Journal of the Siam Society; 93

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Presidents of the Siam Society 1904-1906 1906-1918 1918-1921 1921-1925 1925-1930 1930-1938 1938-1940 1940-1944 1944-1947 1947-1965 1965-1967 1967-1968 1968-1969 1969-1976 1976-1979 1979-1981 1981-1989 1989-1994 1994-1996 1996-1998 1998-2004 2004-

Honorary Members (with year of election)

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(1985) (1992) (1992) (1995) (1995) (1995) (1995) (1995) (1995) (1996) (1996) (1996) (1997) (2000) (2000) (2000) (2000) (2001) (2001) (2001) (2002) (2002) (2002) (2004) (2004)

Volume 93, 2005

The Siam Society, under Royal Patronage, is one of Thailand’s oldest and most active learned organizations. The object of the Society is to investigate and to encourage the arts and sciences in Thailand and neighbouring countries. Since the Society established its Journal in 1904, it has become one of the leading scholarly publications in South-East Asia. The Journal is international in outlook, carrying original articles of enduring value in English. The Society also publishes its Natural History Bulletin. Since its inception, the Society has amassed monographs, journals, and material of scholarly interest on Thailand and its neighbours. The Society’s library, open to members, has one of the best research collections in the region. Information is given at the end of the volume on how to become a member for those interested in Society’s library, lectures, tours, publications and other benefits.

Volume 93, 2005

Prof. PrawaseWasi Mr Anand Pancharachun Mr Dacre Raikes Phra Dhammapitaka Mrs Virginia Di Crocco Prof. Yoneo Ishii Mr Henri Pagau-Clarac Mr Term Meetem Prof. Klaus Wenk Mr James Di Crocco Prof. Michael Smithies Prof. David K Wyatt Dr Hans Penth Dr William Klausner Dr Pierre Pichard Thanpuying Putri Viravaidya Dr Thanat Koman Mr Euayporn Kerdchouay Prof. Prasert na Nagara Dr Thawatchai Santisuk Dr Warren Y Brockelman Dr Piriya Krairiksh Dr Sumet Jumsai Dr Chetana Nagavajara Dr Tej Bunnag

The Journal of the Siam Society

Mr W.R.D. Beckett Dr O. Frankfurter Mr H. Campbell Highet Mr W. A. Graham Prof. George Cœdès Phya Indra Montri (Francis Giles) Major Erik Seidenfaden H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat H.R.H. Prince Wan Waithayakon H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat H.H. Prince Prem Purachatra H.S.H. Prince Ajavadis Diskul Phya Anuman Rajadhon H.R.H. Prince Wan Waithayakon Prof. Chitti Tingsabadh H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul M.R. Patanachai Jayant Dr Piriya Krairiksh Mr Athueck Asvanund Mr Bangkok Chowkwanyun Mrs Bilaibhan Sampatisiri M.R. Chakrarot Chitrabongs

The Siam Society

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Patrons of the Siam Society Patron His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej Vice-Patrons Her Majesty Queen Sirikit His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Her Royal Highness Princess Galyani Vadhana Krom Luang Naradhiwas Rajanagarinda Honorary President Her Royal Highness Princess Galyani Vadhana Krom Luang Naradhiwas Rajanagarinda Honorary Vice-President Her Majesty Ashi Kesang Choeden Wangchuck, Queen Mother of Bhutan His Imperial Highness Prince Akishino of Japan Mom Kobkaew Abhakara na Ayudhya

Council of the Siam Society, 2004 - 2006

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President

M.R. Chakrarot Chitrabongs

Vice-Presidents

Dr Tej Bunnag Mrs Mira Kim Prachabarn Mr Cornelis M. Keur

Leader, Natural History Section

Dr Thawatchai Santisuk

Honorary Secretary Honorary Treasurer Honorary Librarian Honorary Editor, JSS Honorary Editor, NHB

Mr Barent Springsted Mr Harald Link Ms Anne Sutherland Dr Dhiravat na Pombejra Prof. Dr Warren Y. Brockelman

Members of Council

Mr Hasan I. Basar Mr Tew Bunnag Mr Po Garden Mr Chatvichai Promadhattavedi Mr Smitthi Siribhadra Dr M.R. Kalaya Tingsbadh Mr Albert P. Wongchirachai

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The Journal of the

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Editorial Board Tej Bunnag advisor Dhiravat na Pompejra honorary editor Michael Smithies editor Kanitha Kasina-Ubol coordinator Euayporn Kerdchouay production assistant Mary Eliades proof reader

© The Siam Society 2005 ISSN 0857-7099 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the Siam Society. The Journal of the Siam Society is a forum for original research and analysis. Opinions expressed in the Journal are those of the authors. They do not represent the views or policies of the Siam Society. Printed by Amarin Printing and Publishing Public Company Limited 65/16 Chaiyapruk Road, Taling Chan, Bangkok 10170, Thailand. Tel. (662) 882-1010 Fax (662) 433-2742, 434-1385 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.amarin.com Cover illustration: Map of Chiangmai, c.1820. British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections. WD 1750, 48 x 37 cm. Reproduced with permission. Mr. Peter Lee of Singapore has written a letter to the President of the Siam Society saying he has the copyright to the photograph of King Mongkut which appeared on the cover of JSS Vol. 92, 2004.

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The Journal of the Siam Society Volume 93

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Contents Articles Volker GRABOWSKY Population and state in Lan Na prior to the mid-sixteenth century

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PAMAREE Surakiat Thai-Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century and the growth of the first Toungoo empire 69 Stéphane DOVERT From the composition of national histories to the building of a regional South-East Asia

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Marco RONCARATI Disorder, fear, death, and their transcendence

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From the archives G.E. GERINI On Siamese proverbs and idiomatic expressions (JSS 1904, Vol. 1)

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Reviews

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James Koo, ed., Art and archaeology of Fu Nan Ian GLOVER

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Hiram Woodward, The Art and Architecture of Thailand from Prehistoric Times through the Thirteenth Century PATTARATORN Chirapravati

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Carol Stratton, Buddhist sculpture of Northern Thailand John LISTOPAD

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Contents

Michael Smithies, Three Military Accounts of the ‘Revolution’ of 1688 Michael Smithies, Witnesses to a Revolution: Siam 1688 Kennon BREAZEALE

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Henry Ginsburg, Thai art and Culture: historic manuscripts from Western collections PATTARATORN Chirapravati

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Volker Grabowsky and Andrew Turton, The Gold and Silver Road of Trade and Friendship: the McCleod and Richardson diplomatic missions to Tai states in 1837 Milton OSBORNE 284 Michel Jacq-Hergoualc’h, Le Siam Michael SMITHIES

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J. Kermel-Torres, Atlas of Thailand: Spatial structures and development Peter van DIERMAN

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David Wyatt, Reading Thai murals Rita RINGIS

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Kamala Tiyavanich, The Buddha in the Jungle Claudio CICUZZA

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Virginia di Crocco, Footprints of the Buddhas of this Era in Thailand Hiram WOODWARD

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James Fahn, A Land on Fire Warren BROCKELMAN

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N. Tapp et al, eds, Hmong/Miao in Asia Eric COHEN

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Richard Totman, The Third Sex: Kathoey—Thailand’s ladyboys Peter JACKSON

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Bruce Missingham, The Assembly of the Poor Yale NEEDEL

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William Warren, The Siam Society: A Century Michael SMITHIES

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Mary Callahan, Making enemies: war and state building in Burma Emma LARKIN

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Gerry Abbott, Back to Mandalay Emma LARKIN

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Goh Beng-Lan, Modern dreams, an inquiry into power, cultural production, and the cityscape in contemporary urban Penang TAN Liok Ee 332 E. Locher-Scholten, Sumatran Sultanate and Colonial State: Jambi and the rise of Dutch imperialism LEE Kam Hing

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Notes about contributors

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Five Siam Society publications to mark the Society’s centenary 343 348

Notes for contributors

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POPULATION AND STATE IN LAN NA PRIOR TO THE MID-SIXTEENTH CENTURY* Volker Grabowsky

Abstract This paper analyses the administrative and social systems of Lan Na in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries with special focus on demographic factors. Tight control of manpower was crucial to this sparsely populated, mountainous region. It is argued that the nai sip system of organising the workforce was probably introduced under Chinese or Mongolian influence prior to the founding of Lan Na. The territorial administration of Lan Na was characterised by the panna, administrative units below the müang level. Lacking a centralised administration, centrifugal tendencies intensified during the first half of the fifteenth century that eventually precipitated the disintegration of the kingdom in 1558. Among several factors, shortage of manpower was decisive for the manifold problems that Lan Na encountered during her internal crisis.

1. Introduction The Kingdom of Lan Na emerged after the conquest of Hariphunchai by King Mangrai (1292) and the founding of the new capital at Chiang Mai (1296). Lan Na survived and remained an independent polity more than two and a half centuries until the Burmese conquest of Chiang Mai (1558). In spite of considerable achievements gained through research into the regional history in Northern

* The author wishes to thank his colleague Dr Foon Ming Liew for having translated the key Chinese sources for him and for her many thoughtful comments on this paper. I would also like to thank Saruswadee Ongsakul, Aroonrut Wichienkeeo, Renoo Wichasin, Sun Laichen, Chris Baker and Ronald Renard for the helpful and critical comments and contributions. Special thanks go to the German Research Foundation (DFG) which provided support over several years. Parts of this article are based on the paper presented at the international workshop on “Southeast Asia in the 15th Century and the Ming factor”, Singapore, 18–19 July 2003. That paper was published, slightly revised, under the title “The Northern Tai polity of Lan Na (Babai-Dadian) between the late 13th to mid-16th centuries: internal dynamics and relations with her neighbours” as Working Paper No. 17 of a series produced by the Asia Research Institute, Singapore. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Thailand,1 our knowledge of Lan Na’s political and social structures is still rather fragmentary. This is especially the case for the fourteenth century, which was the early formative period of Lan Na. Though Chiang Mai is generally considered as the undisputed administrative and ritual centre of Lan Na, this was not the case during the fourteenth century when the region of Chiang Rai and Chiang Saen was in fact a largely autonomous polity. The de facto division of Lan Na is clearly documented in contemporary Chinese sources, such as the “Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty” (Ming Shilu).2 This states that in June 1404 two “Militarycum-Civilian Pacification Commissions” (jun-min xuan-wei shi-si) were formed in Lan Na, namely Babai-zhenai (Chiang Rai and Chiang Saen) and Babai-dadian (Chiang Mai).3 Though this political division was overcome a couple of years later and Chiang Mai successfully reasserted its position as the capital of the Lan Na polity, the old divisions re-emerged in the second quarter of the sixteenth century as symptoms of a general crisis which eventually led to the downfall of Lan Na in the mid-sixteenth century. This article proposes to analyse the administrative, social and demographic structures of Lan Na in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, based on Tai Yuan primary sources such as inscriptions and manuscripts. Such an approach might provide a better understanding of Lan Na’s later decline, which cannot be fully understood by pointing to political developments alone. It should be mentioned at the outset that geographically and culturally Lan Na is not restricted to the eight northernmost provinces of today’s Thailand. The majority of the Tai-speaking population of Northern Thailand, who are ethnically related to the Tai Yuan4 (or Khon Müang), are the Tai Khün and the Tai Lü‚ mostly living in Chiang Tung (eastern Shan State) and Sipsòng Panna (southern Yunnan)‚ respectively. Their languages are very similar to that of the Tai Yuan. Chamberlain

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Among many others, the works of Hans Penth (e.g., 1994a, 1994b, 2003), Saraswadee Ongsakul (e.g., 1993, 1996), and Aroonrut Wichienkeeo (e.g., 1977, 1995 with D. K. Wyatt) have to be mentioned. 2 As to Ming Shilu as a historical source for South-East Asian history see Wade 1997 and 2000. 3 Taizong Shilu 31.563–64 (Yongle 2, 5th month, jisi day: July 6, 1404), see also Mingshi Gao, Chapter 189, pp. 35b–36a; Mingshi, Chapter 315, p. 8161, liew n.d.: 12–13. 4 The Tai Yuan are differentiated from other Tai peoples by their own language and script, which is distinct from that of the Siamese. The presence of the Tai Yuan people in the territory of today’s Northern Thailand prior to the mid-eleventh century is not confirmed by historical sources. The ethnonym “Yuan” (¬«π) is not a genuine native ethnic name referring to the Tai speaking population of Lan Na, but was originally a Siamese term for her northern neighbour. The term yuan, just like yun, is the Burmese name for the Northern Thai and is still in use; the Pali form yonaka (re-converted into Thai as yonok‚ ‚¬π°) can be traced back to the Sanskrit word yavana (“foreigner”). This word was first used by the Indians to refer to the Greeks (“Ionians”), and was later also used for other foreign peoples such as the Persians and the Romans. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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and Egerød classify them as “sister languages” under the rubric “Northern Thai”.5 Moreover, due to the close cultural, historical and dynastic relationships of the Tai Khün and Tai Lü with the Tai Yuan, one could perhaps overlook the modern political divisions from ethnological points of view and consider the “cultural region of the Tai Yuan, Tai Khün, and Tai Lü”6 as one large entity. Thus in a broader perspective, the whole region east of the Salween River, even including Sipsòng Panna, can be viewed as part of “Greater Lan Na”. 2. Centre and periphery The historical frontiers of Lan Na, which at least under the reign of King Mae Ku in the mid-sixteenth century still ideally existed, are depicted in one Northern Thai chronicle as follows: The realm of the king, the ruler of Lan Na-Chiang Mai, borders in the south on the territory of Müang Rahaeng (Tak), in the east on the Mekong, and to the west on the Salween.7 Another manuscript records the territorial demarcations of the Tai Yuan kingdom, albeit slightly differently: The territory of Lan Na-Chiang Mai extended in the south to the land of the Lua. [...] To the east it bordered on the Mekong. To the north it extended as far as Müang Saen Nòi Saen Luang (south of Chiang Rung, V.G.).8 The chronicle of the Mongolian Yuan Dynasty, on the contrary, describes smaller confines of Lan Na, as given from the Chinese perspective around the mid–fourteenth century, that is still before the incorporation of the principalities of Phrae and Nan. In the east of the land [of Babai] is Laowo (Laos), in the south Bole barbarians (Sukhothai), in the west Da Gula (Pegu), in the north Menggen Prefecture (Müang Khün or Chiang Tung).9

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Chamberlain 1975; Egerod 1961: 49. In Thai: Khet watthanatham yuan khün lü (‡¢µ«—≤π∏√√¡¬«π¢÷π≈◊ÈÕ). Today this region with an area of more than 150,000 km2 has a population of roughly seven million inhabitants. 7 Tamnan phün müang lan na chiang mai, SRI 1981a: 3. 8 SRI 85.144.05.136: Tamnan lan na lan chang, ff˚ 2/4–3/1. [tr. ΩÉ“¬°≈È”‰µ∑÷°‡¡◊Õß≈—«–·Ààßµ—¥‰æ«—πµ° 6

«—πÕÕ° ‡ªπ·¥πÀ—Èπ·≈ ΩÉ“¬°≈È”«—πÕÕ°∑÷°·¡à¢Õ߇ªπ·¥πÀ—Èπ·≈ ΩÉ“¬°≈È”‡Àπ◊Õ∑÷°‡¡◊Õß· ππâÕ¬· πÀ≈«ß‡ªπ ·¥π À—Èπ·≈] 9

Xin Yuanshi 252.12–13 (Babai-xifu), Liew n.d.: 12. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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The territory marked by the Salween (in the west), the Mekong (in the east), by Tak (in the south) and Chiang Rung (in the north)10 corresponds cum grano salis to the main regions of settlement of the tribal relatives of the Tai Yuan, Tai Khün and Tai Lü, and also to the main regions of distribution of the Dharma script as well as Buddhist monastic culture, which certainly relies on that script. Hence Lan Na was above all, and in particular, a cultural concept rather than a firmly connected political unit. Lan Na consisted of a few large and many smaller müang (polities), which were connected via intricately knitted relationships with one another and with the capital. The tightness and stability of relationships depended on several factors: size of population, economic potential, geographical location, historical characteristics, and kinship relations of each individual müang. The meaning of the term müang is associated with territorial and demographic dimensions of political rule. From the fact that a müang is constantly defined by its centre follow some important considerations: two or more müang could “overlap” with one another. The border regions and transitional regions that are defined in such a way possessed multiple loyalties and identities. However, it is also possible that a large müang included several smaller satellite müang. To take one example: “Müang Chiang Mai” first of all indicates the urban centre of the town, the wiang, and family units that lived within the city walls (the fortifications of the town). In the broader sense the villages in the vicinity of Chiang Mai were included. In an even larger context, the meaning of müang Chiang Mai included most of the other müang of the Ping plain (in the centre of which “Wiang Chiang Mai” was located), such as Phrao, Chiang Dao, and Wiang Kum Kam. However, less often it also included Lamphun (Hariphunchai), which was seeking to preserve its special religious and cultural role. Moreover, Chiang Mai as capital was the ritual and “cosmological” embodiment of the country as a whole. It is therefore not surprising that very often the Northern Thai chronicles use the expression “ Müang Chiang Mai” as a pars pro toto for “Lan Na” and, at times, also the twin term “Müang Lan Na-Chiang Mai”.11 In the following paragraphs the territorial structure of Lan Na with regards to the relationships of its constituent müang to the capital will be analysed. It will be differentiated by the example of three zones. A simplified model identifies the core region, the outer zone and the vassal müang:

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At the end of the thirteenth century Tak belonged to Sukhothai and after its downfall surrendered to Ayutthaya. Henceforth, Tak, which was inhabited by the Tai Yuan and Siamese in almost equal parts, became a northern outpost of Ayutthaya. The southern frontier zone of Lan Na runs along between Thoen (belonging to Lampang) and Tak. Chiang Rung, even under the kings Mangrai and Tilok, was only a vassal of Chiang Mai and not regarded as a part of Lan Na. 11 Thus for example in the chronicle Tamnan phün müang lan na chiang mai, SRI 1981a. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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a) The core region12 was under the direct control of the king. It included the capital Chiang Mai and her satellite müang13, essentially the central part of the Ping River basin with Chiang Mai and Lamphun as the northern and southern corner points respectively. In this fertile and productive rice-cultivating region, one of the earliest urbanised parts of Lan Na, the population was probably the highest. The strategic importance of the Chiang Mai-Lamphun core region as commercial centres made the region even more attractive, placing it at an advantage over the other müang.14 In the region around the capital, the king had the work force at his direct disposal. Through the state officials appointed by the king himself the ruler was able to recruit male subjects directly for construction works and enlist them for military service. Lamphun maintained her special cultural status until the end of the Mangrai dynasty. Most of the kings of Nan Na undertook pilgrimages to Wat Phrathat Hariphunchai.15 The Northern Thai Chronicles, in particular the religious tamnan, often mention Chiang Mai and Lamphun together in the same breath, as in the following passage from the M¢las¡san¡ chronicle: “Since the king and the population knew how to accumulate religious merit, good fortune and prosperity prevailed in Hariphunchai and Chiang Mai.”16 b) The outer zones adjacent to the core region consisted of müang that were ruled by sons, nephews, and other close relatives17 or confidants of the king.18 As for which person the king chose to place in each müang as governor of his confidence, viz. “Lord of the domain” (cao müang ‡®â“‡¡◊Õß), it depended on the strategic importance and the political value of the symbol of the respective müang. Chiang Rai and Chiang Saen, located in the old ancestral land of the Tai Yuan, were mostly ruled by the sons, preferably the eldest offspring of a king; whereas 12

Bòriwen kaen klang ∫√‘‡«≥·°π°≈“ß), literally: “the central region forming the pivot”. Müang bòriwan (‡¡◊Õß∫√‘«“√). 14 Saraswadee 1988: 2. Deriving from Saraswadee are also the Siamese terms bòriwen kaen klang and müang bòriwan, which are not mentioned in Northern Thai sources. 15 King Müang Kaeo after paying a visit to Wat Phrathat donated to the monastery land and 86 families as kha wat. See SRI 81.066.05.062: Tamnan müang lapun, f˚ 42. 16 Tamnan m¢las¡san¡ 1970: 222. 17 The “aristocrat of royal blood” (cao nai chüa phrawong ‡®â“𓬇™◊ÈÕæ√–«ß»å). 18 The present writer is unable to find a term in any Northern Thai source (chronicles as well as inscriptions) which adequately renders the meaning of “outer zone” or “outer müang”. The most likely terms that he has come across are the terms huamüang nòk (À—«‡¡◊ÕßπÕ°) [huamüang = “province”, nòk = “beyond”] used in the “Chronicle of Phayao”. However, the first part, huamüang, seems to be a Siamese loan word of the late nineteenth century and is not a genuine Northern Thai term. In most of the manuscripts the term müang in its simple form is used indiscriminately for all parts of Lan Na, regardless of her political dependency on the capital. In some manuscripts (such as the “Chronicle of Müang Yòng” the term luk müang (≈Ÿ°‡¡◊Õß) [luk, here means: “descendant, offspring”] appears to be a term denoting satellite regions (müang bòriwan ‡¡◊Õß∫√‘«“√) or also representing a dependent müang. See also Udom 1991: 1144. 13

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the governors of Phayao, Fang and Lampang were mostly nephews or younger uncles of the sovereign. In most cases the rulers of a few distinguished müang were not nobles descended from the line of the Mangrai Dynasty.19 In the outer müang the king did not exert direct control over the free communities living there. The basic administrative units of a müang, the district (panna æ—ππ“) and the villages (ban ∫â“π), were ruled by nobles appointed not by the king, but by the governor. The king depended on the co-operation of the governors when he needed labourers for public works (irrigation projects, road construction, building storehouses for provisions, etc.) or in the case of war.20 In 1296, when the old Mon rulers Yiba and Boek invaded Chiang Mai, the invaders were defeated by troops raised from the Chiang Rai region, which were commanded by Cai Songkham, a son of Mangrai and the governor of Chiang Rai.21 c) In the vassal müang the power of the king was even less felt.22 These müang were ruled by local families, which were connected with Chiang Mai by kinship. A few of the respectable ruling houses—such as those from Chiang Tung and Müang Nai—traced their ancestry even back to King Mangrai. The vassal müang delivered tribute in natural kinds (mostly in valuable forest products)23 once every three years to the capital, and their rulers were required to come to Chiang Mai annually in order to “drink the water of allegiance” (kin nam satca °‘ππÈ” —®®“) in the presence of the king.24 In the reign of King Tilok (1441–1487), Chiang Mai exercised her power as overlord over the following vassal states (from the west to the north and to the east):25

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Saraswadee 1988: 2–3. Saraswadee 1988: 7–8. 21 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 48; CMC-TPCM 1971: 29, CMC-TSHR, SRI 1981b: 103; CMCN, Notton 1932: 70–72. 22 The expression müang khün (‡¡◊Õߢ÷Èπ), “dependent müang”, which is also employed in Lan Na, fits the status of an autonomous vassal state less precisely than the term prathetsarat (ª√–‡∑»√“™) used in Siam. 23 The most important forest products were honey (nam phüng πÈ”º÷Èß), beeswax (khi phüng ¢’Ⱥ÷Èß), incense (kamyan °”¬“π), mushrooms (het ‡ÀÁ¥), ivory (nga chang ß“™â“ß), and rhinoceros horn (nò raet πÕ·√¥). See Usanee 1988: 27–29. 24 Kham sòn phraya mangrai 1976: 4. 25 See Saraswadee 1988: 3. Large numbers of Lua populations lived in nearly all of the mentioned vassal states — as in the core land of Lan Na itself. Many Lua inhabited at that time — different from today’s descendants — together with the Tai in the river valleys. On the role of the Lua during the Mangrai Dynasty, see Ratanaporn and Renard 1988. 20

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a. Müang Nai26 and some other Shan principalities,27 whose principal population was Shan; b. Chiang Tung, whose principal population was Tai Khün; c. Müang Yòng, whose principal population was Tai Lü; d. Sipsòng Panna (the southern part)28, whose principal population was Tai Yuan or “Kao”.29 The model composed of three different categories of müang resembled the structure of state formation in Sukhothai30 that has been investigated by Nakhòn Phannarong. It differs, however, not insignificantly from the more complex system of Ayutthaya.31 The affiliation of any Northern Thai müang to one of the three above-mentioned categories was not at all static and rigid, as the scheme would suggest. While the core region exhibited a remarkable stability, the borders

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Müang Nai, the most important müang on the western frontier of Lan Na, was founded in 1318 by Khun Khüa, a son of Mangrai. Its population consisted predominantly of “Ngiao”, as the Tai Yuan call the Shan with a negative connotation. 27 The CMC lists a total of eleven Shan principalities (müang ngiao ‡¡◊Õ߇ߒȬ«), which after 1462/63 were submitted to King Tilok. Apart from Müang/Moeng Nai (¡. π“¬) were the following müang: M. Su (¡.  Ÿà), M. Lai Kha (¡. ≈“¬¢â“), M. Cit (¡. ®’¥), M. Cang (¡. ®“ß), M. King (¡. °‘ß), M. Lòk Còk (¡. ≈Õ°®Õ° ), M. Cam Ka ( ¡. ®”§“ ), M. Yòng Huai ( ¡. ¬ÕßÀâ « ¬ ), M. Nòng Bòn ( ¡. ÀπÕß∫Õπ ) and M. Si Pò (¡.  ’˪ÑÕ). See CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 97; CMC-TPCM 1971: 64; see also CMC-N, Notton 1932: 135; cf. PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 340. 28 Tilok conquered Müang Tun and Müang Luang [Lòng?] in 1455/56. In the year 1460/61 the king added to his conquests Müang Phong, likewise located in the extreme south of Sipsòng Panna. See CMC-TPCM 1971: 54; CCM-HP, Wyatt and Aroonrut 1995: 83. Cf. PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 330–33. 29 “Kao” (°“«) was obviously the original ethnic name which the Tai population in the valley of the Nan called themselves. This ethnonym was used in the chronicles from Nan only during the time in the fifteenth century before losing her sovereignty. See Wyatt (in NC-PMN-W) 1994: 54, fn. 3. The Ram Khamhaeng inscription mentions the “Kao”, in fact together with the Lao, as a kingdom of the Tai race subject to Sukhothai. See Prasert and Griswold 1992: 263 and 278. 30 Located beyond the capital of Sukhothai (müang luang or müang ratchathani) were the four müang ruled by close relatives of the ruling house that marked the core of the kingdom, the so-called “müang of the king’s children” (müang luk luang): Si Satchanalai, Sòng Khwae, Sa Luang and Nakhòn Chum. Less important, but also subordinate to the control of the ruler, were the müang of the governor of the capital (müang phraya maha nakhòn). Those having to pay tribute were the vassals (müang òk or müang khün), for a time Phrae and Nan among them. See Nakhòn 1985: 68-69. 31 The main characteristic of the system of provincial administration that was established under King Bòrommatrailokanat in the second half of the fifteenth century was the division of provinces into four classes: ek, tho, tri, and cattawa. Moreover, the basic rule was valid: the higher the class of a province, and the less its spatial distance was from Ayutthaya, the more it was dependent on the capital. Only the province of the fourth grade, the huamüang cattawa, was under the direct control of the king; they formed a “circle around the royal capital” (wong ratchathani). Beyond the actual domain were dependent “müang (müang prathetsarat) ruled by the king”. See Tambiah 1976: 133–35. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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between the outer zones and the vassal states were more fluid. The principalities of Phrae and Nan, though they had been former vassal states of Sukhothai32 and were at first also ruled by members of the local family during the first decade after they had been subjugated by Chiang Mai,33 retained a high degree of autonomy. Nevertheless, after 1460 nobles from other parts of Lan Na were appointed rulers (cao müang) of Phrae and Nan, by means of whom both principalities were administratively attached more closely to Chiang Mai.34 An opposite development took place in Müang Nai and Chiang Tung in the west. Both principalities were ruled by sons of King Mangrai at the beginning of the fourteenth century and maintained close relations with Chiang Mai. However, not long after Mangrai’s death they were allowed to acquire a stronger degree of independence. Under Tilok and Müang Kaeo their status as vassal states was explicitly recognised.35 Located on the northern periphery is Sipsòng Panna, whose ruling house in Chiang Rung maintained close family ties with the Mangrai Dynasty in Lan Na. On broad ethnic and cultural levels there was also a strong alliance of the Tai Lü with the Tai Yuan. But on the political level, Chiang Rung constantly attempted to 32

The communication routes between Phrae or Nan and Sukhothai were considerably shorter than the corresponding routes between these two müang and Chiang Mai. Phrae and Nan could be reached from Sukhothai rather easily via the waterways, namely along the Yom River or rather the Nan River, whereas from Chiang Mai one had to cross in each case several mountain ranges. The close political and kinship relations between Nan and Sukhothai are substantiated by Griswold and Prasert 1969. 33 Phaña Intakaen, the old ruler of Nan, fled to Chaliang, then in the sphere of influence of Ayutthaya. His brother or nephew became then the new ruler, who recognised the sovereignty of Tilok and ruled Nan until his death in the year 1459. See NC-PMN-W, Wyatt 1994: 53; CMC-TPCM 1971: 53, PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 325–27. Cf. Griswold and Prasert 1976: 133. 34 The “Chronicle of Nan” reports that after the death of Pha Saeng, the then Governor of Chiang Khòng, Mün Sòi was nominated the Governor of Nan in 1460, but four years later he was transferred to Fang. See NC-PMN-W, Wyatt 1994: 55. According to some versions of the “Chronicle of Chiang Mai”, however, King Tilok granted Yuthitthira (Yudhis.t.hira), the ex-Governor of Phitsanulok (Müang Sòng Khwae) who deserted to the side of Lan Na in 1451, control over Ngao, “the Kao in the whole region of Phrae” [‡¡◊Õßß“« °“«‡¡◊Õß ·æ√à∑—ß·§«âπ] (Kao is the appellation of the Tai groups of that time in Nan and Phrae, V.G.), after he had previously been the Governor of Phayao. See CMC-TPCM 1971: 57; cf. PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 333. But other versions of CMC confirm that Cao Phaña Sòng Khwae (Yuthitthira) was given the administration of Ngao and Phrae. Nevertheless they do not mention Nan in this context. See CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 41; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 121. The “Chronicle of Nan” also does not confirm Cao Phaña Sòng Khwae’s rule over Nan. 35 The rulers of Müang Nai and Chiang Thòng, accompanied by a large entourage, appeared in Chiang Mai in early 1517. They drank the “water of allegiance” on 27 May and took the oath of allegiance to King Müang Kaeo. The ruler of Chiang Mai wished both of his vassals good luck and prosperity. The English translation of JKM talks about “the two provincial rulers” (JKM, Ratanapañña 1968: 164), whereas the Siamese translation of this passage renders the text as “cao prathetsarat thang sòng” (JKM, Saeng 1958: 132). Phrathetsarat (ª√–‡∑»√“™), literally “King of [another, but dependent] country”, is borrowed from Siamese not from Northern Thai terminology. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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avoid having tribute relations with Chiang Mai. The proximity of Sipsòng Panna to China and to Burma, two powerful countries when compared to Lan Na, made it more difficult for Chiang Mai to enforce a lasting claim of her suzerainty over Chiang Rung. Only under the rule of the two energetic and charismatic kings, Mangrai and Tilok, did Chiang Rung send tribute delegations to Chiang Mai.36 Due to its closer proximity to the northern müang of Lan Na (Chiang Saen and Chiang Tung), the Tai Lü from Müang Yòng were more reliable vassals. Around the year 1450 Müang Yòng was subdued by Tilok. “The king took his armies to fight the Tai Lü of Ban Pung and Müang Yòng, and defeated them.”37 Three decades later (1483/84) Müang Yòng fell temporarily into the hands of Lua (Lawa) rebels. Tilok sent an army to the region of unrest and defeated the poorly organised rebels, who fled to Chiang Rung.38 From then until the Burmese invasion in 1557/ 58, Müang Yòng remained a vassal state of Chiang Mai. The vassal states rendered not only important contributions to frontier security but also promoted the economy and trade of Lan Na. Rare forest products such as honey, wax, incense, mushrooms, ivory, and rhinoceros horns were very coveted tribute articles in Chiang Mai. Precious metals, in particular silver, copper, and iron ores were produced in the Shan region and in Chiang Tung. The raw materials from Chiang Mai or from adjacent places like Hòt were exported to Ayutthaya and Lower Burma, whereby Lan Na obtained in exchange other materials and utensils. As the plain of the Ping River was one of the two main areas of rice cultivation in Lan Na, Chiang Mai exported above all rice to regions with chronic shortages of food, notably on the western and northern peripheries. As already mentioned, an important centre of regional inland trade was Chiang Saen. The huge rice market in Chiang Saen supplied rice to Nan, Chiang Tung, and even to Chiang Rung and Luang Prabang.39 36

Mangrai was the son of the beloved daughter of Thao Rung Kaen Chai (Tao Hung Kaen Cai, r. 1234–1257), the fourth ruler of the Tai Lü federation later known under the name of Sipsòng Panna. 37 Quoted from CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 81; see also CMC-TPCM 1971: 53; see also CMCN, Notton 1932: 112. PY (Prachakitkòracak 1973: 318), recorded the subjugation of Müang Yòng by the beginning of the fifteenth century. As reported, King Sam Fang Kaen conquered Müang Yòng, which was completely devastated by the Chinese during their invasion of 1404/05, and rebuilt it into a holy relic, the Maha Kesathat Cao Còm Yòng, which was sponsored by him. The “Chronicle of Müang Yòng” mentions the worship of the relic as the ritual centre of the müang and establishes a vague chronological context on the fighting between Lan Na and the Chinese Hò. However, no year is mentioned that can provide a more exact order of events. See MS, SRI 79.027.05.064–064: Tamnan müang yòng, ff˚ 41–43, 50–54. However, the “Chronicle of Chiang Mai” does not report the conquest of the region around Müang Yòng in relation to the fighting against the invasion of the Hò in 1404/05. See CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 73-74; CMC-TPCM 1971: 47–48; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 24–25. 38 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 101; CMC-TPCM 1971: 68; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 142. 39 The trade relations between Lan Na and her vassals as well as between Lan Na and Ayutthaya are described in detail in Usanee 1988: 25–35. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Although the loyalty of the vassals remained uncertain and fragile, in the course of the fifteenth century there was a general tendency towards centralisation. The king strengthened his control over the outer zones and his influence on the vassals by various means: a) dynastic alliances with the most important vassals; b) rotation of governors in the outer müang (mostly after the enthronement of a new king);40 and c) the exclusive right to make monastic donations.41 In particular, the importance of the last mentioned means should not be underestimated. The governors were permitted to donate land (uthit Õÿ∑‘»)42 and freemen (phrai) or their own slaves (kha or khòi) to monasteries before the rule of Müang Kaeo.43 Ambitious governors used this power to accumulate religious merits and concurrently to increase their political reputation.44 Under Müang Kaeo,

