Life Beyond Dictionaries [1 ed.] 1443877948, 9781443877947

Citation preview

Life Beyond Dictionaries

Life Beyond Dictionaries Edited by

Olga M. Karpova and Faina I. Kartashkova

Life Beyond Dictionaries Edited by Olga M. Karpova and Faina I. Kartashkova This book first published 2015 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2015 by Olga M. Karpova, Faina I. Kartashkova and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-7794-8 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-7794-7

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Vladimir Egorov and Paolo Del Bianco Part I: Lexicography Worldwide—Historical and Modern Perspective Chapter One ................................................................................................. 6 Many Shades of Europe: Applications of Collocational Networks and Resonance Geoffrey Williams Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 26 The History of the Italian Language and its Lexicography Nicoletta Maraschio Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 32 A Kist of Ferlies: Scottish Culture in Jamieson and the Later Dictionaries of Scots Susan Rennie Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 42 Australian Diachronic Dictionaries: A Cultural Portrait of Australia Valentyna Skybina Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 54 Indian Culture in the Indian English Dictionary Nataliya S. Bytko Chapter Six ................................................................................................ 65 Pragmatic Information in LSP Dictionaries and Professional Discourse Marina I. Solnyshkina Chapter Seven............................................................................................ 76 Old Words in Chaucer Dictionaries as the Linguistic Heritage of Great Britain Olga A. Melentyeva

vi

Table of Contents

Part II: Tourism and Heritage Dictionaries with Special Reference to Culture Chapter Eight ............................................................................................. 92 Dictionaries of National Heritage and Culture (with Special Reference to the Dictionary Project Florence in the Works of World Famous People) Olga M. Karpova Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 105 Florence: The Concept of the City Faina I. Kartashkova and Ekaterina A. Shilova Chapter Ten ..............................................................................................114 Florence as Text Larissa M. Alekseeva Chapter Eleven ........................................................................................ 122 Guideline Proposal for the Description and Translation of Proper Nouns in a Multilingual Cultural Heritage Dictionary of Florence Annick Farina Chapter Twelve ........................................................................................ 133 Proposal for a Multilingual Cultural Heritage Dictionary: Complexities and Problems in Corresponding Terms in Italian and Russian Marcello Garzaniti Chapter Thirteen ...................................................................................... 144 Lexicographic Description of New Realia of Culture Tatyana A. Taganova Chapter Fourteen ..................................................................................... 155 The Matrix for Presenting the Meanings of Speech Clichés Tatyana P. Tretyakova Chapter Fifteen ........................................................................................ 165 Cultural Dictionaries Olga A. Uzhova

Life Beyond Dictionaries

vii

Part III: Projects of New Dictionaries Chapter Sixteen ....................................................................................... 174 The Contribution of Learner Corpus Studies for Dictionary Making: Identification of Deviant L2 Vocabulary Use by Asian Learners Shin’ichiro Ishikawa Chapter Seventeen ................................................................................... 185 Combining Lexicography with Second-Language Didactics: The Case of the Bilingual Collocations Dictionary Kollokationen Italienisch-Deutsch Erica Autelli and Christine Konecny Chapter Eighteen ..................................................................................... 199 Dictionary of the Russian Language in Twentieth-century Poetry: Specific Macrostructure and Microstructure Features Larissa L. Shestakova Contributors ............................................................................................. 208

INTRODUCTION1

Ivanovo State University has always paid special attention to the development of friendly relations with universities and non-governmental institutions from other countries which contributes to general research, teaching and educational activities carried at the establishment. The fruitful contacts with the Fondazione Romualdo Del Bianco®— Life Beyond Tourism® (Florence, Italy) started in 2004 with the signing of an agreement of cooperation in the field of cultural and scientific communication. Over the years, this resulted in more than fifteen conferences, seminars, workshops and meetings in both Ivanovo and Florence. Our scholars had the chance to become not only partners but also the first-hand developers and prime movers of several projects carried out by the Foundation. With the foundation’s support we involved over two hundred and fifty teachers and students from a dozen universities in Russia and twelve UN countries (e.g. Great Britain, Germany, Spain), Asia and the USA. The cooperation with the foundation allowed the University to find new partners at the University of Florence and Accademia della Crusca in Florence. Professors from Ivanovo State University worked as international experts of the foundation, invited by the President of the Foundation, Mr. Paolo Del Bianco, to hold round table discussions in 2008, 2010 and 2011. This led to the development of further cooperation and the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding between the foundation and the city of Ivanovo. During these visits, alongside fruitful meetings, we participated in numerous cultural events and workshops together with members of the foundation’s governing board. The University Academic Council awarded Mr. Paolo Del Bianco the title of Professor Emeritus for the great contribution of the foundation in the integration of our university into the European educational environment. In turn, the foundation board awarded Ivanovo State University with a Medal of Honour for the effective cooperation.

1 First published in Life Beyond Dictionaries. Proceedings of X Anniversary International School on Lexicography. Ivanovo, Florence, September 12–14, 2013.

2

Introduction

Six international student workshops organized by the Vice-Rector for PR, and Head of the English Department, Professor Olga Karpova in 2008–2015 deserve special mention. The project suggested by Professor Karpova is devoted to the compilation of a new encyclopaedic dictionary entitled A Dictionary without Boundaries: Florence in the Works of World Famous People. Project of a Dictionary for Guides and Tourists. This long-term project is devoted to the Italian, particularly Florentine, influence on different national cultures. All the participants benefit from visiting Florence and exchanging opinions and ideas in international students groups, thus spreading the general principle of intercultural dialogue. They learn to work, communicate and live together in the international community The workshop on September 8–15, 2013 was of a special kind because it was part of the X Anniversary International School on Lexicography Life Beyond Dictionaries. Introduced in 1995, the Ivanovo School on Lexicography is an outstanding international event that biennially attracts more than three hundred participants from all the continents (except Antarctica). This autumn, the Ivanovo School is moving closer to the world academic community by extending its geographic reach and joining researchers from 17 countries in Ivanovo and Florence. I wish fruitful and interesting work for all the participants during the conference and I am looking forward to further cooperation with Fondazione Romualdo Del Bianco®—Life Beyond Tourism® in many respects. Vladimir Egorov, Rector of Ivanovo State University, Doctor, Professor

It is common knowledge that the Fondazione’s activity is designed to foster intercultural dialogue. In this connection, it is crucial for individual countries and individual regions to draw closer to their tangible and intangible cultural heritages, and above all in their impact on the daily lives of their residents. Travel can introduce people to knowledge only if it is conceived as an opportunity for meeting and trading experience and knowledge, rather than as the mere use and enjoyment of consumer-driven services. Fostering mutual knowledge among people from different countries through aspects of their daily lives is the basic aim of the Life Beyond Tourism Cultural Portal, a virtual forum where cultures meet to promote dialogue.

Life Beyond Dictionaries

3

The work that Ivanovo State University is doing with its X International School on Lexicography Life Beyond Dictionaries fully reflects the spirit of the Fondazione and the Life Beyond Tourism PortalHeritage Community, and it is a major contribution to furthering better intercultural knowledge and understanding. The Fondazione Romualdo Del Bianco®—Life Beyond Tourism® is particularly grateful to Ivanovo State University and the Organizing Committee as a whole for this ongoing and increasingly valuable commitment, which encourages the development of a sensibility in young people helping to make them feel increasingly involved and responsible. This is crucial if we are to ensure harmonious development based on a determined will to understand our fellow human on a planet whose population is drawing close to the 10 billion mark. Paolo Del Bianco, President of Fondazione Romualdo Del Bianco®—Life Beyond Tourism®, Florence, Italy

PART I: LEXICOGRAPHY WORLDWIDE— HISTORICAL AND MODERN PERSPECTIVE

CHAPTER ONE MANY SHADES OF EUROPE: APPLICATIONS OF COLLOCATIONAL NETWORKS AND RESONANCE GEOFFREY WILLIAMS LICORN, EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY OF BRITTANY, LORIENT, FRANCE

J. R. Firth’s adage that “you shall know a word by the company it keeps” is much cited, but the full implications of what he says are not always understood. Collocation is too often seen as something static, just a relationship between two words, but J.R. Firth points to something much more than that as studies from M. Phillips (1985) and G. Williams (1998; 2002) have amply shown. The big problem with collocation is that it has always been with us, but we simply did not know it. It has taken big corpora and the insights of J. McH. Sinclair (1996) to show how important the idiom principle is. What is more, there is often a strange confusion between collocation studies and the phenomenon itself. The former has been with us for some 80 years since the publication of H. E. Palmer's second report (Palmer 1933), while the latter is part of language and has thus existed as long as the human speech faculty, and maybe longer. This paper does not seek to give a history of collocation, or even to discuss functional collocation—that is to say the phraseologically restricted forms generally entered in dictionaries. What this text does seek to do is to bring together two threads of research in contextualist collocation, collocational networks and collocational resonance, as well as with the technique of lexicographical prototypes to show their applications in solving some of the problems facing lexicography in general and e-lexicography in particular. The text will briefly deal with some problems facing lexicography and then show how the techniques of collocational networks, collocational resonance and lexicographical prototypes have evolved. It then applies this to a case study of political representations of Europe.

Many Shades of Europe

7

The Lexicographer's Conundrum Lexicography is about finding appropriate solutions to age-old problems of mediating between words found in context and words taken out of context. This point is often overlooked and needs underlining. Medieval glosses were simply written into manuscripts, thus demonstrating what that orthographic word could mean in that context. From the time these were collected into glossaries to the current world of dictionaries we have decontextualized meanings and constantly seek means to better recontextualize them through definitions, citations and examples. The move from gloss to glossary also brings about another problem—word selection, and its corollary word deselection. Medieval glossaries were anything but systematic. They collected words that had proven ambiguous, difficult or controversial and grouped them into a single volume. It is thus no wonder that the first European monolingual dictionaries such as R. Cawdrey's 1604 Table Alphabetical were dictionaries of so-called hard words. It is only with works such as Furetière’s monumental Dictionnaire Universel of 1690 that we get dictionaries that attempt to cover all the words of a language. Even when we get more complete works, the question of what goes in remains an issue. Mentioning R. Cawdrey also highlights another issue—that of the alphabet. Many definitions of the word dictionary declare these works to be alphabetical by nature. If we accept that the first dictionaries appeared in China and India, this is an amazing piece of Eurocentrism. These languages did and do not benefit from the Latin alphabet, nor do the great majority of the world's languages. It is true that, from R. Cawdrey on, European dictionaries did adopt the Latin alphabet and this has become synonymous for many with the word dictionary, but all lexicographers are aware that whilst this may be convenient in some ways, alphabetical ordering has many drawbacks, the first of which is the dispersion of conceptually related words. The move from glossary to catholicons and more global collections of wordings also led to other problems. Some words have multiple meanings, thus leading to a necessity to differentiate homonyms and polysemes. Whilst the former may be relatively straightforward in synchronic works, a diachronic analysis can lead to more complex relationships. Polysemy is more complex as the lexicography must decide on the degree of granularity in describing senses, or better meaning potentials as P. Hanks (1987) would define dictionary contents. Monolingual polysemy is difficult enough, but if we consider the radical differences of meaning between languages, above all connotative meaning, the problem deepens.

8

Chapter One

A lexicographer must face many more problems, but those introduced above provide sufficient matter to demonstrate the organising power of collocation.

Collocational Networks Collocational networks were first posited in 1996 with the methodology published in a major article in the International Journal of Corpus Linguistics in 1998 and with a more advanced application in 2002 (Williams 1998, 2002). Since this date the methodology has been applied in a number of projects by the present author and many others, notably C. Magnusson and H. Vanharanta (2003), and in at least two very innovative theses in terminology extraction (Alonso 2009) and data mining (Magnusson 2010). Other formats have also taken up the idea, such as socalled clouds and constellations that are collocational networks in essence, although they rarely acknowledge the fact. So where do networks come from? The inspiration is obviously J.R. Firth's notion of “the company words keep” (Firth 1957, 11). Firth opened the door for collocation to move from simple phraseological co-occurrence to dynamic collocation. If J.R. Firth opened the theoretical door, then J.McH. Sinclair took us into the real world of real language by showing the intimate connection between corpora, concordances and collocation through the idiom principle (Sinclair 1991). J.McH. Sinclair's work in Edinburgh, and later Birmingham, opened the way to corpus studies that showed how collocation is at the centre of all language. Computers were at this time slow and difficult to access as priorities were elsewhere. Nevertheless, J.McH. Sinclair managed to create corpus linguistics and the entire terminology that is now taken for granted (Sinclair et al. 2004). Numerous studies followed, particularly after the move to Birmingham and the beginning of the COBUILD project. Amongst the studies developed in Birmingham, that of M. Phillips (1985) tackled meaning in text structure by the construction of local networks. The present author took up this reasoning, realising the value of mimicking Kohenen neural networks on texts and hence collocational networks, described as being: “… a web of interlocking conceptual clusters realised in the form of words linked through the process of collocation” (Williams 1998, 156), in which: “… a web of interlocking conceptual clusters [is] realised in the form of words linked through the process of collocation” (Williams 1998, 156). In practice, what this means is that links are established through statistical co-occurrences which lead

Many Shades of Europe

9

to interdependent chains of collocates moving out from a central node. The relationships between individual items lead to an inevitable clustering of related wordings which thereby conceptualize a given thematic trend. There is not, and cannot be, one set statistical measure as the calculation depends on what is being sought. This is similar in essence to the refusal of any notion of a definitive definition of collocation itself. Collocation is a phenomenon of language, and any definition must take into account the application with dictionary usage requiring a more formalised definition, and one for natural language processing that is even further restricted. These restrictions are only for convenience, however, and not a reality as such. The two initial measures were mutual information and Z-score, the former being mostly applicable to scientific fields where terminological groupings are sought, as opposed to more general language where Z-score is adapted more. The methodology remains the same—what counts is the application and the purposes to be achieved. In all cases, the starting point is a single lexical unit or multiword unit. The network is then built outwards from this, as in Figs 1.1 and 1.2 below (Williams 1998) showing the networks for DNA. What Figs 1 and 2 demonstrate is the natural thematic groupings within a specialized corpus, in this case of the biology of parasitic plants. In a dictionary, this analysis allows for the selections of headwords and explorations of the relations between individual lexical items forming both complex terms as well as the semantic environment of these terms. At another level, the network shows the natural relations that can be exploited when navigating between items in an electronic dictionary. Fig. 1.1. Immediate collocates for “DNA”

10

Chapter One

Fig. 1.2. Widening Network for “DNA”

This particular network was built using mutual information as the interest was in rarer and more terminological words. These networks were built on non-lemmatised corpora, and many still are, so as to avoid the influence of the artificial part of speech categories. However, again depending on the situation, POS tagging can be extremely useful and this is what the Dictionary of Science Verbs project, that uses the specialized BioMed Corpus, has done. In this experimental dictionary, networks are used both for the extraction of headwords and internal navigation within the dictionary. Lemmatised networks are then reduced to handle different features in the dictionary, as can be seen with the network for the verb show (see Fig. 1.3 below). Fig. 1.3. Noun-verb groupings for Show

Many Shades of Europe

11

Fig. 1.3 above concerns part of a wider network for the lemma show explored in the BioMed Corpus (Williams and Millon 2010). In this case, lemmatisation has allowed us to isolate two different types of groupings: one citing other research and another showing a process to illustrate outcomes. Phraseological patterns can be extracted from both that can show a non-native speaker of English how to use this verb when writing research papers. A far more complex network for the same verb (see Fig. 1.4 below) shows how collocates can naturally group other verbs. Fig. 1.4. The “dataset” verbs in the BMC corpus

Here, three nouns acting as subjects for the verb show are linked to other verbs that they share. The grouping shows potential synonyms for show as well as other verbal collocates of three words concerning the analytical part of scientific results. In all cases, the methodology is iterative with a move from the building of a network from a given lexical unit followed by the identification of potential groupings and the extraction and typifying of new networks arising from these groupings. This process is then repeated as the semantic relationships are explored by the linguist/lexicographer. In the cases here, the aim is to build networks that can help select headwords, allow natural conceptual groupings and make easier navigation possible between words and concepts within an electronic dictionary. The alphabet is still there, but a new search method allows for jumping between related word-forms. The full automation of the process is a possibility, but also a danger.

12

Chapter One

A network on its own shows only links that require interpretation and it is often better to do this during the building process. As Sinclair so aptly pointed out, we must “trust the text” (2004), which means never losing sight of the contexts that create the meanings we seek to illustrate. Collocational networks are thus the first of the collocation-related tools at our disposal. The second, which leads on from the first, is that of collocational resonance.

Collocational Resonance Resonance starts from observing the obvious. This means that whilst synchronic and diachronic analyses of word usage have their uses, the division is purely a convenience and the past is always in the present. In reality the so-called metaphor must be live to be the real metaphor, and once the exploitation (Hanks 2013) has become a norm it is the meaning of the word and no longer figurative. In this way, language changes over time. However, it is equally obvious that past uses of a word influence current uses. As exploitations become norms through association with new wordings, the half-lives of their atomic past remain partially active. Etymological meanings may continue to survive, but generally they do not and are only artificially revived by pedants eager to show what the word really means, when the reality is that it means what it means in context and nowhere else. Thus, rather than falling into the speculative trap of so-called cognitive metaphors with their suppositions about some underlying strata of meaning, resonance seeks to use the power of collocational networks to demonstrate what meaning patterns are displayed in the corpus of earlier usage and how these map onto the present so that a collocational remanence can unconsciously colour meanings. Thus, resonance posits that language users carry aspects of meaning from previously encountered usage, consciously and subconsciously, colouring the meanings and prosodies in use. In such cases, etymological aspects are carried over only if the user is aware of past usage or if this is still active. No distinction is made between the so-called literal and figurative meanings and metaphor is considered to occur only if the user is conscious of the fact. Collocational resonance first emerged at the Phraseology 2005 conference at Louvain-la-Neuve (Granger and Meunier 2008). The strange thing is that two papers had similar titles—one by the author (Williams 2008) and another by P. Hanks (unpublished). The former took an intertextual view while the latter was concerned more with metaphor, but both were clearly drawing lessons from the teachings of J. Sinclair and

Many Shades of Europe

13

dealing with the same phenomenon. The first publication of G. Williams (2008) concerned the use of religious terms found in an electronic version of the King James Bible and the works of Shakespeare compared to usage found in the British National Corpus. A gradual loss of the sacred aspect of many wordings as they simply become idiomatic expressions of annoyance or surprise become clear, such as “Jesus wept” or “My God.” This is part of a gradual secularization of religious language in which users are generally unaware of the origins of expressions. This subconscious use of wordings is highly relevant to resonance studies and can be illustrated by a citation from Boswell's Life of Johnson, in which we read that: Mr Allen, the printer, brought a book on agriculture, which was printed, and was soon to be published. It was a very strange performance, the author having mixed in it his own thoughts upon various topics, along with his remarks on ploughing, sowing, and other farming operations … he had this very curious reflection: “I was born in the wilds of Christianity, and the briars and thorns still hang about me.”

Mr Allen was obviously suffering from collocational remanence with his denied cultural background showing through involuntarily in his language. He is far from alone in this. Other studies look at the metaphorical exploitations of words such as probe (Williams and Millon 2009), culture (Williams 2011a) and art (Williams 2011b). In the case of probe, we have a noun that refers to a basic medical exploratory instrument to a whole range of investigative instruments and features. In this case the active exploratory features of the instrument and its use are still clearly active (see later for the lexical prototype), whereas in other cases these are far less clear. Such is the case with culture where the usage has moved from cultivation of soil (tillage) to cultivation of the mind. Thus, culture can be mapped as a move from a purely agricultural usage to a more metaphorical approach to matters of the cultivated intellect to the current situation. With the English, farming has almost entirely disappeared leaving reference to intellectual arts, societal religious and regional expressions of identity through traditions, as well as an evolving tendency to collocate culture with antisocial behaviour (see Fig 1.5 below).

14

Chapter One

Fig. 1.5. Metaphorical exploitation of the word culture

Lexicographical Prototypes The tool used to demonstrate changing meaning patterns is P. Hanks’s (1994; 2000) notion of lexicographical prototypes, as these can allow us to clearly see variations in use. In his celebrated analysis of the noun bank, P. Hanks showed how polysemy can be handled through a series of short propositions that illustrate aspects of a word’s use and are seen to be activated with polysemy as a continuum rather than discrete items. A good illustration is that as for probe, developed by G. Williams and C. Millon (2009). The initial network clearly possesses four key elements: the words “instrument,” “long,” “blunt” and “investigate,” all adequately describing something used to explore and clean wounds. Later uses see a bird's beak described as a probe, hence the verbal form of “to probe” meaning to investigate with a long thin instrument. This does not refer to any bird, but specifically the waders which have long thin beaks with which they seek food in water. From being an exploratory instrument in the real sense to a figurative one takes us to probe as a judicial investigation. The prototypes below with only certain features being activated in any one instance can handle these variations: A precision instrument Long and thin Not cutting (blunt) Very pointed (sharp) Used to explore and examine

Many Shades of Europe

15

Can penetrate an organism or cell Does not damage the organism Means of investigation (ext. by judicial authorities) Supplies Information Prototypes are based on L. Wittgenstein's idea of family resemblances and are therefore open-ended classifications. This is important because the prototype can be altered or tweaked as meanings and wordings evolve (Williams 2006). Initially created to handle polysemy in the dictionary, Williams has linked them to collocational resonance as the prime tool to handle meaning variation. This has meant that prototypes can handle diachronic variation as well as changes across different thematic areas of usage and, most importantly, differences in meaning across languages (Williams et al. 2012). If the propositions are simple then they are translatable and can illustrate changes in meaning that simple translation equivalence will just ignore. In all cases, the methodology is the same. Dictionaries are used to extract the different senses and sub-senses found by lexicographers, which are mapped across languages to find clear correspondences. This slows for an initial list which evolves as corpus analysis is carried out, as will be shown in the case of “Europe.”

Europe as a Variable Entity and Variable Space We now have the three analytical tools we need to explore word usage across languages and across time: collocational networks, collocational resonance and lexicographical prototypes. These are precious aids in the studies carried out within the IntUne-funded project into European identity and provide interesting insights into the usage of the proper noun “Europe.”1 IntUne was a major European funding initiative looking at the development of a potential European citizenship and identity. The project brought together political scientists, sociologists and a group specialized in media analysis, which is what we are concerned with here.

1

This research was funded by a grant from the INTUNE project (Integrated and United: A Quest for Citizenship in an Ever Closer Europe) financed by the Sixth Framework Programme of the European Union, Priority 7, Citizens and Governance in a Knowledge Based Society (CIT3-CT-2005-513421).

Chapter One

16

To study changing attitudes towards Europe, two large press corpora were build, each taking in national and regional press sources and transcribed television news in four languages: English, French, Italian and Polish. These were designed as comparable corpora using a series of parameters to ensure a maximum of comparability (Bayley and Williams 2012). A different team looked at different aspects of Europe as reported in the press, and also at the concept of Europe itself. “Europe” is an interesting concept as it is used so easily by so many without any real thought as to the variations of meaning that it holds. For instance, it can refer to an ancient Greek Goddess, a broad geographical space and a political unit. It can carry very positive connotations of hope, as is the case for many countries wishing to join as members or privileged partners, or strongly negative ones for those who see the bureaucracy of a centralized institution in Brussels as a threat. It is thus an ideal or an existing institution, a descriptive unit or a metonym. For a citizen of the United Kingdom, Europe is often “the continent,” the mainland as opposed to the island, albeit geologically the island is linked to the mainland. Thus, a United Kingdom citizen can claim to have been born both in Europe and outside Europe, depending on the definition adopted. A country can decide to join Europe or leave it, but as you cannot join a continent only one meaning is being selected. And yet, despite this broad range of meanings, Europe is a proper noun and therefore excluded from most dictionaries. Some dictionaries do give definitions for Europe—Larousse does, but only in its encyclopaedic section, and the Oxford Dictionary of English does because it is a good “universal”2 dictionary. It is thus possible to build an initial prototype from dictionaries that define Europe as: a continent of the northern hemisphere, separated from Africa to the south by the Mediterranean Sea and from Asia to the east roughly by the Bosporus, the Caucasus Mountains and the Ural Mountains (ODE), or: Used ellipt, and allusively to refer to membership of the European Economic Community (the Common Market) OED. 2

I use “universal” in the sense applied by the great French seventeenth century lexicographer Antoine Furetière. He set out to go beyond the dictionaries of socalled hard words, and beyond the so-called “polite” words of the dictionary of the French Academy. Universal meant that French as a language could cover all known concepts, and this is the sense I use here. Furetière did not supply a definition of “Europe,” however.

Many Shades of Europe

17

Unfortunately, the ODE gives only the standard schoolbook definition, whereas the OED was outdated by 2009, the year of the DVD’s publication, the actual edition being from 1989 (supplemented in 1993). The EEC became the EC in 1993, becoming part of the EU in 2009. The interesting thing is that although the political unit has been regularly rebranded, the metonym “Europe” has at least remained stable. The definition is a perfectly good dictionary definition as it allows for how the word is used in general parlance and accepts the vagueness of language. The problem is that the borders to the east and southeast are vague, and vagueness poses major problems in politics as much of Turkey and the exSoviet Union should be considered as in Europe when politically they are not. Much of the East is assigned to Asia which terminologically is where the problem lies, as for geographers the landmass is part of a broad Eurasia, if not an even broader Eurafrasia. This could be written off as anecdotal for the common person, but geology includes undersea landmasses and, when petrol is at stake, geology can be very political. Thus, any prototype should take into account a geological Europe, as does that published in Williams et al. (2012). The latter, however, was designed to handle a modern political Europe and fails to mention the goddess, although she is very present in the eighteenth-century literature and must therefore be added. Before looking at how the modern day “Europe” is described, it is interesting to see how it was represented in the past. Collocational resonance can be demonstrated using dictionaries and corpora. Ideally both are used, but it is very much a question of being pragmatic about what is available. For English, the OED is a wonderful source and citations can form basic prototypes. However, citations are not corpora and give a limited, albeit useful, picture. Decent diachronic corpora of English are rare or expensive. For French there is no equivalent to the OED, but there is a large archive of texts that can be used to build some form of corpora 3 and an excellent library of freely available texts at the French national library—the BNF—which includes most early French dictionaries. These are mostly in PDF format but the lengthy and expensive task of producing fully machine-readable documents is underway.4

3

Frantext (www.frantext.fr) is an archive of texts originally assembled as a source of citations for a major reference dictionary. It should not be considered a corpus as it is by no means a balanced sample. It is, however, an excellent window into usage during periods in the past. Access is by a restricted license, but larger sections of the archive are available at a sister website, www.cnrtl.fr. 4 Available at http://gallica.bnf.fr.

18

Chapter One

Using a selection of texts from the second half of the eighteenth century, a network concerning “Europe” can be built (see Fig. 1.6 below). Fig. 1.6. Eighteenth-century French Europe

This provides an undefined Europe as consisting of unnamed nations. The geographical spread is probably that given in the great encyclopaedia of Diderot and Alembert5 that corresponds to the vague definition given earlier (see ODE) bounded by coasts and Asia to the east. As with here, the encyclopaedia divides the world into four, with Europe as the civilized part and the rest mostly peopled by savages [sauvage]. This is the revolutionary period in France so it mostly justifies itself by reference to ancient Greece [Grèce] and proposes spreading their ideals to the people [peoples] of the world, and notably Europe. “Nations” is another interesting word as the nation is seen as the incarnation of the people and thus with no room for the individual, which explains the mass executions and purges that were such a feature of the French revolution. A similar English corpus of the time would probably be less sanguine. If we now turn to contemporary Europe, as shown in the FrWac corpus on Sketch Engine,6 a very different picture emerges (see Fig. 1.7 below).

5 6

Available at http://http://portail.atilf.fr/encyclopedie. www.sketchengine.co.uk.

Many Shades of Europe

19

Fig. 1.7. “Europe” in the French IntUne corpus

We still have the division of the world into large groups on a more or less continental basis, but the Americas are no longer savage and are largely reduced to the Unites States as a major trading partner. Similarly, Asia is also mostly present in academic terms. The other new element is the major place taken by sport in which the emphasis is on competition between countries. It is mostly commerce, not ideals, that dominates with Europe remaining a broad geographical space. The important change is that this Europe is subdivided into country, i.e. political units with defined borders rather than peoples or nations. The major division is however into two blocks seen as having different values: the East and the West. This same division is found in texts in the English corpus (see Fig. 1.8 below), so we shall turn to this first. Fig. 1.8. “Europe” in the English IntUne corpus

The most obvious feature in the two corpora is that the only resonance is a vaguely shared political space. The notions of nations and peoples have gone and are replaced with countries. Countries are deemed as having stable fixed borders, which, within most of political Europe, are believed to be permanent fixtures, even if the situation is unclear in the Balkans and an underlying instability exists in some other countries. Countries, as units, are easily countable, which is essential in a political unit that counts its members. From 1945 onwards, it was accepted that Europe could be divided into two large units: the West with its capitalist values and the

20

Chapter One

Communist-controlled East under Soviet domination. Such a division ignored a pre-war situation where a highly cultured Mitteleuropa was emerging. Once the USSR had collapsed, the countries of Mitteleuropa that had been outside political Europe and joined under the title of new entrant countries again found themselves designated as a form of Mitteleuropa, albeit one enlarged to include the Baltic states and part of the Balkans as central Europe. This implies that there is a centre and thus a new Eastern Europe, notably the Ukraine and other countries east of central Europe. This explains the use of “central” and “eastern,” but also a certain confusion as to whether east is “east” or “central.” In French, the word “orientale” refers to central and eastern countries, with the former being EU members. Thus, corpus data shows multiple political Europes without even talking of the other Europes revealed during the IntUne analyses (Williams et al. 2012). These political Europes can be shown diagrammatically (see Fig. 1.9 below). Fig.1.9. Europe with a centre

Fig. 1.9 above shows a Europe that does not exist and has never existed, politically. It is, however, one that collocational resonance points to. If Europe is the geographical (but not geological) space referred to in dictionaries then it should have a centre. It points to another fiction that arises from the resonance image, and that is of Europa the goddess. She is not mentioned, but the underlying fiction is that all of “Europe” is based on a Greco-Latin cultural root. This is partially true from school education, but ignores Northern and Eastern cultural traditions that have been undervalued in formal education. What corpus data shows is several realities, one of which is shown in Fig. 1.10 below.

Many Shades of Europe

21

Fig. 1.10. A divided political space

Fig. 1.10 shows a post-1945 and up to the entry of the so-called new entrant countries description of Europe with no centre. This has a very strong resonance as new entrant countries are often still referred to as “east” rather than “central.” This is the archetypal Western Europe, which supposedly has a set of shared values and is rich and industrial. This Europe is even part of a wider fictional “West” that includes the USA. The resonance is strong and easily seen in the analysis of press corpora. If we move to current political Europe, and that shown in the English IntUne corpus, then an even more complex picture emerges (see Fig. 1.11 below). Fig. 1.11. Complex Europe

22

Chapter One

In Fig. 1.11 above, the wider circle to the left covers current EU member countries, as well as islands such as the United Kingdom and French Corsica that still tend to talk of “the continent” and the mainland,” which puts them some way outside of Europe. It is true that this diagram cannot account for Switzerland—very much in but out, and Norway— again, in and out. Thus, a confusion remains as to what Europe is, and yet we are told that some European countries join Europe and others want to leave it. Resonance is clearly a fiction, but these fictions are also quite real. Corpus linguistics shows us the folly of glibly using the word “Europe” as a metonym, and yet so much hangs around this terminological inexactitude.

Conclusion To sum up, this paper has drawn together three threads in corpusdriven research and shown how they can be applied to a highly used and yet highly ambiguous concept—Europe. From its initial use in showing thematic relations in scientific corpora, collocational networks are now shown to demonstrate how all language has thematic groupings that can show current and past meaning patterns. Collocational resonance is an application of networks that demonstrates meaning and thematic changes over time. Lexicographical prototypes are the tools that mediate between past and current uses with collocational remanence being the degree to which earlier usage remains reflected in the present. As such, these computer-assisted analyses can be taken as just another intellectual discussion of meaning. If they are applied, however, they are powerful tools in dictionary making that can lead us to genuinely electronic dictionaries that go beyond showing fictions of meaning to the continually evolving contextual meaning that language use is all about.

References Alonso, A. 2009. Características del léxico del medio ambiente en español y pautas de representación en el diccionario general. PhD diss., Universitat Pompeu Fabra. Alonso, A., H. Blancafort, C. de Groc, Chr. Million and G.. Williams. 2012. “METRICC: Harnessing Comparable Corpora for Multilingual Lexicon Development”. In Proceedings of the 15th EURALEX International Congress, 389–403. Oslo: University of Oslo. Bayley, P. and G. Williams (eds). 2012. European Identity: What the Media Say. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Many Shades of Europe

23

Firth, J. R. 1957. Papers in Linguistics 1934–1951. London: Oxford University Press. Granger, S. and F. Meunier, eds. 2008. Phraseology: an Interdisciplinary Perspective. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Hanks, P. 1987. “Definitions and Explanations.” In Looking Up: An Account of the COBUILD Project in Lexical Computing, edited by J. Sinclair, 116–36. London: Collins. —. 1994. “Linguistic Norms and Pragmatic Exploitations, or why Lexicographers Need Prototype Theory, and Vice Versa.” In Papers in Computational Lexicography: Complex ’94, 89–113. —. 2000. “Do Word Meanings Exist?” In Senseval: Evaluating Word Sense Disambiguation Programmes. Computers and the Humanities 34, 1–2, edited by A. Kilgarriff and M. Palmer, 205–15. Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers. —. 2013. Lexical Analysis: Norms and Exploitations. MIT Press. Magnusson, C. and H. Vanharanta. 2003. “Visualizing Sequences of Texts Using Collocational Networks.” Machine Learning and Data Mining in Pattern Recognition. Lecture Notes in Computer Science, vol. 2734, 276–283. —. 2010. Text Visualization for Competitive Intelligence. PhD Diss., University of Tampere. Palmer, H. E. 1933. Second Interim Report on English Collocations. Tokyo: Kaitakusha. Phillips, M. 1985. Aspects of Text Structure: An Investigation of the Lexical Structure of Text. Amsterdam: North Holland. Sinclair, J. McH. 1991. Corpus, Concordance, Collocation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. —. 2004. Trust the Text. London: Routledge. Jones, S. and R. Daley. 2004. English Collocation Studies: The OSTI Report. London-New York: Continuum. Williams, G. 1998. “Collocational Networks: Interlocking Patterns of Lexis in a Corpus of Plant Biology Research Articles.” International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 3 (1): 151–171. —. 1998. “Collocational Networks: Interlocking Patterns of Lexis in a Corpus of Plant Biology Research Articles.” International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 3 (1): 151-171, http://gallica.bnf.fr/al (accessed May 12, 2013). —. 2002. “In Search of Representativity in Specialised Corpora: Categorisation through Collocation.” International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 7 (1): 43–64. —. 2002. “In Search of Representativity in Specialised Corpora:

24

Chapter One

Categorisation through Collocation.” International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 7 (1): 43–64. or in Teubert, W. and Krishnamurthy. 2007. Critical Concepts in Corpus Linguistics, vol. 3, 324-346. London: Routledge. —. 2006. “Advanced ESP and the Learner’s Dictionary: Tools for the nonlanguage Specialist.” In Proceedings of the 12th EURALEX International Congress, edited by C. Marello, 795–801. Turin: University of Turin. —. 2008. “The Good Lord and his Works: A Corpus-based Study of Collocational Resonance.” In Phraseology: an Interdisciplinary Perspective, edited by S. Granger and F. Meunier, 159-173. Amsterdam: Benjamins. —. 2011a. “A Cultivated Audience: Comparable Corpora and Cross Language Collocation.” In Corpus Linguistics and Language Variation, special issue of RILA, edited by M. Bondi, S. Cacchiani G. Palumbo, 39–64. Bulzoni: Rassegna Italiana di Linguistica Applicata. —. 2011b. “Art for Dictionaries Sake: Comparing Cultural Outlooks though Dictionaries and Corpora.” In Cultural Identities in English Lexicography, edited by R. Facchinetti, 171–200. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishers. —. 2012. “Bringing Data and Dictionary Together: Real Science in Real Dictionaries.” In Corpus-Informed Research and Learning in ESP: Issues and Applications, edited by A. Bolton, S. Thomas E. RowleyJolivet, 219–240. Amsterdam: J. Benjamin’s. Williams, G. and C. Millon. 2009. “The General and the Specific: Collocational resonance of scientific language,” http://ucrel.lancs.ac.uk/publications/cl2009/#papers (accessed May 12, 2013). —. 2010. “Going Organic: Building an Experimental Bottom-up Dictionary of Verbs in Science.” In Proceedings of the 13th EURALEX International Congress, Leeuwarden, The Netherlands, 1251–1257. Williams, G., C. Millon and A. Alonso. 2012. “Growing Naturally: The DicSci Organic E-Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Verbs in Science.” In Proceedings of the 15th EURALEX International Congress, 1008– 1013. Oslo: University of Oslo. Williams, G., R. Piazza and D. Giuliani. 2012. “Nation and Supernation: a Tale of Three Europes.” In European Identity: What the Media Say, edited by Bayley, P. G. Williams, 55–83. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Many Shades of Europe

25

Dictionaries Cawdrey, R. 2007 [1604]. The First English Dictionary. Oxford: Bodleian Library. Soanes, C. and S. Angus. 2005 [1998]. Oxford Dictionary of English (ODE). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Simpson, J. 2009. Oxford English Dictionary (OED). CD-ROM Version 4. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

CHAPTER TWO THE HISTORY OF THE ITALIAN LANGUAGE AND ITS LEXICOGRAPHY NICOLETTA MARASCHIO ACCADEMIA DELLA CRUSCA, FLORENCE, ITALY

I am truly honoured to make this welcome speech on behalf of the Accademia della Crusca at this important conference on Life Beyond Dictionaries. I do hope that such an international event will make a significant contribution to stimulating and disseminating a greater sensitivity and awareness towards the central role of languages in the contemporary world and the importance of lexicography and dictionaries as cultural heritage and as synthetic tools for the knowledge of languages. The work of modern lexicographers has to do with words—spoken words, written words, words that have been transmitted and typed. Words of yesterday and today. I do not think I am wrong when I say that this work is very topical, considering how central communication is in today’s world. By this I mean verbal communication above all, and yet it is true that not everybody agrees. Most people think that images—so concise and immediate—have a greater expressive power and therefore represent more effectively the speed of the processes that characterize our times. But I believe that the value of spoken and written words is unquestionable. An eminent colleague of mine, Crusca academician Gian Luigi Beccaria, professor at the University of Turin, has written a little book entitled Elogio della lentezza [In Praise of Slowness], meaning nothing less than praise of reading. Reading allows each of us to choose the ways and times we enter the written page and do so more or less profoundly, according to our interests, culture and the rapport we want or can establish with the author: In the age of prevailing speed and simultaneity, with the slow rhythm and distancing effect of reading, the reader’s critical, civil, and rational

The History of the Italian Language and its Lexicography

27

consciousness is still awakened by past and present words. They enable the reader to move away from immediateness, to express judgments about the world, to recognize the evolution of things. (Beccaria 2003, 11)

Indeed, the work of the lexicographer is one which requires great patience and slowness. Until a century ago, the history of the Italian language was essentially the history of a written language, and therefore a history composed of books. Then everything changed. The political, economic and social transformations of the country, from the Unification and through the twentieth century, were very significant and had deep consequences for the national language. From being a language of books, spoken by a small minority (about 10% of population in 1861), Italian became, albeit quite late, the language spoken by over 90% of Italians. The process of Italianization occurred in different times, forms and ways, mostly spontaneously and as a result of powerful extra-linguistic factors. Political unity indeed led to the creation of a single centralized army, administration and school system. This caused the unprecedented need for people who had lived in this land for centuries to use a single common language in order to communicate. This was also urged on by industrialization and the migrations which followed, when millions of Italians moved from the countryside and the mountains to urban areas and from the south to the north of the country. Migration towards foreign countries brought about thirty million dialect speakers out of the borders from 1880 to 1910. Later on, mass media such as radio, cinema and television played a crucial role by introducing a public spoken language that was more and more distant from the written examples of tradition among Italians. In any case, Italy was and remains a typically multilingual country. Even today, over 30% of the population regularly uses dialect both at home and at work. To this we must add 5% of immigrants from 180 different countries who have brought their languages here, and a similar percentage of foreign language speakers (from Greece, Albania, Germany, Provence, Franco-Provençal areas, France and Catalonia) who constitute the historical minorities that have been living in Italy for centuries. In this linguistically fragmented landscape, we can trace two well-defined and clearly contrasting trends: one leading to the centre and the other away from it. On the one hand, our linguistic history is multicentric (which is why we talk of the “Italy of a hundred cities”). Sialects are not only languages spoken by millions of people everyday, but were and still are living expressions of eminent literary traditions. In Mila, to give just one example, we move from Bonvesin da la Riva to Carlo Porta and Delio

28

Chapter Two

Tessa, up to the many twentieth-century poets such as Franco Loi who preferred the Milanese dialect to Italian, judging it more suitable for the expressive experimentation they were looking for. But it is from the beginning of the fourteenth century (here is the other trend) that Dante showed an extraordinary metalinguistic (and prophetic) ability by stating in his De vulgari eloquentia that Italy would reach a linguistic unity only if intellectuals really wanted it. He was speaking of a noble, literary vernacular Italian, created by poets and writers, that was, like the hinge of a door, the joint on which the other Italian vernaculars swung, the foundation for every other vernacular Italian, a refined written language which could also be used in politics (in the aula “reggia”) and for justice (in the curia “alto tribunale”). Dante himself, as everybody knows, gave an authoritative contribution to the creation of a unifying linguistic model by writing the Commedia, soon admired and imitated all over Italy. Levelling trends among the many different municipal varieties came pressingly into view in the fifteenth century with the development of the typically regional courtly society, which also had national and international communicative needs. Also in the fifteenth century, well ahead of his time, the great humanist Leon Battista Alberti wrote the first systematic European grammar of a vernacular Italian language—the Grammatichetta Vaticana—to demonstrate the equal structural nobility of his mother tongue and Latin. In the sixteenth century, ideal motives and the material needs related to book printing and diffusion finally led to the codification of a written literary Italian, which was unitary, homogeneous and easy to imitate and reproduce because of its metahistorical qualities, founded as it was on a language born two centuries earlier—the fourteenth-century Florentine used by Dante, Petrarch and Boccaccio. This was the winning model followed by Bembo. The Vocabolario della Crusca, first published in 1612, partly corrected this rigidly archaic formulation, which was remote from the current situation of that age, and opened itself to the sixteenth-century Florentine (see Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca 1612, anastatic edition, Accademia della Crusca/Era Edizioni 2008, with the commentary, Una lingua, una civiltɚ il Vocabolario). The Vocabolario therefore has a fundamental importance in Italian linguistic history because it was an instrument of identity, a deposit or treasure of language, and at the same time the powerful engine of a unifying process destined to last. To the Vocabolario we especially owe the creation and diffusion of an umbrellalanguage, that is to say Italian as a national language that precedes the creation of Italy as a single political state by far. This was an umbrellalanguage combining the many varieties used for centuries (and still being

The History of the Italian Language and its Lexicography

29

used) with different social and cultural communicative functions. The Vocabolario, considering its very innovative lexicographic technique, soon became a model for the great national European lexicography. Thus, Italy can boast leadership in both the grammatical and lexicographical fields. Through the centuries the compilation of dictionaries was particularly rich and varied, as shown by Claudio Marazzini in his recent publication L’ordine delle parole. Storia di vocabolari italiani (2009). Our academy houses, in its library, a collection of great symbolic value called the Fondo dei citati. It comprises all the books that, through the centuries, the Members of the Accademia della Crusca thought worthy of quotation in the five editions of their Vocabolario (1612–1923). In these books, preserved in our cases, is a significant part of the Italian language (from the fourteenth to the beginning of the twentieth centuries). Italian is, like all other languages in the world, an important cultural good, an immaterial good, diffused widely among all those who speak and write it. From its words, but also in its grammatical peculiarities, we can deduce and trace the history of the Italian people, who for generations lived in this Peninsula; the contacts they had with other populations and other cultures; and their ability to impose their language and culture abroad, beyond the Alps and the Mediterranean. Italian is a language influenced by Latin for centuries, as its grammar clearly demonstrates. We may recall, for instance, the free position a word can take in a sentence, the fact that a subject is not obligatory, or the existence of particularly complex expressions from a morphological point of view (we only have to think of the system of verbs or pronouns, which are only recently becoming simpler). The presence of Gallicisms—to give one more example, this time of a lexical nature—is particularly rich in Italian and is due to an almost continuous relationship with French language and culture from the Middle Ages to the twentieth century. From words like gioia and cavaliere (included 68 and 127 times, respectively, in the 1612 first edition of the Vocabolario) to democrazia and libertɚ (the first occurs only from the third edition of the end of the seventeenth century, while the second is present from the first edition with 46 occurrences, but is more frequent with 146 appearances, and with new meanings, from the eighteenth century edition). The Accademia has recently published a Dictionary of Italianisms in French, English and German, written by a group of scholars coordinated by the German member Harro Stammerjohann. In this study, the group has been able to trace more than 4,400 Italianisms in these languages from bravo to piazza, from balcone to sonetto, from adagio to ciao, comprising architectural, musical, scientific and literary terms, as well as words from

30

Chapter Two

everyday behaviour. In addition, there is a Greek- and Latin-based European intellectual lexicon that the Italian language contributed in great measure to forming, especially during the Renaissance, functioning as a bridge between antiquity and the modern age. Languages are therefore immaterial goods leaving traces well beyond their own borders! The Accademia della Crusca has recently shown this through the beautiful book L’italiano per il mondo, edited by Giada Mattarucco, and even the terminology of trade and banks, dominant nowadays, is mainly of Italian origin (from bank to credit, from capital to risk). However, Italian is not just an immaterial cultural good due to its long history as a (mainly written) language. It is also a material cultural good because we can find it easily and tangibly just by turning the pages of its books, especially some fundamental ones such as Dante's Commedia, Petrarch's Canzoniere and Boccaccio's Decameron. Over 80% of the basic Italian words of our times significantly coincide with those of the Three Crowns referred above. Italian has an extraordinary continuity and temporal profundity that derives from its history, but in addition are all the other books gathered and preserved in the Fondo dei citati in the Crusca Library, which enriched the language over centuries and entered the Vocabolario, albeit “in pieces” through quotations and examples. Therefore, we can materially touch, so to speak, the Italian language, taking it in our hands, turning its pages and even interrogating (thanks to the digitalization we have carried out on www.accademiadellacrusca.it) the Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca. We can walk through its pages and listed words as if in a “language gallery” similar to the Uffizi (this striking image comes from my professor Giovanni Nencioni). The Vocabolario was a treasure and a prescriptive source par excellence, challenged by many but kept on the desk and used for centuries by all those in Italy who could write. Today, Italian has entered the “language tempest” caused by globalization, as my predecessor Francesco Sabatini defined it, and must face new challenges like the competition from other languages and, more generally, multiculturalism, which requires above all self-awareness at the same time as openness towards the other. Europe is very engaged in this direction because it considers multilingualism as a founding element of its own identity in keeping with the principles of its constitutive treaties. This implies that every European state must preserve its language and make it well known within and outside its borders by promoting individual plurilingualism especially at school as well as lifelong learning programmes, and by requesting that every citizen knows at least three European languages.

The History of the Italian Language and its Lexicography

31

Also, with the aim of giving the possibility to European (and world) citizens to know contemporary Italian better, from this year the Accademia della Crusca has been working on a great new project—a nineteenthtwentieth century Historical Dictionary which will reflect the huge sociolinguistic changes mentioned before. The sources of such a dictionary will differ greatly from the “Citati” of the five editions of the Vocabolario della Crusca. Literature will still hold an important role, but the language of science, technology and mass media will also be included, together with spoken language which has finally gained a central role in the contemporary Italian linguistic environment. Our project is still too immature to be discussed here, but I believe it is important to announce on this occasion that the Accademia della Crusca intends to get back to its old vocation for lexicography and become again an industrious workshop in such a field. Thanks again for inviting me.

References Beccaria, G. L. 2003. Elogio della Lentezza. Lezioni Sapegno 2002. Aragno.

