i n g in o u r d a y e s , o u r J o y w i l l be the g r e a t e r , but if G o d w i l l not p e r m i t t it, yet it will bee a c o m f o r t to bee in those w i s h e s . 0 8

Obviously there had been many truly Christian writers before the generation of Grotius, Dury, Hales, and Calixtus who had sought to hasten the Blessing by their syncretistic writings. A few of these sixteenth-century mystics and rationalists, Catholics and Protestants, will deserve notice when we take up Falkland's tracts in sufficient detail to reveal his charities and convictions and his relation not only to Chillingworth but also to his own spiritual forebears. "Our Ages Wonder," Falkland called Grotius; "by thy Birth, the Fame Of Belgia; by thy Banishment, the Shame." H e praised him as a statesman, a patriot, " A lofty Poet, and a deep Divine," and glorified the works of his pen, his edition and

Learned

Protestant

Divines Religion,

concerning and

the

the

Right

Fundamentall Government

Points of

of

Reformed

the

True

Churches

( [ O x f o r d ] , 1 6 4 2 ) , with a long communication from J o h n D a v e n a n t , Bishop r

John

. . . Published

by

of S a l i s b u r y ) A Copy Lord

Forbes

of M

1 6 4 3 ) ; W . C . D o w d i n g , The Life

Duries Samuel

Letter

Presented

Hartlib

in Sweden

. . . (London,

and Correspondence

of George

to . .

.

[Nov.,] Calixtus

( O x f o r d , 1 8 6 3 ) , pp. 1 7 0 - 7 7 . D u r y died at Cassel in 1 6 8 0 . " T h e o n l y f r u i t which I h a v e reaped by a l l my toils is that I see the miserable condition of Christianity, and that I h a v e no other comfort than the testimony of m y conscience" (quoted by Henson, op. citp. 68

Gibson, A View,

p. 82.

84).

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

of Martianus Capella,

69

his tragedy of Christus

193

fattens,

the

latter having been translated by George Sandys, who had allowed Falkland the opportunity of prefixing gratulatory verses. Falkland tells Grotius that a divine poet, than whom no one better deserves his acquaintance, now successfully rehearses his choice labors and to another world transplants his verse:70 Now Thames, with Ganges, may thy Labours praise, Which there breed Faith, and here Devotion raise. No one would suspect, without being informed of the fact, that in this couplet there lurks a tribute to Grotius's De tate religionis

Christianae,

veri-

the work we have been discussing

in connection with Chillingworth. But Falkland's own footnote, which depends from the second word of the second line, is explicit enough: " H i s De veritate it reads, "intended to convert the

Religionis

Christianae

Indians."

There was still enough earnest Calvinism in Falkland's doctrinal position during the early 1630's for him to have demurred, possibly, at approving Grotius's belief in the universality of grace. 7 1 If he did so then (and the likelihood is 69

Capella, " a n unintelligent c o m p i l e r , " was the a u t h o r of De nuptiis Philologiae el Mercurii, which became the common textbook of the seven arts in the M i d d l e Ages ( H . O. T a y l o r , The Mediaeval Mind, I, 7 2 ) . 70 i7

stance, three of the daughters had again to live in the treacherous man's presence when they were guests of their brother's at T e w . T h e y were again tormented, "but—by the grace of God—not hurt by M r . Chillingworth."

103

H o w Anne may

have felt toward her former preceptor is suggested by an original letter in the British M u s e u m , addressed very probably to the young lady. T h e endorsement reads: " M r . Chillingworths letter to a gentlewoman concerning the licentiousness of the doctrine of a Papist, relating to the L o u e of G o d , and true Attrition:" Deare M r s

Anne

If you despise or hate your most humble servant so farre as not to desire and by all l a w f u l l meanes to procure the saluation of his soul, I pray judge of your religion by the fruites of it . . , 1 0 4

If she does not so hate him, then he asks her to hearken to a proposal of his. One wonders at this point whether Mistress Anne possessed the patience to go on. It may have been early in 1 6 3 5 that Chillingworth became tutor to Patrick and H e n r y under their eldest brother's roof. At all events they were not soon rescued. T o w a r d the end of 1 6 3 5 a certain H e n r y Slingsby, son of a gentleman who had entertained H e n r y L o r d Falkland in Ireland, became a guest at Great T e w and (being a Catholic) " a prey to M r . Chillingworth's subtle and invidious tactics."

105

Fortunately for M r .

Slingsby, it was just at this time, when he was in danger of falling away from his faith, that the Cary sisters arrived at T e w , saw his predicament and opened his eyes to Chillingworth's true character. A saved man, Slingsby grew very friendly with the young ladies and was introduced by them 103 Pullerton, The Life 104

of Elisabeth

Sloane M S 4 2 7 5 , fol. 1 0 5 .

Lady 105

Falkland,

p. 194.

Fullerton, o f . cit., pp. 2 1 1 - 1 2.

208

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

to their mother, whose house he ever after frequented. H i s brother Francis was apprehensive lest he succumb to the attractions of the Miss Carys and abandon his coenobitic intentions. But good sense and a trip to Rome removed the danger. Sometime afterward, Francis happily resigned his birthright to H e n r y and himself entered the priesthood. " I have his estate," wrote H e n r y Slingsby in 1644, " I have everything but his virtue."

106

H a v i n g failed in his designs upon Francis Slingsby, having failed in his tutelage of the two young boys, who escaped him in the spring of 1636, Chillingworth resumed the task of perfecting his drafts of The Religion

of Protestants a Safe

Way to Salvation. A s soon as the text came into the printers' hands, the Jesuit Knott found means of examining it and thus grew acquainted with the work, or a large part of it, a whole year before it was finally published. 107 H e thereupon took measures to prejudice the public against the book, chiefly by issuing, in 1636, A Direction N\ame\.

to be Observed

by 7V[o].

If Hee Meane to Proceede in Answering the

entitled, Mercy and Truth, or Charity Charity

Maintayned

by Catholiques

Booke,

Maintained. (to use the better-

known title) had been published by Knott in 1634 as a reply to an attack on his first book in the controversy, Charity

Mis-

taken, wherein he had denied the possibility of salvation outside the Catholic Church. T h e attack on Charity Mistaken

had

been made by D r . Christopher Potter, Provost of Queen's College in Oxford. 1 0 8 Chillingworth had, in his rejoinder, the 100

F u l l e r t o n , of.

107

Religion

cit., p. 228.

of Protestants,

" P r e f a c e to the A u t h o r of C h a r i t y M a i n t a i n ' d , "

§4108

F o r D r . Potter's sentiments c o n c e r n i n g A r m i n i a n i s m see his letter to

M r . Vicars quoted in The xxix-xxx.

Works

of James

Armintus,

ed. J a m e s N i c h o l s , I,

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

209

triple task of defending Dr. Potter, conducting his own controversy with Knott, and clearing himself from the Jesuit's insinuations. It is no wonder that The Religion of Protestants is a swollen and overgrown tract, running (with Knott's pages included) to more than four hundred pages folio. Nor is it surprising that Chillingworth contented himself with answering only the first part of Charity Maintayned. Of the several reasons which he gives for his decision, as sound a one as any is his fear that the size and expense of so swollen a volume would affright most men from buying and reading the work. 109 He was anxious also to avoid the duty of having to defend some of Potter's more vulnerable arguments. In the long task of preparing his logically arranged and soundly detailed chapters, Chillingworth sought all the assistance that the library at Tew and its knowledgeable owner could render him j but of course he had already requested aid elsewhere. John Hales benefited him with his little tract Concerning Schisme and Schismatiques and lent him books from his library at Eton. It was Hales's complaint about Chillingworth that he borrowed books in haste, but returned them with advice. 110 Laud also was pleased to see to it that Chillingworth should receive proper assistance. He had misgivings and therefore desired Dr. Prideaux that he would be at pains to read over 109

P.R.O., S.P. 1 6 / 3 6 7 , No. 1 1 6 . W r i t i n g f r o w Eton in Dec., 1 6 3 8 , to a person unknown, Hales apologizes: " Y o u require of me the use of Crellius against Grotius; I am sorry, in mine own behalf, that I cannot pleasure you. M y good friend M r . Chillingworth (a gentleman that borrows books in haste, but restores them with advice) hath got it into his hands, and I fear me I shall hardly see it a g a i n ; f o r he had borrowed it twice: by this symptom I judge what the issue will b e ; f o r no man ever yet borrowed the same book twice of me, that ever restored it a g a i n " (Hales, Works, I, 1 9 9 ) . no

aio

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

the tract. Before it was allowed to appear, the book was subjected to the censorship not only of Dr. Prideaux but also of Richard Baylie, who was vice-chancellor of Oxford at the time, and of Dr. Samuel Fell, whose imprimatur is dated October 14, 1637. The Religion of Protestants was published with Leonard Lichfield's imprint at the end of the same year, although "Anno Salutis M . D C . X X X V I I I " is the date on t h e t i t l e p a g e o f t h e first e d i t i o n . 1 1 1

Laud had reason to be gratified with the work of his godson and the reception accorded it by the Anglican party. In a sense The Religion of Protestants not only championed the general cause of Protestants, the protests of Potter against the Roman Catholics' uncharitable damning of all who had broken away; it was also a defense of Laud's controversy of 1622 with Fisher, the Jesuit. Many of the ideas of A Relation of the Conference (which was to be republished advantageously in 1639) are amplified in Chillingworth's tract and suggest that Laud exerted as great an influence upon the younger man's thoughts concerning peace among Protestants as any other single writer of the century, Grotius not excluded. Hales's influence is not to be slighted, of course, but Laud's was the earlier and the more intrusive. The observation may seem a curious one to make upon a man whose administrative conduct alienated the Puritans past the point of rebellion; but it must be remembered that it was the discipline of the Church wherein the Archbishop was a martinet, not doctrine. Laud refused the label of Arminian, because he considered predestination an insoluble question. And, with reference to the doctrinal beliefs of others, he declared, little thinking how often the passage would be quoted to defend him from the charge 111

See Des Maizeaux, Chilling-worth, p. 14.1.

211

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

of bigotry: " N o r will I ever take it upon me to express that tenet or opinion, the denial of the foundation only excepted, which may shut any Christian, even the meanest, out of heaven. 1 1 2 This sentiment controlled the reasoning of Chillingworth and of Falkland. It will guide us through the course of arguments examined in the following chapter, the theme of which will be Falkland's plea for a Christian unity based upon charity in opinions and the simplification of the essential doctrines. Although this new chapter will attempt no detailed summary of the contents of Chillingworth's magnum opus, it will cite illustrative passages f r o m the book in order to point out the resemblance of Falkland's ideas to Chillingworth's and the relation of the opinions of both men to those held by spiritual humanists of the preceding century. T h e r e was a saying at O x f o r d that if the Great T u r k were to be converted by natural reason, Falkland and Chillingworth were the persons to convert him. 1 1 3 Doubtless the two intellects whetted each other, and it would be ill advised to assert that Chillingworth did not borrow some thoughts of value f r o m my L o r d . On the whole, however, the likelihood remains that Falkland played second fiddle to Chillingworth, allowing him the lead oftener than he took it and admitting, even if only unconsciously, that his clerical friend had a better command of his instrument and a more certain grasp of the structure of a composition. Falkland's style has the merit of occasional incisiveness, but it is without the logic of Chillingworth's chapters against Knott. T h e author of the Discourse of Infallibility and of the Reply shows brilliance, 112 Quoted by Hutton, Laud, p. 1 5 2 , and by J o r d a n , Development gious Toleration, 1603-1640, p. 1 3 6 . 113 Aubrey, Brief Lives, I, 1 7 2 .

of

Reli-

212

C H I L L I N G W O R T H

but not the steady consistency of argument of his friend. The telling phrase was oftener Falkland's, perhaps; the closely reasoned progress to the end of an argument was more frequently Chillingworth's.