40

Saraswadee (1988: 10–11) gives several examples for such rotations. In the case of, in particular, high treason, the king would liquidate a governor. Tilok had the governor of Müang Sòng executed because he delivered rice to the Siamese enemy. In less serious cases the king was satisfied by transferring the disloyal governor to a less important müang. In the year 1409/19 Sam Fang Kaen sent his son Tilok, until then the governor of Phrao, after a dispute, to the remote Müang Yuam Tai. With this disciplinary transfer Tilok was in fact temporarily isolated from political events in the capital; yet in the years 1441/42 Tilok, by collaborating with Sam Dek Ñòi, a high official of his father, succeeded in overthrowing King Sam Fang Kaen from Müang Yuam Tai. See CMC-TPCM 1971: 48–49; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 102–104. Through rotating the posts the establishment of a dynasty in the important müang of Lan Na proper could also be prevented. Locally influential governors aimed at patronising close family members to be their successors. Thus in Phayao Governor Yuthitthira (Cao Sòng Khwae) was succeeded by his widow, who like her husband obviously had the complete trust of King Tilok. After her death (1490/91) King Ñòt Chiang Rai appointed his stepfather Cao Si Mün as the new governor of Phayao and thus ended the regional influence of the Yuthitthira family. For this, see the epigraphic evidence in Prachum carük müang phayao 1995: 24–26. 41 See Rawiwan 1988: 18–20; cf. Saraswadee 1988: 12. 42 Inscriptions and chronicles from Lan Na do not use the term kanlapana (°—≈ªπ“), which Ayutthaya had borrowed from the Khmer. See Rawiwan 1982: 46. 43 For this, there is much evidence in Northern Thai inscriptions. Wat Nòng Khwang was established in the year 1466 by the Governor of [Müang?] Òi. Two years later the Governor of Müang Wang Nüa built the monastery (Wat) Canthara-aram and donated 20 servants to this monastery (kha wat) and 300 rai (50 ha) of rice land. Likewise under the reign of King Tilok the Governor of Lampang donated four families to (Wat) Phrathat Luang. See Rawiwan 1982: 121. Several isolated monastic endowments by non-royalty are also reported for the reign of King Müang Kaeo. For example, on 21 January 1516, several lay persons paid a total of 400 ngoen (units of silver) to redeem two families who obviously had been in debt slavery. The two families were handed over as kha wat to the monastery Wat Sipsòng Hòng. See Inscription “Phayao 13”, Prachum carük müang phayao 1995: 300. 44 Yuthitthira, the Governor of Phayao, whose sphere of influence extended to Phrae and Nan, had the title “Phaña Asokalat, the ruler” (æ√–√“™“Õ‚ °√“™ºŸ‡ªπ‡®“) engraved in the inscription “Phayao 45” (page 2, line 4). Obviously Yuthitthira and his supporters viewed Phayao and the adjoining regions as a domain de facto independent from Chiang Mai. See Prachum carük müang phayao 1995: 93–98. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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however, they had first to beg the king for permission.45 Religious donations were made exclusively in the names of kings. The water-ceremony, which originated in Sri Lanka, had to be performed so that the newly established monastery serves the agrarian prosperity of the kingdom.46 Moreover, the king could donate monasteries as well as sponsor the phrai (in the core region of Chiang Mai and Lamphun) that were directly under his control, or the phrai under the administration of a governor. Consequently the king secured an effective means of increasing his religious prestige as well as his political influence beyond the region close to the capital. Through this means he profited from his defacto monopoly of religious foundations — and King Müang Kaeo made full use of this. The king succeeded in consolidating his role as thammikarat, protector of Buddhism, and at the same time in weakening potential rivals because the loss of workforce to the monasteries sometimes meant for the regional rulers a serious decrease in their demographic basis. The king imposed a network of loyal religious institutions on a system of potential centrifugal forces.47 The foundations of monasteries could not transgress certain objective limits. Workers whose duty was to maintain the monasteries, the so-called “servants of the monasteries” or kha wat (¢â“«—¥), were exempted from corvée. Neither the king nor the governors were allowed to mobilise these “external inhabitants of the monasteries” for exceptional cases or in time of war. For this reason the numerical strength of the kha wat probably remained small in comparison to that of the phrai müang.48 The spread of two Buddhist reform orders under the kings Kü Na and Tilok favoured the formation of a common identity among the ruling elite of Lan Na. Since the middle of the fifteenth century, the kings no longer established their power base by relying only on a far-reaching network of family relations but also on their spiritual and moral leading roles as cakravartin and dharmar¡ja. Under Tilok, the worshipping of relics as a cult and of consecrated Buddhist statues as the “state palladia” had achieved a previously unknown extent. Eminent Buddhist statues such as the Phra Kaeo (“Jade Buddha” in Chiang Rai) or the Phra Kaeo Can Daeng 45

Rawiwan 1982: 122. This ceremony is called lò nam su nüa thok tok phaendin (tr. À≈àÕπÈ” Ÿà‡Àπ◊Õ∑°µ°·ºàπ¥‘π), “moisten the land with water” [Skt.: udaka, “water”]. See Rawiwan 1982: 122. 47 Documentary evidence of extensive donations to Buddhist monasteries by the Indian Shatavahana Kings of the first and second centuries A.D. has been found. As Kulke remarks, “the Shatavahana Kings were for the first time allowed to donate larger amounts of land to Brahmans and Buddhist monasteries, provided them with immunities (parih¡ra), such as protection against the trespassing of royal officials and soldiers. [...] In order to remove the influences of Brahmans and Buddhist monasteries on local ruling powers they were provided with rich landed properties and immunities. Quoted from Kulke and Rothermund 1982: 112. 48 This hypothesis is expressed by Saraswadee 1988: 13. 46

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(“Red Sandalwood Buddha” in Phayao) were taken from their original monasteries and paraded throughout the whole area of the capital. With imposing ceremonial processions, they were worshipped by Tilok in important monasteries patronised by the king, such as Wat Pa Daeng Luang.49 But Tilokarat also created an integrated cult of relic worship in order to put himself in a superior position, like that of the Buddha whose relics were enshrined. He sought to express his political power through this integrated belief system comprising the indigenous cult and Buddhism, and so his power was affirmed and legitimised. Through the practice of land and labour endowments, the king and the Sangha became interdependent, which helped to secure his throne.50 During the reigns prior to Tilok, the kings appointed their sons and close relatives to be governors of müang in the outer zone, whereas during the reign of Tilok aristocrats not of kingly descent were increasingly recruited for attending to governmental affairs.51 By this means, he enlarged and unified the leading administrative class that viewed Chiang Mai as the undisputed political, ritual and cosmic centre of the country. The radical administrative reforms of his Siamese opponent, King Trailok of Ayutthaya, must have been inspired by Tilok’s reform works. In the economic sector, likewise, Lan Na achieved a high level of centralisation. At the beginning of his reign, the young Tilok felt that he was forced to comply with the “four requests” of his uncle Mün Lok Sam Lan (also known as Mün Lok Nakhòn) who had helped him come to power. The four requests appeared to be that the king should not only give the governor the right to levy taxes and levy them in his domain, but also cede to him the right to use them at his own discretion.52 Four decades later, at the end of his rule, Tilok had obviously rescinded the concession that was extracted against his will. In the years 1480–81 “the king Tilok entrusted Mün Dam Phrakhot to raise from the population of Chiang Mai and the

49

See JKM, Ratanapañña 1968: 128, 158; cf. PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 342, 347. . Dhida 1982: 105–106. The interdependence between king and sangha had already existed since the reign of Kü Na, pointed out to the author by Prof. H. Hundius. Under Kü Na monks, in addition to representatives of the aristocrats, were nominated royal judges in civil and criminal proceedings. See Aroonrut 1977: 42. 51 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 76; CMC-TPCM 1971: 51, CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 29–30; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 107–109. 52 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 75; CMC-TPCM 1971: 49–50; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 105. 50

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rest of the land gold, silver, cowry shells and taxes in natural kinds in huge amount so as to fill the public treasury.”53 One reform of Tilok turned out to be disastrous after his death: the institution of a Privy Council for electing kings. Since the reign of Ñòt Chiang Rai the kings of Lan Na had been elected by the Council of the Regent, which comprised the influential aristocrats (sena-amat ‡ π“¡“µ¬å) from all quarters of the land and the . san gha as the spiritual representative. Tilok could have been following the intention that the election of a new sovereign should gain a broad consent within the ruling elite. This wish reflected objective changes in state and society. Lan Na had increased in territory and population. Between 1300 and 1500, notably during the second half of the fifteenth century, in large parts of Lan Na land under agricultural cultivation increased and human settlements expanded. The land then had a larger population to feed, a population that had probably become ethnically more homogeneous. Tilok tackled the problem of how the polity, which Mangrai had still managed as a family business, was to be transformed into a more stable institutional structure. The participation of broader aristocratic circles in the political decision-making process would reduce the power struggle within the small circle of the ruling house. So probably Tilok thought of considering his own experience, notably the disputes of his father with Sam Fang Kaen, the predecessor of his father. Tilok’s considerations appear to be based on the premise that only a strong and charismatic personality should be elected to steer the state. This precondition affected Tilok personally as well as his grandson Müang Kaeo, who had several buildings for central administration established around 1520,54 from which we may conclude that at least some basic structure of a central administration did exist. However, when weak kings were on the throne, the aristocrats could participate in “national” affairs by increasing their influence in the Privy Council. Factions of aristocrats could be formed along the lines of regional divisions. This threatened the long-term coherence and, finally, the very existence of Lan Na. The established historical and geographic dichotomies between Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai-Chiang Saen remained a lurking potential danger.

53

Quoted from CMC-TPCM 1971: 67. CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 106–107; CMC-TPCM 1971: 71; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 149. The term kwan (°«â“π) from Notton’s point of view is the Tai Yuan pendant of the Chinese Khuàn, “fonctionnaire, magistrat, autorité, mot tombé en désuétude, ne s’applique plus qu’à désigner un cornac”. For the year 1521 CMC-N reports the “construction du Hó Kong [tour-tambours] sur la place royale et du K’ao Sanám (bureau central administratif) à l’emplacement du Hó Yòt Nak’on.” 54

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Lan Na around 1450 core region outer zone vassal müang

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3. Land and population Lan Na was a hierarchical society. Below the king and the royal family (ratchawong √“™«ß»å) were the aristocrats (nai π“¬), comprising high-ranking and low-ranking officials in the capital and in the various müang (here: provinces) of the kingdom. The mass of the population consisted of commoners (phrai ‰æ√à; NT: /phâj/), which were also known in the Northern Thai legal (i.e. customary law) texts as “commoners/freemen of the country” (phrai müang ‰æ√à‡¡◊Õß).55 Males between 18 and 60 years old (chakan ©°√√®å; NT: /sakaˇn/) could be recruited into corvée and military service.56 There were also serfs in Lan Na, but their number was smaller than in Siam. Within the Northern Thai society the slaves (kha ¢â“)57 were not at all outcasts; they were allowed to marry commoners, and under certain conditions were even allowed to inherit property, which could be further inherited by their offspring.58 Most of the kha were debt-slaves or former phrai who entered slavery voluntarily so as to be exempted from corvée and military service.59 For both the poor and those with means, it appeared that slavery was an attractive alternative — as least as a temporary refuge — for the kha as a rule could purchase their freedom from slavery. The king and aristocrats had vital interests in protecting the social class of the phrai, which formed the foundation of the state. In trying to improve the economic situation of the phrai, there was for instance a legal regulation that exempted newly-cleared land from taxes for the first three years of cultivation.60 3.1 The nai sip system Until the nineteenth century Lan Na lacked a system comparable to that of the Siamese sakdina system.61 In Ayutthaya the basic personal dependence of the free communities was neither subordinate to the king (as phrai luang ‰æ√àÀ≈«ß) nor to a high ranking aristocrat (as phrai som ‰æ√à ¡).62 However, in Lan Na the aristocrats, in legal texts mostly known as latcatakun (Siamese: ratchatrakun √“™µ√–°Ÿ≈), 55

In the traditional Tai Dam society the phrai made up of about two thirds of the total population. See Condominas 1980: 289. Probably the component of other Tai people, like the Tai Yuan, was not different. 56 A detailed analysis of the social status of the phrai is provided by Aroonrut 1977: 185–87. 57 In Siam that ∑“  which is derived from the Sanskrit word d¡sa, is normal. 58 Aroonrut 1977: 113. 59 See Article 12 of mangraisat (Wat Sao Hai version), Griswold and Prasert 1977a: 152. 60 See Article 12 of mangraisat (Wat Sao Hai version), ibid; also cf. Aroonrut 1977: 211–12. 61 Aroonrut 1977: 113. 62 For a clear and comprehensive description of the Siamese sakdina system it is to refer to the work by Akin 1969 (in particular pp. 9–99). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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did not have phrai under their direct control. Aroonrut points to the fact that, in contrast to Ayutthaya, the Tai Yuan aristocrats of Lan Na had less power and were not part of a refined sakadina system.63 The phrai in Chiang Mai and in other parts of Lan Na were organised along territorial units based on the system of nai sip (“master of ten”). The system, which was sometimes also called hua sip (“head of ten”), is described in mangraisat as the basic principle of organising the labour force: For every ten citizens, let there be one Nay Sip (nai sip), and one foreman to act as intermediary and make known the tasks assigned. For each five Nay Sip, let there be one Nay Ha-sip (nai ha sip), [and two foremen], one for the left side and one for the right side. For two Nay Ha-sip, let there be one Nay Roy (nai ròi). For ten Nay Roy, let there be one Cau Ban (cao phan). For ten Cau Ban, let there be ten Cau Hmin (cao mün). For ten Cau Hmin, let there be one Cau Sen (cao saen). Let the country be administered in this way so as not to inconvenience the King.64 In this organisation of manpower superiors and inferiors were tied together by mutual obligations. A phrai was not allowed to abandon his nai sip, a nai sip had to stay with his nai hasip, and so on; but it was also considered a crime if a superior – from a cao saen downwards – neglected those under his direct command. If this did occur, the culprit would be tatooed on his forehead, a punishment which the mangraisat considered even “more severe than the death [sentence]” (√⓬°«à“µ“¬).65 A very similar system of controlling manpower, though employing a different terminology, is reported for the Shan federation of Moeng (Müang) Mao. While in all larger and more prominent müang the local rulers or governors (cao moeng) had control of the whole civilian and military apparatus, the so-called cao lu (‡®â“≈Ÿ), directly attached to the cao hu, commanded more than 10,000 men. At the lower levels the cao kang (‡®â“°—Èß), the cao pak (‡®â“ª“°) 100, the cao hasip (‡®â“Àâ“ ‘∫) and the cao cun (‡®â“®ÿπ) had 1,000, 100, 50 and 10 men under their respective command.66

63

Aroonrut 1977: 114. Quoted from Griswold and Prasert 1977a: 147–48. We have inserted in brackets our own spelling system of Tai terms. It deviates from the Sanskrit orientated transcription used by Griswold and Prasert, and is closer to the phonetic system. The translation of nai ròi into “master of the (sic!) hundred”, etc. by Griswold and Prasert is changed into, for stylistic reasons, “master of a hundred, etc.; cf. Mangraisat (Version Wat Mün Ngoen Kòng) 1975: 2. 65 Toonsri 1992: 45. 66 Somphong 2001: 155-56. 64

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The origins of the nai sip system are not explained clearly, in particular the Mangraisat surely does not reflect the legal condition which was valid during the time when King Mangrai was living, but shows a legal condition that was much later. However, Wang Ji Min argues that “the nai sip system from Müang Nai was introduced following that of Müang Babai-xifu [Lan Na]”.67 He supports his view with the following argument: Khun Khüa, Mangrai’s youngest son, was exiled to Müang Nai (c. 1310) after he had a dispute with his elder brother, Cai Songkham. Müang Nai, an erstwhile vassal of Chiang Rung, already had an administrative system, which followed the nai sip principle; because there was a khom kwan (¢à¡°«â“π), which on behalf of the local ruler “announced to all the nai sip the assignments that had to be performed permanently.”68 Wang Ji Min suggests further that the Tai Lü in Sipsòng Panna had taken over this system from the Chinese during the Northern Song Dynasty (960–1127). [At that time] there was a system in the countryside, under which, for ten families there was a “small supervisor” and for fifty families a “medium supervisor”. For one hundred families there was a “big supervisor”, apart from that an assistant of the “big supervisor”. The system was employed at that time as a precaution taken for security so that in the night no robbery and damage of property took place in the villages. If one [member of] a family was involved in stealing, the ten families [of the group] would be punished. In time of war the high officials sent an order for recruiting soldiers and labourers with this system — from top to bottom — easily and quickly.69 The above description is the so-called bao-jia system introduced during the Song period, which was a system of organising the population similar to that of the li-jia system of the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). One li consisted of 110 families with a li headman; one jia consists of 10 families with a jia headman. It was a rural organisation for census registration, tax-raising, and labour service.70

67

Wang Ji Min 1988: 65. Here Wang Ji Min (1988: 65) quotes from Prasert na Nagara’s introduction to mangraisat (1978: 1). The CMC and other sources indeed mention the exile of Khun Khüa to Müang Nai, but not the nai sip or hua sip system in Müang Nai. Quoted from CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 53; CMCTPCM 1971: 34 and CMC-N, Notton 1932: 73; PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 278. 69 Wang Ji Min 1988: 66. 70 See Liew 1985; cf. Lee 1982: 714. 68

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Aroonrut Wichienkeeo follows essentially the argument developed by Wang Ji Min.71 Jacques Lemoine traces the establishment of the nai sip system in Sipsòng Panna directly to Mongolian influences. After the conquest of Dali, the capital of the kingdom of Later Dali (1096–1253)—the successor state of Nan Chao72 —in 1253, the Tai Lü in Sipsòng Panna also came under Mongol rule. In 1292 Phaña Moeng Nai, who was the ruler of Chiang Rung recognised by the Mongols, established the so-called Ho [hua] sip system to consolidate control over the population.73 The Ho sip system was a military organisation following the pattern of the Mongolian army.74 The [baojia] system, under which families were organised into units of ten, developed gradually during the Northern Song period, then permitted the ruler of the Yuan (1279–1368) to introduce it throughout China and improve it further.75 As for his thesis, the “feudal” order of society of the Mongols and (later) the Chinese exerting an impressive influence on the Tai Lü in Sipsòng Panna, Lemoine quotes as evidence: The Tai Lü word “master”, nai (π“¬), which was also used in Lan Na and Siam, derived presumably from the Mongolian word noyan. The Tai Lü word for “ten thousand” (mün) and that in Mongolian (tümen) are similar.76 Amphai Doré shows that in Laos, at the latest under King Fa Ngum (r. 1353–1373), founder of the Lan Sang kingdom, titles like saen, mün and phan, borrowed from the Nai sip system, had lost their original military meaning. By around 1286, in Luang Prabang the title mün had already distinguished officials 71

Aroonrut 1989: 8. It was in fact the Later Dali kingdom (1096–1253) which was conquered by the Mongols in 1253, and not the Nan Chao kingdom of the house of Meng. Dali was ruled by the house of Duan. The Nan Chao kingdom (contemporary of the Tang Dynasty) was much earlier than the two Dali kingdoms. During the later Song Dynasty and Yuan period there was no longer a Nan Chao kingdom. 73 Lemoine 1987: 131. As to a possible Chinese origin of the system, Foon Ming Liew points out that hua means Chinese and sip (in a Chinese dialect, such as Hakka) ten or decimal. Thus ho sip or hua sip should be interpreted as a Chinese decimal system of civil or military organisation. According to Mote (1999: 427), a tümen or myrachy, comparable to a division in modern Western armies, could also “become the territorial administration for a conquered area.” 74 For the Yuan military systems, see Hsiao 1978. As to the military organisation of the Mongols, Mote (1999: 475) remarks: “[Chinggis Khan] also undertook the difficult process of reorganizing his army into decimal units of 10, 100, 1,000, and eventually 10,000 men, and of imposing on those units a chain of command that brought his military subordinates under strict discipline.” 75 Obviously 100 families form the smallest unit. See Doré (1987: 196), who bases his account on the Chinese chronicle Manshu (Book of the Barbarians). According to Wang Ji Min there were three categories of the “unit of 1,000 families”: a) under 300 families; b) 300 to 700 families, and c) 700 to 1,000 families. An analogy was the differentiation of the “unit of 10,000 families” in three similar categories. 76 Lemoine 1987: 131–32. 72

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with political administrative functions.77 Though Doré considers the introduction of the nai sip system in Lan Sang before the mid-thirteenth century unlikely, he leaves the possibility open that it was implemented in Nan Chao (to be more precise, the later Dali kingdom) prior to the conquest by the Mongolians (1253).78 The nai sip system was obviously moulded for military necessities. In times of war, it enabled a quick mobilisation of eligible men for military service and organised them into military units.79 The system could also function well in enlisting workers for civilian undertakings. The nai sip system endured — at least rudimentarily — in Lan Na down to the nineteenth century. A legal text from Nan dated 1861 mentions a regulation, according to which cows and buffaloes were to be fenced off and kept away from the rice fields. In implementing the regulation, the hua sip was entrusted to co-operate with his subordinate, the luk sip.80 The Tai Lü in Sipsòng Panna (southwest China) and Chiang Khaeng (northwest Laos) kept the institution of hua sip until the late nineteenth century. In both regions hua sip also designated a territorial unit above the village level. Up to ten villages or, rather, hamlets formed one hua sip. But the number of hamlets in one hua sip could be less than ten. We find evidence that just one single large village constituted one hua sip.81 3.2 The panna system Parallel to labour force organisation along a “decimal system”, there was a territorial unit existing in Lan Na that enabled the mobilisation of human potential, namely the panna (æ—ππ“). Although panna means “Thousand Rice Fields”, the word should not be translated literally into one thousand rai (= 167 ha), but similar to the term “Lan Na” should be interpreted as a territorial unit. Panna was the basic administrative unit of Lan Na, between the levels of müang and village (ban), and

77

Doré bases his thesis on an excessively large population in the late thirteenth century. A total strength of 1,000,000 men capable of bearing arms, as was justified in the “census” of Sam Saen Thai a century later, surely only had symbolical value. Thus it is not convincing when Doré (1987: 664, fn. 1) draws the conclusion: “Si l’effectif total des troupes du Lan Sang est d’une million, on peut estimer que Mun [Mün = “10,000”] Krabong et Mun Can possèdent chacun entre 2 à 300,000 hommes.” 78 Doré 1987: 207, 664. 79 It is possible to think of military units such as a platoon (10 men), a company (50–100 men), a battalion (1,000 men) and a division of army (10,000 men). The Ming garrison called weisuo was organised like that. See Liew 1998, I, 69–71 and p. 364. 80 “Anacak lak kham (kotmai müang nan)”, Saraswadee 1993: 79 [f˚ 23 the original manuscript]. 81 This was the case with regards to the numerous hua sip belonging to Moeng Long (southwest of Chiang Rung). As to the institution of the hua sip in Sipsòng Panna cf. Yanyong and Ratanaporn 2001: 63–64. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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is sometimes rendered as “district” in Western works. The existence of another administrative term that lies between the levels of panna and ban, the pakna (ª“°π“), is not certain, as the evidence in the manuscripts and epigraphic materials is too vague.82 The recruitment of manpower for public projects or for military service83 was carried out on the panna level. Taxes and tributes were levied from the panna and from there they were delivered to the respective müang, whence the revenues were eventually channelled into Chiang Mai.84 The panna served as a decisive connecting link between village and capital in the distribution of economic resources. The economic importance of panna for the king is reflected in a contemporary inscription. An inscription from Wat Kao Ñòt (Phayao) dated 1412/ 13 records a donation of Sam Fang Kaen: The king gave field produce from panna Muang [æ—ππ“¡à«ß] with the value 55,000 bia.85 Cao Si Mün Phayao was very pleased over the meritorious deed of the king, who donated the Buddha 500 [units] of rice from the panna Chiang Di. The king as well as Mahathewi, his mother, procured these high merits, that would continue as long as until the religion has reached 5,000 years.86 The existence of the panna system can for the first time be verified with regards to the principality of Phayao. The author of the Phayao Chronicle (Tamnan müang phayao, National Library Version, PC-TMP-HSH), which was said to be compiled

82

The only reference in a manuscript to the term pakna that is known to us is found in the CMC. There we find the statement that in the years 1286/87 Ngam Müang, the ruler of Phayao, was to cede to his ally Mangrai a “pakna, which had 500 houses”. Quoted from CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 33; CMC-TPCM 1971: 13. In Aroonrut’s Northern Thai Dictionary the term pakna is registered and, refering to the above mentioned passage just quoted from the CMC, is rendered as “cluster of villages under a single administration, a sub-district.” However, in Udom’s dictionary the corresponding entry is missing. The epigraphic evidence is even less conclusive. The inscription “Lamphun 22” from Wat Wisuttharam, the largest and most important monastery in Phayao, mentions three officials holding the title pak. Nevertheless, the inscription gives no visible connection with an administrative unit called pak. See Prachum carük müang phayao 1995: 265–69. According to Aroonrut (1996a: 415) pak is characterised as “a person supervising 100 persons”; later pak was transformed into pakna, “a government official in charge of agriculture”. 83 After Mangrai suppressed the revolt led by his son Cao Khun Kham (Cai Songkham), he recruited strong forces from the city of Chiang Rai (tr. ‡π◊ÈÕ‡™’¬ß√“¬, “flesh, substance” + “Chiang Rai”) as well as from the luk panna (tr. ≈Ÿ°æ—ππ“, “offspring” + panna) subordinate to Chiang Rai. See CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 46–47; CMC-TPCM 1971: 29. 84 Aroonrut 1989: 9-11; Saraswadee 1996: 158–59; Songsaeng 1986: 57. 85 The spelling be (‡∫â) used in the inscription indicates a possibleTai Lü descent of the author. 86 Inscription “Lamphun 27”, Prachum carük müang phayao 1995: 76. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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under the direct auspices of King (Khun) Còm Tham (around 1100),87 reports that the ruler used the territorial basic unit of panna to carry out the taking of censuses. [...] The ruler allowed the households to be counted. Every five households were registered in a list; they formed 19 dikan and 1,000 dikan would be put together in a panna.88 One panna therefore was composed of over 263 households or about 1,315 inhabitants, supposing that the average household comprises five persons. In another version of the Phayao Chronicle (Wat Si Khom Kham Version, PC-TMP-WSKK), there is a different description: There was a royal edict to register the population of the whole region of Müang Phukam Ñao (Phayao). All military and civil officials and all the scribes went out to compile the census lists of all places in the whole land. It was ordered to investigate the entire population of [Phayao]. There were 180,000 inhabitants. The counting including the outer regions (huamüang nòk À—«‡¡◊ÕßπÕ°) amounted to 1,323,000 inhabitants. Thirty-six panna were organised. Five people shall live from a na (paddy field). Five tang (µ“ß - 100–150 litre) or 50,000 (unit not stated, V. G.) of seed-rice are at the disposal of one person.89 The total number of panna in Phayao was 264, as to the 36 panna in the core area 228 panna in the outer zones have to be added.90 The obviously highly exaggerated population figures91 could hardly be the result of the exact registra-

87

The dates of the term of office of Khun Còm Tham cannot be established exactly. Prachakitkòracak (1973: Appendix, without giving the pages) gives the period from 1096/97 to 1120/21; yet the number of years (quite plausible) given appears to be obtained from deducing the dates of various manuscripts. None of the editions of chronicles from Phayao or those in manuscripts that we have consulted give explicitly the dates of enthronement or of death of King Còm Tham. 88 “Version Hò samut haengchat” (PC-TMP-HSH), from Aroonrut et al. 1984: 30 [in original manuscript f˚ 43]. 89 PC-WSKK, Hundius Collection, f˚ 21. [tr. ¡’√“™Õ“™≠“À◊ÈÕ®—¥π—∫¥Ÿ•π‰π∑âÕ߇¢µ·¢«ß‡¡◊Õß柰“¡¬“«

≈Ÿ°‡¡◊Õß∑—ß¡«≈  à«π«à“‡ π“Õ“¡“µ∑—ßÀ≈“¬Àπ—ß ◊Õ‡ ¡’¬π∑—ßÀ≈“¬§Á ‰æ®¥À¡“¬‡Õ“‡ âπ•π™ÿ∫â“π™ÿ‡¡◊Õß™ÿ•π ™Ÿ·Ààß ™ÿ∑’Ëπ—Èπ ·≈â« —Ëß√«¡•π ∑—ß¡«≈¡’•π· π 8 À¡◊Ëπ  —Ëß√«¡∑—ßÀ—«‡¡◊ÕßπÕ° ¡’•π≈â“π 3 · π 2 À¡◊Ëπ 3 æ—π•π ®‘Ëßµ—È߉«â 36 æ—ππ“ ·≈ 5 •π‰Àπ‡ªππ“ 1 •‘ß•π‰ÀπÀ◊ÕÈ ‡¬’¬–π“ 5 µ“ß §◊Õ«à“ 5 À¡◊πË ‡¢â“‡™◊ÕË ·≈]. Cf. PC-WSBR, quoted from Aroonrut 1989: 6 [f˚ 21 in original manuscript]. 90 PC-WSKK, Hundius Collection, f˚ 23. One version of the “Chronicle of Phayao”, on which “Phongsawadan Müang Ngoen Yang-Chiang Saen” is also based, gives only “altogether 124 panna [namely 36 panna in core region and 88 panna in the outer zones]. 91 The population in the districts of today’s province of Phayao reached the mark of 100,000 at the beginning of the twentieth century. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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tion, but were probably based on the following consideration: assuming that in a panna the average population was 5,000 inhabitants, that means the 264 panna in Phayao, including its 22 vassals or so-called “outer regions” (huamüang nòk À—«‡¡◊ÕßπÕ°),92 had a population of 1,320,000 people. This number is almost exactly in accordance with the census report of 1,323,000 inhabitants mentioned in the manuscript quoted above. The two consulted versions of the Phayao Chronicle suggest different average numbers of persons livng in one panna. The numbers of persons of a panna fluctuated therefore between 1,300 (PC-TMP-HSH) and 5,000 (PC-TMP-WSKK), and as a result it is difficult to decide which of the two numbers comes closer to reality. The Phayao Chronicle gives the impression that a panna could comprise up to ten or more villages. One version of the chronicle (PC-TMP-HSH) mentions the names of fourteen villages of panna Chiang Di and twenty-eight villages of panna Ngüm. However, most of the others out of the total ten panna that are mentioned by name comprised only six or seven villages. Hence, to derive the estimation for the total number of villages from the 102 panna (as given in PC-TMP-HSH) would be misleading. A careful study of the texts confirms that the suspicious figure “102” is not related to the panna, but the entire number of villages (106) in the total of only ten (actually available) panna of the principality of Phayao.93 Table 1: Panna and villages in Phayao (c. 1100) [a] Panna No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 1.–10.

Transcription (conventional)

Phonetic transcription /ciaN 1 dii1/ /lin1/ /keeN 1/ /khook3 luaN 6/ /pÁm1/ /can1/ /pEEN 6/ /kom1/ /wÁÁm1/ /NÁÁm1/

Chiang Di Lin Kheng Khok Luang Phüm Chan Paeng Khom Wüm Ngüm

Siamese transcription

‡™’¬ß¥’ ≈‘π ‡§ß ‚§√°À≈«ß æ÷¡ ™—π ·ªß §¡ «◊¡ ß◊¡

Total

Number of villages 14 6 7 7 16 7 7 7 7 28 109

Source: Aroonrut 1989: 16–17. 92

Ngao in the south, Thoeng in the northeast and Wiang Pa Pao in the northwest also belong to the huamüang nòk. These three müang obviously formed the outer corner points under the sphere of influence that Phayao claimed. 93 PC-TMP-HSH, Aroonrut 1989: 16–17. A list of all 22 huamüang nòk is found in PC-WSKK, Hundius Collection, f˚ 19. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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The panna system of Phayao

Note: The numbers in brackets correspond to the sequence of numbers in Table 3. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Phra Devavisuddhivedi, abbot of the monastery (Wat) Si Khom Kham, Phayao, arrived at a similar result. Phra Devavisuddhivedi analysed the names of the villages in the 36 panna, as they are listed in the Phayao Chronicle (PC-WSKK), and, in addition, endeavoured to identify their locations as accurately as possible. Table 2: Panna and villages in Phayao (c. 1100) [b] Panna No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.

Transcription (conventional)

Phonetic transcription

Chiang Di /ciaN1 dii1/ Khok Luang /kook3 luaN 6/ Chae Tak /cEE3 taak2/ Muang /muaN3/ Laeng /lEEN 1/ Thung Luang /tuN 3 luang6/ Chan /can1/ Lò Tai /lOO1 tai4/ Chiang Khian /ciang1 khian3/ Thon /ton1/ Khrua /khua1/ San /saan6/ Chanak /ca?4 naak3/ Haen /hEEn6/ Chiang Khoeng /ciang1 kh´´N3/ Loeng /l´´N1/ Lin /lin1/ Kaeo /kEEw4/ Chang Luang /saaN 6 luang6/ Mun /muun1/ Khwae Nòi /khwEE1 nOOj5/ Tha Khrai /taa3 khai5/ Chae Hat /cEE3 haat2/ Paen (Paeng) /pEEn4/ (/pEEN6/) Kheng /keeN1/ Püm /pÁÁm6/ Chai /cai1/ Kim /kim6/ Chao /cao1/ Chuai /cuaj3/ Chiang Chi /ciaN 1 cii1/

Siamese transcription

Number of villages

‡™’¬ß¥’ ‚§°À≈«ß ·™àµ“° ¡à«ß ·≈ß ∑àÿßÀ≈«ß ™—π ≈Õ‰µâ ‡™’¬ß‡•’¬Ë π ∑π §√—«  “𠙖𓧠·À𠇙’¬ß‡•‘Ëß ‡≈‘ß ≈‘π ·°â« ©“ßÀ≈«ß ¡Ÿ≈ ·•«πâÕ¬ ∑à“‰§√â ·™àÀ“¥ ·ªÑπ (·ªß) ‡§ß ªó¡ ™—¬ °‘¡ ‡™“«å ™à«¬ ‡™’¬ß™’

14 6 Ø 7 Ø Ø 7 Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø (= No. 9) Ø 6 Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø 7 7 8 Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø

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Panna No. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 1.–36.

Transcription (conventional) Chang Chae Wo Chae Hom Khom Ngüm

Phonetic transcription /caaN 5/ /cEE3 woo4/ /cEE3 hom2/ /kom1/ /NÁÁm1/

Siamese transcription

™â“ß ·™à ‚À«â ·™àÀà¡ §¡ ß◊¡

Total

25

Number of villages Ø Ø Ø 6 35 103

Source: Devavisuddhivedi 1991: 84–87.