ɋHAPTER THREE A KIST OF FERLIES: SCOTTISH CULTURE IN JAMIESON AND THE LATER DICTIONARIES OF SCOTS SUSAN RENNIE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW, UK

In 1943, the Scottish poet Douglas Young wrote a poem in praise of a dictionary. His subject, the Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language by the Rev. Dr John Jamieson, was published in 1808, but was enjoying a late flowering as a key source for the Scottish Literary Renaissance of the twentieth century. As Young expressed it, the Dictionary was for him “a kist of ferlies” (a treasure chest of wonders) which he and his fellow poets mined for raw materials (Young 1943, 11): I ken a thing that’s like a kist o ferlies gif ye read. Frae Jamieson’s muckle buik the words tak wing.

One of the aspects which Young and his contemporaries appreciated was the information on Scottish traditional culture preserved in Jamieson’s work. The novelist Willa Muir, for example, praised the Dictionary for being a “valiant barrier” which Jamieson had raised against the “gradual draining away of old Scotland” (Muir 1938, 6). Today, Jamieson’s Dictionary is valued for its lexicographic innovation—its pioneering of historical principles and its ground-breaking use of non-literary sources. However, as Muir’s words imply, Jamieson’s work is as much a cultural encyclopaedia as a dictionary, and may perhaps be described as a historical “lexicopaedia” that collates and preserves information on Scottish traditional culture as expressed in one of its indigenous languages— Lowland Scots.

A Kist of Ferlies

33

The Scots language is rich in words and idioms relating to Scottish culture, and many of these terms have survived precisely because they describe customs and traditions that are distinct from those of our linguistic neighbours. It follows, therefore, that cultural vocabulary features prominently in the headword list of any dictionary of Scots. But although the cultural items defined by Jamieson were Scots in origin, many are now widely used in Scottish Standard English and even (in the case of Halloween, for example) in international varieties of English. In this respect, the dictionary is a reference work not only of Scots, but also of Scotland. Jamieson noted in his preface that: “many ancient customs, otherwise unknown or involved in obscurity, come also to be explained or illustrated, from the use of those words which necessarily refer to them” (1808, iii). The dictionary aimed, then, to illuminate the culture of the Scottish past as seen from the perspective of 1808. However, it also detailed the cultural vocabulary of its own day, for example providing discursive definitions for terms relating to Scottish food and festivals, many of which are still current in Scottish usage but which Jamieson described in detail for the first time. The distinctive nature of Jamieson’s dictionary may be illustrated by one simple fact—its longest entry is not for a polysemous verb (as might be expected for a historical dictionary of a major European language), but for the apparently simple noun Yule, a headword with a single gloss in English (“Christmas”), but with a myriad of associated customs and terms. The dictionary entries for Beltane, Halloween and Hogmanay (New Year’s Eve) are given similar treatment. Jamieson had an additional, though far from hidden, agenda here—by examining Scottish customs, and comparing them to those of Scotland’s near neighbours in Scandinavia, he hoped to support his theory of a Norse origin for Scots (Rennie 2012a, 151). Ethnographic evidence, then, as well as serving to expand the dictionary headword list, also served to strengthen its etymological underpinnings. Jamieson’s entry for Yule extends over twelve columns of text and includes explanations of terms that relate to the traditions of Yule though not to the actual lemma, such as the giving of sweetie-skon (“a loaf enriched with raisins, currants, and spiceries”) and the baking of care-cakes: In the morning one rises before the rest of the family, and prepares food for them, which must be eaten in bed. This frequently consists of cakes baken with eggs, called Care-cakes. A bannock or cake is baken for every person in the house. If any one of these break in the toasting, the person for whom it is baked, will not, it is supposed, see another Yule. (Jamieson 1808, s.v. YULE)

34

Chapter Three

This organisational method—of treating a select number of entries at greater length so as to present the reader with related words and concepts in a discursive article—is reminiscent of the editorial design for another Scottish reference work which predates Jamieson—the Encyclopaedia Britannica. First published in Edinburgh in parts from 1768 to 1771, the Britannica pioneered an innovative macrostructure in which “treatises” which covered the related vocabulary of key topics such as “aeronautics” and “midwifery” were interspersed throughout the main alphabetical series. The intention, as the editors proudly proclaimed, was thereby to spare readers “the labour of hunting through … a labyrinth” in order to reach an overall understanding of any one topic.1 In this sense, Jamieson may be said to be creating lexicographic treatises, combining the methods of an encyclopaedia with that of a thesaurus. In these and other lexicopaedic entries, he binds together the vocabulary associated with important cultural events, creating for each a miniature “kist,” to use Young’s terminology, in which he offers the reader the lexical riches of Scottish traditions. It would be misleading to suggest, however, that Jamieson, an ordained minister in the Scottish Secession Kirk, was in any way promoting the folkloric customs he documents. In some cases (such as the burning of Yule candles) he is unequivocal in labelling traditional practices as superstitious and heathenish. As the Rev. Dr Jamieson—and perhaps equally, as a denizen of the late Scottish Enlightenment—he is careful to note his disapproval of pre-Christian belief systems; but as a descriptive lexicographer, he indulges an equally professional interest in the richness of the associated lexis: A number of MISCELLANEOUS SUPERSTITIONS may be mentioned, in relation to Yule, which are still regarded by many, especially in the North of S. … The bare mention of them must, to any thinking mind, be sufficient to shew their absurdity. (Jamieson 1808, s.v. YULE)

When he came to publish his two-volume Supplement in 1825, Jamieson took the opportunity to expand his entry for Yule and its derivatives, adding for example a reference to the traditional proverb, as bare as the birks at Yule-e’en (“as bare as the birches on Christmas Eve”), 1

Proposals for Printing, by Subscription, a Work, intitled, Encyclopaedia Britannica; or, a New and Complete Dictionary of Arts and Sciences […] By a Society of Gentlemen in Scotland. Edinburgh, 1768.

A Kist of Ferlies

35

applicable as he notes “both in a physical and in a moral sense.” He also added several new compounds, such as Yule-boys, defined as “boys who ramble through the country during the Christmas holidays.” The Yuleboys, as the entry further explains, were a group of “guisers" or mummers, all dressed in white except for one boy who is nominated “the Belzebub of the corps.” Jamieson’s definition here is lifted (with due acknowledgement) from one of his key sources for the Supplement—John Magtaggart’s whimsically eccentric Scottish Gallovidian Encyclopaedia of 1824. Jamieson’s 1808 entry for Gysar confirms that disguised mummers, now usually associated with Halloween, were once a traditional sight in Scotland at Yule and Hogmanay: GYSAR, GYSARD, s. 1. A harlequin; a term applied to those who disguise themselves about the time of the new year, S. … The custom of disguising now remains only among boys and girls, some of whom wear masks, and others blacken their faces with soot. They go from door to door, singing carols that have some relation to the season, and asking money, or bread superior in quality to that used on ordinary occasions.

Nowadays, when the traditional guisers that once chapped on Scottish doors are being usurped by the ubiquitous “trick-or-treaters,” the dictionary provides evidence of a past when folkloric traditions, and their associated terms, were more locally resonant. It is perhaps ironic, then, that the Scots name for the festival of All Hallows’ Eve has been adopted internationally (on its first appearance in the OED, in 1898, Hallow-e’en was labelled as a distinctively Scots word.) Jamieson’s entry for Halloween extends over two quarto pages, and again the prevailing tone is curious yet sceptical: To haud Halloween, to observe the childish or superstitious rites appropriated to this evening. Some merry, friendly, countra folks, Together did convene, To burn their nits, an’ pou’ their stocks, An’ haud their Halloween. (Jamieson 1808, s.v. HALLOWEEN).

The illustrative quotation comes from the most famous literary exploration of this festival—Burns’s poem Halloween, which was published in his first volume (the “Kilmarnock edition”) in 1786. Jamieson

36

Chapter Three

refrains, however, from citing Burns’s extensive footnotes on Halloween customs which accompanied the poem, as he explains in the dictionary: A great variety of superstitious rites are still observed on Halloween. Many of these are particularly and accurately described in the Notes to Burns’s picturesque Poem on this subject, which it would be superfluous to transcribe. (Jamieson 1808, s.v. HALLOWEEN)

Other lexicographers took the contrary view. Robert Motherby’s Pocket Dictionary of the Scottish Idiom, or Taschen-Wörterbuch des Schottischen Dialekts, published in Konigsberg in 1826, was designed to cater to growing European interest in Scottish culture in the wake of Burns and Scott (Rennie 2012b, 82). Motherby appended a series of “notes, explicative of many things referring to customs, manners, traditions, superstitious beliefs, games etc.” (Motherby 1826, vii). Of the 34 entries in this cultural appendix, the first 13 refer to customs associated with Halloween and repeat almost verbatim the footnotes to Burns’s poem: Halloween. This is thought to be a night when witches, devils and other mischief-making beings, are all abroad on their baneful midnight errands; particularly those aërial people, the Fairies, are said on that night to hold a grand anniversary. (Motherby 1826, 219)

Subsequent notes define the traditional Halloween rituals for divining future spouses of pulling the kail-stock, throwing the blue-clue (a ball of blue thread), and burning the nuts, all of which feature in Burns’s poem. A further entry, for Bogles, is based on a footnote to “Tam o’ Shanter,” and the remaining entries are all taken from the glossary to Scott’s Antiquary. Motherby also includes a short gazetteer which lists key place names that feature in Scottish literature, such as Arthur’s Seat and Holyrood House in Edinburgh. His work may stand, then, as a complete cultural companion to Scotland, whether experienced vicariously through its literature or in situ by the growing number of physical tourists. So successful was Motherby’s cultural lexicon that a second edition was published two years later, “increased with a Supplement by the Author.” Halloween does not have a separate entry in Jamieson’s supplement of 1825, but there is a new compound, Hallowmass rade (“the name given to a general assembly of warlocks and witches, formerly believed by the vulgar to have been held at this season”) and scattered references to Halloween customs, such as candle and castock, the Scots cousin of the

A Kist of Ferlies

37

jack-o-lantern. A castock usually refers to a stalk of kale or cabbage, but Jamieson’s definition suggests that the word has been transferred to a different vegetable in this context: CANDLE and CASTOCK, a large turnip, from which the top is sliced off that it may be hollowed out till the rind become transparent: a candle is then put into it, the top being restored by way of lid or cover. The light shows in a frightful manner the face formed with blacking on the outside, S. Hence the rhime of children:

Halloween, a night at e’en, A candle in a castock. These, being sometimes placed in church-yards on Allhallow eve, are supposed to have given rise to many of the tales of terror believed by the vulgar.

Jamieson’s interest in collecting and preserving Scottish cultural vocabulary was very much of its time. The early nineteenth century saw a wave of efforts in this regard by ballad-collectors and writers such as Sir Walter Scott, many of whom contributed to the dictionary or were quoted in its pages. In this respect, the dictionary was also an inspiration for the work of another Scottish lexicographer, Robert Chambers, whose Popular Rhymes of Scotland looked at the traditional rhymes and songs associated with dates in the Scottish calendar, and treated Scottish festivals such as Yule and Hogmanay in a manner reminiscent of Jamieson. Although ordered thematically rather than alphabetically, Chambers’s work included comments that reveal his developing interest in lexicology: It is here to be observed, that Christmas was only known in Scotland by the term Yule, a word also retained in some parts of England … What is precisely meant by the mysterious word hogmanay, or by the still more inexplicable trollolay, has been a subject fertile in dispute to Scottish antiquaries. (Chambers 1842, 67)2

Another antiquarian who turned his attention to traditional Scottish culture was George Kinloch, a ballad-collector who became one of Jamieson’s most prolific contributors (Rennie 2012, 185). As Jamieson 2

Interestingly, this edition also includes a Scottish version of “The Twelve Days of Christmas” called “The Yule Days,” in which the gifts are more exotic than in the familiar English version, including a parrot and “an Arabian baboon” (Chambers 1842, 49–50).

Chapter Three

38

was compiling his materials for the supplement, Kinloch wrote to inform him that his definition of sooty-skon (not to be confused with the aforementioned sweetie-skon) was inaccurate—the tradition was to eat this on Fastern’s Een (Shrove Tuesday) and not on Halloween, as stated in the dictionary: s. a cake baked with soot, to be eaten on Halloween. This is one of the foolish superstitions used by young people, S.B. The intention is, that they may dream of their sweet-hearts. (Jamieson 1808)

SOOTY-SKON,

The entry is duly corrected in the 1825 Supplement to read: “a cake baked with soot to be eaten on Fastern’s-e’en.” Jamieson proceeds to quote Kinloch’s letter; in fact, so much faith did he place in Kinloch’s judgement that he pasted the letter into his supplement manuscript for the printers with barely any editorial amendments.3 Kinloch’s ethnographic description is grounded in his knowledge of northeast Scottish folk tradition, and is a natural extension of his ballad collections. “In the shires of Mearns and Aberdeen,” he notes: … among the many superstitious ceremonies that are performed on Fastern’s-een, by the younger people of both sexes, that of the sooty-scone holds a distinguished place … She, who prepares the sooty-skon, must keep a strict silence whilst it is baking, for if she speak, all its virtues are lost. (Jamieson 1825, s.v. SOOTY-SKON)

The word scone itself makes an interesting case study for the treatment of food terms in the dictionaries of Scots. Its lexicographic debut is in the first substantial work of Scottish lexicography—the Older Scots glossary, compiled by Thomas Ruddiman and published in 1710 to accompany his edition of Gavin Douglas’s Aeneis (a sixteenth-century translation of Virgil into Older Scots).4 Scone is one of a number of words which entered Scots from Dutch (being a shortened form of schoonbrot—“fine bread”), and its first attested use is in Douglas’s poem as floure skonnys, which Ruddiman glosses as “a kind of cake not so broad as ordinary, and thick.” Jamieson’s

3

Kinloch’s manuscript letter is pasted into the supplement manuscript (NLS Adv.MS.22.1.8, fol. 23v). 4 Gavin Douglas, Virgil’s Æneis, translated into Scottish Verse (Edinburgh: printed by Mr Andrew Symson, and Mr Robert Freebairn, 1710). For more on Ruddiman’s glossary to this work, see McClure (2012).

A Kist of Ferlies

39

1808 entry for skon cites the same literary source and adopts the Older Scots spelling as the first headword: SKON, SCONE, s. 1. A thin cake of wheat or barley-meal … The floure skonnys war set in by and by, With vthir messis sic as was reddy.

Jamieson had limited sources for domestic vocabulary of this kind. Much of his information on material culture, including food and fashion, came from personal experience or informants, so these entries include few written citations. The first Scottish cookery books were not printed until well into the eighteenth century (Macleod 1987, 219), but by the time of the supplement Jamieson had collected several citations from an anonymous (and undated) cookery book, Receipts in Cookery, including the following recipe to illustrate rizards, the Scots word for “redcurrants”: “For Rizar Tarts. Strip ripe rizars off the stalks, then lay them in your shapes, with plenty of sugar, cinnamon, and orange peel, so bake them.” Receipts in Cookery, p. 19.5 (Jamieson 1825, s.v RIZARDS)

The same source provided Jamieson with a new, extended sense for scone, meaning “[a]nything that is round and flat and resembling a cake,” and applied in this instance to a pat of butter (Jamieson 1825, s.v SKON). Before Jamieson, Scottish lexicography concentrated on glossaries to literary texts or on lists of “Scotticisms”—grammatical features or idioms which distinguished Scots from English usage. Neither of these two types of lexicon placed much emphasis on cultural vocabulary. By creating a dictionary that combined an explanation of Scotland’s cultural past with attention to its present, Jamieson refocused the lens of Scottish lexicography. But is Jamieson just a lexicographic museum? A kist in the other sense of the word (meaning “coffin”) containing the terminology of dead traditions? Clothing terms are particularly vulnerable to the whims of fashion, which can render the words as well as the items obsolete. Only characters in historical fiction now wear Scots muffities (leather mittens) or a mutch (a linen bonnet). But the lexicon of Scottish food has been more durable, so not only is scone but also bannock, crowdie and kebbuck (cheese) as familiar to modern readers of Jamieson as to his 5

The 1825 Bibliography lists this work as published in Edinburgh. Mrs McLintock’s Receipts for Cookery and Pastry, the earliest known Scottish cookery book, was published in Glasgow in 1736.

Chapter Three

40

contemporaries, although some associated terms have fallen into disuse (breakfast is no longer known as crowdie- time, as it was in Jamieson’s day). Haggis (which Jamieson spells as haggies) undoubtedly owes its continued popularity—and current spelling—to Burns’s poem in praise of the dish, but Jamieson does not quote from this most famous source, choosing instead to illustrate his entry with the alliterative verse of William Dunbar, from his poetic Flyting (a literary contest in mutual abuse) with fellow poet, Walter Kennedy: s. A dish commonly made in a sheep’s maw, of the lungs, heart and liver of the same animal, minced with suet, onions, salt and pepper … The dish expressed by this term in S. is different to that to which it is applied in E. …

HAGGIES,

The gallows gapes after thy graceles gruntle, As thou wald for a haggies, hungry gled.

The reason for this may be more cultural than lexicographic. It was not until the proliferation of Burns Clubs and Burns Suppers in the nineteenth century that Burns’s poem became something of a national institution. As Jamieson notes, the dish itself was not exclusively Scottish, and Johnson certainly defines it in broader cultural terms, although he does note the distinctive ingredients of the Scottish version (Dossena 2012/13, 70). The importance placed on cultural vocabulary in the dictionaries of Scots began, but did not end, with Jamieson, as is attested by the number of cultural entries in Jamieson’s eventual successor, the ten-volume Scottish National Dictionary (SND), completed in 1976 and now available online as part of the Dictionary of the Scots Language (www.dsl.ac.uk). The SND gives 49 compounds based on Yule, far exceeding the number in Jamieson, but it does not provide the semantic links to items such as carecakes that had provided so much cultural interest in its predecessor. With the advent of the digitised SND, these missing links can be supplied by full-text searching, but there are also plans to create a new Historical Thesaurus of Scots (http://scotsthesaurus.org) which will re-establish the connections that Jamieson had made explicit. In creating digital sets of related words, the new Thesaurus is the latest incarnation of Jamieson’s ideals and will offer users further kists of lexical ferlies. Work also continues on the Online Jamieson (http://www.scotsdictionary.com), which now includes the full text of the 1825 supplement, thus providing new ways to navigate the cultural landscape that Jamieson originally charted.

A Kist of Ferlies

41

References Chambers, R. 1842. Popular Rhymes, Fireside Stories, and Amusements, of Scotland. 2nd edition. Edinburgh: W. and R. Chambers. Dossena, M. 2012/13. “The Thistle and the Words: Scotland in Late Modern English Lexicography.” In Scottish Language 31/32: 64–85. Jamieson, J. 1808. An Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language, 2 vols. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. —. 1825. Supplement to the Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language, 2 vols. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. McClure, J. D. 2012. “Glossaries and Scotticisms: Lexicography in the Eighteenth Century.” In Scotland in Definition: a History of Scottish Dictionaries, edited by I. Macleod and J. D. McClure, 35–59. Edinburgh: John Donald. Macleod, I. 1987. “Eighteenth-century Scots Food Terminology.” In The Nuttis Schell: Essays on the Scots Language, edited by C. Macafee, I. Macleod, 219–226. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press. Mactaggart, J. 1824. The Scottish Gallovidian Encyclopedia; or, the Original, Antiquated, and Natural Curiosities of the South of Scotland. London: printed for the author. Motherby, R. 1826. Pocket Dictionary of the Scottish Idiom. Konigsberg: printed for Brothers Borntraeger. Second edition, Konigsberg, 1828. Muir, W. 1938. “Dr John Jamieson.” BBC radio script (broadcast July 12, 1938). Scottish Theatre Archive, Glasgow University Library Special Collections, STA Kc 5/1. Rennie, S. 2008. “The Electronic Jamieson: Towards a Bicentenary Celebration.” In Yesterday’s Words: Contemporary, Current and Future Lexicography, edited by M. Mooijaart and M. van der Wal, 333–340. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. —. 2012a. Jamieson’s Dictionary of Scots: the Story of the First Historical Dictionary of the Scots Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. —. 2012b. “Jamieson and the Nineteenth Century.” In Scotland in Definition: a History of Scottish Dictionaries, edited by I. Macleod and J.D. McClure, 60–84. Edinburgh: John Donald. Young, D. 1943. “Thesaurus Paleo-Scoticus.” In Auntran Blads. Glasgow: William MacLellan.

ɋHAPTER FOUR AUSTRALIAN DIACHRONIC DICTIONARIES: A CULTURAL PORTRAIT OF AUSTRALIA VALENTYNA SKYBINA CANADIAN ACADEMY OF INDEPENDENT SCHOLARS, CANADA

Australia has a rich and very peculiar history that evolved in its environment and under conditions fundamentally different from those of the “mother” country. Adaptation to these conditions resulted in the development of a unique culture and the formation of Australian English (AuE). Logically, the uniqueness of Australian cultural history, way of life and language has impacted on the development of Australian lexicography, both encyclopaedically and linguistically (Ramson 2004; Skybina 2010). This study is aimed at the investigation of Australian diachronic linguistic dictionaries as a cultural phenomenon and repository of Australian cultural history. It strives to evince centres of gravity for lexicographers and the methods they apply to display cultural components in the entries’ semantics. To this end, 18 diachronic dictionaries defining the vocabulary of AuE are investigated. Special attention is paid to The Australian National Dictionary (1988), a landmark in the intellectual and cultural history of the country. The study consists of two parts. The first part looks at diachronic dictionaries in the context of the cultural history of Australia. The method applied here juxtaposes the stories behind these dictionaries and the events in the country’s cultural history. The second part examines lexicographic depiction of the Australian iconic notion bush, as embodied in 164 lexical items registered in the dictionaries analysed. The study concludes that the following aspects of Australian cultural history are centres of gravity for diachronic lexicography: settlers’ way of life, gold rushes and wars. The cultural component is represented in both the selection criteria and definitions of the entries.

Australian Diachronic Dictionaries: A Cultural Portrait of Australia

43

Diachronic dictionaries, mainly dictionaries on historical principles, are recognized as the pinnacle in the lexicographic representation of languages, and the most authoritative source of historical information on both language and the people that speak it. A compilation of such dictionaries is one of the most challenging endeavours in lexicographic practice. Nevertheless, since the middle of the eighteenth century each generation of scholars interested in the registration of English has devoted years of their life to this enterprise. This study deals with the diachronic lexicography of Australian English in two aspects. First, from the point of view of dictionary compilation as reflecting the correlation between lexicographic process and the historical development of the country; second, from the point of view of dictionary content as showing the correlation between the development of the vocabulary of AuE and Australian society. To this end, 18 Australian diachronic dictionaries published between 1898 and 2005 are scrutinized and their stories studied.

General Characteristics of the Corpus The first thing that attracts the attention of the researcher is a steady growth of the number of dictionaries. Thus, in the nineteenth century only one dictionary was published, in the twentieth century 11 dictionaries, and in the first five years of the twenty-fist century 6 dictionaries. Already, the trend itself is quite indicative. Interestingly, all are dictionaries of australianisms. Within this broad category, Australian diachronic dictionaries constitute two main types: general and specialized (understandably, the term “general” does not have its traditional meaning; instead, it implies that selection criteria applied in these dictionaries did not have further restrictions on occupational, regional or any such grounds). Specialised dictionaries can be subdivided on the basis of the criteria used in the word-list selection. Accordingly, there are four dictionaries of regionalisms, four dictionaries of prison terms, one dictionary of war lexicon, one dictionary of gold rush vocabulary, one dictionary of military academy slang and one dictionary of colloquialisms. There are also three dictionaries pertaining to contacts with the languages of the indigenous population. The dictionaries vary in size and scope from the 61 pages of R. Langker’s Occasional Papers 18 to the 814 folio pages of The Australian National Dictionary. They cover a period from 1770 (Australian Aboriginal Words in English) to 2003 (Bardi Grubs and Frog Cakes).

44

Chapter Four

Historical Outline of Australian Diachronic Lexicography The first diachronic dictionary of australianisms, Austral English by E.E. Morris, “a pioneering study of the origins of Australian English” (Oxon 1982, v), was published at the end of the nineteenth century, only one hundred years after the first settlers arrived in Australia. Due to the social characteristics of the majority of the first generation of settlers and the severe living conditions, there were most probably a lot of vital things to take care of. One could therefore expect that dictionary compilation was not of the highest priority (however, by the time E.E. Morris undertook his endeavour six dictionaries of australianisms had already been published, three of them in Australia). The turn of the century was a time of growing confidence in national identity, and recognition that the Australian variety of English was becoming the reality. An academic dictionary on historical principles would document this fact in a very respectable form. Notably, not only were scholars acknowledging the growing status of the Australian vernacular but so were the general public, who were also contributing to E.E. Morris's work. As E.E. Morris wrote in the introductory part of the dictionary: “Many persons have given me help, whose names can hardly be listed here … To all these helpers, and I reckon their number at nearly 200, I tender my hearty thanks” (Morris 1898, xiii). So after all, lexicography, even in its most academic form, was located sufficiently high on the priority list of Australians. Why? I think it will not be an exaggeration to suggest that this happened because academic lexicography, rooted in the past, plays a meaningful role in the consolidation of the language-speaking community, and is also projected into the future. This projection manifests itself in preserving cultural history and passing it to forthcoming generations. There are some points in history when the social demand for diachronic dictionaries becomes intense, when major projects are launched and scholars and enthusiastic amateur lexicographers devote years of their lives to dictionary compilation. In Australia, A Dictionary of Australian Colloquialisms, published in 1978, signifies the beginning of a dynamic process of compiling diachronic dictionaries. Dr G. Wilkes started his work in the atmosphere of major changes in Australian society, stemming from increasing independence from Britain, popular resistance to the Vietnam War, enactment of laws on the Aboriginal Australians rights, embracement of multiculturalism, and ending conscription. Events on the social and political arenas inevitably entailed changes in language attitudes and language use, and “the need for

Australian Diachronic Dictionaries: A Cultural Portrait of Australia

45

a collection of Australian colloquialisms” became quite obvious (Wilkes 1985, v). It took Dr Wilkes 10 years to compile and publish the dictionary. It goes without saying that interest in colloquialisms did not come out of nowhere; on the contrary, this layer of vocabulary had intrigued Australian researchers and lexicographers, both professional and amateur, for a long time. However, the Dictionary of Australian Colloquialisms was the first collection of Australian substandard vocabulary to be published in the framework of diachronic lexicography. The relevance of this vocabulary for Australians in general and for Australian diachronic lexicography in particular is also confirmed by the publication of three more editions of this dictionary and the compilation of six diachronic dictionaries of colloquialisms and slang words in the next 25 years. These dictionaries represent vocabulary in the landmark periods of Australian history, encompassing the establishment of the first settlements in which convicts were the majority (Langker 1980; 1981; Laugesen 2002; Simes 1993), gold rushes (Moore 2000), and wars (Laugesen 2005). However, for all the attractiveness and expressiveness of the colloquial vernacular, it would be an overstatement to say that its vocabulary is the primary object of Australian diachronic lexicography. Beyond any doubt, the Australian National Dictionary is its pinnacle as it represents the entire history of the country and provides: evidence of this history in some 60,000 dated and referenced quotations drawn from over 9,000 Australian sources (for the history of the project and the dictionary’s distinctive features see Ramson [2002]). It was Dr W. (“Bill”) S. Ramson initiated the project in 1978 when he began researching and collecting data for a dictionary of australianisms on historical principles. It took Dr W.S. Ramson and his team 10 years to compile the dictionary published in 1988 by the Oxford University Press. To continue the research on the history of Australian English, the Australian National University and Oxford University Press founded the Australian National Dictionary Centre in 1988. So far, the projects of the Australian National Dictionary Centre have included the collections of the vocabulary of different regions of Australia. For South Australia (Jauncey 2004) the dictionary covers the period from 1835 to 2003; for Western Australia (Brooks, Ritchie 1994), and Tasmania (Brooks, Ritchie 1995), the latter dictionaries cover the period from 1960 to 1991. The publication of these dictionaries signifies the further development of local varieties of AuE. Changes in the attitude towards indigenous population, alongside the increasing interest in rapidly disappearing Aboriginal languages, led to the compilation of Australian Aboriginal Words in English. Their Origin and

Chapter Four

46

Meaning (Dixon, Ramson, Thomas 1990), Early Forms of Aboriginal English in South Australia, 1840s–1920s (Foster, Monagham, Mühlhäusler 2003), and Aboriginal English. A Cultural Study (Arthur 1996).

Inside the Dictionaries An investigation of articles in the Australian diachronic dictionaries shows that these dictionaries embody Australian cultural history in all its uniqueness and originality. The examples below illustrate this claim. The lives of convicts: bull seventy-five strokes of the lash. [As explained in the citation below, slang terms for coins were applied to numbers of lashes. The value of the coins increases as the number of lashes increases: tester or sixpence (25 lashes), bob or a shilling (50 lashes), bull or five shillings (75 lashes), canary or a sovereign (100 lashes)]. See also FLOGGING and LASH. First recorded 1859 (Lausengen 2002); absentee Euphemistic term for a runaway, more frequently from service than detention. See Gunn S41 (Langker 1981). The lives of criminals: bust, a 1944 Breaking and entering a factory or dwelling. Hence a busman—a thief who commits this form of robbery. 1950 (i) A burglary. “He fronted for three busts.” (ii) To hold more than 21 at PON-TOON (q.v.). 1955 adds: (iii) To inform (on one's confederates) (Aust. Equivalent to Eng. to grass, to shop) (Simes 1993). Economic activity: Agriculture: bullock driver n. stockman. No good bullock-driver. (Rivoli Bay 1850s; Smith,! 1880: 48) (Foster, Monagham & Mühlhäusler 2003). Gold mining: point An ALLUVIAL GOLDMINING CLAIM or area situated where the land protrudes into a river. [The usual geographical point is “the tapering extremity of any promontory or piece of land running into the sea.” In the USA this was transferred to such a feature on a river, and this sense was used in Australia, often in goldmining contexts (as in Golden Point.] (Moore 2000). Tree falling: timber. Used attrib. in Special Comb. timber getter, one employed in felling trees for their wood; so -getting vbl. n. and ppl. a.;

Australian Diachronic Dictionaries: A Cultural Portrait of Australia jinker, see Jinker n. 1; licence, a permit to fell timber on Crown land (Ramson 1988). Personal characteristics: bugeen noun [south-east Aust.] A clever person. See CLEVER. From the Wiradjuri language of south-western NSW bageeyn or bageenj a “cleverman,” “doctor.” The word bugheen in the 1980 citation could be a similar one from the Victorian language, or its use in the Victorian context could have resulted from the spread of a Wiradjuri word with the new contacts made between Aboriginal groups after colonisation (Arthur 1996). Geographical terms: banana Curtain A name for the Queensland border (by analogy with the Iron Curtain) (Robinson 2001). Politics: patriotic six, The six independent members of the Legislative Council of Van Diemen's Land (Charles Swanston, Michael Fenton, John Kerr, William Kermode, Thomas Gregson, Richard Dry) who in 1845 resigned their seats in protest against the Appropriation Bill, and were in 1848 reinstated by the Queen (Wilkes 1978). War: giggle juice alcoholic liquor. [A reference to the effect of alcoholic liquor on many people. This term seems to be an ephemeral one, current mainly during the Second World War.] (Laugesen 2005). Anzac Day. April 25, the anniversary of the landing at Gallipoli: a national public holiday commemorating all Australia’s war dead. Also attrib. (Ramson 1988). Life of Aboriginals: wilgie /'wilgi/ Also wilga, wilghi, wilgi, and wilgy. Used chiefly in Western Australia. [Nyungar, Perth-Albany region wilgi.A red ochre used to paint the body on ceremonial occasions. [1833] (Dixon, Ramson and Thomas 1990). bush Aborigine An Aborigine living outside white society. Also bush native (Brooks and Ritchie 1995).

47

Chapter Four

48 Means of transportation:

German wagon An open all-purpose horse-drawn cart, with distinctive wooden slatted sides that angle outwards. German wagons had no springs so the ironwork or them was minimal, and farmers could build most of the wooden parts themselves. Pride was taken in the paint work— most often blue with red wheels. The wagons were first brought to South Australia in the 1840s and to Queensland in the 1860s, and were popular because they cost less that the English spring wagon. In later more mechanised times, farmers used a tractor instead of horses to pull the wagon (Jauncey 2004). Sports: Cricket. [See quot. 1882. Recorded earliest in Aust.] The symbolic trophy awarded to the winner of a series of test matches played periodically between Australia and England; the actual wooden urn containing the ashes of a cricket stump and remaining permanently at Lord’s Cricket Ground, headquarters of the Marylebone Cricket Club. Chiefly in the phr. the Ashes. Also transf. (see quot. 1948) (Ramson 1988). Historical figures after whom eponyms were formed:

Ned Kelly, n. [f. the name of Ned Kelly (1857–1880), bushranger.]1. Used allusively to designate one who is unscrupulous in seeking personal gain or resistant of authority. See also Kelly gang Kelly n.1 1. Also attrib. 2. In the phr. (as) game as Ned Kelly, fearless in the face of odds; foolhardy. 3. Rhyming slang for “belly.” 4. Fishing. An unsporting fishing rig: see quots (Ramson 1988). Law: sweetheart agreement An industrial agreement negotiated directly by employers and employed, without reference to the arbitration court (Wilkes 1978). Organizations: Legacy 1. An organization dedicated to the care of dependents of deceased Services’ or ex-Services’ personnel. Also Legacy Club. 2. Used attrib. to designate a recipient of support from Legacy (Ramson 1988).

Australian Diachronic Dictionaries: A Cultural Portrait of Australia

49

Celebrities of the time: sweetheart of song Miss Gladys Moncrieff, also known as “Our Gladys” (Wilkes 1978). Medical issues: sandy blight Name given to trachoma or any kind of conjunctivitis, when the eyes smart as though filled with sand (Wilkes 1978). Cultural values: Woolloomooloo, attrib. and n. [Transf. use of the name of a wharfside suburb in Sydney.] A. attrib.1. Rough, uncultivated; thug-like. 2. Applied to one who affects the manner of the type specified: see quots. 1900 and 1984. B. n. A fight (Ramson 1988). Way of life: swill, the six o'clock The last minute rush for drinks in the pub, occasioned by six o'clock closing (in N. S. W. 1916–55) (Wilkes 1978). Local folklore: Such is life An expression given a special Australian currency from being the supposed last word of Ned Kelly, and from being adopted by Josef Furphy as the title of his famous novel (Wilkes 1978).

Juices of culture can also be fruitfully extracted from the direct observation of the evolution of the semantics of dictionary entries, as they vividly demonstrate the transformation of the social and cultural scale of values. This is most evident in the representation of the iconic notions of Australia. My favourite notion is that of “Australian BUSH.” The dictionary entries indicate the significance of the phenomenon bush for the Australian way of life throughout the entire history of the European settlement on the Fifth Continent. The significance reveals itself in the growing complexity of the semantics of the lexeme bush (for details see Skybina 2004) and through the extreme derivational activity of the lexeme bush in Australian English. As the articles of diachronic dictionaries reveal, bush and bush life have been notable for Australian identity since the beginning of the settlement. Lexicographers, the first of whom was E.E. Morris, recognize and admit this fact and include new meanings of the lexeme bush as well

50

Chapter Four

as its derivatives, compounds and phrases in their dictionaries. Thus E.E. Morris, although referring to the Oxford English Dictionary for a meaning of bush applicable to the Australian reality, provides an extensive citation of Australian authors to illustrate the importance of the phenomenon for Australians. He also includes 22 entries with the bush component that originated in Australia: Bush inn, ~ life, ~ partnership, ~ seasoning, ~ sofa, ~tracks, ~faller, ~-fire, ~lawyer, ~magpie, ~road, ~scrubber, ~telegraph, ~wren, ~ed, ~land, ~man, Settler in the ~, ~manship, ~ranger, ~ranging, ~woman. Australianisms compiling the word-nest of the lexeme bush register in 10 (out of 18) diachronic dictionaries, with the most extensive representation in A Dictionary of Australian Colloquialisms and the Australian National Dictionary. The analysis of the semantics of these lexical items reveals both the amount of cultural space covered and the dynamics of the Australian society. First, I consider the noun bush itself. As the data from AND bare, in the early period, it developed four Australian meanings: “natural vegetation of any kind” (1790) “a tract of land covered in such vegetation” (1790) “country which remains in its natural state” (1803) “country which has not been settled or which resisted settlement” 1803) in phrases with verbs of motion, esp. to take (to) the bush orig. of convicts: “to escape from custody or justice; to run away” (of animals) “to run wild” (1804).

The meanings relate to bush as a natural resource, a remote area and the experience of criminals. Accordingly, the notion of (Australian) bush comprised four components: “land (terranullius),” “vegetation,” “weather” and “local people” (all embodied in the semantics of the lexeme bush). In this structure, the components “land (terranullius)” and “vegetation” prevailed. Further development of the lexeme bush resulted in the extension of its semantics. By the beginning of the twentieth century it comprised the following meanings (the dates given in brackets refer to the earliest citations in the dictionaries consulted): “To camp, often involuntary, in the bush; to go into the bush; to make an expedition into unknown country” (1825) “The country as opposed to the town; rural as opposed to urban life; those who dwell in the country collectively” (1825) “Of Aborigines: living outside white society (1827), to return to traditional life” (1841)

Australian Diachronic Dictionaries: A Cultural Portrait of Australia

51

“To leave the town for the country” (1829) “By extension, and with connotations depending on whether the perception is urban or rural: of artifacts, constructions, etc., simple (crudely, ingeniously, etc.), improvised; of people, lacking an urban sophistication; of domestic animals, useless, unmarketable, fit to be put ‘out to grass’” (1835) “Of flora and fauna: indigenous; also used of these as a source of food” (1870), “to become wild” (1921) “To escape, to disappear from one’s usual haunts” (1908) “To leave the bitten track and travel cross-country” (1913) “To leave urban life for the country; to visit the country” (1916) “To disorient (a person), to cause ‘to lose one’s bearings” (1916).

Phrases with bush extend the semantics of the word-nest even further: aboriginal way of life: ~ native (1801), ~man (1895), ~ name (1983), ~ Aborigine (1990), ~ meeting (1991); art: ~ bass (1979); clothes: ~ dress (1836), ~ costume (1847), ~ bellows (1856); communication: ~ telegraph (1878); dwelling: ~ hotel (1865), ~ hut (1830), ~ house (1890); food: ~ tucker (1827), ~ fare (1827), ~y tuckout (1901); health and healthcare: ~ fever (1854), ~ happy (1944), ~ mad (1924), ~ madness (1974), ~ medicine (1982), ~ nurse (1907); literature: Bushman’s Bible (1888), ~ ballad (1888); professionals: ~ carpenter (1859), ~ lawyer (1848); religion: ~ missionaries (1864), ~ parsons (1873); way of life: ~ life (1831), ~ fashion (1843), ~ hospitality (1855), ~ experience (1888), ~ whacking (1835), ~ work (1882). Accordingly, evolution of the notion of the (Australian) bush evinces the gradual rearrangement of its components. By the end of the twentieth century, the components way of life and characteristics of people not only enriched the notion but also shifted the accents from the natural arena to the social. Thus, out of 164 lexical items with the bush element, 123 (75%) pertain to the domain of people. The main cultural dimensions of the Australian bush appeared to be concentrated in the spheres of inferiority, hardships, simplicity and naïveté (52% of entries). What do these semantic changes reflect? Most probably, the development of the urban environment and its infrastructure that made everyday life more comfortable, and the increasing attractiveness of the urban way of life as opposed to the life in remote areas. In conclusion, I would like to empathize that Australian diachronic dictionaries on historical principles do create a cultural portrait of Australia both through their dynamics and representation of the evolution of lexis pertaining to all aspects of Australian cultural history. Australian National Dictionary Center now constitutes the main activity in the field of Australian diachronic lexicography.

52

Chapter Four

The study shows that entries of Australian diachronic dictionaries cover practically all aspects of life from politics to prison life and local folklore. The research makes it evident that Australian lexicographers tend to depict the vocabulary of the landmark periods in Australian history, while interest in the vocabulary of the early periods persists through the entire history of Australian diachronic lexicography. The cultural component is embodied both in the entry selection criteria and the definitions. The method applied to represent the cultural component consists in the use of encyclopaedic definitions.

References Morris, E. E. and M. A. Oxon. 1982. Morris's Dictionary of Australian Words, Names and Phrases. Melbourne: Currey O'Neil. Ramson, B. 2002. Lexical Images: The Story of the Australian National Dictionary. South Melbourne, Vic.; New York: Oxford University Press. Skybina, V. 2006. “English across Cultures: Adapting to New Realities.” Ilha Do Desterro. A Journal of English Language, Literatures in English and Cultural Studies 50: Expression, Identity and Society, 127–154. —. 2010. “Australian Lexicography: A History and Typology.” In New Trends in Lexicography: Ways of Registering and Describing Lexis, edited by O. Karpova and F. Kartashkova, 100–119. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

Dictionaries Arthur, J. I. W. 1996. Aboriginal English. A Cultural Study. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Brooks, M. and J. Ritchie. 1995. Tassie Terms: A Glossary of Tasmanian Words. Melbourne; New York: Oxford University Press. —. 1994. Words from the West. A Glossary of Western Australian Terms. Oxford; New York; Toronto: Oxford University Press. Dixon, R. M. W., W. S. Ramson and Th. Mandy. 1990. Australian Aboriginal Words in English. Their Origin and Meaning. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Foster, R., P. Monagham and P. Mühlhäusler. 2003. Early Forms of Aboriginal English in South Australia, 1840s–1920s. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.

Australian Diachronic Dictionaries: A Cultural Portrait of Australia

53

Hughes, J. 1989. Australian Words and their Origin. Based on The Australian National Dictionary, edited by W. S. Ramson. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Jauncey, D. 2004. Bardi Grubs and Frog Cakes. South Australian Words. Melbourne, Vic.: Oxford University Press. Langker, R. 1980. Flash in New South Wales, 1788–1850 (Issue 18 of Occasional Paper). Sydney: University of Sydney; Australian Language Research Centre. —. 1981. The Vocabulary of Convictism in New South Wales, 1788–1850. (Issue 19 of Occasional Paper). Sydney: University of Sydney; Australian Language Research Centre. Laugesen, A. 2002. Convict Words: Language in Early Colonial Australia. South Melbourne: Oxford University Press. —. 2005. Diggerspeak. The Language of Australians at War. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Moore, B. 1993. A Lexicon of Cadet Language: Royal Military College, Duntroon, in the Period 1983 to 1985. Canberra: Australian National Dictionary Centre; Australian National University. —. 2000. Gold! Gold! Gold! A Dictionary of the Nineteenth-century Australian Gold Rushes. South Melbourne; New York: Oxford University Press. Morris, E. E. 1898. Austral English: A Dictionary of Australasian Words, Phrases and Usages with Those Aboriginal-Australian and Maori Words which Have Become Incorporated in the Language and the Commoner Scientific Words that Have Had Their Origin in Australasia. London: Macmillan. Ramson, W. (ed.). 1988. The Australian National Dictionary: A Dictionary of Australianisms on Historical Principles. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Robinson, J. (ed.). 2001. Voices of Queensland. Words from the Sunshine State. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Simes, G. A. 1993. Dictionary of Australian Underworld Slang. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Wilkes, G. A. 1978. A Dictionary of Australian Colloquialisms. Sydney: Sydney University Press.

CHAPTER FIVE INDIAN CULTURE IN THE INDIAN ENGLISH DICTIONARY NATALIYA S. BYTKO KIEV INSTITUTE OF TRANSLATORS AND INTERPRETERS AFFILIATED WITH THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCE OF UKRAINE, UKRAINE

The transformation of English into a global language could not but influence the trends of lexicography, both practical and theoretical, with non-native varieties attracting more and more attention. However, despite the growing number of dictionaries of the outer circle varieties (Braj Kachru’s term), theoretical conceptualization of this process is still only “a promising sphere of interest for lexicographers” (Skybina 2013, 12). One of the most interesting questions in this paradigm is that of the role that dictionaries played in the formation of non-native varieties and their cultural significance in different historical periods. The aim of this research is to identify the role of lexicography in the formation of Indian English, and to reveal its role in the processes of communication between the British and representatives of Indian castes. The purpose of this particular study is to analyse in this perspective one of the earliest dictionaries representing the use of English in Indian—A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive, betterknown sub voce as Hobson-Jobson. In accordance with this purpose, the history of Hobson-Jobson is studied within the context of the cultural and political situation in India at the time of its compilation. Following this, entries, i.e. lexical borrowings that constitute the originality of the Indian variety of English, are scrutinized. The method applied in the first part is dictionary criticism; the method in the second part is the linguistic analysis of the entries.

Indian Culture in the Indian English Dictionary

55

The spread of the English language on the territory of the Indian subcontinent dates to the beginning of the seventeenth century when Queen Elizabeth I granted the Honourable East Indian Company a Royal Charter to trade in the East Indies. In India, English met intense and elaborate civilizations which boasted more than two hundred deeply established and widely spread languages and had no need of another language for literature or scholarship, and certainly not for conversation, trade and religion (Bragg 2003, 250). However, only two centuries later the language of the merchants and traders started to be perceived by the local people as the language of science and technology—a means to unveil the secrets of the European Enlightenment and the intellectual world lying beyond. The British supported this tendency that led to the gradual formation of the Indian variety of the English language and its spread among both British and Hindustani people (Kachru 1990; Sailaja 2009). Consequently, names for different aspects of local culture found their way into the English language. The British administration in India contributed much to this development as thousands of statesmen, soldiers, administrators, scholars, missionaries, businessmen, medical staff, wives of East Indian company officials and soldiers used a broad variety of terms pertaining not only to the routine of daily life, but also to Indian customs, architecture, landscape, plant and animal life, and religious traditions (Blake 2014). Nevertheless, the majority of these words remained exoticisms for the British in India, and thus the need for a dictionary became imperative. The first sound lexicographic work to reflect all the classes of words which “recur constantly in the daily intercourse of the English in India” (Yule 1903, xv) was the Hobson-Jobson dictionary. It was compiled by Sir H. Yule, a Scottish Orientalist and engineer, and A. C. Burnell, an English scholar in Sanskrit, and was published in 1886. The authors’ objective was rather ambitious—to make a work “of distinctive character, in which something has been aimed at differing in form from any work known to us” (Yule 1903, xv). The dictionary comprises two thousand entries, the majority of which have references and etymological characteristics. The dictionary embraces lexemes not only of Indian origin but also words of Portuguese, Dravidian, Persian and Arabic origin, alongside words borrowed from Chinese, Malayan, Pushto and Malayalam that became part of the Anglo-Indian variant of English during the imperial period. Notably, all the entries in Hobson-Jobson reflect the dawn of the sustained process of Indian culture sprouting into English usage which has continued to the present day.

56

Chapter Five

To reveal the peculiarities of the initial stages of this process, 96 entries under the letter “A” and 196 entries under the letter “S” were analysed. At a later stage, the majority of lexemes borrowed into English prior to the seventeenth century were excluded from the analysis. Thus, only 74 loan words under the letter “A” and 189 words under the letter “S” (according to Hobson-Jobson’s etymology that they were directly borrowed into the language of British colonists in India from the languages spread on the adjacent territories) were scrutinized. However, some words remained in the data analysed on the grounds that some of the British might have acquired them in India. To this list belong such words as sherbet, listed in Hobson-Jobson and borrowed into the English language in the beginning of the seventeenth century from Arabic but through Persian and Turkish; as well as Sanskrit, salaam, sampan, serai [1610] and the toponyms Siam and Sumatra, and some others. The etymological survey also shows that the entries sombrero [1770] and steverdone [1828] may well have been brought to the AngloIndian speech in India by the British themselves (Harper 2014). An analysis of the definitions showed that words were borrowed into the following lexico-thematic groups: Material Culture (with further subdivision), Geographical Names, Flora, Fauna and Spiritual Life. The most numerous group (54.4% of the total amount of entries analysed) is represented by lexemes denominating the objects of the Material Culture group. The dictionary compilers also noted this fact. In the preface to the first edition, A. Burnel stated: Considering the long intercourse with India, it is noteworthy that the additions which have thus accrued to the English language are, from the intellectual standpoint, of no intrinsic value. Nearly all the borrowed words refer to material facts, or to peculiar customs and stages of society, and, though a few of them furnish allusions to the penny-a-liner, they do not represent new ideas. (Yule 1903, xxi)

A further subdivision of the material culture group reveals more specific categories: way of life issues, transportation means, products and drinks, currency, people and their occupations, associations/organizations, and activities and titles under the letters “A” and “S.” Entries under the letter “S” fell into a more elaborate classification. Apart from the categories mentioned above, such categories as cloth/es, constructions and weapon, which overlap with the category way of life, are also denominated in Hobson-Jobson.