C H A P T E R

IN

N E C E S S A R I I S

SIX

U N I T A S

F A L K L A N D WAS W E L L S C H O O L E D IN T Y P I C A L A N G L I C A N

ARGU-

ment by time that he undertook to remonstrate with his kinsman W a l t e r Montagu over his reasons for turning Catholic. T o his father, the Earl of Manchester, W a t had sent a letter from Paris on November 21, 1635, in which he defended his apostasy chiefly upon the strength of one argument. 1 This argument was not the same as that which had once convinced Chillingworth. Not infallibility, but the persistence through the ages of a single visible Church, was for Montagu the central subject for debate. It mattered not to him that Calvin had insisted that the Church may exist without any visible form. T o his mind that favorite question of the Jesuits— W h e r e was your Church before Luther?—appeared unanswerable, all-powerful. T h e concealment of a Church disproves the truth of it, Montagu contended, and he quoted Hooker to the effect that God has always had and must have some visible Church upon earth. Luther was an innovator, and there had been no more ancient dissension from the Catholic Church than the Waldensian. Hence the Protestant was not the true, ancient, and apostolic religion. T h e Anglicans of Montagu's time were not slow in evolv1 The Coffy of a Letter Sent from France by M? Walter Mountagu to His Father the Lord Pr'tvie Seale, with His Anszvere Thereunto. Also a Second Ansivere to the Same Letter by the Lord Faukland. Imprinted, ¡6j i. Copv in M c A l p i n Coll., Union Theological Seminary, N'.Y. There are copics of the three letters in Harl. M S 6866, fols. 2 1 0 - 2 5 . Montagu was the Lady Lettice's second cousin ( M u r d o c k , The Sun at Noon, p. 8 2 ) .

214

I N

N E C E S S A R I I S

U N I T AS

ing the doctrine, maintained with a more exclusive interpretation by Anglo-Catholics today, that the true, ancient, and apostolic religion lived on in the faith and practices of the Church of E n g l a n d . T h e true Church, truth being taken in its respective sense, is that (according to Sanderson) which maintains the doctrine, together with the worship, taught by Christ and his apostles in a greater measure of purity and freer from error and superstition than does another church.- It has been always visible in the body of men who have resisted the errors, superstitions, and corruptions of their times. 3 T o the question, then, W h e r e was your Church before L u t h e r ? Sanderson r e p l i e s : 4 T h e substance of faith, as c o n c e r n i n g the worship maintained a n d practised in the P r o t e s t a n t

Church

of E n g l a n d ,

hath

continued

visible in like m a n n e r in all a g e s ; as well before as since L u t h e r . W i t n e s s o u r service

book;

wherein our adversaries themselves a r c

not able to e x c e p t against a n y t h i n g c o n t a i n e d .

L a u d ' s answer to " t h a t idle and impertinent question of t h e i r s " was m o r e e m p h a t i c : 5 I t w a s just t h e r e , w h e r e theirs is n o w . O n e and the s a m e C h u r c h still, n o doubt of t h a t ;

o n e in substance, but not in condition of

state a n d p u r i t y ; their p a r t of the s a m e C h u r c h r e m a i n i n g in c o r ruption, and o u r part of the same C h u r c h u n d e r r e f o r m a t i o n .

" C l e a n i m p e r t i n e n t " the question was likewise to H a l e s , who declared that it was only necessary to demonstrate:

6

2 Sanderson, " A Discourse concerning the Church," in Two Treatises on the Church, p. 2 i 5. 3 Ibid., p. 2 1 8 . 1 Sanderson, "Concerning the Church of R o m e , " in Two Treatises . . . p. 224. 5 Laud, Works, II, xiii. 6 Hales, "Peace, the legacy of Christ," in Works, I I I , 1 6.

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2 I 5

that there have been f r o m the apostles' times a perpetual succession of the ministry, to p r e a c h and to b a p t i z e : of this, by the providence of G o d , there r e m a i n s very g o o d evidence u n t o the w o r l d ,

and

shall r e m a i n .

I t was characteristic of H a l e s that he should seize the opportunity of warning his listeners not to flatter themselves in their outward conformity. W h e n all this o u t w a r d shew of state shall be g o n e off the s t a g e , it m a y p e r a d v e n t u r e prove for the g o o d only of s o m e f e w

unre-

spected, u n t h o u g h t - o f souls w h o had least p a r t in all this m a s k . 7

H a l e s goes so far as to say that it would not prejudice the Church of Christ if none of the ministry since apostolic times had been of the elect. 8 T h e r e is the Visible Church, which includes all who profess themselves Christians and in which charity is many times mistaken. B u t , far more significant, there is the Church of the E l e c t , to which alone the promise of peace belongs." I t is with this appeal away from outward authority to the K i n g d o m of H e a v e n within that H a l e s provides his sincerest answer to the Jesuits' oft-repeated question. Naturally those Anglican apologists who gave their Church a larger function than did H a l e s in the actual process of salvation would find anarchical seeds of destruction in his emphasis on the one genuine Church, namely, the Invisible. Chillingworth, however, was almost as much an individualist in his view of the problem as was H a l e s . T h e following passage, although an answer to two of his own motives for going over to R o m e , is not a sound ecclesiastical defense of Anglicanism. Chillingworth is rather defending the Protestantism of the private conscience: 7

Ibid., p. 16.

8

Ibid.

0

Ibid., p. 15.

2l6

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T o the first: God hath neither decreed nor foretold, that his true Doctrine should de facto be alwaies visibly professed, without any mixture of falshood. T o the second: God hath neither decreed nor foretold, that there shall alwaies be a visible company of men free f r o m all error in it selfe d a m n a b l e . Neither is it alwaies of necessity Schismaticall to separate from the external! communion of a C h u r c h , though w a n t ing nothing necessary: F o r if this C h u r c h suppos'd to w a n t nothing necessary, require me to professe against m y conscience, that I believe some e r r o r ; though never so small and innocent, which I doe not believe, and will not allow me her communion but upon this condition, in this case, the C h u r c h for requiring this condition is Schismaticall, and not I for separating f r o m the C h u r c h . 1 0 Obviously, of course, w h e n C h i l l i n g w o r t h attacked his o w n " M o t i v e s , " he was not yet committed to a rational vindication of his g o d f a t h e r ' s C h u r c h . But he believed, with the Anglicans, in their o w n w a y , that t h e r e a l w a y s has been, and e v e r will be, a "Visible true C h u r c h " on earth. H e re-adopted the Protestant conception of the t e r m "Catholic Church" and decided, e v e n b e f o r e he l e f t Douai, that the R o m a n Church was a corrupted part of the Catholic C h u r c h . 1 1 L o n g b e f o r e him, G e o r g e G i f f a r d , an Elizabethan divine, had expounded v e r y clearly the historical continuity of the Church of E n g l a n d . G i f f a r d ' s v i e w is Laud's, Sanderson's, Chillingworth's:

12

T h e C h u r c h of R o m e then is not the true C h u r c h of G o d : but the C h u r c h of R o m e is the Apostasie in the church. L e t us come 10

§43-

Religion

of Protestants,

" P r e f a c e to the A u t h o r of C h a r i t y M a i n t a i n ' d , "

Ibid., p. i 5. G i f f a r d , A Short Treatise against the Donatists of England, p. 5 ; . Of course l a t e r w r i t e r s , l i k e C h i l l i n g w o r t h , conceded the R o m a n m i g h t be a true church. 11

12

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217

then m o r e particularly. T h e c h u r c h of E n g l a n d in the time of poperie was a m e m b e r of the universall c h u r c h , and had not the being of a church of Christ from R o m e , n o r tooke not her beginning of being a C h u r c h , by separating her selfe from that Romish s v n a g o g : but hauing her spirites revived, and her eyes opened by the light of the heavenly w o r d , did cast foorth that tyrannie of Antichrist, with his abhominable idolatrie, heresies, and false w o r ship: and sought to bring all her children unto the right faith, and true service of G o d : A n d so is a purer and m o r e faithfull c h u r c h then before.

It is to be noted that Giffard speaks of " a Church." In his view, as in Hooker's, the Church of England is one of the "Societies" forming the Visible Catholic Church. 1 3 T h e foregoing passages will serve, then, to show how the Anglicans understood the terms "visible" and "catholic," and how they undertook to answer the question, so baffling to Montagu, " W h e r e was your Church before L u t h e r ? " In his Answer to Montagu, Falkland hastened to show him that the question of paramount importance was after all infallibility—that if the question of infallibility were determined, all the rest must be determined. But he did not refrain from dealing with the convert's challenge. I f Protestantism began with Luther, how could it be the religion of Christ? Such was the riddle that was based upon the conclusion that there was no evidence of a visible Protestant Church before Luther. But Protestantism, answered Falkland, reposes upon the authority of the Bible, which still contains the whole of necessary truth as it did in the earliest Christian times. By delivering Scripture, men delivered all, "and by that rule whosoever regulates his life and doctrine, I am confident that 13 Richard Hooker, The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, xiv, quoted in More and Cross, eds., Anglicanism, p. 4 1 .

Book III, chap, i,

218

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though he may mistake errour for T r u t h in the way, hee shall never mistake H e l l for H e a v e n in the end."

14

Falkland proceeded to expound Ephesians iv, 11—13, in Chillingworth's second manner, pointed out the doctrinal disagreements among Roman Catholics in spite of their submission to church authority, and attacked their dependence upon tradition which was subsequent to universal tradition. Next, he appealed, as Protestants were fond of doing, to the belief of Vincent of Lerins, who lived in the fifth century, that the Bible contains only truth and all things necessary to salvation. "Vincentius Lirinensis though hee would have the Scripture expounded by ancient Tradition, yet confesseth that all is there that is necessary (and yet then there was no more Scripture than we now h a v e ) . "

15

Indeed, Falkland won-

dered why the Catholics bragged so much about an author who made so much against them. Protestants, then, were safe in trusting the Bible as their guide. It was all the rule they walked by, yet a rule by the aid of which they could test and reject what the later Church had propounded for authoritative and necessary tradition. Since the knowledge of the Bible and the assurances of universal tradition were sufficient warranty to Protestants that they were in the religion of Christ, it seemed to Falkland a matter of little importance whether or not they could make good their claim to a visible church before Luther. H e did casually suggest that the Roman Catholic Church, with its extinction of heretics and their books and with its " I n d e x E x 14

The Cofpy of a Letter, p. 27. ¡bid., p. 3 1 . Vincent insisted, however, that the authority of the Church must protect the Bible from misinterpretation. He is best known for his rule that only that is truly and properly Catholic " w h i c h is believed everywhere, always, and by a l l . " G. Brandt cites the rule (of. cit., Vol. I I , i x - x ) in defending the Remonstrants. 15

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purgatorius," had made it a hard work to find out w h e t h e r any t h o u g h t like L u t h e r in all ages. Such men m i g h t have been visible in their times, yet not so to us. 1 8 But actually F a l k land doubted the assumption that either the R o m a n Catholic C h u r c h or the Protestant C h u r c h had been always visible. H e wrote, in fact:

1T

N e i t h e r of o u r C h u r c h e s h a v e been a l w a y s visible, o n e l y this is the d i f f e r e n c e , t h a t w e a r e t r o u b l e d to s h e w o u r C h u r c h in the l a t t e r a n d m o r e c o r r u p t a g e s , a n d t h e y theirs in the first a n d p u r e s t , that w e e c a n least f i n d e o u r s at n i g h t , a n d t h e y theirs at n o o n .