The result is by no means amazing: Only ten panna could be identified; the locations of two other panna could not be definitely ascertained; and twenty-four panna had no villages at all. Hence this latter group of panna were called panna wang plao (æ—ππ“«à“߇ª≈à“) or “empty panna”. The true panna, however, contained a total of 103 villages.94 As far as they can be identified, most panna were situated within a circle with a diameter of 80 km centred at the Kwan Phayao Lake. It is worth mentioning that more than two thirds of Phayao consisted of fictitious panna, whose only objective was probably to complete the total number of panna according to the formula 2n (+1), which is considered in Southeast Asia as auspicious.95 A perusal of the Northern Thai Chronicles shows that only the most important müang in Lan Na possessed sub-units called panna, whose number was calculated according to the above-mentioned formula. Ngoen Yang had 32 panna;96

94

Devavisuddhivedi 1991. As Shorto (1963) and Tambiah (1976) emphasise, Indian cosmology is based on the basic number “4”. The territorial structures organised according to the principle of the mandala reflect the cosmos and represent cosmological harmony. Therefore they were organised by basing on the systems whose units have the numerical sizes of 5, 9, 17, 33, 65 (and so on). “The number 33 is only the last of a series, subsumable under the formula 2n+1, which recurs time and again in political contexts in South East Asia.” The Mon kingdom in Pegu (Ramaññadeªa) was divided into three provinces: Pegu, Martaban, and Bassein. Each of them comprised 33 myo (the Burmese counterpart of the Thai müang), which means 32 myo and the capital. Sometimes the capital, centre and personification of the entirety, is not to be included. See Shorto 1963: 581. In the early period of Bangkok, Nakhòn Si Thammarat, as an elevated “province of the first class” (müang ek) had 36 administrative departments (krom), whereas Ratburi, a “province of the fourth class” (müang cattawa) only had 14 krom. See Rujaya 1984: 48. Consequently the 36 panna of Phayao can also be understood as a variant model “2n(+1)”: 36 = 25 + 4 (for the four cardinal points)”. 96 PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 225. 95

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Chiang Rai97 and Chiang Saen,98 which was founded by King Saen Phu in 1328, had the same number of panna.99 Later on, Chiang Saen expanded territorially and finally comprised 65 (= 26 + 1) panna. Table 3: Panna in Chiang Rai (around 1300) Nr. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

Transcription (conventional) Si Yòng Nam Hua Hin Wiang Phu Lao Chiang Rai Nòi Phian Chiang Lai Tha Kong Wan Chae Liang Chae Lat Khwaen Òi Fai Kaeo Nam Hua Tian Lò Nòi Chai Khru ... Phian Chae Lan Chae Lung Sagna Chang Khòng Chiang Lom Tin Tò Na Mai Kiang Kham Tò Saeng Tò Wai Khwaen Khong Nòi Kham Khwaen Nòi

Phonetic transcription

Siamese transcription

/sii6 ñOON1 nam5 hua6 hin6 wiang1/ /puu1 law1/ /ciaN 1 haaj1 nOOj5/ /phian6/ /ciaN1 lai1/ /taa3 kong6/ /wan1/ /cEE3 liang1/ /cEE3 laat3/ /khwEEn3 ?OOj4/ /faaj6 kEEw4 nam5 hua6/ /tian6 lOO1 nOOj5/ /cai1 khuu1 ... phian1/ /cEE3 laan5/ /cEE3 luN1/ /sa’Naa5/ /caaN 1 kOON4/ /ciang1 lom1/ /tiin6/ /tOO6 naa4 mai5 kiang6 kham1/ /tOO6 sEEN1/ /tOO6 waaj6/ /khwEn3 khong1/ /nOOj5 kham1/ /khwEn3 nOOj5/

 ’¬ÕßπÈ”À—«À‘π‡«’¬ß 柇≈“ ‡™’¬ß√“¬πâÕ¬ ‡º’¬√ ‡™’¬ß‰≈ ∑à“°ß «—π ·™à‡≈’¬ß ·™à≈“¥ ·•«à√ÕâÕ¬ Ω“¬·°â«πÈ”À—« ‡•’¬√≈ÕπâÕ¬ ‰™§√Ÿ... ‡¿’¬√ ·™à≈â“π ·™à≈ßÿ ´ßâ“ ™à“ߧâÕß ‡™’¬ß≈¡ µ’π µÕÀπⓉ¡â‡°’¬ß•” µÕ·´ß µÕÀ«“¬ ·•«à√•ß πâÕ¬•” ·•«à√πâÕ¬

97

Tamnan phün müang chiang rai, from Rawiwan 1988: 14. CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 59; CMC-TPCM 1971: 38. 99 PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 285–86. 98

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Nr.

Transcription (conventional)

Phonetic transcription

26. 27.

Hit Maha Khu pak Kok Lüang Pao (“uninhabited”) Maem Khwaen Dong Chiang Rung Nòi Chan

/hit1/ /ma’haa6 kuu1 paak2 kok1 lÁaN1/ /paw2/ /mEEm1/ /khwEn3 doN1/ /ciang1 huN3 nOOj5/ /can1/

28. 29. 30. 31. 32.

27

Siamese transcription

À‘Æ (?) ¡À“§Ÿª“°°‡≈◊Õß (?) ‡ª≈à“ ·¡¡ (?) ·•«à√¥ß ‡™’¬ß√àÿßπâÕ¬ ™—π

Sources: MS, Hundius Microfilm Documentation, No. 660, Roll 17: “Tamnan müang ciang hai”, ff˚ 5/3–6/1; compare MS, Hundius Microfilm Documentation, No. 599, Roll 17: “Tamnan ciang saen ciang hai”, f˚ 23.

Table 4: Panna in Chiang Saen and the adjacent regions (c. 1330) Transcription (conventional)

Phonetic transcription /ciaN1 sEEn6/

Chiang Saen

Siamese transcription

Number of panna/na 32 panna

‡™’¬ß· π

including: “Central” territory /kaang6 caw4 mÁaN1/ (Kang Cao Müang) “Left-hand” territory /khwEn3 saaj5/ (Khwaen Sai) “Right-hand” /khwEn3 khwaa6/ territory (Khwaen Khwa)

°≈“߇®—“‡¡◊Õß

9 panna

·•«àπ´â“¬

7 panna

·•«àπ¢«“

8 panna

Border zones: Müang Phayak Müang Kai Müang Hai Müang Luang Müang Pukha Müang Len Tai Müang Len Nüa Müang Palaeo*

/mÁaN1 pha’ñaak3/ /mÁaN1 kaaj6/ /mÁaN1 hai1/ /mÁaN1 luaN6/ /mÁaN1 puu1 khaa1/ /mÁaN1 leen1 tai4/ /mÁaN1 leen1 nÁa6/ /mÁaN1 pa’lEEw1/

2 2 1.500 1.500 1 8 9 500

¡. ¿¬“° ¡. °“¬ ¡. ‰√ ¡. À≈«ß ¡. 柕“ ¡. ‡≈π‰µâ ¡. ‡≈π‡Àπ◊Õ ¡. ·æ≈«

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panna panna na na panna panna panna na

VOLKER GRABOWSKY

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Transcription (conventional)

Phonetic transcription

Siamese transcription

Number of panna/na

Adjacent territories: /faaN6/ /mÁaN1 saat2/ /mÁaN1 cwaat3/ /mÁaN1 haaN6/

Fang Müang Sat Müang Cuat Müang Hang

3 500 100 100

Ω“ß ¡.  “¥ ¡. ™«“¥ ¡. À“ß

Total

panna na na na

3.700 na

* The manuscript SRI 81.060.05.038–038: “Lamdap latcakun wongsa nai müang lan na”, f˚ 7. Müang Palaeo comprised 5 panna accordingly. Sources: SRI 81.069.05.038-038: “Lamdap latcakun wongsa nai müang lan na”, f˚ 7; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 10; Tamnan müang ciang saen, Srisakra 1984: 247.

Was the panna in all cases an administrative unit that was placed below the müang level? Müang Luang and Müang Hai had 1,500 na, which amounted to 1.5 panna, if one assumes that one panna in fact equalled 1,000 ricefields (na). According to our calculation, Müang Sat had 0.5 panna and Müang Cuat and Müang Hang only 0.1 panna, i.e., one pakna. Could one panna, as a result of this, have spread over several smaller müang, whereas a very large müang embraced numerous panna? Were müang and panna two completely different categories, which do not fit in the hierarchical scheme, but represent parallel existing administrative concepts? Whereas the müang represents the older concept, which consisted of old family organisations and units based on villages and urban settlements, the panna was obviously a later structure imposed on the network of müang. The new panna structure facilitated the political and economic penetration of the country by the royal centre. There was thus a close connection between the panna and the local irrigation system (rabop müang fai √–∫∫‡À¡◊ÕßΩ“¬). Many panna were named after rivers or canals. Panna Fang Kaen, one of the largest panna in Lan Na, covers 30,000 rai of rice-cultivated areas, which are irrigated by three tributaries of the Kaen River. Fang had three (according to other accounts, five) panna, which were defined by three (or five) canals and divided from one another.100 Villages, which shared water resources—rivers, streams, canals—and had common interests in utilising and maintaining them, formed a panna. Thus panna were co-operative agricultural production units. Recruiting labour forces and levying taxes and tributes on the basis of the system of panna was therefore significant. 100

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The importance of local irrigation for the system of panna is obvious in the case of Sipsòng Panna. In 1570 the Tai Lü organised the müang, which were united under the leadership of Chiang Rung, into 30 units by taking over the panna that had been introduced in Lan Na several centuries before.101 A total of 12 panna were organised, six on each side of the Mekong. The tributaries of the river partitioned the various panna from one another.102 The 12 panna each comprised two to five of the old müang, which remained as administrative units under the panna level. The country of the Tai Lü since then is called Sipsòng Panna, “[country of the] twelve panna”.103 The panna system of Lan Na seems to have survived the Burmese conquest. The evidence of its existence can be established in the chronicles until the early eighteenth century.104 In a later period, the term panna was increasingly used as an equivalent to the term müang. The 65 panna of Chiang Saen, which were mentioned in the “Yonok Chronicle”, comprising the sphere of influence of Chiang Saen after the town on the Mekong (since 1701/02), had been step-by-step upgraded by the Burmans to be the political centre of Lan Na and of the adjacent regions (but without the old core region of Chiang Mai-Lamphun). Hence, among the panna of Chiang Saen one finds several panna called müang — such as Müang Yòng, Müang Len Nüa, Müang Len Tai, Chiang Dao and Müang Phayak — that once controlled more than one panna.105 A well-known literary work of the Tai Yuan, the Khao kawila (Poem of King Kawila, r. 1782–1816), used the term panna as a synonym of müang. The term tang panna (µà“ßæ—ππ“) is used here as having the 101

Sumit 1983: 129. See also Lemoine 1987 and Dhida 1989. Thongthaem 1989. 103 This literal translation is, however, problematic because panna was here used for administrative purposes and no longer signified exactly “1,000 rice fields”. 104 One version of the “Chronicle of Chiang Saen” reported around 1607 on the “75 panna of Chiang Saen” (˜ı æ—π𓇙’¬ß· π). Moreover, the chronicle mentions that in 1637/38 the Burmese King Suttho Thammaracha (Tha-lun) appointed a certain Mün Luang Sulalücai as the administrator of the “region of the six panna Taeng” (tr. ·§«âπÀ°æ—ππ“·µß). See CSC-TMCS, Srisakara 1984: 277, 280. A manuscript gives the most recent reference to the persistence system of the panna, and in fact in Chiang Saen, for the year 1709/10: The governor (phò müang) and the notables (khun sanam) of Chiang Saen resolved to divide Chiang Saen [among themselves]. Two thirds of the land were to be given to Moya Nguan Chakhai (‚¡¬–Àß«π™§“¬), the Burmese sitkè, and one third to the twelve khun sanam. The seven “panna on the left side” (panna sai) would be ruled by Chao Na Sai, the eight “panna on the right side” (panna khwa) by Cao Na Khwa and eventually the nine central panna (panna müang) were ruled by the ruler (cao) himself. See SRI 81.069.05.038–038: Lamdap latcakun wongsa müang lan na, ff˚ 24/3–25/2. 105 PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 285–86. An undated manuscript from the monastery Si Khom Kham names eleven panna from Chiang Khòng, which were all indicated as müang, Müang Luai and Müang Ngao as well. See MS, Hundius Microfilm Documentation, No. 599, Roll 17: Tamnan ciang saen ciang hai, f˚ 25. 102

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same meaning as the more colloquial term tang müang (µà“߇¡◊Õß), which can be rendered as “foreign country”.106 It appears as if in the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the original meaning of panna, associated with wet rice cultivation, disappeared and the separation from the older meaning of müang became gradually blurred. Müang and panna became almost completely interchangeable, until the use of the word müang disappeared in the first half of the eighteenth century. This might be the reason for the relatively late introduction of an administration based on the panna in Sipsòng Panna, and why the panna was used there from the beginning as a political-administrative category without obvious reference to agricultural organisation. According to one source, the term panna is written in Tai Lü as phara (æ“√“),107 which is a Siamese synonym for müang.108 At the beginning of this section, evidence for the existence of the panna system was provided. It could be demonstrated that not only the earliest, but also the most numerous and striking evidence relates to Phayao. The political centre of Phayao was located on the eastern bank of a big inland lake (Kwan Phayao), which was supported by the Ing and several other rivers. In the case of Phayao the function of panna within the local irrigation system becomes especially clear in manuscript sources. Perhaps an administration based on panna already existed in Phayao at the beginning of the eleventh century, and it was enforced in the following period on Ngoen Yang (Chiang Saen), Chiang Rai, and Fang. After the conquest of Hariphunchai, Mangrai also introduced the panna system in the south and west of Lan Na. In the 1340s, King Pha Yu is said to have divided Chiang Tung into 7,500 na.109 Although one knows the names of some panna in the area of Chiang Mai (e.g., the panna Kum Kam and Fang Kaen), the exact divisions of such important müang like Chiang Mai, Lamphun, and Lampang, are given. As for Phrae and Nan, historical evidence for the existence of a panna system does not exist.110 Perhaps, the system was not implemented until after the conquest of the two müang by Tilok in the mid-fifteenth century. A conclusive assessment of the panna system, concerning its origin as well as its historical development, is only feasible on the basis of a careful study of the extensive corpus of Northern Thai manuscripts. 106

Khao kawila — chabap singkha wannasai 1985: 18. This word, pronounced in Siamese as /phaaraa/, leads to the names of the holy Indian town V¡r¡¥as™, the Benares of today. 108 Prawat khwaen sipsòng panna 1982: 29. 109 CTC-PMCT, Thawi 1990: 34; CTC-JSC, S¡imöng 1981: 235–36. 110 The “Chronicle of Nan” and other sources originating from Nan do not mention the term panna at all. A vague reference is found only in the “Chronicle of Chiang Mai”. In the years 1486/87, it is said, Siamese troops attacked Müang Hin, a luk panna of Nan (tr. ≈Ÿ°æ—ππ“‡¡◊Õßπà“π). See CCM-HP, Wyatt and Aroonrut 1995: 102; CMC-TPCM 1971: 69. 107

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3.3 The demographic dimension The political importance and economic potential of Lan Na, like that of her neighbours and rivals, depended strongly upon the composition and distribution of her population. Unfortunately no reliable statistical data, on which one could draw conclusions on the demographic situation in Lan Na before the end of the eighteenth century, is available. Censuses ought to have been carried out in early periods, as the late eleventh century census of Phayao, discussed in the previous section, demonstrates. However, the census figures, probably having a mainly symbolic character, are certainly so much exaggerated that they cannot be taken at face value for any quantitative assessment. However, some basic considerations can yet be derived from the relevant fragmentary information transmitted through chronicles and contemporary historical sources. The census which was conducted at the beginning of Si Còm Tham’s reign showed that in the core region of the principality of Phayao there were slightly over 100 villages, which were distributed in ten (real) panna. If a village had an average of 150 to 250 inhabitants, the population of the region, where almost one seventh of today’s Northern Thai population live, ought to have been between 15,000 and 25,000 inhabitants.111 Even if it is problematic to project the size of the population in the other regions of Lan Na, because of considerable demographic changes over the centuries, it is probably not unrealistic to argue that the total population in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries lay in the range between 100,000 to 200,000 people. The population of Sukhothai was small as well. In the core region of the kingdom that extended in the south to Nakhòn Sawan, the fourteenth century population did not exceed 300,000 people.112 During the fourtheenth to sixteenth centuries the population of Lan Na increased considerably (see the discussion below), though we do not know on what scale. Sun Laichen argues that the increased flow of commodities between northern mainland South-East Asia and Ming China during that period reflected that population growth.113 A substantial increase of population is also documented for southwestern China (modern Yunnan, Guizhou and adjacent parts of Sichuan). According to James Lee’s study, the population of that region almost doubled, from three to five million, during the period 1250–1600. In Yunnan, comprising a

111

In 1980 there were 4.4 million people living in the eight northern provinces of Thailand; among these about 600,000 lived in the province of Phayao and amphoe Phan and Pa Daet, which were historically under Phayao, but today belong to Chiang Rai. See Sammano phrachakòn lae kheha [...] 1980: 5–6. 112 This estimation is based on the calculation of the Thai archaeologist Phaitun Saisawang, quoted in Nakhòn 1985: 23. 113 Sun 2000: 199. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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territory slightly smaller than that of present-day Thailand, an estimated two million people lived at the turn of the sixteenth century.114 Anthony Reed gives the population of Siam (including Lan Na but excluding Isan) at 1.8 million without providing details on how this figure was calculated.115 As to Lan Na, the first, though only partly, reliable census statistics are from the nineteenth century. We have calculated the probable population of Lan Na (without the adjacent Shan areas) at roughly 400,000 in the 1830s.116 The preceding three to four decades saw a substantial increase in population; it probably doubled, as the region gradually recovered from the ravages of the Burmese-Siamese wars in the late eighteenth century. Given the fact that the many disruptions of Lan Na society are ascribed to numerous uprisings against Burma and forced resettlements of population to Burma during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, we might conclude that the population of Lan Na as a whole was certainly higher at the beginning of Burmese rule than at the end of it. As to the plain of the Ping River, where at present almost one quarter of the five million inhabitants of Northern Thailand live, the Japanese historian Yoneo Ishii estimates the population at the end of the thirteenth century at probably over 100,000. Ishii’s calculation is based on the consideration that the Ai Fa Canal (‡À¡◊ÕßÕ⓬øÑ“) constructed under King Yiba, the last ruler of Hariphunchai, which was the prototype for the Mae Faek Irrigation Project that was completed in 1933, irrigates an area of 70,000 rai (11,000 ha) today. If we assume that the thirty-four kilometres of canal excavated under Kun Fa allowed 10,000 hectares of new paddy fields to be developed, and that, at 80 percent of today’s level, the yield was between 2.0 and 2.4 tons per hectare, the annual production from a single rainy season crop must have been between 20,000 and 24,000 tons of paddy. With an annual per capital consumption of 225 kilograms of paddy, this area alone could have comfortably supported between 89,000 and 110,000 people, a figure clearly in excess of a village population.”117 Ishii’s assumption of the production of rice per hectare (80 per cent of today’s level) seems to be very optimistic, and he does not give a good reason for it. Ishii further argues that the construction of the Ai Fa Canal required materials and workers which were far beyond the capacity of a small community settlement. This 114

Lee 1982: 713, 715. Reid 1988: 14. 116 Grabowsky and Turton 2003: 204. 117 Ishii 1978: 21. 115

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second argument seems to be quite convincing. He concludes: “Some form of state involvement is implied”.118 Dhida Saraya sees a close connection between religious donations and the expansion of settlements in the region of today’s Thailand. The rulers of Dvaravati and Lopburi, later also the rulers of Sukhothai, had attempted to expand their territories into previously mostly unpopulated new land by means of donating land and labourers to Buddhist monasteries. The new religious centres and the supporting villages received from the rulers often generous material advantages, which gave them a quasi-model character. They could attract more settlers so as to reclaim additional land for cultivation in the region and establish more new villages. In this way the newly developed regions prospered. Since the king as “ruler of the land” (phracao phaendin æ√–‡®â“·ºàπ¥‘π) possessed the privileges of such a donation, the founding of monasteries, the expansion of settlements and the consolidation of the royal sphere of influence developed parallel to one another. For Lan Na, Dhida shows in the paradigm of the founding of Chiang Saen (1328): The land was donated to religion; manpower was assigned to maintain the monastery and to work the land. Craftsmen were donated. The donated land was fixed and made the domain of Wat Pasak. We can speculate that the purpose of the donation was not only religious but for community expansion, and the communities would contain people of many groups. A religious centre was founded and the lands were cultivated, contributing to the expansion of Chiangsaen. [...]”119 Not only the sa¬gha, but also the king in Chiang Mai, received land taxes from the cultivation of monastery estates, namely one tenth of the produce.120 In the second half of the fifteenth century, donations to monasteries had taken on considerable dimensions (see Table 4). One of the most spectacular donations of land to a monastery occurred in 1402, at the beginning of Sam Fang Kaen’s reign. In a donation made by the king and his mother, rice fields comprising 21,685 units of measurement (called khao, “rice, paddy” — the size of a field was

118

Ishii 1978: 22. Dhida 1982: 160–61. 120 Dhida (1982: 176) emphasises: “... the ruler of Chiangmai, associated with religious cults, could claim his rights to land. This was reinforced by land endowment. The donation of land was an effective and practical means for the king to control the expansion of land in the Chiangmai kingdom or at least ensure that rights to land were recognised. Only the king and his family were the donators of land. The king himself had authority to grant land to other individuals or officials. Thus they were bound to him.” 119

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measured by the amount of seed-rice needed for sowing) and numerous temple serfs (from more than 246 households) were donated to the monastery Suwanna Maha Wihan in Phayao.121 The largest number of monastic endowments took place in the years between 1476 and 1501, namely during the reigns of Tilok, Ñòt Chiang Rai, and Müang Kaeo. It was during this period that the inscription of Wat Mün Lò, dated 1487/88, elucidated the tax exemption for new rural settlers.122 However, one has to point to the fact that King Tilok, who was an ardent supporter and protector of the “new Si¬halese” Wat Pa Daeng sect, ordered the destruction of inscriptions in the Chiang Mai-Lamphun region, the centre of royal power, because all donations of land and manpower to monsteries, which had been performed according to the rite of the Suan Dòk sect, were no longer considered religiously meritorious (puñña).123 Note the hiatus of 56 years between the donation to Wat Kao Yòt (Phayao, in 1412) and to Wat Canthara-arma (Chiang Rai, in 1468). It seems that in the northeastern müang (Chiang Rai, Chiang Saen and Phayao), Tilok’s orders were not always implemented.124 Thus Table 4 distorts both the spacial and the chronological distribution of monastic endowments in Lan Na. There is evidence that in some cases temple serfs were transferred from a long-established monastery to a newly founded one, eventually leading to the abandonment of the former.125 At that time, therefore, the king of Lan Na pursued a policy of actively promoting the expansion of agricultural land with the aim of increasing rice production for a growing population. In Northern Thai customary laws much evidence of these efforts of the king of Chiang Mai can be found. The mangraisat (Wat Chaiyasathan version) warns that the state does not need people who are “too comfortable to build villages and establish dams, [...] the land [consequently] was destroyed”. The population should rather aim at building villages, canals and dams, so that luck would prevail.126 In particular fallow lands were to be cultivated, “so that they are converted to rice fields and garden lands and villages are established.” 127 One version of the mangraisat (from Wat Mün Ngoen Kòng) even demands: “Do not allow that ruler, aristocrats and free communities, the entire people, to 121

Inscription “Lamphun 9”, in: Yuphin 1988a: 231. Yuphin 1988a: 91. 123 Prof. Dr. Prasert na Nagara points to this fact in his preface to the new edition of the M¢las¡san¡ Chronicle. See Prasert and Puangkham 1994: 8. In Lamphun only the famous inscription of Wat Phra Yün survived, possibly because it was situated in a forest outside the town. 124 Ibid. 125 Several cases from Chiang Rai are reported by Rawiwan (1982: 155). For example, in 1468 the governor of Chiang Rai donated 20 families, originally attached to Wat Chiang Lò, to the new monastery Wat Canthara-aram. 126 Mangraisat chabap wat chaiyasathan, quoted from Yuphin 1988a: 92. 127 Quoted from ibid. [tr. À◊ÈÕ≈ÿ°‡ªìπ𓇪ìπ «π‡ªìπ∫â“π¥’]. 122

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preserve [such] forests, which shall better be cleared and cultivated and turned into rice fields for them.”128 The rural work force was highly appreciated by the ruling class because it was in short supply and was needed for clearing and cultivating the extensive wasteland. As for taxation, there was no lack of incentives to assure a low tax liability: Commoners, who make an effort to clear forests and grasslands, to reclaim overgrown rice fields for cultivation, as well as to till spoiled garden land — in short, to use land for cultivation and settlements — shall have the right to earn their livelihood [without having to pay taxes for a period of] three years. Only after that are taxes raised. [This is done] so that the commoners would aim at building villages, constructing canals and dams so as to enable them to live in happiness and affluence. Those who found settlements, construct canals and dams, cultivate rice fields and work in gardens are the subjects of the land. According to the promise of the ruler, they shall receive their wages. [...]129 Northern Thai customary law texts evoke the impression that the state was interested in converting wasteland into fertile rice fields. Those farmers who reclaimed abandoned rice fields, overgrown by grass and creepers or even turned into dense forest, were given a substantial reduction in taxes over a period up to two decades, depending on the hardships borne by farmers in cultivating or reclaiming the land.130 However, the law texts also mention tenants in more densely populated areas who had to work on rice fields which were not their own, and one third of the harvest having to be delivered as land rent to the owner.131 It seems that the expansion of agricultural land during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries took place mainly in the outer müang. The development of settlements came to a halt in the first half of the sixteenth century, which is reflected by the drastic decrease in monastery donations in the final stage of the last years of Müang Kaeo’s reign. As a result of heavy casualties suffered in the campaign against Ayutthaya, natural population growth in Lan Na likewise remained stagnant. Perhaps the demographic decline began around 1515, and resulted in a vicious cycle caused by war, falling population, decreasing rice production, sinking tax revenue, economic crisis, and political anarchy. 128

Mangraisat chabap wat mün ngoen kòng, quoted from Yuphin 1988a: 92. Mangraisat chabap wat chiang man, quoted from Yuphin 1988a: 91; cf. Mangraisat chabap wat sao hai, Griswold and Prasert 1977a: 152. See also Toosri 1992: 89. 130 For details see the mangraisat, Toonsri 1992: 228. 131 See Saowani 1996: 30. 129

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However, a Chinese record, preface dated 1576, still informs the reader about the splendor of Lan Na, which deeply impressed Chinese merchants and other travellers that “[t]here are a great number of temples and pagodas in this place [Lan Na]. Each village has a temple, and each temple has a pagoda. Villages numerate as many as ten thousand, and so do pagodas.”132 Table 5: Monastic endowments in Lan Na (c. 1300–1700) Inscription (registr.-no.)

Year of Year of inscription donation

Phrae 1 ○

○

○

○

1339 ○

○

○

○

○

○

Lamphun 9

○

○

○

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—

132

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1469

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1469

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○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

Wat Ban Laeng (Lampang?)

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

rice field of 500 measures of khao ○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

rice field of 300 measures of khao ○

○

○

○

○

○

○

donation to the — monastery by the population of the village of the same name

Li Yuanyang, Yunnan tongzhi, vol. 16, p. 3a. Quoted from Sun Laichen, 2000 : 249.

36

○

rice field of 975 measures of khao

Wat Canthara20 families aram (Chiang Rai) ○

○

rice field of 500 measures of khao annual paddy tax : 55,000 bia

— ○

○

rice field(s)

—

Wat Kao Yòt (Phayao) ○

○

○

rice fields (na) of 21,685 measures of khao (seed-rice), annual paddy tax: 4,686,000 bia or cowry shells

—

Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

JSS 2005-P001-068

○

Wat Suwanna 11 villages Maha Wihan (Phayao), king and queen mother

1468 ○

animals

Wat Kao Yòt (Phayao)

1412 ○

1 family

King and queen mother

1411?

○

Land / animals

Wat Suwanna 246 households Maha Wihan (hüan) (Phayao), king and queen mother

1412

1468 ○

○

1411?

1412 ○

○

Monastery serfs (kha wat)

Wat Bang Sanuk (Phrae)

1411

1411?

Chiang Rai 1 ○

○

1412

Lamphun 12 ○

○

○

Phayao 47

○

○

1411?

Lamphun 27

○

○

1339

1411

Phayao 44 ○

○

Name of monaster or donor*

6/8/05, 16:07

○

○

○

○

Population and state in Lan Na prior to the mid-sixteenth century

Inscription (registr.-no.)

Year of Year of inscription donation

PSC, Vol. 3, No. 65 ○

○

○

○

○

○

1476

○

○

○

○

Chiang Rai 33

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

1479

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

5 (4+1) families

2 rice fields of 300 measures of khao

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

— ○

○

○

○

○

1488

Wat Phu Khing (Chiang Rai)

4 families

9 rice fields; annual paddy tax: 20,500 bia;

Chiang Rai 61

1488

1488

Wat Pa Tan (Chiang Rai)

1 family

3 rice fields, annual paddy tax: 6,000 bia

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

1488 ○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

1489

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

1490

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

4 villages (a); 4 villages and 12 persons (b) ○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

Wat Mahawan (near Chiang Saen?) ○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

Wat Klang (Phayao)

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

rice field(s)

○

○

Wat Phraya Ruang — (Phayao) ○

○

—

6 families; 1 village (for salt production) ○

○

—

Wat Khuam Chum 17 (10+3+4) Kaeo (Lamphun) families ○

○

—

○

○

○

○

○

rice field(s) ○

○

○

○

○

4 persons, purchased by 8,000 ngoen

Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

37

○

4 families

Wat Kan Thom (Chiang Mai)

1489 ○

○

Wat Weluwan Aram (Lamphun)

1489

1489 ○

○

1489

1489

○

○

1489

1489 ○

○

1488

○

—

20 families ○

○

rice field (old), annual paddy tax: 50,000 bia rice field (new), annual paddy tax: 82,000 bia

1 family (4 persons) ○

○

rice field of 250 measures of khao

—

○

○

rice field of 20 measures of khao, annual paddy tax: 5.000 bia

1488

Phayao 57

JSS 2005-P001-068

○

20 families

Wat Dòn Khram ○

○

20 monks

Wat Pa Ruak (Chiang Rai)

1488 ○

Wat Phrathat Lampang Luang (Lampang)

Wat Tham Phra (Chiang Rai)

1485 ○

Land / animals

Ku Wat Sao Hin (Chiang Mai)

1484

○

Monastery serfs (kha wat)

Wat Ban Yang Mak Muang (Chiang Rai)

1480 ○

Name of monaster or donor*

Chiang Rai 61

Phayao 9 ○

○

1488

— (National Museum, Chiang Saen) ○

○

○

Lamphun 23 ○

○

1485

Lamphun 31

○

○

○

Lamphun 18 ○

○

1484

Phayao 2 ○

○

○

Lamphun 28 ○

○

1480

Lamphun 21

○

○

1479

Chiang Mai 10 ○

○

1476

37

6/8/05, 16:07

○

○

○

○

—

○

○

○

○

VOLKER GRABOWSKY

38

Inscription (registr.-no.)

Year of Year of inscription donation

Phayao 4 ○

○

○

○

○

1492 ○

○

○

○

○

Phayao 6

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

1497

1489

Phayao 8

1497

1497

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

Wat Pa Mai (Phayao) Wat Pa Mai (Phayao)

○

○

○

38

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

rice fields of 1265 measures of khao, annual paddy tax: 818,000 bia

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

— ○

○

○

○

○

rice fields, annual paddy tax: 100,000 bia ○

○

○

○

10 families

○

○

rice fields; 2 areca trees, tax: 2,000 bia

10 families

○

○

rice field of 4 measures of khao, annual paddy tax: 2,500 bia

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

rice fields, annual paddy tax: 300,000 bia ○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

13 (7+6) families, purchased by 5,480 (2,810+2,670) ngoen ○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

1 family and — another 4 persons ○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

17 families ○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

— ○

○

—

○

○

○

rice field(s)

30 families, 20 rice field(s) for Buddha image, 5 for ubosot and hò pitok each

Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

JSS 2005-P001-068

○

20 families

Wat Dusita Aram (Chiang Rai) ○

○

10 families (for monastery), 6 villages for special services (e.g. provision of salt)

Wat Kaeo Lat (Chiang Mai) ○

○

13 families

Wat Prathat Lampang Luang (Lampang)

○

○

2 families — (1 man, 4 women)

Wat Ban Dan (Phayao) ○

○

10 families

Wat Prasat (Chiang Rai)

1497

Phayao 8

—

Wat Còi Sae (Phayao)

1497 ○

several persons

Wat Li (Phayao)

1496

○

Wat Wisuttharam (Phayao)

Wat Aram Pa Ya (Phayao)

1496

○

Land / animals

Wat Aram Pa Nòi (Phayao)

1496

○

Monastery serfs (kha wat)

Wat Nang Mün (Phayao)

1495

1497 ○

○

1495

1497 ○

○

1495

1496

○

○

1494

1496

○

○

1493

1496

Chiang Rai 63 ○

○

1495

Chiang Mai 4 ○

○

○

PSC, Vol. 3, No. 70

○

○

1495

Lampang 6

○

○

○

Chiang Rai 3

○

○

1495

Phayao 39 ○

○

○

Phayao 27

○

○

1494

Phayao 7 ○

○

1493

Phayao 26 ○

○

1492

Name of monaster or donor*

6/8/05, 16:07

Population and state in Lan Na prior to the mid-sixteenth century

Inscription (registr.-no.)

Year of Year of inscription donation

Phayao 9 ○

○

○

○

○

1498 ○

○

○

○

○

Phayao 59

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

1512

1489

Lamphun 34

1512

1512

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

rice field of 200 measures of khao ○

39

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

○

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— ○

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rice fields; annual paddy tax: 2,000,000 bia ○

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more than 9 families ○

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—

12 families

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rice field(s)

7 families ○

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12 families — (45 persons) purchased by 3,950 ngoen), 6 further families

King (via Cao Wan Mahat) ○

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10 families

Wat Phrathat Hariphunchai (Lamphun) ○

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6 families

Wat Ban Dòn (Phayao) ○

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2 rice fields of 60 measures of khao

113 (74+39) families

Wat Si Sutthawat (Chiang Rai)

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28 rice fields of 1984 measures of khao; 1 rice field of 6 rai and 12 measues of khao

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— ○

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Wat Suwannaram — (Lamphun), king’s grandmother (donor) Wat Suwannaram 10 families (Lamphun), king’s grandmother (donor)

Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

JSS 2005-P001-068

○

—

Wat Uthumphòn Aram (Chiang Mai)

1510

Lamphun 34

○

Cao Mün Lò Mongkhon (Phayao)

1500

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Wat Mahapho (Chiang Rai)

1503 ○

Land / animals

Wat Muang Phong 29 families (Wat Phra Koet, Nan)

1502

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Wat Mün Lò (Phayao)

1502

1510 ○

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1501

1509

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1501

1503 ○

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1500

1502

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Monastery serfs (kha wat)

Wat Phaya Ruang 12 persons (Phayao)

1498

1502

Phayao 49 ○

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Lamphun 15

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1501

Phayao 10 ○

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Chiang Rai 5

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1501 (?)