Indian Culture in the Indian English Dictionary

57

The category way of life issues comprises 16 entries under the letter “A” and 21 under the letter “S,” which denote various material objects and some social phenomena: atlas— “a silk stuff wrought with threads of gold and silver … was at one time imported from India” sittring— “a carpet, of coloured cotton, now usually made in stripes …, in chequers” shikar —“sport; game” shoocka —“a letter from a king to a subject” serpeych— “an ornament of gold, silver or jewels, worn in front of the turban; it sometimes consists of gold plates strung together, each plate being set with precious stones.” The category transportation means is represented by six entries under both letters denoting the means of watercraft: almadia —“a raft … a canoe, or the like small native boat” agun-boat —“a steamer” sambook —“a kind of small vessel” shibar—“a kind of coasting vessel, sometimes described as a great pattamar” silmagoor—“ship”, etc.

In English in India, one lexeme is used to name a train—ag-gari, and one to name a kind of hack palankin carriage—shigram. Twelve borrowed words (two lexical units under the letter “A” and ten lexical units under the letter “S”) into the Indian variant of the English language reveal the category products and drinks: Achar—“acid and salt relishes” Arrack—“sap drawn from the date palm; strong drink, distilled spirit, essence” Sura—“the fermented sap of several kinds of palm, such as coco, palmyra, and wilddate”

58

Chapter Five Sheermaul—“a cake made with flour, milk and leaven; a sort of brioche.”

The category currency depicts the commercial relations within the Indian subcontinent and neighbouring countries: ashrafee—“applied to various gold coins” sapeca—“in Chinese currency; and used by French writers for that coin” sicca—“newly coined rupees which were at … a premium over those worn” snow rupee—“authority, currency” sycee—“in China applied to pure silver bullion in ingots, or shoes.”

The category cloth/es is represented by 13 entries under the letter “S” denoting the oriental names for silk and cotton, chintz and wool (soosie, shalee, salempoory, suclat), scarfs and suits, trousers and kilts (shawl, seerpaw, shulwaurs, sirdrars, sarong). The category constructions and their parts includes six borrowed words describing native architecture: shishmuhull—“a common appendage of native palaces, viz. a hall or suite of rooms lined with mirror and other glittering surfaces, usually of a gimcrack aspect” shooldarry—“a small tent with a steep sloping roof, two poles and a ridgepiece, and with very low side walls” soorky—“pounded brick used to mix with lime to form a hydraulic mortar.”

Taking into account the role and importance of the British Raj army, the quantity of four entries under the letter “S” denominating weapons and adjacent items does not seem much. These are the following: sumpitan—“the Malay blowing-tube, by means of which arrows, often poisoned, are discharged” sarboji—“some weapon used in the extreme south of India; it may be the long lance or pike, 18 or 20 feet long …” sarbatane—“the blowing-tubes used by various tribes of the Indian Islands

Indian Culture in the Indian English Dictionary

59

for discharging small arrows, often poisoned” sungar—“a rude stone breastwork, such as is commonly erected for defence by the Afridis and other tribes on the Indian N.W. frontier.”

The sprouting of Indian culture into Indian English could not but bring a significant amount of borrowings denoting the occupations of both British and native people in India. The relevant category comprises nine entries under the letter “A” and 28 entries under the letter “S.” The words borrowed denote different aspects of rural life: adigar—“one possessing authority; title for a rural headman” amen—“an inspector, intendant; native assistants in the duties of landsurvey” shambogue—“a village clerk or accountant” surrinjaumee—“peons and pykes stationed in every village of the province to assist the farmers in the collections, and to watch the villages and the crops on the ground ….”

Of military life: ameer—“a commander, chief, or lord” sepoy—“a native soldier, disciplined and dressed in the European style” sowar—“a native cavalry soldier; a mounted orderly” sicleegur—“a furbisher of arms, a sword-armourer, a sword- or knifegrinder.”

Of the economic life of the country: aumildar—“a factor or manager; a collector of revenue” sowcar—“a native banker; corresponding to the Chetty of S. India” soudagur—“a merchant, trader; now very often applied to those who sell European goods in civil stations and cantonments.”

The borrowings denominating relevant professions and occupations

Chapter Five

60

reveal the importance of watercraft for the life of the country: serang—“a native boatswain, or chief of a lascar crew; the skipper of a small native vessel” steverdore—“one employed to stow the cargo of a ship and to unload it.”

The following words show the significance of these activities not only for the local people, but for the British in India as well: salootree—“a native farrier or horse-doctor” sowar—“the rider of a dromedary or swift camel” surwaun—“a camel-driver.”

The reflection of the oriental religious sphere in the English language in India is evident in the following borrowings: akalee—“a member of a body of zealots among the Sikhs” seedy—“an honorific name given in Western India to African Mahommedans, of whom many held high positions in the service of the kings of the Deccan” sunyasee—“a Hindu religious mendicant.”

Certain associations/organizations and activities and corresponding titles represent a separate category within lexico-thematic classification comprising six entries under the letter “A” and ten under the letter “S”: Adawlut—“courts; respective titles of the officials” amshom—“the smallest revenue division” sircar—“the State, the Government, the Supreme authority; also ‘the Master’ or head of the domestic government” soubadar—“a. The Viceroy, or Governor. b. A local commandant or chief officer. c. The chief native officer of a company of Sepoys”

There are five entries outside of the classification:

Indian Culture in the Indian English Dictionary

61

andrum—“the form of hydrocele common in S. India” anile—“an old name for indigo” amuck— “to run” sumjao—“the imp. of the H. verb samjhana, ‘to cause to know, warn, correct,’ usually with the implication of physical coercion” shahbash—“well done! Bravo!”

The second most numerous group consists of geographical names (22.1% of the total number of the borrowed lexemes considered). Headwords under the letter “A” present 17 toponymic names: Abyssina, Achanock, Acheen, Afghan, Akyab, Aleppee, Alguada, Allahabad, Amboyna, Amoy, Anchediva, Andaman, Angengo, Arcot, Assam, Ava and Apollobunder. Geographical names under the letter “S” are represented by 41 units: Salsette, Satigam, Seringapatam, Shevaroy hills, Sind, Singalese, Siwalik, Sofala, Souba, Sunderbunds, Supara, Sutledge, Swally and Syriam. The lexico-thematic group Flora comprises 11% of the total number of borrowings, with 11 entries under the letter “A” and 18 entries under the letter “S.” The names of trees/bushes, flowers, vegetables, fruit, nuts and weeds were borrowed into the English language and reflected in the dictionary: agar-agar—“the Malay name of a kind of sea-weed” aloo Bokhara—“a kind of prune commonly brought to India by the Afghan traders” angely-wood—“wood of great value on the W. Coast, for shipbuilding, house-building, etc.” ambarreh—“the plant Hibiscus cannabinus, affording a useful fibre” safflower—“the flowers of the annual Carthamus tinctorius” saul wood—“the timber of the tree Shorea robusta” singara—“the caltrop or water-chestnut” sirris—“from the brittleness of its branches; tree.”

62

Chapter Five

The dictionary entries of these lexemes include not only the description of the plant but also the extralinguistic information connected with usage of the given floral object in everyday life. The lexico-thematic group Fauna is represented by four entries under the letter “A” and nine lexical units under the letter “S.” The words denoting animals, sea animals, birds and reptiles make up 4.9% of the borrowed lexicon: abada—“a word used by old Spanish and Portuguese writers for 'rhinoceros'” adjutant—“a bird so called (no doubt) from its comical resemblance to a human figure in a stiff dress pacing slowly on a parade-ground” avadavat—“a certain pretty little cage-bird” anaconda—“a great python, or boa” sambre— “a kind of stag; soft leather” shama—“a long-tailed song-bird and cage-bird” sorrow—“a big, odd, awkward-looking antelope in the Himalayas” swallow—“the trade-name of the sea-slug, or tripang.”

Despite the fact that India is characterized by extensive biodiversity, a high rank of endemism and is the native habitat for a great variety of mammals, birds, reptiles, fishes and flowering plants, the percentage of lexemes borrowed into the lexico-thematic groups Flora and Fauna is rather low. The lexico-thematic group Spiritual Culture makes up 6.5% of the borrowed lexemes and is presented by the only international word— avatar, “an incarnation on Earth of a divine Being,” under the letter “A,” and 16 words and word-combinations under the letter “S” denoting superstitions, sacred writings, sacred language, names of sects, relations, massages, idols and other traditional issues: shaster—“the Law books or Sacred Writings of the Hindus” suttee—“the rite of widow-burning” swamy—“a. a Hindu idol, especially applied to those of ĝiva. b. The Skt.

Indian Culture in the Indian English Dictionary

63

word is used by Hindus as a term of respectful address, especially to Brahmans.”

The least numerous group of borrowings into the Indian variant of the English language denotes the physiographic peculiarity of the world (1.1% of the total number of the borrowed lexemes considered), and is presented by one lexical unit under the letter “A”: abihowa—“climate” and two borrowings under the letter “S”: shola—“wooded ravine” sumatra—“sudden squalls.”

This study concludes that the Hobson-Jobson dictionary compiled for colonial authorities displays a utilitarian perception and pragmatic adaptation of Indian culture, and reflects the social demand of that time. The dictionary entries, etymologies and definitions create a vivid picture of the incipience of Indian English. The dictionary records a broad spectrum of this variety’s sources and registers the intricate ways in which an intense contact situation is defused in language. Thus, Hobson-Jobson is a valuable source of sociological, historical and cultural information disclosing the multi-faceted life of India during the Raj, and revealing the impact of the Raj on the British and vice versa.

References Blake, D. M. n.d. India During the Raj: Eyewitness Accounts, http://www.ampltd.co.uk/collections_az/india-raj-1/description.aspx. (accessed January 28, 2014). Bragg, M. 2003. The Adventure of English: 500 AD to 2000. The Biography of a Language. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Harper, D. Online Etymology Dictionary, http://www.etymonline.com/index.php (accessed January 28, 2014). Kachru, B. 1990. The Alchemy of English: The Spread, Functions and Models of Non-native Englishes. Champaign: University of Illinois Press. Sailaja, P. 2009. Indian English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Skybina, V. I. 2013. “Paradigms of English Lexicography: International Paradigm.” In Multi-disciplinary Lexicography: Traditions and

64

Chapter Five

Challenges of the XXIst Century, edited by O. M. Karpova and F. I. Kartashkova, 11–26. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Yule, H. 1903. Hobson-Jobson: Being a Glossary of Anglo-Indian Colloquial Words and Phrases and of Kindred Terms Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive. London: J. Murray, http://dsal.uchicago.edu/dictionaries/hobsonjobson./ (accessed January 28, 2014).

CHAPTER SIX PRAGMATIC INFORMATION IN LSP DICTIONARIES AND PROFESSIONAL DISCOURSE MARINA I. SOLNYSHKINA KAZAN FEDERAL UNIVERSITY, RUSSIA

Introduction Over the past few decades, research in such areas as sociolinguistics and lexicography, including studies of professional terminology, have expanded rapidly. Professional jargons and social group argots are, on the other hand, still on the outskirts of mainstream research. The papers on the topic issued in the last decade are still few (Fel'de 2011a; 2011b; Hudson 2009; Korovushkin 2000; Nielsen 2013; Solnyshkina 2005a), and the dictionaries are predominantly monolingual (Elistratov 2000; Solnyshkina 2005b; Valieva 2006; Ismaeva 2006; Kazachkova 2008; Korovushkin 2000; Mochelevskaja 2009). The reasons for this—the task being time consuming and expensive—do not stop those who are ready to spend hours registering, transcribing, defining and presenting the unique languages of low register professional discourse deprived of censorship. Oral professional communication is regulated by the type of language, communication stereotypes and the existing paradigm of corporate culture. It is an area where language development trends and cultural traditions are very well observed, though not regulated by formal guidelines. Both foreign and Russian linguistics have dealt with professional traditions and stereotypes (Shɫhepanskaja 2003; Cogan 1953, Millerson 1964). Modern sociolinguistics has developed a strong trend aimed at reflecting professional cultures and languages (Fel'de 2011a; Solnyshkina 2005; Ismaeva 2007; Kazachkova 2008; Valieva 2006), but the research on the ways of representing norms and stereotypes of different professional cultures in the professional sublanguage is far from complete.

66

Chapter Six

“Professional language is undoubtedly the area of social life where norms matter most” (Hudson 2009). The norm is regarded by the author as an “authorized setting, regular, generally accepted, obligatory procedure, sample, rule” (Slovar' russkogo jazyka 1999, 508–9). It defines the range of “good” and “bad,” sets the boundaries of the range of referents approved and disapproved by the society, and activities and objects and their parameters. Within a professional language, the norm as an invariant category is realized in the norm of the first level (standard, literary norm, code, high register) and in the norm of the second level (substandard, sub-code, low register) (Korovushkin 2009). A professional standard norm registered in a number of regulatory documents defines the behaviour of a professional personality (both communicative and non-communicative) in situations of high register communication. For example, Part A.3 of Naval Custom, Courtesy, Honor And Ceremonies (2014) says: “Leaving your own ship a. Salute OOD and say, ‘I request permission to leave the ship, Sir’ or ‘I request permission to go on the pier, Sir’ b. OOD return salute and say ‘Permission Granted’ c. Salute National Ensign if flying and go down.” As there are minimum limitations and taboos in substandard communication, it is logical to assume that it is the substandard that reflects the real pragmatic and linguistic norms and stereotypes of a professional community. A professional standard as an ideology-driven phenomenon reflects the values and norms of the society, not the professional community. The language norm is a set of the most stable, traditional language means and usage adopted in a certain society in a certain period of time (Krysin 1977), and a dynamic category changes with the language. Changes and deviations are inevitable consequences of the social life in communities. The development and progress in the social, political and technological system are manifested in the vocabulary of a language. New words are introduced and old ones die out. Unlike the standard norm, the norm of a professional substandard is inconsistent, dynamic and semantically blurry. The norm intension of a professional substandard is a set of stereotypes and parameters of referents adopted in a certain professional society (Solnyshkina 2005a). For example, Rule 3 of the “Unwritten Rules Every Teacher Should Know” by Julia G. Thompson says: “3. When district office personnel are due to arrive in your class, take care to dress up”.

Pragmatic Information in LSP Dictionaries and Professional Discourse

67

“Here's an aviator unwritten rule: The leather A-2 Jacket. According the AFI 36-2903, any rated officer, or career enlisted aviator is eligible to wear it, but the unwritten rule is that you can't wear it until you've flown for a certain amount of time, or reached a certain occupational level.” (Military Times)

The professional substandard extension is made by extending beyond professional referents, for example face like a sea boat/seaboot with a miserable face, face like a scrubbed ’ammick pale, gloomy face.

Analytic Framework To reveal the ways pragmatic and linguistic norms are verbalized in the professional substandard, the analysis was carried out on two levels: (1) The LSP dictionaries analysis of the norm was performed to bring out the definitions by enumeration of senses and definitions of extension. The contextualization of the norm is expected to reveal new connotations in its meaning. (2) Corpus analysis involves the analysis of the occurrences of the direct definition, and definitions of the domains of “the possible” in the corpus of professional discourse. The aim of the corpus analysis is to collect the definitions and establish the frequency of direct definitions. This part of the study also reveals the context of direct definitions and the definitions of the domains of “the possible.” Furthermore, the determination of the frequency of their use and context reveals the changes in the norm. The objects of the study are the ways in which the pragmatic and linguistic norms of a professional community are verbalized in the professional discourse of low register. The data are represented by over seventeen-thousand set phrases, collocations, idioms and sayings registered in Russian and English printed and electronic LSP dictionaries (Korovushkin 2000; Solnyshkina 2005; Ismaeva 2007; Kazachkova 2008; Valieva 2006), as well as texts authored by professional personalities (e.g. tales, jokes, toasts, songs, myths and legends) or individuals professionally engaged in some area (e.g. informal letters, cards, journals, blogs and chats). The author’s specialized corpus contains over forty-five thousand illustrations of the above enumerated units functioning in low register professional discourse in texts of various genres from a variety of fields (e.g. the navy, aviation, army, baseball, education, railroad, forestry and transport). Professional substandard language demonstrates a wide spectrum of

68

Chapter Six

the ways the norm is verbalized, such as direct definitions, definitions by enumeration of senses, definitions of the domain of “the possible” and definitions of extension. (1) Direct definitions of the norm imply definition by demonstrating the referent, defining it either by description, narration or exhibiting.

“When "99" is heard on the radio following a unit's call sign, it means that the transmission is for all of the aircraft in that unit” (Dictionary of Navy Slang Compiled From Various Sources 2014). TOFC: Trailer-On-Flatcar which means hauling highway truck trailers

(Glossary of Railroad Terminology or Slang 2014). The texts of this type of definition, depending on the parameters of the object defined, may contain elements of description or narration. For example: "A-Head" would mean to shove on the cars, and "Back" would mean to pull on the cars. If the cars are coupled to the rear of the controlling locomotive, "A-Head" would mean to pull on the cars, and "Back" would mean to shove on the cars”

(North America 2014) Didacticism and direct orders are found in proverbs, sayings and rules. “When the rain before the wind, topsail sheets and halyards mind. Hoist (your) sail while the wind is fair.”

(Solnyshkina 2005b) A rule from “The Book of Unwritten Baseball Rules” by Baseball Digest (1986) says: “Never mention a no-hitter while it's in progress.”

(2) Definitions by enumeration of senses of the norm are nonsystematized enumerations of all senses of a sign in one particular area. For example, the intension of the term sailor is defined by two senses: “1. a person who works on a ship as a member of the crew; 2. a person who sails a boat” (OED). The Naval substandard adds to the two above a number of senses realized in sayings (Though sailor’s is salty but noble; A sailor can’t be brought up by land) and idioms (sailor’s blessing cursing;

Pragmatic Information in LSP Dictionaries and Professional Discourse

69

sailor’s best friend hammock; sailor’s champagne beer; sailor’s farewell cursive language; sailor’s pleasure 1. loneliness; 2. complaints; sailor’s weather fair wind; sailor’s yarn incredible story). The definitions of this kind are typical for professional sublanguage and rank the professional vocabulary by the density of its nominations in the sublanguage and their frequency in the discourse. They serve as emotive rate indexes of a referent—the higher the rank, the more significant the referent for the language users. For example, in firefighter’s standard: flameover/ rollover/ flashover the ignition of heated fire gasses at the ceiling level only: in firefighters substandard: DRT Dead Right There; R.A.R.T Rapidly Approaching Room Temperature (for the recently deceased); TSGD This Sucker’s Gonna Die; crispy critter dead person who has been burned; TOA Toast on Arrival (usually a burned, deceased casualty); DOA Dead On Arrival. Substandard nominations unlike those of the standard are typically secondary nominations of a person, and their actions and characteristics, not of an artifact or a process of production. Examples include truck drivers’ jargon, which contains numerous nominations for police or traffic control: bear den police headquarters; boy scouts state police; Kojak with a Kodak/taking pictures police that are using a radar gun at the side of the road; night crawlers many police are in the area; paperhanger police are giving out tickets; plain white wrapper an unmarked police car; bear police officer; bear in the air police in helicopter; local pocal a small town police officer; bear in a plain *color* wrapper unmarked cop in a car; bear cave police station; bear trap stationary police w/radar; city kitty city police; shooting you in the back out of sight police hitting you with a radar. The nominations reflect professionals’ worldview on a particular referent. For example, sportsperson nominations in the Russian professional sublanguage include: bashnya (lit. a tower) a tall strong footballer; byk (lit. an ox) a strong forward; chelnok (lit. a shuttle) a fullback; zolotaya ruchka (lit. a golden hand) a successful forwarder. (3) Defining the domain of “the possible” implies defining the existing links and connections, limiting “the permissible” and “the compulsory,” and “integrating the norm into the common system of order of community activities” (Shuhov 2012). For example, saluting the ranking serviceman in the military service; prohibition against whistling in mines in the community of colliers; refusal to use the adjective “posledniy” (lit. last) in many Russian professional communities, and its substitution for “krayniy” (lit. end most)—krayniy reys (lit. end most voyage/trip) latest voyage/trip; kraynyaya smena (lit. end most shift) last, latest shift.

70

Chapter Six

Unfortunately, the rank structure in the military hierarchy is not complete without dedovschina and godkovschina, the vicious hazing of young soldiers/sailors by older ones when the sufferer gets all the dirtiest and most disagreeable jobs to be found. Analysing the phenomenon in the military, K. L. Bannikov comes to the conclusion that: “violence makes the frame of the system of values in the army and turns it into ideology” (Bannikov 2000). The existing system receives nominations of its elements and driving forces: godok (lit. a class) a sailor before demobilization (enjoying all the privilages); karasevka (lit. a place where carps are kept) a period of time (usually six months) when young sailors are hazed; karas’ (lit. crucian carp) a sailor serving the first six months. The research shows that: “the so called ‘disorderliness’ has not only its logics and rules but also analogies in the history of traditional cultures dating back to antiquity” (Bannikov 2000). At the same time, even in low register communication, direct nominations of death, disease, trauma, poverty, war, people or artifacts not meeting the requirements of the community are substituted by euphemisms, for example, vodorazdel (lit. interstream, firefighters). demise of State Fire-Fighting Service; Rose Cottage navy. a dermatovenerologic dispensary; evacuation abortion; triple cross HIV/AIDS; pack dead. This euphemization mechanism becomes transparent when the semantic structures of a substitute and its correlate—antecedent—are compared. In many cases, it is founded on semantic reduction, or extension, when one or a number of semes are removed from the structure of the denotative component of the meaning of antecedent, and a seme sometimes becomes potential. Examples include: to optimize location of sth (equipment) used instead of to steal (equipment); to acquire (an item) to receive sth secretly. Russian and English demonstrate parallelism in many cases: the Russian nashel, (lit. found, fig. army. stole) corresponds to the English got in the same meaning. The range of euphemization instruments of the professional substandard includes both syntactic (abbreviation, ellipses) and lexical (metaphor, menonomy, antonomy, synonymy, hyperonymy, pronominalization, etc.) methods: bolshaya truba (lit. big pipe, fig. firefighter). Crematorium; adjustment of the front (fig. army), Retreat; BSH British Standard Handfuls, breasts. In many cases professional substandard euphimization adds not only neutral but positive or ameliorative connotations to the nomination (see the examples above). Disphemisation is the substitution of a more offensive or disparaging word or phrase for one considered less offensive either about the referent

Pragmatic Information in LSP Dictionaries and Professional Discourse

71

or to the audience. The peculiarity of disphemisation in low-register professional communication is that it does not always offend the communication partner due to lower standards of ethics in professional substandard and the high frequency of dysphemisms in speech. “In the situation when a professional stress is frequent, there appears a need to ‘absorb emotions’ and as a consequence a spontaneous speech even of highly qualified professionals with a good command of professional terminology is ‘encrusted’ with professional jargonisms” (Fel'de 2011b, 211–19). Low-register disphemisation is typically disguised by mockery: brilliantovaya ruka (lit. diamond hand, fig. old. Army), humorous. the soldier who slices bread; parashutisty (lit. paratroopers, fig. med.), patients who received their injuries as a result of downfall; kosmonavty (lit. astronauts fig. med.), palsied patients. (Semi-)closedness and encapsulation of professional communities, long periods of free time, emotional arousal, high risks and violence are pragmatic causes of a number of ironic and sarcastic words coined in professional communities, such as mockery verbalized in jokes, fables, myths and practical jokes with a special value. Humour, irony and sarcasm serve as denunciators of laziness, self-conceit, violence, underdevelopment and ignorance. Thus, the main instrument the professional substandard uses to define the domain of “the possible” is through establishing the lowest limit of nominating the referent (euphemism/dysphemism) and mockery. Ameliorative connotation though possible (cap captain, pomuha first lieutenant, ded chief engineer, etc.) is not typical for the professional substandard. (4) The definition of extension implies the division of all notions into three extension categories (mine/ours, alien and unknown) and matching each notion with the corresponding class. The common attitude of a community is towards encapsulation, a kind of confinement, achieved with the help of the language and behaviour. The range of the ways the attitude is emphasized is vast: pronunciation, gestures, postures, speech (collocations, bastardized language) and the way of life. In other words there is a vast system of means, both linguistic and extra-linguistic, to demonstrate one’s belonging to a community. (Elistratov 2000, 595)

The belonging to a community is emphasized both consciously and subconsciously. Professional identification is present in the accent changes of the following words: komps not kómpas, mariner's compass,

72

Chapter Six

shturman not shtúrmany, navigator, barzhá not brzha, barge, and in the formants -pig, -merchant, -ex. E.g. Black Cat merchant RN a liar, buzz merchant a gossip, feather merchant USN a lazy man. Professional encapsulation is expressed in a tendency to oppose and counteract representatives of other professions. The lower we descend into professional argot the stronger is the antithesis of “we–they.” It is a universal phenomenon verbalized in vernacular in numerous invectives, nominations of , “aliens” are abusive and pejorative. (Elistratov 2000, 591)

Sailors are traditionally ironic towards representatives of other professions: sapogi (lit. boots, fig. infantry); brown clown army. infantry officer. Pejorative nominations of “Spartak,” Russian football fans coined by football fans of other clubs are nominations of “aliens”; butchery (butchers), gladiatory (gladiators), musoroprovod (garbage chute), myaso (meat), musor (litter, trash), svinina (pork), and cviniyi (swine). English naval language contains two groups of units: those coined and used by sailors (lower-deck) and those coined and used by officers (wardroom): waisters sailors of low qualification; Daddy’s yacht illiterate sailor; dirt sailor a construction battalion sailor; drongo a disorderly sailor; salt horse unqualified officer.

Conclusions The research indicates the predominantly indirect ways of nominating the pragmatic and linguistic norm in low-register professional discourse and language. The most frequent ways of defining the borders of “the approved” and “the disapproved” are found in dysphemisms, ironic collocations and words. The direct ways of verbalizing the norm include rules, regulations, proverbs and sayings. The taxonomy of the ways of the pragmatic norm of professional sublanguage includes: direct definitions, definitions by enumeration of the senses, defining the domain of “the possible” and definitions of extension. The corpus analysis shows that the significance of the norm increases in cross-community communication and in cases when a (semi-)closed community tends to eliminate cross-community communication.

Pragmatic Information in LSP Dictionaries and Professional Discourse

73

References Bannikov, K. L. 2000. “V armii, kak na zone: nasilie i unizhenie stali normoy” [“In the army, is just like in prison: the violence and humiliation became norm”]. In Novaja kamchatskaja Pravda—New Kamchatka truth, 2000, no. 12, http://www.iks.ru/~nkp/arhiv/html_arhiv/2000/12/12_2.html (accessed March 30, 2000). Cogan, M. L. 1953. “Toward a Definition of Profession// M.L. Cogan.” Harvard Educational Review 23: 33–50. Elistratov, V. 2000. Argo i kul'tura // Slovar' russkogo argo: Materialy 1980–1990-h gg. (Argot and culture. Dictionary of the Russian argot: Materials, 1980–1990). Moscow, 574 – 692. Fel'de, O. V. 2011a. “Problemy i perspektivy leksikograficheskogo opisanija russkogo professional'nogo substandarta” (Problems and prospects of the lexicographic description of the Russian professional substandard) in Vestnik Cheljabinskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta – Bulletin of Chelyabinsk State University, no. 33: 209–212. —. 2011 b. “Komicheskoe v professional'nom diskurse. Kategorija komicheskogo v aspekte teorii i praktiki rechevogo vozdejstvija” (Humour in Professional Discourse. The Category of Humour in the Theory and Practice of Speech Influence). Rechevoe obshchenie: specializirovannyj vestnik [Speech communication: specialized messenger] 13 (21), 210– 211. Hudson, R. 2009. “Norm, Standard, Deviation”, http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/dick/texts/giessen.doc (accessed March 10, 2014). Korovushkin, V. P. 2009. Osnovy kontrastivnoy sociolektologii. [(Fundamentals Of Contrastive Social Dialects Studies] Cherepovets: GOU VPO CSU, Part I. p. 245. Krysin, L. P. 1977. Yazyk v sovremennom obshchestve [Language In Today's Society]. Moscow: Prosveshcheniye, 192. Millerson, G.. 1964. The Qualifying Association. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 134 – 157. Nielsen, S. 2013. “A General Framework for Reviewing Dictionaries.” Iin Multi-disciplinary Lexicography: Traditions and Challenges of the XXIst Century, edited by O. Karpova, F. Kartashkova, 145–157. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Shchepanskaja, T. B. 2003. “Antropologija professij” (Anthropology of professions). Zhurnal sociologii i social'noj antropologii (Magazine of Sociology and Social Anthropology) 1 (21), 139–161.

74

Chapter Six

Shuhov, A. Problema singuljarnogo nachala modelirujushhej rekonstrukcii i social'nogo razvitija (Problem of the singular beginning of modeling reconstruction and social development), http://www.nounivers.narod.ru/hist/funct.htm (accessed July 11, 2012). Solnyshkina, M. I. 2005a. Professional'nyj morskoj jazyk (Professional language of the Navy). Moscow: Academia, 256. —. 2012. “A Multimedia Dictionary: Principles and Macrosructure.” In Essays on Lexicon, Lexicography, Terminography in Russian, American and Other Cultures, edited by O. Karpova, F. Kartashkova, 208–214. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

Sources and Dictionaries Baseball Digest, 1986. The Book of Unwritten Baseball Rules, http://www.baseball-almanac.com/legendary/liunwrit.shtml (accessed March 10, 2014). Dictionary of Navy Slang Compiled from Various Sources, http://www.goatlocker.org/resources/nav/navyslang.pdf. (accessed March 1, 2014).Glossary of Railroad Terminology or Slang http://grammar.yourdictionary.com/slang/glossary-of-railroadterminology-or-slang.html (accessed March 1, 2014). Ismaeva, F. H. 2006. Slovar' professional'nogo sportivnogo jazyka (Dictionary of the Professional Language of Sports). Kazan: Kazan Federal University Press, 108. Jevfemizmy v rechi shahterov (Euphemisms in the speech of miners), http://www.on.kz/u8960/blogpost/32583 (accessed October 30, 2011). Kazachkova, M. B. 2008. Slovar' professional'nogo jazyka aviacii (Dictionary of Professional Sublanguage of Aviation). Odincovo: Odincovo State University, 152. Korovushkin, V. P. 2000. Slovar' russkogo voennogo zhargona: nestandartnaja leksika i frazeologija vooruzhennyh sil i voenizirovannyh organizacij Rossijskoj imperii, SSSR i Rossijskoj Federacii XVIII–XX vekov (Dictionary of Russian Military Slang: Non-standard Lexicon and Phraseology of Armed Forces and Militarized Organizations of the Russian Empire, the USSR and the Russian Federation of the Eighteenth to Twentieth Centuries). Ekaterinburg, Ural University, 372. Military Times, http://www.forums.militarytimes.com/showthread.php?1576829-quotUnwritten-quot-Rules/page10 (accessed February 7, 2010). Mochelevskaja, E. V. 2009. Russkij i anglo-russkij slovari professional'nogo podjazyka pozharnoj ohrany. Jetnokul'turnaja markirovannost' edinic

Pragmatic Information in LSP Dictionaries and Professional Discourse

75

professional'nogo podjazyka (na materiale russkogo i anglijskogo variantov pod#jazyka pozharnoj ohrany). Diss. kand. filol. nauk (Ethnocultural Markedness of Professional Sublanguage Units (on the Material of the Russian and English Sublanguage of Fire Protection Service)). PhD diss. Kazan. Tatar State University of Humanities and Education. Naval Custom, Courtesy, Honor and Ceremonies, http://www.dlsu.edu.ph/offices/osa/rotc/pdf/ms2/navalcustom.pdf. (accessed February 7, 2014). North America, http://www.vnerr.com/news/slang.htm (accessed January 12, 2014). Slovar' russkogo jazyka: v 4 t. pod red. Evgen'eva A. P. (Russian dictionary). Moscow, Polygraph resources, 1999. 508-509. Solnyshkina, M. I. 2005b. Slovar' morskogo jazyka (Dictionary of Naval Language). Moscow, Academia.315. Thompson, J. G. Unwritten Rules Every Teacher Should Know, http://www.teaching.monster.com/benefits/articles/7786-unwrittenrules-every-teacher-should-know?page=6 (accessed March 10, 2014). Valieva, R. H. 2006. Anglo-russkij slovar' muzykal'nogo jazyka. Universal'noe i nacional'no-specificheskoe v professional'nom podjazyke: na materiale leksiki russkogo anglijskogo variantov professional'nogo muzykal'nogo nekodificirovannogo podjazyka : dis. … kand. filol. nauk (English-Russian Dictionary of Musical Language. Universal and National-specific in the Professional Sublanguage: On the Material of Lexicon of Russian and English Professional Uncodified Sublanguage of Music). PhD diss. Tatar State University of Humanities and Education.

CHAPTER SEVEN OLD WORDS IN CHAUCER DICTIONARIES AS THE LINGUISTIC HERITAGE OF GREAT BRITAIN OLGA A. MELENTYEVA IVANOVO STATE UNIVERSITY, RUSSIA

Introduction If we take a glimpse of the history of European lexicographic practice we will see that during the whole period of its development the primary aim of most Western lexicographers was to preserve national linguistic heritage and culture by means of compiling dictionaries of various types. Thus, they have generated the idea that all the reference books are certain “national monuments both to language and culture” (Karpova 2014). As O. Karpova indicates, author dictionaries have always been viewed as the biggest group of lexicographic compositions regarded as “a treasure trove of national heritage.” They not only demonstrate a writer's language and their individual style but also provide the user with comprehensive and valuable information concerning the historical, social and cultural background of the author's literary career (Karpova 2013; Karpova and Utkina 2013). Any author dictionary is a so-called “symbiosis” of linguistic and extralinguistic data because each word, even the most common, characterises the certain epoch the writer lived and created their literary pieces in. The dictionaries of ancient authors are of special interest here because sometimes they are almost the only linguistic and cultural evidence of the remote past, like glossaries to Beowulf and Aelfric or lexicons to Chaucer and Shakespeare. Their compilers pay special attention to the enormous group of “old words”—the main bearers of culturally relevant information that can tell us a lot about the past. This article focuses on Chaucerian old words, viewed lexicographically, because it was Chaucer dictionaries that

Old Words in Chaucer Dictionaries

77

gave birth to the tradition of the lexicographic treatment of archaisms in author reference books and author language in general. They can be also regarded as one of the most informative sources of late-Medieval life and culture because Chaucer, being not only a celebrated author, but a statesman, diplomat and ambassador, described in his poetry and prose people of different professions, lifestyles and social positions.

Old Words in the English Language and English Lexicography—the Birth of Tradition Old words started penetrating the English language in the fifteenth century. They were the first word clusters that attracted the illuminating attention of European lexicographers and English dictionary makers in particular. Moreover, at the earliest stage of lexicographical development it was the only word group that lexicographers took into consideration. Such a keen interest in archaisms was not accidental but was predetermined in two main ways. Firstly, in the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries, most European countries were deeply concerned about national standard language formation and development. In England, the process of the English language reinforcement was accompanied by its simultaneous improvement and refinement. This process was initiated by a number of late medieval philosophers, politicians and public figures (such as J. Gower, J. Trevisa, J. Skelton and F. Bacon) who claimed that English, being too barbarous and rude, was unable to perform a function of the language of administration, education, science and culture after the five-hundred year Franco-Latin domination in all these areas of life. Thus, to eliminate this lack of eloquence and terminological efficiency, as well as to raise the English language prestige, it was suggested to enrich it by means of three major groups of lexis (or “hard words”): x borrowings from classic languages, i.e. Latin and Greek, sometimes referred to as inkhornisms because some Renaissance writers tended to exaggerate their usage in a way that seemed rather artificial. x borrowings from new European vernaculars, or words from overseas. x old words that were used by Medieval writers, particularly Chaucer (which is why these words are sometimes called Chaucerisms [see, for example, McDermott [2002: 197]) but that had disappeared from the emerging standard language by the fifteenth century.

78

Chapter Seven

Some Elizabethan authors considered it fashionable to revive such kinds of lexis and use them in their literary compositions because old words, to their mind, contributed to the eloquence and elegance of their language and style (see Stupin 1979; Barber 2007). That “archaizing fashion,” as M. Görlach defines it, was typical for many celebrated men of letters, such as E. Spenser and W. Shakespeare, who willingly attuned Chaucerian vocabulary to their literary works (Görlach 2003, 149). Hence, the first author old-word glossaries (mostly Chaucerian ones) aimed at prescribing their users a language norm of renowned writers (Karpova 2011; Stupin 1979). Secondly, the process of Standard English emergence stimulated a number of historians to scrutinize their native tongue diachronically. It required them to thoroughly analyse miscellaneous Old and Middle English manuscripts that were not previously available for study. It goes without saying that reading and especially rendering such evidence into Early Modern English was an exigeant drudge for researches, as a huge amount of archaic words used by ancient authors could easily cause ambiguity and difficulties, even for a highly educated audience. Historians demanded a new type of lexicographic resource—a historical dictionary— that could help them understand the old and obscure vocabulary. J. Considine views this process as the birth of the new branch of lexicography called philological lexicography, or antiquarian lexicography, the main idea of which was to treat the national English language and cultural heritage in a historical perspective (Considine 2008, 15). H. Crawforth describes the major task of antiquarian lexicography: … writers actively engaged with the lexicographers, Anglo-Saxonists and etymologists who were carrying out a national project to recover, or invent, the origins of English, at a time when the question of national vernacular was inseparable from that of national identity. (Crawforth 2013, 1)

Since the sixteenth century, the English have observed the appearance of various historical old-word glossaries. Their main source was the numerous Old and Middle English literary pieces including the AngloSaxon Chronicle, Historia Ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, and the works of Chaucer, Gower and Lydgate. It is no wonder that the compilation of such dictionaries encouraged the creation of glossaries of single authors that could boost the process of gathering lexicographic data for historical dictionaries.

Old Words in Chaucer Dictionaries

79

Such kinds of old-word glossaries were first compiled for Chaucer's works at the end of the sixteenth century to help avoid ambiguity while rendering his texts, to bolster the writer's authority among his readers, and to depict a portrait of late Medieval England. Before turning to the lexicographic treatment of old words in Chaucer dictionaries, it is necessary to mention that these words fall into several groups. From the point of view of origin they are divided into borrowings and native Anglo-Saxon words (provincialisms). In the first Chaucerian glossaries, old words form three groups from the point of view of their diachronic representation: obsolete words (those that went out of use), obsolescent words (those found in the sixteenth century, but not commonly), and archaisms (obsolete words with some currency in literary works) (Kerling 1979, 59). Thus, it is important to keep in mind that the adjectives “archaic,” “old” and “obsolete” cannot be used as complete synonyms when discussing the first Chaucerian old-word glossaries. Thus, when talking about all these words we will use the word “old.” Old words in author dictionaries are traditionally treated in a glossary a lexicographic form that originated from glosses (marginal, interlinear and internal), the primary aim of which was to explain hard and obscure words in both religious and secular texts.

The Old Word Tradition in Chaucer Dictionaries— a Diachronic Approach The beginning—sixteenth to seventeenth centuries The primary aim of the pioneering Chaucerian old-word dictionaries was to explain difficult Chaucerian Middle English by means of plain and familiar definitions of Elizabethan English, as by the end of the sixteenth century Chaucerian language had become incomprehensible, or, as H. Crawforth characterises it, “indecipherable” (Crawforth 2013, 16). The first dictionary compiled for Chaucer's literary works, Vocabula Chauceriana, appeared five centuries ago in 1594. Its author, P. Greaves, provided users with an alphabetically arranged word-list of 121 old words to serve those approaching Chaucer's poetry and prose (Kerling 1979). Greaves's small glossary was created as an appendix to his Grammatica Anglicana. Such integration of grammar and glossary was rather typical for the lexicography of that time when dictionaries were viewed as teaching aids to assist a user in expanding their professional and learned vocabulary.

80

Chapter Seven

In spite of the fact that Greaves's word-list was rather decent, it demonstrates the stratification of Middle-English vocabulary according to origin and dialectal areas, proving the absence of Standard English in the * Medieval period. Most old words here are Northern (kirke) and Southern provincialisms (soote, welkin, whilom, to weete, etc.) as well as borrowings (breme, cragge, ennaunter, glee, guerdon, kerne, lasse, lay, scathe, stanke). The lexicographic treatment of old words in P. Greaves's glossary was traditional for the lexicographic scene of his time. The entry includes a headword and its short, even synonymous definition: Belt, girdle. to Greete, to weepe, mourne lament (Kerling 1979b).

It is interesting that some words fixed in P. Greaves's glossary are still used in modern English, although the lexicographer paid special attention to the lexicographic description of some of them: Spell, a charme, verse, or word used of exorcists in their magicall conclusions, but sometimes used in better part, as Gospell, for Gods spell (Kerling 1979b).

The inclusion of this religious term may be explained by the fact that it is a borrowed word that can cause difficulty while reading Chaucer's compositions. Consequently, it is important to mention that for Chaucerian lexicographers the notion of “old word” acquired a wider meaning than it had in the English language in general. Old words corresponded to the group of “hard words” that included not only archaic, obsolete and obsolescent lexis, but also borrowed words. P. Greaves's glossary gave way to a more extended and informative dictionary by Th. Speght entitled The Old and Obscure Words in Chaucer Explaned, Whereof Either by Nature, or Derivation. It was compiled as an in-text glossary, an appendix to Chaucer’s complete works, and aimed at being a tool for reading Chaucer. As this dictionary has been already *

Nowadays, P. Greaves's Glossary and Th. Speght’s editions of Chaucer are not available in Russia. Professor Olga Karpova had the chance to study these dictionaries in the Library of the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg before it was destroyed by fire. Thus, almost all examples are taken from the Appendices to the monograph by J. Kerling (1979a), a sample page of Th. Speght’s 1602 glossary available on page 38 of the same monograph, J. Kerling's article (1979b), J. Schäfer's article (1982) and a book by S. Horobin (2003)

Old Words in Chaucer Dictionaries

81

analysed in our previous essays (for example, Karpova and Melentyeva 2013), we will pay special attention to the lexicographic treatment of old words here, taking into account the cultural information they bear. Like P. Greaves's glossary, Th. Speght’s contains two major categories of old words: (1) borrowings from classical and European vernaculars: Latin (ablusions, aduertence, reuerberation, mendicants, septentrionall, vrne); French (chaunters, essoine, giglotlyke, puruie, surquerdry, verge); Arabic (algrim, alhaboz); Italian (ailedged, ailedgement, limaile, gnoffe); Dutch (lossel, shenden, truandise, wimple, wost, wreken) (Schäfer 1982, 185–8). (2) native Anglo-Saxon words: clepen, eche, ilke, kirke, knarry, mirke, qualme, thilke, welken. Most borrowed old words tell the user something about a certain area of life in the Medieval period. We may find out what occupations were popular in Chaucer’s times (louke, mendicants, swinker); what people usually wore (galoch, gippon, gite, gratch, haketon, hauselines); cooked (kichell, moile, mortreis) and used when they were at war (anelace, arblasters, burled, gisarme, flo). Unlike P. Greaves, who did not provide his users with detailed definitions, Th. Speght supplied some old words with rather extended and even encyclopaedic explanations: mortreis, a meat made of boiled hens, crummed bread, yolkes of egs and saffron, all boiled together (Horobin 2003, 89). lodemanage, skill of navigation by stone and needle (Kerling 1979a, Appendix V). solstitium, the stay of the sun, when he can not go either higher, or lower (Kerling 1979a, 38; Schäfer 1982, 187).

Unfortunately, the lexicographer does not explain why he has chosen to define this or that word in detail. Nevertheless, some scholars guess that Th. Speght's special attention to cooking terms is explained by the fact that he was simply highly interested in this lexis (Horobin 2003, 89). Meanwhile, his deep concern about astronomical vocabulary was perhaps due to the fact that Chaucer widely used it in his literary works (especially if we recall his A Treatise on the Astrolabe). As we can see, Th. Speght not only rendered some of Chaucer's old words into Elizabethan English, but also tried to supply his users with

82

Chapter Seven

extralinguistic information about some interesting words. This was the first attempt by a Chaucerian lexicographer to combine linguistic and encyclopaedic data in one entry.

The Eighteenth to Nineteenth Centuries In our humble opinion, eighteenth-century lexicographers were the most successful in treating culturally marked old words in Chaucer dictionaries. J. Urry (1721) followed Th. Speght in the lexicographic treatment of Chaucer's language (Urry 1721). His in-text glossary continues the tradition of fixing Chaucerian old words, though his word-list is much more expanded than Th. Speght’s, as he included common words, even auxiliaries. This trend is predetermined, on the one hand, by the growing remoteness of Chaucer’s language for the reader, causing more and more ambiguity while working with writer's texts, and, on the other hand, by the general trends of development of the English lexicography when registerative dictionaries containing common words prevailed while almost all dictionaries of hard words disappeared. Like his predecessors J. Urry treated two main groups of old words: (2) borrowings from classical languages and new vernacular: Latin (ancille, basse, caitife, dequace, joconde, smaragde); Greek (cardiacle, leos, manie); French (amenuse, bargaret, creaunce, defaite, egall, gleire), Italian (dout, emprise, flourettes, forcir, gigges) (3) Anglo-Saxon lexis represented by northern (eme, kirke, lath, kimeling) and southern provincialisms (bane, bemis, clepen, flete, Ich, lodesmen, nemen, rede, reke, sith, sterve, welkin). The year of 1721, when J. Urry's glossary saw the light of day, was of special importance for the history of the English lexicography as it was exactly this time that N. Baily created the first comprehensive etymological dictionary. A rising interest in language history and the etymological treatment of words in dictionaries influenced the author dictionary-making practice. Compilers of author reference books, like J. Urry, turned to detailed lexicographic descriptions of word origin. One of J. Urry's innovations was the inclusion of old words originating from Scottish (boistous, outwaile), Welsh (brakit, bratte, crochan, cusky, dagon, donet, nedir) and Irish (kerne), demonstrating the close interrelations of the different cultures of the British Isles in Chaucerian compositions. Speaking of the influence of the Scottish language on Chaucer, we should refer to the up-to-date theoretical works of Scottish lexicographers who traced the development of the Scottish dictionary-

Old Words in Chaucer Dictionaries

83

making tradition and compared it with the English. This confirmed that the Scottish author lexicography formation directly depended on the English author lexicography, especially in the case of Chaucerian glossaries that served as sources for some writers' dictionaries and even for J. Jamieson's Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language, the first complete dictionary of Scots (Rennie 2012; Macleod and McClure 2012). J. Urry did not break with the tradition of treating terminological lexis in his glossary. Moreover, he took a great step forward in pointing to the domain-specific field which a certain term belonged to by means of a functional label. For example: Enbosed … Embost; A Term in Hunting, when a Deer is so hard chased that he foams at the mouth ….

The lexicographer demonstrates a similar interest towards AngloSaxon provincialisms. Employing a territorial label he differentiates various dialectal forms specific to certain groups of people, reflecting their ways of life, traditions and customs: Eme: an Uncle, the mother’s brother. Tr. L. 2. 162. It is still used in the Noethern parts, as Lancashire … Kimeling, or Kemeling, MR. 440. A brewing vessel. Sk. Kimnel, or Kemnel, is used in the North ….

Unlike previous compilers of Chaucerian glossaries, J. Urry tried to make progress in defining old words. Some definitions are of encyclopaedic character. The lexicographer paid special attention to culturally-marked lexis: Bargaret … A Dance used by Shepherds from the Fr. Berger, a Shepherd. Sk. It seems to signify a Song in praise of the Daizy, which in Fr. Is Marguerise, or as it is called, Ib. 350. Margarese, to which the word may allude ….