T h i s is one of F a l k l a n d ' s most direct hits, deserving of C h i l l i n g w o r t h ' s e n v y . But neither it nor any other part of the Answer

could induce M o n t a g u to change his mind. H e

f o u n d content in the R o m a n C h u r c h , and became Abbot of St. M a r t i n ' s at Pontoise. 1 8 It was not the minimizing of the importance of having an ever visible C h u r c h ; it was not the intimation to M o n t a g u that allegiance to R o m e weakened loyalty to E n g l a n d ; it was the question of infallibility, which F a l k l a n d w o u l d have liked to enlarge upon in discourse with M o n t a g u . H e had not been able to g i v e the matter the space it deserved in the

Answer,

and had thus missed the occasion of convincing the apostate of his error in the fundamental issue. C h i l l i n g w o r t h , with his greater skill, m i g h t easily

have

s w u n g the argument round to infallibility and rested it there, while not neglecting to satisfy M o n t a g u in his chief question. 16

The Copfy of a Letter, p. 23. 1 bid., pp. 25-26. Here Falkland apparently disagrees with Chillingworth. 1 8 The Dowager Lady Falkland was very highly obliged to Montagu for his services in bringing Patrick Cary to the notice of Cardinal Barberini in Rome ( T h e Lady Falkland: Her Life, p. 1 1 2 ) . 11

220

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T h e expostulation would have appeared less limp in the hands of that born controversialist, even if Falkland's direct hits had been left out. As it was, Falkland had not to wait long before another one of his relations by marriage threatened to go the way of Montagu. And this time he had his opportunity, albeit a hurried one. H e took infallibility for his theme and apparently discoursed with such good emphasis in this and succeeding appeals that Rome did not gain a second convert. Such was the haste with which Falkland wrote—"for it is late, which time I was fain to take, lest your Mother should come in"—that he poured as it were the cream of his own best thinking into this letter of reply. T h e substance of leading arguments subsequently developed in the Discourse of Infallibility and amplified in The Lord of Faulklands Re-ply is here crowded into a few overloaded and breath-taxing sentences. Falkland's letter answers a declamatory one by " M r . F. M . , " whom he salutes as "Frank" and whose "Brother and Servant" he at the end professes himself to be. That this " M r . F. M . " was the Lady Lettice's brother Francis Morison is the plausible assumption of Professor Murdock, the only writer who has busied himself with the problem of identification 5 " M r . F. M.," then, is in all probability that one of the Morison brothers who served as a major on the royal side in the Civil W a r and who in Virginia was not only Captain of the Fort at Point Comfort, but, in time, Speaker of the House of Burgesses and acting governor. 19 Colonel Francis Morison's career does not suggest that he became a Roman Catholic. That he did not become one was owing to the efforts of his brother-in-law and perhaps to those of Charles 19 Murdock, The Sun at Noon, p. 1 2 1 . On Francis see William College Quarterly, I X ( 1 9 0 1 ) , 1 2 2 - 2 3 .

and

Maty-

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Gataker, w h o was (it has been said) the Viscount's chaplain. 2 0 T h e letter that F a l k l a n d wrote in the year 1 6 3 6 to Francis was first printed in 1 6 7 3 . It is here reprinted in f u l l : 2 1

Frank, I H a v e received, not your L e t t e r ; but your D e c l a m a t i o n : for I would rather believe, that you had a mind to exercise your stile, then that you are likely to make M r . Lees

22

prediction a Prophesie.

But if it be possible, that having carried up Baronius, you should be in earnest; that you should be moved by the Authority of a F a t h e r living 4 0 0 years after Christ to the choice of that Religion, which I have shewed you in that question of the Chiliasts, Fathers;

opposeth seven

(the youngest more ancient than he, and the rest the

most antient that a r e ) T h a t their Sanctity should move you which not only their o w n learned Salmerort

makes a false Note of the

C h u r c h , but which, as I find by their o w n Authors, they have had but so lately, that their Piety is but the e f f e c t of their E m u l a tion, w h o till we reformed their Doctrine, reformed not their lives, and o w e the purity of their C h u r c h to him w h o m they stile the 20 Charles Gataker of Pembroke College was the son of T h o m a s Gataker, the editor of Marcus Antoninus. According to Wood, Charles associated with F a l k l a n d , and, " I think, was afterwards his c h a p l a i n " ( A then. Oxon., Vol. I I , col. 5 6 7 ) . Aubrey is definite about the chaplaincy ( B r i e f Lives, I, 1 5 1 ) . At the time of his proceeding M . A . ( J u n e 30, i 6 j 6 ) , he had been "lately of the university of C a m b r i d g e " ( W o o d , Fasti, Part I, col. + 8 8 ) . See article by Gordon in D.N.B. 21 Five Captious Questions, Propounded by a Factor {or the Papacy: An. . . To Which Is swered by a Divine of the Church of God in England. Added, An Occasional Letter of the Lord Viscount Falkland to the Same Gentleman, Much to This Present Purpose, pp. 7 1 - 7 2 . The Papist's Bait ( 1 6 7 4 ) contains the same letter by Falkland. Gataker is the Anglican divine of the T . P. T h e reference in the T . P. to "the same G e n t l e m a n " is puzzling. T h a t F . M . is not the Romanist seems clear from the heading on p. 1 1 : " F o u r t h Section, containing an Examination of the foregoing R e p l y made by the Romanist; which was comprised in a Letter to the Gentleman assaulted. M r . F . M . " T h e " a s s a u l t " on the "considerate gentleman," whom Gataker undertook to aid against the Romanist, was made in 1666 ( " A Premonition to the Reader," in Five Captious Questions'). 22

" M r . Lee once T u t o r to that Gentleman did often say, that his Scholar would one day prove a J e s u i t " [ m a r g i n a l note].

222

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A u t h o r o f o u r s ; T h a t you should choose t h e m f o r the c o n v e n i e n c e o f an I n f a l l i b l e G u i d e , w h e n they n e i t h e r k n o w her I n f a l l i b l y to be I n f a l l i b l e , n o r I n f a l l i b l y w h a t D e f i n i t i o n s are h e r s , w h e n those a r e y e t m o r e h a r d to be u n d e r s t o o d , t h a n to be k n o w n , a n d those w h o h a v e t h e c o n v e n i e n c e of so infallible a D i r e c t o r n e i t h e r a g r e e by w h a t N o t e s she is to be k n o w n , n o r w h a t D o c t r i n e s she t e a c h e s , a n d c a n n o t but confess, t h a t t h e r e a r e infinite Q u e s t i o n s w h i c h c o n c e r n t h e D u t y o f o u r lives, o f w h i c h she is w h o l l y silent, a n d c o n c e r n i n g w h i c h they are in the s a m e miserable estate, in w h i c h w e a r e w h o have n o n e ; T h a t their M u l t i t u d e s h o u l d m o v e y o u , w h o c a n n o t but k n o w , t h a t a l m o s t all the w o r l d h a t h been a n d m o s t C h r i s t i a n s have been Arr'tans;

Idolaters,

I n d e e d if a n y such T o p i c a l

A r g u m e n t s should seem to you w o r t h y to e n t e r the lists w i t h t h o s e , at least m u c h m o r e a p p a r e n t , U n r e a s o n a b l e n e s s e s , w h i c h a r e in so m a n y o f their doctrines, as T r a n s u b s t a n t i a t i o n , & c . I f ( I s a y ) this be possible, I doubt n o t , but either at the end o f this w e e k , o r t h e b e g i n n i n g of the n e x t , to say so m u c h m o r e to y o u , as will serve to let you see, t h a t those W o r k s o f theirs are very w e a k , w h i c h m a y be demolished by a P o t g u n . T i l l t h e n I pray c o n s i d e r , T h a t , if G o d ( a s w e s a y ) requires o u r A s s e n t to n o t h i n g , but to w h a t is a p p a r e n t t o be his W i l l , t h e n t h e r e is n o necessity of a G u i d e , since those w h o w o u l d deny apparent D o c t r i n e s , w o u l d as w e l l resist an a p p a r e n t G u i d e : A n d t h a t t h e y confess t h a t it is O b s t i n a c y , in w h i c h H e r e s i e consists, a n d w h i c h d a m n a t i o n follows, a n d t h a t sure this s e c r e t

(I

m e a n w h o is guilty o f O b s t i n a c y ) is fitter to be reserved f o r H i m t o discover w h o m a d e t h e h e a r t , then to be j u d g e d by t h e m

who

c a n n o t k n o w it, a n d both parts m a y keep t h e i r O p i n i o n s , till it shall be m a d e t h e r e infallibly appear, both w h o s e

Opinions

are

e r r o n e o u s , a n d whose e r r o r s a r e g u i l t y ; w h e r e a s t h e subsistence o f t h e C o m m o n w e a l t h will n o t s u f f e r C r i m i n a l m a t t e r s to stay f o r so l o n g ( t h o u g h a m o r e c e r t a i n ) t r y a l . I a m in h a s t , ( f o r it is l a t e , w h i c h t i m e I w a s fain to t a k e , lest y o u r M o t h e r s h o u l d c o m e i n . 2 3 ) Y o u r very affectionate Brother and 23

Lady Morison enjoyed long residences at T e w .

Servant,

FALKLAND

IN Pray

N E C E S S A R I I S

read Baronius

fully.

Not

the

U N I T A S

223

over, arid c a r e -

Cardinal

Baronius,

whose A n n a l s are compacted to serve the

Popes

Interest

without any

re-

gard to t r u t h ; but a learned Divine of Scotland, De objecto

who

hath

formali

written

fidei,

solidly

and hath de-

fended his Discourse against

Turnbull

a Jesuit.