™.¡. 4/2539 ○

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Phayao 28

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1500

Lamphun 26 ○

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1498

1498

Nan 2

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Name of monaster or donor*

39

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rice field(s)

6 rice fields, annual paddy tax: 1,000,000 bia

VOLKER GRABOWSKY

40

Inscription (registr.-no.)

○

Year of Year of inscription donation

Phayao 1

1513

1466

Phayao 1

1514

1513

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Phayao 13 ○

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Phayao 16 ○

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Chiang Rai 6

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1605

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rice field of 30 measures of khao; annual paddy tax: 9.000 bia; and areca plantation ○

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40

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12 families ○

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rice fields ○

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5 families ○

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rice fields, annual paddy tax: 60,000 bia

10 families ○

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1 rice field, annual paddy tax: 6,000 bia

3 families

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—

1 family

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—

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rice field of 1,000 measures of khao ○

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Wat Luang (Chiang Mai) ○

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rice field(s)

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rice field(s), annual paddy tax: 5,000 bia ○

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2 villages (487 — persons listed, and 45 slave families) ○

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Wat Ban Yang (Phayao) Wat Ban Yang (Phayao)

under Mangraidynasty

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4 villages

—

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5 (3+2) families

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several families

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—

several families ○

Wat Phra Luang

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“500” families of Milakkhu background (Lua?)

Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

JSS 2005-P001-068

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2 families

Wat Chiang Sa (Chiang Rai, on the west bank of the Mekong)

1584

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Land / animals

Wat Phaya Ruang 15 households — (Phayao) (hüan, 20 of which were men)

1595 ○

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Wat Buppharam (Phrae)

1581

1595

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Wat Luang (Chiang Rai)

1560

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Wat Yang Num (Chiang Rai)

1554

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Wat Phra Koet (Chiang Rai)

1535

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Phayao (?), Cao Si (donor)

1529 ○

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Wat Sipsòng Hòng (Phayao)

1523

1581

Phayao 53

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1523

1560

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1520

1554

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1516

1535

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Monastery serfs (kha wat)

Wat Nòng Kwang 1 village (Phayao) Wat Nòng Kwang (Phayao)

1516

1529

—

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1523

Chiang Mai 7

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— (National Museum, Chiang Mai) ○

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1523

Lamphun 12

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Phrae 9 ○

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1520

Phayao 14 ○

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Chiang Mai 26

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1516

æ.∫. 415/2524 ○

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1516

Name of monaster or donor*

6/8/05, 16:07

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—

Population and state in Lan Na prior to the mid-sixteenth century

Inscription (registr.-no.)

Year of Year of inscription donation

Lamphun 17

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1611

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Chiang Rai 7

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Phayao 58

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52 persons (including 25 men and 27 women) ○

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—

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rice field of 100 measures of khao ○

○

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— ○

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rice field(s) ○

○

○

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1 family (for Buddha image) ○

○

rice field(s)

— ○

○

areca plantation

—

Wat Khwang (Phayao) ○

?

○

Wat Thòng Saeng 4 persons (Phayao) ○

○

○

Wat Thòng Saeng 18 (14+4) (Phayao) families ○

○

○

Wat Pha Khao Pan (Chiang Rai)

? ○

?

○

? ○

rice field of 200 rai

? ○

○

—

Wat Maha Sathan several workers (in Chiang Kham, Chiang Rai province) ○

○

? ○

○

? ○

○

○

Land / animals

— ○

○

? ○

○

? ○

○

○

○

? ○

○

?

○

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○

1617

?

Phayao 48 ○

○

Monastery serfs (kha wat)

Wat Mahathat Chiang Lae (Chiang Rai)

? ○

○

Phayao 38 ○

○

?

Phayao 37 ○

○

○

Phayao 19 ○

○

?

—

○

○

1611

1617

Chiang Rai 10 ○

○

Name of monaster or donor*

41

○

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Wat Khao Ratcha- 10 families sathan (Phayao)

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— ○

○

○

—

Explanations: ? Year of the inscription is not recorded. — No information on this topic included in the inscription. * Province in brackets, if not in accordance with the province indicated in the inscription register (column 1). Sources:

Carük lan na 1991 (Part 1: Inscriptions from Chiang Rai, Nan, Phayao and Phrae); Prachum carük müang phayao 1995; Penth/Phanphen/Silao (Vols. 1, 3 and 4) 1997–2000; Prachum sila carük — PSC (Vol. 3) 1965. Thoem and Prasan 1974. Penth 2003.133

133

Penth’s excellent study of rice and rice fields in old Lan Na, based on the epigraphical evidence, was consulted after this article had already been finalised. It is a mine of information on how land was donated to monasteries and taxed. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

JSS 2005-P001-068

41

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VOLKER GRABOWSKY

42

3.4 Forced resettlement during the Mangrai dynasty As a reaction to especially severe population losses, King Müang Kaeo encouraged immigration from the Shan and Tai Khün regions to Lan Na. In the year 1517 alone more than 23,000 people migrated to Lan Na from the three Shan principalities, Chiang Thòng, Müang Nai, and Müang Kai. The immigrants, who were obviously induced by the prospect of getting fertile land and receiving other preferential treatment, arrived with 38 elephants and 250 horses, as reported by the chronicles. They found new places of settlement in all parts of Lan Na. The ruler of Müang Kai settled with 1,200 followers in Fang. Another important region for resettlement was Phrao, located 80 km to the north of Chiang Mai.134 The resettlement obviously helped to cover the increasing demand for labour for the ambitious construction projects of Müang Kaeo, such as the renovation of the city walls of Chiang Mai and Lamphun (c. 1517). However, the influx of Shan was only partially based on voluntary migration, because at the beginning of February 1520, some of the Shan who came to Lan Na returned to their homes on the Salween with the soldiers of the king in pursuit.135 Half a century earlier, in 1462/63, King Tilok launched a military campaign against the Shan state of Müang Nai, a campaign he was asked to undertake by rival Shan rulers. This campaign resulted in the subjugation of Müang Nai and eleven other Shan müang situated mainly on the west bank of the Salween River, i.e., beyond the sphere of influence of Chiang Mai. The pacification of these regions did not result in annexation by the victor, but in the deportation of a significant number of their inhabitants to the core region of Lan Na. In all, 12,328 war captives (khòi ¢âÕ¬)136 were resettled in Phrao, Kao Còng and in panna Takan, located roughly 30 km to the west of Chiang Mai.137

134

CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 106; CMC-TPCM 1971: 70; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 61; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 148–49; see also PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 366. A manuscript (Hundius Collection: Pün wongsa mahakhasat tanglai [...], f˚ 52) mentions only 2,322 [instead of 23,220] resettlers, among them 200 [instead of 1,200] found their homes in Fang. Most probably the discrepancies in the numerical data can be traced back to errors attributed to the scribes, because another copy of the same chronicle (ibid., ff˚ 82/5–83/2), as far as the numerical data on the resettlers are concerned, conforms with other sources. 135 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 106; CMC-TPCM 1971: 70; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 61; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 149; see also PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 368. 136 PY (Prachakitkòracak 1973: 340) translates the Northern Thai term khòi into the Khmer-derived loan word chaloei, “prisoner of war”. 137 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 89; CMC-TPCM 1971: 64; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 51; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 134–35. On tracing the locations of panna Takan see Notton 1932: 53, fn. 2. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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42

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Population and state in Lan Na prior to the mid-sixteenth century

43

The conquered Shan müang were not adversaries on a par with Chiang Mai. The forced resettlement of thousands of Shan turned out to be a twofold advantage for the victor. It disciplined the subjugated polities and, at the same time, strengthened the population potential in the core area of Lan Na. However, such a strategy could be counterproductive, if the adversary possessed strong socio-political structures and was far superior in terms of demographic and economic resources. Then it was considered appropriate to act with restraint, even after gaining military successes, in order to avoid devastating counter-attacks. Such awareness may have motivated Tilok to criticise the governor of Nan for his rash action taken after his victory against the “Kaeo” (Vietnamese),138 who had attacked the neighbouring kingdom of Lan Sang (Laos) and whose forces were also threatening the eastern parts of Lan Na. Tilok forbade the resettlement of the “Kaeo” captives in the territory of Nan, as this would have strengthened the governor’s demographic and thus political power base. Possibly in order to prevent the hitherto autonomous vassal müang of Nan from challenging Tilok’s royal authority, the victorious governor was transferred to Chiang Rai which meant a demotion. The Nan Chronicle reports: In the poek set year, C.S. 842 (AD 1480/81), the Kaeo attacked Nan with an army. Phaña Tilok ordered Tao Kha Kan to encounter them with a force of 40,000. He defeated the Kaeo and killed numerous enemies. He then cut off their heads and sent them to Phaña Tilok. He also captured elephants, horses and families, which he presented to Phaña Tilok. Hence Phaña Tilok spoke: “The Kiao [Kaeo] suffered a defeat and fled. This is enough, isn’t it? Why do you pursue the Kaeo, have them killed, and take numerous Kaeo families [as prisoners-of-war]? The wrath of enemies and the revenge of tigers are cruel. The Kaeo [families] shall not be settled in Nantaburi [Nan].” Then Tilok transferred Tao Kha Kan to Chiang Rai.139 138

Kaeo in Northern Thai and Lao sources normally refer to Vietnam and the Vietnamese, but could also include the Tai people living in the mountainous region of north Vietnam. But in the context of the following quotation the Kaeo refers to Vietnam, as appears in the Lao sources. See Sila 1964: 45–46. 139 NC-PMN, SRI 82.107.05.043–043: Pün wongsa mahakhasat tanglai [...], f˚ 105/2–4. [tr. §—π‡∂‘ß

®ÿà°√“™ ¯ÙÚ µ—«ª≈’‡ªî°‡ µ ·°«‡Õ“‡ ‘°¡“µ°‡¡◊Õßπà“πæ√–¬“µ‘‚≈°¡’Õ“™≠“À◊ÈÕ∑â“«¢“°“π§ÿ¡‡Õ“√‘æ≈ Ù À¡◊Ë√ÕÕ° µâÕπ√∫·°« ∑â“«¢“°“π ¡’™π–‰¥â¢â“·°«µ“¬¡“°π—°À—Èπ·≈â« §Áµ—¥‡Õ“À—«·°«â∂«“¬æ√–¬“µ‘‚≈°·≈ ‰¥â™â“ß¡≈â“•Õ∫•—«¡“ ∂«“¬æ√–¬“µ‘‚≈°¡“°π—° À—Èπ·≈ ‡¡◊ËÕπ—Èπæ√–¬“µ‘‚≈°°≈à“««à“ ‡°’¬«[·°«]§â“πæà“¬Àπ’§Á¥’·≈ ¥—ßÀ√◊Õ æâÕ¬‰≈à·°«‡Õ“ §√Õ∫§√—«·°«¡“‡ªπÕ—π¡“°©—ππ’È ‡«π‡ ‘°‡«π‡ ◊Õπ’È∫॒™–·≈ ∫৫√À◊ÈÕ¡—πÕ¬àŸ‰π‡¡◊Õß π—π∑∫ÿ√’∑’Ëπ’È·≈ «à“Õ—Èπ·≈â« §ÁÀ◊ÈÕ∑â“«¢“ °“π‰æÕ¬àŸ‡™’¬ß√“¬À—Èπ·≈] See also NC-PMN-W, Wyatt 1994: 57. The more liberal English translation of Wyatt deviates slightly from that of the present writer. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Before the mid-fifteenth century, Lan Na had already received large scale population resettlement directed by the state, either voluntary migrations or forced deportation of prisoners of war. The Chiang Mai Chronicle reports the transfer of “500 hand workers’ families” from “Pagan-Ava” to Wiang Kum Kam, Chiang Tung and other places in Lan Na by Mangrai.140 For the late thirteenth century, however, this episode holds little historical credibility, because evidence of military conflicts between Mangrai and the Mon in Lower Burma needs to be verified by other historical sources. This was probably an event that was invented or reconstructed subsequently, so as to let the fame and splendour of the Mangrai dynasty, in view of the humiliation suffered from the Burmese occupation, shine more brightly. Siamese sources report a forced resettlement which went in the reverse direction — namely from Lan Na to Siam. Around 1385, troops from Ayutthaya invaded Lan Na. The Luang Prasoet Chronicle mentions only the futile attempt of the conquest of Lampang (1386),141 whereas other versions of the Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya mention also a successful campaign of King Bòrommaracha I against Chiang Mai (1384).142 While the then ruler of Chiang Mai (Kü Na) was not in the position to offer resistance and left the town with some followers, his son (Ñòt Chiang Rai) surrendered and was appointed the new ruler by Bòrommatrailokanat. The Siamese king “ordered that those Lao (here: northern Thai) who had been driven down from Chiang Mai be sent on to be kept in the cities of Phatthalung, Songkhla, Nakhòn Si Thammarat and Canthabun”.143 Northern Thai sources mention briefly the war with Ayutthaya, but no deportation. Without giving a specific date for the event, the Chiang Mai Chronicle claims that the Siamese attack on both Lampang and Chiang Mai failed: “The Southerners were broken, and fled back to the South.”144 An indirect confirmation of the Siamese version is found in the Chiang Tung Chronicle, according to which around 1387 Cao Ai Òn, the ruler of Chiang Tung, seeing it as his duty came with his military to support the exhausted “Müng Yuan” (i.e., Lan Na) army and ended up as Siamese prisoner of war at Sukhothai.145

140

CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 38; CMC-TPCM 1971: 24; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 51–52; PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 261–62. 141 PPKSA-LP, PP 1/1 1963: 132. 142 Whereas the PPKSA-LP dates the attack on Lampang at 1386 in accordance with the CMC, according to other versions of the Ayutthaya Chronicle this took place in 1382, followed two years later by a successful war against Chiang Mai. See Cushing 2000: 12. 143 Cushman 2000: 13. 144 Quoted from CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 66. Jinak¡lam¡l™pakara¥a†, on the other hand, fails to mention the Siamese invasion at all. See JKM, Ratanapañña 1968: 127–28. 145 See CTC-PMCT, Thawi 1990: 35-36. However, these events are not mentioned in CTC-JSC, S¡imöng 1981: 237–38. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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During the fierce struggles for hegemony between Lan Na and Ayutthaya throughout the Sukhothai-Phitsanulok region, the increasingly superior strategies that aimed at persistently weakening opponents through depopulation of the frontier regions gained momentum. Vague indications in the Royal Chronicle of Ayutthaya (Luang Prasoert version) on deportations from Lan Na to Siam around 1444/45146 could not be substantiated in the Northern Thai sources. In 1461 Tilok suppressed a rebellion in Chaliang (Si Satchanalai), for a decade a southern outpost of Chiang Mai.147 Probably in vengeance, the inhabitants of the pottery town famous for its ceramics were deported to Wiang Kalòng (Chiang Rai) and San Kamphaeng (Chiang Mai), where they founded the “Northern Thai School” of the Sangkhalok-Sukhothai pottery.148 From 1507 onwards, Lan Na under King Müang Kaeo increased its lightning attacks deep into the territory formerly belonging to Sukhothai. The operations were not aimed at permanent conquest of the southern frontier regions then occupied by Ayutthaya, but at the deportation of the population there. Müang Kaeo probably wanted to create a depopulated buffer zone to counteract the unrestrained long-term expansion of Ayutthaya to the north. To enlarge the impaired basis of his population was another motivation for Chiang Mai’s attacks, which are to be viewed in the context of the mass migration of the Shan around 1517, discussed above. The Siamese reacted with a similar strategy, through which they deported numerous war captives from the southern peripheral regions of Lan Na such as Phrae and Lampang. The military interventions of Ayutthaya in the conflict of succession to the throne of the Northern Thai in 1545/46 prevented further raids of the Tai Yuan on the region around Sukhothai.149 4. Decline and fall (1515–1558) The reign of King Müang Kaeo marked the heyday of Lan Na’s political power and her cultural blooming, but at the same time the beginning of her ruin. The almost incessant military confrontations with Ayutthaya since the beginning of the sixteenth century had resulted in losses of population that seriously

146

PPKSA-LP (PP 1/1 1963: 135) mentions a Siamese attack on the area (tambon) of Pathai Kasem. A total of more than “120,000 prisoners of war” was captured. Wood (1924: 83) considers that this must have concerned an untraceable “Pathai Kasem”, a location in the vicinity of Chiang Mai. 147 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 88–89; CMC-TPCM 1971: 71; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 123–24. See also Griswold and Prasert 1976: 137 and 148–49. 148 On Tilok’s military expedition in 1461/62 to the region in Sukhothai and Phitsanulok see PPKSALP, PP 1/1 1963: 136. Lilit yuan phai also mentions the inhabitants of Chaliang who were deported by the Tai Yuan troops. See Griswold and Prasert 1976: 149. 149 See Usanee 1983: 129; Pritsana 1973: 46. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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weakened the power base of the king. In the year 1508, a Siamese army conquered Phrae; the troops from Nan repulsed the invaders but suffered many casualties.150 The embittered fighting for Lampang between the Tai Yuan and Siamese lasted seven years. In the final stage of Müang Kaeo’s reign the war losses had reached a critical point. In 1523 the king was involved in a conflict of succession in Chiang Tung. Both local princes competing for the throne sought military help from Lan Na and Saen Wi. More than 20,000 soldiers were mobilised from various regions of Lan Na in support of the prince who was friendly to Chiang Mai. The expedition to Chiang Tung ended in a military disaster. Five high-ranking generals, including the governors of Chiang Rai and Müang Nai, were killed.151 “The Tai Yuan fled to the south, numerous Tai Yuan soldiers fell, and a large number of elephants and horses were lost”, reports the Chiang Tung Chronicle, and it continues, “Saen Ñi suffered a defeat and fled to Chiang Saen. Phaña Ñòt Chiang Rai had Saen Ñi executed in Chiang Saen and appointed Cao Chiang Khòng the Governor of Phañak (Phayak).”152 In the period between 1515 and 1523, not less than ten highranking aristocrats of Lan Na lost their lives in wars.153 These losses certainly had consequences for the political stability of the country. Besides the military defeats in the last decade of the reign of Müang Kaeo, which in particular contributed to a serious lack of able-bodied men, the population suffered additional losses from natural calamities. In the year before the death of Müang Kaeo, the Ping River flooded its banks after heavy rainfalls and inundated a large part of the city of Chiang Mai. “Countless people were drowned in the flood and died”, remarks the chronicler.154 As a result of unhygienic conditions perhaps many more inhabitants died in epidemics. King Müang Kaeo passed away leaving no son behind him. The Privy Council elected Müang Kaeo’s younger brother Ket as successor on 5 February 1526.155 The new king was previously the governor of Müang Nòi, which seems to have been a relatively unimportant frontier müang to the west of Lan Na inhabited 150

CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 104; CMC-TPCM 1971: 69; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 59; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 146. 151 CMC-TPCM 1971: 71; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 62; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 150–51; cf. PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 370–71. 152 CTC-PMCT, Thawi 1990: 44. 153 Saraswadee 1986: 38. 154 Quoted from CMC-TPCM 1971: 71; see also CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 108. 155 It was the eighth day of the waning moon in the fifth month of the dap lao year, C. S. 887. CMCHP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 108; CMC-TPCM 1971: 71; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 63. According to Notton’s translation, it was the eighth day of the seventh month of the year dap lao. It seems that there is a reader’s mistake, for the Northern Thai numbers 5 and 7 look rather similar. See CMC-N, Notton 1932: 151. JKM (Ratanapañña 1968: 184) gives “the fifth day of the month Vis¡kha” (the eighth month of the Northern Thai calendar) of the year C.S. 888, namely April 16, 1526, as the date of the death of the monarch. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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by Shan. He obviously did not have his own dynastic power base (Hausmacht) in Chiang Mai. His reign, as a whole weak and uneventful, ushered in an era of political crises; the control of the capital over the outer regions declined. In September/ October 1535, the governor of Lampang together with two high-ranking officials plotted a coup d’état, which, however, was discovered just in time. The king had the ringleaders of the revolt executed. Three years later his luck ran out; in 1538 Tao Cai (Tao Sai Kham), Ket’s own son, took over the throne and sent his father into exile to Müang Nòi.156 The new king likewise did not possess a significant dynastic power base, and a controversial decision on personnel, viz. the nomination of a new governor of Chiang Saen, led to his fall. The same coalition of dignitaries who had helped the king to come to power plotted his fall in 1543. Tao Cai was accused of severe abuse of his authority: “[The king] lost his mind. He harassed the population unscrupulously”.157 The hatred for the ruler was so great that the people had him executed. Ket returned from exile and ascended the throne once again. However, in his second reign no success was achieved, and in 1545 Ket was assassinated by aristocratic conspirators in front of the royal palace. The background to this action is not reflected in the written records. With regards to the two reigns of King Ket, the chronicles mention only that the king participated in a magnificent royal barge procession on the occasion of the ordination of monks who belonged to the sect of Wat Pa Daeng.158 After the violent deaths of the last two kings, Lan Na was plunged into chaos and anarchy for five years. The aristocrats of the country were divided into two factions along the country’s east-west axis. The nobility in Chiang Mai, Lamphun and Chiang Tung formed a western group, whereas in the east of Lan Na the governors of Chiang Rai, Chiang Saen and Lampang created a united countercoalition. At first, Saen Khao, son of the governor of Chiang Khòng and a leading head of the aristocratic conspirators against Ket Cetthalat, took the initiative. He offered the crown to the ruler of Chiang Tung, who declined to accept. Thereupon the ruler (cao fa ‡®â“øÑ“) of Müang Nai was asked. He in fact gave his consent, “but did not turn up in Chiang Mai on time”.159 Meanwhile, a meeting of the counter156

Some manuscripts mention the exile of Ket Cetthalat to Nan (see SRI 81.088.05.082: Nangsü pün müang ciang hai ciang saen, f˚ 9 [tr. ªßæ√–‡¡◊Õ߇°¥À◊ÈÕ‰ªÕ¬Ÿà‡¡◊Õßπà“π]) or to Müang Nai (see SRI 81.069.05.038–038: Lamdap latchakun wongsa nai müang lan na, f˚ 13). The Mingshi-lu suggests that Ket’s forced abdication occurred one year earlier, in 1537, as in November 1537 a new “ruler of Lan Na” asked the Chinese emperor for recognition as the legitimate vassal king. This request was granted. See Winai 1996: 150. 157 Quoted from PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 380; see also CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 109; CMC-TPCM 1971: 72; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 64; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 153. 158 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 109; CMC-TPCM 1971: 72; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 64; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 153; see also PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 380. 159 Quoted from CMC-TPCM 1971: 72. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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coalition had been held in Chiang Saen. The aristocrats who convened there decided to offer the crown of Lan Na to Settha Wangso, the 14-year-old son of the Lao king Phothisarat.160 Lan Sang under Phothisarat (r. 1520–1548) had developed into the dominant political and cultural power in the upper Mekong region. Since the end of the fifteenth century, learned monks from Lan Na had spread the “orthodox” Buddhism of the “Lan Na School”, which had reached its heyday under Tilok, to Laos. The exemplary character of the Buddhist scholarship of Chiang Mai shaped Lan Sang profoundly in the first half of the sixteenth century. King Phothisarat, who took a daughter of King Ket Kao as his consort,161 regarded himself after the death of his father-in-law and the onset of the fall of Lan Na as the protector of those religious and cultural ideals which bound the Tai Yuan and Lao with each other.162 In the meantime, the threat to Chiang Mai increased. An army from Saen Wi emerged in front of the gate of Chiang Mai and demanded vengeance for the death of King Ket Cetthalat, who obviously had many followers among the Shan.163 Although the assailants were repulsed, they withdrew to Lamphun and called for help from Siamese troops from the Sukhothai region. In the meantime, the troops of the counter-coalition from Chiang Saen arrived at the capital and had the conspirators around Saen Khao executed for having committed regicide. In order to prevent further anarchy the opposing alliance appointed the princess Cilapapha as regent. She was to remain in office until Settha Wangso arrived in Chiang Mai. Further attacks of the Shan were repulsed, and with the Siamese likewise a modus vivendi was found after incurring heavy losses in fighting.164

160

CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 109; CMC-TPCM 1971: 72; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 64; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 153; PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 381. 161 The marriage of Phothisarat and Nang Ñòt Khan took place around 1532/33. The dynastic connection of Lan Na with the relatively stronger Lan Sang served, from the view point of Chiang Mai, as an insurance against the attempts of the Siamese expansion, but could also, from the perspective of Ayutthaya, be regarded as an encirclement aimed against Siam. See also Doré 1987: 738. 162 Was it a surprise that a section of the political elite of Lan Na, in particular those of the border zones in the north-east adjacent to Lan Sang, looked towards Luang Prabang and saw in Settha Wangso, the grandson of Müang Kaeo, the suitable heir apparent? On the development of Lan Sang in the beginning of the sixteenth century see Sila 1964: 46–54. 163 Probably the attackers had the direct support of the Burmese king as the Lao sources claimed. See Saveng 1987: 56. 164 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 110-13; CMC-TPCM 1971: 72–74; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 64–67; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 153–57; PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 381–86. Queen Cilapapha recognised the sovereignty of Ayutthaya and sent tributary gifts to the Siamese king. See MS, Hundius Collection: Pün wongsa mahakhasat tanglai [...], f˚ 56. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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The Lao crown prince arrived on 10 May 1546165 at Chiang Saen, stayed there for three weeks and travelled in triumphal procession via Chiang Rai to Chiang Mai, where he arrived on 18 June of the same year.166 Two weeks later, on 2 July167 Settha Wangso was enthroned as the King of Lan Na and married the two daughters of the late ruler. However, Settha Wangso only resided in Chiang Mai for two years, not long enough to find a decisive solution for the disrupted country with the help of his advisors. When the young ruler of Lan Na learned of the death of his father, King Phothisarat, he left Chiang Mai on 8 August 1548168 and rushed to Luang Prabang, where he had to suppress a rebellion of the aristocracy.169 He took the Phra Kaeo, a legendary Buddhist image made of jade (“The Emerald Buddha”),170 with him. After his coronation in Luang Prabang, Settha Wangso ruled as King (Saiña) Setthathilat [Setthathirat] in personal union over two kingdoms, Lan Na and Lan Sang. Due to his absence in Chiang Mai, the civil war in Lan Na revived. In 1549, the troops from Phrae and Laos (Lan Sang) launched an attack, without success, on Chiang Mai.171

165

On the seventh day [Saturday], the tenth day of the waxing moon in the ninth month of the year C.S. 908. The day, however, fell on a Monday. 166 On the fourth day [Wednesday], the fifth day of the waning moon in the tenth month of the year C.S. 908. The day, however, fell on a Friday. 167 On the fourth day [Wednesday], the fourth day of the waxing moon in the eleventh month of the year C.S. 908. The day, however, fell on a Friday. 168 On the fifth day of the waxing moon in the twelfth month of the year poek san, C.S. 910. Several versions of CMC (such as CMC-TPCM and CMC-N) give the year C.S. 909; but all versions correspond with the 60 year cycle. The poek san year is the “year of monkey, the tenth year of the decade” and could only be C.S. 910. The Lao sources deviate from the dating of the Northern Thai chronicles by only two years. They give 1550 as the year of the death of King Phothisarat and claim that Settha Wangso [later Setthathilat] arrived in Chiang Mai in 1548. See Sila 1964: 52–55. 169 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 114; CMC-TPCM 1971: 75; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 68; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 158; PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 388–89. The rebellious aristocrats, “military commanders of the southern wing” (æ«°‡ π“ΩÉ“¬„µâ), wanted to help a half-brother of the crown prince to be on the throne. See Sila 1964: 55. 170 According to one legend, in 1464 lightning struck at a figure of the Buddha made of gypsum in a pagoda in Chiang Mai. The figure broke and a sitting Buddha made from one piece of jade was revealed. The Jade Buddha first found its home in Chiang Rai and from 1486 onwards in Chiang Mai. Since then it was a sort of palladium, a function which it also served after 1548 in Laos, until the Siamese, after suppressing the uprising of Cao Anu (1828), brought it to Bangkok, where it remains in Wat Phra Kaeo in front of the royal palace. On the history of the Emerald Buddha until it was brought to Luang Prabang see SRI 80.047.05.019–019: “Tamnan pha müang kaeo”. 171 See CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 115; CMC-TPCM 1971: 75; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 159. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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As the chronicler remarks, for three years “a period of great discord” prevailed.172 It was a period without a ruler, a de facto interregnum. Not until the beginning of 1551 did Setthathilat officially abdicate in favour of his queen Cilapapha. It is not clear whether Cilapapha indeed ascended the throne the second time and ruled until 1553 as the Lao sources claim.173 Anyhow the Northern Thai chronicles report unanimously that immediately after the abdication of the Lao ruler in Chiang Mai the Privy Council held a meeting. The Privy Council, to which also the sangkharat, the leader of the sa¬gha of Chiang Mai, belonged, did not comply with Setthathilat’s wishes; on the contrary they elected Mae Ku, a prince of Müang Nai, to be the new king. He was a descendant of one branch of the Mangrai dynasty which could be traced back to Mangrai’s son Khüa.174 “The Chiang Rai Chronicle” reports that Mae Ku “had fled and entered monkhood in Müang Nai”. Concerning the more exact circumstances of his ordination, no information is provided in the sources. Thus it would have been interesting to know from whom Mae Ku had to run away to Müang Nai: was he fleeing from his rivals in Chiang Mai? Or did Mae Ku enter the monastery only after he had been elected king? In this rather unlikely case, one is tempted to suggest that the new ruler of Lan Na wanted to improve his royal reputation by means of the religious merit he had to acquire beforehand. Mae Ku arrived in Chiang Mai on 21 May 1551175 and on 22 December 1551176 was solemnly enthroned.177 Despite taking the trouble to tighten up the administration of the land, Mae Ku failed to get a new start. In mid-May 1552, the rulers (cao fa ‡®â“øÑ“) of Müang Nai and Chiang Thòng turned up in front of the gates of Chiang Rai with a powerful army. Reinforced by troops of the governor of Fang, the two Shan princes conquered Chiang Rai and shortly thereafter Chiang Saen as well. The motives of the attackers and their relations to the new king, who also came from Müang Nai, are unclear. The ruler of Müang Nai, the leader of the invasion force, could have aimed at the territorial and political expansion of his own principality.178 It is possible that a secret pact was concluded with King Mae Ku to impair Setthathilat’s supporters, who were deeply rooted in Chiang Saen and Chiang Rai. This idea seems not at all absurd in view of the background of later events. In the year 1555, Setthathilat, who could not accept being deprived of power by princess Cilapapha, once more laid claim to the throne of Chiang Mai. An army from Luang Prabang, in which 172

CMC-TPCM 1971: 75 [‡°‘¥‡ªìπ°≈’¬ÿ§¡“°π—°]. Sila 1964: 56. 174 Phün müang chiang rai, Saraswadee 1993: 49 [f˚ 17 in original text]. The concerned text reads: tr. [...] ∑â“«·¡à°ÿÕ—π‡ªπ‡™◊ÈÕ√“™«ß å Àπ’ ‰æ∫«¥Õ¬àŸ‡¡◊Õßπ“¬. 175 On the fourth day of the waxing moon in the ninth month of the year C.S. 913. 176 On the tenth day of the waxing moon in the fourth month of the year C.S. 913. 177 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 115; CMC-TPCM 1971: 76; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 69; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 160; PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 391. 178 First of all this very likely view is represented by Saraswadee 1988: 14. 173

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many Tai Lü also fought, was sent to re-conquer Lan Na. Chiang Saen fell, indeed after combats suffering heavy casualties, at the hands of the Lao, but a further advance of Setthathilat was blocked by the stiff resistance of Shan troops from Müang Nai.179 The effective sphere of influence of Mae Ku did not extend far beyond the core region of Chiang Mai and Lamphun, and it is revealing that the Chinese sources called Chiang Saen, during the period of the Jiajing reign (1552–1566), the “Kingdom of the Lesser Eight Hundred [Daughters-in law] (Xiao Babai)”, namely a political unit independent from Chiang Mai.180 One manuscript even mentions that in the year C.S. 917 (1555/56 AD) “King Mae Ku marched with an army [out to battle], but failed to capture Lampang”.181 The text does not give any clue why Mae Ku launched an attack on Lampang. Was it because there was unrest, which was perhaps connected to the fighting for Chiang Saen? A year later, in 1556/57, Mae Ku must have brought the situation in Lampang under control, because the king consecrated a relic in the monastery of Phra Mahathat Lampang. Burma under King Bayinnaung (r. 1551–1581) had set about establishing a great Buddhist empire and subjugating all her eastern and southern neighbours. Almost without resistance, Lan Na fell to the Burmese invaders. After a siege of only three days, Chiang Mai capitulated on 2 April 1558;182 within a few months, Lan Na was completely overrun by Burmese troops. 183 The Burmese were surprised that they encountered in Chiang Mai — in contrast to the likewise-conquered Shan regions — almost no resistance: In the year C.S. 920 [1558/59 AD] the king gained victory over all the big and small lands, namely the land of the Shan as well as the land of the Lao and the land of the Tai Yuan in Chiang Mai. However, Chiang Mai did not put up a fight; her ruler came out and offered his submission.184 179

CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 116; CMC-TPCM 1971: 76; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 70; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 160–61; PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 391; Sila 1964: 56–57. The reports in the Northern Thai and Lao sources stating that the Lao troops remained for a longer period are identical. Setthathilat raised Chiang Saen to the status of royal harbour of Lan Sang. The control over the coastal strips on the middle Mekong slipped [through the fingers of] Chiang Mai and was lost permanently. 180 Mingshi Gao, Chapter 189, Liew n.d.: 37. 181 [‡®â“·¡à°ÿ¬° °”≈—ß ‰æ‡Õ“‡¡◊Õß≈§Õ√∫à ‰¥â]. See MS, Hundius Collection: Phün wongsa mahakhasat tanglai [...], f˚ 57. 182 The siege began on Wednesday, on the eleventh day of the waxing moon in the seventh month, the New Year day of the year C.S. 920, viz. on 30 March 1558. In fact it was not on the twelfth but on the eleventh day of the month Caitra. Here we follow the tables and procedure of calculation of Eade. 183 CMC-HP, Wyatt/Aroonrut 1995: 118; CMC-TPCM 1971: 78; CMC-TSHR, SRI 1982: 73; CMC-N, Notton 1932: 164; PY, Prachakitkòracak 1973: 397. 184 Maharachawong phongsawadan phama 2002: 67. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Which were the deeper causes of Lan Na’s fall that were responsible for the loss of independence? How far can these causes be dated back? Even the contemporaries gave no rational explanation in a modern sense. They saw first of all that it was the work of the spirits and demons in taking revenge for severe violation of ritual prescriptions (NT: khüt). But economic and ecological reasons were known as well, even if they were mostly mentioned as atypical incidents. A chronicle summarises the complex causes in eleven points:185 Cause 1:

Cause 2: Cause 3: Cause 4:

Cause 5:

The corpses of the deceased would be removed from the Cang Phüak Gate and — taking a crescent — brought to the Hua Lin corner, thereby destroying the ayu müang.186 Moreover, no respect was paid to the two Phaña Cang Phüak and to the two Phaña Latcasi in the north of the city by sprinkling them with sacred water.187 Around the old wiang a new wiang was built, which like R¡hu encircled the [old] wiang.188 In the city three sacrificial shrines, like the one of cedi, were constructed.189 The [entire] population caused damage to the Nòng Bua Hok Kò (pond).190 They scooped out the water until the pond dried up. The people went out and barricaded Huai Kaeo (a streamlet in Chiang Mai).191 In the southern part of the town a monastery was constructed.192

185

SRI 82.112.05.091-091: Tamnan mae ku müang lan cang taek, ff˚ 18–20; see also SRI 85.144.05.136: Tamnan lan na lan chang, ff˚ 20–23. Compare also with the related and already transcribed manuscript Tamnan pün müang lan na ciang mai, SRI 1981: 17–22 [ff˚ 15–17 in original manuscripts]. 186 Literally “Life of the Town”, to which the Monastery Cet Yòt (Ñòt) in the northwest of the city of Chiang Mai is referred. See Saraswadee 1995. 187 MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, f˚18/1–2: tr. ‡ªπ‡Àµª∂¡∂«√ 1 π—π¥â«¬Õ—π‡Õ“¢Õ√º’ ÕÕ°∑—ߪµŸ™â“߇º◊Õ°

·≈‡°’¬« ‰æ∑—ß·®ßÀ—«√‘π¬”Õ“¬ÿ‡¡‘ß ·≈‰πæ√–¬“™â“߇º◊Õ° 2 µ—«À—«‡«’¬ß·≈æ√–√“™ ’ 2 µ—«À—«‡«’¬ßπ—π ¡—πæÕ§Á∫àÀ◊Õ‰º‰æ Õ∫√¡ √– √ß ‰¥â¬·≈. 188 MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, f˚18/3: tr. ‡Àµ∂«√ 2 π—π¥â«¬ â“߇«’¬ß‰À¡àÕ¡‡«’¬ß‡°≈à“À◊Õ‡ªπÕߧ√“ÀŸ§“∫ ‡«’¬ßπ—π·≈. 189 MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, f˚18/3: tr. ‡Àµ∂«√ 3 π—π¥â«¬°Õ°Ÿà‡À¡◊Õπ‡®¥’π—π‰«â¬ °—∫‡¡‘ß 3 ·Ààßπ—π·≈. 190

Literally meaning “Lake of the six groups of Lotus plants”. MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, f˚18/3–4: tr. ‡Àµ∂«√ 4 π—π¥â«¬À◊Õ•π∑—ßÀ≈“¬‰æ°«√•«’ÀπÕß∫—« 6 §Á¢“ß𔇠’¬ À◊Õ·Àß À⫬·°«§ÁÀ◊Õ•π‰æµ÷¥‡ ’¬À—π·≈. 192 MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, f˚18/4: tr. ‡Àµÿ∂â«√ 5 π—π¥â«¬ â“ß«—µ‰«¬°àÕ‡«’¬ßÀ≈—ß 1 ¡’∑—ß«—πÕÕ°·®àß ‡«’¬ß π—π·≈. 191

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Cause 6:

The wood for coffins was thrown away (i.e. not burned along with the corpses) and then used anew (in the country).193 Cause 7: The corpses of the deceased were taken and ceremoniously burned within the confines of the city.194 Cause 8: The corpses of the deceased were taken and burned by the water [bank of the Ping] on sandbanks and in the monasteries.195 Cause 9: All the inhabitants were prohibited to offer sacrifices to the guardian spirits of the city as well as to sacrifice the Inthakhin stone pillars,196 the six kumbhara, pu sae and ya sae,197 as well as [the spirits] in the hills of the North and the South.198 Cause 10: From the ninth to twelfth month [May/June to August/ September] the inhabitants were recruited to cut down trees, from the crowns to the stumps. The [tree trunks] were to be sawn into pieces of one wa [c. 2 m] in length and then dragged to the river. Those who dodged [the work] would be sentenced to death. [The people] must work day and night to cut down the trees of the forests. The cutting down of the trees and transporting them lasted incessantly, that means one cut the big trees from the ninth to the new moon of the twelfth month, until the work was stopped. Between the fifth and eighth month [January/February to April/ May] the forest workers rested. It was so every year. The wood drifting on the river destroyed the dams on the banks. The people had to restore [the dams]. After some time the dams eroded again. Nobody could plough the fields and transplant the seedlings. No matter in which river or in which stream, nowhere could the

193

MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, f˚18/4–5: tr.

‡Àµÿ∂â«π 6 π—π¥â«¬‰¡â ‚√ߺ’π—Èπ‡Õ“‰æ∑ÿ¡ ·≈â«æâÕ¬ «à“‡°∫‡Õ“

‡¢â“ ¡“∫â“π¡“‡¡◊Õß·≈. 194 195

MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, f˚18/5: tr. ‡Àµÿ∂â«√ MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, ff˚18/5–19/1: tr.

7 π—π¥â«¬‡Õ“¢Õ√º’ ß –°“π‡ºâ“‰π∫â“π‰π ‡¡◊Õß·≈. ‡Àµÿ∂â«√ 8 π—π‡Õ“¢Õ√º’ ‰æ ß –°“π‡ºâ“¬—ß πÈ”·≈‡°“–´“¬

·≈¬—ß«—µπ—π·≈. 196

They apply to the three most important sites of Chiang Mai: the relic of the Monastery Dòi Suthep (æ√–∏“µÿ‡®â“ ÿ‡∑æ), the relics of the Phra Kaeo (æ√–·°â«) and of Phra Sing (æ√– ‘ß) and the Inthakhin pillars (‡ “À‘πÕ‘π∑¢’≈). Moreover, two albino elephants and two royal lions, which were within the city walls, are mentioned (tr. æ√–¬“™â “ ߇º◊ Õ ° Õßµ— « À— « ‡«’ ¬ ß·≈æ√–√“™ ’   Õßµ— « À— « ‡«’ ¬ ß ). Further auspicious animals are the six elephants of the Maha Cedi Luang and the two Phaña Kho in the lower part [namely in the south] of the city of Chiang Mai (tr. æ√–¬“æ≠–‚¶ 2 µ—«Õ¬àŸ‰µâ‡«’¬ß). See SRI 85.144.05.136: “Tamnan lan na lan cang”, ff˚ 4–5. 197 Guardian spirits of the Lua, to which the Tai Yuan inhabitants of Chiang Mai offered sacrifices. 198 MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, f˚19/1: tr. ‡Àµÿ∂â«√ 9 ¥â«¬À√â“¡•π∑—ßÀ≈“¬∫àÀ◊Õ‰æ‡≈’È¬ß ∫√‘°—¡¡å∫Ÿ™“·°¡‡≈’¬ß

¬—߇∑æ⁄楓Փ√—°‡∂π∫â“π‡∂π‡¡◊Õß ·≈‡ “À√‘πÕ‘π∑¢‘π°ÿ·≈°ÿ¡¿—√∑—ß 6 •π·≈ ªŸÉ· –¬à“· –¥Õ¬‡Àπ◊Õ¥Õ¬‰µ§ÁÀ“¡ ‡ ’¬∫àÀ◊Õ ‰¥¬‰æ‡≈’ȬßÀ—π·≈. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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inhabitants find water [to irrigate] the rice-fields. Further cutting down the trees was prohibited.199 Cause 11: The king entrusted scoundrels to collect the taxes. They were all very busy extracting money from the people of the müang. Whatever they found was carried away.200 Seven out of the eleven above-mentioned causes are related to violation of ritual regulations, but Cause 4 and Cause 10 cite the unrestrained exploitation of natural resources of the land as the causal factor. The drying up of the Huai Kaeo and other waters hampered the drinking water supply of the town. Moreover, the unscrupulous cutting down of trees in the forests (deforestation) in areas further away from Chiang Mai city upset the ecological equilibrium in the plain of the Ping River and, perhaps, also led to a reduction in rice production.201 The construction of “a new wiang near the old one” (Cause 2) obviously refers to the complete renovation of the outer walls of Chiang Mai around 1517. At about the same time, Lamphun got a new brick wall. Three years later the monastery, which was under the patronage of the king, was renovated. These were two extravagant religious and secular construction projects, which were a heavy burden on the royal budget and the population of Lan Na. The labourers and estates, which were donated for the maintenance of the monasteries, as well as other religiously motivated taxes, were at least partially lost in the productive sector of the economy. Damage limited to natural catastrophes also gave rise to great deficits in the national finances. In 1530/31 a fire destroyed the new royal palace built by Müang Kaeo. A year later, in February/March 1532, a conflagration broke out at Ban Ta Pae near Chiang Mai. The affected population obtained from King Ket, the queen and the queen’s mother compensation amounting to 20,000 ngoen.202 Müang Kaeo and his successor tried to solve the financial

199

MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, f˚19/2–5: tr. ‡Àµÿ∂«√ ‘∫π—π§—π‡∂‘ß ‡¥‘π 9 ‡¥‘π  ‘∫ ‡¥‘π ‘∫‡Õ¥ ‡¥‘π ‘∫ Õß §Á‡°π•“π•π∑—ßÀ≈“¬‰æøíπ‰¡âµ—…‡§≈⓵—…ª“¬¬“««“‡Õ“‰¡â«“ À◊Õ•π∑—ßÀ≈“¬‰æ√“°À◊Õ·º«π” ºâŸ‰¥À«‘¥§Á‡Õ“‚∑… ∂“𵓬 À◊Õ√Õß¡“∑—ß«—π∑—ß•◊πøíπ√“°∑—ß«—π‰¡ÀπÕ¬∫à‡Õ“À◊Õ øíπ‰¡â ‰À¬à ·µà‡¥‘π 9 ÕÕ°‡∂‘߇¥‘π ‘∫ 12 ¥—∫ ®‘ß®–‡≈‘° ÕÕ°¡“Õ¬àŸ¬—ß∫“π ‰π¬“𠇥‘π 5-6-7-8 π—π §Á∫àøíπ‡™◊ÈÕπ—π§Ÿàª≈’À—π·≈ ‰¡Õ—π‡¢“√àÕß¡“π—π§Á¡“‡∑¿πÌ •π∑—ßÀ≈“¬ ª≈â“π‡Õ“‰ à¬ π“π—π§ÁÕ ¬“¥À≈ÿæ—ß‰æ •π∑—ßÀ≈“¬§Á∫à ‰¥¬‰∂π“·≈À«à“π°≈â“ —°ª≈’À—π·≈ π”·¡à ‰¥¬À⫬‰¥¬ •π∑—ß À≈“¬∫à‡Õ“π”¡“„ à𓉥¬π—ππ” À⫬π—π·¡àπ—π ¡—π§Á∫àÀ◊Õ•π‰æøíπ∑’π—π·≈. 200 MS, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, ff˚19/5–20/1: tr. ‡Àµÿ∂«√ 11 π—π¥â«¬¡À“√“™‡®â“¡’ Õ“™≠“À◊Õ•πæ“≈ ‰æ‡°∫  à«¬‰≈ √Ë”√âπª√–À¡“√‰æ√ΩÑ“¢â“‡¡◊ÕßÀ“ —ß®—°ÕÕ°®—°‡ ’¬ §Á∫à ‰¥¬‡¢â“§Áπ—ß ‰Àπ‰ÀÀ—π·≈. 201

In the manuscripts there are several indications on the outbreak of famines (NT.: tupphikkhaphaya

∑ÿæ¿‘°¢¿¬–) around the mid-sixteenth century. See also SRI 85.144.05.136: Tamnan lan na lan cang, f˚ 15/1–2, 17/4, 19/4–20/1, and SRI 82.112.05.091–091: Tamnan mae ku müang lan cang taek, f˚15/2–3. 202 MS, Hundius Collection: Phün wongsa mahakhasat tanglai [...], f˚53. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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problems by increasing taxes (Cause 11) as well as by monetary manipulation. The result of it was an inflationary development, which must have grave consequences for the autarkic agrarian society of Lan Na, as Hans Penth comments: Within about 30 years, there seems to have occurred a rising of prices, an inflation of over 40% which must have been a serious problem for a ‘national economy’ that was mainly based on agriculture for local consumption but not without an ‘industry’ and internal and external trade. People at that time did not at all grasp what happened to the ‘value of their money’ and thought that the spirits were angry or that the conjunction of the stars was not good.203 The empirical foundation for this thesis, which looks obvious at first glance, is nevertheless weak. Penth refers to Notton’s remark that a variant of the CMC (a manuscript differing from that on which his translation was based) mentions the manipulation of the weights and the systematic devaluation of the cowrie currency by several of the kings of Lan Na. According to Notton, Müang Kaeo (r. 1495–1526) devalued the currency from 100 units to 98 [units]. Among his successors, Ket (r. 1526–1538) devaluated it to 80, Tao Cai to 70 and Mae Ku (r. 1551–1564) finally to 58 units.204 We do not know which manuscript Notton relied on. However, Saraswadee Ongsakul discovered a phapsa manuscript from the monastery Pa Lan (District San Kamphaeng, Chiang Mai) that confirms Notton’s statement: [...] The aristocrats and the officials should not act wrongly by ruining the foundations of their country. There are three points to be mentioned: They destroyed the “Thousand Bases”. [...] Moreover, they devalued the bia (cowrie currency) by reducing the value of 100 but issued and spent it as 100. The three reasons meant a breaking of taboos (khüt). Our country will be in shambles. It happened as follows: Pha Müang Kaeo fixed [the rate] that 98 bia should be the value of 100 bia. Tao Ai Kao [Phaña Ket] decided that 80 bia should be the value of 100 bia. Tao Cai defined that 70 bia should be the value of 100 bia. Tao Upaño [Setthathilat] decreed that 60 bia should have the value of 100 bia. Pha Mae Ku fixed the value for 58 bia to be 100 bia. Because of the three reasons the

203 204

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rulers and the land were ruined. If less than 10,000 [bia] are raised to 10,000 [bia]; if less than 1,000 [bia] are raised to 1,000 [bia]; if less than 100 [bia] are raised to 100 [bia], this surely will lead to total destruction.205 The manuscript confirms the systematic devaluation of the cowrie currency by a total of 42 per cent within half a century.206 While analysing Northern Thai Pali manuscripts, Oskar von Hinüber came across colophons in which the prices of producing the respective manuscripts were given. Sometimes even the cost of the materials (e.g., the price for a bundle of palm leaves) and the workers’ wages were differentiated. Von Hinüber draws the conclusion that the prices of the materials between the years 1531/32 and 1588 had increased by 25 times, whereas the workers’ wages had dropped slightly.207 As the data which von Hinüber used for his calculation were taken from only eight manuscripts, four of which came from a single monastery (Wat Si Bun Rüang), his conclusion is based on weak statistical evidence. His basic idea of locating socio-economic data from the colophons of Northern Thai manuscripts, however, seems very promising. Extensive analyses of the colophons of the numerous manuscripts that are still awaiting evaluation might produce fruitful results. As for the decline of the economy and the political disintegration of Lan Na during the three decades after the death of Müang Kaeo, the monarch’s weak successors or the selfishness of the aristocrats alone cannot entirely explain the disaster. None of the five kings who ruled Lan Na after 1526 died as a reigning sovereign. They were either deposed, forced to abdicate, or murdered. Such great turbulences at the highest level of state leadership would have shaken even the most stable society, with lasting consequences as well. On the other hand, questioning the reasons for the fragile structures of state and society in Lan Na is legitimate; these were weaknesses, evident long before the eventual fall of Chiang

205

The quotation is taken from f˚29 of a manuscript with the non-authentic title prawattisat, kotmai boran [ª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å, °ÆÀ¡“¬‚∫√“≥]. See Saraswadee 1996: 208. The quotation in the exact wording reads: “tr. [...] ∑â“«æ√–≠“‡ π“Õ“¡“µ¬å ∫৫√¥’≈‘¥¡â“ß ’¡“∫â“π ‡¡◊ÕßÕ—π„À≠àÀπ—°·∑â ¡’ 3 ª√–°“√ §◊Õ¡â“ßÀ≈—°æ—π 1

¡â“߉ ‡¡◊Õß 2 ∑’ Õ—πÀπ÷Ëß≈—¥‡∫’Ȭ≈ß À◊ÈÕ¬âÕπ‡ ’¬√âÕ¬π—∫«à“À◊ÈÕæÕ√âÕ¬ ‡Àµÿ 3 ª√–°“√π’È¢÷¥ ·æâµ—« ·æâ∫â“π·æ⇡◊Õß ‡ªπ¥—Ëß æ√–‡¡◊Õß·°â« ·µà߇∫’Ȭ 98 À◊ÈÕ‡ªπ 100 ∑â“«Õ⓬‡°≈â“ ·µà߇∫’Ȭ 80 ‡ªπ 100 ∑â“«™“¬ ·µà߇∫’Ȭ 70 ‡ªπ 100 ∑â“«Õÿª‚¬ ·µà߇∫’Ȭ 60 ‡ªπ 100 æ√–·¡à°ÿ ·µà߇∫’Ȭ 58 À◊ÈÕ‡ªπ 100 ‡Àµÿ 3 ª√–°“√π’È ·æ⇮Ⓡ¡◊Õß·æâ∫â“π‡¡◊Õß·≈ Õ—π„¥°Á¥’ ∫àæÕ À¡◊Ëπ«à“À¡’Ëπ ∫àæÕ 1,000 «à“ 1,000 ∫àæÕ 100 «à“ 100 ¬àÕ¡À◊ÈÕ«‘π“»©‘∫À“¬·≈ [...].” 206

Obviously the amount referred to as “100 bia” mentioned in the above quotation represents the fixed point of the beginning of each devaluation. Not completely excluded is the textual reading, that the amount referred to as “100 bia” represents the original value of the cowrie currency before the respective devaluations. In this — rather unlikely — case the total inflation rate, according to our calculation, is more than 81 per cent [= 100 % - (0,98 x 0,80 x 0,70 x 0,60 x 0,58 x100 %)]. 207 Hinüber, von 1991: 11. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Mai, but simmering in the “golden age” of the kings Trilok and Müang Kaeo under a splendid surface. It can hardly be treated as a mere coincidence that the rapid downfall of Lan Na was preceded by the reign of Müang Kaeo, during which ambitious religious projects (construction of monasteries, donations of Buddha images, making duplicates of the Pali canon, etc.) were promoted.208 Moreover, as shown in the second section of this article the political and economic control by the state centre personified by the king was by no means indisputable. 5. Conclusion The kingdom of Lan Na was not a unitary polity. It had come into existence after the merger of two core regions: the plain of Chiang Rai and Chiang Saen in the northeast and the Ping-Kuang river basin with Chiang Mai as its centre in the southwest. The latter emerged as the “winner” at the beginning of the fifteenth century. Tight control of manpower was crucial in this sparsely populated region which was four-fifths mountainous areas. It is argued that the nai sip system of organising the workforce was perhaps due to Chinese or Mongolian influences prior to the founding of Lan Na. The territorial administration of Lan Na was characterised by the panna, administrative units below the müang level, which seemed to have been restricted to rice-growing areas. The most detailed historical evidence for the panna system is to be found in the northeastern region of Chiang Saen, Chiang Rai, and Phayao, which were its possible places of origin. Notwithstanding attempts to centralise the administrative structure, notably during the reign of King Tilok (1441–1487), Lan Na nevertheless resembled a conglomeration of large autonomous müang rather than an empire built around a consolidated core region, as was more or less the case for Ayutthaya (Siam) and Ava (Burma). Even in the phase of Lan Na’s great expansion of power during the second half of the fifteenth century, the müang of the northeast maintained a high degree of autonomy. In the period of decline (1526–1558) the north-south division deepened. The final disintegration of Lan Na was precipitated by a combination of political, economic and demographic factors.

208

The following quotation taken from Aung Twin (1976: 231) on the thesis presented for the rise and fall of Pagan — change accordingly — may also be applied to the post Müang Kaeo era: “[Pagan’s great King Aniruddha] had sown the seeds of self-destruction by making the sangha the main recipient for the flow of land and labour and thereby inviting the decentralisation of economic and political structures, a process which was to have serious repercussions for the state in the thirteenth century. By his actions he had created a new situation that his successors had to face — by changing — or perish.” Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Abbreviations C.S. CMC CSC CTC HP HSH JSC JKM LP N NC PMCT PMN PPKSA PC PSC PY SN SRI TMP TMSC TMY TPCM tr. TSHR W WSKK WSBR

C¢®asakar¡ja (“Little Era” = Christian Era minus 638) Chiang Mai Chronicle Chiang Saen Chronicle Chiang Tung Chronicle Hans Penth version Hò samut haengchat (National Library) Jengtung State Chronicle Jinak¡lam¡l™pakara¥a† Luang Prasoet Notton version Nan Chronicle Phongsawadan Müang Chiang Tung Phongsawadan müang nan Phra-ratcha phongsawadan krung si ayutthaya Phayao Chronicle Prachum silacarük Phongsawadan yonok Samnak nayok ratthamontri version Social Research Institute Tamnan müang phayao Tamnan müang chiang saen Tamnan müang yòng Tamnan phün müang chiang mai transcription (from Northern Thai to Siamese script) Tamnan sip ha ratchawong Wyatt (translation of PMN) Wat Si Khom Kham version Wat Si Bun Rüang version

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References Archival Material Harald Hundius Collection, Passau:

æ◊Èπ«ß»“¡À“°…—µ√‘¬å∑—ßÀ≈“¬µ—Èß·µàæ√–¬“ “¡—πµ√“™‚æâπ¡“ (The chronicles of rulers since the reign of Phaña Samantalat), MS (copy). Singkha Wannasai, Lamphun, 61 ff˚. ∏—¡¡–µ”π“π‡¡◊Õßæ√–¬“« [The chronicle of Phayao], MS (copy). Wat Si Khom Kham, Phayao, 54 ff˚. [PC-WSKK] Harald Hundius Microfilm Documentation, Kiel:

æ◊Èπ«ß»“¡À“°…—µ√‘¬å∑—ßÀ≈“¬µ—Èß·µàæ√–¬“ “¡—πµ√“™‚æâπ¡“ (The chronicles of rulers since the reign of Phaña Samantalat), MS. Singkha Wannasai, Lamphun, Microfilm Code: No. 97, Roll 17, 98 ff˚. µ”π“π‡¡◊Õ߇™’¬ß√“¬ (The chronicle of Chiang Rai), MS. Wat Si Khom Kham, amphoe Müang, Phayao, Microfilm Code: No. 660, Roll 17, 22 ff˚. Social Research Institute (SRI), Chiang Mai University

≈”¥—∫√“™µ√–°Ÿ≈«ß»“„π‡¡◊Õß≈â“ππ“ (Royal genealogy of Lan Na), MS. Wat Pong Sanuk Tai, tambon Wiang Nüa, amphoe Müang, Lampang, SRI 81.069.05.038–038, 101 ff˚. æ◊πÈ ‡¡◊Õ߇™’¬ß√“¬ (The chronicle of Chiang Rai), MS. Wat Pa Lan, tambon Thung Tom, amphoe San Pa Tòng, Chiang Mai, SRI 82.114.11 001–001, 27 ff˚. µ”π“π≈â“ππ“≈â“π™â“ß (The chronicle of Lan Na and Lan Chang/Sang), MS. Wat Dòi Chai Mongkhon, tambon Mae Tün, amphoe Om Kòi, Chiang Mai, SRI 85.144.05.136, 41 ff˚. µ”π“π·¡à°ÿ ·≈‡¡◊Õß≈â“π™â“ß·µ° (The chronicle of [King] Mae Ku and the defeat of Lan Chang/Sang), MS. Wat Ban Klang, tambon Yuwa, amphoe San Pa Tòng, Chiang Mai, SRI 82.112.05.091–091, 35 ff˚. µ”π“π‡¡◊Õß≈”æŸπ (The chronicle of Lamphun), MS. Wat Müang Mò, tambon Thung Si, amphoe Ròng Kwang, Phrae, SRI 81.066.05.062, 58 ff˚. µ”π“πæ√–‡¡◊Õß·°â« (The chronicle of Pha/Phra Müang Kaeo), MS. Wat Si Sai Mun, tambon Nòng Còm, amphoe San Sai, Chiang Mai, SRI 80.047.05.019–019, 25 ff˚.

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References in Asian languages Aroonrut Wichienkeeo Õ√ÿ≥√—µπå «‘‡™’¬√‡¢’¬« 1977. °“√«‘‡§√“–Àå  —ߧ¡‡™’¬ß„À¡à ¡—¬√—µπ‚° ‘π∑√å µÕπµâ𠵓¡µâπ©∫—∫„∫≈“π„π¿“§‡Àπ◊Õ (An analysis of Chiang Mai society in the early Bangkok period based on northern Thai palm-leaf manuscripts), M.A. thesis, Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University. 1989. ·π«§‘¥∑“ß°“√‡¡◊Õß §«“¡ —¡æ—π∏å√–À«à“ß√–∫∫æ—ππ“ √–∫∫𓬠‘∫ ·≈–√–∫∫ ™≈ª√–∑“π (Political thinking : the relationship between the panna system and the irration system). In ‡Õ° “√ª√–°Õ∫°“√ —¡¡π“∑“ß«‘™“°“√≈â“π𓧥’ »÷°…“: ‚≈°∑—»πå≈â“ππ“ (Document of the seminar on Lan Na studies: Lan Na world view), Chiang Mai, 11–14 September 1989. 1996a. æ®π“πÿ°√¡»—æ∑å≈â“ππ“ ‡©æ“–§”∑’˪√“°Ø„π„∫≈“π (The Northern Thai dictionary of palm-leaf manuscripts). Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. 1996b. æ®π“πÿ°√¡ ¿“…“∂‘Ëπ¿“§‡Àπ◊Õ (The Northern Thai Dictionary). Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai Teachers College. Aroonrut Wichienkeeo and Lamun Canhòm Õ√ÿ≥√—µπå «‘‡™’¬√‡¢’¬« ·≈–≈¡ÿ≈ ®—π∑πåÀÕ¡ 1984. √“¬ß“π«‘®—¬«‘‡§√“–Àå°ÆÀ¡“¬ ≈â“ππ“‚∫√“≥ (Analytical study of ancient Lan Na customary laws) (Vol. 1). Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai Teachers’ College. Aroonrut Wichienkeeo and David K. Wyatt Õ√ÿ≥√—µπå «‘‡™’¬√‡¢’¬« ·≈–‡¥«‘¥ ‡§. «—¬Õ“® (transcribed and edited) 2000. µ”π“πæ◊Èπ‡¡◊ Õ ß‡™’ ¬ ß„À¡à (The Chiang Mai Chronicle). Chiang Mai: Suriwong Book Center. Carük lan na, carük cangwat chiang rai nan phayao phrae ®“√÷°≈â“ππ“, ®“√÷°®—ßÀ«—¥ ‡™’¬ß√“¬ πà“π æ–‡¬“ ·æ√à (Lan Na inscriptions—Inscriptions of the provinces of Chiang Rai, Nan, Phayao and Phrae) (Part 1, Vol. 1–2) 1991. Bangkok: J. W. Thompson Foundation. Devavisuddhavedi, Phra æ√–‡∑æ«‘ ∑ÿ ∏‡«∑’ 1991. çÛˆ æ—ππ“¢Õ߇¡◊Õßæ–‡¬“é (The 36 panna of Müang Phayao). »‘≈ª«—≤π∏√√¡ (Arts and culture). Vol. 12, No. 5, March, pp. 82–87. Dhida Saraya ∏‘¥“  “√–¬“ 1989. çª√–«—µ»‘ “ µ√å  ‘∫ Õßæ—ππ“é (History of Sipsòng Panna). «“√ “√‡¡◊Õß‚∫√“≥ (Müang Boran Journal), Vol. 15, No. 3, July–Sept., pp. 43–49. Khao kawila lae tamnan müang chiang saen §à“«°“«‘≈–·≈–µ”π“π‡¡◊Õ߇™’¬ß· π (The poem of Kawila and the chronicle of Chiang Saen) 1985. Transcribed by Udom Rungrüangsi Õÿ¥¡ √àÿ߇√◊Õß»√’. Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai Teachers’ College. Khomnet Chetthaphatthanawanit §¡‡πµ√ ‡™…∞æ—≤π«π‘™ (ed.) 1996. ¢÷¥: ¢âÕÀâ“¡„π≈â“ππ“ (Khüt: Taboos in Lan Na). Chiang Mai: Social Research Insitute, Chiang Mai University. Maharatchawong Phongsawadan phama ¡À“√“™«ß…å æß»“«¥“√æ¡à“ (The great dynastic chronicle of Burma) 2002. Translated from the Burmese by Nai Tò. Bangkok: Sinlapa-watthanatham. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Mangraisat (Wat Mün Ngoen Kòng version) ¡—ß√“¬»“ µ√å - ©∫—∫«—¥À¡◊Ëπ‡ß‘π°Õß 1975. Transcribed by Sommai Premchit  ¡À¡“¬ ‡ª√¡®‘µµå (Series I), Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai University. Mingshi (Official history of the Ming Dynasty) 1974 (1736). Ed. by Zhang Tingyu. Beijing. Mingshi Gao (Draft of the history of the Ming Dynasty) 1985 (1723). Ed. by Wang Hongxu, Wan Sitong, et al. Taibei. Ming Shilu (Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty) 1961–66. Taibei (repr. 1984). Nakhòn Phannarong π§√ æ—π∏ÿå≥√ߧå. 1985. ª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å ÿ‚¢∑—¬ (History of Sukhothai), Bangkok: Thai watthana phanit. Penth, Hans Œ—π å ‡æπ∏å, Phanphen Khrüathai æ√√≥‡æÁ≠ ‡§√◊Õ‰∑¬ and Silao Ketphrom »√’‡≈“ ‡°…æ√À¡ 1997. ª√–™ÿ¡®“√÷°≈â“ππ“ ‡≈à¡ Ò: ®“√÷°„πæ‘æ‘∏¿—≥±åœ ‡™’¬ß· π (Corpus of L¡n N¡ Inscriptions, Vol. 1: Inscriptions of the Chiang Sän Museum). Chiang Mai: Archive of Lan Na Inscriptions, Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University. 1998. ª√–™ÿ¡®“√÷°≈â“ππ“ ‡≈à¡ Ú: ®“√÷°æ√–‡®â“°“«‘≈– (Corpus of L¡n N¡ Inscriptions, Vol. 2: King K¡wila Inscriptions). Chiang Mai: Archive of Lan Na Inscriptions, Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University. 1999. ª√–™ÿ¡®“√÷°≈â“ππ“ ‡≈à¡ Û: ®“√÷°„πæ‘æ‘∏¿—≥±åœ ≈”æŸπ (Corpus of L¡n N¡ Inscriptions, Vol. 3: Inscriptions of the Lamph¢n Museum). Chiang Mai: Archive of Lan Na Inscriptions, Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University. 2000. ª√–™ÿ¡®“√÷°≈â“ππ“ ‡≈à¡ Ù: ®“√÷°„πæ‘æ‘∏¿—≥±åœ ‡™’¬ß„À¡à (Corpus of L¡n N¡ Inscriptions, Vol. 4: Inscriptions of the Chiang Mai Museum). Chiang Mai: Archive of Lan Na Inscriptions, Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University. 2001. ª√–™ÿ¡®“√÷°≈â“ππ“ ‡≈à¡ ı: ®“√÷°„πæ‘æ‘∏¿—≥±åœ πà“π ·≈–®“√÷°‡¡◊Õßπà“π∑’Ëπà“ π„® (Corpus of L¡n N¡ Inscriptions, Vol. 5: Inscriptions in the N¡n Museum and other N¡n Inscriptions). Chiang Mai: Archive of Lan Na Inscriptions, Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University. “Phraratcha phongsawadan chabap luang prasoet” æ√–√“™æß»“«¥“√©∫—∫À≈«ßª√–‡ √‘∞ (The royal chronicle, Luang Prasoet version) 1963. In ª√–™ÿ¡æß»“«¥“√ (Collected chronicles), Part 1, Vol. 1, pp. 141–171. Bangkok: Khurusapha. Prachakitcakòracak, Phraya æ√–¬“ª√–™“°‘®°√®—°√ 71973 (1907). æß»“«¥“√‚¬π° (The Yonok chronicle), Bangkok: Khlang witthaya. Prachum carük müang phayao ª√–™ÿ¡®“√÷°‡¡◊Õßæ–‡¬“ (Corpus of inscriptions of Phayao) 1995. Bangkok: Sinlapa-watthanatham. Prachum silacarük ª√–™ÿ¡»‘≈“®“√÷° (Corpus of inscriptions) (Vols. 3–6) 1965. Bangkok: Samnak nayok ratthamontri.