It has already been mentioned that the analysed glossary became the first to include common or everyday, words. Nevertheless, some were treated by J. Urry due to the fact that they bore other meanings in Chaucerian times. Therefore, J. Urry was the first to take into consideration not only old words but also old meanings. For example: Daie: Day. It is put for the Day or Time of one’s death …

Chapter Seven

84 Talent: Desire, inclination ….

Despite being compiled at the beginning of the eighteenth century when the lexicographic practice was in the process of formation, J. Urry's glossary represented the most comprehensive description of Chaucer's old words. In the nineteenth century, the practice of compiling Chaucerian in-text glossaries was successfully continued by Th. Tyrwhitt (1851) and celebrated the etymologist W. W. Skeat (1894). Both lexicographers followed the tradition of word-list extending by including common words. It is possible that sticking to the registrative principle of macrostructure organization resulted in the rather brief lexicographic treatment of old words. Th. Tyrwhitt, and W.W. Skeat after him, tried to register as many words as possible to help users in their comprehension of Chaucer's literary works. Perhaps such a high interest in word amount rather than lexicographic description conditioned the gradual simplification of microstructure. Here are some examples of Th. Tyrwhitt’s and W.W. Skeat’s entry unit architectures: Tipet, n. Sax. A tippet. 3951. (Tyrwhitt 1851) Ferne; f. yere, last year, T. v. 1 176. Cf. A.S. fyrngear. (Skeat 1894)

Unlike J. Urry, most headwords in both glossaries are defined rather briefly, and almost all the explanations are synonymous. The lexicographers also paid less attention to word history, providing an etymological label for just some of the words. Such switching from the prescriptive to the registrative principle of macrostructure formation in the writers' dictionaries resulted in the appearance of a new group of author reference resources—specialized dictionaries treating authors' archaic words and provincialisms. Here, one can mention: A Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words by J. O. Halliwell (1776); A Glossary or Collection of Words in the Works of English Authors, Particularly Shakespeare by R. Nares (1822); and the Dictionary of Obsolete and Provincial English by Wright (1869). These dictionaries were compiled for a number of men of letters, as well as Chaucer, and aimed at describing old words that were not sufficiently reflected in author glossaries and lexicons. Though most words were supplied with rather terse definitions, all the lexicographers tried to make

Old Words in Chaucer Dictionaries

85

the microstructure more informative by including citations as confirmation, or evidence, of word existence in the works of certain authors. The examples are as follows: Alderliefest. Dearset of all; from alder, aller, or alre, used as the genitive of all; and lief dear. Chaucer has alderfirst, alderlast, &c. With you mine alderliefest sovereign Thus: And alderfirst be bad them all a bone

2 Hen.VI.i.1. Chauc. C. Tales, 9492 … (Nares 1922)

KELE. (1) To cool. Chaucer. And leyde hym flatlyng on the grounde, To kele hys woundys in that stounde. MS. Cantab. Ff.ii.38, f.99. …. (Halliwell 1776)

Verbal examples, of course, contributed a lot to understanding the meanings of old words, as well as their functioning in certain contexts.

The Modern Scene—the Twentieth to the Twenty-first Centuries In the twentieth to the twenty-first centuries, the problem of the treatment of old words in author dictionaries is highly important as ancient authors like Chaucer become more and more remote from modern readers. There are three main approaches to the description of this lexical cluster in author dictionaries. Firstly, obsolete and remarkable words are again viewed as a prevailing lexical group for the registration and explanation in author dictionaries, as it was in the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries. Again, the users need new and up-to-date glossaries with full explanations of Chaucer’s vocabulary (Karpova and Melentyeva 2013). Chaucerian lexicography offers users a wide range of print and electronic glossaries treating old words. A good example is A Chaucer Glossary (1979), compiled by N. Davis, D. Gray and a team of scholars. In spite of the fact that it was created in the twentieth century, it is the most comprehensive Chaucer dictionary both in terms of its content and lexicographic treatment of words. Its authors were able to provide users with very detailed etymological

86

Chapter Seven

descriptions of Chaucer lexis in general, and his old words in particular. Except for the traditional treatment of borrowed lexemes, N. Davis et al. took into consideration the historical background of native Anglo-Saxon vocabulary having traced it back to different Old English dialectal areas, such as: Anglian Dialects: alwey, beme, befallen, bigat, brere, derne, echen, erme, galle, wellen); West Saxon Dialect: mete, stiele, suster; Northumbrian Dialect: are, spittw. Such comprehensiveness in an etymological description of Chaucerian old words became possible as one of the glossary sources was the Middle English Dictionary (MED) (http://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/med/), which was being created at that time. Secondly, lexicographers continue to create specialized dictionaries describing old and obscure words from writers' compositions. The main difference of such reference resources from their eighteenth- to nineteenthcentury predecessors is that their creators skilfully combine linguistic and extralinguistic data in one dictionary (Karpova and Melentyeva 2013). They could be even entitled “encyclopaedias of old words” rather than glossaries or lexicons, as major parts of their microstructures are comprised of headwords and very detailed and extended definitions. An interesting example is the recently issued glossary The Word Museum (2000) by J. Kacirk, author of Forgotten English (1997), who gathered miscellaneous antiquated words that were once fixed in eighteenth- to nineteenth-century dictionaries of obsolete words in one book. Following F. Bacon, he calls all the old words “remnants of the history which casually escaped the shipwreck of time,” strongly underlining a high grade of importance of this lexical group for English history and culture (Kacirk 2000, 7). J. Kacirk's dictionary entry includes a headword, its detailed definition and a reference to the lexicographer whose dictionary he borrowed to work up a microstructure: alectromantia Divination by a cock. Draw a circle, and write in succession round it the letters of the alphabet; on each side of it lay a grain of corn. Then put a cock in the centre of the circle, and watch the grains he eats. The letter will prognosticate the answer. [From] Greek alector, cock, man-teia, divination. [Brewer] SEE gyromancy.

An obvious advantage of the glossary is an etymological label giving the word’s history. Thus, the dictionary combines linguistic and encyclopaedic

Old Words in Chaucer Dictionaries

87

information and represents a very user-friendly lexicographic resource. Finally, the third modern trend in the lexicographic treatment of old words is the compilation of author terminological dictionaries of various types, with specialized Shakespeare reference books being the biggest group. As a lot of old words can refer to certain domain-specific fields, as demonstrated above, it is no wonder that they are widely described in writers' terminological glossaries and lexicons. Terminological dictionaries of Chaucer’s works are not so numerous. Nevertheless, there are some very curious specialized reference books compiled for several authors in addition to Chaucer. A good example is An Illustrated Dictionary of Historic Costume by J. R. Planché (2013) that once again emphasises the importance of men of letters in keeping and preserving the historic and cultural heritage of a certain nation. The title of the dictionary assumes that every headword is accompanied by a graphic label. It goes without saying that such an addition is a great help in defining a word, especially if it is archaic and hard to imagine for a modern user. The microstructure itself is an encyclopaedic article, the main parts of which are as follows: headword in all the spelling forms that were used by writers, definition, verbal examples demonstrating the historical development of word meaning and an etymological reference: ACTON, AKETON, HAKETON. (French, aqueton, haucton, hoqueton). A tunic or cassock made of buckram or buckskin, stuffed with cotton, and sometimes covered with silk and quilted with gold thread, worn under the hauberk or coat-ofmail, used occasionally as a defensive military garment without the hauberk …. Chaucer, describing the dress of a knight, says: “Next his sherte a haketon, And over that a habergeon For peircing of his heart, And over that a fine hauberk Was all ywrought of Jewe's work. Full strong it was of plate” Rhyme of Sir Topaz …. (Planché 2013)

88

Chapter Seven

Citations from Chaucer's literary works are almost always presented as the first evidence of the word’s existence in the English language. The dictionary could be very useful for a wide audience of users and especially for students whose study of author language and style cannot be separated from the cultural and historical background of the epoch in which the author lived and created their literary pieces.

Conclusion As shown above, there are now many and various types of Chaucer dictionaries treating old words with long histories of formation and development. Nevertheless, there is still a lack of Chaucerian reference books that could represent comprehensive descriptions of Chaucerian old words and provide users with both linguistic and encyclopaedic information that is easy to understand. It would be a good idea to follow the experience of all compilers of various types of Chaucer dictionaries and create a modern, easily accessible and multifunctional reference resource. Its major component should be an extensive definition supported by verbal examples to demonstrate old word usage and showing its connection with the historical and cultural development of Chaucer's epoch.

References Barber, Ch. 1997. Early Modern English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Considine, J. 2008. Dictionaries in Early Modern Europe. Lexicography and Making of Heritage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crawforth, H. 2013. Etymology and the Invention of English in Early Modern Literature. New York: Cambridge University Press. Görlach, M. 1991. Introduction to Early Modern English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Horobin, S. 2003. The Language of Chaucer Tradition (Chaucer Studies XXXII). Cambridge: D.S. Brewer. Kacirk, J. 2000. The Word Museum. The Most Remarkable English Words ever Forgotten. New York: Touchstone. Karpova, O. 2011. English Author Dictionaries (the XVIth–the XXIst cc.). Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. —. 2013. “Dictionaries as Treasure Trove of National Heritage and Culture (with Special Reference to the Dictionary Project Florence in the Works of World Famous People).” In Life Beyond Dictionaries:

Old Words in Chaucer Dictionaries

89

Proceedings of X Anniversary International School on Lexicography, Ivanovo–Florence, September 12–14, 2013, edited by O. Karpova, 263–268. Ivanovo: Ivanovo State University. —. 2014. Ocherki po shekspirovskoj leksikografii (Shakespeare Lexicography Studies). Saarbrücken: Lambert Academic Publishing. Karpova, O. and O. A. Melentyeva. 2013. “Chaucer and Shakespeare Glossaries: Do Modern Users Still Need Them Today?” In Multidisciplinary Lexicography: Traditions and Challenges of the XXIst Century, edited by O.M. Karpova and F.I. Kartashkova, 77–95. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Karpova, O., and N.S. Utkina. 2013. Angliyskaya avtorskaya leksikografiya: ot Shekspira k Garri Potteru. (English Author Lexicography: from Shakespeare to Harry Potter). Ivanovo: Ivanovo State University. Kerling, J. 1979a. Chaucer in Early English Dictionaries. The Old-word Tradition in English Lexicography Down to 1721 and Speght’s Chaucer Glossary. Vol. 18. Leiden: Germanic and Anglistic Studies of the University of Leiden. —. 1979b. “English Old-word Glossaries 1553–1594.” Neophilologus 63, no. 1, 136–147. Macleod, I. and J. D. McClure, ed. 2012. Scotland in Definition. A History of Scottish Dictionaries. Edinburgh: John Donald. McDermott, A. 2002. “Early Dictionaries of English and Historical Corpora: in Search of Hard Words.” In A Changing World of Words (Studies in English Historical Lexicography, Lexicology and Semantics), edited by J. E. Diaz Vera, 197–226. Amsterdam; New York. Munro, L. 2013. Archaic Style in English Literature. New York: Cambridge University Press. Mooijaart, M. and M. van der Wal, ed. 2008. Yesterday’s Words. Contemporary, Current and Future Lexicography. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Rennie, S. 2012. Jamieson’s Dictionary of Scots. The Story of the First Historical Dictionary of the Scots Language. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Schäfer, J. 1982. “Chaucer in Shakespeare’s Dictionaries: The Beginning.” The Chaucer Review 17, No 2, 182–192. Stupin, L. P. 1979. Problema normativnosti v istorii anglijskoj leksikografii (XV–XX veka) (Norms in the History of English Lexicography (the XVth.–the XXth. cc.)). Leningrad: Leningrad State University.

90

Chapter Seven

Dictionaries Davis, N., D. Gray, P. Ingham and A. Wallace-Hadrall. 1979. A Chaucer Glossary. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Greaves, P. 1594. “Vocabula Chauceriana quaedem selectiora, et Minus Vulgaria Ipsae Hodie Poetarum deliciae, una cum eorum significatis.” In Grammatica Anglicana, 37–65. Cambridge: Iohannis Leggat. Halliwell, J. O. 1776. Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words, Obsolete Phrases, Proverbs, and Ancient Customs, from the Fourteenth Century, 2 vols. London: John Russell Smith. Kurath, H. (A–F), Sh. H. Kuhn (G–P) and R. E. Lewis (Q–Z), ed. 1952– 2001. The Middle English Dictionary (MED). Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan, http://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/med/. Nares, R. 1867. A Glossary or Collection of Words in the Works of English Authors, Particularly Shakespeare. London: John Russell Smith. Planché, J.R. 2013. An Illustrated Dictionary of Historic Costume. From the First Century B.C. to C. 1760. London: Courier Dover Publications. Speght, Th. 1598; 1602; 1687; 1689. “The Old and Obscure Words in Chaucer Explaned, whereof Either by Nature, or Derivation.” In The Workes of our Ancient and Lerned English Poet, Geffrey Chaucer, Newly Printed, by Th. Speght. London: Printed by Adam Islip, at the charges of Thomas Wight. Skeat, W. W. 1894. “Glossarial Index. Glossary to Fragments B and C of the Romaunt of the Rose. Glossary to Gamelyn.” In The Complete Works to Geoffrey Chaucer. Edited from Numerous Manuscripts. Introduction, Glossary, and Indexes, vol. 8, by W.W. Skeat. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Tyrwhitt, Th. 1851. “Glossary.” In The Poetical Works of Geoffrey Chaucer. With an Essay on His Language and Versification, and an Introductory Discourse; Together with Notes and Glossary, by Th. Tyrwhitt, 453–501. London: Edward Moxon, Dover Street. Urry, J. 1721. “A Glossary Explaining the Obsolete and Difficult Words in Chaucer.” In The Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, Compared with the Former Editions, and Many Valuable MSS, by J. Urry. London: Printed for Bernard Lintot, between the Temple Gates. Wright, Th. 1869. Dictionary of Obsolete and Provincial English, Containing Words from the English Writers Previous to the Nineteenth Century which are no Longer in Use, or are not Used in the Same Sense. And Words which are Now Used Only in Provincial Dialects, 2 vols. London: Henry G. Bohn.

PART II: TOURISM AND HERITAGE DICTIONARIES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO CULTURE

CHAPTER EIGHT DICTIONARIES OF NATIONAL HERITAGE AND CULTURE (WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE DICTIONARY PROJECT FLORENCE IN THE WORKS OF WORLD FAMOUS PEOPLE) OLGA M. KARPOVA IVANOVO STATE UNIVERSITY, RUSSIA

The English national lexicography, having deep historical roots going back to the seventh century, can be called “heritage lexicography.” Since that time, compilers of different types of dictionaries, i.e. author and Bible concordances, glossaries of hard and remarkable words, dictionaries for Beowulf and other reference works, tried to fix and describe the English national vocabulary for users of different generations. From the Middle Ages, English dictionaries for the works of Chaucer and Shakespeare became the main treasures of the English national language. Let us analyze the definition of heritage in the Oxford English Dictionary, which gives several meanings for the word. Those recorded below are, to my mind, of special interest: heritage… 1 property that is or may be inherited; an inheritance: they had stolen his grandfather’s heritage x valued objects and qualities such as historic buildings and cultural traditions that have been passed down from previous generations: Europe’s varied cultural heritage [mass noun]: the estuary has a sense of history and heritage x [as modifier] denoting or relating to things of special architectural, historical, or natural value that are preserved for the nation: a heritage centre 60 miles of heritage coastline

Dictionaries of National Heritage and Culture

93

x

[as modifier] denoting a traditional brand or product regarded as emblematic of fine craftsmanship: heritage brands have found a growing cachet among younger customers x [as modifier] denoting a breed of livestock or poultry that was once traditional to an area but is no longer farmed in large numbers: Cotswold sheep are considered a heritage breed in Canada x [as modifier] North American (of a plant variety) not hybridized with another; old-fashioned: heritage roses 2 archaic a special or individual possession; an allotted portion: God’s love remains your heritage 3 archaic God’s chosen people (the people of Israel, or the Christian Church).

The meanings below stimulate the main question of why we must preserve and protect heritage resources. We protect and conserve heritage resources because: x they are naturally or culturally important; x they contribute to building and strengthening personal and community identity; x we wish to pass them on to our future generations; x there are social, spiritual and ethical obligations to respect the place or the object. The consideration of heritage in linguistic terms is also very significant (Hoffman 2006). Certain objects, buildings and various places of interest are really tangible embodiments of heritage. Though with time they may be damaged and even ruined, their names fixed in written sources, such as manuscripts and dictionaries, will live forever (Facchinetti 2012). Thus, interest in things, memorials and similar objects leads to the collection of words, traditional knowledge and other intangibles. A dictionary may be one of the most substantial records of the heritage. It is an established lexicographical canon, reflecting the heritage of a given culture and language (Facchinetti 2012; Uzhova 2013). The role of books, dictionaries and manuscripts in heritage-building inspired lexicographers to fit them into stories about the past. A dictionary makes a certain bridge between the old and the living language through detailed explanation and etymological and other information. Thus, the work done by the dictionaries contributes to the revival of cultural heritage. Strong traditions of European historical lexicography from the Middle Ages found evidence in the first dictionaries of European languages, such as French, German and Italian (Considine 2008; Karpova and Melentyeva

94

Chapter Eight

2013, 77–95; Rennie 2012). Many European countries are proud of having remarkable academic dictionaries based on historical principles (Macleod and Derrick McClure 2012; Mooijaart and Van der Wal 2008), i.e. the Oxford English Dictionary in Great Britain, the Dictionary of Italian Language created by the Academia della Crusca in Italy, and the Slovar’ Academii Rossiiskoi (Dictionary of the Russian Academy of Science) in Russia. These are the most vivid examples of lexicographic endeavours that register and describe literary national language in a historical perspective. In fact, these dictionaries fully express the linguistic competence of a nation, and that is why they may be truly called national monuments to the language and culture. In the lexicographic demonstration of heritage, the dictionary compilers of different ages showed a fresh approach through their familiarity with the local traditions, cultured and famous people. Within the entries, dictionaries often presented encyclopaedic material, and sometimes non-lexicographical data (quotations, illustrations, etc.). This demonstrates the wonderful erudition of the editors. With the development of lexicography it became clear that encyclopaedic material is to be expected in national language dictionaries through different ways: (3) cultural and/or encyclopaedic commentary; (4) special labels; (5) and/or thematic indices enabling the user to quickly find all the names. With the intensive development of the English national lexicography, the dictionary makers paid special attention to the cultural commentaries they included in the microstructures of national language dictionaries, trying to combine linguistic and extralinguistic information within one entry. In spite of the fact that cultural information is included in different dictionaries of national languages, there is only one carrying the title of Heritage Dictionary—the American Heritage Dictionary. As is now common in dictionaries, along with words its entries cover famous people and important places, making the reference work a mini-encyclopaedia as well as a dictionary. Thus, the macrostructure of the first edition of the American Heritage Dictionary (1961) contained the names of one hundred people, mostly professional writers and editors. Among them were Isaac Asimov, William F. Buckley Jr., John Ciardi, Malcolm Cowley, Langston Hughes, Wallace Stegner, Pauline Kael, Margaret Mead, Marianne Moore, Katherine Anne

Dictionaries of National Heritage and Culture

95

Porter and Gloria Steinem. The fifth edition of the American Heritage Dictionary (2011), in addition to writers and editors introduced into the corpus the names of scientists, scholars, linguists, translators, cartoonists, film directors, even a former U.S. senator and a Supreme Court justice, for example: Margaret Atwood, Harold Bloom, Roy Blount Jr., Junot Diaz, Joan Didion, Rita Dove, Frances FitzGerald, Jonathan Franzen, Henry Louis Gates Jr., Oscar Hijuelos, Jamaica Kincaid, Maxine Hong Kingston, Cynthia Ozick, Ann Patchett, John Sayles, David Sedaris, William T. Vollmann and John Edgar Wideman. It should be noted that since the beginning of the English national lexicography, where the sense of heritage is apparent, three trends in the lexicographic treatment of proper nouns (PN) have formed: x registering PN in the dictionary macrostructure, x including PN in special appendices, x compiling special dictionaries of PN called onomasticons (or dictionaries of characters and place names). The last trend manifested itself in special dictionaries dealing only with PN, which appeared in the English lexicography in the eighteenth century along with dictionaries of national language. These dictionaries of toponyms and personal names had a remarkable cultural element. Dictionaries of characters and place names for outstanding authors (e.g. Charles Dickens, John Milton, Thomas Hardy, Sir Walter Scott, George Bernard Shaw, William Shakespeare) must be mentioned here. They developed within the English author lexicography, registered and described geographical names and anthroponyms from famous writers’ literary works and showed a vivid interwoven connection between geographical and personal names (Karpova 2012, 26–27). The bond between a person and location is undoubted, but in some respect is predetermined by the genius loci (genius of the place) which connects mental and emotional phenomena with their real material environment (Karpova 2012, 967–973). Such is Florence, the cradle of the Renaissance and the capital of Italian art and culture. For a long time, the cultural heritage has been a strong motivator to visit Florence. This trend is evident in the rise in the volume of tourists who seek adventure, culture, history, archaeology and interaction with local people. Foreign and Italian artists, composers and men of letters lived here and came with different purposes: x to study art,

96

Chapter Eight

x to create their prominent masterpieces and small works, x to contribute to the development of Florentine culture and art through their national identities. The idea of genius loci, as well as dictionaries of characters and place names, inspired me to create a project of a cultural heritage dictionary of associative type: “FLORENCE IN THE WORKS OF WORLD FAMOUS PEOPLE,” devoted to outstanding persons who visited Florence in different ages (Karpova 2013, 256 - 267). The project was created by an international volunteer group of students (Karpova 2009; 2012; Yudina 2012). This is quite a new and unique lexicographic initiative, which appeared thanks to cooperation with the Romualdo del Bianco Foundation®–Life Beyond Tourism®, and is a good starting point to promote the variety and complexity of Florentine cultural tourism (Alekseeva and Karpova 2010, 131-138). Let us describe the main features of the dictionary and its architecture. Its addressee is the cultural tourist. Its sources combine printed and Internet resources, archives, encyclopaedias (general and special, i.e. encyclopaedias of cinema, theatre, music, literature, etc.), city chronicles, books, memoirs, etc. Its megastructure includes an introduction, an A to Z corpus and three appendices. Its macrostructure contains an A to Z corpus with names of famous people (anthroponyms). Its microstructure consists of six parts: zone 1—Biography, zone 2—Creative Works, zone 3—Florentine Influence, zone 4—Learn more, zone 5—Associations, zone 6—Graphic Illustrations. The example of the dictionary article for Konstantin Korovin is given below:

Dictionaries of National Heritage and Culture Konstantin Korovin (1861–1939)

Biography Konstantin Korovin, a Russian painter, graphic artist, scene-painter and an architect, was born in Moscow into a well-to-do family. He studied and later taught (from 1901 to 1918) at the Moscow School of Painting, Sculpture and Architecture and at the Academy of Arts in St. Petersburg.

The painter travelled a lot around Russia and visited many places including the Caucasus. In 1885 K. Korovin went to France and in 1888 to Italy and Spain. From 1896 to 1898 K. Korovin was a set designer of S. I.

97

98

Chapter Eight Mamontov’s Private Russian Opera in Moscow. In 1910 he became the principal set designer and artistic consultant of the Moscow Imperial Theater. He died in Paris in 1939. Creative Works K. Korovin painted in the Impressionist and later in the Art Nouveau styles. He is considered to be one of the most prominent Russian realist painters at the beginning of his career. He executed landscapes, genre scenes and portraits, his best canvases of this period being The Northern Idyll (1886), Winter (1894) and Portrait of T. S. Liubatovich (1886–87). K. Korovin’s early period is marked by a subtle and broad palette, and a direct and fresh apprehension of the world, nature and sunlight. K. Korovin was greatly influenced by the achievements of the impressionists and wanted to capture changing impressions. In 1910 Konstantin Korovin began to use a broad loaded brush, and deep lush colours (portrait of F. L Shaliapin, 1911). Konstantin Korovin is also considered to be an innovator in theatrical painting where he created a new type of a colourful, spectacular stage set that corresponded emotionally to the ideas and moods of the performance (Pugni’s The Little Humpbacked Horse, 1901; Glinka’s Ruslan and Liudmilla, 1907). The painter produced stage designs for many theatres of Europe, America, Asia and Australia in the last years of his life. Florentine Influence After having visited Florence in 1888, K. Korovin created a picture called A Florence Street in the Rain, painted in oil. Now this work is exhibited in the Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow, Russia. Besides a plot, the transmission of air and light and the polychrome of the world, the revealing nature of conditions close to people’s feelings found its reflection in the work. Learn more Konstantin Korovin//http://artroots.com/ra/bio/korovin/konstantinkorovin. Konstantin Korovin //Art Cyclopedia// http://www.artcyclopedia.com/artists/korovin_konstantin.html. Korovin Konstantin //http://www.russianpaintings.net/doc.vphp?id=528. Associations It was really pleasant to visit Florence, this wonderful city of world culture and art. While walking around beautiful Florentine narrow streets, I felt the magic atmosphere that inspired K. Korovin to create one of his world known masterpieces, namely A Florence Street in the Rain. In Ivanovo, while writing a dictionary article devoted to K. Korovin, I had a wish to find a street in Florence which the artist depicted in his famous painting. The task was not an easy one. Unfortunately, there are no official documents that could help me to find the exact street. But I found several streets that were like the one in K. Korovin's painting.

Dictionaries of National Heritage and Culture

99

From the very beginning of the dictionary creation, the compilers had to take into consideration the following points:

x how to show the interwoven connection between material culture, museums and lexicography?

x Where to find useful contacts and information sources to describe personalities?

x How to build a heritage summary on each person? x How is the contribution into Florentine cultural heritage viewed? x How to compose a key facts box on Florentine influence? And our team did this through very scrupulous work in Florence and back at home. Today, our dictionary database enlists 200 personalities from Russia, Italy, The Netherlands, Germany, France, England, the United States and other countries. It must be noted that over several centuries many outstanding artists, musicians, writers and other famous people, of many different nationalities, left remarkable heritage in Florence. Among them are: painters and art patrons: Ivan Aivazovsky, Vasily Bazhenov, Karl Briullov, Irene Galitzine, Nikolai Ghe, Lord Frederick Leighton, Ivan Nikitin, Kuzma Petrov-Vodkin, Vasily Surikov, Fedot Shubin, Károly Markó; writers and poets: Innokenti Annensky, Anna Akhmatova, Konstantin Balmont, Honoré de Balzac, Joseph Brodsky, Robert & Elizabeth Browning, Lord George Gordon Byron, William Collins, Franjo Ciraki, Fyodor Dostoevsky, Maxim Gorky, Nikolay Gumilev, Heinrich Heine, Mikhail Kuzmin, David Lawrence, Antun Gustav Matoš, Pavel Muratov, Rainer Maria Rilke, George Sand, William Shakespeare, Percy Bysshe Shelley, Stendhal, Antal Szerb, Mark Twain, Pyotr Vyazemsky, John

100

Chapter Eight

Webster, Oscar Wilde and the like; theatre and cinema actors and producers: Sergei Diaghilev, Marin Držiü, William Shakespeare, Andrei Tarkovsky, Boris Zaycev, Vladimir Vasiliev, and many other famous Italians and foreigners from different areas of art, culture, science and education. Our students, at the initial step of compiling the dictionary, working with different sources, found in the archives the names of numerous artists, musicians, architects and other creative personalities from different countries who visited Florence and found inspiration in Tuscany. During their workshop week in Florence they added new facts about the personalities they chose at home and included these data into the dictionary microstructure. Thus, for example, Hiram Powers (1805–1873), one of the most famous American sculptors of the nineteenth century, came to Florence in 1837. He spent the rest of his life in this city. In Florence, the sculptor worked and had the chance to use the finest statuary marble in the world and access skilled assistants. He attracted international notoriety with his marble Greek Slave (1843). H. Powers died on June 27, 1873 and was buried in the English cemetery in Florence. When in Florence, one of the students visited the cemetery and interviewed a woman who worked there. She gave many interesting facts about H. Powers’s life in Florence: “H. Powers was absolutely ingenious and self-taught, he knew how to make sculptures … he even sculptured his children.” Moreover, the student visited the cemetery’s library where she found rare books dedicated to this famous sculptor. Pietro Perugino (1446–1524), an Italian painter of the Renaissance period, worked in several Italian cities, but Florence was a special place for him as he spent a great part of his life here. In 1496, P. Perugino frescoed a crucifixion for Santa Maria Maddalena de' Pazzi, Florence (known as the Pazzi Crucifixion). While staying in Florence, the author of the entry visited famous places closely connected with the painter’s name, such as Santa Maria Maddalena de' Pazzi where P. the Pazzi Crucifixion was supposed to be kept (according to the sources the compiler found at home). When in Florence, the student went to this church and discovered that the fresco had been moved to Liceo Classico Michelangiolo, close by, a year earlier. Jean-Baptiste Lully (1632–1687), a Florentine-born French composer, also lived there. While staying in Florence, one of the girls taking part in the workshop went to the Florentine archive and found JeanBaptiste Lully’s birth certificate. It turned out that he was born on

Dictionaries of National Heritage and Culture

101

November 29, rather than November 28 as had been given in other sources. For several centuries many Russian artists, musicians, writers and other famous people visited Florence for different reasons, and the city inspired them to create new works of great value. Thus, Ivan Grevs, a Russian historian, regional ethnographer and public figure, visited Florence for the first time in 1890–1891. He was greatly inspired and published a set of essays describing his Florentine walking tours, including along Santa Maria del Fiore, Loggia dei Sanzi and Ponte Vecchio. The student who studied this figure visited these places and created a special itinerary for cultural tourists. Sergey Volkonsky, a prominent Russian theatre director, critic and memoirist, came to Florence several times. He was inspired by this magnificent city and wrote his book My Memoirs. One of the students who studied Volkonsky’s roots in Florence created a tourist route as presented in his memoirs. This itinerary started from Santa Maria Novella up to the Boboli Gardens. The theatre director used to meet with his friends at Via Alfieri, 7, Florence. Our student managed to find the address of this house, which nowadays is the Alfa Hotel. Igor Stravinsky (1882–1971), a famous composer and pianist, went to Florence in 1914 at the invitation of S. Diaghilev, who was in a very distressed state of mind caused by the war. This trip to Florence changed Stravinsky’s life dramatically. From that time he composed a great number of works, but he did not return to Russia again (Karpova et al. 53–-54). All these facts were carefully gathered by our dictionary compilers and introduced into the entries under the headline Florentine Influence. Moreover, our students discovered the unique facts about the lives and creative activities of international visitors to Florence. Thus, working on the entry devoted to Ernest Hemingway (1899–1961), the outstanding American writer, they discovered the sources of his famous novel A Farewell to Arms, which was inspired by his Florentine love, a Polish nurse Agnes von Kurowsky, whom he met in Milan in 1918 and followed to Florence later (Karpova et al. 2013, 15). The students found that a famous Polish composer, Michail Kleofas Oginsky (1765–1833), created his best Polonaise (known in the world of music as Oginsky’s Polonaise) in Florence. The full name of the Polonaise, exactly as the composer named it in his collection of musical works, is Polonaise in a Minor Number 13, Farewell to the Fatherland (Ibid., 42). Ethel Lilian Voynich (1864–1960), a British writer, came to Florence to create her famous novel The Gadfly. The events of the revolutionary

102

Chapter Eight

past of Italy between the 1930s and 1940s comprise the central part of her novel, and the plot develops in Florence. Another remarkable feature of dictionary microstructure is the section Associations, which carries not only students’ feelings and emotions during their meeting with the characters of their essays, but also includes additional facts about the lives of the famous international visitors to Florence. Below is an extract devoted to the outstanding English man of letters Charles Dickens: “… There are lots of specific city details that attract your attention—the sight of a modern bus driving on a narrow ancient street … Such city peculiarities provoke within an inquisitive mind a strong desire to learn more about the past of the city and the people who lived there. At that point Ch. Dickens’s travelogue “Pictures from Italy” is unexpendable, as, being an outstanding example of literature—the greatest magician of all the times—it is capable to take you wherever you want to go, to show you want to see …. ” (Ibid., 77-78)

This dictionary entry section is, to my mind, the most important, especially for cultural tourists. In conclusion, it should be noted that our dictionary project, being a small contribution to development of heritage lexicography, is a new step in volunteer lexicography. The lexicographic approach to heritage is, first and foremost, deeply rewarding for students involved in this international dictionary. Moreover, it is a new reference tool for cultural tourists and guides looking for new cultural routes in Florence.

References Alekseeva, L. and O. Karpova. 2010. “Florence as Reflected in the New Type of Lexicographic Work.” In New Trends in Lexicography: Ways of Registrating and Describing Lexis, edited by O. Karpova and F. Kartashkova, 131–138. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language. 1961. 1st ed. Springfield: G. and C. Merriam Company. American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language. 2011. 5th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Trade. Considine, J. 2008. Dictionaries in Early Modern Europe. Lexicography and the Making of Heritage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Facchinetti, R., ed. 2012. English Dictionaries as Cultural Mines.

Dictionaries of National Heritage and Culture

103

Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. —. 2012. A Cultural Journey through the English Lexicon. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Hoffman, B. 2006. Art and Cultural Heritage: Law, Policy, and Practice, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Karpova, O. M. 2013. “A New Type of Cultural Dictionary.” In Multidisciplinary Lexicography: Traditions and Challenges of the XXst Century, edited by O. Karpova and F. Kartashkova, 256–267. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. —. 2012. “Encyclopedic Dictionary as a Crossroad between Place Names and Antroponyms: a Project of a New Type.” In Proceedings of the 15th EURALEX International Congress, 967–973. Oslo: Oslo University. —. 2009. Florence in the Works of European Writers and Artists: Encyclopedic Dictionary for Guides and Tourists. Project of a Dictionary. Ivanovo: Ivanovo State University, —. 2012. “Glossaries of Remarkable and Obscure Words in the History of English Author Lexicography.” Hel-lex 3. New Approaches in English Historical Lexis. Book of Abstracts, 26–27. Tvarminne: Helsinki University Press. Karpova, O., T. Khomutova et al. 2013. Florence in the Works of World Famous People: Encyclopedic Associative Dictionary for Guides and Tourists. The 4th issue. Cheliabinsk: publishing centre of South-Ural State University. Karpova, O. M. and O. A. Melentyeva. 2013. “Chaucer and Shakespeare Glossaries: Do Modern Users Still Need Them Today?” In Multidisciplinary Lexicography: Traditions and Challenges of the XXIst Century, edited by O. Karpova, F. Kartashkova, 77–95. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Macleod, I., J. Derrick and J. D. McClure (eds.). 2012. Scotland in Definition. A History of Scottish Dictionaries. Edinburgh: Birlinn Ltd. Mooijaart, M. and M. Van der Wal. 2008. Yesterday's Words: Contemporary, Current and Future Lexicography. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Oxford English Dictionaries, http://www.oxforddictionaries.com (accessed October 14, 2013). Rennie, S. 2012. Jamieson’s Dictionary of Scots. The Story of the First Historical Dictionary of the Scots Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Uzhova, O. 2013. “Linguistic Cultural Dictionaries with Special Reference to Russian Culture” In Multi-disciplinary Lexicography: Traditions

104

Chapter Eight

and Challenges of the XXIst Century, edited by O. Karpova, F. Kartashkova, 27–33. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Yudina, N. 2012. Florence in the Works of European Writers and Artists: Encyclopedic Dictionary for Guides and Tourists: Project of a Dictionary, edited by O. Karpova. Third issue. Vladimir: Vladimir State University.

CHAPTER NINE FLORENCE: THE CONCEPT OF THE CITY FAINA I. KARTASHKOVA AND EKATERINA A. SHILOVA IVANOVO STATE UNIVERSITY, RUSSIA

For most members of the community, the concept of the city exists above all in the shape of non-reflective images and symbols. In individual consciousness, the cultural concept of the city originally lies at the emotional level as a prototype model of behaviour, definite succession of thought, desire and feeling (Ilyin 2004). The concept “city” can be regarded as a cultural one, occupying its own important place in the conceptual sphere of the language and culture. It implies history, customs and traditions, language and mythology. There is no doubt that the concept of the city has a complicated structure which may be treated as summing up of past cultural epochs. People perceive cities not only through the prism of their subjective social-psychological impressions, but very often through images created in literature and art, and through concepts described in scientific and publicistic works (Ilyin 2004). The phenomenon of the city has been investigated from the angle of structural-functional analysis but has scarcely been described as a cultural concept which predetermines the outlook of an individual and the society in which they live and shows the way the world picture is formed under the influence of civilization processes. Florence has always been of particular interest and significance for Russians. As a geographical, historical, cultural, philosophical and religious phenomenon, it has been in the focus of literary attention for over five hundred years. This has resulted in a large number of texts of different genres of Russian literary heritage (from personal letters and travelogues to works of prose and poetry).

106

Chapter Nine

The image of Florence created in Russian literary works is multifaceted. In the early nineteenth century, Russians had an unfailing liking for Florence, and treated it as something sacred. The origins of such an attitude to the city and its canonization date back to the fifteenth century when Florence first appeared to Russian travellers as a fairy-tale, a miracle, living dream. Later, this attitude became something almost destructive. Paying tribute to Florentine beauties, some of the Russian writers felt discomforted and described their sad experience. The twentieth century witnessed a new sacralization of Florence connected not only with the masterpieces of art but also with the people who created them, and are indispensable parts of Florentine history (e.g. Dante, Leonardo da Vinci, and Botticelli). We assume that everyone who has ever visited Florence has a corresponding concept within their conceptual sphere, or (broadly speaking) world picture. In the given article we are going to find out whether (and to what extent) the artistic concept differs from that of ordinary people, and what matters for an artistic person and an ordinary one. The former we refer to Russian poets, artists and writers, while the latter is built on the basis of entries from the dictionaries compiled by ordinary people, such as students, post-graduate students and teachers. If we look into Russian encyclopaedias of various types—The Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary published in Imperial Russia in 1890–1907, the Great Soviet Encyclopedia of the 1970s (Bol’shaya sovetskaya entsiklopediya (1969–1978), or the free, online user-generated Wikipedia of the twentieth century—we will most likely find basic Florentine motifs represented in the texts of the entries devoted to the city. If we summarize the information about Florence represented in encyclopaedias and dictionaries, we can conclude that it is described as a world tourism centre, a cradle of the Renaissance, with the most prominent figures of the time (Dante, Francesco Petrarca, Boccaccio, Donatello, da Vinci, Michelangelo, Machiavelli, etc.) being mentioned. Besides traditional, geographical, historical and economic facts about the city, there are obligatory enumerations of its architectural masterpieces, sometimes with explanation of their symbolic meanings. The dictionary entries, originally aimed at providing the most objective information, cannot avoid giving evaluative comments using very metaphoric language. Thus, Florence is a Flower of Italy, the New Athens of resurgent Greece, a City of Red Lilies. Often called la bella (beautiful) and la gentile (gentle, charming), it is referred to as an open-air citymuseum, having preserved its historical look with unique artistic

Florence: The Concept of the City

107

ensembles of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. The people of Florence—geniuses of the remote past and our contemporaries with their special passion for arts—deserve special attention and are very often mentioned in the dictionaries. Florence in the Works of World Famous People: Encyclopedic Dictionary for Guides and Tourists is a fine example of a dictionary where Florentine myth finds its realization. It is an encyclopaedic associative dictionary created on a volunteer basis by the participants of the Fondazione Romualdo Del Bianco®–Life Beyond Tourism® International Students’ Workshops with the project leader Dr Prof. Olga Karpova from Ivanovo State University. Since 2008, over 50 entries devoted to famous Russians whose live was connected with Florence, have been elaborated. These celebrities are painters, poets, writers, musicians and scientists, such as A. Blok, A. Akhmatova, F. Dostoevsky, N. Gumilev, L. Tolstoy, I. Annensky, A. Tarkovsky, I. Aivazovsky, M. Rostropovich and S. Rakhmaninov. A special section of the entry called “Associations” contains the reflections of the compilers on what they saw and felt in Florence (Karpova 2012a; 2012b; Shilova, Utkina 2013). The artistic concept is understood by modern linguists as a complex mental whole which is adherent not only to individual consciousness but also to the psychomental sphere of a certain ethnocultural community (Miller 2000, 41–42). The artistic concept is said to represent the aesthetic adaptation of the cognitive experience of reality by the creative language personality (Oparina 2013, 10), which results in associative and evaluative layers that prevail in the structure of the literary concept. The contents of the artistic concept can be determined only by researching the word usage and creative word-making of the author in concrete texts. The number of connotations within the meaning of the linguistic units representing the artistic concept is greater than the number of those found in the words representing the general language concept (Oparina 2013, 11). It has been assumed that if a researcher is going to deal with linguistic aesthetics, they are bound to display a special approach to the investigation of the problem in question by way of analyzing the most relevant senses and associations found within the contents of the artistic concept. On the basis of the above-mentioned we are going to attempt to analyze some literary concepts most frequently used in Russian poetry and literary pieces describing Florence from different angles. First and foremost, we must mention the subconcept of “Florentine Landscape”. This is verbalized mainly by way of the nouns ɤɟɞɪɵ [kedry—cedars], ɤɢɩɚɪɢɫɵ [kiparisy—cypresses], ɥɭɝ [lug—meadow],

108

Chapter Nine

ɬɵɫɹɱɟɥɢɫɬɧɢɤ [tisyachelistnik—milfoil], ɪɭɱɟɣ [ruchej—brook], ɬɪɚɜɚ [trava—grass], ɥɨɡɵ [losy—vines], ɩɚɲɧɢ [pashni—ploughed fields], ɝɨɪɵ [gory—mountains], ɞɚɥɢ [dali—expanses], ɧɟɛɨ [nebo—sky], ɯɨɥɦɵ [kholmy—hills], ɥɚɜɪ [lavr—laurel], all of which are names of articles of landscape code that impressed the poets greatly and inspired them to create their masterpieces. Of special interest are word combinations made up according to the structure adjective+noun, where adjectives function as epithets of a special kind: ɪɚɫɤɚɥɟɧɧɵɟ ɤɚɦɧɢ [raskaljenniye kamni—burning hot stones], ɱɟɪɧɨɟ ɧɟɛɨ [chernoye nebo—black sky], ɫɭɦɪɚɤ ɝɨɥɭɛɨɣ [sumrak goluboj—blue twilight], ɞɪɨɠɚɳɢɟ ɬɨɩɨɥɹ [drozhash’iye topol’ya—trembling poplars], ɪɨɡɨɜɵɣ ɦɢɧɞɚɥɶ [rozovij mindal’—pink almond], and ɦɢɪɬ ɛɥɚɝɨɭɯɚɧɧɵɣ [mirt blagoukhannij—sweet-smelling myrtle]. The colour adjectives prescribe special connotations to the nouns they modify and the given attributive complex acquires a highly evaluative meaning. The above examples prove that the so-called landscape code is widely represented in the poems of Russian poets devoted to Florence. In close connection with it is the cultural code that is displayed, in particular, in the subconcept “Impressions of the City”. Alongside the landscape, Russian poets and writers were charmed by Florentine architecture: ɤɚɪɪɚɪɫɤɨɝɨ ɦɪɚɦɨɪɚ ɛɟɥɵɟ ɛɥɨɤɢ (karrarskogo mramora beliye bloke—white blocks of Carrara marble], ɨɫɬɪɢɹ ɰɟɪɤɜɟɣ ɢ ɛɚɲɟɧ [ostriya tserkvej i bashen— pointed roofs of cathedrals and towers], and ɋɢɟɧɫɤɢɣ ɫɨɛɨɪ [Sienskij sobor—Sienna Cathedral], all represented by polycomponental word combinations, the nuclei of which form nouns denoting articles of architecture. Expressing their admiration for Florentine culture, Russian poets could not but mention the names of those who created masterpieces of architecture, painting and other articles that belong to the cultural code. The names of famous Florentine architects, painters and writers that we come across in the literary pieces of Russian poets devoted to Florence may definitely be treated as intertextual names (Karpova and Kartashkova 2009): Ȼɨɬɬɢɱɟɥɥɢ (Botticelli), Ɇɢɤɟɥɚɧɞɠɟɥɨ (Michelangelo), Ʌɟɨɧɚɪɞɨ (Leonardo), Ⱦɚɧɬɟ (Dante). Of no less importance is the subconcept “Florentine Women”. The description of feminine characters is found in a great many of the poems under analysis, verbalized mainly by way of non-verbal means: ɫ ɭɥɵɛɤɨɣ ɧɚ ɫɦɭɝɥɨɦ ɥɢɰɟ [s ulybkoj na smuglom litse—with a smile on the swarthy face], ɞɟɪɡɨɤ ɢɯ ɨɬɤɪɵɬɵɣ ɜɡɨɪ [derzok ikh otkritij vzor—their impudent open look], ɤɨɜɚɪɧɵɟ ɦɚɞɨɧɧɵ ɳɭɪɹɬ ɞɥɢɧɧɵɟ ɝɥɚɡɚ

Florence: The Concept of the City

109

[kovarniye madonni schyuryat dlinniye glaza—insidious madonnas are screwing up their long eyes], ɨɱɢ ɜɥɚɠɧɵɟ ɫɨɳɭɪɹ [ochi vlazhniye soschyurya—screwing up misty eyes]. It can easily be seen that the poets pay special attention to mimics and miremics of Florentine women. The poets use somatic nouns: ɥɢɰɨ [litso—face], ɪɟɫɧɢɰɵ [resnitsy— eyelashes], ɲɟɹ [sheya—neck], ɫɩɢɧɚ [spina—back], ɨɱɢ [ochi—eyes], ɝɥɚɡɚ [glaza—eyes] and ɩɥɟɱɨ [plecho—shoulder], modified by different attributes: ɤɪɚɫɢɜɚɹ ɲɟɹ [krasivaya sheya—beautiful neck], ɜɥɚɠɧɵɟ ɨɱɢ [vlazniye ochi—misty eyes], ɫɜɟɬɥɵɣ ɤɪɭɝ ɥɢɰɚ [svetlij krug litsa—a light round of the face], showing that the poets were delighted by the beauty of the feminine body. The feelings and emotions of the Russian poets that Florence evoked in their hearts can be grouped under the subconcept “Emotions,” verbalized by way of the names of these emotions, such as ɧɟɠɧɨɫɬɶ [nezhnost’— tenderness], ɥɸɛɨɜɶ [lubov’—love], ɫɬɪɚɫɬɶ [strast’—passion], ɜɨɫɬɨɪɝ [vostorg—delight] and ɩɟɱɚɥɶ [pechal’—dolour], which are invariably modified by metaphoric adjectives: ɥɸɛɨɜɶɸ ɞɥɢɧɧɨɣ [lubov’yu dlinnoj—with a long love], ɫɬɪɚɫɬɶɸ ɞɥɢɧɧɨɣ, ɛɟɡɦɹɬɟɠɧɨɣ [strast’ju dlinnoj, bezmyatezhnoj—with a long calm passion]. To find the components of the concept under discussion in ordinary people’s minds, we turned to the dictionary (A Dictionary without Boundaries…, 2012; Florence in the Works of World Famous People…, 2013, 2014) compiled by ordinary Russian people (students, postgraduates and teachers) who happened to visit Florence and give their impressions of the city in a special section of the dictionary entry called Associations. Here, we sought the ways of verbalizing the concept “The City of Florence”. The semantic analysis of all the above-mentioned texts permitted us to single out the most important semantic components of the concept under study. Hereby, we were guided by the criterion of the frequency of occurrence—the more often the word is used, the more important it is. Summarizing the results of the semantic analysis, we can assuredly say that the concept under study includes more than 30 subconcepts verbalized within the entries of the dictionaries. The most frequently used are the following: culture, architecture, art, landscape/scenery, buildings, streets, atmosphere, spirit, masterpiece. It can easily be seen that most of the above-mentioned words are hyperonyms, i.e. words with generalized meanings. It is therefore no wonder that in the texts where people’s associations are given, more often than not they have adjectives modifying them. In this connection, it should be stressed that nearly all the adjectives are of evaluative character (we are adherents of N. D. Arutyunova’s

110

Chapter Nine

classification of evaluative means [1988]), but at the same time seem to be rather heterogeneous. Some express rational evaluation, e.g. narrow/winding (streets), ancient (places), grandiose/historic (places), and quiet (place). Most of the adjectives manifest an emotional and aesthetic evaluation of Florence, which undoubtedly prevails in the dictionaries we have analysed. The most frequently used adjectives with highly positive connotations are beautiful, amazing, magnificent, splendid, fascinating, majestic, charming and glorious. They are characterized by a very high degree of intensification. Here, we cannot but stress the fact that ordinary people express their emotions in a direct way using adjectives with highly positive connotations, thus expressing the strong emotions that Florence evokes in their hearts and souls. If we compare the ways of evaluation by ordinary people with their counterparts in the artistic concept, we can clearly see that it is mostly expressed indirectly. Namely, different peculiarities of Florentine nature and objects of art are displayed, as was shown earlier. Alongside the above-mentioned words with generalized meaning, a large layer of concrete nouns may be singled out, and we can distinguish several groups. The first group contains nouns denoting concrete issues of landscape/scenery, such as flowers, plants, trees and others, which contribute to the verbalization of the landscape code. The second group is formed by nouns that verbalize the subconcept “Cultural Heritage” (actors, singers, theatres, buildings, villas, streets, street musicians, sculptures, museums, artists/painters, gardens, libraries). Some subconcepts are less important, and their verbalization is infrequent, but they seem worth mentioning. The words that represent these subconcepts do not make up any semantic group; on the contrary, they are rather varied: light/colour (imprints the mind of Florence’s visitors, and is typical of the artistic concept too), food and drink, especially coffee, evidently no less important to ordinary people but not found in the artistic concept. A semantic analysis of the words that serve as linguistic representatives of the concept “The City of Florence” makes it possible to speak of certain subzones of the Florentine concept which seem to be very specific. They are as follows: (1) Florentine climate; (2) Mystery of Florence; (3) Symbolism of Florence (that of the Renaissance, and of time and the culture of the past).