"This maine Architectonicall Controversie," as John Pearson called the question of infallibility,'-4 so occupied Falkland that he resolved to write a treatise of his own upon it, whereby he might further assist the weak and at last maintain a solid position against his mother's priests. So similar are the thoughts of the answers to Wat and to Francis to those in the treatise, such is the resemblance between what Falkland dashed off late at night for the sake of his brother-in-law and what he deliberately composed for his Discourse of Infallibility, and the Re-ply that it seems reasonable to suppose that all three pieces were written within a year of one another. With Chillingworth's help Falkland may have developed his argument in his own mind to the point where he could hastily write down the essentials, as he did for Frank, just as in 1640 he made mental preparations for his speeches, delivering them perhaps (like a good M . P . ) without any manuscript in his breast or study. 25 The Discourse may have been nearly complete in his mind at the time of his incidental efforts in behalf of his cousin and brother-in-law. It may, on the other hand, have been circulating already in manuscript; but there 21

I. P.'s "Preface to the Reader," Discourse of Infallibility (1651). The impromptu nature of Falkland's speeches is of course open to question, but he had excellent memory for what he had thought out and considerable skill and readiness in phrasing. 25

224

N E C E S S A R I I S

I N

is a passage in Clarendon's History

U N I T A S

which favors the sugges-

tion that composition was d e l a y e d a l i t t l e — d e l a y e d until Falkland had strong personal motives for making a f o r m a l attack upon Catholic a r g u m e n t : B u t this c h a r i t y t o w a r d s t h e m

[the Romanists] was m u c h lesned,

a n d a n y c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h t h e m q u y t e d e c l i n e d , w h e n by sinist e r A r t e s t h e y h a d c o r r u p t e d his t w o y o u n g e r b r o t h e r s , b e i n g e b o t h children, and stolen t h e m b e y o n d e seas, a n d

f r o m his h o u s e , a n d t r a n s p o r t e d

perverted

them

his sisters, u p o n w h i c h o c c a s y o n

w r i t t t w o l a r g e d i s c o u r s e s a g a i n s t the p r i n c i p l e

[sic]

he

positions o f

t h a t R e l i g i o n , w i t h t h a t s h a r p n e s s e o f S t y l e , a n d f u l l w a i g h t of r e a s o n , t h a t t h e C h u r c h is d e p r i v e d o f g r e a t e j e w e l l s , in t h e c o n c e a l m e n t of t h e m , a n d t h a t t h e y a r e n o t p u b l i s h e d to the w o r l d . 2 6

T h e two large discourses are probably the Infallibility itself and The

Lord

of Faulklands

points to the kidnapping of

Reply.

tract

Clarendon, then,

1636 as the immediate cause

( a l o n g with the sisters' conversions) of the writing of the tracts. A somewhat earlier personal inducement may

have

been given by F a l k l a n d ' s mother, w h o is said to have replied to his appeal to M o n t a g u .

In any case, personal

reasons

brought F a l k l a n d to the resolution of formally committing his animadversions to paper. 2 7 N o less than five editions of the Discourse

of

Infallibility

w e r e printed in E n g l a n d in the course of the twenty years f o l l o w i n g F a l k l a n d ' s death. D u r i n g his lifetime the tract circulated only in manuscript, but it was seen by Catholics and 2 6 Clarendon, Hist. Reb., ed. Macray, III, i ; Nichol Smith, Characters, p. 74. Hyde wrote the passage only two years after the first edition was published (Nichol Smith, p. 2 7 6 ) . 2 7 On the mother's participation in the Montagu affair see The Lady Falkland: Her Life, p. 114. Her paper was supposed to be the best thing she ever wrote.

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12$

answered by one of them through the D o w a g e r L a d y Falkland's mediation. 28 T h e title page of the 1645 edition reads:

Of the Infallibilitie of the Church of Rome. A Discourse Written by the Lord Viscount Falkland. Now First Published from a Copy of His Oivne Hand.2* It is not a triviali evidence [says C l a r e n d o n in the Life],30

of his

learninge, his witt, and his c a n d o u r , that m a y be found in that discource of his, against the I n f a l l a b i [ l i ] t y of the C h u r c h of R o m e , published since his death, and f r o m a copy under his o w n e hande, though not p r e p a r e d and digested by him f o r the presse, and to which he w o u l d have given some castigations.

Triplet endeavored to make castigations f o r the edition of 1 6 5 1 . H o w judiciously he carried out this work is a dubious question. W h i l e he undoubtedly made a few desirable changes of syntax and idiom, he sometimes arbitrarily altered the sense, and at other times omitted a passage altogether. Triplet was apparently wary of appeals to tradition, for in at least one significant instance he may have deliberately excised the word. Somewhat unwarranted also (and disliked by a person interested in Falkland's reading) is the good doctor's omission of most of the source references that are found in the editions of 1 6 4 5 , 1646, and 1 6 5 0 . 3 1 But of course it is not impossible 28

Cf. A View of Some Exceptions Which Have Beene Made by a Romanist to the Lord Viscount Falkland's Discourse ( 1 6 4 6 ) , p. 2 1 . 29 Oxford, Henry Hall, 1 6 4 5 . Title page, verso, and 18 numbered pages. 30 Clarendon, Life, I, 41 ; Nichol Smith, Characters, p. 94. 31 R a w l . M S 1 3 4 6 (Bodleian), fols. 1 0 3 - 1 6 , contains a transcript of the Discourse which agrees better with the text printed by Hall in 1645 than with Triplet's. T h e paragraphing of the manuscript copy is similar to that of the first edition, but not to that in Triplet's. T h e passage on p. 3 of 1st ed. [ " N a y it is but an arbitrary argument, and depends upon the pleasure of the adversary; for if any society of Christians would fretend to it, the Church of Rome could make use of it no l o n g e r " ] is in the manuscript copy, but not in

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that Triplet followed a copy in which Falkland had himself incorporated emendations, although Clarendon's testimony would seem to belie such a conjecture. A t all events we are assured that the first edition of the Discourse

was printed

from a copy in the author's own hand, and we can judge fairly confidently that its editing was slight—whereas Triplet's editing in 1651 looks officious. 3 T h e opening of the Discourse

of Infallibility

is a little

clumsy, but the main argument is soon apparent. A reasonable soul has the right to demand that the infallibility of the Church be clearly manifest. H e r infallibility must be proved. Furthermore, unless it is manifest which is the Church, God has not attained his end; "and it were to set a ladder to Heaven, and seem to have a great care of my going up, whereas unlesse there be care taken that I may know this ladder is here to that purpose, it were as good for me it had never been set."

33

T o prove that the Church is infallible has

no more significance than this: G o d has given us a Church which shall never err, but he has not given us to know that such and such a succession is in the right, while the others are wrong. 34 H o w can the Roman Church convince a rational mind of its infallibility? It is useless for Catholics to argue in the usual circle of an appeal to Scripture and tradition, an appeal T r i p l e t . T h e manuscript omissions are of a f e w Greek quotations, whereas, T r i p l e t ' s omissions are more serious. T r i p l e t , but not the manuscript, omits " a n d search f o r tradition" i n : " T o a l l w h o f o l l o w their reason in the interpretation

of the Scriptures, and search for Tradition,

G o d w i l l either g i v e his

grace f o r assistance to finde the truth, or his pardon if they mine i t " ( H a l l ' s 164.j ed., p. 4 ) . " T h e harsh Greeke lrerueus"

Greek of Epiphanius, 32

of Evagrius,

and the as hard Latine

and the harder Latin o f I rents us" ( 1 6 5 1 ed., § + 8 ) .

T r i p l e t e n j o y e d "the assistance of judicious friends," all of w h o m w o u l d

have been prepared to improve and delete. 33

of

( 1 6 4 5 ed., p. 13 ; also in manuscript) becomes in T r i p l e t : "the harsh

Disc. Infal.

( 1 6 5 1 ) , § 2.

34

Ibid.,

§ 7 (Triplet).

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11"]

which derives its authority from the prestige of the Church, as being the possessor of truth. 35 Presumptive evidence is equally futile. That no other Church pretends to infallibility cannot be sufficient ground to the ignorant, "who cannot have any infallible foundation for their beleefe, that the Church of Greece pretends not to the same;" 38 while to the learned it must be an "accidentall Argument." In his next two paragraphs, Falkland attends to another presumptive argument only to approve it in his own way as "wonderfull true" and to show that it need instill no fear in the hearts of those who count on God's help in finding the truth through a rational study of Scripture. T h e chiefest reason w h y they [the R o m a n C a t h o l i c s ]

disallow

of Scripture f o r J u d g e , is, because w h e n differences arise about the interpretation, there is no w a y to end t h e m : A n d that it will not stand with the goodnesse of G o d , to d a m n e men f o r not f o l l o w i n g his W i l l , if he had assigned no infallible w a y to find it. I confesse this to be w o n d e r f u l l true . . . and let them excuse themselves that think o t h e r w i s e ;

yet this will be no

Argument

against him that beleeves, that to them w h o follow their reason in the interpretation of the Scriptures [ a n d search f o r tradition], G o d will either give his G r a c e f o r assistance to find the T r u t h , o r his pardon if they misse it: A n d then this supposed necessitie of an 35 Ibid., § 8. C f . Chillingworth, " A Discourse against the Infallibility of the Roman Church," in Works ( O x f o r d , 1 8 3 8 ) , p. 308 (Works, [London, 1 8 2 0 ] , p. 3+0) : " . . . T h a t to believe that church is infallible, because the Scriptures say so; and that the Scripture is the word of God, because the same church says so; is nothing' else but to believe the church is infallible, because the church says so, which is infallible." See also L o r d George Digby's phrasing of the matter: "Whilst you are forc'd to prove the truth and infallibility of the Church, by her constant reception of those true and infallible traditions whose truth and infallibility you are at the same time proving by the churches constant receiving them." 3a Ibid., § 9 ( T r i p l e t ) . See Religi on of Protestants, another appeal in behalf of an unlearned man.

p. 93 ( § 1 0 8 )

for

228

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U N I T A S

infallible G u i d e , ( w i t h the supposed damnation f o r w a n t of it) f a l l together to the g r o u n d . 3 7

H a v i n g thus reasserted his faith, so like that of H a l e s and Chillingworth, in the forgiveness that G o d extends to honest error, Falkland expands his objections against the irrational claims to authority made by the Catholics in behalf of popes, councils, and tradition. M o r e interesting than his efforts to show how easily a pope's or a council's decrees might be invalidated by legal restrictions is Falkland's argument that the sense of their decrees must be understood at last by the private reason. F o r the sence of their decrees, I can have no better expounder than r e a s o n ; which if ( t h o u g h I mistake) I shall not be d a m n e d f o r f o l l o w i n g , w h y shall I f o r mistaking the sence of the Scripture? or w h y am I a lesse fit I n t e r p r e t e r of the one, then of the other? a n d w h e n both seeme equally cleare, and yet contradictory, shall I not as soon beleeve Scripture which is without doubt of as g r e a t authority?

38

Falkland is skeptical of the wisdom of councils. T h e r e are too many difficulties affecting their authority; too many questions arise to perplex their deliberations. A l l these doubts I say p e r s w a d e m e , that w h a t s o e v e r brings w i t h it so m a n y n e w Questions, can be no fit end of the o l d . 3 9

J o h n Hales's opinion coincides with Falkland's, when he declares: 4 0 37

Disc. Infal. ( 1 6 5 1 ) , §§ 1 0 - 1 1 . Ibid., § 18. Chillingworth also was fond of demonstrating a Christian's dependence on his private judgment, if only to accept authority (see Hastings Rashdall, "William Chillingworth," in Tyfical English Churchmen from Parker to Maurice, ed. W. E. Collins [London, 1902], p. 4 1 ) . 39 Ibid., § 25. 40 Hales, " A Tract on the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper; and concerning the Church's Mistaking Itself about Fundamentals," Works, I, 65. 38

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229

I must for mine o w n part confess, that councils and synods not only may a n d have erred, but considering the means how they are m a n a g e d , it were a great marvel if they did not e r r : for w h a t men are they of w h o m those great meetings do consist? Certainly not those most likely to d e t e r m i n e f o r truth, H a l e s b e l i e v e d , recalling t h e conduct of t h e larger party at the S y n o d of D o r t . Again w h e n such persons are thus met, their way to proceed to conclusion is not by weight of reason, but by multitude of votes and suffrages, as if it were a maxim in nature, that the greater part must be the better . . .