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Prachum silacarük ª√–™ÿ¡»‘≈“®“√÷° (Corpus of inscriptions) (Vol. 7) 1991. Ed. by Winai Pongsripian «‘π—¬ æß»å»√’‡æ’¬√. Bangkok: Samnak lekhathikan nayok ratthamontri. Prasoet na Nagara ª√–‡ √‘∞ ≥ π§√ 1978. ¡—ß√“¬»“ µ√å ©∫—∫«—¥‡ “‰Àâ (Mangraisat, Wat Sao Hai version). Bangkok: Saeng rung kan phim. Prasoet na Nagara ª√–‡ √‘∞ ≥ π§√ and Puangkham Tuikhiao ª«ß§” µÿ⬇¢’¬« 1994. µ”π“π¡Ÿ≈»“ π“ ‡™’¬ß„À¡à ‡™’¬ßµÿß (The M¢las¡san¡ Chronicle of Chiang Mai and Chiang Tung). Bangkok: Sak sopha kan phim. “Prawat khwaen sipsòng panna” ª√–«—µ‘·§«âπ ‘∫ Õßæ—ππ“ (History of the region in Sipsòng Panna) 1982. ·∂≈ßß“πª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å ‡Õ° “√‚∫√“≥§¥’ (Historical works and archaeological documents), Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 29–47. Pritsana Sirinam ª√‘»π“ »‘√‘π“¡ 1973. 秫“¡ —¡æ—π∏å√–À«à“߉∑¬·≈–ª√–‡∑»√“™„πÀ—«‡¡◊Õß ≈“ππ“‰∑¬  ¡—¬√—µπ‚° ‘π∑√åµÕπµâπé (The relations between Thailand and its northern Thai vassal states during the early Bangkok period). M.A. thesis, Bangkok: Witthayalai wicha kan süksa prasanmit. Ratanaporn Setthakul √—µπæ√ ‡»√…∞°ÿ≈ and Renard, Ronald 1988. ç≈—«–‰∑¬ §«“¡ —¡æ—π∏å √–À«à“ß™“µ‘æ—π∏ÿå„πª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å≈â“ππ“ ¡—¬√“™«ß»å¡—ß√“¬é (Lua and Tai: Inter-ethnic relations in the history of Lan Na during the Mangrai period). ‡Õ° “√ª√–°Õ∫ °“√ —¡¡π“‡√◊ËÕߪ√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å ≈â“ππ“ ¡—¬ √“™«ß»å¡—ß√“¬ æ.». Ò¯Û˘ - ÚÒÒ (Document of the seminar on the history of Lan Na during the era of the Mangrai Dynasty, A.D. 1296–1558), Chiang Mai, 9–10 January 1988. Rawiwan Phakphrot √«‘«—π ¿“§æ√µ 1982. ç°“√°—≈ªπ“„π≈â“ππ“‰∑¬µ—Èß·µà°≈“ßæÿ∑∏»µ«√√…∑’Ë Ú ∂÷ßµâπæÿ∑∏»µ«√√…∑’Ë ÚÚé (Monastic endowments in Lan Na Thai from the mid-20th century B.E. to the beginning of the 22nd century B.E.). M.A. thesis, Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University. 1988. çæÿ∑∏»“ π“°—∫°“√§«∫§ÿ¡°”≈—ߧπ »÷°…“°√≥’°—≈ªπ“é (Buddhism and the control of manpower: A case study of monastic endowments). In ‡Õ° “√

ª√–°Õ∫°“√ —¡¡π“‡√◊ËÕߪ√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å≈â“ππ“ ¡—¬√“™«ß»å¡—ß√“¬ æ.». Ò¯Û˘ - ÚÒÒ (Document of the seminar on the history of Lan Na during the era of the Mangrai Dynasty, A.D. 1296–1558), Chiang Mai, 9–10 January 1988. Saeng Monwithun · ß ¡π«‘ ∑Ÿ √ (transl.) 1958. ™‘ π °“≈¡“≈’ ª °√≥å (Jinak¡lam¡l™pakara¥a†). Bangkok: Krom Sinlapakòn. Sammano prachakòn lae kheha ph.s. 2523, thua ratcha anacak  ”¡–‚πª√–™“°√·≈– ‡§À– æ.». 2523, ∑—Ë«√“™Õ“≥“®—°√ (Population and household census, A.D. 1980, whole kingdom) 1980. Bangkok: Samnak ngan sathiti haengchat samnak nayok ratthamontri. Saowani Phannaphop ‡ “«≥’¬å æ√√≥“¿æ 1996. ç»÷°…“«‘‡§√“–Àå°ÆÀ¡“¬‚æ…“√“™„π∞“π–∑’Ë ‡ªìπ‡Õ° “√∑“ߪ√–«—µ‘»“ µ√åé (An analytical study of the Khosarat law text as an historical document). M.A. thesis, Sinakharinwirot University. Saraswadee Ongsakul  √— «¥’ ÕãÕß °ÿ≈ 1986. ª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å≈â“ππ“ (A history of Lan Na). Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai University. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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1988. 燡◊Õß·≈–°“√‡¡◊Õß„π≈â“ππ“ ¡—¬√“™«ß»å¡—ß√“¬ æ.». Ò¯Û˘ - ÚÒÒé (Polity and politics in Lan Na during the era of the Mangrai Dynasty, A.D. 1296–1558). In ‡Õ° “√ª√–°Õ∫ °“√ —¡¡π“‡√◊ÕË ßª√–«—µ»‘ “ µ√å≈“â ππ“ ¡—¬√“™«ß»å¡ß— √“¬ æ.». Ò¯Û˘ - ÚÒÒ (Document of the seminar on the history of Lan Na during the era of the Mangrai Dynasty, A.D. 1296–1558), Chiang Mai, 9–10 January 1988. (transcibed and edited.) 1993. À≈—°∞“πª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å≈â“ππ“ ®“°‡Õ° “√§—¡¿’√„å ∫≈“π ·≈–æ—∫Àπ—ß “ (Documents on the history of Lan Na from palm-leaf and phapnangsa manuscripts). Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai University. 1995. ç«—¥‡®¥’¬åÀ≈«ß„π∞“π–‡°µÿ‡¡◊ÕߢÕ߇™’¬ß„À¡àé (Wat Chedi Luang in its role as a sign of splendour of the city). In  ¡‚¿™ ˆ ªï æ√–∏“µÿ‡®¥’¬åÀ≈«ß (Celebrating the 600 years of the Chedi Luang Stupa), ed. by Thio Wichaikhatkha ∑‘« «‘™—¬¢—¥§–, pp. 79–82. Chiang Mai. 1996. ª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å≈â“ππ“ (A history of Lan Na) (2nd enlarged edition). Bangkok: Amarin. Social Research Insitute (SRI) 1981a. µ”π“πæ◊Èπ‡¡◊Õß≈â“π𓇙’¬ß„À¡à (The chronicle of Lan Na-Chiang Mai). Chiang Mai: SRI, Chiang Mai University. 1981b. µ”π“π Òı √“™«ß»å (The chronicle of the 15 dynasties) (Vol. 1; Bundles 1–2). Chiang Mai: SRI, Chiang Mai University. 1982. µ”π“π Òı √“™«ß»å (The chronicle of the 15 dynasties) (Vol. 2; Bundles 3–5). Chiang Mai: SRI, Chiang Mai University. Somchot Ongsakul  ¡‚™µ‘ ÕãÕß °ÿ≈ 1987. 秫“¡‡ªìπ¡“¢Õߧ” ç≈â“ππ“-≈“ππ“é „π ª√–«—µ»‘ “ µ√å π‘æπ∏å ‰∑¬é (The origins of the terms Lán Na and Lan Na). ·∂≈ßß“πª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å ‡Õ° “√‚∫√“≥§¥’ (Historical works and archaeological documents), Vol. 20, No. 2, July–Dec., pp. 1–19. Sommai Premchit  ¡À¡“¬ ‡ª√¡®‘µµå 1997. µ”π“π ‘∫Àâ“√“™«ß»å ©∫—∫™”√– (The Sip-ha Rajawong chronicle, a critical edition). Chiang Mai: Social Research Insitute, Chiang Mai University. Somphong Witthayasakphan  ¡æß»å «‘∑¬»—°¥‘Ïæ—π∏å 2001. ª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å ‰∑„À≠à (History of the Tai Yai). Bangkok: Samnakngan kòngthun sanapsanun kan wicai. Srisakra Vallibhotama »√’»—°√ «—≈≈‘‚¿¥¡ 1984. ‡¡◊Õßæ–‡¬“ (Müang Phayao). Bangkok: Matichon. Sumit Pitiphat  ÿ¡‘µ√ ªîµ‘æ—≤πå 1983. ç§π‰∑¬„π ‘∫ Õߪíππ“é (The Tai in Sipsòng Panna). «“√ “√∏√√¡»“ µ√å (Thammasat University Journal), Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 123–137. Tamnan m¢las¡san¡ µ”π“π¡Ÿ≈»“ π“ (M¢las¡san¡ chronicle) 1970. Bangkok: Krom sinlapakòn. Tamnan phün müang chiang mai µ”π“πæ◊Èπ‡¡◊Õ߇™’¬ß„À¡à (The Chiang Mai chronicle) 1971. Bangkok: Samnak nayok ratthamontri.

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Thawi Swangpanyangkoon ∑«’  «à“ߪí≠≠“ß°Ÿ√ (transcr. and ed.) 1990. çæß»“«¥“√‡¡◊Õß ‡™’¬ßµÿßé (The Chiang Tung chronicle) In Àπ—ß ◊Õ·®°‡ªìπ∫—µ√æ≈’ß“π æ√–√“™∑“π ‡æ≈‘߻懮⓷¡à∑‘æ«√√≥ ≥ ‡™’¬ßµÿß (Cremation volume for Cao Mae Thipphawan of Chiang Tung). Thongthaem Nartchamnong ∑Õß·∂¡ π“∂®”πß 1989. ç∂‘πË ∞“π¢Õß™“«‰µ„π ‘∫ Õßæ—ππ“é (The places of settlement of the Tai in Sipsòng Panna). «“√ “√‡¡◊Õß‚∫√“≥ (Müang Boran Journal), Vol. 16, No. 3, pp. 51–65. Toonsri Buanucha ∑Ÿπ»√’ ∫—«πÿ™ 1992. ç°“√»÷°…“§«“¡À¡“¬„π°ÆÀ¡“¬®“√’µ ç¡—ß√“¬»“ µ√åéé (A semantic study of the Mangraisat Customary Law). M.A. thesis, Chiang Mai University. Udom Roongruangsri Õÿ¥¡ √àßÿ ‡√◊Õß»√’ 1991. æ®π“πÿ°√¡≈â“ππ“-‰∑¬ ©∫—∫·¡àø“Ñ À≈«ß (Lan NaThai dictionary, Mae Fa Luang version), 2 vols. Bangkok: Munlanithi mae fa luang and Thanakhan thai phanit. Udom Rungruangsri et al. Õÿ¥¡ √àßÿ ‡√◊Õß»√’ ·≈–§≥– 1995. µ”π“πæ◊πÈ ‡¡◊Õ߇™’¬ß„À¡à ©∫—∫‡™’¬ß„À¡à ˜ ªï (The Chiang Mai chronicle, 700th anniversary of Chiang Mai edition). Chiang Mai: Sun watthanatham cangwat chiang mai / Sathaban ratchaphat chiang mai. Usanee Thongchai Õÿ…≥’¬å ∏ß™—¬ 1983. 秫“¡ —¡æ—π∏å√–À«à“ßÕ¬ÿ∏¬“·≈–≈“ππ“‰∑¬ æ.». Ò¯Û˘ÚÛÒé (The relations between Ayutthaya and Lan Na, A.D. 1296–1558), M.A. thesis, Chualongkorn University. 1988. 秫“¡ —¡æ—π∏å√–À«à“ßÕ“≥“®—°√≈â“ππ“‰∑¬°—∫√—∞∑“ßµÕπ∫π „π ¡—¬√“™«ß»å¡—ß√“¬é (The relations between the Kingdom of Lan Na and the states in the North during the era of the Mangrai Dynasty). In ‡Õ° “√ª√–°Õ∫°“√ —¡¡π“‡√◊ËÕß ª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å≈â“ππ“ ¡—¬√“™«ß»å¡—ß√“¬ æ.». Ò¯Û˘ - ÚÒÒ (Document of the seminar on the history of Lan Na during the era of the Mangrai Dynasty, A.D. 1296–1558), Chiang Mai, 9–10 January 1988. Wang Ji Min À«—ß ®’ À¡‘π 1988. 秫“¡ —¡æ—π∏å√–À«à“߇¡◊Õ߇™ÕÀ≈’Ë°—∫‡¡◊Õߪ“‰ªÉ´’øŸ „πæÿ∑∏»µ«√√… ∑’Ë Ò˘é (The relations between Cheli and Babai-xifu in the 19th century B.E.). M.A. thesis, Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University. Winai Pongsripian «‘π¬— æß»å»√’‡æ’¬√å (ed.) 1996. ª“‰ªÉ ø ’ ÉŸà fi ª“‰ªÉµ“â ‡µ’¬È π: ‡™’¬ß„À¡à„π ‡Õ° “√ ª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å®’π‚∫√“≥ (Babai-xifu — Babai-dadian: Chiang Mai through the eyes of ancient Chinese historical documents). Bangkok: Prime Minister’s Office. Xin Yuanshi (New history of the Yuan Dynasty) 1930 (revised version of 1920). Ed. by Ke Shaomin. Taibei: Yiwen Publisher (repr. 1956). Yanyong Ciranakhòn and Ratanaporn Sethakul ¬√√¬ß ®‘√–π§√ 2001. ª√–«—µ‘»“ µ√å  ‘∫ Õߪíππ“ (A history of Sipsòng Panna). Bangkok: Sathaban withithat. Yuanshi (History of the Yuan Dynasty) 1953. (1370). Ed. by Song Lian. Beijing: Zhonghua Publisher (repr. 1976).

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Yuphin Khemmuk ¬ÿæ‘π ‡¢Á¡¡ÿ°¥å 1988a. ç ∂“∫—π ß¶å°—∫°“√‡¡◊Õß·≈– —ߧ¡≈â“ππ“ æ.». Ò˘ıÙ ÚÒÒé (The Chiang Mai Sangha in the socio-political development of Lan Na, A.D. 1411–1558). M.A. thesis, Bangkok: Silapakorn University. 1988b. çæÿ∑∏»“ π“°—∫°“√æ—≤π“°“√∑“ß°“√‡¡◊Õß  ¡—¬√“™«ß»å¡—ß√“¬é (Buddhism and political developments during the era of the Mangrai Dynasty). In ‡Õ° “√ ª√–°Õ∫°“√ —¡¡π“‡√◊ÕË ßª√–«—µ»‘ “ µ√å ≈â“ππ“ ¡—¬√“™«ß»å¡ß— √“¬ æ.». Ò¯Û˘ - ÚÒÒ (Document of the seminar on the history of Lan Na during the era of the Mangrai Dynasty, A.D. 1296–1558), Chiang Mai, 9–10 January 1988. References (in Western languages) Akin Rabibhadana 1969. The Organization of Thai Society in the Early Bangkok Period 1782–1873 (Data Paper: No. 74, Southeast Asia Program). Ithaca N.Y.: Cornell University. Aroonrut Wichienkeeo and Gehan Wijeyewardene 1986. The Laws of King Mangrai (Mangrayathammasart). Canberra: The Richard Davis Fund. Chamberlain, James R. 1975. “A New Look at the History and Classification of the Tai Languages.” In: Studies in Tai Linguistics in Honour of William J. Gedney, ed. by J. G. Harris and J. R. Chamberlain, pp. 49–66. Bangkok: Central Instiute of English Language. Cushing, Richard D. 2000. The Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya. A synoptic translation edited by David K. Wyatt. Bangkok: The Siam Society. Condominas, Georges 1980. L’Espace social à propos de l’Asie du Sud-Est. Paris: Flammarion. Dhida Saraya 1982. “The Development of the Northern Thai States from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Centuries.” Ph.D. diss., University of Sydney. Doré, Amphai 1987. “Aux sources de la civilisation lao (contribution ethnohistorique à la connaissance de la culture luang-phrabanaise).” Mémoire présenté pour le Doctorat d’État es-Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Paris. Egerod Søren 1961. “Studies in Thai Dialectology.” In: Acta Orientalia, Vol. 26, Nos. 1–2, pp. 43–91. Grabowsky, Volker and Andrew Turton 2003. The Gold and Silver Road of Trade and Friendship: The McLeod and Richardson Diplomatic Missions to Tai States in 1837. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Griswold, Alexander B. and Prasert na Nagara 1969. “The Pact Between Sukhodaya and Nan: Epigraphic and Historical Studies, No. 3.” Journal of Siam Society, Vol. 57, Part 1, Jan., pp. 57–107. 1976. “A Fifteenth-Century Siamese Historical Poem.” Southeast Asian History and Historiography, ed. by C. D. Cowan and O. W. Wolters, pp. 123–163. Ithaca N.Y. and London: Cornell University Press.

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1977a. “The ‘Judgements of King Man Ray’: Epigraphic and Historical Studies No. 17.” Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 65, Part 1, Jan., pp. 137–160. Hinüber, Oskar von 1991. “P¡li Manuscripts as Sources of Northern Thai Buddhism.” (unpublished manuscript). Hucker, Charles 1985. A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Hsiao Ch’I-ch’ing 1978. The Military Establishment of the Yuan Dynasty. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Ishii, Yoneo 1978. “History and Rice-Growing.” In Thailand: A Rice-Growing Society, ed. by Yoneo Ishii, pp. 15–39. Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii. Lee, James 1982. “Food Supply and Population Growth in Southwest China, 1250–1850.” Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 41, No. 4, pp. 711–746. Lemoine, Jacques 1987. “Tai Lue Historical Relations with China and the Shaping of the Sipsong Panna Political System.” In Proceedings of the International Conference on Thai Studies, The Australian National University, Canberra, 3-6 July, 1987, ed. by Anne Buller, pp. 121–132. Liew, Foon Ming 1985. “Ein Überblick über die Volkzählung und das Gelbe Bevölkerungsregister während der Ming-Zeit (1368–1644).” Ming Studies, No. 20, pp. 48–56. 1998. The Treatises on Military Affairs of the Ming Dynastic History (1368–1644). Hamburg: Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens. n.d. The Traditional Tai Polity of Lan Na and the Tai Polities Around: An Annotated Translation of a Collection of Records from Chinese Sources covering the period from 13th to 18th Centuries, in collaboration with V. Grabowsky, an expansion of the earlier manuscript entitled “The Land of Eight-hundred Daughters-in-law or Lan Na Kingdom in the Light of Official Chinese Historiography—Collected Records from Chinese Sources.” Unpublished manuscript. Kulke, Hermann and Dietmar Rothermund 1982. Geschichte Indiens, Stuttgart [etc.]: Kohlhammer. Mote, F. M. 1999. Imperial China, 900–1800. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Notton, M. Camille (transl.) 1932. Annales du Siam, IIIe volume: Chronique de Chiang Mai. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Penth, Hans 1994a. Jinak¡lam¡l™ Index: An Annotated Index to the Thailand Part of Ratanapañña’s Chronicle Jinak¡lam¡l™. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1994. 1994b. A Brief History of L¡n N¡: Civilizations of North Thailand. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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2003. “On Rice and Old Rice Fields in Old L¡n N¡.” Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 91, pp. 90–188. Prasert na Nagara and A. B. Griswold 1992. Epigraphic and Historical Studies. Bangkok: The Historical Society under the Royal Patronage of H.R.H. Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn. Ratanapañña 1968. The Sheaf of Garlands of the Epochs of the Conqueror, being a translation of Jinak¡lam¡l™pakara¥a† (translated by N. A. Jayawickrama). London: Pali Text Society. Reid, Anthony 1988. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450–1680, Vol. 1: The Lands below the Winds. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Rujaya Abhakorn, M.R. 1984. “Ratburi, an Inner Province: Local Government and Central Politics in Siam, 1868–1892.” Ph.D. diss., Ithaca N.Y.: Cornell University. S¡imöng Mangrai, Sao 1981. The P¡ºaeng Chronicle and the Jengtung State Chronicle Translated. (Michigan Papers on South and Southeast Asia, No. 19). Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan, Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies. Saveng Phinith 1987. Contribution à l’histoire du royaume de Luang Prabang. Paris: École Française d’Extrême-Orient. Shorto, H. L. 1963. “The 32 Myos in the Medieval Mon Kingdom.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol. 26, pp. 572–591. Sila Viravong, Maha. 1964. History of Laos, New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corporation. Stuart-Fox, Martin 1998. The Lao Kingdom of L¡n X¡ng: Rise and Decline. Bangkok: White Lotus. Sun Laichen 2000. “Ming-Southeast Asian overland interactions, c. 1368–1644.” Ph.D. thesis, University of Michigan. Tambiah, Stanley, J. 1976. World Conqueror and World Renouncer: A Study of Buddhism and Polity in Thailand against a Historical Background. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wade, Geoffrey Philip 1997. “Some Topoi in Southern Border Historiography During the Ming (And Their Modern Relevance)”, in: China and her Neighbours: Border Visions of the Other, Foreign Policy 10th to 19th Century, ed. by Sabine Dabringhaus and Roderich Ptak. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 135–158. 2000. “The ‘Ming Shi-lu as a source for Southeast Asian history - Fourteenth to Seventeenth Centuries.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 249–294. Wood, W. A. R. 1924. A History of Siam. Bangkok: Chalermnit Press. Wyatt, David K. (transl. and ed.) 1994. The Nan Chronicle. Ithaca, N.Y.: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Wyatt, David K. and Aroonrut Wichienkeeo 1995. The Chiang Mai Chronicle. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books.

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THAI-BURMESE WARFARE DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY AND THE GROWTH OF THE FIRST TOUNGOO EMPIRE1 Pamaree Surakiat

Abstract A new historical interpretation of the pre-modern relations between Thailand and Burma is proposed here by analyzing these relations within the wider historical context of the formation of mainland Southeast Asian states. The focus is on how ThaiBurmese warfare during the sixteenth century was connected to the growth and development of the first Toungoo empire. An attempt is made to answer the questions: how and why sixteenth century Thai-Burmese warfare is distinguished from previous warfare, and which fundamental factors and conditions made possible the invasion of Ayutthaya by the first Toungoo empire. Introduction As neighbouring countries, Thailand and Burma not only share a long border but also have a profoundly interrelated history. During the first Toungoo empire in the mid-sixteenth century and during the early Konbaung empire from the mid-eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries, the two major kingdoms of mainland Southeast Asia waged wars against each other numerous times. This warfare was very important to the growth and development of both kingdoms and to other mainland Southeast Asian polities as well.

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This article is a revision of the presentations in the 18th IAHA Conference, Academia Sinica (December 2004, Taipei) and The Golden Jubilee International Conference (January 2005, Yangon). A great debt of gratitude is owed to Dr. Sunait Chutintaranond, Professor John Okell, Sarah Rooney, Dr. Michael W. Charney, Saya U Myint Thein, Dr. Dhiravat na Pombejra and Professor Michael Smithies. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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The wars with Burma are one of the most haunting historical episodes in the minds of many Thais. Various works have helped to embed Thai-Burmese warfare deep in the Thai consciousness. Innumerable Thai heroes and heroines have been resurrected and reinvented from past conflicts with Burma. Nationalist ideology is a fundamental concept of mainstream historical writing on the subject. Battles between Thai and Burmese armies, particularly the roles of Thai kings and leaders struggling for and preserving the independence of Thailand from Burma, the enemy of their country, have been copiously narrated. They have inevitably created misunderstanding and fostered negative attitudes towards the Burmese people (cf. Sunait 1990, 1992). Moreover, most of the mainstream historical writings are analyzed within a Thai-centric historical framework, using centralist historical ideology as a standard in interpreting the warfare. Only the Thai historical background of Ayutthaya, Thonburi and Rattanakosin reigns are emphasized. Yet there were various other significant kingdoms, independent states and principalities, such as the Mon and Lan Na, participating as crucial players in the warfare, as well as the most active one, Burma. Thai mainstream historical writings have hardly thrown light on these factors. Consequently, Thai-Burmese warfare depicted in Thai historical writings is rather static and has created a stereotypical image of the Burmese as forever an enemy of the Thai. There are generally three kinds of military history (Griess 1988, 27). The first is known as “pure” history, recounting every event during a battle down to the hourly locations of small units in painstaking detail. The second uses a campaign or battle to study the didactic principles of waging war. Finally, the third is military history viewed as social history, the interaction of warfare and society–what has lately come to be called “new” military history (Cook 1990, 14). Almost all writing and research on warfare studies by Thai military historians is conducted within the approaches of the first and second types. In their works, wars and military operations in the battlefields are removed from their historical contexts and socio-political backgrounds in order to be analyzed separately, with a focus on tactics and strategies only. While the first two approaches are important, more attention needs to be paid to the new area of “war and society”. Past warfare between Thailand and Burma also needs to be studied in light of the “new” military history approach, since an understanding of state warfare requires a look at the nature and formation of states.

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Post-Pagan to pre-Toungoo warfare: rivalries of city-states2 During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, most Burmese military operations occurred along the north-south line of the Irrawaddy River. These limitedarea wars were directly related to political conditions within the Burmese region. During the post-Pagan period and before the rise of Toungoo, between c. 1300 and 1530, there was no great state as during the heyday of Pagan. The region was politically fragmented and split into many city-states. Indigenous historical evidence, such as inscriptions (Than Tun 1959, Tin Hla Thaw 1959), and the chronicle of U Kala Mahayazawingyi (Kala Vol.I, 1959) support Lieberman’s statement that the region remained divided into four more or less distinct geopolitical-ethnic zones, which ignored, brutalized, and allied with one another in a bewildering fashion. At the same time, each zone remained internally fragmented. The four main zones were the Shan realm, upper Burma, Arakan, and lower Burma (Lieberman 2003b, 123–131). Wars from the post-Pagan to the pre-Toungoo period were essentially rivalries among city-states. During the first half of the fourteenth century, the Burmese rulers of Pinya and Sagaing competitively gained control over a nuclear zone, such as Prome, Toungoo, Toungdwin, Yamethin, Hlaingteik, Kyaukpadaung, Mindon, Sagu, Salin, Salay, Pagan, Talup, Kuhkangyi etc. (Fig.1). (Kala Vol. I 1959, 324) Most of these cities were concentrated along the Irrawaddy River in the areas known today as the Mandalay, Sagaing and Magway divisions. When King Thadominbya (r.1364–1368) built a new city at Ava in 1364, only Sagaing and Pinya were under his control. Toungoo, Toungdwingyi, Nganwe-gon Pyinmana and Sagu rebelled against him. Pyinmana raided the five wellirrigated areas of Ava’s heartland: Yamethin, Petpaing, Pya-gaung, Toung-nyo, and Tamyinhsan. During his entire reign, Thadominbya successfully suppressed only Pyinmana, Toundwingyi and Sagu. Toungoo remained autonomous and supported Pegu against Ava. It was King Mingyiswasawke of Ava (r. 1368–1401) who was able to obtain provisional power over other central Burmese polities. Mingyiswasawke appointed his relatives and officers as rulers of the principal Burmese cities.

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We are not covering here ancient Burmese warfare in the early period of the Pagan empire (tenth to thirteenth centuries) because the history of Pagan has its own complicated controversies. Though there were cultural and traditional links between Pagan and the later periods, there was no strong connection between its political structure and that of the sixteenth century. Differences and similarities are noted here between sixteenth century warfare with the preceding period, namely the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Figure 1 The location of some city-states in central Burmese region mentioned in the text.

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...When he (Mingyiswasawke) was on the throne, he ordered Razathinkyan-nga-mauk to marry his sister, Saw-umma and to govern Toung-pyan-gyi-wa-yin-tut. He ordered Thiwali to govern Yamethin, his brother-Sawyannaung to govern Pyi (Prome), Pyanchigyi to govern Toungoo, Thihapate to govern Toungdwingyi, Sithu to govern Pagan, Razathuza to govern Talop, Thinhkathuza to govern Sagu, Bayakyawthuza to govern Nyangyan, Tarapya to govern Pahkangyi, Sithuthambawa to govern four parts of the five well-irrigated areas, Sawhnaung to govern Makhkaya, Razathinkyan to govern Sagaing, Minpale to govern Paunkmyaing, Thinhkaya to govern Waddy, Theikshei-kyawhtin to govern Myeidu, Nganaukhsan to govern Tagaung, and Thinhkathu to govern Tapeyin or Dipeyin... (ibid., 343–50) (Fig.1) In addition, Mingyiswasawke expanded his influence over a number of Shan cities by interfering in the Kale-Mohnyin conflicts. Kale and Mohnyin each asked Ava for support. Finally, Ava launched troops to seize them both. Moreover, Mingyiswasawke replaced the rulers of Mohnyin and Kale with Ava officials and appointed the former Mohnyin ruler to govern Tagaung (ibid., 362–3). (Fig.2) During the reign of Mingyiswasawke, Ava’s armies were strong and large, and were able to sustain the series of wars with King Razadirit of Pegu (r.1385–1423). With help from the Myaungmya ruler, who invited Ava to march against Pegu, Ava easily invaded the area of lower Burma. The early battlefields were concentrated on cities in the Irrawaddy delta, i.e. Hlaing, Hmawbie, and Dagon (ibid., 365–7, 372; Nai Pan Hla 1977, 188-190, 192–4). The main armies of Ava were from central Burmese cities, with a few from Shan cities. In the first two attacks, the Ava military consisted of armies from Toungoo, Toungdwingyi, Yaminthein, Pinle, Myingsaing, Kale, Pinya, Nyaungyan, Amyint, Prome, Myeihte, Sagu, Salin, Talop, Pahkangyi, Sagaing, Pagan and two Shan cities (Kala Vol. I. 1959, 365, 370–1). Ava also used this army to defend itself when the Shan invaded Ava’s key northern cities from Myeidu to Sagaing in 1392 (ibid., 382–3). Ava’s authority over those polities did not last long. As its temporary network of alliances was directly related to the Ava king in person, whenever there was a change of king on the Ava throne, almost all old vassal city-states rose up against the new king. After Mohnyin Mintaya3 (r. 1426–1440) was crowned king of Ava in

3

Mohnyin Mintaya was a member of the Ava royal family. He governed Mohnyin before ascending the throne at Ava. Though his name was Mohnyin, he was not Shan by origin (Kala Vol. II 1960, 55). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Figure 2 The location of some city-states in northern Burmese region mentioned in the text.

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1426, the descendants of the Ava kings were no longer able to exercise control over the Burmese city-states. In 1427, Toungoo and Thayawaddy sided with Binnya Ran of Pegu against Mohnyin Mintaya by supporting Binnya Ran’s invasion of Prome (Kala Vol. II 1960, 63). Besides being at war with some Shan cities and with the Chinese from Yunnan throughout the fifteenth century, Ava usually had to wage wars to suppress Burmese city-states such as Toungdwingyi, Prome and Toungoo. Members of the royal family and officials who governed these city-states always rebelled against Ava every time they had an opportunity. These city-states also frequently attacked each other. In 1480 King Dutiyabayin Minhkaung of Ava (r. 1480–1502) was disheartened by saying: “...At the present there are huge Shan armies next to Myeidu, my brothers, Thadodhammayaza and Minyekyawswa are in rebellion and my uncle, Pyi Min (governor of Prome), has raided peripheral villages...” (ibid., 105). In sum, prior to the rise of the first Toungoo empire in the mid-sixteenth century, it was hardly possible for Burmese polities to start trans-regional warfare against other polities beyond the Shan plateau and the Salween River. In this period, warfare was still confined to rivalries among Burmese polities, which were sometimes allied with the Mon, Shan and Arakan states. The rise of Toungoo The first Toungoo dynasty (1485–1599) comprised four kings: Mingyinyo, also known as Mahathirizeiyathura (r.1485–1531); his son Tabinshwehti, also known as Mintayashwehti (r.1531–1550); Bayinnaung, brother-in-law of Tabinshwehti, also known as Thiritribawanaditara Pandita Thudhammayaza (r.1551–1581); and Nandabayin, Bayinnaung’s son, also known as Ngasudayaka (r.1581–1599). Toungoo is the name of a city situated in the middle course of the Paunglaung or Sittang River, the basin of which lies between the Irrawaddy and Salween rivers (Phayre 1998, 90). The Toungoo Yazawin, or the chronicle of Toungoo (‘Introduction’ in Pwa 1924, 10–12), records that Toungoo was first established in 1279 by the kings Thawungyi and Thawungne, who were both descended from a Pagan prince (ibid, 3–4; Kala Vol. I 1959, 262–3, Vol. II 1960, 151; Tun Nyo 1998, 1–2; Myint Than 1992, 160). Toungoo prior to the reign of Mingyinyo, founder of the first Toungoo dynasty, was merely a nominal Burmese city-state and a vassal city under the Ava kings. Most of Toungoo’s rulers were appointed by Ava. Though there is no evidence confirming that Toungoo paid tribute to Ava, the U Kala Mahayazawingyi states many times that Toungoo rulers had to send their armies to help Ava in numerous wars. However, the Toungoo rulers often rebelled against Ava, and were sometimes allied with Pegu (Kala Vol. I 1959, 249–50, 361–2, 368, 382, 428–9; also Pwa 1924, 14–19). There was no continuity, for although the

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rulers sometimes intermarried with Ava, Pegu and Prome, no one family maintained itself for long (Harvey 1967, 124). Toungoo rose to power at the end of the fifteenth century in the reign of Mingyinyo. The rise of Toungoo in his reign related directly to the series of Shan invasions into Ava and upper Burma in the early part of the sixteenth century, when Shan rulers from Mohnyin and Hsipaw dominated the north (Lieberman 2003b, 125). Mingyinyo took advantage of the disturbances in Ava to consolidate his hold on Toungoo. In 1485, Mingyinyo murdered his uncle who was the former ruler of Toungoo, and then crowned himself king of Toungoo with the title Mahathirizeiyathura and established the new city of Myawaddy (Kala Vol. II 1960, 153; Pwa 1924, 43). As soon as Dutiyabayin Minkhaung, king of Ava, heard this news, he tried to keep Mingyinyo as Ava’s ally by accepting Minginyo as ruler of Toungoo and rewarding him with two full-grown male elephants and other presents (Kala Vol. II 1960, 107, 151). There were many signs that Mingyinyo was plotting against Ava, such as his expansion of Toungoo territory, increasing manpower by catching captives, and establishing new cities, while Ava was counter-attacking the Shan areas along its northern border. In the early years, Mingyinyo seized the well-irrigated city of Pyinmana and continued further eastward to raid Kyeikthasa town, which was inhabited by Kayin (Karen) people. Mingyinyo’s prowess was so well known and frightening that many neighboring states in the Mon and Zinme (Chiang Mai) regions sent Mingyinyo a white umbrella, the five royal regalia, war elephants, war horses, jewels and even their daughters (ibid., 153; Pwa 1924, 43–4). In 1491/2 when King Dhammazedi of Pegu died and the new king, Binnya Ran (r. 1492–1526) was enthroned, Mingyinyo took the opportunity to raid peripheral villages in the Mon region. Mingyinyo captured many prisoners of war, war elephants and war horses; he kept them and did not pay tribute to the Ava king as was the tradition. Moreover, Mingyinyo established a new city, called Dwarawaddy, in the same year. These signs made Ava’s high-ranking officials afraid that Mingyinyo might rebel very soon. The Ava king concurred. When Mon armies marched to besiege Mingyinyo at Dwarawaddy, Mingyinyo went out on his elephant with his army to fight the Mon armies, and finally won. Mingyinyo’s victory over the Mon armies made him even more powerful. Ava’s king, no doubt alarmed, still chose to keep Mingyinyo as an ally by accrediting Mingyinyo as a sovereign king with a white umbrella and the five royal regalia. Mingyinyo went on to raid Yamethin, from where he took many captives to Toungoo (Kala Vol. II 1960, 108, 153–4; Pwa 1924, 44–5). When Ava enthroned a new king, Shwenankyawshin Narapati (r. 1502–1527), the kingdom was in a critical condition. A Shan ruler of Mohnyin

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called Mohnyin Salon had forcefully raided Ava’s northern boundary, and seized Myeidu—in northern Burma (Fig. 2). Other Burmese rulers, such as those of Prome and Toungoo, seemed more powerful and dangerous to Ava. In 1502, Shwenankyawshin tried to gain loyalty from Mingyinyo by marrying him into Ava’s royal family and bestowing on him five well-irrigated areas of Yamethin, together with many other towns. However, Mingyinyo opposed Ava and remained autonomous. Ava then sent armies to suppress Toungoo, but lost the war. Moreover, in 1504, Mingyinyo made an alliance with Hsinbyu Thadominsaw, king of Prome, to raid the southern territories of Ava such as Sale, Singu and Pagan. In 1510, Mingyinyo enlarged Toungoo by building a new city named Ketumati, just northwest of Dwarawaddy (Kala Vol. II 1960, 113–4, 155–7, 161; Pwa 1924, 46–9). Ava was at its weakest in 1524 because the Shan Mohnyin Salon allied with Prome attacked Ava in strength. At that time, the Burmese rulers of Amyint, Nyaungyan, Yamethin, Wati, Pinle, and Pinya, together with over 10,000 commoners with their horses and elephants, came under the protection of Mingyinyo. Due to migration, Toungoo had become a populous city. People were said to have swarmed to it like bees, according to U Kala Mahayazawingyi. Shwenankyawshin of Ava with his ally, Onbaung Sawbwa, sent troops to suppress Toungoo, but failed. In any case, by 1526/7, Ava had entirely fallen to Shan Mohnyin Salon. To defend against a Shan invasion, Mingyinyo rebuilt the city wall and moats. Moreover, he strengthened his manpower and war supplies by sacking the peripheral Mon villages in order to obtain more captives, elephants and horses. In addition, he destroyed all the towns and water supplies on the route from southern Ava to Toungoo. Shan Mohnyin’s son attacked Toungoo many times but could not capture the city. Mingyinyo died in 1531. His son, Tabinshwehti, succeeded him (Kala Vol. II 1960, 161–2; Pwa 1924, 50–3). In sum, the rise of Toungoo during the reign of Mingyinyo was closely related to the Shan invasions and the decline of Ava in the early sixteenth century. The first Toungoo empire originally emerged from the status of a city-state, which rose to power within one generation. The first Toungoo kings can be regarded as competent Burmese military chieftains from one of the strongest city-states, which enabled them to make a great leap forward and expand their small state into a vast empire. However, they had no experience or any effective fundamental administrative structure to control and maintain their gigantic empire. Not surprisingly, the first Toungoo empire was very short-lived and lasted only three generations.