Florence: The Concept of the City

111

All the above-mentioned accounts for the fact that the key words of the dictionary texts under analysis are spirit and atmosphere. The general spirit and atmosphere of Florence evoke emotions and feelings in those who compiled the dictionary. They are denoted by such direct names as delight, admiration, love, satisfaction and charm. Thus, to express their feelings directly is typical of ordinary people, while the display of emotions and feelings within the artistic concept is of a different nature. It goes by way of the artistic description of nature and objects of art that form literary images, thus revealing genuine emotions. The strongest of the latter belong to psychophysiological reactions which are nominated in different ways, for example: ɹ ɩɨɛɥɟɞɧɟɥ ɢ ɜɫɩɵɯɧɭɥ [ya poblednel i vspychnul—I turned pale and flushed], ɠɝɭɬ ɪɚɫɤɚɥɟɧɧɵɟ ɤɚɦɧɢ ɦɨɣ ɥɢɯɨɪɚɞɨɱɧɵɣ ɜɡɝɥɹɞ [zhgut raskalyenniye kamni moj likhoradochnij vzglyad—red-hot stones are burning my feverish look], and ɬɟɥɨ ɜ ɩɥɚɳɟ ɩɨɞɧɢɦɚɟɬɫɹ ɦɟɥɤɢɦ ɲɚɝɨɦ ɤ ɜɨɫɩɚɥɟɧɧɨɦɭ ɧɟɛɭ [telo v plasche … podnimaetsya melkim shagom k vospalennomu nebu—the body in the cloak … is ascending in a low lead to the inflamed sky]. Here we observe the psychological reactions of: (a) turning pale [poblednel—turned pale], (b) flushing [vspychnul—flushed], (c) fever [lichoradochnij—feverish], and (d) trembling [telo podnimaetsya melkim shagom—the body is ascending with a low lead]. This presupposes the fact that the most frequently used stylistic devices within literary pieces are epithets of metaphoric nature, while for ordinary people it is typical to use direct epithets (hospitable, romantic, poetic, beautiful, creative, famous) and hyperboles (the impression cannot be described, the most beautiful place in the world). Of special interest is the use of the stylistic device of contrast (I felt the insignificance of a human being in the face of a divine talent, I felt a tiny grain of the Universe seeking for a refuge under the shelter of a celestial gift), which reflects the correlation of low self-evaluation versus the greatness of Florence. This predetermines cause-and-effect relations between different zones of the concept “The City of Florence” and the impact they have on ordinary people’s minds, hearts and souls. This can be schematically represented as follows: 1. “The beauty of the city”: —one’s heart is full of emotions and love for Florence; —you fall in love with Florence; —Florence cannot leave anybody indifferent; —you feel the strong magnetism of the town.

112

Chapter Nine

2. “The age of Florence”: —it creates a picture of ancient times; —you touch history. 3. “The spirit and atmosphere of Florence”: —Florence is the most suitable place for creating brilliant works of art; —– Florence inspires you; —you feel the spirit of the age. The analysis we have delivered enables us to draw some conclusions. The concept “The City of Florence” may be treated as a certain cultural message, as a text which must be interpreted. Within the world text, the city of Florence is treated as the quintessence of the culture, a space with unlimited informational and semantic volume. The concept is formed when the dictionary meaning meets with a person’s experience accounting for the fact that the concept is emotional, evaluative and expressive. This holds good for both artistic and ordinary concepts. However, there are specific zones within the artistic concept that account for the creation of literary images by way of specific stylistic devices. Emotions and feelings in the artistic concept are expressed implicitly, while in ordinary concepts they are expressed explicitly and directly. Thus, the semantic analysis of the words representing the concept of Florence proves that the ways of perceiving the world in artistic and ordinary consciousness are different.

References Arutyunova, N. D. 1988. Otsenka, sobytiye, fact (Evaluation, Event, Fact). Moscow. Ilyin, V. G. 2004. Gorod kak kontsept kul’tury (City as a Concept of Culture). Doctoral diss., Rostov-on-Don. Karpova, O. M. 2012a. “Encyclopedic Dictionary as a Crossroad between Place Names and Antroponyms: a Project of a New Type.” In Proceedings of the 15th EURALAX International Congress, 967–973. Oslo: Oslo University. —. 2012b. “K proektu sozdaniya novogo tipa kulturologicheskogo slovarya” (“On the Project of a New Type of Cultural Dictionary”). In Sovremenniye pragmalingvisticheskiye i kul’turologicheskiye issledovaniya (Contemporary Pragmalinguistic and Cultural Research), 113–121. Ivanovo. Karpova, O. M. and F. I. Kartashkova. 2009. “New Generation of Specialised Dictionaries to Shakespeare’s Works.” In Lexicography

Florence: The Concept of the City

113

and Terminology. A Worldwide Outlook, edited by O. Karpova and F. Kartashkova, 28–42. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Miller, L. V. 2000. “Khudozhestvennij kontsept kak smyslovaya i esteticheskaya kategoriya” (“Artistic Concept as a Meaningful and Esthetic Category”). In Mir russkogo cheloveka (The World of the Russian Person), no. 4. Oparina, K. S. 2013. “Verbalizatsiya khudozhestvennogo kontsepta ‘vitalizm’ (na materiale nemetskogo expressionizma)” (“Verbalization of an Artistic Concept “Vitalism” (on the Material of the German Language)”). PhD diss., Samara. Shilova, E. A. and N. S. Utkina. 2013. “Dictionary for Cultural Tourists: Entry Line Architecture.” In Multi-disciplinary Lexicography: Traditions and Challenges of the XXIst century, edited by O. Karpova and F. Kartashkova, 268–276. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Stikhi russkikh poetov o Florentsiyi (Poems about Florence by Russian Poets), http://www.poetry-city.ru/florencia.html (accessed September 15, 2014).

Dictionaries Bol’shaya sovetskaya entsiklopediya (Great Soviet Encyclopedia). 19691978. 3rd ed. in 30 vols. Edited by A. Prokhorov. Moscow. Florence in the Works of European Writers and Artists: Encyclopedic Dictionary for Guides and Tourists: Project of a Dictionary. 2009. Edited by O. Karpova. Ivanovo. Florence in the Works of European Writers and Artists: Encyclopedic Dictionary for Guides and Tourists: Project of a Dictionary. 2nd Issue. 2011. Edited by O. Karpova. Tomsk. A Dictionary without Boundaries: Florence in the Works of World Famous People. Project of a Dictionary for Guides and Tourists. 3rd Issue. 2012. Edited by O. Karpova. Vladimir. Florence in the Works of World Famous People. Encyclopedic Associative Dictionary for Guides and Tourists. 4th Issue. 2013. Edited by O. Karpova. Chelyabinsk. Florence in the Works of World Famous People. Cultural Heritage Encyclopedic Dictionary of Associative Type. 5th Issue. 2014. Edited by O. Karpova. Kazan. The Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary. 1890-1907. Edited by I. Andrievskij, K. Arsenjev and F. Petrushevskij. St. Petersburg.

CHAPTER TEN FLORENCE AS TEXT LARISSA M. ALEKSEEVA PERM STATE NATIONAL RESEARCH UNIVERSITY, RUSSIA

Text forms one of the fundamental concepts of modern linguistics and semiotics (Lotman 2002). According to Saussure, text is regarded as language manifestation, i.e. as language material. This thesis is very widely accepted and not often challenged. However, the concept of text has changed a great deal since then, and a dominant view of it is no longer static. I propose a view on the possibility of discovering a specific kind of text. Florence enters contemporary scientific discussions from various directions, including the field of lexicography. This article is aimed at the issues of Florentine text connected with the understanding that it is not only a multilateral linguistic phenomenon, but also a complex symbolic object. We aim at describing Florence as a certain symbolic image, contributing to the heritage of lexicography, compressed to a cultural formula. By this formula, we mean a complex of historical, cultural and linguistic information reflecting Florence as a concentrated informational semiotic image (Lotman 2002). From this point of view, we regard Florence as part of the cultural space of Italy, and from this perspective we aim at describing Florence as a certain semiotic image. The aim of my research is to assess the significance of comprehending the idea of Life Beyond Dictionaries as the unity of language, semiotics, nature and culture. Life Beyond Dictionaries may be regarded as a specific space, where language and nature are crossing endlessly. This mixture produces a great integral text for those who can read. One of the ways to “read” this text is to find signs and make them speak. This idea forms the possibility of studying the cultural heritage of any city by means of its symbols, which might form the basis of a specific kind of dictionary of symbols. From this perspective, I research symbolic

Florence as Text

115

representation and the material fixation of symbolic objects of Florence. I have identified two main principles of Florence as text, attraction and intertextuality: the specific magnetism of Florence, or hedonism (Barthes 1975), and a second principle linked with the various associations of Florence in cultural texts. This allows for a semiotic portrait of Florence, comprising pictures of it to be fixed in a specific dictionary of symbols. Our concern will be with the value of those signs for Florentine culture. Florence is a specific city, since it has a very clear expressionism; that is, buildings, sculptures and pictures that can be regarded as special units of a special kind of text – “Florentine text.” By this term we mean a special integral whole of all the utterances and reminiscences, i.e. language representations linked with Florence. To “read” Florentine text we need special “optics,” which means looking at objects like symbols. It is clear that the research of Florentine text aims at analysing traces left by this city in the world’s writings. This was a primary task of the Dictionary without Boundaries (Karpova 2009; Petrashova 2011; Yudina 2012; Karpova et al. 2013), which is based on what people say or believe about Florence. In other words, this kind of dictionary creates a primary cultural text (Karpova 2013a; 2013b; Karpova and Alekseeva 2010). Text always needs an interpretation. Therefore, being a text, Florence also needs interpretation, and that is why it is always full of visitors and onlookers. This was the reason for researching Florence from the perspective of a kind of text. In my presentation, I propose a view of the possibility to discover a specific kind of text, because culture has various kinds of manifestation, such as art, music, architecture, etc. We start with the thesis that all objects of culture may be represented by means of language – we may discuss their essence and exchange opinions concerning those objects. In this sense we equal text and culture, since we substitute objects with their verbal equivalents. From the viewpoint of culture, the cultural text (picture, sculpture, music and the like) precedes its language. Cultural texts are metatexts, since their production is based on the process of semiotic decoding. The function of decoding cultural texts is known as creativity. In this sense, the cultural sense offers various prospects for the development of creativity. The functions of cultural texts are as follows: (1) they establish a connection between people and cultural traditions; (2) they play the role of mediators which modify the personality of the reader; (3) they are rather autonomous since they are like partners in the intercultural dialogue;

116

Chapter Ten

(4) the rules of interpretation are not specified, and each individual, coming across Florentine symbols, has theirs in their own head. Any apparent reference to a Florentine symbol is construed by them individually. We have already stressed that Florence is a specific city that demands various interpretations. And in fact it has hundreds of them. Nevertheless, I suggest one more type of looking at Florence by means of combining two perspectives: semiotic and cultural. I shall regard Florence as a primary cultural text and try to discover its properties. We believe that culture may exist as a system of verbal texts. In the process of semiosis, various facts and events of reality obtain a new sign status, being defined as a new form of the text (Barthes 1972; Barthes 1968). In recent years researchers of different concerns have pointed out that human activity occupies the main theoretical place, because the comprehension of questions linked with it is dependent on the symbolic foundation. When people give names to streets and cities, and when they establish monuments, they symbolically arrange a living space that was empty before. Nomination does not take place in isolation. People try to motivate their choice of names and in this way symbolize their living space. The activity of people in this aspect is one of its oldest motivations. According to the first principle, we produce cultural texts referring to the most attractive symbols of Florence. The discovery of Florence in this perspective is directed in two ways. The first is connected with the study of its paradigmatic resources, having definite denotates (Duomo, Santa Maria del Fiori, Santa Croce, etc.). All those names arrange the denotative heritage dictionary of Florence. However, syntagmatic structures combine all those separated symbols into integral narration, which introduces them into various kinds of informational sources. The Dictionary without Boundaries, which we are compiling in Florence with our students, is based on both these principles (Karpova 2013a; 2013b). In the first perspective, we try to observe objects as words, and this is the first level of our activity. However, each text contains several layers: lexicon, syntax, stylistics and intra- and inter-connections. Defining Florence as text, we assume that it has linguistic representation and fixation in dictionaries, and at the same time inner integrity and connectivity, i.e. the characteristics typical of the text. It is arbitrary to take isolated symbols out of the textual integrity, which is the second principle of studying Florence as text. Discussing the idea of Florence as text, we start with the thesis that each text may be understood on two levels: on the exterior level and on the

Florence as Text

117

interior level (or the explicit and implicit levels). It is known that on the textual level all words lose their common meaning and obtain symbolic interpretations. Being the same in form, they get a quite specific meaning and function as signs of other realities. This means that an object is taken out of its usual place and is replaced on a symbolic plane. In the symbolic world, a common object (a building, a river, a picture, a book, any artifact) may be turned into a symbol and placed into the raw form of other symbolic names. The analysis of symbolic systems of various historical periods helps to reveal the similarity between historically distant systems (Florensky 1996, 570). At least three levels of text understanding can be observed: (1) the level of symbols, (2) cognitive level and (3) implicit level. Let us consider the first level, the level of symbols. It is possible to discuss the portrait of Florence, comprising images of Florence that might be the source for a specific dictionary of symbols called Florentine Symbolarium (Alekseeva 2009). What principles may characterize this type of a dictionary? They are not taxonomic, and alphabetical order is not used. The main principle concerns seeing and interpreting. Real objects are linked and arranged within a special space. The inner essence, i.e. the ontology of reflected objects, is the main principle. This principle is not new, and its history goes back to the eighteenth century with P. Grégoire’s Syntaxeon artis mirabilis (1610) and Alstedius’s Encyclopaedia (1630). It tries to realize the following principle of compiling dictionaries — to not reflect what one knows in language, but to reconstitute the very order of the universe by means of words linked and arranged in a specific space. We know that to learn something means to gather together a certain amount of signs and find the correlation of their forms. Out of various classifications of symbols, we choose two types: (1) geometrical symbols, and (2) symbols of colour. Geometrical symbols are very important for Florence. Florence gravitates to this kind of symbol as a form of presentation of ideas and concepts. Perspective and perspective constructions were F. Brunelleschi’s and Masaccio’s discoveries of the Renaissance era. Since that time, geometry has become a source of creativity in architecture, art and life, and Florentines became fond of the beauty of geometry and the proportions of architecture. More than that, geometrical symbols are the most understandable since they lie out of individual interpretation and therefore belong to the whole of humankind. This can be called an ideographical collection of thoughts (a dictionary) that is spread all over the city. Based on this, I shall regard universal symbols, such as dots, lines, angles and circles. Let us regard the dot as the simplest symbolical image that nonetheless

118

Chapter Ten

has various interpretations. In ontology, a dot means the beginning, the origin, the centre from which everything starts. A dot may be defined as a minimum of spacious perception (Florensky 1996, 574). In cosmology, dots are linked with the sun’s atoms. The pneumotological concept of the dot associates it with a star-dot or a sparkle-dot, while the biological dot is the integrated symbol of various processes, in other words, it is the life centre. There is a legend of Florence, according to which it was founded as God’s will. If gods take part in the origin of a city, this city fulfils the function of a mediator between the god and people. This city usually has characteristic features, such as it is situated on hills, or a river crosses it. It has a beginning but no end. It is an eternal city. All these characteristics fit Florence. Applying the symbolic meaning of a dot to Florence means that Florence is the centre of various things (the Renaissance, the Republic, Unia, mosaic, camerata, etc.). The city plays a special role in the system of symbols. We define the sphere of the city as a centred space. For example, think of The Republic of Florence (Italian: Repubblica Fiorentina), The Florentine Camerata (the Camerata de’ Bardi), The Florentine Unia, etc. The most adequate definition of a dot, from the historical point of view, was given by the Pythagoreans — a dot is a unit with a location in space. In this case, a dot is associated with the centre of gravity, or the centre of energy. The symbolic space of Florence is a container of emblems. As we have seen, the semiotic space of Florence is very dense and complex. Florence has never copied signs or reproduced them from other cultures. The symbolic field of Florence is a homogeneous and centred text, where each element is a sign able to be compressed and at the same time developed. Florence is constantly producing its symbolic space. Let us now regard a line. Consider the symbol of the Arno. From ancient times people thought about the river as a symbol of human life. In this sense, the symbol of the river is close to the symbol of the road. However, the river as a symbol of life is older and much more abstract than the latter, since the symbol of the road is always burdened with certain historical events. The river is linear and characterized by movement in a certain direction. It is obvious that the Arno is one of the most attractive symbols of the Florentine text, in which it is not a symbol of demarcation. It does not divide time into past and present. On the contrary, it “flows” into time. The Arno has various representations in world literature, such as P. B. Shelley’s Ode to the West Wind, O. Wilde’s By the Arno,

Florence as Text

119

P. Vyazemsky’s Florence, and E. M. Forster’s Room with a View. The symbolic function of the river is diversified, and all interpretations are acceptable. They symbolize the flow of life, people’s memory, and witness history. Consider now symbols of colour. Colours add special characteristics to symbols. I studied the colours of Florence from this perspective and found their peculiarities. There are such colours: green, yellow, white, brown and pink (lilac). There is no red, a symbolic meaning of which is aggression. Red is masked by other colours — pink is red plus white, lilac is red plus blue, and brown is red plus yellow. Many symbols of Florence are connected with personal names. Consider Vanna, an Italian medieval feminine name. The name Vanna is particular to the Tuscan province of Italy. In La Vita Nuova by Dante Alighieri, Vanna is a Florentine lady, the best friend of Beatrice. This name is also common in music and poetry. Think of Monna Vanna, the unfinished opera by S. Rakhmaninov, or of Monna (Lady) Vanna, a muse for the Florentine poet G. Cavalcanti. As for the second, cognitive, level, we should assume that Florence constantly produces its own symbolic space, which is associated with local images. Taking into consideration the previously discussed ways of interpreting Florence as text, we should say that those images obtain cognitive and communicative functions, since local semiotics starts working beyond its boundaries as an independent phenomenon of culture. Reading Florence as text on the implicit level does not mean going back into its history only. A constant and systemic research of Florence as text needs a thorough analysis of the interrelation of past and present. Consider the Florentine Renaissance, which may be regarded as an integral phenomenon originating in Florence and at the same time assimilating the whole world. On the one hand, this syncretic image forms a surface made of various works of art, visual and acoustic images and books produced at this local place. These objects provide further understandings of text practices. In this case, definite objects are internally split. As a result, the semantics of objects starting its own life arranges new relations and projections. On the other hand, this phenomenon founds an extensive basement for further interpretations in the world culture.

Conclusions We applied the text theory in a new way, concerning new principles and unsuspected ideas. We may conclude that the Florentine text is the unity of languages and cultures. This unity generates a strong energy by

120

Chapter Ten

means of historical information, by which the city resists time. Florence as text has a very clear expressionism (represented in sculptures and pictures, for instance), and that is why it always needs visitors and onlookers. The need for a good and comprehensive guide to the evolution of symbols is obvious, but it is equally clear that this task must be a difficult undertaking. Having researched the main symbolic characteristics of Florence, we come to the conclusion that the symbol is a mental phenomenon that is integrated from the inside but not from the outside. It is not an abstract concept or an artifact that we can define. It is impossible to state the borders of a symbol’s meaning. All the classifications of symbols will be flexible and not fixed. Our approach to the verbal heritage gives the traditional concept a new twist. On the one hand, it is regarded as a logical and stable unit of language, on the other, as a unit with open semantics. This view has a great impact on the development of both lexicography and cross-cultural communication. A semantics of symbols is not itself a well-defined theory of meaning but rather the way of constructing symbolic meaning. In this sense, it may be regarded as a theory of understanding and symbol use. Symbols, like words, can be efficiently learned. Speaking about the perspectives of studying Florence as text, it should be noted that it is very attractive and fruitful for modern lexicology. Such a perspective exhibits an interesting evolution of views of verbal representations.

References Alekseeva, L. 2009. “P. Florensky and his New Type of a Dictionary: Symbolarium.” In Lexicography and Terminology: a Worldwide Outlook, edited by O. M. Karpova and F. I. Kartashkova, 124–135. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholar Publishing. Alekseeva, L. and O. M. Karpova. 2010. “Florence as Reflected in the New Type of Lexicographic Work.” In New Trends in Lexicography: Ways of Registrating and Describing Lexis, edited by O. Karpova and F. Kartashkova, 131––138. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Barthes, R. 1968. Elements of Semiology. Hill and Wang: New York. —. 1972. Mythologies. Hill and Wang: New York. —. 1975. The Pleasure of the Text. Hill and Wang: New York. Florensky, P. A. 1998. Imena. (Names). Moscow: EKSMO-PRESS; Kharkov: FOLIO.

Florence as Text

121

Karpova, O. M. 2009. Florentsia v tvorchestve evropejskikh pisatelej i khudozhnikov: entsiklopedicheskij slovar’ dlja gidov i turistov: project slovarja (Florence in the Works of European Writers and Artists: Encyclopedic Dictionary for Guides and Tourists: Project of a Dictionary) 1st issue. Edited by V. Egorov. Ivanovo: Ivanovo State University. —. 2013a. “Dictionaries as Treasure Trove of National Heritage and Culture (with Special Reference to the Dictionary Project Florence in the Works of World Famous People).” In Life Beyond Dictionaries: Proceedings of X Anniversary International School on Lexicography, Ivanovo–Florence, September 12–14, 2013, edited by O. Karpova, 263–268. Ivanovo: Ivanovo State University. —. 2013b. “A New Type of a Cultural Dictionary with Special Reference to Florence.” In Multi-disciplinary Lexicography: Traditions and Challenges of the XXIst Century, edited by O. M. Karpova and F. I. Kartashkova, 256–267. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Karpova, O. M., T. N. Khomutova and O. I. Babina (eds). 2013. Florence in the Works of World Famous People. Encyclopedic Associative Dictionary for Guides and Tourists. Project of a Dictionary, 4th issue. Chelyabinsk: Publishing House of South Ural State University. Lotman, Yu. M. 2002. Istoria i tipologia russkoi kultury (History and typology of Russian Culture). St. Petersburg: Iskusstvo-SPb. Petrashova, T. G. 2011. Florentsia v tvorchestve evropejskikh pisatelej i khudozhnikov: entsiklopedicheskij slovar’ dlja gidov i turistov: project slovarja (Florence in the Works of European Writers and Artists: Encyclopedic Dictionary for Guides and Tourists: Project of a Dictionary) 2nd issue, edited by O.M. Karpova. Tomsk: Publishing House of Tomsk Polytechnic University. Yudina, N. V. 2012. A Dictionary without Boundaries: Florence in the Works of World Famous People. Project of a Dictionary for Guides and Tourists, 3rd issue, edited by O. M. Karpova. Vladimir: Publishing House of Vladimir State University.

CHAPTER ELEVEN GUIDELINE PROPOSAL FOR THE DESCRIPTION AND TRANSLATION OF PROPER NOUNS IN A MULTILINGUAL CULTURAL HERITAGE DICTIONARY OF FLORENCE ANNICK FARINA UNIVERSITY OF FLORENCE, ITALY

The name of Parma, one of the towns that I most longed to visit, after reading the Chartreuse, seeming to me compact and glossy, violet-tinted, soft; if anyone were to speak of such or such a house in Parma, in which I should be lodged, he would give me the pleasure of thinking that I was to inhabit a dwelling that was compact and glossy, violet-tinted, soft and that bore no relation to the houses in any other town in Italy, since I could imagine it only by the aid of that heavy syllable of the name of Parma, in which no breath of air stirred, and of all that I had made it assume of Stendhalian sweetness and the reflected hue of violets. And when I thought of Florence, it was of a town miraculously embalmed, and flower-like, since it was called the City of Lilies, and its Cathedral, Our Lady of the Flower. (Proust 2006, 368) .

Proust’s reverie about Italian cities—his way of picturing them through their literary, phonetic and etymological reminiscences—will help me to point out how proper nouns are primarily evocative and how cultural artefacts related to them by every tradition/culture are an important part of their meaning for every community of speakers that uses them. The images that the names of Parma and Florence evoked for Proust, and Proust’s evocation of them, are still vivid in French culture, being for that reason part of the lexical “experience” of these toponyms. As we will illustrate in this paper, this experience is the starting point of the conception of our multilingual cultural heritage dictionary of Florence, the structure of which (mainly but not limited to the entries of

Guideline Proposal for the Description and Translation of Proper Nouns 123

proper nouns) is based on the peculiar relationship that exists between reference and proper nouns and on the need we felt to report their symbolic and connotative weight in our lexicographical work.

Proper Nouns—the Story of an Outcast Proper nouns are non-coded interlinguistic words whose referential sense is consequently unknown. Nonetheless, they have a meaning which is limited to their autonymic connotator. Stendhal means “He (who) is called Stendhal,” and Beyle means “He (who) is called Beyle,” the two names being in no way synonymous because their content is restricted to two different autonymnic words. If the meaning is more complete for the decoder, it is a phenomenon which relies on the knowledge of the world and not of language. A proper noun is thus one that connotes its own sign (Rey-Debove 1976, 232 [the translation is mine]). Proper nouns usually do not appear in the nomenclature of monolingual dictionaries because of the special relationship they have with reference; in fact, lexicographers normally reject them because they consider them outside the linguistic code, without signification beyond their “autonymic connotations,” as illustrated in Rey-Debove’s statement quoted above. They believe that the only way to describe them is in detailing their referents, and that this is not the goal of dictionaries but of encyclopaedias. However, proper nouns can sometimes be found in the microstructures of monolingual dictionaries, especially in definitions of their derivatives or in idiomatic or proverbial locutions, but the lack of reference in the macrostructure of proper nouns which are parts or origins of these linguistic units often makes their interpretation and correct use impossible. The presence of some proper nouns in the macrostructures of bilingual dictionaries can lead the reader to believe that bilingual lexicographers judge them differently. However, this is not the case. In fact, bilingual lexicographers usually share with other lexicographers the idea of the untranslatability of proper nouns or the uniqueness of naming them, and accompany them with scant articles, which however do not help in solving the main translation issues that are characteristic of those words. This general outline is certainly not satisfactory from a lexicographical point of view, and should be linked to the actual difficulty that forms of this kind create for those who wish to understand and translate them adequately. In fact, as I have already illustrated (Farina 2006; 2008), proper nouns not only have cultural roots that need to be illustrated in a dictionary to help users employ or translate them (especially if they are not well-versed in that specific culture), but also respond to the specific

124

Chapter Eleven

linguistic rules of each language, sharing many (inflectional, syntactic as well as semantic) properties with common words.

Florence, City of Lilies—an Example of the Outcast All the specialists who analyse and teach translation point out that the role of a translator is that of a “cultural mediator” between two languages/cultures, a figure that must “be able to demonstrate cognitive flexibility, be able to change viewpoint (disassociation) and be able to mind shift,” a capability which “include[s] a conscious understanding of cultures as well as language” (Katan 1999, 66). While translating, though, the first instrument translators consult with regard to any doubt is a monolingual and/or bilingual dictionary, and it is sometimes the only reference they confer with in view of their usual lack of time. Let us take a look at what they would find in an Italian-French bilingual dictionary (DIF 2003) if looking for Italian words referring to the places Proust mentions in the part of Swann’s Way I quoted above: FIRENZE n.pr.f. Florence. SANTA MARIA DEI FIORI (no entry) GIGLIO pl. -gli m. (fleur de) lys, lis. Locuzioni idiomatiche: bianco, candido come un giglio blanc comme un lys. Locuzioni sostantivali: giglio delle convalli lis de mai, des vallées; giglio di Firenze iris de Florence; giglio martagone lis martagon; giglio rosso, selvatico glaïeul des moissons; giglio di Spagna iris d'Espagne. DUOMO m. 1 (chiesa) dôme 2 tecn. dôme.

These entries (and missing entries) illustrate how a translator usually fails to find the information they need in bilingual dictionaries, especially for their “cultural understanding” of language and for proper nouns and the common nouns linked to them. The flower-like Florence seems to be an iris (“iris de Florence” in GIGLIO entry) and not a lily, as it is for Proust (“Cité des Lys”) and for all French speakers.1 The reference to flowers in the name of Florence’s Cathedral Santa Maria del Fiore (“Sainte Marie de la Fleur”/“Saint Mary of the Flower”) disappears, along with the entry related to it; there is no indication of the possibility for Duomo to be a proper noun, being actualized in its reference to Florence’s cathedral as “Dôme (de Florence).” 1

See, for example, TLFi (in LYS entry): “2. HÉRALDIQUE … (b) Lis rouge. Emblème de Florence. Florence est vraiment la ville de la fleur, et ce n'est pas ɚ tort qu'elle porte le lys rouge pour emblème” (FRANCE, Lys rouge, 1894, 229).

Guideline Proposal for the Description and Translation of Proper Nouns 125

“Lessico dei Beni Culturali” (LBC’s) Core—a Proper Noun Denotes, Connotes and Needs to be Translated Lexicographers usually create nomenclatures by choosing as a goal the vocabulary used by a community of language users; that is, the language used in a delimited place and not that used to refer to that particular place. LBC’s project of a multilingual cultural heritage dictionary of Florence has overturned the common idea that determines the path of a monolingual lexicographer—that of starting from signs to uncover their meanings. This also determines the path of a bilingual lexicographer—that of starting from monolingual descriptions to find similarities in the signs of a target language. We, on the contrary, have started from a reference—the city of Florence as it has appeared in the actual use of language over the centuries and in the discourses of the people who have described it in the seven languages featured in the project. In this way, the cultural basis might emerge and lead us to design lexicographical articles which shed light on the cultural and historical connotations of the words actually used to describe it.

Corpus-based Dictionaries—a Lexicographical Structure Created for a Specific Target User We designed our web portal as a comprehensive tool for the principal users we have targeted—translators working on texts about Florence, translating them from Italian into any of the six other languages of the project. For this reason we are preparing different databases to simulate the researches that this particular type of translator needs to carry out, constructing our dictionaries so as to be sure to help them find answers to their principal doubts. We also enable the user to consult these databases if they are interested in further investigation. From monolingual databases, we will select the monolingual lexicographical information they need about word meanings (denotation and connotation), while parallel bilingual databases will orient us in creating bilingual entries. For example, we will provide the user with quotations found in the databases of translations that have already been done on the same subject, alongside lists of the main linguistic associations found in the databases of their target languages, which we will link to associations found in Italian texts (Samson 2013).

Chapter Eleven

126

To illustrate the way we have conceived the use of databases, I need to describe the various purposes we attributed to any of them: •

•

a monolingual database containing tour guides, texts from museum websites and brochures, and literature (mostly travel literature), which we will use to construct our entry list and choose quotations for the monolingual entries. This large corpus of texts from the several languages studied will help the editors of the dictionary examine the many ways in which it is possible to speak about the very same objects and places of Florence. These texts will enable us to illustrate the cultural background. The part of the corpus which is not written in Italian, as “foreign discourses” about Italian realities, shows the words each language uses in speaking about Florence and the attitudes toward Florence in these foreign cultures. bilingual material (parallel texts) which we have divided into two categories: (a) a reference work and translation database containing reference books about Florence that have been translated by specialists and for which we sometimes have various translations in the same language. We have begun with the translations of Vasari's Lives (Le Vite de' più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori, 1550/1568) into the six languages of our project (plus the Italian version which is also part of our monolingual database). This will allow us to study variations in the way in which words or associations of words have been translated according to the type of texts in which they have appeared and the period in which they were written or translated to propose a variety of translations of our entries and bilingual quotations. (b) example works—tour guides and tourist websites and their translations. These works represent what our target user (a modern translator of texts about Florence, usually for tourism) has to work with. They help us to define modern/general parts of our entry list and identify problematic situations that enable us to develop tools for avoiding the "grammatical errors” we may find in them.

Guideline Proposal for the Description and Translation of Proper Nouns 127

A Lexicographical Structure Aimed at Specific Linguistic Problems Proper Nouns are not “Interlinguistic” The study of how proper nouns are treated in translation clearly shows the extent to which the reputation of untranslatability of this kind of element depends on its specificity as well as on a truncated vision about its potential and about what translation is. To say that a proper noun is untranslatable means to pose it as an obstacle, a limit, the trace of a failure; yet this is irrelevant if we consider its true nature and the nature of translation (Ballard 2001, 203 [the translation is mine]). If proper nouns are usually not translated in most languages nowadays (from Italian to French, for example), old translations of proper nouns are still used. These may be the names of countries, regions or of large, famous cities such as Firenze (it.) / Florence (fr./en.) or Toscana (it.) / Toscane (fr.) / Tuscany (en.), or names of persons, places or events that history has made famous, such as Falɬ delle vanitɚ (it.) / Bûcher des Vanités (fr.) / Bonfire of the Vanities (en.), La Certosa (di Firenze / di Galluzzo) (it.) / La Chartreuse (de Galluzzo / de Florence) (fr.) / The Galluzzo Chartreuse / The Galluzzo Charterhouse / The Florence Chartreuse (en.). Even when they have no “translation,” the use of the original form of a proper noun in another language gives it the status of a borrowing in the target language, in which it will obey syntactic and morphological rules. For example, the gender of a proper noun, when it exists, can change from one language to another, such as Belgio (Belgium), which is masculine in Italian, and Belgique, which is feminine in French. They can also admit a grammatical change regarding number (the region Abruzzo/Abruzzi (it.) can be, for example, singular or plural in both Italian and English, while it is only plural in French—Les Abruzzes). These kinds of properties determine modifications in the syntactical form of sentences in which the nouns are used (for example, the preposition used in French before country names is ɚ2 if feminine and en if masculine, and different pronouns are used to refer to a proper noun when it is feminine or masculine and/or plural.3 These properties are also subject to change over time. For example, the name Cimabue can take a plural form in (archaic) Italian when related to the family (Cimabui). Now it is invariable. 2 3

Au with the adjunction of the article. For example, La Toscane … Elle / Les Abruzzes … Ils.

128

Chapter Eleven

In addition, proper nouns are often adapted to both orthographic and phonetic systems of the language which adopts them. French, for example, conserves the Italian pronunciation of “ch” [k] of Michelangelo [mike‫ޖ‬land‫ݤ‬elo] while pronouncing it Michel-Ange [mik‫ܭ‬l‫ܤ‬Ѻ‫]ݤ‬, but nasalizes the vowel “a” in [‫ܤ‬Ѻ]. The “i” of English borrowing Michelangelo is pronounced [aܼ] by most English speakers, and therefore we can consider that the canonical Italian pronunciation has a (colloquial) variant in English. It might seem too stickling to describe variations of this kind, but what we wanted to do was illustrate that even the English language, reputed to be particularly faithful to the foreign spelling of borrowings, is no exception,4 and that we prefer to abound in details to avoid losing data that might be of value for the user of our dictionaries. In the part of our lexicographical entries related to the “signifier,” we systematically insert all the syntactical, morphological and phonetical information at our disposal, trying to explain the differences between variants, if necessary, and to furnish links to other words morphologically associated to that entry. For this part of our macrostructure, we have found a useful basis in the Prolex Project (Lecuit et al. 2011; Savary et al. 2009; Vitas et al. 2007), which we will use in managing our comparative textual databases to collect the entries of our dictionary and identify the “prolexemes” in these texts (defined by Prolex as “a set of variants (aliases), quasi-synonyms and morphosemantic derivatives”).

The Meanings of Proper Nouns are not Limited to their “Autonymic Connotators” … the rules governing the use of a proper name are such that it is used to refer to and not to describe a particular object, that it has reference but not sense. (Searle 1958, 166).

Even if proper nouns have “no sense” we repute them as possible to define in a dictionary. Like common nouns, they all have hyperonyms that we use to begin our definitions, which are useful for translators who sometimes need to orient the reader in their work. When the reality to which a proper noun refers is presumed to be unknown to the reader of the target language into which they are translating a text, translators may think that it is necessary to help them by adding a hyperonym to the proper noun 4

Maybe the example of Caterina de' Medici, for which English has borrowed the French form Catherine de Médicis, but also a “mixed form” in Catherine de' Medici, could better illustrate this problem of variants.

Guideline Proposal for the Description and Translation of Proper Nouns 129

being translated. In this way they might translate, for example, Borgo Ognissanti by adding the word “street” (hyperonym) in an English translation (“Borgo Ognissanti Street”). Hyperonyms also help us in the macrostructure of our dictionaries to distinguish homonyms such as Santa Maria Novella, which can refer to the church or the station of Florence. On the other hand, our dictionaries aid translators in performing analogical reasoning by offering them synonyms and associations5 related to the entries. A proper noun is not devoid of synonymic relations with other nouns.6 Oltrarno, for example, which refers to the Southern part of Florence past the river Arno, has a synonym Di la d’Arno that is only used in Tuscany. This difference between the use of the two words has to be explained by indicating the distinctive connotations in the use of the two words, and the “Tuscanness” of the second one. We find the same kind of difference in Fiorenza, which in Italian is an archaic synonym of Firenze. The indication of the connotations of words has been inserted not only in our lexicographical marks such as “arch.” (archaism) or “tusc.” (tuscanism), but can also be inferred from our quotation choices or explained in analytical comments inserted in the dictionary’s entry model.

Connotations of Proper Nouns are not Limited to Information about the “Knowledge of the World,” but are Part of Understanding Them One type of connotation of proper nouns can be analysed as “knowledge of the world”—this is the memory of what a culture has associated with them. We think that it is important to illustrate this in our dictionary because, like other connotations we will describe, these participate in “giving sense” to words in a particular culture. One example can be related to what Ballard (2001, chapter 3.2) studied as “perceptible etymology”:

5

I will not develop the “Linguistic habits and collocations” part in this article, which is also important for illustrating the way we have designed our lexicographical entries and concerns both proper and common nouns in the same way. The contribution of Christina Samson in this volume is given in its entirety in order to explain our point of view in this respect. 6 This remark also concerns abbreviations and clippings/acronyms of proper nouns (for example SMN for the Santa Maria Novella station or P.zza Ss. Annunziata for Piazza Santissima Annunziata), which are part of our list of entries that refer to canonical entries.

130

Chapter Eleven It is further reported, and may be read in certain records of old painters, that, whilst Cimabue was painting this picture, in a garden near the gate of San Pietro, King Charles the Elder, of Anjou, passed through Florence, and the authorities of the city, among other marks of respect, conducted him to see the picture of Cimabue. When this work was thus shown to the king, it had not before been seen by any one; wherefore all the men and women of Florence hastened in great crowds to admire it, making all possible demonstrations of delight. The inhabitants of the neighbourhood, rejoicing in this occurrence, ever afterwards called that place Borgo Allegri; and this name it has ever since retained, although in process of time it became enclosed within the walls of the city. (Vasari [1568] 1850, 41)

In Lives of the Artists…, Vasari explains the origin of the toponym Borgo Allegri—the place took its name from the delight of Florentines when they saw the masterpiece of Cimabue. They were so happy (allegri in Italian) in that place that their happiness has been associated with that street name ever since. Vasari’s text represented a centuries-long reference for art history, but his biographies of Florentine artists are also full of anecdotes, sometimes invented by the author or by the popular legends of his time. Even if Vasari’s etymology of Borgo Allegri is not “true” (the name of the place was taken from the Allegri family, who had a house in that street), the story he related is still associated with “Borgo Allegri,” at least in all the countries/languages where Vasari has been and is still a reference. These kinds of connotations are not part of our lexicographical description of the words, but we try to illustrate entries with quotations that show this kind of cultural/historical background in monolingual lexicographical cards, while we give priority to translation problems in bilingual cards.

Conclusion—the Multilingual Cultural Heritage Dictionary of Florence as a Reservoir of “Pieces of Word Knowledge” The tree of genera and species, the tree of substances, blows up in a dust of differentiae, in a turmoil of infinite accidents, in a non-hierarchical network of qualia. The dictionary is dissolved into a potentially unordered and unrestricted galaxy of pieces of word knowledge. The dictionary thus becomes an encyclopaedia, because it was in fact a “disguised encyclopedia” (Eco 1984, 68).

Guideline Proposal for the Description and Translation of Proper Nouns 131

Proper nouns may have such a tangible relation to reality that it makes it difficult for us to forget the mediation of what they refer to in describing them, so much so that defining proper nouns appears to be not a description of words but of realities. By the way—are people who think that lexicographers can define words without going beyond their meanings not perhaps overestimating their capabilities? Is it relevant to stop at the denotations of words without going any further into an appendix of signification and connotation that might reveal intentions and experiences, reminiscences of discourses already made, using these words which create all their expressiveness and potential? Isn’t any dictionary a “disguised encyclopedia,” constrained to be “in the world” while defining “pieces of word knowledge?” LBC’s multilingual cultural heritage dictionary of Florence tries to be such a hybrid—which is the condition for being, above all, a cultural mediator—which translators need to have close at hand.

References Algeo, J. 1973. On Defining the Proper Name. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Ballard, M. 2001. Le Nom propre en traduction. Paris: Ophrys. DIF. 2003. Dizionario italiano-francese. Torino: Paravia Bruno Mondatori editori. Eco, U. 1984. Semiotics and the Philosophy of Language. First Midland Books edition, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Farina, A. 2006. “Toponomastique et lexicographie bilingue: les dictionnaires français-italien.” Rivista italiana di onomastica, no. 2, 179–192. —. 2008. “En voiture Simone, tes articles ont fait Gilles! Les prénoms dans les dictionnaires.” Rivista italiana di onomastica, “Lessicografia e onomastica”, no. 2: 497–510. Katan, D. 1999. Translating Cultures: An Introduction for Translators, Interpreters and Mediators. Manchester: St Jerome. Kleiber, G. 1981. Problèmes de référence: descriptions définies et noms propres. Paris: Klincksieck. Kripke, S. 2013. Reference and Existence. The John Locke Lectures for 1973. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lecuit, E., D. Maurel and D. Vitas. 2011. “La traduction des noms propres: une étude de corpus.” Corpus 10: 201–218. Piton, O. and D. Maurel. 2001. “Beijing Frowns and Washington Pays Close Attention. Computer Processing of Relations between Geographical Proper Names in Foreign Affairs.” Lecture Notes in

132

Chapter Eleven

Computer Science: 66–78. Proust, M. 2006. Remembrance of Things Past. Translated by C. K. Scott Moncrieff. Hertfordshire: Wordsworth Editions Ltd. Rey-Debove, J. 1976. “La réflexivité et le blocage du sens.” In Théories du signe et du sens 2, edited by Alain Rey, 224–232. Paris: Klincksieck. —. 1998. La linguistique du signe. Paris: Colin. Samson, Chr. 2013. “Moving between Words: Keywords and Phraseological Networks in (English) Guidebooks of Florence.” In Life Beyond Dictionaries: Proceedings of X Anniversary International School on Lexicography, Ivanovo–Florence, September 12–14, 2013, edited by O. Karpova, 315-318. Ivanovo: Ivanovo State University. Savary, A., J. Rabiega-WiĞniewska and M. WoliĔski. 2009. “Inflection of Polish Multi-Word Proper Names with Morfeusz and Multiflex”. Lecture Notes in Computer Science: 111–141. Schweickard, W. 1989. “Le traitement des formations déonomastiques dans la lexicographie française” In Actes du XVIIIe Congrès International de Linguistique et de Philologie Romanes, IV edited by Dieter Kreiner, 242–253. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. Searle, J. R. 1958. “Proper Names.” Mind 67: 166–173. TLFi, n.d.“Trésor de la langue française informatisé.” http://www.atilf.atilf.fr. (accessed January 25, 2014). Vandendorpe, C. 1993. “Quelques considérations sur le nom proper.” Langage et société 66: 63–75. Vasari, G. 1568. Le vite de' più eccelenti pittori, scultori ed architettori. Florence: Giunti. —. 1850. Lives of the Most Eminent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects. Translated by J. Foster, from Vasari [1568]. London: H. G. Bohn. Vitas, D., C. Krstev and D. Maurel. 2007. “A Note on the Semantic and Morphological Properties of Proper Names in the Prolex Project.” Lingvisticæ Investigationes 30 (1): 115–133.

CHAPTER TWELVE PROPOSAL FOR A MULTILINGUAL CULTURAL HERITAGE DICTIONARY: COMPLEXITIES AND PROBLEMS IN CORRESPONDING TERMS IN ITALIAN AND RUSSIAN1 MARCELLO GARZANITI UNIVERSITY OF FLORENCE, ITALY

The Importance of Multilingualism in Understanding Cultural Heritage Within the framework of communicating and disseminating cultural heritage, the English language has assumed a dominant position. This is demonstrated primarily by the diffusion of terminology for professionals and researchers, starting from the lexicon of the materials used for restoration and conservation purposes through to defining the fundamental ideas about the urban and natural landscape expressed in this language.2 Secondly, English is the language of choice in a variety of contexts, ranging from museum portals and travel guides to the information panels displayed beside monuments. It is generally accepted, however, that the original language of the arts, and more specifically of cultural heritage, since the beginnings of humanism was Italian, which in the modern era 1

I would like to thank my graduates, A. Gennaioli, E. Guerra and C. Maccianti, who have dedicated their theses to the lexicon of cultural heritage and with whom I have discussed some of the examples offered in this work. 2 See the proposals for standardizing English terminology related to "Cultural Heritage Conservation" promoted by the CEN (European Committee for Standardization). http://esearch.cen.eu/esearch/extendedsearch.aspx (see the entry "Cultural Heritage").

134

Chapter Twelve

has become the language of reference for art and architecture in Europe.3 It may be noted, in fact, that most of the words in use in the English language in this field are of Latin or Italian origin, and through the mediation of English (preceded by French) they have established the world domination of traditional European terminology. If, on the one hand, the imposition of a single code for heightening awareness and promoting cultural heritage may facilitate communication, in other respects it may present a serious risk to the very wealth of that cultural heritage, especially if we consider the extraordinary varieties of cultures and linguistic traditions in Europe and in other continents. Even within the European languages we are often hard put to find an equivalent lexical match for the word we wish to translate and are forced to fall back on an inadequate lexical term.

Communicating Italy’s Cultural Heritage in Different Languages Examples of Italy’s determination to promote its cultural heritage are visible everywhere. It would be enough to visit the museums or exhibitions being staged in any of our country’s major art cities to realize that Italy is making an extraordinary effort to communicate with foreign users in a host of different languages. Museum bookshops offer catalogues in several languages, or at least in Italian and English, while foreign language brochures and leaflets are available to illustrate a particular exhibition. The exceptional exhibition entitled "The Spring of the Renaissance" is a case in point. Held at Palazzo Strozzi in Florence from March 23 to August 18, 2013, it offered full brochures in languages as different as English, Russian and Chinese.4 Obviously, city guidebooks or even specific publications on individual monuments or museums can be found in many languages, their presence or absence in the bookshops often reflecting changes in the influx of tourists from different countries. All this inevitably places a considerable burden on museum managers and exhibition curators who often lack both sufficient resources and time as well as experience difficulty in finding professional translators with expertise in the specific subjects and different languages. In this respect, our universities have been slow to offer targeted degree programmes 3

See the essay by M. Motolese (2012), which argues that Italian has become the language of reference for art and architecture in Europe. 4 Some versions, including the Russian (translated from English rather than Italian!) are available in print and online (Sebregondi 2013).

Proposal for a Multilingual Cultural Heritage Dictionary

135

specializing in the study of language in relation to cultural heritage. With regard to education in the linguistic field, schools for tourist guides, often organized under the auspices of local government, play an important role. However, cultural heritage plus language is not systematically taught as one subject, and, at best, students partake in the knowledge accumulated through experience, especially by mother-tongue tourist guides who also work as teachers. At the initiative of the same local governments, tourist information offices offer free materials, such as city maps, in different languages, while local monuments and places of cultural/artistic interest are generally flanked by the relevant information panels (in Italian and English).

The Paradigmatic Case of Florence To appreciate the challenge of communicating cultural heritage in different languages today, let us examine the case of Florence, a city steeped in art and history and abounding in public and private museums visited all year round by tourists from the four corners of the world. Its numerous kiosks, newsstands and bookstores offer guidebooks in different languages, translated from Italian and published locally. Major international publishers, however, are now moving into this market with their own publications, already available in their countries of origin, and usually translated from English into other languages (but mainly printed in China).5 A cursory look at the translations will reveal a series of errors and inaccuracies on the part of the translators (but sometimes even of the authors themselves), reflecting the hasty demands of superficial mass diffusion. Quality exhibition catalogues clearly come into a different category and are often accompanied by first-rate scientific articles, the translation of which however presents its own considerable challenges.6 At times, the quality of the translations strays into the absurd, as in the case of the exhibition entitled "From the Icons to Malevich. Masterpieces from the Russian Museum in St. Petersburg," organized at Palazzo Pitti (2011) where the caption of a great icon of the Pantocrator read "Cristo onnireggente (Christ holding everything)," a “gem” due to the erroneous translation of the Russian vsederžitel' [ɜɫɟɞɟɪɠɢɬɟɥɶ], a lexical calque of 5

In Florence, the most widely used guide is one published by Bonechi (Florence), also available in Russian (Zotova, Katkova w/o yr.). 6 We personally witnessed the complexity of the work involved when we participated in and coordinated the translation of the Italian-Russian bilingual catalogue for the exhibition realized in Florence for the Year of Russian culture in Italy and of Italian culture in Russia (Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana 2011).