It was never heard in any profession, that

conclusion of truth w e n t by plurality of voices, the Christian profession only excepted: and I have often mused how it comes to pass, that the w a y which in all other sciences is not able to w a r r a n t the poorest conclusion, should be thought sufficient to give authority to conclusions in divinity, the supreme empress of sciences. 4 1 N o t less capable of error than councils, it s e e m e d to F a l k land w e r e those early F a t h e r s to w h o m t h e Catholics o w e s o m e of their most v e n e r a t e d traditions. If error c o u l d arise and flourish a m o n g the o r t h o d o x in the second century w i t h Papias, w h a t reliance m i g h t a rational inquirer place u p o n later tradition which had not e v e n the support of t h e best and purest times? 41 Ibid., p. 66. With Hales's relatively mild protest compare Selden's, " T h e y talk (but blasphemously enough) that the Holy Ghost is President of their General-Councils, when the truth is, the odd man is still the Holy-Ghost" (quoted by Murdock, The Sun at Noon, p. 1 1 1 ) . Sharper than Selden's is the opinion of Lord Brooke: "Except perchance the whole Clergic of a Diocesse or Province, may be fully represented by a Cloistred Chapiter, among which are usually the very dregges of lowest men. Who yet indeede (themselves) have no Elective votes; but after the solemne dirge of Veni Sancte Spiritus, are as sure to finde the Spirit in a Conge d'eslire, as others not long since, in the Tridentine Post-mantile" ("Discourse N'ature of Episcopacy," in: Haller, Tracts on Liberty in the Puritan Revolution, II, 54.). Obviously the remarks of Falkland and Hales could be used effectively against such a church as the Anglican.

230

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I T A S

Falkland's mention of Papias and the millenarian belief sounds almost like a challenge (though he never intended it as such) to the faith in apostolic tradition which Protestants were just as eager as Roman Catholics to maintain and to defend. Papias was one of the so-called "Apostolic Fathers," primitive custodians of tradition declared to be derived f r o m the testimony of the Apostles themselves and other witnesses of Christ's teaching. Yet Papias brought in chiliasm, namely, the doctrine that the future kingdom of Christ on earth should last a thousand years. Of this doctrine there is nothing in the letters of the Apostles, nothing in the sayings of Jesus. It is a tradition not authorized by what we have of Scripture. "Papias," says Milton, "a very ancient writer, one that had heard St. John . . . but being of a shallow wit, and not understanding those traditions which he receiv'd, fill'd his writings with many new doctrines, and fabulous conceits." E v e n Sir Kenelm Digby had to admit that Papias "was an easie and simple m a n , " who had been duped by Cerinthus the Heretic, who had fathered chiliasm on St. J o h n . L o r d George Digby agreed for once with Sir Kenelm that he had made a right judgment. But, Sir Kenelm maintained, chiliasm was no avowed tradition of the Church. 4 3 Avowed or not, the doctrine had once seemed orthodox, and, far f r o m completely dying, had achieved, in modified form, a new lease of life among Protestants of seventeenthcentury England. 4 4 H o w e v e r , it was not the purpose of Falk42 43

" O f Prelaticall Episcopacy," in Works

of John Milton,

I I I (Pt. 1 ) , 95.

Letters between the Ld George Digby, and Sr Kenelm Digby k' concerning Religion, pp. 22, 5 3 . 44 On the Millenarian party see Gooch and Laski, English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century, pp. 220 et sqq. A m o n g Anglican writers Joseph Mede was noted for his millennial speculations. He rejected, however, the notion that Christ would reign on earth. D r . Raleigh had millenarian leanings. On Henry Archer's prophecy see Louise F a r g o B r o w n ' s The

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231

land (as it may at times have been that of Chillingworth)

43

to fight Protestant dissent as well as Roman Catholic heterodoxy. H i s attack on tradition was historical and designed only against the pretensions of Rome. In their efforts to demonstrate the uncertainties of tradition, both L o r d Falkland and L o r d Digby seem to have found considerable encouragement in a work of the Protestant divine Jean D a i l l e , Du vrai em-ploi des feres

( 1 6 3 1 ) . This treatise

endorsed St. Cyprian's rule that we should have recourse to the fountains whenever the channel is any whit corrupted; it listed the authentic writings of the Fathers of the first three centuries, showed how few they were and how subject to corruption; it further minimized the value of early patristic writings by pointing out how different were the matters treated in them from the present controversies in religion. 46 Cyprian

is w h o l l y upon the Discipline, and the Vertues of the C h r i s -

tian C h u r c h . Arius,

Macedonius,

and a f t e r w a r d s , Nestorius

Eunomius,

and Eutyches,

Phottnus,

Pelagius,

made w o r k f o r the F a -

thers of the F o u r t h and F i f t h C e n t u r i e s . 4 7

Falkland, in the Re-ply, called Daille "our Protestant Perron"

48

and alluded to his temperate, learned, and judicious

writing. Thomas Smith, the translator of the treatise, would Political Activities of the Baptists and Fifth Monarchy Men in England during the Interregnum, p. 1 5 . R e v . xx was much studied. 45 Passages in Religion of Protestants which seem to reflect on Puritans and on sectaries include: the quotation from Sir Edwin Sandys, "Preface to the Author of Charity Maintain'd," § 2 3 ; p. 2 1 8 (Answer to chap, iv, § 49, at end) ; p. 287 (Answer to chap, v, § 82, at end) ; pp. 3 1 0 - 1 1 (Answer to chap, v, § 1 1 0 ) i p. 198 (Answer to chap, iv, § 1 6 ) . 46 A Treatise concerning the Right Vse of the Fathers, in the Decision of the Controversies That Are at This Day in Religion. Written in French by John Daille, Minister of the Gospel in the Reformed Church at Paris. (London, 1 6 5 1 . ) Daille had had a patron in Du Plessis Mornay. 47 48 Ibid., chap, ii, p. 9. The Lord of Faulklands Reply, p. 202.

232

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have us believe that both F a l k l a n d and C h i l l i n g w o r t h made extensive use of D a i l l e . In his address to the reader Smith avouches: T h e translation of this T r a c t hath been oft attempted, and oftner desired by m a n y Noble Personages of this and other Nations: a m o n g others by Sir Lucius Cary, late Lord Viscount Falkland, w h o with his deer friend M r . C hillingworth made very much use of it in all their writings against the Romanists. Rut the papers of that learned Noble-man, wherein this translation was halfe finisht, w e r e long since involved in the common losse. Those few which have escaped it and the presse, make a very honourable mention of this Monsieur, whose acquaintance the said L o r d was wont to say w a s worth a voyage to Paris.*9 It may be that F a l k l a n d and C h i l l i n g w o r t h utilized m o r e of the text of D a i l l e than a reader not of their time w o u l d notice; but the probability is that the Frenchman was of v a l u e to them chiefly f o r his marshaling and confirmation of evidence with which they w e r e a l r e a d y p r o v i d e d . 5 0 But let us desist f r o m speculation and return to Falkland's Discourse. F a l k l a n d , then, cited the chiliastic tradition as evidence of the ease with which e r r o r could creep in even in v e r y early times. F o r truely, if the relation of Pappias

could cozen so far all the

prime Doctors of the Christian C h u r c h into a beleefe of the celebration of a thousand yeeres after the resurrection,'' 1 so that no one of those t w o first ages oppose it . . . nay, if those first men did not onely beleeve it as probable, but Justine holds it . . .

Martir

other of the ancients as well be deceived in other points? 49 50 51 52

saith, he

if I say these could be so deceived, w h y might not 5-

Daille, o f . cit., Thomas Smith's address to the reader, no page number. Tulloch finds no evidence of borrowing ( R a t i o n a l Thiol., I, 158). 1645 edition: . . into the beleife of the doctrine of the Millenaries." Falkland, Disc. I n f a l . ( 1 6 5 1 ) , p. 29.

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233

Of course they could be. H o w much there was in the opinions and attitudes of the early Fathers which a Catholic of Falkland's time would not dare accept. Any modern Catholic pardoning heretics as Salvian extenuated the fault of the Arians would be counted sesqui-haereticus,

one and a half

times a heretic. 53 This and subsequent thoughts (expressed with the use of a great many parentheses) lead the author into a denunciation of the wrongness of punishing for opinions, of damning for inquisitiveness after truth. I confess this opinion of damning so many, and this custome of burning so many, this breeding up those, who knew nothing else in any point of Religion, yet to be in a readinesse to cry, To the fire with him, to Hell with him . . . These I say, in my opinion were chiefly the causes which made so many, so suddenly leave the Church of Rome. 5 4 Catholics assert that only obstinate denial, willful persistence in error, makes a heretic. Then, says Falkland of himself, he is safe, he is no schismatic, no heretic, for he is sure he has been no obstinate denier of infallibility. 55 They grant that no man is an Heretick, that beleeves not his Heresie obstinately, and if he be no Heretick, he may sure be saved; It is not then certain damnation for any man to deny the Infallibility of the Church of Rome, but for him onely that denies it obstinately; And then I am safe, for I am sure I do not; Neither can they say, I shall be damned for Schisme, though not for Heresie, for he is as well no Shcismatick [sic], though in Schisme, that is willing to joyne in Communion with the true Church, when it 53

Ibid. D r . Fotter {Want of Charilie Justly Charged) citcs a passage from Salvian's De gubernatione Dei which concerns the A r i a n Goths and Vandals. T h e y err, but with a good mind. God alone knows how they will be punished. T h e translation of the passage is in Des M a i z e a u x , Chillingzvort/i, pp. 58-59. " Falkland, Disc. Infal. ( 1 6 5 1 ) , § 39.

55

Ibid., § 45.

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appears to be so to h i m , as he is n o H e r e t i c k , t h o u g h he holds H e r e t icall opinions, w h o holds t h e m n o t obstinately, t h a t is ( a s I supp o s e ) w i t h a desire to be i n f o r m e d if he be in t h e w r o n g .

Falkland would rather choose to believe in infallibility than the c o n t r a r y : 5 6 F o r t h e y m a y well beleeve m e , t h a t I t a k e n o pleasure in t u m b l i n g h a r d a n d u n p l e a s a n t B o o k s , a n d m a k i n g m y s e l f giddy with p u t i n g obscure Q u e s t i o n s

. . .

dis-

I f I [ c o u l d ] b e l e e v e , t h e r e should

a l w a i e s be, w h o m I m i g h t a l w a i e s k n o w , a society of m e n , w h o s e opinions m u s t be c e r t a i n e l y t r u e , a n d w h o w o u l d . . . l a b o u r to discusse a n d d e f i n e all arising d o u b t s , so t h a t I m i g h t be e x c u s a b l y a t ease, a n d h a v e n o part l e f t f o r m e but t h a t o f o b e d i e n c e , w h i c h m u s t needs be a lesse difficult, a n d so a m o r e a g r e e a b l e w a y , t h e n to e n d u r e endlesse V o l u m e s o f C o m m e n t e r s , t h e harsh Greek [ E v a g r i u s ] , a n d the [ a s h a r d ] Latin

of Irenaeus,

of

a n d be pained

by distinguishing b e t w e e n d i f f e r e n t s e n c e s , a n d various a n d he w o u l d deserve n o t the l o w e s t place in Bedlem,

Lections,

that would

p r e f e r r these studies b e f o r e so m a n y , so m o r e pleasant.