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Significant features of sixteenth century Thai-Burmese warfare “...Sion (Siam) was the Imperiall seat, and a great Citie, but in the yeere of our Lord God 1567, it was taken by the King of Pegu, which King made a voyage or came by land foure moneths journey with an Armie of men through his land, and the number of his Armie was a million and foure hundredth thousand men of Warre: when he came to the Citie, hee gave assault to it, and besieged it one and twentie moneths before he could winne it, with great losse of his people, this I knew, for that I was in Pegu sixe moneths after his departure...” Cæsar Frederike, merchant of Venice, visiting Pegu during the reign of King Bayinnaung. (Frederike in Purchas 1905, 110–1) From about the middle of the sixteenth to the first decade of the seventeenth century, the Thai kingdom of Ayutthaya and the Burmese kingdom of Pegu were at war. The wars between the two kingdoms were an extraordinary military operation. Almost certainly, it was the first time that the Burmese kingdom embarked on trans-regional warfare on a grand scale, and it was perhaps unprecedented in mainland Southeast Asia. The battlefields extended over the core of the mainland areas from the Irrawaddy Basin to the Mekong Valley. The armies were large and made use of a multiplicity of arms and men. This sixteenth century Thai-Burmese warfare distinguished itself significantly from the older patterns of local combat. The series of Thai-Burmese wars at this time was one aspect of the phenomenonal rise of the first Toungoo empire. The expansion of maritime trade throughout Southeast Asia in the sixteenth century moved the inland Burmese leaders to head southward to participate in the colossal maritime trade in the Mon-dominated coastal states. Besides moving the capital city in 1540 to Pegu, the earlier capital city of the Mon kingdom, the first Toungoo empire succeeded in creating a gigantic empire that included Mon and Shan states in the main domain, and was also able to expand its territories to Lanna, Laos and the Ayutthaya kingdom (Lieberman 1984, 23–32). Sixteenth century Thai-Burmese warfare was clearly distinguishable from previous local combats in at least three respects: trans-regional battlegrounds; large-sized armies consisting of multi-ethnic troops; and Western mercenaries and Western weaponry, including firearms and cannons.

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Trans-regional battlegrounds The kings of the first Toungoo empire opened a number of new battlefields beyond the Tenasserim Range and east of the Salween River, which former Burmese leaders had probably never attempted before. Wars during the reign of King Tabinshwehti (r. 1531–1550) occurred in a strategic zone of the east-west littorals. In his initial move, King Tabinshwehti headed south to seize all Ramanya Desa (Mon states), namely Bassein, Pegu and Martaban. After he had raided Pegu four times, he finally seized the city in 1538. In 1540, he moved his court from inland Toungoo to Pegu. Then he launched his army to seize Martaban (Kala Vol. II 1960, 165–84). During this period, he also aimed to gain control over Prome, the southern strategic city on the Irrawaddy River, which had a position parallel with Toungoo on the Sittang River in the east (ibid., 185–209). Next, Tabinshwehti moved to extend his influence over Arakan by becoming involved in the internal conflict between Arakan’s new king, a son of the former king, and his uncle, the ruler of Sandoway. Sandoway’s ruler asked Tabinshwehti to send troops to help him conquer the Arakan throne. In 1545, King Tabinshwehti and his brother-in-law, Bayinnaung, led huge armies to attack Arakan in person (ibid., 211–4). The final battle of Tabinshwehti’s reign was the great war with Ayutthaya. Whilst Tabinshwehti was at war with Arakan, Ayutthaya sent armies led by Thamein (Saming) Kanchanaburi and Thamein Tadawka to raid Tavoy. As soon as Tabinshwehti heard of this, he ordered the Martaban ruler to regain Tavoy and to seize Tenasserim—Ayutthaya’s western port (ibid., 222–3). This immediate cause propelled Tabinshwethi into war with Ayutthaya. At the close of 1548, Tabinshwehti mobilized all his armies, which included Burmese and Mon soldiers as well as Portuguese mercenaries, to wage war against the kingdom of Ayutthaya. The 1548 invasion was an extraordinary event. This is perhaps the first time in Burmese military history that the king crossed the Salween River with numerous forces in order to subjugate the important Thai kingdom of the lower Chao Phraya Valley situated approximately a thousand kilometres from the central part of the Burmese base in the Irrawaddy Basin. It was, as noted above, most likely the first time that a Burmese king had conducted warfare beyond the ancient Burmese line of self-defence, the Salween, established during the Pagan era (Sunait 2001, 30–1; Koenig 1990, 14). The route that Tabinshwehti took into Ayutthaya’s territory was called the Three Pagoda Pass route, the Dan-Chedi-Sam-Ong in Thai or Daraik route in Burmese. It started from Martaban, across the Salween River to Moulmein, to Taungpaboun and then to Kanburi (Kanchanaburi) on the distant periphery of Ayutthaya (Kala Vol. II 1960, 225). Burmese armies also used this route in later

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periods until the late eighteenth century, for instance the Burmese invasions during King Nandabayin’s reign in 1584, 1590, and 1592, and King Bodawphaya’s massive invasion in 1785. Burmese armies usually took this route whenever they intended to launch a surprise attack on the centers of the Thai kingdom, namely Ayutthaya and later Bangkok, without allowing the Thais time to prepare their defence. It was stated that if the march was by way of the Three Pagodas Pass, Ayutthaya could be reached in only fifteen days from the time when the army entered Ayutthaya’s territory (Damrong 2001, 34). Though the Three Pagodas Pass route was a short cut to Ayutthaya, it was not a good strategic route to permit the sacking of the city. Along the way from Martaban to Kanchanaburi, the road cut across the mountainous Tenasserim Range, which was very barren. It was impossible to acquire additional food supplies along this route. Using only this route made it impractical for the Burmese to seize Ayutthaya because Ayutthaya was extremely well defended. A year or more was needed for Burmese soldiers to destroy the city walls or to lay siege until Ayutthaya’s inhabitants starved and surrendered. During Tabinshwehti’s 1548 campaign, the Burmese took this route to reach Ayutthaya, a high-walled city, surrounded by deep water and strongly fortified. The one-month siege of the city proved to no avail. The matter was discussed among Burmese leaders. In the words of Thadodhammaraza, king of Prome, it was revealed that the army was seriously lacking food supplies and that time was of great concern. Finally, the decision was reached to attack the northern towns first: Kamphaengphet, Sukhothai and Phitsanulok. Only after the capture of these towns would Ayutthaya be raided. Then it could in no way escape from Burmese hands (Kala Vol. II 1960, 233–5). Later in Thai-Burmese warfare, during the Konbaung period in 1785, King Bodawphaya’s huge armies that marched along the Three Pagodas Pass route also encountered severe difficulties due to lack of supplies of food. Eventually, Tabinshwehti had to withdraw his main armed forces and marched all his armies back to Burma (U Tin [Mandalay] 1967, 22–39). Remarkably, there was a big shift in Bayinnaung’s reign. He not only regained control over the transpeninsular east-west coastal states, as in the Tabinshwehti period, but also extended his power inward over the trans-Salween inland areas. He was almost certainly the first Burmese king to expand the Burmese mandala beyond the eastern side of the Salween River. In Bayinnaung’s reign, Pegu became the most successful kingdom in Southeast Asia. Having consolidated authority over much of the dry zone and lower Burma, Tabinshwehti’s more celebrated successor Bayinnaung — known as Victor of the Ten Directions — then pushed his armies up the Irrawaddy in an effort to join upper and lower Burma for the first time since the days of Pagan (Lieberman 2003b, 151). In 1555 Ava, the heart of upper Burma, which remained a subordinate city

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under the Shan Sawbwas during Tabinshwehti’s reign, finally fell to Bayinnaung. He immediately sent armies to subdue all the Shan states. First, he attacked those Shan states situated near Ava, such as Onbaung, Mohnyin, Momeit, Bhamo, Mogaung, and Kale. These were the most dangerous to the security and stability of Ava and upper Burma (Kala Vol. II 1960, 290–304). Then, he raided the southeastern Shan states of the Kambawza area such as Monei, Nyaungshwe, Yauksauk, Naungmon, Thibaw (Hsipaw), Mong Pai and Saga (ibid., 304-9). (Fig. 3) From Monei, Bayinnaung made great use of the Shan armies to attack Chiang Mai, the center of the Lan Na kingdom on the eastern side of the Salween River. He went further to attack Lan Chang (Laos) situated in the Mekong Valley (ibid., 310–6). Several Shan cities—Theinni (Hsenwi), Tayup, Kaing Mah, Latha, and Sanda—were so fearful of Bayinnaung’s power that they paid tribute to him. However, later they rebelled against him (ibid., 318–322). In 1562, Bayinnaung sent massive armies to raid the Ko-Shan-Pyi towns or the nine Shan states of Hotha, Latha, Muang, Tsinguen, Kaing Mah (Muang Mah), Muang Na, Mong Lien and Muang Mao and Taping in the Shweli River valley in Yunnan. In the same year Chiang Tung (Keng Tung) also paid tribute to Bayinnaung (ibid., 332–8). In 1563, after Bayinnaung had gained mastery over both the eastern and western Shan states, he sent considerable armies to lay siege to Ayutthaya. He did not use the southern war route as in the 1548 invasion, but marched by a northern route from Martaban to Tak province in the Thai kingdom. This route was called the Rahaeng route or Dan Mae Lamao (Mae Lamao customs station). It was also an ancient route linking Martaban with the upper Chao Phraya Valley. From Martaban the route led to the village of Taphu along a river. Thence the army marched overland, crossing the river at Myawaddy, and the Mae Sot River, until it reached the Mae Ping River opposite Raheng village in Tak province (Damrong 2001, 15–6). From Tak, the Mae Ping River route offers two possibilities. The first goes north to Lampang and Chiang Mai, and onwards to Chiang Rai and Chiang Saen, a gateway to Chiang Tung and Chiang Rung or Sipsong Panna. The other leads south along the Mae Ping River. It reaches Kamphaengphet, one of the biggest and the most important cities located north of Ayutthaya (Sunait 1994, 207–229). Bayinnaung used the southern part of the Rahaeng route to seize Ayutthaya in his 1563 and 1568 campaigns. After his experience of the 1548 invasion, Bayinnaung adopted a new strategy. He realized that to seize Ayutthaya he needed to engage in siege warfare for a long period. Therefore, he ordered some of his armies to take control over all the northern principalities subject to Ayutthaya: Sukhothai, Phitsanulok, Sawankhalok, and Kamphaengphet. He held these cities as his logistical stations to supply the main Burmese armies with manpower, food, weapons, elephants, horses and so on. This helped the main armies lay siege to Ayutthaya longer and blockaded

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Figure 3 The Irrawaddy Basin and Adjacent Regions. Source: Lieberman 1984, Map 2

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the attempts of its nearby northern vassal polities to provide help. He also ordered Chiang Mai to deliver more war and food supplies by boat along the Mae Ping River from Chiang Mai to Kamphaengphet (Kala Vol. II 1960, 339–46). Since Bayinnaung was able to take over Chiang Mai and the upper Chao Phraya Valley, he was able to conquer Ayutthaya both in 1563 and 1568. Huge multi-ethnic armed forces Another marked characteristic of sixteenth century Thai-Burmese warfare was the first Toungoo empire’s immense multi-ethnic armies. The Toungoo kings’ enormous military organization is mentioned in several sources. According to U Kala Mahayazawingyi (Vol. II 1960, 225) Tabinshwehti invaded Ayutthaya in 1548 with 122,000 troops (Lieberman 2003a, 222). Nidana Ramadhipati-katha, a sixteenth century Mon text which was composed at least in part by Binyadala, one of Bayinnaung’s chief commanders, explains that, in 1547, Tabinshwehti “took the field against Ayutthaya with more than 100,000 Shans, Burmans, and Mons and numerous elephants and cavalry” (Shorto in Charney 2003, 201). Fernão Mendes Pinto, a Portuguese merchant adventurer who visited Burma in the 1540s, overstated Tabinshwehti’s 1548 Ayutthaya invasion in his travelling account: ...The King departed from the city of Martaban on Low Sunday, 7 April 1548, with this army of 800,000 men, only forty thousand of whom were mounted on horseback and all the rest on foot, including among them sixty thousand arquebusiers. He also took with him five thousand tusked elephants, which are the ones they use for combat in those parts, and a nearly equal number of pack elephants for the baggage, and one thousand pieces of artillery carried alternately by four thousand yokes of buffalo and yak, in addition to an equal number of oxen for carrying the provisions...(Catz 1989, 412) In some Ayutthaya chronicles such as Phraratchaphongsawadan chabap Phraratchahatlekha (The Royal Autograph Chronicle) and Praratchaphongsawadan Krung Sri Ayutthaya chabap Somdet Phra Phonnarat (The Somdet Phra Phonnarat Chronicle of Ayutthaya), it is recorded that the large armies of Tabinshwehti consisted of 300,000 infantry, 700 elephants, and 3,000 cavalry (1999, 73; 1962, 40). While other Ayutthaya chronicles, such as Praratchaphongsawadan Krung Sri Ayutthaya chabap Phan Chanthanumat (Choem) (The Phan Chanthanumat Chronicle of Ayutthaya) and Praratchaphongsawadan Krung Sri Ayutthaya chabap Phra Chakkraphatdiphong (Chat) (The Phra

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Chakkraphatdiphong Chronicle of Ayutthaya), enumerated only 30,000 infantry, 300 elephants, and 2,000 cavalry (1969, 42; 1998, 34). Bayinnaung’s armies in the 1563 and 1568 Ayutthaya campaigns were approximately five times greater than Tabinshwehti’s armies. In the 1563 invasion, Bayinnaung sent 600,000 infantry and 20,000 cavalry. In 1568, Bayinnaung allegedly led 546,000 infantry and 53,000 cavalry against his eastern neighbours (Lieberman 2003a, 222–3). The Nidana Ramadhipati-katha explains that in 1563, “the king gave the word to march on Ayutthaya. His forces at this time, not including the Chiangmai rebels, amounted to more than 900,000 men, with 500 tuskers and 4,000 horses...” (Shorto in Charney 2003, 203). Caesar Frederike, the Venetian merchant, stated: ...there is not a King on the Earth that hath more powerful or strength than this King of Pegu, because hee hath twenty and sixe crowned Kings at his command. Hee can make in his Campe a million and half of men of warre in the field against Enemies... This King of Pegu hath not any Armie or power by Sea, but in the Land, for People, Dominions, Gold and Silver, he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength... (Frederike in Purchas 1905, 125) Military statistics stated in Burmese indigenous sources such as Yazawin, or in the chronicles, and Western travellers’ accounts, are most likely exaggerated and probably unreliable. Some scholars have made great efforts to prove their reliability or to propose alternative ways in which the indigenous warfare accounts can be read (cf. Lieberman 1986; Charney 2003). This controversy will not be discussed here; we wish rather to point out just one obvious feature of the first Toungoo dynasty’s armies, which were composed of various ethnicities, including Mon and Shan. This feature stands in strong contrast to Burmese armies prior to the first Toungoo period. It is particularly striking in the Bayinnaung period. When this king invaded Ayutthaya in 1563–64 and 1568–69 he controlled extensive and relatively populous zones in upper Burma, the Shan hills, and Lan Na, none of which Tabinshwehti had ever entered. His demographic base, therefore, may well have been two, three, perhaps even four times larger than that of Tabinshwehti (Lieberman 2003a, 222). Bayinnaung’s armies were much larger and of greater ethnic mix (cf. Kala Vol. II 1960, 341–2). Besides Burmese soldiers, Shan and Mon troops greatly supplemented the manpower for attacking Ayutthaya. Shan and Mon armed forces provided Bayinnaung’s armies with the advantage of their familiarity with and knowledge of the terrain of the upper and lower Chao Phraya Valley. Moreover, a major military

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leader who played an important role in conquering Ayutthaya was the Mon chief Binnya Dala (ibid., 344–5). Western mercenaries and weapons The other distinctive feature of the first Toungoo empire’s methods of conducting war was its utilization of Western mercenaries and Western weapons such as firearms and cannons. Moving the capital from inland Toungoo to coastal Pegu allowed the early Toungoo kings to incorporate Portuguese merchant adventurers into their armies. With superior firearms than those found in the interior Burmese principalities and Shan states, unfamiliar with these new weapons, Bayinnaung could suppress all the states in lower, middle and upper Burma in his reign. This was also true of the coastal states, including Arakan and Ayutthaya. These kingdoms obtained their own Portuguese contingents, firearms, and cannons, which increased their strength in both offensive and defensive warfare. However, as Lieberman concluded (1980a, 211–2), it is most likely that the kingdom of Pegu was only able to suppress all other states during this period because Pegu became the first to use the new technology for systematic conquest of the interior. Prior to the arrival of Portuguese and Western weapons, foreign military knowledge and technology had already been experienced in the polities of the Burmese region. Sun Laichen’s research (2003, 494–517) on the impact of Ming Chinese firearms on northern mainland Southeast Asia indicates that Chinese firearms and gunpowder had spread to Maw Shan in south-western Yunnan by the 1390s and down to Ava, Prome and Pegu as well. During the Ava period, the Burmese had frequent contacts with the Ming, especially through frontier trade, and their heavy involvement in fighting against the Maw Shan. Therefore there is good reason to posit a Chinese and overland origin for firearms in Burma. Sun Laichen’s citation from Wang Ji’s memorial indicates that Ava was among the destinations for the flow of firearms from Yunnan (ibid., 499–504). Whilst the northern region had access to Chinese military technology, the middle and lower parts of Burma, in particular the coastal areas, generally made great use of Indian mercenaries. Burmese accounts show that the most popular mercenaries before the arrival of the Portuguese were Indian Muslims, who often came equipped with handguns and small cannon such as were popular on the subcontinent. The U Kala Mahayazawingyi refers to small arms (thei-nat), swivel guns (sein-byaung), and cannon (amyauk or mya-tabu) used by Indian (Kala) or Indian Muslim (Kala-panthei) soldiers in Burma from the late fourteenth century on. Nonetheless, Muslim mercenaries outnumbered Portuguese troops during both Tabinshwehti’s and Bayinnaung’s reigns. Their continued popularity proves

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that the weapons these soldiers brought with them were by no means ineffective. Yet on the whole they were inferior to Portuguese firearms (Lieberman 1980a, 207, 211). Sixteenth century Thai-Burmese warfare revealed the noteworthy role of Portuguese mercenaries and weapons as used by the first Toungoo armies as well as Ayutthaya’s armies. Mendes Pinto places the number of Portuguese mercenaries fighting for Tabinshwehti at 700, though the figure may well be exaggerated (ibid., 212). U Kala Mahayazawingyi states that, in the 1548 Ayutthaya invasion, Tabinswehti’s armies included 100 Portuguese gunners (Kala Vol. II 1960, 227). Portuguese mercenaries led by Diogo Soares de Melo, who once helped the Burmese in the 1546 invasion of Arakan, had joined Tabinshwehti’s armies again with five other Portuguese captains and 180 men. Ayutthaya’s king, Pramahachakkrapatra, was also assisted by 50 Portuguese led by Diogo Pereira. Tabinshwehti attempted to bribe Diogo Pereira to betray Ayuthaya but his offer was rejected. It was recorded that during the 1548 war 180 Portuguese died in battle. Gonçalo Falcão and Antonio Ferreira were important Portuguese mercenaries who served the king of Toungoo and were mentioned by Mendes Pinto. Antonio Ferreira was a native of Bragança and became the commander of a battalion of foreign mercenaries at Pegu. He received an important salary of 12,000 cruzados from the king (cited in Sutachai 2000, 47–8). Bayinnaung was helped by a group of Portuguese mercenaries in his reign. He permitted the Portuguese to live in Pegu with their property and all their gifts and later allowed them to build a factory at Syriam in 1560 (ibid., 49). The U Kala Mahayazawingyi mentions that Bayinnaung had 400 Portuguese armoured arquebusiers, who guarded him while he was riding his elephant (Kala Vol. II 1960, 271). These Portuguese gunners also played decisive roles in battlefield encounters. For instance, when King Nandabayin (r. 1581–1599) sent his heir-apparent, or Mahauparaza, to suppress Ayutthaya in the 1592 campaign, while Maha-uparaza was fighting with Pra Narit (Naresuan) of Ayutthaya on elephants, it was recorded that Maha-uparaza was shot by Pra Narit’s Portuguese gunner, who guarded him. After Maha-uparaza, the commander of this campaign, died, the Burmese army retreated to Pegu (Kala Vol. III 1961, 91–2). Apart from the Portuguese gunners, Burmese kings also adapted Western cannons to use in traditional Southeast Asian siege warfare. While artillery was used to destroy stone walls or brick fortifications of castles in medieval Europe, the Burmese usually brought their cannons into play by mounting them on high mounds or towers and then shooting down into the besieged towns (Leiberman 1980a, 211). In the 1563 Ayutthaya campaign, Bayinnaung ordered his great cannons and other firearms to rain down on the cities of Phitsanulok and Ayutthaya by shooting over the walls from atop stockades and mounds (Kala Vol. II 1960, 345,

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348). In his second invasion of 1568–1569, the Burmese armies also attacked Ayutthaya with cannons and firearms heavier than those used in the attack in 1563 (ibid., 404–5). To summarize, the military operations of the first Toungoo empire in the sixteenth century were unlike previous operations, as well as those of other contemporary states in mainland Southeast Asia. These military activities were closely connected to the process of state formation in the first Toungoo empire. State and warfare were interconnected. Indisputably, wars wrought great changes to the state. However, the state itself definitely determined its own outcome in war. Moving south The most obvious feature of the growth and development of the first Toungoo empire was that of moving its center from inland to a coastal area. It was the first and the last time in Burmese history that the Burmese kings situated their center outside the Burman interior, in this case at Pegu, the former Mon center. One of the most significant reasons that motivated the first Toungoo kings to move south was the expansion of international maritime trade along the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal, which stirred the first Toungoo kings’ interest in international trade (see Lieberman 1980a; 1980b; 1984; 1986; 2003b). At the time of the rise of Toungoo in Mingyinyo’s reign, all northern areas of Burma were in the hands of the Shan rulers of Mohnyin. Moreover, the fall of Ava in 1527 was brought about by a coalition between the leaders of Shan and Prome. Ava was soon reduced to the status of a minor Shan statelet. Finally, Prome became a subordinate city in the Shan realm. During the middle of the sixteenth century, the Shan were very strong in the inland areas, and even if Toungoo had intended to restore Burman superiority and pride by retaining power over the throne of Ava, the Shan would never have allowed Toungoo to do so. Considering that Shan and Prome were blocked off from central and northern Burma, it could be said that there was no better alternative for the Toungoo king than heading south to the Mon region. The initiative to move south took place from the time of Mingyinyo, the first king of the first Toungoo dynasty. As mentioned, especially in his last few years, he habitually raided peripheral settlements of the Mon. This southward policy was continued by his son, Tabinshwehti. As soon as Tabinshwehti was enthroned, instead of advancing on Ava, he headed south to overcome the Mon states. Compared to the situation in northern Burma, the Mon region had more attractive advantages, in particular its commercial wealth. Moreover, the Mon states were basically fragmented and in continuous rivalry. It was consequently possible for Tabinshwehti to take over the Mon region.

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However, Pegu (Hanthawaddy) was very strongly defended with Western weapons and Portuguese mercenaries. Tabinshwethi had to attack Pegu four times. During the third attack, Tabinshwehti raided the western Mon areas of Bassein and its vassal cities, from which he could gain more soldiers, war elephants, war horses and weapons (Kala Vol. II 1960, 167), and finally he conquered Pegu on the fourth attack. Tabinshwehti made use of Mon armies to take control over Martaban, which was also strongly defended by Western weapons and Portuguese mercenaries. Moulmein, one of Martaban’s 32 vassal cities, promised Tabinshwehti to remain neutral, without giving any help to its neighbouring city (ibid., 178–184). Though each of the Mon polities possessed many weapons and foreign mercenaries that were superior to the Burmese armies, they did not form an alliance to fight Tabinshwehti. In this way, Tabinshwhti was eventually able to gain control over all the Mon regions. Unlike the situation in the Mon region, in northern, middle and western Burma, there was an alliance among Prome, Ava, Shan Sawbwas and Arakan at some levels, which made it difficult for Tabinshwehti to gain control over Prome. For example, when Tushintakayutpi, Pegu’s king, lost the war and fled to Prome and Tabinshwehti sent his troops led by Bayinnaung to catch Tushintakayutpi and seize Prome, Ava and the Shan Sawbwas also sent their armies to help Prome and Tushintakayutpi, and fought against Tabinshwehti’s armies with the aim of restoring Tushintakayutpi to Pegu (ibid., 176). Later, after Tabinshwehti took Martaban, he sent troops to seize Prome again. While laying siege to Prome, Tabinshwehti’s armies had to fight with the assistance of the armies of the Shan Sawbwas and Arakan. Furthermore, when Prome had already come under Tabinshwehti’s control, Shan Onbaung at Ava and other Shan Sawbwas still sent troops to retake Prome. Although the Shan armies lost many battles, the Shan Sawbwas still controlled Ava and most of northern Burma (ibid., 197–205). Tabinshwehti himself probably realized this situation, so he did not launch any troops to attack Ava, northern Burma or the Shan states during his reign. Conversely, he showed his great interest in the Mon region by firstly moving his capital to Pegu, secondly, building a new city near Shwemawdaw Pagoda and, thirdly, adjusting himself to Mon culture by adopting a Mon hairstyle and marrying the daughter of a wealthy Mon man (ibid., 177, 208–9). He also made a great effort to expand his power by waging wars with other littoral kingdoms such as Arakan and Ayutthaya. That the first Toungoo kings initiated wars against Arakan and especially Ayutthaya could be seen as a new strategy and it was the first time that Burmese kings expanded their control over the east-west littoral areas. This kind of confrontation might have been new for the Burmese king, but it did not seem unusual for those littoral states. Moving the center to Pegu made a great change in the

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Burmese geo-political realm. Besides gaining possession of the Mon regions’ commercial wealth, the first Toungoo kings also became involved in former conflicts among littoral states in between the Arakan, Mon and Ayutthaya regions. Throughout the previous centuries, these coastal states had been competing against each other for control over profitable ports. Consequently, the first Toungoo center in the Mon region inevitably became embroiled in these rivalries. These littoral states and coastal cities along the eastern Bay of Bengal from Arakan, and the Irrawady Delta down to Tenasserim, benefited particularly from the establishment, early in the fifteenth century, of Melaka (Malacca). The city’s role as both a commercial entrepot and a Muslim sultanate helped to foster development of the trade route between Muslim ports of eastern India and the Straits of Melaka (Charney 1998, 3). Several ports in those areas, such as MraukU, Sandoway, Bassein, Dala, Syriam, Martaban, Ye, Tavoy, Mergui and Tenasserim, though not being emporia of the same degree as Melaka, expanded their traditional functions as transshipment and supply centers (Leiberman 1984, 26). Many foreign travellers’ accounts in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries recorded prosperous trade along these coastal cities (cf. Nicolo di Conti [1875], 20-1; Hieronimo di Santo Stefano [1875], 5–6; Varthema 1510/1928, 74–5, 81). The flourishing trade in the Arakan-Mon-Tenasserim region was connected to three main commercial networks, namely the Coromandel Coast, Bengal, and Gujarat in India, to Melaka, and to the Gulf of Siam in the South China Sea (Lieberman 1984, 27). Maritime trade benefits helped strengthen those littoral states at some levels. Prior to the advent of Tabinshwehti, they were sometimes at war to compete with the higher-income ports. By seeking connections with Muslim India, King Narameikhla (r. 1404–1434) established the Arakan kingdom of Mrauk-U in 1430 (Charney 1998, 6). The next Arakan king, Ali Khan (r. 1434–1459) successfully regained major centers of the Arakan coast, such as Ramu and Sandoway (Harvey 1967, 141), which used to be under the control of the Mon at Pegu at least since the reign of King Rajadirit (r. 1385–1423) (Kala Vol. II 1960, 6–7). In the Mon regions, it was recorded in Moattama Yazawin (Chronicle of Martaban) that around 1438, Tavoy, Mergui, and Tenasserim rebelled against Pegu. Pegu sent armies to suppress and perhaps regain some cities. In the same year, the Pegu armies rebuilt the old port of Ye. This place was supposed to be one of the most important ports of Pegu in the Martaban region, since Moattama Yazawin narrated many details about Ye and its various kinds of taxation, including the port tax that the new king of Ye had the power to collect (Pyinnya 1927, 11–22). The Mon kingdom, or Ramanya Desa, came to its zenith from the mid-fifteenth century until the early sixteenth century in the reigns of Shin Sawbu, or Binnya Htaw (r. 1453–1472), Dhammacedi (r. 1472–1492) and Binnya Ran (r. 1492–1526)

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respectively. These periods were considered a golden time not only for trade, but also for Buddhism and for political power, as inferred in the great Kalayani inscription of Dhammacedi (Guillon 1999, 175). Still, the Pegu kingdom’s port was often invaded by Ayutthaya, which at that time possessed Mergui and Tenasserim, significant ports on the eastern shores of the Bay of Bengal. The Luang Prasert Chronicle of Ayutthaya (1961, 10) recorded that around 1470 Ayutthaya attacked Tavoy and it fell into Ayutthaya’s hands. The Short History of the Kings of Siam written by Jeremias Van Vliet, a VOC (Dutch East India Company) official in Ayutthaya, stated that in the reign of King Noophout thae Coun, the twelfth king of Ayutthaya (probably the King No-Phutthangkun or Borommaracha IV, r.1529–1533), foreigners were treated well and the country was at war with Langhas Jangh (Lang Xang) and Pegu. During the last years of the reign, the king marched up to Pegu’s boundary and took over the city of Choulock (?) (Van Vliet 2003, 54). These rivalries continued when Pegu was controlled by the first Toungoo dynasty. Ayutthaya also carried on invading the Mon region until 1545. While Tabinshwehti was at war with Arakan, Ayutthaya sent troops to invade Tavoy. Consequently, Tabinshwehti raided Tenasserim and went further to Ayutthaya. The first Toungoo empire’s wars with Arakan and Ayutthaya during the sixteenth century were part of the same process. In past historical writings, this series of wars has always been studied separately as part of particular area studies or a study of the mutual relations between Burma and Arakan and Ayutthaya. Considered as a whole, the victory of Tabinshwehti over Mon Pegu brought the Burmese into the commercial zone and in direct confrontation with Arakan and Ayutthaya. The first Toungoo kings aimed to strengthen their maritime trade networks and profits both westward along the Coromandel Coast and eastward in ports along the Tenasserim Coast, which had direct inland routes to the Gulf of Siam. Both Tabinshwehti and Bayinnaung continued expanding Pegu’s power over these east-west littorals, including Sandoway of Arakan and Mergui, Tenasserim and beyond to Ayutthaya. In the case of Arakan, the first Toungoo kings were unable to reach their goal. Arakan was a maritime state, whereas Pegu of the first Toungoo empire was a land-based power. Toungoo was inferior to Arakan as it possessed no navy (cf. Frederike in Purchas 1905, 138). As with Pegu, the Arakan kingdom at that time was strengthened by trade revenues, Western firearms and Portuguese mercenaries. Its capital, Mrauk-U, was in a strongly defended location, which was very difficult for enemies to overcome. Furthermore, for decades before the expansion of the first Toungoo empire, the kings of Arakan had been stabilizing their northern frontier with Bengal, and dramatically increasing central royal revenues through increased trading contacts