136

Chapter Twelve

the Greek Pantocrator. This, of course, does not diminish the generous efforts of the management of museums or exhibitions, too often pressed by the constraints of time and resources and the limited availability of specialized translators. In addition to the printed materials in different languages available at tourist information points, visitors can go online to the "Official Tourism Website of the Province and the Municipality of Florence," which is available in Italian, English and now Spanish (http://www.firenze turismo.it/it/), and download their own copies of the guidebooks and maps. This rapidly evolving situation still seems at odds with the city's history. Starting from Vasari, Florence succeeded in creating a lexicon for cultural heritage, which through the Italian language greatly influenced the development of European cultures. We believe that the time is ripe to build on the experience of our forefathers and create a multilingual thesaurus of cultural heritage in Florence, and which could become a benchmark in this field.

The "Lexicon for Cultural Heritage" (LBC) Research Unit and the Multilingual Portal Project In 2013, a research unit was set up in Florence for a "Multilingual Lexicon for Cultural Heritage" (LBC), bringing together researchers and lectors from the University of Florence, in partnership with other universities and foundations, with the aim of promoting, planning and conducting studies, research and other activities on the vocabulary of different languages relevant to our cultural heritage. The working group aims primarily to create a website for cultural heritage terminology dedicated to the city of Florence. Seven languages are to be taken into consideration, which are, in alphabetical order: Chinese, English, French, German, Portuguese, Russian and Spanish, while the reference language for building the lexicon remains Italian. After carefully considering the complex organizational and methodological issues related to this project, we have identified two initial steps designed to link the heritage of the past with its contemporary reinterpretation. The first step involves studying ancient and modern translations of Vasari's Lives as a key work in describing this heritage, as well as the first and most comprehensive attempt to codify the artistic life of Florence and the Italian Renaissance. The research will examine translations into all

Proposal for a Multilingual Cultural Heritage Dictionary

137

seven languages with the idea to create an initial database.7 The second step involves creating a database of the lexicon used in certain guidebooks of Florence available in different languages (and also as Ebooks) along with illustrative materials of exhibitions and the websites of museums in Florence. This material is effectively the most common form of presenting the city, but it does not always reflect the standards of the consolidated historical lexicon, and the inaccuracies and errors contained in it have never been analysed.8 We have already presented these initial steps in seminars and meetings to Italian and foreign colleagues, arousing considerable interest as well as offers of cooperation. Such positive reactions have encouraged us to expand our research unit and forge proactive relationships with other institutions in the field of lexicographical research. The databases collected will be used to build a website containing comparative multilingual lexicographic descriptions regarding the cultural heritage of Florence. Although we initially indicated that the source languages would be Chinese, French, English, German, Portuguese, Russian and Spanish, with Italian as the language of reference, we cannot rule out, including other languages in the future. In particular, the word list will consider: (1) Common names related to cultural heritage (Florentine or present in Florence). (2) Proper nouns referring to Florence and its history (historical realia, titles of works, place names, etc.). (3) Frequent collocations and syntagmas. This project is intended as a dictionary of "language" and sets out to describe words and their meanings and facilitate their translation through internal links from one language to another. The architecture of the dictionary, however, has been designed to highlight the relationship that exists between the words selected and the referents and connotations that they have acquired in the history of the city of Florence.9

7

For a more detailed presentation see Garzaniti & Farina (2013), where we offer a bibliography of translations of Vasari in the Romance languages. 8 See Garzaniti and Farina (2013), wherein we offer a bibliography of the various versions of the Bonechi guide. 9 For a detailed discussion see Garzaniti and Farina (2013).

138

Chapter Twelve

Complexities and Problems in Corresponding Terms in Italian and Russian Both linguists and those dealing with translations are aware of the difficulties that arise when translating cultural heritage texts from Italian to Russian and vice versa. First, it must be pointed out that, over centuries, the Russian language has developed its own terminology of ecclesiastical architecture; although in the same current of European culture, this reflects its traditional belonging to the Christian East. This involves significant differences that are sometimes disguised as "false friends." A few examples will help to highlight these differences and point to the challenges posed by translating them. The term sobor [ɫɨɛɨɪ], etymologically similar to our "collegiate church," is generally used to convey both "cathedral" and "basilica." In fact, Russian cities, such as Moscow and its Kremlin, may feature different church buildings with this same name, while in the Western tradition in a diocese there is only a "cathedral" in the capital town—namely, the place of worship that houses the bishop’s official throne. The term altar' [ɚɥɬɚɪɶ] corresponds to our "presbytery," while our "altar" corresponds to other Russian equivalents, such as prestol [ɩɪɟɫɬɨɥ] or trapeza [ɬɪɚɩɟɡɚ], which then took on other meanings, and in its function as an "oblation table" in the word žertvennik [ɠɟɪɬɜɟɧɧɢɤ]. However, if we consult one of the popular bilingual Italian-Russian, Russian-Italian dictionaries (Kovalev 2007), under the entry altar we are likely to find the wrong Italian equivalent, "altare." To find a better translation and a more detailed explanation we must refer to more specialized bilingual dictionaries only available in French (Roty 1983; Castaing 1993), or otherwise use specialized dictionaries in Russian, published only recently (Plužnikov 1995; Skljarevskaja 2007). There is a more subtle difference between the Italian "ambone" and the Russian amvon [ɚɦɜɨɧ], both of which come from the same Greek root and refer to a building with the same function. In the Eastern Christian tradition, however, this building has a very different shape. Then again, we may find terms of different origins referring to the same realia, although of different shapes. A good example of this is the Italian "tabernacolo" which should be translated into Russian as darochranitel'nica [ɞɚɪɨɯɪɚɧɢɬɟɥɶɧɢɰɚ], as dictionaries have generally attested. Today, several translators prefer the calque from the Latin tabernacula [ɬɚɛɟɪɧɚɤɭɥɚ], but only with reference to the Western tradition. Two different terms are used in Russian to designate "battistero": baptisterij [ɛɚɩɬɢɫɬɟɪɢɣ] and krešþal'nja [ɤɪɟɳɚɥɶɧɹ], the first an

Proposal for a Multilingual Cultural Heritage Dictionary

139

obvious loan from Greek, the second a derivation from the term krest [ɤɪɟɫɬ] "cross," hence the term krešþenie [ɤɪɟɳɟɧɢɟ], which means "baptism." Both refer to the building, but if it is a building that does not belong to the Orthodox tradition: the loan baptisterij is preferable. Again, for the term "campanile" we can find two nouns in Russian: zvonnitsa [ɡɜoɧɧɢɰɚ] and kolokol'nja [ɤɨɥɨɤɨɥɶɧɹ], but this time they refer to two different types of architecture, of which only the second is an equivalent to "bell tower" and can be used, for example, to define Giotto's bell tower. We will not dwell on other terms of ecclesiastical architecture that should be placed in the broader context of Russian religious and philosophical vocabulary (Garzaniti 2011). In the more specific context of art history, other difficulties may arise. An interesting example is the word "pittore," which in Italian refers both to an artist who paints pictures and to a painter who decorates houses. The Russian language offers a great variety of terms, from the generic hudožnik [ɯɭɞɨɠɧɢɤ] to the more technical term živopisets [ɠɢɜɨɩɢɫɟɰ], which, in turn, has replaced the even older ikonopisets [ɢɤɨɧɨɩɢɫɟɰ], a painter of icons. To indicate house painters, Russian has borrowed from the German Mahler to produce maljar [ɦɚɥɹɪ], but, in turn, this can also mean "bad painter" referring to the first meaning. This is just to illustrate how the Russian terms reflect the complex history of the language, with its Byzantine heritage and evolution in the context of modern and contemporary European culture, and how it can only be studied through extensive research on the basis of a series of historical and etymological dictionaries.10 If we consider the different translations of Vasari's Lives made in Russia since the mid-nineteenth century, and which we are currently working on, we can observe a great variety of styles and lexical choices. For example, already in the translation of the title of the Life of Giotto made in the 1930s and 1950s, we can identify a number of interesting lexical differences that require careful analysis (Vazari 1995; 1956–71). Original text: VITA DI GIOTTO, Pittore, Scultore et Architetto Fiorentino. Translation by Ju. Verchovskij (1933): Žizn' Džotto, živopisca, vajatelja i zodþego florentijskogo. Translation by A. I. Venediktov: Žizneopisanie Džotto, florentijskogo živopisca, skul'ptora i architektora.

10 There is a long list of available dictionaries. We cite just a few of the main ones, for instance Vasmer (1953–58), and Sreznevskij (1893–1906).

140

Chapter Twelve

Of course, traditional dictionaries do not offer much space for toponyms or anthroponyms, generally offering only the top names. If we look at toponyms and anthroponyms related to the city of Florence and its cultural heritage, we find certain differences in their transcription into the Cyrillic alphabet. The transliteration of the article "del" in the names of Italian artists is a case in point. Andrea del Sarto can be transliterated with Andrea del' Sarto [Ⱥɧɞɪɟɚ ɞɟɥɶ ɋɚɪɬɨ], but also Andrea del'-Sarto [Ⱥɧɞɪɟɚ ɞɟɥɶ-ɋɚɪɬɨ] or, more rarely, with Andrea del Sarto [Ⱥɧɞɪɟɚ ɞɟɥ ɋɚɪɬɨ]. The artists' names may be transliterated in different ways: Masaccio as Mazaþþo [Ɇɚɡɚɱɱɨ] or Mazaþþio [Ɇɚɡɚɱɱɢɨ], or Baccio as Baþþo [Ȼɚɱɱɨ] or Baccio [Ȼɚɱɱɢɨ]. The name Pisanello appears in the forms Pizanello [ɉɢɡɚɧɟɥɥɨ], closer to the correct pronunciation, and Pisanello [ɉɢɫɚɧɟɥɥɨ]. In the toponyms we find the bridge Ponte alla Carraia as Ponte alla Karraia [ɉɨɧɬɟ ɚɥɥɚ Ʉɚɪɪɚɢa] or Ponte-allaKarraia [ɉɨɧɬɟ-ɚɥɥɚ-Ʉɚɪɪɚɢɚ], with the use of so-called "defis" [(hyphen]. In other cases, a part of the place name is translated as Dvorec Pitti [Ⱦɜɨɪɟɰ ɉɢɬɬɢ], but also Palacco Pitti [ɉɚɥɚɰɰɨ ɉɢɬɬɢ].11 The examples given here illustrate the need to reserve an important role in the lexical card of the multilingual portal to not only the grammatical description of the terms but also to their graphic forms and definitions, if possible with a reflection on the etymology that takes the origins and history of the word into account. Quotations from the original literature as well as from translations are equally important. The analysis of the vocabulary used in guidebooks, where we can check errors and inaccuracies, as well as the vocabulary used in electronic resources, illustrates how linguistic usage is constantly evolving, sometimes in contradiction with the standard literary language. Neither a bilingual nor a monoligual dictionary can adequately address these issues—they require a thorough job and specific research, and, if left untreated, can lead to mistakes and misunderstandings that will inevitably be reflected in the communication and understanding of cultural heritage.

Current Status of the Work and Expected Developments The website will be an Open Access website, and will be dedicated especially to those working in the field of cultural heritage, from museum directors through to publishers of catalogues and guides. Its purpose is to raise the quality of the way Florence’s cultural heritage is communicated and disseminated, creating a model that can be adapted and used for any 11

For a discussion of the issue we mention only I. V. Neþaeva’s study (2011).

Proposal for a Multilingual Cultural Heritage Dictionary

141

other city. In a second step we will be able to offer specific advice to operators in the sector for translations of texts. In the future, depending on the available human and financial resources, we plan to develop new initiatives, extending the database to new guides or catalogues, but also to travel literature in Italy and Florence. In this perspective, the project may interact with the important initiative proposed by O. Karpova and her school of lexicography, which aims to compile a dictionary entitled "Florence in the Works of World Famous People." This dictionary will contain entries devoted to celebrated travellers, highlighting the role that their stays in Florence played in their lives and work (Karpova 2013). The initial investigation reveals that there are no such projects involving the lexicon of cultural heritage either in Italy or abroad, especially in the multilingual field. This project will only come to fruition if there is effective synergy between research and cultural institutions in the framework of language skills and could represent an important advance in the communication and dissemination of cultural heritage. It will promote respect for different cultural traditions, of which language is the first witness, and at the same time foster dialogue and collaboration for the transmission of a heritage that future generations will only assimilate if it is communicated in a familiar language, by bringing words and ideas often considered the sole prerogative of specialists into their everyday lives.

References Castaing, P. 1993. Dictionnaire russe-franɡais des termes d'architecture religieuse en Russie. Paris: Institut des études slaves. Garzaniti, M. 2011. "Riflessioni per un lessico religioso e filosoficoteologico russo-italiano." In Ulica Ševþenko 25 korpus 2. Scritti in onore di Claudia Lasorsa, edited by V. Benigni and A. Salacone, 62– 70. Cesena, Roma: Caissa Italia. Garzaniti, M. and A. Farina. 2013. "Un portale per la comunicazione e la divulgazione del patrimonio culturale: progettare un lessico multilingue dei beni culturali on-line." In Strategie e Programmazione della Conservazione e Trasmissibilità del Patrimonio Culturale, edited by A. Filipoviü and W. Troiano, 500–509. Roma: Edizioni scientifiche Fidei Signa. Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana (ed.). 2011. IN CHRISTO. Uno scambio di capolavori dell’arte e della fede fra Russia e Italia. Giotto e il polittico di santa Reparata alla Galleria Tretyakov di Mosca. Rublɥv,

142

Chapter Twelve

Dionisij e l’Odighitria di Pskov nel Battistero di Firenze. Roma: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana. Karpova, O. M. 2013. "Dictionaries as Treasure Trove of National Heritage and Culture (with Special Reference to the Dictionary Project ‘Florence in the Works of World Famous People’)." In Life Beyond Dictionaries. Materialy jubilejnoj X meždunarodnoj školy-seminara Ivanovo-Florencija 12–14 sentjabrja 2013 g. 263–267. Ivanovo: Izdatel'stvo Ivanovskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Kovalev, V. 2007. Il Kovalev. Dizionario russo italiano, italiano russo di Vladimir Kovalev. Bologna: Zanichelli. Motolese, M. 2012. Italiano lingua delle arti. Un'avventura europea (1250–1650). Bologna: Il Mulino. Neþaeva, I. V. 2011. Aktual’nye problemy orfografii inojazyþnych zaimstvovanij (Current Spelling Problems of Foreign Loans). Moskva: Azbukovnik. Plužnikov, V. I. 1995. Terminy rossijskogo architekturnogo nasledija. Slovar'-Glossarij (Words of Russian architectural heritage. DictionaryGlossary). Moskva, Izdatel'stvo Iskusstvo. Roty, M. 1983. Dictionnaire russe-français des termes en usage dans l'Église russe. Paris: Institut des études slaves. 1983. Sebregondi, L. (ed.). 2013. Vesna èpochi Vosroždenija. Skul’pturɚ i iskusstvo Florencii v 1400–1460 gody (The Springtime of the Renaissance. Sculpture and the Arts in Florence 1400–60), translated by M. Alieva. Firenze: Fondazione Palazzo Strozzi, http://www.palazzostrozzi.org/allegati/primavera/BookletPrimaveraRU SSO.pdf (accessed November 15, 2013). Skljarevskaja, G. N. 2007. Slovar’ pravoslavnoj cerkovnoj kul’tury (Dictionary of Orthodox Church Culture). Moskva, Ast-Astrel'. Sreznevskij. I. I. 1893–1906. Materialy dlja slovarja drevne-russkogo jazyka po pismennym pamjatnikam (Materials for a Dictionary of Ancient Russian according to the Written Sources), I–III. SanktPeterburg: Tipografija Imperatorskogo Akademii nauk. Vasmer, M. 1953–58. Russisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg: Carl Winter. (Russian translation by V. N. Trubaþev, Ètimologiþeskij slovar' russkogo jazyka. I–IV. Moskva: 1964–1973. Vazari, Dž. 1956–1971. Žizneopisanija naibolee znamenitych živopiscev, vajatelej i zodþich (Lives of the Most Excellent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects) edited by A. I. Venediktov and A. G. Gabriþevskij. Moskva: Iskusstvo. —. 1995. Žizneopisanija naibolee znamenitych živopiscev, vajatelej i zodþich (Lives of the Most Excellent Painters, Sculptors, and

Proposal for a Multilingual Cultural Heritage Dictionary

143

Architects), edited by Ju. Verchovskij and A. Dživelegov. Moskva: Izobrazit. Iskusstvo (new edition of translation 1933). Zotova, L. and M. Katkova. n.d. Florencija. Gorod i eg shedevry. Zolotaja kniga (Florence. The city and its masterpieces. Golden Book). Translated by L. Zotova and M. Katkova. Firenze: Bonechi. Italian version: Firenze. Tutta la cittɚ e i suoi capolavori. Il libro d'oro. Firenze: Bonechi.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN LEXICOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION OF NEW REALIA OF CULTURE TATYANA A. TAGANOVA IVANOVO STATE UNIVERSITY, RUSSIA

Introduction The tendencies of contemporary lexicography are closely linked to certain innovations that could hardly have been imagined several decades ago.Owing to electronic corpora and the internet, the very essence of lexicographic work has to be adjusted to the novelties of life. For many centuries, “dictionaries served as means of reflection of the society’s evolution” (Karpova 2010, 33). The contemporary society is much different from that of even the twentieth century. New knowledge, achievements, and new social and political organizations of the society are factors that have had a great influence on lexicography, and have completely changed the dictionary user of the twenty-first century. A dictionary user today is a product of the new cultural situation. Speaking of contemporary culture implies a vast scope of human activity, connected to the production of artefacts as well as literary and creative works. Modern culture includes an impressive number of fields that have never before been so important. The actualization of civil, political and informational culture, and the appearance of such notions as internet and computer culture, have all greatly influenced the language situation. New realia, which constantly appear in our life, are reflected in language as neologisms. The contemporary dictionary user plays an important role in the process of the lexicographic description of the new language realia.

Lexicographic Description of New Realia of Culture

145

A “Contemporary Dictionary User”— the New Role in Lexicography When picturing a contemporary dictionary addressee, it is quite difficult to avoid generalizations or depicting a somewhat “ideal user” (Crystal 1986). It is necessary to bear in mind that the portrait today can by no means be homogeneous. Obviously enough, there is still quite a large group of dictionary users who can hardly enjoy the benefits of contemporary civilization. It is possible to mark out a noteworthy group of users showing sufficient competence in comprehending the metalanguage of a lexicographic work, obtaining a “dictionary culture” (Gouws 2013, 135) and literacy in a very broad sense. It is possible to model a conventional “contemporary user”—a generalized character who is capable of appreciating the achievements of science, technology and lexicography to a great extent the result of the latter. There are certain features that a “contemporary user” acquires, among which are: computer literacy, mobility, and the desire and ability to get trustworthy information within a short period. These are characteristics that have already found a response in lexicographic works in their genres and forms, and the internet pages of publishing houses, mobile dictionaries and other applications are steadily gaining popularity. However, it is important to mention another advanced quality of a “contemporary user” that is becoming more and more appreciated by a lexicographer. A contemporary user is desirable for actively participating in the various spheres of life of the society. Strangely enough, this can easily be explained by the expansion of the Global Net. The widespread of social networks (a completely new feature of contemporary culture) made it possible for a user to access huge flows of information and evaluate them, take part in electronic votes and surveys, contribute to internet pages, and openly demonstrate preferences and opposition. Lexicographers now rely on the active attitude of a contemporary user. This fact has led to changes in the core roles of the lexicographer-reader. A modern dictionary addressee is willing to contribute to a lexicographic work, sharing their observations and ideas. Thus, the principle of “volunteer work” (Karpova 2013, 258) in lexicography is becoming an important source of the lexicographer’s knowledge of contemporary language that often describes the new realia of a culture. Volunteers have been important especially at the stages of proofreading and collection of verbal illustrations. According to M. Rogers, even in the middle of the nineteenth century:

146

Chapter Thirteen the OED relied for its primary data (the raw materials for the work) on readers who volunteered to collect and submit quotations illustrating the use of English words by all writers of all ages and in all senses, each quotation being made on a uniform plan on a half-sheet of notepaper, that they might in due course be arranged and arranged alphabetically and by meanings. (Rogers 2012, 244)

The first volunteer readers focused primarily on what they subjectively regarded as the more interesting words of the language. Another important role of the volunteers was to determine and interpret the stylistic functions of words that were rare, obsolete, old-fashioned, new, peculiar or used in a peculiar way, for example (ibid., 245). At present, volunteer lexicography has grown into the lexicographer’s ultimate tool of data collection. The importance of this collaboration is closely linked to the necessity of researching another remarkable feature of our time—neologisation.

Neologisation in the Contemporary English Language New words have always appeared in the English language, but the process was more intensive than ever at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It is well-known that the prerequisites for neologisation are evolutionary changes in the language proper, and extralinguistic factors. In the epoch of stability and lack of social revolutions, the neologisation process is hardly ever intensive. When some changes in the historical, political and cultural vector take place, new words appear more actively. Traditionally, the sources of neologisation are considered to be: invention of new words, lexical borrowings from other languages, and lexical borrowings within the language. E. Umshanova states that invented words rarely become the fact of the language, and neither do foreign borrowings that comprise a small percentage of newly appeared words. The most productive way is morphological (Umshanova 1999, 148). The present epoch can be considered as the time of revolutions and changes. Never before has everyday life changed so much within a couple of decades. The boost of technologies and new social and political ideas and trends have resulted in visible changes in culture, and new cultural realia need words to describe them. These lacunas have enhanced the splash of neologisation, which has become the focus of attention for both professional lexicographers and dictionary users.

Lexicographic Description of New Realia of Culture

147

Neologisms in Paper Dictionaries—New Approaches to … According to E. Umshanova: “in the English language dictionary tradition there is a steady practice to include new words into the dictionaries of the national language or dictionary supplements, where new words and new meanings are labelled as new” (ibid., 8). Information on new words can also be found in dictionaries of new words or dictionaries of neologisms proper, and such reference works are quite common and widespread. The drawback of such dictionaries has been obvious, as by the time they are finally published many of the new words are either obsolete or part of the national language. Nowadays, when the status of new words is not yet clear, lexicographers tend to leave them outside the macrostructure of the reference book but include them in the megastructure. A great number of dictionaries include a New Words section or even brochure. A good example is Macmillan Word of the Year (Maxwell 2005)—a supplement to the Macmillan English Dictionary for Advanced Learners (2006)—a small booklet which includes 50 entries. The Cambridge Learner’s Dictionary (2007) has a New Word section containing 59 lexemes. The Collins Word Exchange, part of the Collins English Dictionary (2005), describes over 150 new realia of culture. These interesting lexicographic collections of new words give a somewhat complete idea of the cultural environment today. Such lexemes as blogeratti (fond of writing blogs), alpha geek (an expert in computers), biometric identifier, bird flu, blawg (a weblog about law), greenwash (green campaign in Mass Media), generation XL (overweight population), botox and the ABB Syndrome (anybody but Bush) reflect changes in the epoch, where politics, technology, the internet, social networks and mass media, advertisement, and the food and beauty industries gain special significance. Today, the internet and mass media have undoubtedly become the biggest donators of neologisms. At the same time, the internet turns out to be the biggest storage of new words—a precious library which records the language at its constant development. This library is however quite chaotic due to its volume. Below, we consider the role of the contemporary user in making the best out of the electronic sources that can give us a good idea of the English language today.

148

Chapter Thirteen

Electronic Sources and Neologization (with Special Reference to Volunteer Lexicography) The American Dialect Society, an annual association of professional linguists and amateur donators, holds the word-of-the-year vote with the purpose of tracing the newly-appearing words or those that have changed meaning or acquired additional one and have become significant. As the official ADS site reads: members in the 125-year-old organization include linguists, lexicographers, etymologists, grammarians, historians, researchers, writers, editors, students and independent scholars. In conducting the vote, they act in fun and do not pretend to be officially inducting words into the English language. Instead, they are highlighting that language change is normal, ongoing and entertaining.

The competition could be treated as another fun vote, especially considering that “anyone can join the society!” However, if we look at many of the words that have made the list, we will understand that quite a number of those neologisms have already become part of the dictionary. For the last 10 years, the following words have been called “word of the year” or given other nominations (such as most likely to succeed, or most useful): to tweet, to google, hashtag, occupy (to denote the occupy movement), app (from “application”), weapons of mass destruction, cyber, web, 9\11, metrosexual. The vote also reflects changes in the grammatical structure of the English language. According to B. Zimmer, chair of the New Words Committee of the American Dialect Society: This past year [2013], the very old word because exploded with new grammatical possibilities in informal online use. No longer does because have to be followed by of or a full clause. Now one often sees tersely worded rationales like “because science” or “because reasons.” You might not go to a party “because tired.” As one supporter put it, “because should be Word of the Year ‘because useful’!”

The new language trends are more and more often found, described and discussed by the volunteers. To a large extent, the volunteers and nonprofessionals act as a counterpart to professional lexicographers who determine the content of contemporary dictionaries. The leading publishing houses have reacted to the contemporary user’s active attitude and desire to trace new linguistic tendencies. The pages of the dictionary publishers today are by no means mere electronic versions

Lexicographic Description of New Realia of Culture

149

of the dictionaries. Having a wide set of interactive functions, the sites offer their readers “lexicography for fun” activities (Karpova 2013, 258). Interesting functions attract new readers who become the authors of lexicographic blogs. The main purpose of such blogs and Open Dictionary projects is to attract attention to new words that have recently appeared or changed their meanings. The practice has been extremely successful. If we recall the process of the lexicographic description of newly appeared words several decades ago, we picture a long chain of timetaking activities that may have included a lengthy verification process, illustration-collection, dictionary layout or publishing. Today, the volunteers post the entries, and lexicographers, in turn, treat those neologisms by skipping a number of stages. The lexicographers at Pearson Longman, in their Longman Wordwatch section, call on their readers to fill in a simple form if they want to donate a word. The form includes questions referring to sources, context, meaning and examples. Among the newest additions to the dictionary are: bad hair day, base jumping (building, antenna, span, Earth—a sport in which people jump off tall objects such as buildings, bridges or cliffs, using a parachute), cyberwidow (the wife of a man who spends much time working on his computer), dweeb (someone who is not popular), information overload, intrapreneur (someone who develops ideas working inside one company), loyalty card (a discount card given by supermarkets), retail therapy (the act of buying something not because you need it but because you are unhappy), economy class syndrome (a serious illness in which people get blood clots because they have been sitting for a long time in a very small space on a plane), eurosceptic (someone who is against the EU), fashion victim (someone who always wears what is fashionable, even if it makes them look bad), personal shopper, slug-fest (a situation in which people are arguing or fighting in a rude or angry way), spyware (computer software that secretly records information about which websites you visit), etc. (Longman Wordwatch www.pearson longman.com/ dictionaries/word-watch/index.html). Obviously enough, not many of these words are traditionally understood as “invented words.” In most cases, they are composed of old and well-known lexemes, but the new combination acquires a new meaning, denoting new phenomena of contemporary culture: meet-and-greet also m and g n … 1 an event that is organized for famous musicians, writers, artists etc. to meet and talk to their FANS: There will be a meet-and-greet after the show. 2 a service that sends people to greet and help a person or group when they arrive at an airport. 3 an event in which parents go to their child's school

150

Chapter Thirteen and meet the teachers and other people who work there (Longman Wordwatch http://www.pearsonlongman.com/dictionaries/word-watch/ index.html).

Some other combinations of well-known words that start to denote new concepts: water cooler gossip conversation about other people's behaviour or lives that happens in offices when people meet each other by the water cooler (ibid).

Interesting enough, the words from a New Words section have already appeared in the Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English Online (http://www.ldoceonline.com), which shows that the lexicographers are ready to treat such innovations quite seriously: soccer mom [countable] American English a mother who spends a lot of time driving her children to sports practice, music lessons etc., considered as a typical example of women from the middle to upper classes in US society (ibid.).

Contributors to the Longman lexicographers New Word section are anonymous. However, lexicographers in other publishing houses tend to indicate the source, date and even names of their volunteers: Cubanization noun a situation where cars are kept for many years and people rarely purchase a new one. If we push too hard, we risk Cubanization of the fleet, where it is better to keep old cars than buy expensive new ones. [Car and Driver (US automotive magazine) Aug. 2013] (Cambridge Dictionary Online Blog, http://dictionaryblog.cambridge.org /category/new-words).

Here is another example from the Macmillan Open Dictionary: Bandy a game that is similar to ice hockey, but is played between two teams of 11 players with sticks and a ball. A bandy team by the name of Dynamo-Astana has been formed, and an indoor bandy arena is being built for Dynamo. Submitted by: Harris Park from the United Kingdom on 31/08/2011 15:54:00 (Macmillan Open Dictionary http://www.macmillandictionary.com/open-dictionary).

Lexicographic Description of New Realia of Culture

151

Merriam-Webster lexicographers also prefer to unveil their volunteer contributors: Humble Brag a statement that conveys false humility: a brag couched in self-deprecation. Example: “Facebook seems to be the perfect place for this. How many status reads have actually been humble brags?”—post on Elizabeth Runs blog, February 25, 2011. Submitted by: Sandra Turnbull, CA (Merriam-Webster Open Dictionary http://nws.merriam-webster.com/opendictionary).

The language corpora (the Bank of English, Cambridge International Corpus, etc.) represent the first structured attempt to show the most up-todate language. Still, contemporary lexicography relies on these databases in dictionary compiling. Open Dictionary Projects can become another source of knowledge about the language evolution. Often suspiciously, but more and more willingly, lexicographers take the users’ experience into account.

Conclusion At the very end of 2013, Macmillan Dictionary lexicographers published a printed version of Our Favourite BuzzWords 2003–2013 (Maxwell 2013). The 58-page mini-dictionary includes 50 new words donated by volunteer readers. Among the entries are: senior moment (a period when somebody is unable to remember anything), to google, phishing (a criminal activity when someone persuades you to give out personal information), WiFi, to greenwash (trying to convince someone to do something good for the environment), citizen journalism (gathering and reporting news by ordinary people), wag (a girlfriend or a wife of a professional football player), to Facebook, digital native (a person who has grown up with digital technology—its opposite is digital immigrant), to defriend (to remove someone from your list of friends in a social network), hacktivist (a person who hacks or manipulates information on the internet to convey some political message), and meme (a concept or idea that spreads very quickly via the internet). Some of the abovementioned lexemes are already used in speech; they are understandable without additional decoding and are sure to become part of the national language dictionary.

152

Chapter Thirteen

As the author of the dictionary, K. Maxwell, states, technology and the social media are the key topic areas of the dictionary, but other spheres of life also produce new words. “For as long as they stay relevant to society, such words will occupy an enduring place in the lexicon, just as those we no longer use will make way for the next wave of lexical innovation in the ten years ahead” (Maxwell 2013, 3–4). The examples and tendencies discussed above allow us to draw a conclusion about certain trends in the development of the English language today as well as a lexicographic reflection of these changes. x The language situation today can be characterized by the neologisation boom, which reflects social, economic and political changes in the society. Neologisms mirror changes in cultural environment. x Not all neologisms will become part of the language, but many of them, especially those denoting new realia of culture and closing certain language lacunas, are more likely to succeed in becoming a steady part of the language. x Lexicographers rely on non-professional volunteers who are eager to trace the changes in the English language, including the appearance of new words. x It is possible to speak of a new dictionary user—a conventional “contemporary user” who is characterised by computer literacy and an active attitude to information. x The leading publishing houses place interactive Open Dictionaries at their sites, which are composed, edited and commented on by the contemporary users. x The neologisms appearing in Open Dictionaries can become part of the English Dictionary of Contemporary Language, enter a dictionary of new words or remain as part of an electronic resource depending on their functioning in the language discourse. x A contemporary user becomes an important link in dictionary compiling, taking an active role of article writer and critic.

References American Dialect Society, http://www.americandialect.org (accessed January 20, 2014). “Because” is the 2013th Word of the Year. January 3, 2014. http://www.americandialect.org/because-is-the-2013-word-of-the-year (accessed January 15, 2014).

Lexicographic Description of New Realia of Culture

153

Cambridge Dictionary Online Blog, http://www.dictionaryblog.cambridge.org/category/new-words (accessed January 25, 2014). Cambridge Learner’s Dictionary. 2007. 3rd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Collins English Dictionary. Pocket Edition. 2005. Glasgow: HarperCollins. “Collins Word Exchange.” 2005. In Collins English Dictionary. Pocket, i– xix. Glasgow: HarperCollins. Crystal, D. 1986. “The Ideal Dictionary, Lexicographer and User”. In Lexicography: an Emerging International Profession, edited by R. Ilson, 72–81. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Gouws, R. 2013. “Towards a System of Integrated Dictionary Use.” In Multi-Disciplinary Lexicography: Traditions and Challenges of the XXIst Century, edited by O. M. Karpova and F. I. Kartashkova, 134– 144. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Karpova, O. M. 2010 Anglijskaja Lexicografia. Uchebnik (English Lexicography. A Textbook). Moscow: Academia. —. 2013. “A New Type of Cultural Dictionary with Special Reference to Florence.” In Multi-Disciplinary Lexicography: Traditions and Challenges of the XXIst Century, edited by O. M. Karpova and F. I. Kartashkova, 256–267. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Longman Wordwatch, http://www.pearsonlongman.com/dictionaries/word-watch/index.html (accessed January 20, 2014). Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English Online, http://www.ldoceonline.com. (accessed January 27, 2014). Maxwell, K. 2005. Macmillan Word of the Year. Oxford: Macmillan Publishers Limited. —. 2013. Our Favourite BuzzWords 2003–2013. Oxford: Macmillan Publishers Limited. Macmillan English Dictionary for Advanced Learners: International Student Edition. 2006. Oxford: Macmillan Publishers Limited. Macmillan Open Dictionary, http://www.macmillandictionary.com/opendictionary (accessed January 26, 2014). Merriam-Webster Open Dictionary, http://www.nws.merriam-webster.com/opendictionary (accessed January 28, 2014). Rogers, M. 2012. “Corpus Linguistics and Lexicography: Context, Selection and Interpretation.” The Journal for Specialised Translation 17: 244–249.

154

Chapter Thirteen

Umshanova, E. V. 1999. Principy otbora i leksikograficheskoi obrabotki neologismov v slovaryah novyh slov angliiskogo jazyka (The Principles of Selection and Lexicographic Description of Neologisms in Dictionaries of New Words of the English Language). PhD diss., Ivanovo State University.

CHAPTER FOURTEEN THE MATRIX FOR PRESENTING THE MEANINGS OF SPEECH CLICHÉS TATYANA P. TRETYAKOVA SAINT-PETERSBURG STATE UNIVERSITY, RUSSIA

Introduction Modern dynamic changes in the world communication process provide linguists and culturists with new impetus to integrate language and culture studies. Two major tendencies are reflected in these kinds of studies: the first is connected with the problem of effective communication and organizing the dialogue of cultures, and the second deals with looking for better ways of interpretation schemes or explanatory techniques when compiling reference books or dictionaries. New dictionaries and reference books dealing with everyday communication practices have tried to avoid the old tradition of giving information on the basis of word meaning and grammar rules and preferred getting to the core of types of information relevant to transactions in a modern society. A shift occurred to the functional semantic presentation of the words that became known as the communicative meaning or pragmatics of the word. The involvement of the intentional component in the language analysis allowed for concentrating on the use of language as a reflection of social signs, human values and communicative behaviour in general. These aspects are connected with identifying communication patterns as cultural stereotypes. The effect of "televisual and globally networked media," with the dominance of English-speaking traditions, made these stereotypes recognizable in many languages, providing speakers with ready-to-use forms known as speech clichés. Given the modern globalization process, clichés in many languages are quickly borrowed from the English language, giving a new term “globenglization,” showing the source

156

Chapter Fourteen

language. The borrowed items sometimes acquired new meanings in the source language. Thus, the presentation in a dictionary and the reference book of the functional meaning of speech clichés (both borrowed and original) is a challenge for the lexicographer. There should be an awareness of updating dynamic changes in the functional semantics of the cliché and a capability of providing a concise interpretation of the situational use of a cliché, which in reality integrates a variety of intentional meanings. The aim of this paper is to highlight problems of creating a matrix for the integrated presentation of the meaning of speech clichés. First, we define the scope of speech clichés as an open system of speech stereotypes, and then provide schemes for the codification of major groups of English speech clichés before finally focusing on the major communication tendencies.

Speech Clichés as Stereotypes It is rather difficult to define a cliché as a linguistic category because there will always be a crossover between such concepts as hackneyed phrases, vogue words, speech stereotypes, speech idioms and catch phrases that all reflect speech habits and rituals in quickly changing, present-day communication. Nevertheless, their definition and categorization are important for developing a comprehensive user-friendly presentation of their meanings in reference books. Clichés become extremely popular, especially after use in advertising campaigns or television programs. Some of the examples are ironic and contain grammatical solecisms which may come handy for attracting attention, for example Are you is or are you ain’t?, Does your mother know you're out? They may be used to express positive or negative attitudes, such as Big deal! Do tell! And that's a fact! And no mistake! And how!, A man's gotta do what a man's gotta do! Tell that to the marines! They may become a part of tags of utterances for expressing anticipation or stressing some points of information, for example you know, I mean, the thing is, just between you and me, believe it or not, needless to say. What unites them is their ready-to-use forms and additional new communicative meanings. We have tried, in previous publications, to draw borders around linguistic interpretations of such concepts as cliché, idiom and stereotype (Tretyakova 2010; 2013). Here, we would like to stress that the notion of speech cliché is understood as an umbrella term for a fixed repetitive wording (or idiom), the functional meaning of which presents the

The Matrix for Presenting the Meanings of Speech Clichés

157

condensed codification of the pragmatic meaning of the utterance. Whenever the interpretation concerns behavioural and cultural aspects of communication, these utterances can be interpreted as stereotypes which deal with the social patterns of communication. The phenomenon of speech clichés implies connection to time and the environment. The semantics of clichés are dynamic, and we assume it belongs to the class of open system items both in terms of practical functional use and in providing theoretical interpretations. As a more general term, “speech stereotype” implies a certain amount of cognitive activity concerning the oversimplification of some speech patterns. This term is mostly used in cross-cultural studies dealing with professional and developmental communication and primarily providing insight into stereotyping as an interpersonal communication process and creating understanding (or awareness) through labels of “high-context” and “low-context” (Hall 1976; Hofstede 1980), “active,” “reactive” and “multi-active” (Lewis 2007), or “Negative” and “Positive Politeness” cultures (Ogiermann 2009) denoting cultural differences in communication patterns between societies or professional communities. For example, studying Polish and Russian acts of socializing against their English patterns, G. Leech drew the conclusion that “Poles/Russians are never polite” (Leech 1983, 84). This statement appeared only because of the existing stereotypes in English-speaking communities and a lack of cultural awareness that the expectations maybe different. The phenomenon of such a non-verbal item of communication as a smile is different in different cultures. Russians smile when they find something funny or laughable or when they enjoy somebody’s company. They don’t, as a general rule, smile at passers-by as it would look strange. In general, Russians were described as gloomy people for not exchanging smiles on the street. This is not the case—Russians smile when they find something funny, and the cultural semantics of the smile as a routine phenomenon is different. However, a famous American smile as a cliché was accepted in Russian business communication practice as a part of the global international communication scheme, and TV presenters, shopassistants and negotiators, for instance, learned how to use this smile. One example concerning speech clichés can be taken from a Russian magazine article covering the differences in perception of speech clichés used in the dialogue of a TV show covering the situation of evading debts. The master of the ceremony takes the call: How are you? |Fine. Thanks! |-And how are you?|-Oh, thank you. I’m just fine!|-What’s your question?|-Well, I went bankrupt. It’s been tough. I feel like the whole world is against me.1 1

This example and its interpretation are taken from the magazine publication by A.

158

Chapter Fourteen

For Russians, if you answer the question How are you? with the cliché Fine!, it will mean that the person is either leading a dishonest life or is presently unemployed. A more reasonable Russian cliché would be Little by little, a reply that indicates working hard. In American culture, the phrase Little by little means that the person is plotting something secretly, and if the answer is Fine! then it implies that the speaker is a polite, open fellow, satisfied with the present situation. This example shows a lot about the necessary cultural comment that can be derived only from the cultural context of the conversation. The pragmatic intentions of the speakers belonging to different cultures can be achieved only by accumulating cross-cultural differences when interpreting the situation and a variety of perceptions. Here, we may come to the understanding of clichés as special codes of an iconic type. They are represented within our minds as signs that allow different interpretations depending on our perception and sensitivity. Perception depends on coding the world into iconic signs that can re-present it within our minds. This explains the existence of different interpretations. Even when tackling such popular clichés as the English Please and Russian ɉɨɠɚɥɭɣɫɬɚ, their meanings are communicative codes that could cover different functional areas. For example, the standard situation is the case of saying thank you. In Russian, it is coded in the utterances of ɋɩɚɫɢɛɨ-ɉɨɠɚɥɭɣɫɬɚ when the latter is translated into English as here you are? /you're welcome. Russian speakers do not always associate the last phrase with ɉɨɠɚɥɭɣɫɬɚ. Very often, the phrase you're welcome is taken for ɧɟ ɡɚ ɱɬɨ! Used in everyday speech, the latter phrase implies that the person who made some beneficiary for the speaker doesn’t want any additional gratitude. The direct meaning of the cliché is There is nothing to thank me for. One more example with the Russian ɉɨɠɚɥɭɣɫɬɚ appears as a nonchalant permission or consent to do something when asked. It sometimes shows a sort of annoyance—ə ɜɫɟ ɠɟ ɯɨɬɟɥ ɭɣɬɢ ɫɟɣɱɚɫ /-ɉɨɠɚɥɭɣɫɬɚ! (I'd still like to leave now /Sure/Go ahead.). These examples allow us to conclude that it is the context itself that provides the meaning of a cliché. This cultural preference can appear at various levels and the code and interaction give a possibility for linguistic analysis through the procedure of interpretation at various levels. At present, the linguistic area that deals with differences is context pragmatics based on the “ego-du-hic-nunc” communicative situation. This approach allows for the incorporation of some parameters that the

Turobov, “America every day. Optimists,” New World 4 (2000): 2–3.

The Matrix for Presenting the Meanings of Speech Clichés

159

interpreter draws from a wider context of the cultural historical background (Tretyakova and Tsvinaria 2013). The matrix for the analysis is connected with “face-to-face”communication, including such parameters as “addressant-addressee” relations, knowledge of situational conventions and the rhetorical impact of the utterance. Moreover, the rhetoric of speech clichés becomes a cornerstone for the lexicographic presentation of the cliché meaning, especially when compiling a bilingual dictionary. At present, there are lots of definitions of rhetoric in the sense of the impact the utterances produce on the communicators. The involvement of linguistic and social theories within the discourse theory allowed for studying the emotional and axiological components in the analysis. The cultural preferences of the communication situation can cause several levels in the interpretation of clichés, as we have seen. A similar approach can be found in the studies of contrastive rhetoric with a multidimensional research including anthropology and translation studies. U. Connor argued that expanding of the field of rhetorical studies is connected with devising three kinds of maps. The first map covers writing as an activity involved in a number of social practices; the second concerns “small” cultures and draws attention to the important role of disciplinary; the third is the study of writing as an intercultural encounter where writers are interacting in the production and comprehension of texts (Connor 2008). We can extrapolate these ideas to the study of speech clichés connected with social practices and corporate and professional “small” cultures, and devise an intercultural encounter. When introducing the term “intercultural rhetoric,” Connor stresses that: “rhetoric helps examine the accommodation readers, writers, and speakers exhibit in communication,” and that this term was expected to suggest that no rhetorical tradition is isolated but that everything exists between cultures (Connor 2008, 351). Unlike the contrastive rhetoric that deals with writing across languages in producing texts of different genres, the matrix of speech clichés includes speech genres including both cross-cultural and inter-cultural studies with a special emphasis on the pragmatic component. This component causes interference at the multiple levels discussed above, adding new situational interpretations which we take as an integrated meaning. The knowledge of the functional potential of clichés and their dependency on the cultural environment is very important. This knowledge is often implicit and people may be unaware of the important rhetorical and social effect of the phrases they produce. For example, the cliché How are we today? may very well be interpreted as a greeting cliché in doctor-

160

Chapter Fourteen

and-patient dialogue, or as an ironic phrase in everyday conversation. Please can accompany a polite request and express irritation when pronounced with a specific intonation, such as puh-leeze. Even a greeting like Welcome can be a reaction to saying Thanks and not a greeting phrase. Thus, we can say that cultural stereotypes are encoded by speech stereotypes and used as formulaic forms of speech behaviour, i.e. clichés reflecting collective speech memory in reference to a modern communication situation. A speech cliché has dynamic functional meanings that are a part of a schematic presentation modelling interpersonal relations between communicators. The matrix for presenting meaning involves the dynamic coverage of possible interpretations which become an even more challenging task of making bilingual interpretations. J. Vinay and V. Darbelnet gave an example of translating the English set expression Take one into French. The equivalent would be Prenez-en un. However, if the expression is used as a notice next to a basket of free samples in a large store, the translator should give an equivalent term for a similar situation and use the expression Échantillon gratuit (Vinay and Darbelnet 1995, 256). Therefore, the attracting theory of equivalence might help, as it covers the problem of understanding both languages and cultures. Functional equivalence is grounded on the correspondence between the existing language and looking for identical functions and possible codes. The situation could be the same but the wording may be completely different. However, much depends on the activity of the translator and the methodology of finding the functional equivalence will rest on understanding distinctions between societies and cultures.

Schemes for Speech Clichés Clichés comprise an open functional field used for the quick and economical conducting of the communication process through presentation. They work as discourse markers on the one hand and as cumulative minidiscourse items modelling the communicative situation proper on the other. Speech clichés as stereotypes belong to the cognitive symbolic sphere—the semiosphere—reflecting human behavioural habits, and become active communicative tools used for interaction. On the one hand clichés are compact code types, and on the other the “decodification” process implies a long description of register, situational format, cultural specification and psychological implications. We can resolve this controversy by applying the semiotic principle into the classifying process and the principles of context pragmatics when making interpretations.

The Matrix for Presenting the Meanings of Speech Clichés

161

Here, we cover the most general format for English clichés as major codes in everyday conversation, marking the first level of mapping and showing the matrix for interpretation with the help of the schema. The schema includes the type of presentation used in the heuristic knowledge of communicative interaction. There are three major functional areas covered by clichés: (1) ritual (conversational formulas), (2) prescriptive (imperatives and questions), and (3) evaluation (appraisal), which are of great importance for cross-cultural communication, the latter dealing with three more specific pragmatic aspects of interpretation. The first group deals with the regulation of the communication process, i.e. “addresant-addressee” relations for making contacts within existing rituals. The most studied socializing clichés have the following scheme of the first ritual group: [I come into contact and express --; [I close the contact and express >-- forte >{order, appeal}> delicate {warnings; advice}; question operator > {verification; identification}]. Such clichés as Hit the road, Jack, or Get lost! can be interpreted as orders showing irritation. The cliché Take it from me is an appeal to believe something or a warning (Take it from me, He is up to no good). A big group of clichés exists for giving advice: Let it be! Let it lay! Let it sweat! Take it or leɚve it! Prescriptive clichés with axiological components make up the group of encouragements when the attitude is positive: Better luck next time, or, Take it easy, and a group of threats when the attitude is negative: Do it—or

162

Chapter Fourteen

else! Questions as prescriptions show interest in the conversation: Says who? How come? How so? There are a number of jocular clichés with grammatical solecisms: Is you is or is you ain’t? which are often used in advertisements. The third group is provided by Comment Clichés that show the approval or disapproval of the speaker. Some comments exist as part of the question-answer dialogue. The schema depends on the positive or negative answer if the question is asked. The scheme for a positive comment is the following [{prescription appeal/invitation/ warning < positive evaluation} > approval < positive answer]. Some very well-known examples concern all sorts of agreements, such as approval phrases like: You bet! I'll say! Yeah. No problem I don't mind if I do! You've said it all! You're telling me! Right/That's right/ All right And that's a fact, Sure thing! Nice going! Nice one, Cyril! The schema for a negative situational meaning is [prescription {question/order/appeal/warning/invitation} + negative reaction >disagreement; disapproval]. Many clichés of this group have the negative markers no or not: No chance! No way! No go! Not bloody likely! Not really, No way! No can do! Certainly not, Of course not. Many have equivalents in other languages, for example Not on your life!, which has a French equivalent Jamais de la vie and a Russian equivalent ɇɢ ɡɚ ɱɬɨ ɜ ɠɢɡɧɢ! In English, there is a cliché with the proper noun Nelly which has become a common noun: Not on your nelly! A number of phrases belong to the group of indirect speech acts: Talk to me later, Must run now! Get along! Get along with you! Negative nominals also belong to this group: That's too bad! / It's too bad, The Comment Scheme implies a number of positive and negative emotional comments that come up as the spontaneous reactions of the speaker. The scheme for positive reaction is the following: [{situation}> positive reaction + joy/pleasure> approval]. The spontaneous reaction is covered by: Nice going! Nice one, Cyril! Good thinking! Good for you! Fair enough! Jolly good! Well done! It's cute! It's weird! It's been real! Aren't you the one! Surprise as an emotional reaction is usually expressed by interjections, which in this format we take as clichés: My God! Golly! By Golly, Holy Moses/ Christ! Surprise may come with irritation: Boy! Oh boy! Surprise Surprise! As long as the surprise may be both positive and negative the scheme is the following [{perception of the unexpected situation} + positive reaction> enjoying the situation ɭɞɢɜɥɟɧɢɟ> approval} + negative reaction > unpleasant reaction> irritation}].