T h e rest of the Discourse does not add much to the thoughts that have preceded. It asks why the Dominicans are not condemned for differing in doctrine, explains how errors could creep into the Church unopposed, reverts to the early appearance of chiliasm, and once more demands proof, proof by an infallible way, of the infallibility of the Church of Rome. At the conclusion of his tract Falkland requests a proper temper in his answerer, bidding him remember "that Truth in likelyhood is, where her Author God was, in the still voice, not the loud

wind."

"Chillingworths Booke in little, and an Embryo of his 58

Ibid., § 48.

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2^5

large volume growne up after," was the opinion of a Romanist who wrote an answer against Falkland's tract. 5 7 T h e Reader may please to know, that this same Enquiry was written by the Author divers yeares agoe, in his Catholique Mothers life time, and was by her mediation forthwith answered at large, and the answer sent unto the Enquirer fairely bound up; in whose hands though it rested long, yet had it never any reply made unto it, though it was sometimes threatned it should. At that very time Chillingworths

Booke began to be in moulding, and it may be

that same new labour diverted the Enquirer, and altered his designe. Now at length in a time most unseasonable, by the frivolous officiousness of I know not whom, these old papers are forced to see the light, and to leave their answer behind them. After so meane and creeping fashion doe they appeare now unto the world. T h e author of this attack may have been the Jesuit Guy Holland, who had labored long on the English mission. 58 T h e officious "I-know-not-whom" may have been Falkland's friend Henry H a m m o n d . In any case, H a m m o n d asserts that Falkland's Discourse

was published by an "intire lover

of peace and truth," who may very well have been himself. 5 9 Neither this attack nor Hammond's View of the Exceptions need detain us. H a m m o n d praises his Lordship's treatise as consisting "not of more paragraphs then convincing rea57 Quoted in [ H a m m o n d ] , A View of Some Exceptions Which Have Beene Made by a Romanist to the Lord Viscount Falkland's Discourse of the Infallibilitie of the Church of Rome. Submitted to the Censure of A11 Sober Christians. Together with the Discourse It Selfe of Infallibilitie Pre fix t to It, p. 2 1 . Falkland's Discourse occupies pp. 1—17. Another edition of the work was printed for Royston in 1 6 5 0 . " T o the R e a d e r " is there initialed " H . H . " 58 See article on Holland by Thompson Cooper in D.N.B., and references there given. Cooper was careless enough to make Falkland the author of the View, which is by Hammond. T h e Exceptions of the Romanist were completed in 1645. 59 " T o the Reader," A View of Some Exceptions ( 1 6 4 6 ) , sign. A 3 .

236

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sons,"

60

N E C E S S A R I I S

U N I T A S

and upholds as stanchly as Tillotson or Stillingfleet

was to do the reliability of reason. " F o r sure," says Hammond, 81 "he that makes right reason the Judge of his very principles, must needs be so rationall, and ingenuous, that he can never be an Herettque, that Heretiques

though he say the very things

doe." T h e argument is, of course, that a

heretic errs willfully, and therefore unreasonablyj but could not a Catholic have found Hammond's faith in reason more than a trifle "ingenuous," that is, in the unpleasant modern connotation? In all probability, it was not with Holland, whom Chillingworth once called "a fool and a knave,"

62

that Falkland en-

gaged in controversy after he had written his Discourse. Falkland did not live to see the Exceptions which drew forth Hammond's View. H i s Lordship's Re-ply was to an earlier Answer, first printed in Triplet's volume of 1651, which differs not a little in tone and procedure from the tract that Hammond had to deal with. Falkland, it will be remembered, had requested a proper temper in his answerer. H e was not disappointed. T h e fifty pages of An Answer Infallibility

to the Lord Favlklands

Discourse of

contain no such caustic references to Barron, the

Scottish minister, or "that impious author Volkelius" p. 1 4 3 .

as

80

A View of Some Exceptions,

62

T h e story, w h i c h need not be credited, is that C h i l l i n g w o r t h lost all

61

Ibid.,

63

p. 54..

his pretended serenity a f t e r a t w o - d a y debate with H o l l a n d , and, instead o f proofs, b e g a n to thunder out threats, " w i t h a confused heap of d r e a d f u l w o r d s , as h e l l , d a m n a t i o n , and devils, & c . . . . w h e n by the consent and g o o d w i l l of a l l he w a s f o r b i d the h o u s e " ( T h e Lady

Falkland:

Her

Life,

P- 79>63

Robert B a r r o n

(d.

1 6 3 9 ) , Professor o f D i v i n i t y , M a r i s c h a l

A b e r d e e n , a u t h o r o f Disfutatio de Sacrae

Serif turae

Divina

theologica

de formali

et canonica

authoritate

objecto

fidei

(Aberdeen,

Johann V o l k c l ( 3°3> tutored by Chillingworth, 176-78, 2 0 7 ; estranged from brother Lucius, 1 8 0 ; life, 301 If.; childhood, 3 0 2 ; in Italy, 303-6; quoted, 306, 308, 3 0 9 - 1 1 ; takes orders, 308; renounces monastic life, 309; marriage, 3 1 5 ; financial settlement, 3 1 6 , 3 1 7 ; returns to Protestantism, 3 1 8 , 3 2 1 ; death, 3 2 0 ; Song " T o the Tune of —'The Healths,'" quoted, 3 1 2 1 3 ; Trivial Poems, quoted, 3222

5

Cary, Victoria, see Uvedale, Lady Victoria Cary Cassander, Georgius, 246, 247, 248, 250 Castellio, Sebastian, 248, 250; quoted, 2 5 3 ; De haereticis, 2 51 Castiglioni, G. B., 254 Catholicism, Cary's attitude toward, 167-69, 1 8 1 , 183, 2 1 7 f f . ; Protestant struggle for unity against,

21 3 - 7 4 passim; doctrine of infallibility, 21 7 ff. Catholics, repeal of laws against, 272 Cerinthus the Heretic, 230 Charles I, 90, 93, 100, 1 1 2 ; fortune read from Virgil, 127-28 Charles II, 86, 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 , 1 39, 172 Charron, Pierre, 1 9 5 ; De la Sagesse, 196 Cheynell, Francis, 258; persecution of Chillingworth, 1 4 1 , 199 ; Chillingiuorthi novissima, quoted, 174; The Rise, Growth and Danger of Socinianisme, 199, quoted, 258 Chiliasm, 230, 232, 234 Chillingworth, William, 66, 77, 82, 88, 1 0 3 , 1 3 7 , 1 9 4 ; uses library at T e w , 79, 158, 167, 209; character, 87, 1 7 0 - 7 5 ; death, 1 4 1 ; Cary's adviser in religious thought, 158 f f . ; turns informer, 1 7 1 , 1 7 5 ; used as spy, 173, 206; tutor to Falkland children, 176-78, 207, 302; quoted, 183, 184, 188, 207; attitude toward infallible Church, 1 8 3 - 8 6 ; toward deism, 1 9 6 ; accused of Socinianism, 197-202, 205; intellect compared with Cary's, 2 1 1 ; "unreasoning Bibliolatry," 2 5 1 , 260; urges simplification of Christian doctrine, 2596 1 ; attack on intolerance, 266-67; epitome of religious thought, 273 ; The Religion of Protestants . . . , 83, 185, 208-10, quoted, 182, 188, 260, 266-67 Christian unity, struggle for, 159, 2 1 3 - 7 4 passim; Hales argues for, 1 8 2 ; advocated by Cary, 2 1 1 , 262, by Acontius, 263-66, by Chillingworth, 263, 266; through simplification of essentials, 247 If.; through Apostles' Creed, 259-62 Church, Anglican, efforts to reestab-

I N D E X lish as national, 1 6 5 ; historical continuity, 2 1 4 - 1 7 Church, Catholic, Roman Church an apostate in, 2 1 6 - 1 7 ; see also Catholicism Church, invisible, 2 1 5 Church, Percy, 3 21 Church, visible, importance of, 2 1 3 2

>7> ' 9 Church councils, 229 Church Fathers, 229-33 Church of the Elect, 2 1 5 Clarendon, Edward Hyde, earl of, 3, 22, 46, 47. 64, 76. 79. 8°. 83, 88, 98, 99, 1 0 1 , n o , 1 1 6 , 144, 146, 150, 1 5 3 , 3 2 2 ; friendship with Cary, 64, 66-67, 161 i choice of friends, 65; characteristics, 67; quoted, 70-71, 85; History of the Rebellion, 238, quoted, 224; Life, 65, 1 3 5 , quoted, 5, 36, 77, 84, 86, 109, 1 3 2 , 1 7 5 , 225 dementia de Santa Maria Magdalena, Sister, see Cary, Anne Clergy, as guests at T e w , 82, 138 Colepeper, Sir John, 81 "Colledge in a purer ayre," 79, 80, 156 Confession of Racow, 199 Contraremonstrants, 1 89 Convivium philosophicum,

79, 83,

1 93. >7. 156 Coornhert, Dirck Volckertszoon, 254 Corbet, Richard, 78 Cork, Richard Boyle, earl of, 38, 40 Cornwallis, Sir Charles, 16 Cotton, Sir Robert, 67 Cowley, Abraham, 82, 1 3 9 ; sketch, 1 2 5 - 3 0 ; participates in Sortes Virgil'tanae, 1 2 8 ; appreciation of Cary, 129-30; Love's Riddle, 1 3 5 ; " T o the Lord Falkland," 125, 126, quoted, 1 2 0 - 2 1 , 122 Cresswell, Robert, 76, 82; sketch, 1 2 2 - 2 6 ; friendship with Cary,

353

124-26; quoted, 1 2 6 ; " T o . . . ye L o : Falkland," quoted, 122-24, 276 Cressy, Hugh, 82, 203 Cromwell, Oliver, 1 1 1 , 1 1 5 Daille, Jean, Du vrai Emploi des feres, quoted, 2 3 1 - 3 2 Daniel, George, " A Vindication of Poesie," quoted, 134 Davenant, Sir William, 170 Davies, John, poem in honor of Lady Cary, 15, quoted, 14 Dawson, Robert, 26 Deism, 159, 165, 196 De la Haye, Johannes, 257 Digby, Sir Kenelm, 82, 1 1 2 , 2 3 0 ; sketch, 135-37 Digges, Dudley, 1 1 9 Dighton, William, quoted, 1 3 3 Discourse of Infallibility, A ( C a r y ) , 94. ' 5 5 . i5 34-35 > at C a m b r i d g e , 2 6 - 2 7 ; q u o t e d , 2 7 , 5 7 - 5 8 , 62, 63, 2 2 1 - 2 3 ,