The Matrix for Presenting the Meanings of Speech Clichés

163

The correct interpretation of clichés is very important as the equivalence in translations can be found only through contrastive intercultural studies. For example, a cliché like Surprise Surprise! was translated as ɍɞɢɜɥɟɧɢɟ ɍɞɢɜɥɟɧɢɟ! in the situation of bringing a cake as a special gift. In Russian, it seems to be a senseless phrase. The scheme for negative comments includes two types of reactions. The first deals with the so-called strong disapproval per se, leading to reproaches, and the second implies a feeling of sympathy. The scheme is the following: [{negative reaction + disbelieve =disapproval> reproach/threat} +sorrow> compassion }]. Negative comments as reproaches are expressed with the clichés Go and do something, Go and fly the kite, Hang loose, and those that express sympathy Oh dear! I know how it feels, I am (awfully, dreadfully) sorry! New tendencies in communication are connected with the wide use of ironic and sarcastic comment clichés like I can't wait! I can hardly wait! I should worry, Thank you for nothing, and situational humorous clichés that we define as part of a figurative comment scheme. These clichés deal with the ludic function, which is known in Russian as ɩɪɢɤɨɥɵ, often dealing with black humour. Many of these are typical for the language of youngsters and computer interaction. One more tendency concerns the expansion of the word-play component into speech-cliché communication, reflecting the ludic function of present-day language. Nowadays, it is possible to speak of the syncretism of communication forms which still fall into the schemes mentioned above. Much depends on the correct “tuning-in” of communicators. By tuning in, we understand a type of empathy that allows for observing the inherent rules of cooperative speech behaviour.

Conclusion The discussion of possible systemic descriptions of speech clichés that could be used in modern dictionaries allowed for incorporating the semiotic principles of codification and intercultural maps into the linguistic description. This may help to devise the matrix for speech cliché interpretation where the cultural component is one of the core issues.

164

Chapter Fourteen

References Connor, U. 2008. “Mapping Multidimensional Aspects of Research: Reaching to Intercultural Rhetoric.” In Contrastive Rhetoric: Reaching to Intercultural Rhetoric, edited by U. Connor, E. Nagelhout and W. Rozycki, 299-355. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Hall, E. 1976. Beyond Culture. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books. Hofstede G. 1980. Culture’s Consequences: International Differences in Work-Related Values. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Leech, G. N. 1983. Principles of Pragmatics, London: Longman. Lewis, R. D. 2007. Cultural Imperative: Global Trends in the 21st Century. Yarmouth, ME: Nicholas Brealey Publishing. Ogiermann, E. 2009. “On Apologising in Negative and Positive Politeness Cultures.” Pragmatics & Beyond. New Series, vol.191. Tretyakova, T. 2010. “English Communicative Clichés as a Lexicographic Problem.” In New Trends in Lexicography: Ways of Registrating and Describing Lexis, edited by Olga Karpova and Faina Kartashkova, 57– 65. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. —. 2013. “Ritual and Etiquette as a Lexicographic Problem: Describing Clichés in the Historical Perspective.” In Multi-disciplinary Lexicography: Traditions and Challenges of the XXIst Century, edited by Olga M. Karpova and Faina I. Kartashkova, 67–76. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Tretyakova, T. and M. Tsvinaria 2013 “Context Pragmatics of Samples of Social Discourse in Beowulf.” Ex Philologia Lux: Essays in Honour of Leena Kahlas-Tarkka (Mémoires de la Société Néophilologique de Helsinki XC), edited by Jukka Tyrkkö, Olga Timofeeva and Maria Salenius, 24–44. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique. Vinay, J. P. and J. Darbelnet. 1995. Comparative Stylistics of French and English: a Methodology for Translation. Translated by J. C. Sager and M. J. Hamel. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

CHAPTER FIFTEEN CULTURAL DICTIONARIES OLGA A. UZHOVA IVANOVO STATE UNIVERSITY, RUSSIA

Effective communication is more than a matter of language proficiency, it also includes culture awareness. But many students (hopefully not teachers) view language only as a communication tool only. In this view, languages are sets of words tied together by rules, and learning a foreign or second language is the simple but tedious process of substituting words and rules to get the same meaning with a different tool. This kind of thinking can lead to becoming a “fluent fool.” According to Milton Bennett, an American linguist and educationalist, a fluent fool is someone who speaks a foreign language well but does not understand the social, philosophical or cultural content of that language. Such people are likely to get into all sorts of trouble because they and others overestimate their ability. They may be invited into complicated social situations where they cannot understand the events deeply enough to avoid giving or taking offence. Eventually, fluent fools may develop negative opinions of the native speakers whose language they understand but whose basic beliefs and values continue to elude them. To avoid becoming a fluent fool we need to understand more completely the cultural dimensions of language (Bennett 1997, 16). The cultural barrier is more difficult than the linguistic one because it is much less obvious for isolated nations. Cultural mistakes are much more irritating and conflict-provoking than linguistic ones, and conflicts of cultures are more dangerous than conflicts of languages. Thus, the knowledge of the conventions, customs, beliefs and systems of meaning of another country is indisputably an integral part of foreign language learning. Teaching of culture should make learners aware of speech acts, connotations and etiquette—that is, appropriate or inappropriate behaviour. In this aspect, a dictionary of culture can be an indispensable and important tool in teaching culture. According to the latest research, the dictionaries of culture can be

166

Chapter Fifteen

subdivided into three different types in terms of the differentiated reflection of their cultural component. “Countrystudy-culture study” dictionaries define the connotative lexis, giving it a special cultural commentary. “Culturological” dictionaries register cultural aspects along with categories of intercultural interaction. The “Linguistic cultural” dictionary is a peculiar way of examining culture in lexicography. Since concept (a stable notion of culture) is the main unit in language and culture studies (linguoculturology), the emergence of the concept dictionaries points out the scientific maturity of this science, indicated by transferring knowledge into dictionaries. The study of language and culture concepts has reached a level where it is possible to make a dictionary of concepts, a dictionary of a new type defining not word meanings as in general dictionaries, and not science references and the facts of everyday life, as this is what encyclopaedic dictionaries deal with, but concepts making up the peculiarities of a certain culture. The purpose of my article is to offer a project of a new, second type of dictionary of culture. It is widely known how keen the British are on preserving their historical heritage, which integrates not only outstanding monuments but also the so-called “dust of centuries,” comprising articles of everyday life, old musical instruments, toys, dishes, and even old newspapers. S. Ter-Minasova, a Russian linguist, thinks that this can be explained by their very special attitude to the concept of time—British culture is past-oriented, while Russian culture is future-oriented. The pastoriented nation considers its life in the past to be better than now. That glorious past is an eternal source of energy and stimulus for development. The worst cataclysm that may happen in the country and to the nation is the Shakespearian “time is out of joint.” There is no future without the past. These sentiments are still very strong in Great Britain (Ter-Minasova 2007, 1987). Taking into consideration the very unique attitude of the British to their history, it was acknowledged as necessary to compile a dictionary under the title “Great Britain. History and Cultural Associations” for Russian learners of English. This dictionary belongs to the culturological dictionaries type, since it registers specially selected and structured information about the culture and history of Great Britain. While planning a dictionary of any type, the user's perspective should be our first consideration. To get reliable and objective data for assessing users’ needs, the wishes and preferences the target audience were queried. The users of the reference book were supposed to be junior students of the faculty of foreign languages and senior school students. In all, 250 students participated in the query, the goal of which was to learn how the

Cultural Dictionaries

167

students themselves assess their own level of language acquisition and how well they know English culture, as well as discover their attitudes to the idea of the reference-book in question. The idea was favourably accepted by the students. As for language proficiency, from their point of view, it was quite decent, but cultural competence was not adequate. The reference-book in question is supposed to contain not only the meaning-oriented entries covering a certain historical period but also a section with usage indications, since the issue of how to use the word in speech has come to the forefront. The reference book under consideration is built on a thematic principle: it contains 10 parts depicting 10 periods of the English history: (1) Ancient Britain, (2) Roman Britain, (3) AngloSaxon England, (4) Anglo-Norman Britain, (5) The Early Middle Ages, (6) The Late Middle Ages, (7) The Tudors, (8) The Stuarts, (9) The Eighteenth Century (in two parts), and (10) The Nineteenth Century (in two parts). The megastructure of this reference book contains a preface, a short text on each certain historical period, and the dictionary itself. Preceding every thematic part is an encyclopaedic section, wherein the links of separate words with reality are given in a short text characterizing a certain historical period. Below is an example of this, in which the words to be used as entries in the dictionary are underlined.

Ancient Britain The very first stages of the existence of people on the British Isles are often described as prehistoric and referred to as the unwritten history of Britain. In about 3000 BC Neolithic (or New Stone Age) people crossed the narrow sea from Europe in small round boats. These people kept animals, grew corn crops and knew how to make pottery. They probably came from either the Iberian peninsula or even the North African coast. The Iberians were small, dark and long-headed people, and may be the ancestors of dark-haired inhabitants of Wales and Cornwall today. These were the first waves of invaders marking fresh stages in British development. The greatest material monument of the ancient population of the British Isles is Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, which was built in separate stages over more than one-thousand years. After 2400 BC, new groups of people arrived in southeast Britain from Europe. They were round-headed and strongly built, taller than the Neolithic Britons. It is not known whether they invaded by armed force or whether they were invited by Neolithic Britons because of their military or metal-working skills. Their influence was soon felt and, as a result, they

Chapter Fifteen

168

became leaders of British society. Their arrival is marked by the first individual graves, furnished with pottery beakers, from which these people get the name the “Beaker” people. The Beaker people brought a new cereal, barley, with them from Europe, and which could grow almost anywhere. The Beaker people probably spoke an Indo-European language, and seem to have brought a single culture to the whole of Britain. They also brought the skills for making bronze tools and these began to replace the stone ones. They also added a new circle of thirty stone columns to Stonehenge. In this way, British society continued to be centred on a number of henges across the country. Around 700 BC, another group of people began to arrive. Many of them were tall with fair or red hair and blue eyes. These were the Celts, who probably came from central Europe or further east, from southern Russia, and who had moved slowly westward in earlier centuries. The Celts were technically advanced. They knew how to work with iron and could make better weapons than the people who used bronze. The Celts began to control all the lowland areas of Britain and were joined by new arrivals from the European mainland. They continued to arrive in one wave after another over the next seven hundred years. From the second millennium to the first century BC, these people spread through much of Europe. Between 500 and 250 BC they were the most powerful people north of Europe. The Celts were organized into tribal groupings. Their settlements were based on hill forts, which often constituted tribal capitals. The Celts outside of Ireland were forced to submit to the victorious Roman armies, but following the departure of the Roman legions in the late fourth century AD, Celtic kingdoms emerged in Wales. The Celts are important in British history because they are the ancestors of many of the people in Highland Scotland, Wales, Ireland and Cornwall today. The Iberian people of Wales and Cornwall took on the new Celtic culture, and Celtic languages are still spoken. The majority of lemmas in a dictionary are nouns and wordcombinations, determined by a cultural singularity of the reference-book, since verbs, propositions and particles belong to a group of culturally neutral lexis. An abstract of the dictionary itself is given below. x

x

Avebury [phonetic symbols], a village in Wiltshire, England, where there is an important prehistoric monument. This consists of Silbury Hill and a circle of standing stones that is much larger than *Stonehenge. Avebury was made a World History Site in 1986. Beaker people [phonetic symbols], a group of people who arrived in southeast Britain from Europe after 2400 BC. Their arrival is marked

Cultural Dictionaries

x x

x

x

x

169

by the first individual graves furnished with pottery beakers, from which these people get their name. Celt [phonetic symbols], n, a member of an ancient group of people who lived in parts of Western Europe, who were also prehistoric people of Britain. A Scottish, Welsh or Irish person may be called a Celt. Celtic languages, n, pl, two of the principle dialects spoken by the Celts evolved into distinctive languages: Goidelic into Irish, Manx and Scottish Gaelic and Brythonic into Cornish, Welsh, and Breton. The Brythonic languages are distinguished from the Goidelic group by the presence of the sound “p” where Goidelic has “k” (spelled “c,” earlier “q”). The Brythonic languages are therefore sometimes referred to as P-Celtic. A Celtic language would have been the language spoken at the court of King Arthur (see also Arthurian legend). Druid [phonetic symbols], n, a priest in ancient Celtic societies in Britain, France and Ireland. Druids not only performed the role that modern priests do, but were often the philosophers, scientists, lawmakers, teachers, judges and councillors to the kings. They linked the Celtic peoples with their numerous gods, the lunar calendar and the sacred natural order. Today, some people who want to bring this ancient religion back to life call themselves Druids. They sometimes try to hold ceremonies at Stonehenge (see also Stonehenge). Iberians [phonetic symbols], n, pl, the people who arrived in Britain from either the Iberian peninsula or the North African coast in about 3000 BC. They may be the forefathers of dark-haired inhabitants of Wales and Cornwall today. Stonehenge [phonetic symbols], one of Britain’s most famous cromlechs on Salisbury Plain in Wiltshire. It consists of two circles of large standing stones, one inside the other. Stonehenge was built between 3000 and 1500 BC. There is some controversy about who shaped, carried and set up these huge stones, which perhaps had religious and astronomical use. Stonehenge was made a World Heritage Site in 1986.

After the list of entries is a section called “Cultural Association.” If an entry has both a regular denotative meaning as well as a culturally oriented one, its explanation is given in this part. It is this part that contains a lexis with historical connotations that is used in modern discourse. In other words, the differentiation of linguistic, conceptual and encyclopaedic knowledge is done at the level of the megastructure. Here are examples from the “Cultural Associations” section: Celtic fringe, the [phonetic symbols], parts of the UK where people are descended from Celts, i.e. Wales, Scotland, Ireland and Cornwall. The phrase is used mainly by people in England who feel that they have a different way of life.

170

Chapter Fifteen Celtic twilight [phonetic symbols], (sometimes ironic) the romantic and mysterious atmosphere that many people associate with the Irish people and their literature, including their belief in fairies, ghosts, etc.

Here are other examples of the lexis with historical connotations from other parts of the dictionary: Vandal [phonetic symbols ] n, a member of people of northern Europe known for their cruelty and destructiveness who invaded the Roman Empire and plundered Rome itself in the fifth century. The noun vandalism is used to denote wanton destructiveness, and comes from the name of the Vandals. Victorian [phonetic symbols] adj, besides relating to the period when Queen Victoria ruled, it now means old-fashioned and with very strict moral attitudes, especially relating to sex. Medieval [phonetic symbols] adj, a descriptive term for people, objects, events and institutions of the Middle Ages. Medieval is sometimes used as a term of disapproval for outdated ideas and customs. It may suggest inhuman practices, such as the torture of prisoners.

It has been noted that a lot of dictionaries of culture fixed only word meanings, and the user was often at a loss as to the usage of a certain lemma in speech (Karpova 2009). For this reason, a special marking (an underlining) is applied to recommend an entry for active use. To sum up, culturological dictionaries must not be only meaningoriented. There is an ever-increasing demand for dictionaries of culture which inform the user about the actual use of its entries in speech. It is widely known that to learn a foreign language, students are supposed to master two different kinds of skills: passive, or recognition, skills (reading and understanding oral speech) and active, production-oriented skills (speaking and writing). For many years, practically all the dictionaries were meaning-oriented and the problems of speech-production were not considered to be the concern of lexicography. The new type of culturological dictionary is designed to let users know what is used for production, for actual use in speech, and what is to remain for recognition. Speaking about the genre peculiarities of the dictionary in question, I would like to emphasize its anthropocentricity. The dictionary is communication-oriented as its entry presentation contributes to transferring them from language to speech. This is a synthetic type of dictionary since it reflects the paradigmatic, syntagmatic, conceptual and associative relationship of words. The dictionary is a learners’ one as it is a reference book helping users in their language acquisition and its usage, taking into consideration frequent associative words links. As for

Cultural Dictionaries

171

lexicographical form, it is an explanatory type of dictionary, since its main aim is to convey both linguistic and conceptual representations of the senses.

References Bennett, Milton J. 1997. “How Not to Be a Fluent Fool: Understanding the Cultural Dimension of Language.” In New Ways of Teaching Culture, edited by A. E. Fantini, 16–21. Bloomington, Illinois USA. Karpova, O. 2009. “Modern Trends in Lexicography with Special Reference to English and Russian Dictionaries.” In Lexicography and Terminology: A Worldwide Outlook, edited by O. Karpova and F. Kartashkova, 41–54. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Ter-Minasova, S. 2009. Language, Linguistics and Life. A View from Russia. Moscow: Moscow State University.

PART III: PROJECTS OF NEW DICTIONARIES

CHAPTER SIXTEEN THE CONTRIBUTION OF LEARNER CORPUS STUDIES FOR DICTIONARY MAKING: IDENTIFICATION OF DEVIANT L2 VOCABULARY USE BY ASIAN LEARNERS SHIN’ICHIRO ISHIKAWA KOBE UNIVERITY, JAPAN

Introduction Various kinds of corpora, most notably the British National Corpus and the Bank of English, have been widely used in dictionary making since the 1980s when the first Cobuild dictionary was published. However, utilizing another type of corpus in lexicography—the learner corpus—has just begun. As overviewed in Ishikawa (2013b), Cambridge University Press, for instance, has developed the Cambridge Learner Corpus for their dictionary making. The publisher emphasizes that their editors “carefully check each [Cambridge ESOL] exam script and highlight all errors made by students.” Then, they “use this information to see which words or structures are difficult for learners of English” (CUP, n.d.). Thus, the Cambridge Advanced Learners Dictionary (2008) includes a series of columns entitled “common mistakes.” These usually focus on spelling, collocation and grammatical usages, examples of which are shown below: forward. Warning: Check your spelling! Forward is one of the 50 words most often spelled wrongly by learners. Remember: the correct spelling has ‘r’ before the ‘w.’ hear. To talk about getting a letter or telephone call from someone, remember to use the preposition from. Don’t say “hear someone,” say hear from someone.

The Contribution of Learner Corpus Studies for Dictionary Making

175

inform. Remember: inform must have a direct object. Don’t say “inform about/of something,” say inform someone about/of something.

While it is true that these notes on typical errors are useful for learners, what learners should be careful about when using second language (L2), vocabulary is not limited to such misuses. Thus, much literature in learner corpus studies pays attention to overuse and underuse, which are a part of the “deviance from the native norm” seen in L2 learner production (Mukherjee 2006). Below is part of an essay written by a Chinese learner of English at an intermediate level. … we can also have the ability to travel or buy some items we like. We also hope that … we can no longer [be] dependent on our parents … we can also accumulate some social experience … what we learned is …. (CHN_002: an essay from the ICNALE corpus)

It is clear that the unnatural repetition of “we” and “our” drastically deteriorates the quality of writing in the essay, though it cannot be regarded as a misuse or an error. This suggests that EFL dictionaries need to offer notes not only on misuses but also on overuses and underuses. How, then, can we identify the overused and underused words by learners and include the information in dictionaries? Developing usage notes on overuse or underuse has rarely been attempted before, but one of the exceptions is the “Learner Corpus” column in the Wisdom JapaneseEnglish Dictionary (2nd ed.). The purpose of the column is: “to make the readers notice the words which Japanese learners cannot use appropriately and tend to misuse and to show them how to use those words in their writing” (iii). In preparing this column, the author examined the essays written by Japanese learners and those written by English native speakers, compared the frequencies of all the words used in the essays, and identified a bunch of words significantly overused or underused by Japanese learners. Table 16.1 below shows a list of the words to which usage notes are added in the dictionary.

Chapter Sixteen

176

Table 16.1. List of usage columns in the Wisdom Japanese-English Dictionary (2nd ed.) Overuse we (watashitachi), people (hitobito), think (omou), so (dakara), but (daga), bad (warui), n’t (… denai), example (rei), can (dekiru), reason (riyu), must (shinakerebanaranai), various (samazamana)

Underuse would (daro), just (dake, chodo), and (soshite), as well as (doyoni), believe (shinjiru), any (donna, arayuru), while (aida), issue (mondai), allow (saseru), gain (eru)

Below is a part of the usage column added to the entry dakara, which means “so,” “therefore” or “consequently.” “So” Overuse Level +++ Japanese learners tend to overuse “so” as a conjunction to an extreme degree, especially in the conclusion section of an essay, as in “… so I think …” and “… so we should ….” In Japanese, people often use dakara or nanode as a kind of filler with no clear lexical meaning. However, in English, “so” explicitly introduces some result logically derived from a clear reason, and its repeated use might confuse the flow of discourse. You should reconsider the need to use “so” in your essay. Similarly, Japanese learners have a tendency to overuse the lexical items concerning logical connections, such as but (++) and reason (+). Although these columns help dictionary users to write more naturally, it is not necessarily clear whether the same list of overused and underused words is also appropriate for other learners in Asia. Therefore, in the current study, we will use a large international learner corpus and apply a similar analytical methodology for Japanese, Chinese, Taiwanese, and Korean learners to identify key overused and underused words for each. Preparing usage columns tailor-made for a particular learner group is pedagogically of a great value, for there are many linguistic problems that “a specific L1 population typically encounters.” (Granger and Paquot 2010).

The Contribution of Learner Corpus Studies for Dictionary Making

177

Research Design Aims Our aim is to statistically identify the words that are overused and underused by Japanese (JPN), Chinese (CHN), Taiwanese (TWN), and Korean (KOR) learners in comparison to English native speakers. Also, we aim to see to what extent different learner groups overuse or underuse the same vocabulary. The three research questions are: are there some differences in the number of overused and underused words among the four learner groups? (RQ1). Which words are overused by learners? (RQ2). Which words are underused by learners? (RQ3). By examining both of the overused and underused words and paying equal attention to four writer groups with different mother tongues and L2 learning backgrounds, we attempt to describe the L2 lexical use of different Asian learners and consider the possibility of developing an appropriate usage column tailor-made for each learner group.

Data We will use the International Corpus Network of Asian Learners of English (ICNALE) (Ishikawa 2013a). The ICNALE is a collection of essays written by 2,600 L2 learners in 10 countries and regions in Asia as well as 200 English native speakers. The data includes approximately 1.3 million tokens in total, and the sizes of Japanese, Chinese, Taiwanese and Korean modules are approximately 180,000 tokens, 190,000 tokens, 90,000 tokens and 130,000 tokens, respectively. The ICNALE, which is intended to be a reliable database for an international contrastive study, collects more controlled data than other major learner corpora. There are only two essay topics (It is important for college students to have a part time job. / Smoking should be completely banned at all the restaurants in the country), and both the time for writing (from 20 to 40 minutes) and the length of the essays (from 200 to 300 tokens) are controlled. The use of references is prohibited. The corpus also holds detailed information about learners’ L2 proficiencies. Based on the scores on the major English proficiency tests such as TOEIC, TOEFL, and IELTS, and/or the vocabulary size test (VST), all the learners are classified into four proficiency bands defined by the Common European Framework of Reference, A2 (roughly equal to 225+ on the TOEIC; 57+ on the TOEIC iBT; and 20+ on the VST), B1_1 (550+; 72+; 25+), B1_2 (670+; 87+; 36+), and B2+ (785+; 110+; 47+).

Chapter Sixteen

178

Target Learners When analyzing the L2 use by Asian learners, L2 proficiency is an important factor. Learner corpus studies have paid limited attention to proficiency, presumably because they mainly deal with European learners whose English proficiency levels are relatively high. They can presuppose an “archetypal learner” (Granger 1998) or “an abstract learner with an average of level of language competence” (Mukherjee 2006). However, the range of proficiency is much wider for Asian learners and should be appropriately addressed. In the current study, therefore, we examine learners only at the B1_1 (threshold lower) level in all of the four countries and areas, because the particular proficiency band constitutes a majority of Asian learners (Ishikawa 2013a). Table 16.2. Distribution of learners’ proficiency bands in the ICNALE Level JPN CHN TWN KOR Av

A2 Waystage 39% 13% 15% 25% 23%

B1_1 B1_2 Threshold (lower/ upper) 45% 12% 58% 26% 44% 31% 20% 29% 42% 25%

B2+ Vantage+ 5% 3% 11% 25% 11%

Procedure To answer RQ1, we compared the ICNALE essays written by learners at the B1_1 level in four countries and areas with those by English native speakers. Both learners and native speakers are college students. The comparison was based on the log-likelihood ratio (G2). The higher the G2 is, the more significant the difference in frequency is. As a G2 of 3.80+ is significant at the p < .05 level, and a G2 of 6.62+ is significant at the p < .01 level (Rayson n.d.), we regarded the items whose G2 was higher than 10.00 as important overused and underused words, and counted them. The threshold is set at the high G2 value because the slight overuse or underuse should not necessarily be regarded as a problem in L2 communication. The list identified in this way, however, includes many topic-dependent words. For instance, the top five words overused by Japanese learners are “we” (G2 = 371.8), “smoke” (154.0), “completely” (124.6), “money” (112.9), and “smoking” (92.3). Many of these words are related to two kinds of topics given to learners. Therefore, we manually re-examined the list and chose the words not directly related to the topics in order to

The Contribution of Learner Corpus Studies for Dictionary Making

179

answer RQ2 and RQ3. This allowed us to identify the key overused and underused words for each of the four learner groups.

Findings and Discussion RQ1—Quantitative Overview of Learners’ Overuse and Underuse Fig. 16.1 below shows the number of overused and underused words whose G2 values are higher than 10.00. Fig. 16.1. The number of overused and underused words

Fig. 16.1 above shows that a large number of words are overused and underused by Asian learners, and the overall tendency greatly varies according to learner groups. The total number of overused and underused words is much larger for Japanese and Chinese learners, while it is limited for Korean and Taiwanese learners. Also, in the case of Japanese learners, the number of overused words is smaller than that of underused words, while in the cases of other learners the former is larger than the latter. Our findings exemplify the need for learner dictionaries to offer notes on these words, which should be tailor-made for a particular learner group.

RQ2—Overused Words Table 16.3 below shows the top twenty overused words for each of the four learner groups. Topic-dependent words are excluded from the list.

Chapter Sixteen

180

Table 16.3. Top 20 overused words for Asian learners (Based on G2 values) JPN We People Agree But Society Must T So Example Useful Reasons Course Get Various Person Moreover Think Second Reason First

371.8 89.2 80.7 77.7 77.6 72.4 59.4 50.3 49.7 45.7 42.2 38.7 38.5 38.2 37.4 35.9 33.1 30.8 29.4 28.0

CHN We Our Society Us Can Others More S People Word Knowledge All Nowadays The Advantages Some Ability View Influence Burden

429.7 237.7 132.4 121.8 110.3 94.5 91.7 65.3 58.9 53.4 51.7 50.2 46.3 45.7 45.2 39.4 34.6 34.0 33.3 33.3

TWN We Can People Second The T S But Get He According You Agree She More Maybe Behaviour Besides Damage Society

81.1 66.9 60.6 54.5 54.3 38.9 36.2 36.0 34.0 33.0 31.7 30.7 30.5 29.7 29.3 26.1 26.0 24.6 24.6 23.7

KOR A Able Realize Future Both Suggest Cherish As Alternative Therefore Burden Dream Any Risk Sure Nowadays Optional Opposite Method Vulnerable

50.0 47.5 42.7 42.3 42.2 36.2 36.0 34.0 30.5 29.7 24.6 24.6 20.0 19.7 16.8 16.6 16.6 16.3 15.0 14.9

A careful analysis of the concordance lines suggests many idiosyncratic tendencies in L2 vocabulary overuse by different Asian learners. For instance, Japanese learners typically overuse (i) a modal verb of obligation (“must”), (ii) functional words presenting additional information (“so,” “[for] example,” “moreover,” and “[of] course”), (iii) words presenting the argument framework (most typically as in there are “various” “reasons” for X and the “first” “reason” is …), and (iv) a basic thought presentation verb (“think”). Chinese learners are characterized by the overuse of: (i) plural first person pronouns (“our” and “us”), (ii) a word referring to surrounding people (“others”), and (iii) functional words summarizing the flow of discussion (“[in a] word” and “[in my point of] view”). The features of Taiwanese learners’ vocabulary use are typically seen in the overuse of: (i) varied singular person pronouns (“he,” “she,” and “you”), and (ii) hedges making a writer’s judgment somewhat ambiguous (“maybe” and “according [to]”). Korean learners, though their overuse is rather limited in degree, seem to be characterized by the overuse of: (i) varied thought presentation verbs (“suggest,” “cherish,” “[be] sure” and “dream”), (ii) determiners (“a” and

The Contribution of Learner Corpus Studies for Dictionary Making

181

“any”), and (iii) a logical connector (“therefore”). As briefly outlined above, different Asian learners clearly have different L2 vocabulary overuse patterns. Another thing to note here is that, in spite of the diversity observed above, some words are commonly overused by several writer groups. They include: (i) words referring to plural persons (“we” and “people”), (ii) a modal verb of ability (“can”), (iii) contracted forms (“t” [=not] and “s” [=is/was]), (iv) an adversative conjunction (“but”), (v) a versatile verb (“get”), (vi) a definite article (“the”), and (vii) a comparative form (“more”). Although no words are overused by all four learner groups, Asian learners seem to have a certain degree of common overuse patterns in addition to idiosyncratic patterns.

RQ3—Underused Words Table 16.4 below shows the top 20 underused words for each of the four learner groups. Table 16.4. Top 20 underused words for Asian learners (Based on G2 values) JPN Would -163.1 As -114.8 Just -87.7 Well -81.2 That -69.1 To -60.0 A -59.8 Simply -56.7 Find -54.6 And -53.5 Really -51.2 Any -48.2 Was -45.2 Been -45.0 Already -43.1 Enough -41.2 World -38.9 Real -36.1 An -35.7 Way -35.4

CHN I -427.0 That -192.0 Would -178.7 This -102.8 Was -92.7 Me -90.7 And -73.0 Able -72.5 Have -66.3 Very -64.9 Any -61.7 Simply -61.0 Allow -51.8 Bit -49.0 My -47.6 Enough -47.3 New -47.0 already -43.4 Next -37.7 To -37.4

TWN That -83.8 As -75.7 A -50.0 Able -47.5 This -46.8 Of -42.7 Been -42.2 Simply -39.3 Would -38.3 Very -35.5 Well -34.9 And -34.0 Enough -32.9 Already -30.3 I -28.4 Any -25.1 Bit -24.8 Probably -21.5 Allow -20.0 Was -19.1

KOR None -156.3 Otherwise -67.5 To -43.8 With -43.7 Thus -39.3 Activities -31.7 Maximum -28.4 But -24.8 Trying -21.4 Probably -21.0 Only -19.5 An -19.1 Various -18.9 Individual -18.0 Are -17.5 Habit -16.9 Succeed -16.8 Check -15.4 Was -15.1 Changed -14.5

182

Chapter Sixteen

Several lexical items are underused by one particular learner group exclusively. Japanese learners typically underuse: (i) emphasizers (“really” and “just”), and (ii) a perception verb (“find”). Chinese learners underuse: (i) a function word signalling the order of argument (“next”), and (ii) singular first person pronouns (“me” and “my”). The latter is clearly related to their overuse of “our” and “us,” as we have already observed. Korean learners’ underuse is typically seen with: (i) an adversative conjunction (“but”), (ii) negative emphasizers (“only” and “none”), and (iii) particular logical connectors (“otherwise” and “thus”). It should be noted that the Korean learners’ underuse pattern is different from the others. For instance, “but” is underused by Korean learners, but it is overused by Japanese and Taiwanese learners. Excluding the several idiosyncratic features summarized above, the words underused by Asian learners are largely homogeneous across different learner groups. All of the four learner groups underuse: (i) a past form of the to be verb (“was”), and two to three learner groups commonly underuse (ii) words presenting additional information (“and” or “as well”), (iii) a determiner modifying a singular noun (“a,” “an,” and “any”), (iv) emphasizers (“very” and “simply”), (v) words concerning the progressive tense (“been” and “already”), (vi) a singular first person pronoun (“I”), (vii) semi-modals meaning ability (“[be] able to” and “allow [someone to do]”), and (viii) hedges (“bit,” “probably” and epistemic “would”). These underuse patterns, which concern the usage of individual words as well as grammar and pragmatics, illuminate what Asian learners cannot express well in the target language. A part of this paper was presented at the Asialex 8th International Conference held in Bali, Indonesia (August 20–22, 2013) and the 10th International School on Lexicography, Life Beyond Dictionaries, held in Florence, Italy (September 12–14, 2013). The author sincerely thanks Professor Olga M. Karpova, organizer of the Florence conference, for her professional suggestions and encouragement.

References Cambridge Advanced Learners Dictionary. 3rd ed. 2008. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. “Cambridge English Corpus.” n.d. Cambridge University Press, http://www.cambridge.org (accessed May 1, 2013). Gilquin, G., S. Granger. and M. Paquot. 2007. “Learner Corpora: The Missing Link in EAP Pedagogy.” Journal of English for Academic Purposes 6, no. 4, 319–335.

The Contribution of Learner Corpus Studies for Dictionary Making

183

Gillard, P. and A. Gadsby. 1998. “Using A Learners’ Corpus in Compiling ELT Dictionaries.” In Learner English on Computer, edited by S. Granger, 159–171. London, UK: Longman. Granger, S. (ed.). 1998. Learner English on Computer. London, UK: Longman. —. 2003. “The International Corpus of Learner English: A New Resource or Foreign Language Learning and Teaching and Second Language Acquisition Research.” TESOL Quarterly 37, no. 3, 538–546. Granger, S., E. Dagneaux and F. Meunier. 2002. The International Corpus of Learner English: Handbook and CD-ROM. Louvain-la-Neuve: Presses Universitaires de Louvain. Granger, S., J. Hung and S. Petch-Tyson. (eds). 2002. Computer Learner Corpora, Second Language Acquisition and Foreign Language Teaching. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: Benjamins. Granger, S. and M. Paquot. 2010. “The Louvain EAP Dictionary.” In Proceedings of the XIV Euralex International Congress, Leeuwarden, July 6–10, 2010, edited by A. Dykstra and T. Schoonheim, 321-326. Ljouwert, The Netherlands: Fryske Akademy. Gilquin, G., Papp, S. and M.B. Diez-Bedmar, (eds). 2008. Linking Up Contrastive and Learner Corpus Research. Amsterdam: Rodopi. Ishikawa, S. 2011. “Learner Corpus and Lexicography: ‘Help-boxes’ in EFL Dictionaries for Asian Learners: A Study Based on The International Corpus Network of Asian Learners of English.” In ASIALEX2011 proceedings: Lexicography, Theoretical and Practical Perspectives. edited by K. Akasu and S. Uchida, 190–9. The Asialex. —. 2013a. “The ICNALE and Sophisticated Contrastive Interlanguage Analysis of Asian Learners of English.” In Learner Corpus Studies in Asia and the World 1, edited by S. Ishikawa, 91–118. Kobe, Japan: Kobe University. —. 2013b. “How to Incorporate Findings from Learner Corpus Studies in EFL DictionariesʊFrom Misuse to Over/Underuse.” In Lexicography and Dictionaries in the Information Age: Selected Papers from the 8th ASIALEX International Conference, edited by D. A. Kwary, N. Wulan and L. Musyahda, 138-144, The Asialex. Longman Language Activator. 2nd ed. 2002. Harlow, UK: Longman. Mukherjee, J. 2006. “Corpus Linguistics and Language Pedagogy: The State of the Art—And Beyond.” In Corpus Technology and Language Pedagogy: New Resources, New Tools, New Methods, edited by S. Braun, K. Kohn, and J. Mukherjee, 5–24. Frankfurt: Peter Lang.

184

Chapter Sixteen

O’Keefe, A., M. McCarthy and R. Carter. 2007. From Corpus to Classroom: Language Use and Language Teaching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rayson, P. n.d. “Log Likelihood Calculator.”, http://ucrel.lancs.ac.uk/llwizard.html (accessed May 1, 2013). Wisdom Japanese-English Dictionary, 2nd ed. 2013. Tokyo, Japan: Sanseido.

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN COMBINING LEXICOGRAPHY WITH SECONDLANGUAGE DIDACTICS: THE CASE OF THE BILINGUAL COLLOCATIONS DICTIONARY KOLLOKATIONEN ITALIENISCH-DEUTSCH ERICA AUTELLI AND CHRISTINE KONECNY UNIVERSITY OF INNSBRUCK, AUSTRIA

Introduction As language-specific word combinations, collocations are an important part of everyday communication. According to a narrow definition, based primarily on semantic criteria and advocated by F. J. Hausmann (2004), among others, there are specific types of “semi-fixed” phrasemes that are neither freely combinable nor fully idiomaticised, and thus are to be situated on the continuum between free word combinations on the one hand, and idioms on the other. Typically, collocations have a binary structure, consisting of a cognitively superordinate base and a cognitively subordinate collocator. The base can normally be translated literally from one language to another, whereas the collocator can vary from language to language and is the “unpredictable” element of the collocation (Hausmann 2004, 315). For example, in the Italian collocations perdere il treno (“to miss the train,” lit.: “to lose the train”) and un parente acquisito (“an inlaw (relative),” lit.: “an acquired relative”), the nouns treno and parente are the bases, and perdere and acquisito are the collocators. Unlike native speakers, who learn collocations as fixed units from childhood and do not perceive them as anything remarkable, foreign language learners often have difficulties in using them correctly. Collocations should therefore play a central role in learner lexicography as well as in L2 didactics.

186

Chapter Seventeen

As far as Italian and German are concerned, the first monolingual collocation dictionaries for both languages have recently been published (for Italian see Urzì 2009; Lo Cascio 2012; 2013; Russo 2010; Tiberii 2012; for German see Quasthoff 2010; Häcki Buhofer et al. in prep.1). However, today no bilingual dictionary of collocations for Italian and German exists and this is why we are working on developing just such a dictionary at the University of Innsbruck,2 situated in the Tyrol (Austria) region where people are German-speaking, but which has a geographic and social affinity to Italy, especially its northern part (South Tyrol), which is characterised by an Italian-German bilingualism. In this paper we will show how our dictionary is structured. After that, we demonstrate how lexicography can be combined with second-language didactics. In particular, we will suggest that a useful didactic method of teaching collocations is making the learners aware of the differences between languages, ideally making use of visualisations of languagespecific conceptualizations. Moreover, we will provide some ideas for using our dictionary in class for concrete exercises and follow-up activities.

The Dictionary Project Kollokationen Italienisch-Deutsch Structure of the Dictionary Entries The dictionary Kollokationen Italienisch-Deutsch (Italian-German Collocations, Konecny & Autelli in prep. a) contains as headwords about 900–1100 noun bases belonging to the Italian basic vocabulary (vocabolario fondamentale),3 as found in the Dizionario di base della lingua italiana (DIB 1996).4 As far as its target audience is concerned, it is 1

As to the latter dictionary, see the project website http://colloc.germa.unibas.ch/web/projekt, where an online test version of four hundred entries is available. 2 The research project is funded by the Autonomous Province of Bolzano/Bozen— South Tyrol (Division for the Promotion of Education, Universities and Research) and carried out by the authors of this article. For further information see also Autelli, Konecny and Bradl-Albrich (2012) and Konecny and Autelli (2012) www.kollokation.at/en. 3 We would like to point out that the dictionary by Häcki Buhofer et al. (in prep.) will be based on lemmas taken from the (German) basic vocabulary, for it is also aimed at didactic purposes (however, its lemmas will not be limited to nouns). 4 The nouns stricto sensu (assigned to the basic vocabulary in the DIB) amount to 868; in addition to these, however, the DIB contains 231 further words which can

Combining Lexicography with Second-Language Didactics

187

mainly aimed at German speakers who are learning or teaching Italian and have already reached an advanced level (at the earliest starting from level B1), but it can also be used the other way round (Italian-German). The single lemmas of the dictionary are ordered alphabetically. The collocations within a single entry will instead be listed according to the morpho-syntactic categories they belong to, which amount to four:5 (1) The first category consists of collocations formed by a noun (subject) + verb, as in the case of il sole picchia “there is a blazing sun,” but literally “the sun is beating.” (2) The second category are collocations of a verb + noun (direct object), such as sgranchirsi le gambe “to stretch one’s legs” (in the sense of “go for a short walk after having sat for a long time”), which literally means “to move the legs like a crab” (the verb sgranchirsi is etymologically related to the noun granchio “crab”). (3) The third category contains collocations of a verb + prepositional phrase, where the noun contained in the prepositional phrase is the base, as in the passive construction essere inchiodato al letto “to be confined to bed [due to illness],” lit. “to be nailed to the bed.” (4) The last category are collocations formed by a noun + adjective or prepositional phrase, like in strada cieca/vicolo cieco, which means “a dead-end street,” lit. “a blind street.” In examples like these, where the collocator is polysemic and used (within the collocation) in the meaning deviant from its original one, in the dictionary entries its literal translation into German is also mentioned, as shown by the example in Table 18.1 below. Abbracciare un’idea [to embrace an idea] cannot be translated literally into German, i.e. by using the literal equivalent of “embrace” [*umarmen]; also, the synonymic expression sposare un’idea (lit. “to marry an idea”) cannot be expressed in German with the verb for “marry,” for which in both cases the literal either be used as nouns or in another part of speech (e.g. contrario, which can be an adjective meaning “opposed,” or a noun meaning “the opposite”). This means that, altogether, the words analysed for our dictionary are 1.099 (= 868 + 231), even though not all of them are to be found in collocations as well, for which the final number of lemmas will be lower. 5 The source language for assigning the collocations to a specific morpho-syntactic category is always Italian. This means that the German equivalents may sometimes belong to another category than the Italian collocations, i.e. in cases in which the same concept is expressed by a different morpho-syntactic structure in the two languages.

188

Chapter Seventeen

translations of the Italian collocations are given in brackets after the correct German equivalents. The information is given in two columns, the left one containing the Italian part, the right the German. If there are one or more alternatives for a certain collocator, they are listed after straight slashes. Moreover, the dictionary will contain sample sentences for many collocations showing their application in concrete contexts. Table 17.1. Preview of a part of the entry idea (collocation abbracciare/sposare un’idea) abbracciareŇsposare un’idea

Con il crescente rispetto dell’ambiente sempre più persone e aziende abbracciano l’idea di vivere in armonia con la natura.

sich einer Idee anschließen, einer Idee folgen, sich für eine Idee erwärmen; für eine Idee eintreten (wörtl.: “eine Idee umarmen”; vgl. il braccio = der Arm; sposare = wörtl.: “heiraten”) Mit der wachsenden Umweltfreundlichkeit schließen sich immer mehr Menschen und Unternehmen der Idee an, in Einklang mit der Natur zu leben.

The example of the lemma idea shows that often it is not only the collocator which is polysemic and the “unpredictable” element, but that the base itself can also have more than one meaning. In Italian, idea can also refer to an impression, to knowledge, to an opinion, to an intention, etc. Therefore, idea does not have one literal equivalent in German, but has to be translated in different ways according to the individual contexts. As far as the above-mentioned morpho-syntactic category (4) is concerned, in some cases the collocator can also be a relative clause, e.g. una nebbia che si taglia col coltello [a dense fog, lit. a fog that one could cut with a knife]. Another exception within this category is represented by combinations of a noun with another noun, e.g. isola salvagente. In this case, the collocator salvagente is a nominal compound which means “lifesafer.” The whole expression isola salvagente, however, which can be translated literally as “life-safer island,” is the Italian expression for traffic refuge.6 This is once again an example in which the base (isola) is 6

The same meaning, however, can also be expressed by the noun salvagente itself, for in the course of language history it also assumed this second meaning (due to

Combining Lexicography with Second-Language Didactics

189

polysemic, for isola salvagente is not used in its literal geographical sense (“island”), but in its secondary meaning, which is based on a metaphor. After having listed the collocations belonging to the four morphosyntactic categories mentioned, at the end of each entry there is an additional category foreseen for special cases and more complex structures exceeding the normal binary collocational structure, as in the case of essere un vulcano di idee [to be a powerhouse/a volcano of ideas, in Germ. vor Ideen sprühen, which corresponds to the English expression “to sparkle with ideas”]), where the base of the combination is the noun idea, although it is not the syntactic head of the nominal phrase vulcano di idee.7

Combining Lexicography with Second Language Didactics An essential part of the dictionary project Kollokationen ItalienischDeutsch is combining our lexicographic work with second-language teaching and didactics, hence drawing our attention to a learner-oriented and user-oriented approach in addition to the mere lexicographic aspects. This combination seems to be of utmost importance since a dictionary does (or at least should) not merely exist as an end in itself, but is used by a specific audience. The problem, however, seems to be that who the target audience should be is sometimes not clearly defined by the lexicographers, or that the target audience the dictionary is addressed to does not correspond to the actual users. For these reasons, for a few years we have been collaborating with several Tyrolean schools to make teachers and pupils aware of the importance of collocations and help them reflect upon the differences between Italian and German (as well as between these and other languages). Whilst compiling our dictionary we held several workshops at schools and universities in addition to advanced training courses for teachers and trainee teachers to demonstrate the possible application methods of our dictionary, especially for teaching in class but also for using it as a self-learning tool in private study.

an ellipsis of isola due to the absorption of the meaning of isola in salvagente). 7 Another example for the special category is lungi da me l’idea di fare qcs, [“the last thing I want to do is …, lit.: far from me the idea of …], which is a sort of routine formula but can also be interpreted as a collocation consisting of a noun (subject) + verbal phrase, even though the verb itself is mostly omitted. Instead of saying sia lungi da me l’idea di [far from me shall be the idea of], the more common expression seems to be the elliptical one without explicitly mentioning the verb form sia [shall be].

190

Chapter Seventeen

Developing Learners’ Metalinguistic Awareness through Visualisations One of our main hypotheses is that an efficient method of teaching and learning collocations more easily consists in making learners explicitly aware of the divergences (and convergences) between a certain target language and their mother tongue. For this purpose, it makes sense to use concrete visualizsuations of the collocations’ conceptualisations,8 which can either be actively created during the learning process (as drawings) or used receptively, e.g. by integrating them into our dictionary that will therefore contain around 60 coloured pages showing illustrations of selected collocations drawn by students and collected during our project. The aim of this method is to develop, on the one hand, the learners’ linguistic competence, but on the other, their metalinguistic awareness of language-specific conceptualisations, considering that images don’t represent the world as it is, but rather how a certain speaking community perceives it and refers to it by linguistic means (Hupka 1989, 716). It should be pointed out, however, that the idea of using visualisations in both phraseological and lexicographical works is not completely new. As demonstrated by W. Hupka (1989), visualisations already have a rather long tradition in general purpose dictionaries, becoming widely accepted (apart from the single illustrated dictionaries compiled before) in the second half of the nineteenth century (ibid., 719). Yet, according to Hupka (718), illustrations were and are mostly used in monolingual dictionaries, while bilingual ones rarely contain images due to the fact that they primarily try to create equivalence between the sign systems of two languages. The study by N. Filatkina et al. (2010; 240ff.) shows that in the case of phrasemes, and especially proverbs, illustrations have been playing a central role in the fine arts since the Middle Ages and the early Modern Age, and have also been included in paremiological and phraseological dictionaries. As far as the discipline of phraseodidactics (i.e. of how to teach and learn phrasemes) is concerned, researchers seem to have been aware of the importance of visualisations from the beginning. P. Kühn, who coined the term phraseodidactics in the 1980s (1987; Gonzáles Rey 2013, 7), made use of images by integrating them in his German school dictionary for children (Kühn 1995), for example, which also contains— apart from visualisations of the referents of single words—some 8

The notion of conceptualisation can be defined as “the particular ‘angle’ or ‘perspective’ a language takes when considering a specific object” that “forms a sort of ‘bridge’ between the mental image/concept and the linguistic form used to express it, highlighting a specific aspect of the object” (Konecny and Autelli 2012, s.v. glossary).