2 8 1 ; life in Ireland, 3 3 - 4 1 ; character, 37, 67, 80, 90, 1 6 4 ; elegy on Lettice Morison, 4 5 ; seeks military service, 5 5 ; a f f a i r of honor, 5 6 - 5 9 ; confined in Fleet prison, 5 8 - 5 9 ; fondness f o r stage, 6 3 ; devotion to Jonson, 63-64, 1 6 1 , 277, 2 7 8 - 8 5 ; membership of Lincoln's Inn, 3 1 9 ; friendship with Hyde, 64, 6 6 - 6 7 ; retires to estates, 7 2 ; studies Greek, 73, 7 5 ; life at B u r f o r d and T e w , 7 4 - 1 5 6 ; hospitality, 77 ff.; c h a r m as host, 80; poetry, 88, 1 2 2 - 2 4 , 2 7 5 - 3 0 0 ; poetic forms, 104, 118; poetry compared with W a l l e r ' s , 1 1 8 - 1 9 ; f o r t u n e read f r o m Virgil, 1 2 8 ; a p p e a r ance, 1 3 7 ; secures restitution of property f o r T r i p l e t , 1 5 0 ; companionship with Hales, 157, 162 ff.; trend t o w a r d religious t h o u g h t , 1 5 7 ; Chilling w o r t h adviser in religious controversy, 158 f f . ; efforts f o r Christian unity, 1 5 9 , 2 i i , 2 1 3 - 7 4 fassim; life in London, 1 6 0 - 6 3 > appraisal of religious writings, 1 6 4 ; position in latitudinarian movement, 1 6 5 ; interest in Catholic doctrine, 1 6 7 6 9 ; stirred to combat Catholicism, 181; attacks doctrine of infallibility, 1 8 3 , 2 1 7 ff.; praise of G r o tius, 1 9 2 ; attitude on predestination, 194, 1 9 5 ; t o w a r d deism, 1 9 6 ; accused of Socinianism, 1 9 7 ,

355

I N D E X 202-5 > intellect compared with Chillingworth's, 2 1 1 ; affinity with humanists, 2 5 0 ; urges repeal of laws against Catholics, 2 7 2 ; epitome of religious thought, 2 7 3 ; influence on modern religious toleration, 273 Works: "An Anniversarie on Sir Henry Morison," 275, 281, text, 282-85; A Discourse of infallibility, 94, 1 5 5 , 156, 159, 2 1 1 , 220-268 passim; "Eclogue on Ben Jonson," 175, quoted, 64, 1 3 3 ; " A n Eclogue uppon the Death of the Ladie Marquesse Hamilton," 1 2 5 , 275, 277, text, 290-300) "Elegie on Dr. Donne," 275, quoted, 286; " E l e g y on Sir Henry Morison," quoted, 45, 471 "Epistle to his Noble Father, M r . Jonson," 275, 278, text, 279-80; " A Funerall Elegy on the Lady Huntingdon," 275, 277, 285, text, 286-90; The Lord of Faulklands Reply, 35, 159, 2 1 1 , 223, 236, 2 3 9 f t . , 266; quoted, 194, 195, 2 4 1 , 242, 2+3-45i 269, 2 7 1 , 2 7 2 ; " T o the Kinge," 275, text, 27778; Answer to Montagu, 2 1 7 , quoted, 2 1 9 Falkland, Lucius Cary, third Viscount, 38, 9 5 ; death, 307 Falkland, Lucius Henry Cary, sixth Viscount, 320» Fcilding, Edward, 1 7 1 Fell, John, " L i f e of Hammond," quoted, 91 Fell, Samuel, 2 1 0 Fisher, Jesuit, 184, 2 1 0 Five Mile Act, 138 Foxe, John, Book of Martyrs, 251 Franck, Sebastian, 253 "French Seneca," 14

Garnier, Robert, Antonie, 14 Gataker, Charles, 82, 221 Gibbon, Edward, Autobiographies, quoted, 2 0 1 , 202 Giffard, George, A Short Treatise against the Donatists of England, quoted, 216 Gill, Alexander, 143 Godolphin, Sidney, 66, 81, 82, 103, 1 1 0 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 0 ; sketch, 1 3 0 - 3 5 ; relation to Cary, 1 3 2 - 3 4 ; verse, '34 Gomarists, 194 Goodere, Anne, 60 Goodwin, Arthur, 101 Goodwin, John, 257 Goodwin, R., Vindiciae Jonsonianae, 281 Goulart, Simon, 256, 258 Grant, Wintoure, 1 1 9 Gray's Inn, 19 Great T e w , 23, 61, 72, 7 3 ; manor bequeathed to Cary, 3, 6 ; group, 65, 82 ff.; life at, 7 4 - 1 5 6 ; place for study, 77-80; "Colledge in a purer ayre," 79, 80, 1 5 6 ; library, 79, 158, 167, 209; clerical guests, 82, 1 3 8 ; conversation at, 8 3 ; tribute by Triplet, quoted, 1 5 5 ; see also T e w group Gregory of Valence, 259 Gresley, Sir George, 4 Grotius, Hugo, 159, 1 9 7 ; received by English clergy, 1 8 9 ; plan for Protestant unity, 1 9 1 ; Christus patiens, 193; De jure belli et pads, 187; De veritate religionis Christianae, 187, 188, 193, 202

Hacket, John, quoted, 69 Hales, John, 66, companionship 162 ff.; debate

Scrinia

Reserata,

74, 82, 83, 1 3 8 ; with Cary, 1 5 7 , on Shakespeare vs.

356

I N D E X

Hales, J o h n

162-63;

latitudinarian argues

H o m e , Catherine C a r y , Countess o f ,

(Continued).

the ancients, for

position in

movement,

Church

Hooker, Richard, 213, 288

181;

Hopton, Sir Ralph, 89

unity,

view on predestination,

2 2 , 2 8 , 29

165;

194;

ac-

cused o f S o c i n i a n i s m , 1 0 3 ;

influ-

ence on C h i l l i n g w o r t h , 1 0 9 ,

210;

Howard,

M.

Countess

F . , Lady

Lettice,

Vi-

quoted, 5 1 - 5 3

Falkland,

H u m a n i s m , Christian, 1 6 0

epitome of religious thought, 2 7 3 ;

Hunsdon, L o r d ,

Concerning

H u n t i n g d o n , Elizabeth Stanley H a s -

Schisme 163,

matiques, Legacy

and

209;

Schis-

"Peace,

the

o f C h r i s t , " quoted,

18

tings, L a d y , 2 8 5

214,

2 15 ; " A T r a c t on the Sacrament

I m m a c u l a t e conception, 2 4 3

. . .

I n f a l l i b i l i t y , doctrine, 1 5 8 ; denial o f

quoted, 2 2 9 , 2 6 1

need

Hall, Joseph, 262 Hamilton,

letter

on

Lucius

Cary's

Margaret,

Marchioness

key

question

of

I n g e l o , Nathaniel,

166

In necessariis unitas, 273

of, 2 9 0 Hammond, Henry, 89;

183;

C a t h o l i c i s m , 21 7 ff.

m a r r i a g e , quoted, 5 4 - 5 5 Hamilton,

for,

C h u r c h unity, 1 8 5 ; importance to

sketch,

Charles I , 9 3 ; Falkland's

77, 79, 82,

90-97;

overseer of

will,

88,

devotion

94-96;

to

Lady

quoted,

95> 3 ' 4 > 3 1 5> 3 1 6 , 3 1 7 - 1 8 j

plan

Innocent X , 305, 307 I n t o l e r a n c e a cause o f schism,

266,

268 I r e l a n d , c o l o n i z i n g p r o j e c t in, 3 1 - 3 3 Irish A r t i c l e s o f 1 6 1 5 , 3 3 , 101

f o r society o f e x i l e d scholars, 9 6 ;

Practical Catechism, 93; A View of Some Exceptions . . . to the Lord Viscount Falkland's Discourse, 94, 235, 236 Hammond, Robert, 93

J a m e s I, 10, 2 8 , 3 3 , 7 8 , 1 0 0 , 11 2 J e r m y n , Henry, 128, Johnson,

Samuel,

Jonson,

Ben,

140;

Hamstedius, H a d r i a n u s ,

quoted,

255

Henrietta M a r i a , Queen,

culty

in

of

commemorating Morison,

with Morley's,

266-71; of, 275

110,

friendship with C a r y , 1 3 0 - 3 1 ;

138;

161;

comparison 105;

of

poems

C a r y ' s trib-

utes to, 2 7 7 , 2 7 8 - 8 5 ; quoted, 2 8 1 ; "Epistle

One

That

Asked to be Sealed o f the

Tribe

Answering

of B e n , " 49

Jonsonus

H e r r i c k , R o b e r t , 7, 3 2 3

viathan,

110, Cary,

diffi-

persecution

82,

ode

107,

Henry

236;

H e r o i c couplet, 1 0 4 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 8 , Thomas,

on

47> 49> 6 4 ; in old a g e , 6 3 , 6 4 , 9 0 ,

269

Hobbes,

17;

15, 4 7 ,

304,

distinguishing,

irrationality

129;

173,

106, 233,

5,

epigram

friendship of C a r y and

306 Heretic, definition,

121,

" L i f e of W a l l e r , " quoted, 115

H a m p d e n , J o h n , 1 0 1 , 111 H a r r i s o n , F a i r f a x , 2 5 , 301

129

109,

Virbius, 63, 133

J u x o n , William, 186,

189

Le-

131

Keats, J o h n ,

105

Hodson, D r . , 1 4 4 , 1 4 9 ; quoted, 151

Kilvert, Richard, 68-72

Holland, Guy, 235

K i n g , Henry, 119, 139, 140,

141

I N Kippis, Andrew, ed. Biografhia Britannica, 200 Knott, Edward, 181 j Charity Maintayned by Catholiques, 208, 209 i Charity Mistaken, 208 ; A Direction to be Observed . . . , 208; Infidelity Unmasked, 198 Lady Falkland: Her Life, The, 317; excerpt, 1 2 , 24, 37, 168 Latitudinarians, 165, 247, 273 Laud, William, Archbishop, 3$, 68; controversy with Sheldon, 97) attitude toward Morley, 9 9 - 1 0 1 ; reconverts Chillingworth to Protestantism, 185, 186 j attitude toward Protestant union, 1 8 9 ; approves Chillingworth's defense of Protestants, 209, 2 1 0 ; influence on Chillingworth, 2 1 0 ; quoted, 2 1 4 ; " M . Grotius His Thoughts . . . , " 190 -, A Relation of the Conference . . . , 210 Lee, Sir Henry, 9, 61 Leicester, Robert, second Earl of, 92, > >3 Lenthall, William, 76, 79, 3 1 7 , 322 Lewgar, John, 1 7 1 « , 206 Lilburne, George, 1 4 6 ; attack on Triplet, 148-53 Lincoln's Inn, 319 Loiseau, Jean, 128, 1 2 9 ; Abraham Coicley, quoted, 130 Long Parliament, 165, 190 Luther, Martin, 2 1 3 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 7 , 218 MacPheagh, Phelim, 32 Maplet, John, 38, 95, 3 1 5 Masaniello, Italian rebel, 305 Melanchthon, Philipp, 206», 247; Loci communes, 251 Mile, length, 77n Millenarians, 230-32 Milton, John, 40, 230, 303»