Combining Lexicography with Second-Language Didactics

191

illustrations of phrasemes and collocations, as in the case of sich den Kopf zerbrechen [to rack one’s brains, lit. to break one’s brains] (ibid., 210). Also, several phraseme collections and phraseological learning materials for various languages include illustrations (for a list of some of these works see Konecny & Autelli [2012, 123]). Still, if we look at the phraseme types that are normally illustrated in phraseological and didactic works, we notice that idioms and proverbs predominate. What seems to be lacking is a systematic treatment of collocations as subjects of visualisations, both in bilingual lexicography and in L2 didactics. Such visualisations could prove particularly useful, since collocations have a (semi-)compositional meaning, and at least one of their elements (i.e. the base) is used in its literal meaning, for which they can often be illustrated rather easily. This is demonstrated by some of the Italian collocations mentioned above, whose conceptualisations have been illustrated by Tyrolean students, as shown in the Figs 17.1–17.3 below. Fig. 17.1. Illustrations of the collocations il sole picchia [there is a blazing sun, lit. the sun is beating] and sgranchirsi le gambe [to stretch one’s legs, lit. to move the legs like a crab]

192

Chapter Seventeen

Fig.17.2. Illustrations of the collocations essere inchiodato al letto [to be confined to bed (due to illness), lit. to be nailed to the bed] and strada cieca / vicolo cieco [dead-end street, lit. a blind street].

Fig. 17.3. Illustrations of the collocations una nebbia che si taglia col coltello [a dense fog, lit. a fog that one could cut with a knife] and isola salvagente [traffic refuge, lit. life-safer island]

Combining Lexicography with Second-Language Didactics

193

Fig. 17.4. Illustrations of the Italian and German collocations tagliare una curva/eine Kurve schneiden and una giornata storta/ein Tag, an dem alles schief läuft

In some cases, the conceptualisations of two languages can also be convergent or at least similar, as in the case of tagliare la curva [to cut a corner], where the German equivalent contains the verb for “cut” as well [eine Kurve schneiden]. An example of a similar conceptualisation in Italian and German is una giornata storta [an off day/a bad day, lit. a crooked day]. In this case, the German language does not have exactly the same collocation, but a very similar one which differs only with regard to its syntactic realisation [ein Tag, an dem alles schief läuft, lit. a day in which everything runs crook], for the German collocator also contains the word for “crook” [schief], but here it is part of a relative clause and used as an adverb (thus not as an adjective, like in Italian). The drawings shown in Fig. 17.4 can therefore serve as illustrations not only of the conceptualisations of the Italian, but also of the German collocations. However, not all collocations are easy to draw, especially if the base refers to an abstract entity (Hupka 1989, 716), or if the original motivation of the collocator is not transparent in synchrony, like in the case of digrignare i denti [to bare one’s teeth], where the motivation of digrignare has been lost over the course of history and can thus not be illustrated visually. The collocations that can be drawn best are undoubtedly those in which the collocator is polysemic and used in a secondary meaning, often based on a metaphor, as is the case with the examples in Figs 17.1–17.4. This is why our project focuses especially on these especially, and also because making and being aware of polysemy and contextual meanings seems in general a key for treating collocations (and other lexical items) successfully in language teaching.

194

Chapter Seventeen

Providing Ideas for Collocations Exercises Although our dictionary could be used for self-study (especially by adults) and will be of particular interest for translators as well as students and people living in places where the language pair Italian-German is needed, it is mainly intended as a source and help for teachers. For this reason, we have started illustrating how teachers could use our dictionary for activities in class, providing ideas for concrete exercises (based on our dictionary entries). Most of the collocation exercises developed so far are based on the English language (e.g. the exercises in Berman [1998, 119– 132; 163–177]), but these can of course also serve as a model for other languages. Among the many possibilities for connecting lexicography with didactics, which can be recommended to teachers who use our dictionary, one can find, for example: (1) Input or revision exercises, e.g. identifying collocations (Lewis 2000, 30–31), matching exercises (O’Dell and McCarthy 2008, 11) or filling in words (ibid., 113; 123), maps or bubbles (Lewis 1997, 115; McCarthy 2001, 7, 83; McCarthy and O’Dell 2001, 7), and collocations boxes (McCarthy 1990, 12; Lewis 1997, 126). (2) Translation exercises, also consulting dictionaries in class (either printed or online ones), as suggested by Marello and Corino (2010). (3) Creating or correcting texts with wrong or odd-sounding combinations in the mother tongue, based on the conceptualizations of expressions in the L2 language (McCarthy and O’Dell 2005, 9; Konecny and Autelli 2013, 132f.). (4) Various types of games, e.g. card games (Kacjan 2008, 75–7), pantomimes (ibid., 85), dominoes (Walter and Woodford 2010, 40f.), board games (Watcyn-Jones 2001, 130–2), guessing the collocator through the base, or vice versa (Hill 1999, 16; Lackman 2010, 11), or “Who wants to become a millionaire?” (multiple choice quiz, Konecny and Autelli [2013, 131f.]).

Of course, teachers can also invent their own exercises or let their students create them. If they prefer an electronic version instead of a paper one, they could work with programs which are available at their institution (e.g. Moodle), or make use of internet sites such as LearningApps.org or quizlet.com, where everyone is free to use various applications. Another possibility is consulting online search engines or corpora (Bini et al. 2007, 331; O’Dell & McCarthy 2008, 53), for example to find out whether the collocations provided by a dictionary are generally common or not and what their possible contexts of use are.

Combining Lexicography with Second-Language Didactics

195

Final Remarks and Future Outlooks In conclusion, we would like to point out that our dictionary project is only a first attempt towards a systematic contrastive description of Italian and German collocations, as well as towards integrating lexicography in second-language teaching and didactics, which should and will be followed by further studies in this direction. To enhance the didactic aspect, we have recently initiated a second research project in cooperation with the European Academy of Bozen/Bolzano (EURAC),9 in which we plan, amongst other things, to develop specific didactic material on collocations, based primarily on frequent mistakes resulting from interference between Italian and German. Furthermore, an urgent desideratum with regard to the combination of learner lexicography and L2 didactics (which concerns all languages, not just Italian) is the not yet accomplished assignation of collocations (and of phrasemes in general) to the various levels (from A1 to C2) of the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR 2001). This aim seems difficult to achieve due to a lack of appropriate criteria to date, and especially because the levels to which certain collocations will have to be assigned will not necessarily (and in most cases not) correspond to the levels of their single constituents (moreover, the levels can be different for the equivalent collocations in the two languages).10 However, as far as Italian and German are concerned, the publication of a specific collocation dictionary is at least an initial step that could be a useful base for classifying collocations according to the CEFR levels (e.g. with the help of corpora analysis), because such studies will not be possible as long as a compilation of (part of) the collocations inventory of these two languages does not exist.

9

This research project, funded by the Division of the Autonomous Province of Bolzano/Bozen—South Tyrol, is entitled “LeKo—Lexeme combinations and typified speech in a multilingual context. Authentic linguistic data for the creation of didactic material on Italian word combinations for German-speaking L2 learners.” The project website, which will also contain some collocation exercises, will be available on http://www.leko-project.org/ (Konecny and Autelli in prep. b). 10 In contrast to collocations/phrasemes, single words have already been classified according to the CEFR levels for several languages (Marello 2012). As for Italian, the respective word lists are to be found in the Profilo della Lingua Italiana (Spinelli and Parizzi 2010).

196

Chapter Seventeen

References Autelli, E., C. Konecny and M. Bradl-Albrich. 2012. “Creating a Bilingual Learner’s Dictionary of Italian and German Collocations: Strategies and Methods for Searching, Selecting and Representing Collocations on the Basis of a Learner-oriented, Semantic-conceptual Approach.” In Proceedings of the 15th Euralex International Congress, Oslo, 7–11 August 2012, edited by R. Vatvedt Fjeld and J. M. Torjusen, 726–736. Oslo: Oslo University. Bini, M., A. Pernas and P. Pernas. 2007. “Apprendimento/insegnamento delle collocazioni dell’italiano. Con i NUNC è più facile.” In Corpora e linguistica in Rete, edited by M. Barbera, E. Corino and C. Onesti, 323–333. Perugia: Guerra. Council of Europe (CEFR). 2001. Common European Framework of Reference for Languages: Learning, Teaching, Assessment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. De Mauro, T. and G. Moroni (DIB). 1996. DIB—Dizionario di base della lingua italiana. Torino: Paravia. Filatkina, N., A. Kleine and B. Münch. 2010. “Verbale und visuelle Formelhaftigkeit: Zwischen Tradition und Innovation.” In Korpora, Web und Datenbanken. Computergestützte Methoden in der modernen Phraseologie und Phraseographie, edited by S. Ptashnyk, E. Hallsteinsdóttir and N. Bubenhofer, 229–246. Baltmannsweiler: Schneider Verlag Hohengehren. Gonzáles Rey, I. 2013. “Presentation: Phraseodidactics, an applied field of Phraseology.” In Phraseodidactic Studies on German as a Foreign Language, edited by I. Gonzáles Rey, 7–10. Hamburg: Dr. Kovaþ. Häcki Buhofer, A., M. Dräger, M. Meier and T. Roth. (in prep.). Feste Wortverbindungen des Deutschen. Kollokationenwörterbuch für den Alltag. Tübingen: Narr., http://www.colloc.germa.unibas.ch/web/projekt (accessed January 28, 2014) Hausmann, F. J. 2004. “Was sind eigentlich Kollokationen?” In Wortverbindungen—mehr oder weniger fest, edited by K. Steyer, 309– 334. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter. Hill, J. (ed.). 1999. Dictionary of Selected Collocations. Hove: LTP. Hupka, W. 1989. “Die Bebilderung und sonstige Formen der Veranschaulichung im allgemeinen einsprachigen Wörterbuch.” In Wörterbücher. Dictionaries. Dictionnaires. Ein internationales Handbuch zur Lexikographie, edited by F. J. Hausmann et al., vol. 1, 704–726. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter.

Combining Lexicography with Second-Language Didactics

197

Kacjan, B. 2008. Sprachelementspiele und Wortschatzerwerb im fremdsprachlichen Deutschunterricht mit Jugendlichen und jungen Erwachsenen. Maribor: Slavistiþno društvo, Filozofska fakulteta. Konecny, C. 2010. Kollokationen. Versuch einer semantisch-begrifflichen Annäherung und Klassifizierung anhand italienischer Beispiele. München: Meidenbauer. Konecny, C. and E. Autelli. 2012. Italian Collocations. Comparing Word Combinations in Italian and German. A Research Project, http://www.kollokation.at/en/ (accessed January 7, 2014). —. 2013. “Learning Italian Phrasemes through their Conceptualizations.” In Phraseology in Language Teaching and in Language Didactics, edited by C. Konecny, E. Hallsteinsdóttir and B. Kacjan, 117–136. Maribor: Mednarodna založba Oddelka za slovanske jezike in književnosti, Filozofska fakulteta. —. (in prep. a). Kollokationen Italienisch-Deutsch. Hamburg: Buske. —. (in prep. b). LeKo. Lexemkombinationen und typisierte Rede im mehrsprachigen Kontext, http://www.leko-project.org/. Kühn, P. 1987. “Deutsch als Fremdsprache im phraseodidaktischen Dornröschenschlaf. Vorschläge für eine Neukonzeption phraseodidaktischer Hilfsmittel.” FLuL 16: 62–79. —. 1995. Mein Schulwörterbuch. Bonn: Dümmler. Lackman, K. 2010. Classroom Games from Corpora. Using Corpora to teach vocabulary, http://www.kenlackman.com/files/CorporaGames Book103.pdf (accessed January 28, 2014). Lewis, M. (ed.). 1997. Implementing the Lexical Approach. London: LPT. —. 2000. Teaching Collocation. London: LTP. Lo Cascio, V. (ed.). 2012. Dizionario Combinatorio Compatto Italiano. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: Benjamins. —. (ed.). 2013. Dizionario Combinatorio Italiano. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: Benjamins. Marello, C. 2012. “Word Lists in Reference Level Descriptions of CEFR (Common European Framework of Reference for Languages).” In Proceedings of the 15th Euralex International Congress, Oslo, 7–11 August 2012, edited by R. Vatvedt Fjeld and J.M. Torjusen, 328–335. Oslo: Oslo University. Marello, C and E. Corino. 2010. “Dizionari bilingui in rete e la rete come corpus: due facilitatori della produzione scritta in lingua straniera.” In Facilitare l’apprendimento dell’italiano L2 e delle lingue straniere, edited by F. Caon, 192–205. Torino: UTET. McCarthy, M. 1990. Vocabulary. Oxford: Oxford University Press. McCarthy, M. and F. O’Dell. 2001. English Vocabulary in Use. Upper-

198

Chapter Seventeen

intermediate. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. —. 2005. English Collocations in Use. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. O’Dell, F. and M. McCarthy. 2008. English Collocations in Use Advanced. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Quasthoff, U. 2010. Wörterbuch der Kollokationen im Deutschen. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter. Russo, D. 2010. MdD. Modi di Dire. Lessico Italiano delle Collocazioni. Roma: Aracne. Spinelli, B. and F. Parizzi. 2010. Profilo della Lingua Italiana. Livelli di riferimento del QCER A1, A2, B1, B2. Per le Scuole superiori. Con CD-ROM. Scandicci (FI): La Nuova Italia. Tiberii, P. 2012. Dizionario delle collocazioni. Le combinazioni delle parole in italiano. Bologna: Zanichelli. Urzì, F. 2009. Dizionario delle combinazioni lessicali. Luxembourg: Convivium. Walter, E. and K. Woodford. 2010. Using Collocations for Natural English. Surrey: Delta Publishing. Watcyn-Jones, P. 2001. Vocabulary Games and Activities 2. Harlow: Penguin.

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN DICTIONARY OF THE RUSSIAN LANGUAGE IN TWENTIETH-CENTURY POETRY: SPECIFIC MACROSTRUCTURE AND MICROSTRUCTURE FEATURES LARISSA L. SHESTAKOVA V. V. VINOGRADOV RUSSIAN LANGUAGE INSTITUTE OF THE RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, MOSCOW, RUSSIA

At the end of the twentieth to the beginning of the twenty-first centuries, the Russian poetic lexicography, as well as the Russian author lexicography in general, showed a dynamic development. This was caused by an overall dictionary boom and the expansion of computer technologies, on the one hand, and the rapid development of linguistic poetics, individual stylistics and inter-individual stylistics on the other (Shestakova 2011, 210–74). At present, as well as in the past, the primary activity of modern poetic lexicography is the compilation of the so-called monographic dictionaries [monograficheskie slovari], which reflect the language of single poets. Such reference books vary in their typological and parametric characteristic features. They represent a wide range of lexicographic forms: an index, a concordance, a lexicon, an ideographic dictionary etc., created for the works of a number of Russian poets of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as A. Delvig, N. Yazikov, F. Tyutchev, M. Kuzmin, V. Khlebnikov, M. Tsvetaeva, G. Ivanov, A. Tarkovskiy, V. Visotskiy and many others. One of the distinguishing features of the Russian poetic lexicography of the last decade is the creation of dictionaries for several poets [svodnie slovari poezii]. Their sources are the literary works of numerous authors. Such reference books serve as the basis for the description of the poetic language history and its characteristic features at different stages of

200

Chapter Eighteen

development. A multivolume Dictionary of the Russian Language of the XX Century Poetry (Grigor'ev and Shestakova 2001–13), which is being created at the V. V. Vinogradov Russian Language Institute of the Russian Academy of Science, is a perfect example of this type of dictionary. The idea of the Dictionary was generated by outstanding Russian philologist V. P. Grigor'ev. To date, five dictionary volumes have been published. In total, they contain thirty thousand entries under the letters Ⱥ–ɉ. The dictionary is an alphabetical philological reference book that combines the features of context registrative lexicographic resources and an explanatory dictionary. In short, it can be called a lexical concordance. The dictionary corpus includes more than five hundred thousand poetical citations from 10 poetical compositions of the previous century, such as literary works by I. Annenskiy, A. Akhmatova, A. Blok, S. Yesenin, M. Kuz'min, O. Mandel'shtam, V. Mayakovskiy, B. Pasternak, V. Khlebnikov and M. Tsvetaeva (abbreviated as Ⱥnn, Ⱥkhm, ȺB, ȿs, Kuz, ɈɆ, Ɇ, P, Khl and Tsv correspondingly). As we can see, they are poets who belong to different poetic movements (symbolism, acmeism, futurism, imagism) and stand beyond certain schools and movements. The dictionary’s primary idea is to reflect the vocabulary of the twentieth-century poetic language (particularly, the first third of the twentieth century) to show the development of the language system of this epoch and its various forms. This major task fully correlates with its macro- and microstructure features. Speaking about the dictionary’s macrostructure, it is important to notice that corpus density is one of the most necessary points for solving the above-mentioned task. The dictionary word-list includes all the words that have occasions in dictionary sources. Authors regard poetic, bookish words, together with neutral, common, colloquial lexis, provincialisms, specialized, old and new words, and notional and structural parts of speech. The word-list also contains proper nouns (anthroponyms, toponyms etc.) that are worth mentioning in detail. There are various ways to treat proper nouns in author dictionaries. Compilers of the dictionary preferred to fix different classes of proper nouns in a single word-list, as such a variant enables the evaluation of the share of proper nouns in the overall dictionary corpus and its parts. The fact that the world of proper nouns of the above-mentioned authors is rich and diverse, and the percentage of proper nouns in their language is high, is demonstrated in each of the dictionary volumes. For example, volume I contains 11 entries for Aleksandr (Alexander), Aleksandr Makedonskiy (Alexander the Great), Russian emperors Aleksandr Perviy (Alexander the First) and Aleksandr Tretiy (Alexander the Third), Aleksandr Pushkin,

Dictionary of the Russian Language in Twentieth-century Poetry

201

Aleksandr Ulyanov, Aleksandr Blok, Aleksandr Esenin (the name of Sergey Esenin's father), and Aleksandr Petrovich Bryukin (one of V. Mayakovskiy's characters). Volume IV includes 13 entries for Mariya (Mary), from Deva Mariya (Virgin Mary) to the name of a character of the poem Lazar' by Kuz'min. These entries are preceded by the articles to the anthroponyms Mariett (meaning Marietta Shaginiyan, a writer); Marille (the name of Marina Tsvetaeva's character); three entries for Marina (which contains the first name of Marina Tsvetaeva), as well as such diminutive and derived from Marina names as Marinka, Marinushka, Mariula (from A. Pushkin's Tsygan [Gipsy]) and Maritsa (a character from I. Kalman's operetta). The entries for Mariya are followed by the articles for the personal names Mark (an evangelist) and Markov (a general of the White Army). The inclusion of proper nouns in one word-list permits the dictionary compilers to demonstrate their word-forming capabilities in poetic language, their systemic links and relationship with common nouns and other parts of speech. Thus, regarding word formation, we can say that some pairs of proper nouns and neologisms derived from them are representative: Motsart (Mozart)—motsartov (adjective: of Mozart) (V. Khlebnikov), Niagara—niagaritsiya (verb) (V. Khlebnikov), Pasternak— perepasternachit' (verb) (A. Akhmatova) etc.

The homonymous relationships that appear within poetic language are represented by such headwords as: kara [punishment, requital]—the Kara (a Transbaikal river, mentioned by B. Pasternak), ili (a conjunction “or”)—Ili (a neologism—a word of gods' language from V. Khlebnikov's literary works)—Ili (variant for Eli—one of God's names, mentioned by S. Yesenin).

A distinguishing feature of the dictionary word-list is that participles I and II, long and short forms of adjectives, comparatives, substantives and some other forms are treated as single headwords within corresponding microstructures. For instance, the infinitive nesti [to carry] (there are some examples with finite verb forms in the entry), participles nesuschii [carrying] and nesya [carrying]. Another word cluster is formed by the adjective pamyatniy [memorable], its shortened form pamyaten, comparative degree pamyatney [more memorable] and superlative degree pamyatneyshii [the most memorable]. Such a way of word treatment is widely used by compilers of

202

Chapter Eighteen

dictionaries for single authors, though it is especially efficient when applied in reference books for several writers where there is a huge corpus of lexical data. In the dictionary under analysis, representing the language of 10 celebrated poets, the application of such a method not only highlights the independent status of the above-mentioned word forms compared with their initial forms, but also presents word forms that belong to high-frequency adjectives and verbs in a more demonstrable way. For example, if the dictionary compiler had built a large entry for the adjective vetchniy [eternal] without taking into consideration its word forms, they would have lost contexts for the shortened form vetchen, the comparative degree form vetchnee [more eternal], and the substantive vetchnoe. While turning to the description of the dictionary microstructure, i.e. the architecture of its entry, it should be noted that its distinguishing feature is that it is subdivided into obligatory and optional zones. On the one hand, it comprises three main concordance zones: headword, quotation and quotation address. On the other, it includes two additional zones: meaning and commentary. Unlike general-purpose author dictionaries, the key element of the dictionary microstructure and dictionary in general is quotations, comprising a huge amount of poetical lines from the literary works of the selected authors. These contexts may be represented by a single line, a couplet or a quatrain. Their forms and meanings (unlike traditional concordances) have comprehensive characters. The chronological order of the quotations enables us to trace the history of word usage in the poetical language of the period and compare the principles of its usage in different individual styles. Commentaries and explanations of various types are an important part of the dictionary. Explanations relate to headwords proper and go together with their definitions. The main type of explanation is the interpretation of archaisms, dialectal words, terms and other lexemes that pose difficulties while being comprehended by the users. For instance: apsida (apse)—an altar elbow at the east of the cathedral (this architectural term is mentioned in Aya-Sofia I. Mandelshtam's poem), galopada—an archaic word, it is a special kind of dance and music (mentioned by B. Pasternak), zabol'niy—a dialectal word, annoying (mentioned by S. Yesenin).

The dictionary zone of meaning is multifunctional (the zone name is rather nominal). It may contain, in addition to the definition, information about word stylistic features, its grammatical peculiarities, spelling and pronunciation. As for the lexicographic treatment of proper nouns, the

Dictionary of the Russian Language in Twentieth-century Poetry

203

zone includes encyclopaedic information, and the dictionary thus acquires a linguistic-encyclopedic character. Notes are referred to different contexts and contain miscellaneous information, such as whom the poem is devoted to, the occasion it was written on, which word the headword is rhymed with, and if the former is not mentioned in the verbal example, for example. Notes are supplemented with labels: Intertextual—Tsit. (tsitata [citation]), Alluz. (alluzia [allusion]). Emotional-expressive—Shutl. (shutlivo [humorously]), Iron. (ironitcheski [ironically]). Labels that demonstrate if the word is used in the prominent position in the text—Zagl. (zaglavie [title]), Podzag. (podzagolovok [subtitle]), Epgrf. (epigraf – epigraph). In character's speech—RP (rech personazha [character's speech]), etc. It is evident that the quantity of such data is different in each entry. In general, the information that is represented in obligatory and optional dictionary zones form the “portrait” of every word treated lexicographically. Below, we give the examples of several entries. In the first two microstructures only obligatory zones are represented, while in the others optional zones are also present (the entry unit for the noun znamya [flag] is shortened here; if the form of the headword given in quotations coincides with the entry headword itself it is abbreviated to one letter). BARCHATISTIY I anyutinikh glazok staya B. khranit siluet— Eto babochki, uletaya, Im ostavili svoy portret. Akhm961 (363.2) [VELVET I anyutinikh glazok staya B. khranit siluet— Eto babochki, uletaya, Im ostavili svoy portret. A. Akhmatova 961 (363.2)]. DOZHIVAT' vse te, kto nine tam, Pechalno dozhivali zdes, AB903 (1,535.1) … [LIVE ONE'S LAST YEARS vse te, kto nine tam, Pechalno dozhivali zdes, A. Blok 903 (1,535.1) VOITEL [ustar.; voin] Ti—vol'niy vikhr', vostocjnikh vrat v., Voloviy vzor, luni oval, Iskander! Kuz908 (138) [WARRIOR [archaic] Ti—vol'niy vikhr', vostocjnikh vrat v., Voloviy vzor, luni oval, Iskander! M. Kuz'min 908 (138) ZNAMYA [z. i Z.; flag, rukovodyaschaya ideya; znamena AB902] Pobedi z. razvilos, - AB900 (I,451.3); Ya, iznurenniy i premudriy, Vosstav ot

204

Chapter Eighteen tyagostnogo sna, Pered toboyu, Zlatokudroy, Sklonyau dolu znamena. AB902 (I,244); I pylok byl, i grozen Den', I v z.[namya] veril goluboe. Ⱥɧɧ903 (67.3); … Za mnoy, znamena potseluys, RP Khl911-12 (206); Na grudi shirokoy bryzzhet krov, tchto plamya, A v rukakh zastivshikh vrazheskoe z.[namya]. ȿs914 (I,103); … Mi / budem nesti, / nesli / i nesem - / ego, / Il'itchevo z.[namya] [rfm. k (rhyme to) s nami] Ɇ927 (296) … [COLOURS [c. and C.]; flag, banner A. Blok 902] Pobedi z. razvilos, - A. Blok 900 (I,451.3); Ya, iznurenniy i premudriy, Vosstav ot tyagostnogo sna, Pered toboyu, Zlatokudroy, Sklonyau dolu znamena. A. Blok 902 (I,244); I pylok byl, i grozen Den', I v z.[namya] veril goluboe. I. Annenskiy 903 (67.3); … Za mnoy, znamena potseluys, RP V. Khlebnikov 911-12 (206); Na grudi shirokoy bryzzhet krov, tchto plamya, A v rukakh zastivshikh vrazheskoe z.[namya]. S. ȿsenin 914 (I,103); … Mi / budem nesti, / nesli / i nesem - / ego, / Il'itchevo z.[namya] [rhyme to s nami] V. Mayakovskiy 927 (296)…]. MASHA [personazh poemi M.I. Tsvetaevoy “Molodets”; sm. tzh. MARUSEN'KA, MARUSYA] Za toy potyanutsa, Chto mezh rusikh—rusa, Vkrug toy obovyutsa, Chto mezh Lub—Marusya! // Plyashi, M., Plyashi, Glasha, Da po-nachenskomu—Ekh! Moya—krashe, Tvoya—krashe, A u gostya—krashe vsekh! Tsv922 (III, 280) [MARY [character in M. I. Tsvetaeva's poem “Molodets”; see also MARUSEN'KA, MARUSYA] Za toy potyanutsa, Chto mezh rusikh—rusa, Vkrug toy obovyutsa, Chto mezh Lub—Marusya! // Plyashi, M., Plyashi, Glasha, Da po-nachenskomu—Ekh! Moya—krashe, Tvoya—krashe, A u gostya—krashe vsekh! M. Tsvetayeva v922 (III, 280)]. NORDERNEY [o-v v Severmom more, nemetskiy kurort] NORDENEY Zagl. M923 (113); Dyra dyroy, / ni khoroshaya, ni dryannaya - / nemetskiy kurort, / zhivu v Nordernee. / Nebo / to lutch, / to tchayku ronyaet. / More / blestyaschey, tchem rutchka dvernaya. ib. [NORDERNEY [the island in the North Sea, German resort] NORDENEY Capitalized V. Mayakovskiy 923 (113); Dyra dyroy, / ni khoroshaya, ni dryannaya - / nemetskiy kurort, / zhivu v Nordernee. / Nebo / to lutch, / to tchayku ronyaet. / More / blestyaschey, tchem rutchka dvernaya. ib.].

The dictionary is being created for a wide audience of readers, mostly researchers of literary and poetic language. The data represented in the volumes clearly demonstrate what types of knowledge about the poetic language the dictionary contains, what a user can pick up from it to study the content and the structure of poetic lexis of the twentieth century, and its general and author components. The articles of bigger sizes that contain quotations from all or almost all the selected authors are of special interest in revealing the characteristic features and dynamics of poetical word usage. These are, in particular,

Dictionary of the Russian Language in Twentieth-century Poetry

205

words that are conceptually significant for the poetic language and the world-view of the nineteenth to twentieth centuries, for example: zavtra [tomorrow], zakat [sunset], zlo [evil], igra [game], imya [name], inoy [different], kniga [book] and konets [end]. For instance, here is a shortened entry for the noun zakat [sunset]: ZAKAT [z. and Z.; zakatu (rod. ed.) Kuz909] Ee [sharmanki] drozhaschiy Srodni zakatu golos: o tsvetakh On govorit uviyadshikh i obmanakh. Ann874 (161); Tchto tchelovetcheskie slezi, Kogda rumyanitsya z.[akat]! AB898 (I,333.2); PERED ZAKATOM Zagl. Ann900e (64.2); SIZIY ZAKAT Zagl. Ann900-e (98.2); NA ZAKATE Zagl. Ann900-e(199.1); Ty li menya na zakatakh zhdala? Terem zazhgla? Vorota otperla? AB903 (I,74); Byli dni—nad teremami Plamenel z.[akat] [rfm. brat] AB (I,319); Ty v polya otoshla bez vozvrata. Da svyatitsya Imya Tvoye! Snova krasnie kopya zakata Protyanuli ko mne ostrie. AB905 (II,7); Akh, net dlya nas petchalnogo zakatu: Gde ty tchital, tchtob strast poshla na ubil? Kto priravnyat by mog k otlivu? // Ya ne otdamsya nikogda otlivu Kuz909 (88) … A sam z.[akat] v volnakh efira Takoy, tchto mne ne razobrat, Konets li dnya, konets li mira, Il tayna tayn vo mne opyat. Akhm964 (259.3). [SUNSET [s. and S.; of sunset (Genitive case, singular) M. Kuz'min 909] Ee [sharmanki] drozhaschiy Srodni zakatu golos: o tsvetakh On govorit uviyadshikh i obmanakh. I. Annenskiy 874 (161); Tchto tchelovetcheskie slezi, Kogda rumyanitsya z.[akat]! A. Blok 898 (I,333.2); BEFORE SUNSET Capitalized I. Annenskiy 900-e (64.2); BLUE-GRAY SUNSET Capitalized I. Annenskiy 900-e (98.2); AT SUNSET Capitalized I. Annenskiy 900-e(199.1); Ty li menya na zakatakh zhdala? Terem zazhgla? Vorota otperla? A. Blok 903 (I,74); Byli dni—nad teremami Plamenel z.[akat] [rfm. - brat] A. Blok (I,319); Ty v polya otoshla bez vozvrata. Da svyatitsya Imya Tvoye! Snova krasnie kopya zakata Protyanuli ko mne ostrie. A. Blok 905 (II,7); Akh, net dlya nas petchalnogo zakatu: Gde ty tchital, tchtob strast poshla na ubil? Kto priravnyat by mog k otlivu? // Ya ne otdamsya nikogda otlivu M. Kuz'min 909 (88) … A sam z.[akat] v volnakh efira Takoy, tchto mne ne razobrat, Konets li dnya, konets li mira, Il tayna tayn vo mne opyat. A. Akhmatova 964 (259.3).]

The content of the article shows a broad time span for the usage of the word zakat [sunset] in the poetic language. The first quotation goes back to 1874 (I. Annensky), the last to 1964 (A. Akhmatova). The word has a traditional poetic halo in the literary works of all selected authors. It has the highest frequency in the period from 1890 up to 1910, in part explained by the crucial events in Russia, the ideas of “the sunset of Europe,” and the world’s end that were popular at that time. A number of examples demonstrate the word usage in its primary meaning:

206

Chapter Eighteen poslednie luchi zakata [the last sunset rays]; putnik shel, zakatom ozaren [the traveller was walking illuminated by sunset]; v aleyuschem zakate na balkone podremat [to slumber in the balcony in glowing sunset]; more, bagrovoe ot zakata [sunset-crimson sea]; v okne—zakat [there is sunset in the window]; govorit o zakate stikhi [to recite poems about sunset], etc.

At the same time, the first figurative contexts where a word functions as part of similes and genitive metaphors are followed by numerous figurative contexts with similar and other semantic transformations of the word: Ee [sharmanki] drozhaschiy Srodni zakatu golos (its [barrel organ] sunsettrembling sound) (I. Annensky) and Snova krasnie kop'ya zakata Protyanuli ko mne ostrie (Again red sunset lances have reached out their nibs) (A. Blok). For example, Zharko-zheltoy pozolotoy zakata Stekla okon goryat u verandy (Veranda windows are shining in ardent yellow gilt of sunset) (M. Kuzmin 1907); Grimasnichayuschiy zakat Glumitsya nad zemley golodnoy (Grimacing sunset are mocking at hungry land) (Pasternak 1909), Sad, … gde nizkaya ptitsa vlachit za soboy zolotoy zakat so vsemi uglyami ego pozhara (The garden where a low-flying bird is dragging sunset with all its fire coals) (V. Khlebnikov 1909, 1911).

The entry reveals the degree of usage of the word zakat in prominent positions in the text—in the title and rhyme. As for poetic titles, it is used only in I. Annensky's compositions: Pered zakatom [Before Sunset], Siziy zakat [Blue-gray Sunset], and in the rhyme position—in the compositions of ten poets: I. Annensky's poems (zakata–aromata [sunset–scent]), A. Akhmatova (zakatom–proklyatom, semidesyatom [sunset–cursed, seventieth]), A. Blok (zakat–brat [sunset– brother]), S. Esenin (svyato–zakata [sacred–sunset]), M. Kuzmin (v zakate–o vozvrate [sunset–return]), I. Mandelshtam (zakatov–penatov [sunsets–Penates]), V. Mayakovskiy (zakata–fata [sunset–veil]), B. Pasternak (zakat–barrikad [sunset–barricade]), V. Khlebnikov (raskatom– zakatom [peal–sunset]), M. Tsvetaeva (zakat–skat [sunset–descent]).

The noun zakat is italicized in the entry (see, for example, quotations from A. Blok's poems dated from 1903 and 1905 that are fully italicized). If a word is capitalized, it is fixed in the zone of meaning: z. and Z (zakat and Zakat [sunset and Sunset]). This device is illustrated in the entry with a quotation, for example, from M. Tsvetaeva's poem Bil chas chudotvoren i poln. Here the words zakat [sunset] and voskhod [sunrise] are capitalized: Vse vishe, vse vishe—visot Poslednee zlato, Snovidencheskiy golos: Voskhod Navstrechu Zakatu.

Dictionary of the Russian Language in Twentieth-century Poetry

207

Every dictionary of poetic language, as well as the above-mentioned one, is a unique product, because, as a rule, the data of each are original. It is very important that, on the whole, such dictionaries form a reliable tool for studying Russian poetry, as a certain word in the author’s language has not only its primary meaning but also includes the author's literary and worldview strategies, their aesthetic programme, their dialogue with their predecessors and followers, their response to “someone else's word,” their manner of self-expression, and so on.

References Grigor'ev, V. P. and L. L. Shestakova (eds). 2001–2013. Slovar' yazyka russkoi poezii XX veka, t. I–V (Dictionary of the Russian Language of Twentieth-Century Poetry, v. I–V). Moscow: LRC Publishing House. Shestakova, L. L. 2011. Russkaya avtorskaya leksikografiya: Teoriya, istoriya, sovremennost' (Russian Author Lexicography: Theory, History, Modernity). Moscow: LRC Publishing House.

CONTRIBUTORS

Larissa M. Alekseeva, Doctor of Philology, Professor. She is the Head of the English Philology Department at Perm State National Research University, Russia. Her main research interests include the linguistics of text, the translation of specialised texts, and LSP studies. Professor Alekseeva was the first to organize the European Symposium on Language for Special Purposes (LSP) in Russia. It was the 18th conference entitled Special Language and Innovation in a Multilingual World held on August 22–26, 2011. She was awarded the Eugen Wüster Special Prize in 2007. She is involved in the dictionary-making project devoted to Florence. Erica Autelli is a researcher in the field of Italian linguistics at the University of Innsbruck, Department of Romance Languages, and a highschool teacher of English and Italian. She is about to conclude her dissertation Il Genovese poetico attraverso i Secoli, in which Autelli analyses linguistic aspects of the Genoese variety in poems of different centuries. In 2011 she joined a research project on collocations funded by the Autonomous Province of Bolzano/Bozen, South Tyrol: "'Limping' chairs, 'dancing' teeth and 'lost' busses." Since 2013, Erica Autelli has been collaborating on a further project funded by the Autonomous Province of Bolzano/Bozen, South Tyrol, entitled "LEKO—Lexeme combinations and typified speech in a multilingual context". Moreover, she also teaches at the Department of Language Didactics (DiS) of the University of Innsbruck. Her research interests include dialectology, phonology and diachronic studies, interjections, phraseology and especially collocations, contrastive linguistics, language didactics and lexicography. Nataliya Bytko is an Assistant Professor at the Kiev Institute of Translators and Interpreters affiliated with the National Academy of Science of Ukraine, with academic interest in the fields of historical linguistics, cultural linguistics, and lexicography. Having defended a dissertation on the topic of Borrowing as a Means of English Conceptual and Lexical System Adaptation to Alternative Reality (Odessa I. I. Mechnikov National University), she has concerned herself with research on English outer circle varieties development and their lexicographic issues.

Life Beyond Dictionaries

209

Annick Farina is an Associate Professor in French language and translation at the University of Florence, where she heads a section of the Interuniversity Centre for Quebec Studies under the auspices of the Department of Languages, Comparative Literatures and Cultures. Her focus is on analysis of the relationship between lexicography and society in Canada in her work Dictionnaires de langue française au Canada (2001), and more generally on monolingual Francophone lexicography and French-Italian bilingual lexicography, and has published numerous analytical studies of various aspects of their micro- and macro-structures. She currently coordinates, with Marcello Garzaniti, the Research Unit “Lessico multilingue dei Beni Culturali” (LBC), where her research focuses on creating multilingual lexicographical resources related to issues of cultural heritage and oriented towards the needs of translators in the field of tourism. Marcello Garzaniti is a full Professor at the University of Florence, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Studi interculturali. He currently teaches courses on Slavic Philology, Comparative Slavic, Literatures and Russian Language. He is a collaborator of the Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana (Treccani) as a specialist of Eastern European civilisation and a visiting professor in Moscow, Sankt-Petersburg, Kiev, Würzburg, Münster, Vienna, Paris (directeur d'études invité, ÉPHÉ, 2006). He is president of the Italian Association of Slavists (2009–14), member of the Editorial Board of the Florence University Press (since 2011), president of the Biblical Commission at the International Committee of Slavists (since 2013), and coordinator of the Research Unit "Multilingual Lexicon of Cultural Heritage" (LBC, Florence since 2013). Shin’ichiro Ishikawa, Professor. Dr Shin'ichiro Ishikawa earned his BA and MA in English Literature at Kobe University, and his doctorate at Okayama University. He is currently a professor of applied linguistics at the School of Languages and Communication, Kobe University, Japan. His research interests cover corpus linguistics, statistical linguistics, language education, and SLA. His recent books are Corpus, ICT and Language Education (Univ. of Strathclyde Publishing, UK) and Basic Corpus Linguistics (Hitsuji Syobo, Japan). He is also in charge of development of a new learner corpus, The International Corpus Network of Asian Learners of English. He is a board member of several academic associations inside and outside Japan.

210

Contributors

Olga M. Karpova, Doctor of Philology, Professor, Vice-Rector for Public Relations and Head of the English Philology Department at Ivanovo State University, Russia, founder of the Ivanovo Lexicographic School. Professor Karpova specialises in the theory and practice of English lexicography, being particularly interested in writers' dictionaries of different types with special emphasis on Shakespeare lexicography. She also trained 30 Doctors of Philology, and is the author of 22 books and 350 articles. Olga Karpova is a member of EURALEX with two Verbatim Awards (1993, 1997), the International Society for Historical Lexicology and Lexicography (UK), and the National Association of Applied Linguistics (NAAL, Russia). She has numerous awards for outstanding scientific achievements and initiatives. She is currently the Project Leader of the Dictionary for Guides and Tourists of Florence in the Works of World Famous People created with support from the Romualdo Del Bianco Foundation®—Life Beyond Tourism®. Faina I. Kartashkova is a Doctor of Philology, and Professor of the English Philology Department at Ivanovo State University, Russia. She defended two dissertations on “Functioning of Synsemantic Nouns in the Text” (Leningrad State University, 1980) and “Indirect Nomination in English Speech” (St. Petersburg State University, 2001). Her research interests cover the issues of speech and non-verbal communication with special reference to the gender aspect, phraseology and culture-throughlanguage studies. Prof. Kartashkova is the founder and head of the Interregional Laboratory of Communicative Human Behaviour, comprising 32 scholars. She is a member of the International Association of Cognitive Research, and has published 150 papers alongside five books on indirect nomination and the interrelation of non-verbal and verbal communication. She has trained 14 PhD students. Christine Konecny is an Assistant Professor of Italian linguistics at the University of Innsbruck, Department of Romance Languages. She has gained extensive experience in the field of phraseology and the area of collocation research in particular. Furthermore, Konecny has led two research projects on phrasemes and collocations (funded by the Autonomous Province of Bolzano/Bozen, South Tyrol), namely the project "'Limping' chairs, 'dancing' teeth and 'lost' busses" which aims at the compilation of an Italian-German collocations dictionary (to be published in 2015), as well as of the project "LEKO – Lexeme combinations and typified speech in a multilingual context," which is carried out in cooperation with the European Academy of Bolzano (EURAC), Institute

Life Beyond Dictionaries

211

for Specialised Communication and Multilingualism. Besides phraseology and foreign language didactics, Christine Konecny's research interests include the fields of semantics, lexicology, lexicography, cognitive and contrastive linguistics, syntax and appositions. Nicoletta Maraschio is a Professor of History of Italian at the University of Florence. From 2008 to 2013 she was President of the Accademia della Crusca. She has been director of the Centre for Italian Grammar at the Accademia della Crusca and of the journal Studi di Grammatica Italiana. Her research has extended over many topics in the history of the Italian language, from the language of literary authors (such as Boccaccio, Alberti and Salviati) to Renaissance linguistic thought; and from the evolution of the Italian orthographs to the language of the church and the language of mass media (cinema, radio and television). Olga A. Melentyeva gained her PhD in Germanic languages in 2014 with the PhD thesis "Chaucer Dictionaries viewed as a part of English author lexicography." She is Head of the Foreign Language Centre at Ivanovo State University. Her main scientific interests include Chaucer’s language and its lexicographic treatment in author dictionaries of different types since the sixteenth century. O. A. Melentyeva is a member of the Ivanovo Lexicographic School headed by Prof. Olga. M. Karpova. Susan Rennie, Doctor of Philology, has written and contributed to a range of dictionaries and thesauruses, including the New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary and Chambers Dictionary. She was a senior editor with the Scottish National Dictionary Association from 1996 to 2000 and created the first Scots-language spellchecker (CannieSpell) and the Electronic Scots School Dictionary in 1998. From 2001 to 2004, Dr Rennie was Editor of the Dictionary of the Scots Language at the University of Dundee. She was also involved in the early planning for the Scottish Corpus of Texts and Speech. In 2001, she was one of the co-founders of Itchy Coo Books, a Scots-language imprint funded by a grant from the Scottish Arts Council, and has written several books for children in Scots, including a grammar for schools and the award-winning Animal ABC: A Scots Alphabet. Through her work as a lexicographer, Dr Rennie has developed an interest in dictionary history, and her doctoral thesis (2010) was the first full-length study of John Jamieson’s Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language of 1808.

212

Contributors

Larissa L. Shestakova is a Doctor of Philology and Leading Researcher at the V. V. Vinogradov Russian Language Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia. Dr Shestakova specializes in the theory and practice of Russian lexicography, being particularly interested in writers' dictionaries of different types. She is the author of 12 books and 250 articles. In her doctoral thesis “Russian author lexicography: theory, history, modern scene” (2012), Larisa Shestakova presented a comprehensive characterization of the development of Russian author lexicography in its correlation with the foreign one for the first time. She is the organizer and head of the scientific seminar "Theory and Practice of Author Lexicography" at the Russian Language Institute, and a member of the commission on lexicology and lexicography of the International Committee of Slavists. In the authorities sphere, she is a consultant of the linguistic group of the Moscow regional Duma (parliament) and an accredited expert included in the Federal register of experts of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. Ekaterina A. Shilova gained her PhD in Germanic languages from Ivanovo State University in 2001. She is an Associate Professor of the English Philology Department at Ivanovo State University, Russia. Her research interests include terminology and LSP studies. She is mainly concerned with the lexicographic treatment of tourism terminology in modern LSP dictionaries. Dr Shilova is a coordinator of the project of the Dictionary for Guides and Tourists of Florence in the Works of World Famous People supported by the Romualdo Del Bianco Foundation®— Life Beyond Tourism®. Valentyna Skybina, Doctor of Philology, Professor, is affiliated with the Canadian Academy of Independent Scholars and Zaporozhye State Medical University, Ukraine. Her research interests focus on the lexicography of the varieties of English, primarily Canadian and Australian. She has a number of publications on lexicography and is a coauthor of two dictionaries: Borrowings into Native Varieties of English: A Dictionary and Thesaurus (2009, Zaporozhye: Zaporozhye National University), and the English-Russian Learner’s Dictionary (1997, Zaporozhye: Vydavets). Her Professional Membership includes the Dictionary Society of North America, The Canadian Linguistic Association, and the International Linguistic Association.

Life Beyond Dictionaries

213

Marina I. Solnyshkina, Doctor of Philology, Professor of the Department of Contrastive Linguistics and Linguistic Didactics at Kazan (Volga Region) Federal University, Russia. Her research interests include Semantics, Language Policy and Professional Sublanguages, which have resulted in 189 publications. She is the author of the English and Russian Idioms of Naval Origin dictionary (2003). Professor Solnyshkina is Vicepresident of the Tatarstan branch of the National Association of Teachers of English and a member of many Russian and foreign organizations. She has numerous awards from Russian and foreign universities (in the United Kingdom, the United States, Cyprus and others), as well as governmental authorities. She is involved in the project of the Dictionary for Guides and Tourists of Florence in the Works of World Famous People supported by the Romualdo Del Bianco Foundation®—Life Beyond Tourism®. Tatyana A. Taganova gained her PhD in Germanic languages from Ivanovo State University in 2003. At present, she is an Associate Professor of the English Language Department at Ivanovo State University, Russia. Her research interests are in determining the nature and evidences of national identity and its reflection in the language as well as in dictionaries. Now she is working on her Doctorate thesis devoted to the concept of national identity and new types of dictionaries of the English language. The thesis is based on a thorough research of users’ profiles in the context of a globalized world. Tatyana P. Tretyakova gained her Doctoral degree in 1998 from Leningrad University, Russia. She is Professor of the English Philology and Translation Department at St. Petersburg State University, Russia. Her numerous research interests include the functional semantics of English speech stereotypes, discourse analysis and argumentation studies, and English clichés in the historical perspective and in translation. Her scientific achievements resulted in the publication of 104 articles and a number of books. Professor Tretyakova is a member of the International Society for the Study of Argumentation (ISSA), the Netherlands, and the St. Petersburg Linguistic Society, Russia. Olga A. Uzhova, Doctor of Philology, Professor of the English Philology Department at Ivanovo State University, Russia. Her main research interests include the lexicographic treatment of English culture in English dictionaries, intercultural communication and country studies. She has proposed a model for the cultural dictionary Great Britain. History and Cultural Associations. She defended her Doctoral thesis at Ivanovo State

214

Contributors

University, Russia in 2011, and has a number of publications in Russian and foreign journals and monographs. Geoffrey Williams, Doctor, Professor at UFR Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Université de Bretagne Sud, (Lorient, France) EURALEX ExPresident (2010–12). Specialised in corpus linguistics and lexicography, particularly for special languages, he is the director of the department for document management and the LiCoRN research team, a multidisciplinary team of researchers working on lexicography, corpus linguistics and TEIbased language resources. Professor Williams is particularly interested in how perceptions pass through language and how dictionary entries can serve as mediators between language-based perceptions. He participated in the EU funded Intune Project (www.intune.it) and also led work on how heritage and cultural objects are perceived across Europe. He is currently leading research into the evaluation and perception of Humanities and Social Science research through the EvalHum Project (www.evalhum.eu).