246,

EX

357

Montagu, Walter, 1 8 1 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 7 , 219, 224, 304, 324 Montague, Richard, 189 Morison, Francis, 50», 220-23 Morison, Sir Henry, friendship with Cary, 5, 29, 46-50; death, 5, 4 7 ; devotion to Jonson, 64 Morison, Lady, 95, 3 1 4 , 3 1 8 , 320 Morison, Major Richard, 50 Morison, Sir Richard, 29, 46, 50, 53 Morley, George, 66, 77, 79, 82, 83, 86, 88, 94, 98, 1 2 0 ; sketch, 991 0 9 ; religious views, 99-101 ; wit, 1 0 0 ; royalist sympathies, 1 0 2 ; friendship with Waller, 102-3, 1 0 8 - 1 0 ; verse, 103-8, 1 1 8 ; " E p i taph on King James," 104, 106, 108, quoted, 101 ; " T h e Nightingale," text, 1 0 4 ; "On a fayre child," 105, quoted, 1 0 6 ; "Upon Drinking in the Crown of a Hat," 104, quoted, 1 0 6 ; "Verses Sent to a Lady," quoted, 107 Mornay, Philippe du Plessis, 196» Moryson, Fynes, 46, 54 Neapolitan fruit riot, 305 Newfoundland, 3 1 Northumberland, Algernon earl of, 1 1 6

Percy,

Ochino, Bernardino, 248, 250 Oldisworth, Nicholas, 281 Olpharion, 142 Oxenstierna, Axel, count, 190 Pakington, Lady Dorothy, The Whole Duty of Man, 93 Papias, 229, 232, 240 Parable of the tares, 205 Parliamentary wars, 1 4 1 Parnassus Biceps, 107 Pearson, John, 223 Pelagianism, 194 Pembroke, Mary, Countess Dowager of, 12, 13

358

I N D E X

Pembroke, W i l l i a m Herbert, earl of, 7 6

St. J o h n ' s C o l l e g e , C a m b r i d g e ,

Perna, Pietro, 256

S a i n t s b u r y , G e o r g e , 301

Plowden, Edmund, io, 237«

Salvian,

P o r t e r , E n d y m i o n , 82

Sanderson, Robert,

Portland,

Jerome

Weston,

earl

of,

116

233 78,

82;

friend-

ship w i t h T e w g r o u p , 8 8 - 9 0 ;

of,

40

quoted,

214

Sandys, G e o r g e ,

Potter, Christopher,

185, 208,

210,

Paraphrase ems,

Predestination,

194

Presbyterianism,

100

61,

the

118,

120;

Divine

Po-

119

churches,

S c r i p t u r e s , s o u r c e of C h r i s t i a n t r u t h ,

movement

union, 1 9 0 - 9 2 , 2 1 5 - 7 4

for

fassim

182, 2 1 7 , 243, 2 5 1 , 260-62; giveness

P r y n n e , W i l l i a m , 6 8 , 2 8 6 , 288

for error

in

tion, 218, 227 S c r o o p , C o l o n e l , 11 5

Pyrrhonism,

Scudamore, John, Viscount, 191

196

Selden, John, Q u e e n ' s C o l l e g e , O x f o r d , 19

Sequestration, "Sessions

R a i n s f o r d , Sir F r a n c i s , 59

Ranelagh,

119

141

Katherine

66, 6 7 , 82,

of

68-72, the

102,

Poets,

l i n g ) , 66, 1 6 1 ,

R a l e i g h , W a l t e r , 82, 90, 9 8 ; s k e t c h , quoted,

6j,

142

A"

(Suck-

166; quoted,

162-63

Boyle

Jones,

86, 88, 1 3 7 ,

150,

184;

devotion

to C h a r l e s I, 93 ; overseer o f L a d y

of Protestants Salvation,

a Safe

The

Way

(Chilling-

Falkland's

will,

94-96;

9 7 - 9 9 ; opposes L a u d ,

sketch,

97

w o r t h ) , 83, 1 8 5 , 2 0 8 - 1 0 , q u o t e d ,

Shirley, L a d y D o r o t h y , 62, 63

1 8 2 , 1 8 8 , 260, 2 6 6 - 6 7

Shirley,

R e m o n s t r a n t s , see A r m i n i a n s 236,

(Cary), 239

133

S h a k e s p e a r e vs. the ancients, d e b a t e , S h e l d o n , G i l b e r t , 6 6 , 7 7 , 7 9 , 80, 82,

L a d y , 40

Reply

124,

161

R a i n s f o r d , E d w a r d , 23, 61 R a i n s f o r d , S i r H e n r y , 60, 82,

for-

interpreta-

P u r i t a n s , 1 8 9 , 1 9 5 , 286

141-42;

of,

96 Scottish i n v a s i o n , 1 4 9 , 1 5 1

P r i d e a u x , D r . , 9 7 , 209 Protestant

7 5 , 82,

upon

S c h o l a r s , e x i l e s , p l a n f o r society

Pre-latitudinarianism, 159, 164, 254

to

"A

D i s c o u r s e C o n c e r n i n g the C h u r c h , "

Portland, Richard Weston, Earl

Religion

26,

3«

ff.,

35,

159,

266;

Peace,

James,

The

Triumph

211,

223,

Sidney, A l g e r n o n ,

quoted,

194,

S i d n e y , L a d y D o r o t h e a , 11 2 - 1 4

269,

Slingsby, Henry,

' 9 5 , 241, 242, 243-45,

22>

2 7 1 , 272

of

161 114 207

Smith, T h o m a s , quoted, 231

R o s a m u n d ' s W e l l , 78

Socinianism,

R u s h w o r t h , W i l l i a m , Dialogues,

237

159,

197-200, 202 f f . ;

d o c t r i n e , 1 9 7 n , 1 9 9 n , 258 Socinus, F a u s t u s , 1 9 7 , 2 4 8

Sabunde, R a m o n , 195, Sacharissa,

112-14

St. C y p r i a n , 2 3 1 , 243

196

Sons o f B e n , 5 0 , 64, 7 4 , 1 0 3 , 133 Sortes

Virgilianae,

127-29

110,

I

I N

Ppenser, E d m u n d , 39 Kprat, T h o m a s , 1 2 9 ; An Account of Cowley, quoted, . . . Abraham 127 Stillingfleet, E d w a r d , 236 S t r a f f o r d , T h o m a s W e n t w o r t h , earl of> 3 3. 5 7 Suckling, Sir J o h n , 2 1 , 82, 107; Account of Religion by Reason, 164 ; "Poetical Epistle," quoted, 162; " A Sessions of the Poets," 66, 1 6 1 , 166, quoted, 133 Sun ( t a v e r n ) , 1 1 0 Sunderland, H e n r y Spencer, E a r l of, 1 14, 1 72, 200, 205 Synod of D o r t , 229 T a n f i e l d , Elizabeth Symondes, Lady, 9 i death, 47 T a n f i e l d , Sir Laurence, 3 2 ; will, 3, 2 1 ; local reputation, g-10 T a y l o r , J e r e m y , 9 7 ; Liberty of Prophesying, quoted, 261 T e m p l e , Sir W i l l i a m , 33 T e w g r o u p , 82 ff.; E a r l e , 8 3 - 8 8 ; Sanderson, 8 8 - 9 0 ; H a m m o n d , 9097 i Sheldon, 9 7 - 9 9 ; Morley, 9 9 - 1 0 9 ; W a l l e r , 1 0 8 - 2 2 ; Cresswell, 1 2 2 - 2 6 ; Cowley, 1 2 5 - 3 0 ; Hobbes, 1 3 0 - 3 1 ; G o d o l p h i n , 1313 5 ; Digby, 1 3 5 - 3 7 ; E g l i o n b y , 138-41; R a l e i g h , 1 4 1 - 4 2 ; T r i p l e t , 1 + 3-56) belief in rule of reason, 137; see also Great T e w T h i r t y - n i n e Articles, 180, 186, 198, 201, 202 Thomlingson, William, 152 Tillotson, J o h n , 236 T o m k i n s , Lucy Uvedale, 3 1 2 T o o l e y P a r k , 53, 5 4 » Tour of Dr. Syntax, The, quoted, 276 T o z e r , Henry, Directions for a Godly Life, quoted, 42 T r a d i t i o n , source of guidance, 240 ff.

ex

359

T r i n i t y College, C a m b r i d g e , 125 T r i n i t y College, D u b l i n , 27, 33-36, 3 7 - 3 8 , 46, 1 9 4 ; c u r r i c u l u m , 35 T r i p l e t , T h o m a s , 72, 82, 92, 9 8 ; sketch, 1 4 3 - 5 6 ; quoted, 145, 1 5 0 , •5 2 > ' 5 5 > persecuted by Lilburne, 1 4 8 - 5 3 ; restitution of property, 1 5 0 - 5 3 i g r a t i t u d e to friends, 1 5 3 , 1 5 6 ; edits Discourse, 155, 156, 215 Triple Tun (tavern), 110 T u l l o c h , J o h n , Rational and Christian Philosophy, 34, 98

Theology quoted,

Unity, Protestant, see Christian unity U r b a n V I I I , 304, 305 Ussher, J a m e s , 30, 34, 101 Uvedale, L a d y Victoria Cary, 29, 311, 31 + Uvedale, Sir W i l l i a m , 311, 3 1 4 U y t e n b o g a e r t , Johannes, 256 Valdes, J u a n de, 250 Van D o r e n , M a r k , 117 V a u g h a n , J o h n , 74, 82, 1 6 1 V a u g h a n , Sir W i l l i a m , The Golden Fleece, 3 i Veluanus, Anastasius, Layman's Guide, 2 5 1 View of Some Exceptions . . . to the Lord Viscount Falkland's Discourse, A ( H a m m o n d ) , 94, 235, 236 Villiers, Sir E d w a r d , 46 Vincent of Lerins, 218 Vives, Ludovicus ( J u a n L u i s ) , 196 Vleeschauwer, H . J . De, 254 Volkel, J o h a n n , 236 W a l k e r , J o h n , Sufferings of Clergy, 142 W a l l a c e , R o b e r t , Antitrinitarian ography, 204

the Bi-

360

I N

Waller, Edmund, 66, 8x; friendship with Morley, 102-3, 108-10$ sketch, 1 0 8 - 2 2 ; verse, 109, 1 1 7 2 2; character, 1 1 o ; marriages, 1 1 2 , 1 1 5 ; Sacharissa episode, 1 1 2 1 4 ; political allegiances, 1 1 5 - 1 6 ; panegyric on Cromwell, 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 ; comparison of poetry with Cary's, 1 1 8 - 1 9 ; "Thyrsis and Galatea," 290; " T o M y Lord of Falkland," quoted, 1 1 7 Walton, Izaak, 88, 1 6 6 ; Life of Hooker, 84. Well wood, James, 127 Wenman, Sir Francis, 66, 74, 75, 82, 99. >°3. ' 3 7 Whiston, William, Memoirs, quoted, 200 Whitaker, John, 200 White, Thomas, 242; An Answer to

E X the Lord Faulklands Discourse of Infallibility, 236, 1 3 7 , 239-41, quoted, 240; An Afology for Rushworth's Dialogues, quoted, 137. Wiatt, Francis, 1 1 9 Wilfride, John, 303, 306, 307 Williams, John, Bishop, subornation of perjury, 68; sequestration of library, 69-72 Willoughby, Sir Francis, 38, 57 Wright, Abraham, 107 Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 322, 323 Wyttenbach, Thomas, 251 Young, Patrick, 75, 82 Zanchi, Girolamo, 249, 259 Zwingli, Huldreich, 248, 250