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with the Portuguese and the possession of the great port of Chittagong, which they occupied in 1539–1540 (Charney 1994, 40–41). In the case of Ayutthaya, the first Toungoo empire at Pegu was able to defeat Ayutthaya for a certain period. Both Ayutthaya and the first Toungoo empire needed to control ports on the Tenasserim Coast, particularly Tavoy, Mergui and Tenasserim, which were on the trans-peninsular trade routes from the Gulf of Martaban to the Gulf of Siam (Lieberman 1984, 28–30; Sunait 1990, 163–171). The Tenasserim Coast, and especially Mergui, became a major battleground for the rival kingdoms during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries (Andrew 1962, 4). When Ayutthaya lost the war in 1548, Tabinshwehti demanded that King Chakkraphat of Ayutthaya pay an annual tribute to Pegu of 30 war elephants, 300 ticals of silver, and, above all, the customs revenue of Tenasserim in exchange for the return of the Ayutthayan king’s son and son-in-law who had been taken hostage (Kala Vol. II 1960, 235). Like Tabinshwehti, Bayinnaung, after his victory in 1564, ordered Chakkraphat to send him yearly 30 war elephants, 300 ticals of silver, and also the shipping revenues of Tenasserim (ibid., 352). He rearranged the administration of trans-peninsular ports such as Ye, Tavoy, Tenasserim and Mergui. Furthermore, he ordered a group of soldiers to guard the ports and appointed special officials responsible for merchant shipping and for envoys from India, as recorded in Hanthawadi Hsinbyumyashin Ayeidawbon (The historical account of the struggle for power by King Hanthawadi Hsinbyumyashin) (1967, 361–2). Much greater than Tabinshwehti, Bayinnaung successfully suppressed Ayutthaya, one of the wealthiest ports in Southeast Asia, under the first Toungoo empire. Bayinnaung brought back with him to Pegu many of Ayutthaya’s officials, artists, craftsmen, prisoners of war, war elephants, war horses, weapons and priceless treasures (Kala Vol. II 1960, 352, 420; Than Tun 1995, 94–105). The pattern of rivalry among these littoral states continued until the early seventeenth century. In the late sixteenth century, when the first Toungoo empire began to decline, both Arakan and Ayutthaya exploited disturbances of the later years of Nandabayin’s reign (1581–1599), and expanded their territories to the Mon region. During the years 1598–99, an Arakan king and his ally, a lesser king of Toungoo, half-brother of Nandabayin, plotted a conspiracy against Nandabayin by sacking Pegu, taking Nandabayin to Toungoo and taking control over Syriam through the Arakan army together with the Portuguese leader, Filipe de Brito. For Arakan, the control of Syriam was a major part of the plans of Minyazagyi (r. 1593–1612) for the military, political, and commercial expansion of its power. The Arakan capital of Mrauk-U was an adequate and easily defensible port, but Pegu was previously Burma’s chief commercial center for international traders. Syriam was located geographically in a position that could dominate the trade of Pegu, and the natural harbor of Syriam provided Arakan with the ability to expand its

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international trade opportunities (Charney 1994, 51). Further, Syriam served as a foothold, from which Minyazagyi could expand Arakan power throughout the Burmese region and further down the Kra Peninsula towards the rival commercial centers of Tavoy and Tenasserim (ibid., 51). When King Naresuan in Ayutthaya gained his great victory over the Burmese crown prince at Nong Sarai in 1593, he sent his army to take control of Tavoy and Tenasserim. Through the remainder of the decade his campaigns against Burma continued. These included expeditions to the Pegu region in 1595 and against Toungoo in 1599–1600 (Wyatt 1984, 104). It was an exceptional move, because no Ayutthaya king before or after Naresuan attempted to lead the army in person to invade Burmese territory. From now on, Ayutthaya gradually regained its control over the significant ports of Mergui and Tenasserim and could enjoy the income from these ports until its fall. Moving north: hinterland territories From the coastal center, Toungoo power was extended to the hinterlands upriver (Kala Vol. II 1960, 290–338). Unlike Tabinshwehti, Bayinnaung made a great shift in expansion strategies by heading inland and taking control over the huge hinterlands of the Shan or Tai-speaking realms from the western end in Manipura, along both sides of Salween River, to the eastern end in Sipsong Panna and Laos in the upper Mekong region. There were at least two critical reasons motivating the hinterland expansion. Firstly, Bayinnaung recognized the necessity of supplementing the manpower of middle and lower Burma with that of the Taispeaking highlands so as to overwhelm Ayutthaya with a siege operation of unequalled magnitude (Lieberman 1984, 30). More significantly, Bayinnaung aimed to control the gigantic networks of overland trade connecting southwest China to the coastal zone. Northern mainland Southeast Asia, including modern northern and northeastern Burma in Sagaing Division, Kachin State and Shan State, modern northern Thailand in Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Chiang Saen, northern Laos, and Sipsong Panna in modern China, were strategically located as a gateway of Chinese overland trade during the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). Major cities in these areas functioned as inland entrepots, distributing goods back and forth between inland and coastal areas, and as supply centers for local products such as precious jewels, luxury forest goods, metals, etc. According to Sun Laichen (2000), upper Burma and the Shan states connected southwest China or Yunnan to coastal trade by many ways: northwestern mainland Southeast Asia to Bengal via the northern Shan states such as Mohnyin, Mongmit, Bhamo, as well as via Ava to Manipura and Assam (ibid., 116–125). Another route was through northern mainland Southeast Asia via all the

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Shan states of modern Burma, such as Bhamo, Mohnyin, Mongmit, Mogaung, Mogok and Hsenwi, to the Irrawaddy Basin and then the Bay of Bengal via the areas of lower Burma. The gems trade heavily depended on this route (ibid., 126–154). The third route was by north-central mainland Southeast Asia via the Tai-speaking states between the east of the Salween River and the upper Mekong region: Jingdong, Jinggu, Sipsong Panna, Meng Lian, Jengtung, Lan Na, and Lan Sang, reaching the sea either at the Gulf of Martaban or the Gulf of Siam (ibid., 155–167). Chinese sources show that the Tai regions in modern southwestern Yunnan and northern Burma were considered a “source of treasures” by the Chinese, cited by Sun Laichen from Xinan Yi fengtu ji written in the 1580s (Laichen 2000, 127): ...In Mongmit, gems and gold are produced in the east, silver in the south, iron in the north, cuishengwen stone in the west; Mangshi produces gems and silver as well; Jengtung and Meng Lian produces silver; Mohnyin produces amber, gold, asafoetida, white jade, and jasper; Chashan produces jadeite, Ganya produces black jade; Sipsong Panna produces cowries; Ava and western Ocean produce broadcloth; native brocades are made by all the natives, but the best is made in Gula; elephant tusks are produced in all the native places, but they are most numerous in Laos. Bayinnaung also saw the huge Shan regions as a source of treasures of the first Toungoo empire. As soon as he had regained control over lower and middle Burma, he sent several armies one after the other to these Shan states. The attacks were made firstly against northern Shan states such as Onbaung, Mohnyin, Momeit, Bhamo, Mogaung, and Kale. Bhamo was the most important trading center, which later brought the first Toungoo empire into tense competition with China and battles with the Ming army (Sun Laichen 2000, 128–9). Then Bayinnaung raided southeastern Shan states such as Monei, Nyaungshwe, Hsipaw and Mong Pai. After that, he attacked Chiang Mai, and Vientiane in Laos. He extended his power up to Sipsong Panna and Maw Shan in Yunnan. Like the competition for the trans-peninsula trade interests, overland trade between Southeast Asia and southwest China brought the first Toungoo empire at Pegu into another confrontation with Ayutthaya, which had the same desire of possessing Chiang Mai. This was one of the most important hinterland trade centers. Mendes Pinto, the Portuguese merchant adventurer, also recorded of Chiang Mai:

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...that all around it there are many mines of silver, copper, tin, and lead, which are in constant production and yield huge quantities of these metals which are then carried by merchants in elephant and yak caravans to the kingdoms of Sornau, or Siam, Passiloco, Savady, Toungoo, Prome, Calaminhan, and other provinces in the interior beyond this coast, that take two to three months to cross and are divided into seigniories and kingdoms, some inhabited by white people, some by light-brown people, and still others by men of a darker complexion; and they return laden with a lot of gold, diamonds, and rubies, which they receive in exchange for their goods... (Catz 1989, 74) Ralph Fitch, a London merchant who visited Chiang Mai in 1586, stated: ...I went from Pegu to Jamahey [Zimme or Chiang Mai], which is in the Countrey of the Langeiannes, whom wee call Jangomes; it is five and twentie days journey Northeast from Pegu...Hither to Jamahey come many Merchants out of China, and bring great store of Muske, Gold, Silver, and many other things of China worke. Heere is great store of Victuals: they have such plenty, that they will not milke the Buffles, as they doe in all other places. Heere is great store of Copper and Benjamin... (Chapter VI in Purchas 1905, 194–5). Lan Na had a great volume of trade with its neighbours, including Burma, Ayutthaya, and Yunnan. Artisans from Ava went to Jengtung and Lan Na, and many Lan Na merchants traveled to Burma in the fifteenth century. Trade between Lan Na and lower Burma, and Ayutthaya was also very brisk; Chiang Mai was said to be filled with boats and carts. Lan Na and Lan Sang exported to the south (Ayutthaya, Maottama, and beyond) musk, benzoin, gum-lac, wax, elephants’ tusks, and hides (Sun Laichen 2000, 162–3). Prior to Bayinnaung, Ayutthaya had already sent troops against Chiang Mai. According to the Ayutthaya chronicles, the Ayutthaya kings from the reign of Baromaracha (r. 1370–88) onwards sent many expeditionary forces into the Lan Na kingdom to take Chiang Mai, but they were unable to bring Chiang Mai under Ayutthaya’s dominion. King Chairacha (1534–1547), for example, led an army all the way north to Chiang Mai in mid-1545 but failed to take it and, suffering heavy losses, had to retreat to Ayutthaya. Early in 1547, the king resumed his struggle against Chiang Mai and, this time, he took Lamphun but again was unsuccessful in capturing his objective and had to withdraw his army to Ayutthaya (Sunait 1990, 172). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Besides its invaluable trade, Chiang Mai itself was a critical strategic area because it was next to the Mon territory and when it had been taken, Bayinnaung used it as a base for operations against Chiang Rung and Kengtung. Moreover, Chiang Mai was also in a decisive position for opening a long period of siege warfare for the Siamese capital city of Ayutthaya, as it controlled the strategic area north of Ayutthaya and could provide war supplies, especially manpower. The Shan levies, not available to Tabinshwehti, swelled Bayinnaung’s army and enabled him to conquer Ayutthaya with comparative ease. In both his campaigns against Ayutthaya in 1563–64 and 1568–69, each division of the king’s army had some Shan contingents, such as the Sawbwas of Mongmit, Hsipaw, Mohnyin, Mogaung, Mongnai, Onbaung, Nyaungshwe and Hsenwi, Bhamo and Kengtung, together with the Lao levies from Lan Na (Chiang Mai). The Shan chronicles also speak of their states’ participation in the Burmese invasions of Ayutthaya. No less than during the Burmese invasions of Ayutthaya in the sixteenth century, the great invasion of 1764–67 was also considerably helped by Shan armies. It was stated that an army of 20,000 started from Kengtung to invade Ayutthaya in 1764 (Sao Saimong Mangrai 1965, 52). Local Lan Na sources recorded that Hsinbyushin Mintaya (1763–1776), the Burmese king of the early Konbaung dynasty, conscripted many labourers, nearly all people from Chiang Mai, which constituted the majority of the manpower used to overcome Ayutthaya (Sarawadee 1986/1996, 252). Conclusion: Nature of Empire, Nature of Warfare Bayinnaung engraved his unprecedented achievement on his bell inscription at Shwezigon in Pagan in 1557, saying that he was the great king of Ketumati, Hanthawaddy, Thayeikhettaya, Pagan, Ava, Mong Mit, Hsipaw, Ruby Land, Mogaung, Mohnyin and Kale (Than Tun 1994, 13–15). He also named twenty gates of his new palace: Zinme (Chiang Mai), Ohnbaung, Mohnyin, Mogaung, Tavoy, Kale, Mone, Nyaungshwe, Thayawaddy, Theinni, Tanintharyi, Ayutthaya, Martaban, Pagan, Bassein, Thayekhettaya, Ava, Toungoo, Linzin (Laos), and Dala (Nawadei...1964, 105–6). The first Toungoo empire of Bayinnaung eventually became the ideal model for the Burmese empire and successive kings of Burma, especially those of the early Konbaung dynasty in the late eighteenth century (see U Tin of Pagan 2001, 166–7). Despite their unparalleled success, the first Toungoo kings failed to impose effective control on outlying principalities, even within the Irrawaddy Basin (Lieberman 1980b, 549). The conspicuous success of Bayinnaung’s military program was not paralleled by the development of institutions by which the realm might have been securely integrated (Lieberman 1984, 32). As already noted, the first Toungoo empire emerged from city-state status, which had only been in place for

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one generation. Therefore, the first Toungoo kings had no experience of centralized administration as a tool to control their empire effectively. Throughout their reigns, the kings spent most of their time in the battlefields suppressing vassal states and had no time to create a new system of government for their empire. Consequently, the first Toungoo kings had to govern their vast empire with the old-style pattern of patron-vassal relations, which had been used among previous Burmese polities. To maintain the great empire, the kings needed to build a “network of loyalties” based on personal relations and kinship ties (Sunait 1990, 142). This was a loose control structure. According to Lieberman’s research (1984), the first Toungoo kings’ governing authority was fundamentally divided into three zones. Firstly, their direct control was over merely a core area around the capital, Pegu. Then, the rest of the kingdom was separately ruled as nearly autonomous appanages and vassal principalities. The sub-centers of Ava, Prome, Toungoo, Martaban and Chiang Mai were granted to higher royal members. The rulers of these sub-centers were termed bayin, which means monarch or king, and were bestowed the five royal regalia as well as practically self-governing prerogatives. The first Toungoo kings had no effective mechanism to control the bayin. Other minor cities were assigned as appanages to lesser princes and to high officials, who were called myosa—rulers of cities. Finally, tributary states such as Ayutthaya, Lan Chang and some Shan states continued to be governed by local hereditary rulers. However, these states had to acknowledge the suzerainty of Pegu by rendering specified tribute and military supports etc. (cf. Lieberman 1984, Chapter 1). Sixteenth century warfare of the first Toungoo empire itself also reflected the nature of the empire. The wars in this period were not waged for the purpose of absolute occupation or plundering like those in the late eighteenth century, but for gathering up more allies, and extending and maintaining the network of loyalties for the empire. Besides trade benefits, Bayinnaung needed to be respected and accepted by all states and kingdoms as “the high king” or “the king of kings”. After each conquest, Bayinnaung generally did not put the old rulers of the defeated states to death. On the contrary, he would appoint the old rulers or individuals from the local ruler’s family to govern their own states again and let these rulers take an oath before the king. As in other Shan realms, after the victory over Ayutthaya in 1563, Bayinnaung appointed Pramahin, a son of the former king, Pramahacakkraphat, to be the new king of Ayutthaya (Kala Vol. II 1960, 350). Later, in 1568, Bayinnaung appointed Pramahadhammaraja, a son-in-law of the former king Pramahacakkraphat as the new king of Ayutthaya (ibid., 420). However, the network of loyalties, which was directly bound to the great kings in person, could not help the empire last long. Whenever the great kings passed away, the fragile networks automatically vanished; both Bayinnaung and Nandabayin had to spend the early years of their reigns overcoming old vassal

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states. Moreover, their attempt to maintain an over-extended empire, ranging from Manipur to Laos, an area far more extensive than was needed for the stability of the Irrawaddy Valley and lowland regions, was also the short-term cause of the collapse of the first Toungoo dynasty. Nandabayin experienced these misfortunes; throughout his reign, the old vassal states within and outside the core area rebelled and attacked the court at Pegu. The worst case of not being able to control his nucleus of manpower within the Mon region was one of the reasons why his military expeditions never restored his prestige. Like others, Ayutthaya also took advantage of these disturbances in consolidating the Ayutthaya kingdom by regaining control over the ports in the Mon region and avenging the first Toungoo empire by raiding Pegu. Bibliography Andrew, G. P. 1962. Burma Gazetteer: Mergui District Volume A. Rangoon. Superintendent, Government Printing and Stationery. Bracciolini, Poggio. [1857]. The Travele of Nicolò Conti, in the East, in the early part of the fifteenth century. in Major, R.H., ed. 1857. India in the fifteenth century..., q.v. Catz, Rebecca D. ed. and trans. 1989. The Travels of Mendes Pinto. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Charney, Michael W. 1994. The 1598–99 siege of Pegu and the expansion of Arakanese imperial power into Lower Burma. Journal of Asian History 28/1. ____ . 1998. The rise of a mainland trading state: Rahkaing under the early MraukU kings, 1430-1603. Journal of Burma Studies 3. DeKalb, IL: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illinois University. ____ . 2003. A reassessment of hyperbolic military statistics in some early modern Burmese texts. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. 46/2. Cook, Weston Franklin. 1990. Jr. The Hundred Years War for Morocco, 1465–1580: Warfare and state building in the early modern Maghrib. (Volumes I and II). Ph.D. thesis. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University. Damrong Rajanubhab. 2001. Our war with the Burmese: Thai-Burmese conflict 1539–1767. Chris Baker, ed. Bangkok: White Lotus. Frederike, Cæsar. [1905] Extracts of Master Caesar Frederike his eighteene yeere Indian Observations. In Samuel Purchas. 1905. Hakluytus Posthumus..., q.v. Griess, Thomas E. 1979/1988. A perspective on military history, in J.J. Jessup and R. W. Coakley, eds. A Guide to the study and use of Military History. Washington DC: Center of Military History, United States Army. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Guillon, Emmanuel. 1999. The Mons: A Civilization of Southeast Asia. James V. Di Crocco, trans and ed. Bangkok: The Siam Society. Hanthawadi Hsinbyumyashin Ayeidawbon (The historical account of the struggle for power by King Hanthawadi Hsinbyumyashin) in Myanmar Minmya Ayeidawbon (The Historical Accounts of the Struggle for Power by Burmese Kings). Rangoon: Nanthadaik, 1967. Harvey, G. E. 1925/1967. History of Burma. London: Frank Cass. Kala, U. 1959-61. Mahayazawingyi (U Kala’s Great Chronicle). Burma Research Society: Burmese text series no.5. Vol. I, ed. Saya Pwa, 1959. Vol. II edited by Saya Pwa, 1960. Vol. III edited by Saya U Khine Soe, 1961. Rangoon: Hanthawaddy Press. Koenig, William J. 1990. The Burmese Polity, 1752–1819, Michigan Papers on South and Southeast Asian, No. 34. Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan. Laichen, Sun. 2000. Ming-Southeast Asian overland interactions, 1368–1644. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan. ____ . 2003. Military technology transfers from Ming China and the emergence of northern mainland Southeast Asia (c. 1390–1527), Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 34/3, October. Lieberman, Victor B. 1980a. Europeans, trade, and the unification of Burma, c. 1540-1620. Oriens Extremus 27, Wiesbaden: O. Harrasowitz. ____ . 1980b. Provincial reforms in Taung-ngu Burma. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 43/3. ____ . 1984. Burmese Administrative Cycles: Anarchy and Conquest, c. 1580–1760. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ____ . 1986. How reliable is U Kala’s Burmese Chronicle? Some new comparisons. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, XVII/2, September. ____ . 2003a. Some comparative thoughts on pre-modern Southeast Asian warfare. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 46/2. ____ . 2003b. Strange parallels: Southeast Asia in global context, c. 800–1830. I: Integration on the Mainland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Major, R.H., ed. 1857. India in the fifteenth century: being a collection of narratives of voyages to India. London: The Hakluyt Society. Mongkut, King and Prince Damrong Rajanubhap. 1999. Praratchaphongsawadan chabap Phraratchahatlekha (The Royal Autograph Chronicle) ed. Vol. I. Bangkok: Department of Fine Arts. Myint Than, Daw, ed. 1992. Hmannan Mahayazawindawgyi II (The Glass Palace Chronicle Vol. II). Rangoon: Kyeimontadinsadaik-ne.-gadieyantadinsadaik. Nai Pan Hla, ed. 1977. Razadirit Ayeidawbonkyan (The Historical Account of the Struggle for Power by King Razadirit). Rangoon: Minhlainghtaw Sapedaik.

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Nawadei Yadu-baung-gyok (The Total Collections of Nawadei’s Yadu). Rangoon: Hanthawaddy Press, 1964. Nicolo, di Conti. The travels of Nicolo in the East, in R.H.Major, 1857. India in the fifteenth century, q.v. Phayre, Arthur P, Sir. History of Burma. 1883/1998. Bangkok: Orchid Press. Phraratchaphongsawadan chabap Luang Prasert (The Luang Prasert Chronicle of Ayutthaya). 1961. In Praratchaphonsawadan le Phongsawadan Nhua. Bangkok: Kurusapha. Praratchaphongsawadan Krung Sri Ayutthaya chabap Somdet Phra Phonnarat (The Somdet Phra Phonnarat Chronicle of Ayutthaya). 1962. Bangkok: Khlang Witthaya. Phrachum Phongsawadan Lem 38, Phakti 64: Praratchaphongsawadan Krung Sri Ayutthaya chabap Phan Chanthanumat (Choem) (The Phan Chanthanumat Chronicle of Ayutthaya). 1969. Bangkok: Kurusapha. Praratchaphongsawadan Krung Sri Ayutthaya chabap Phra Chakkraphatdiphong (Chat) (The Phra Chakkraphatdiphong Chronicle of Ayutthaya). I. 1998. Bangkok: Kurusapha. Purchas, Samuel, ed. 1905. Hakluytus Posthumus of Purchas His Pilgrimes. X. Glasgow: J. MacLehose and Sons. Pwa, Saya, ed. 1924. Toungoo Yazawin ne. Thamaing Haung (The chronicle and ancient history of Toungoo). Composed by Shin Nyana and Shin Thiwali. Toungoo: Ketumati Saponnektaik. Pyinnya, U. ed. 1927. Moattama Yazawin baung-gyok hnin Moattama Sittang Sahaung Kyan (The Total Collections of Martaban Chronicle and Ancient Records on Martaban). Thaton. Saimong Mangrai, Sao. 1965. The Shan States and the British annexation. Data Paper No.57. Ithaca, NY: Southeast Asia Program, Department of Asian Studies, Cornell University. Santo Stefano, Hieronimo di [1857]. The Journey of Hieronimo Di Santo Stefano, a Genoese, in R.H.Major, ed. 1857. India in the fifteenth century..., q.v. Saraswadee Oungsakul. 1986/1996. Prawattisat Lanna (History of Lan Na). Bangkok: Amarin Printing. Shorto, H.L. Nidana Ramadhipati-katha. Unpublished translation, n.d. Cited in Michael Charney 2003, q.v. Sunait Chutintaranond. 1990. Cakravartin: the ideology of traditional warfare in Siam and Burma, 1548–1605. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Ithaca NY: Cornell University. ____ . 1992. The image of the Burmese enemy in Thai perceptions and historical writings. Journal of the Siam Society, 80/1.

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____ . 1994. Phama rop Thai: Wa duai kansongkhram rawang Thai kap Phama (Burmese-Siamese Wars). Bangkok: Matichon. ____ and Than Tun. 1995. On both sides of the Tenasserim Range: History of Siamese-Burmese Relations. Asian Studies Monographs No. 50, Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University. ____ . 2001. Suriyothai in the context of Thai-Myanmar history and historical perception, in From Fact to Fiction: History of Thai-Myanmar Relations in Cultural Context, Asian Studies Monographs No.54. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University. Suthachai Yimprasert. 2000. The Portuguese in Siam and Pegu, Asian Review 1999–2000. Than Tun. 1959. History of Burma: AD 1300–1400. Journal of the Burma Research Society XLII/ii, December. ____ . trans, 1994. Hanthawady Sinbyushin: An Autobiography. Golden Myanmar I/4. ____ . 1995. Ayut’ia men in the service of Burmese kings, 16th and 17th centuries, in Sunait Chutintaranond and Than Tun, On both sides of the Tenasserim Range: History of Siamese-Burmese Relations. Bangkok: Asian Studies Monographs No. 50, Chulalongkorn University. Tin, U (Mandalay). 1967. Konbaungset Mahayazawindawgyi II (The Chronicle of the Konbaung Dynasty). Rangoon: Ledi Mandaing Press. Tin, U (Pagan). 2001. The Royal Administration of Burma (Myanmar Min Okchokpon Sadan), trans L. E. Bagshawe. Bangkok: Ava Publishing House. Tin Hla Thaw. 1959. History of Burma: AD 1400–1500. Journal of the Burma Research Society, XLII/ii, December. Tun Nyo, U (Twinthintaikwun Mahasithu). 1998. Mahayazawinthit II: Toungoo Set (The New Chronicle: the Toungoo Dyansty) ed. U Kyaw Win. Yangon: Myatmikhin Foundation. Vliet, Jeremias van. [1639]. Pongsawadan Krungsri Ayutthaya Chabap Van Vliet B.E. 2182 (The Short History of the Kings of Siam (AD. 1639), trs. Wanasri Samsein. Bangkok: Matichon, 2003. Varthema, Ludovico di. 1510/1928. The Itinerary of Ludovico di Varthema of Bologna from 1502–1508, trans. J.W. Jones, 1863. London: Argonaut Press. Wyatt, David K. 1982/1984. Thailand: A Short History. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books.

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FROM THE COMPOSITION OF NATIONAL HISTORIES TO THE BUILDING OF A REGIONAL HISTORY IN SOUTH-EAST ASIA Stéphane Dovert

Abstract To free themselves of their colonial past and create a unity within the framework created by Western occupiers, or merely to galvanize their countrymen, South-East Asian nationalists rewrote their pre-colonial history and that related to their attaining independence. They have created ‘golden ages’ and ‘glorious models’ to legitimize their authority, not only over current national territory, but also over some which today belongs to neighouring states. In a period marked by the creation of regional entities, history has to be revised to replace the idea of domination with that of unity. Using Indonesian, Cambodian, Vietnamese, and Thai examples, this article considers how the nationalist discourse of the past, and the events it gave rise to, have become a handicap to regional groupings which are seen as symbols of political modernity.

Chronicling history represents far more than simply archiving the past in an orderly fashion. It involves more than just choosing and highlighting the men and events that are thought of as decisive. It is the historian’s task to prioritize, taking into account—as much as is feasible given known records and established facts—the details crucial to the event under scrutiny; but it is also his mission to take advantage of the distance afforded by the passage of time to review any specific event in a new light. It is at this juncture that the historian’s own context, rather than that of the historical subject, proves decisive. Warped perceptions prove inevitable, given that each period is subject to its own social standards and mores, its own moral and ethical fabric and its own manner of pursuing science. But alongside these fundamental influences one must all too often consider, particularly when exploring the elaboration of “national histories”, both unabashed and not-so-obvious political imperatives that might lead historians to rethink the past from a determinist perspective. Chronicled history is seen as a valuable force for national consolidation and unity, bolstering and grounding the state. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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What does it matter if the Gauls were not the true ancestors of the French? Or that the “great Chinese dynasties” were not always Chinese? In this sense, what is truly important is that history is placed at the service of the present, or, as Truong Chinh suggested regarding Vietnam, to confirm that people “have always sought to preserve their nature and soul.”1 In this context the past becomes a tool for political authority in order to validate itself historically, whereas scientific detachment and impartiality alone would place it in perspective. Following this thought to its logical conclusion, it is obvious that the processes of historical exclusion and re-appropriation are in fact universal. One encounters examples across the world and throughout history. However, though this form of revisionism by its very nature is difficult to distinguish, it is more readily seen in recent and transparent examples in South-East Asia rather than Europe. The transition from colonial vassalage—which only Thailand avoided in the region—through national independence to maturity as a modern state is only a few decades old. So national political imperatives were crucial. Another factor that contributes considerably to historic revisionism has been the proliferation of competing political models in the region. We are currently witnessing a form of localized speeding-up of history, which can no doubt be attributed to the population explosion that the entire planet has felt during the course of the twentieth century. To this role of validating nation-building, one must also add regional re-formation and consolidation around poles such as the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) within the context of a process of “internationalization”, which in itself represents a reaction to the development of nongovernmental transnational factors such as transnational corporations, Chinese immigrant networks, religious groups, etc. It has thus become a priority for today’s national leaders to re-examine their own historical justifications or foundations. But these, though increasingly necessary, have became logically more difficult to establish, precisely because the political structures that they must justify are marked by an obvious impermanence. 1. THE ORIGIN OF MODERN STATES Peoples, political structures and spatial norms in continuous historical reconstruction The political and human topography of South-East Asia since the eighth century, the point at which we begin to have enough elements to allow for a comprehensive understanding of the region’s history, has changed considerably. It is not simply an issue of changing borders, but of the very peoples who have

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Truong Chinh, 1977: 225–311, quoted by Tertrais 2004: 109–121. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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imposed their domain over the region and also the forms that influence over the area have taken. For our purposes, we would like to draw on four specific moments that can be seen as historic snapshots illustrating the evolution of the political situation in South-East Asia. What is known of South-East Asia circa 700

First Phase: By about the year 700, several political poles had emerged. The Nan Chao of the Dai, in what is known today as the mountains of Yunnan, defined the southernmost tip of Chinese territorial expansion, while the basin of the Red River inhabited by the Viet remained an integral part of the Tang Dynasty empire. Further south, the Pyu states flourished on the plains of Irrawaddy. Along the basin of the Chao Praya, the Dvaravati of the Mon played a vital role in the dissemination of Buddhism in the region. The Chenla of the Khmers occupied the border area of what is today Vietnam and Cambodia, its cities opening up to international commerce in a fashion similar to that of the Champa of the Cham in what is now central Vietnam. Finally, the kingdom of Srivijaya radiated out from Palembang on the eastern coast of Sumatra, from the Sunda Strait to the northern parts of the Malay peninsula. Records of all these poles of ancient civilizations have been preserved thanks to remains: an abundance of monuments, inscriptions and written references in Chinese chronicles. All of these “states” existed mixed with numerous principalities and a host of peoples without national cohesion (though not without authorities of their own) which would later become known in the peninsula as upland tribespeople. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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What is known of South-East Asia circa 1350

Second Phase: By 1350, at the heart of continental South-East Asia lay the Angkorian Empire of the Khmers, which incorporated the Dai Viet of the Viet, the Champa of the Cham, the Burmese Pagan, the Lan Na and Sukhothai of the Thai, the small Malayan principalities and the everlasting upland tribespeople. Among the archipelagos, certain powers had begun to emerge, such as the Mojopahit of Eastern Java and the Sumatran Minangkabao kingdoms surrounding Jambi. But the small maritime states were equally numerous, not to mention the populations that were nationless but not anarchic. It is remarkable that in the intervening six centuries, China disappeared from the South-East Asian stage (at least as it is defined today); the Viet, the Burmese and the Thais had established their own states. The Mon had lost theirs; the Cham had momentarily avoided the same fate, but their lands had been occupied little by little by the Viet. The Khmer realm was entirely reformed and rearranged, while in the Nusantaran archipelago, the great state of Srivijaya had faded into oblivion, leaving the lands to a handful of principalities more or less federated with Jambi. Meanwhile Mojopahit, a vast semi-agricultural, semimerchant nation had developed in Eastern Java. The region was divided not on a strictly territorial basis, but around major population centres. During this period, the concept of borders was less important than the capacity to mobilize and influence the neighbouring populations to particular agendas. Within this paradigm the power of a state was measured by its manpower, expressed in terms that took into account the fact that slavery was probably less widespread than early Western orientalists believed. Clearly, the populaJournal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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tions displaced following victorious military campaigns seemed to have assumed less the role of serfs than that of citizens, as is testified by the perpetual fusions witnessed within the contemporary and successive political entities that involved the Mon, Khmer and Cham populations. This focus on the population (from lowly farmer to the religious, intellectual and artistic elites), rather than the territories themselves and consequently their borders, seems to be an unmistakable and persistent element of the history of the South-East Asian peninsula. In this regard, the overall situation saw few changes between the eighth and fourteenth centuries. Nevertheless, it is worth noting that the establishment during this period of the Viet states (loosely united within the Dai Viet) heralded a fundamental change to the South-East Asian political model. The conflicts which were to oppose these newcomers and Champa between the eleventh and seventeenth centuries revealed symptoms of this clash of political models. While both boasted similar levels of military might and faced alternating periods of internal revolt and aggressive expansionism, the means at the disposal of these two factions were not what truly differentiated them but, in different and irreconcilable forms, rather the way they chose to express their political uniqueness. According to evidence the Dai Viet and its avatars, influenced by the Chinese model that had ruled over them for a thousand years, saw Champa as a land to be conquered, a possible colony, one whose acquisition would be natural and convenient. Ultimately the Viet desired to expand over the south an influence which was inconceivable in the north, where China remained more of a threat than an opportunity, though there was also an underlying interest in controlling Champa’s rich agricultural potential. With each victory the Viet authorities made every effort to incorporate the newly conquered bastion into their territory, quickly renaming it and integrating it into their rolls of provinces.2 On the other hand, illustrating the traditional South-East Asian politicalmilitary model, the Champa offensives were expeditions into what were seen as foreign lands, destined to continue to be perceived as such. Without researching the very origins of the Cham population in the area, there are no records of intent on its part to expand its vital space, or to establish suzerainty over new lands which might over time be integrated into its overall territorial and administrative framework. Between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries the Sino-Viet model of nation-state gradually became dominant, driven by the increasing demographic pressures in certain South-East Asian deltas like that of the Red River. In fact, with the growth in population, it was no longer their inhabitants, but the territories that became the focus of the political game, increasingly so as the region also became the focus of the appetites of exogenous powers. 2

This process was well detailed by Maspero 1988. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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South-East Asia in 1940

Third stage: By 1940, continental South-East Asia was divided between the French and British, and the archipelagos between the Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch and Americans. With the notable exception of Siam, which to preserve its independence played European powers against one another admirably well,3 political authority in the region had become European. It would be an understatement to say the European powers opted to ignore prior local political realities. The Portuguese occupied Malacca in 1511, followed by the Dutch in 1641. Britain seized control of Burma between 1824 and 1885, and the Malay states between 1864 and 1909. France appropriated Vietnam as a first move towards China, beginning with the occupation of Cochinchina in 1862 and the establishment of the protectorate over Cambodia in 1863. Annam and Tonkin suffered the same fate in 1885, and Laos followed in 1893. The implementation of the concept of “people” and the compartmentalization it induces became forcefully prevalent in regional politics. In the middle of the ninteenth century, the political thirst for conquest was fuelled by competing European powers and governed by a racialist paradigm that categorized peoples by their morphology and their assumed aptitudes. In this new context, the intermingling of populations, so common up until this point, became morally proscribed (though it

3

Refer in this regard to Tips 1996 and Dovert 2001: 177–248. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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was never actually to disappear completely). Above all, previously mutable borders crystallized in the time-honoured Western tradition of dividing the world amongst great powers, descending from the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494)4 or, closer to the period at hand, the Congress of Berlin (1884-1885).5 South-East Asia in 2004

Fourth stage: In 2004, less than a century after the apogée of European colonial expansion, the region is yet again the stage for radical transformation, though the change is not truly “revivalist” in nature, since there is no return to the status quo prior to colonization. Gone is the Mon nation, gone too the Cham state, and the traditional upland tribespeople have been assimilated by new states over whom they wield no influence. 4

Signed by Portugal and Spain under the gracious arbitration of Pope Alexander VI Borgia, the treaty placed the “demarcation line” between the Portuguese and Spanish “Americas” at 100 to 370 leagues west of the islands of Cape Verde, de facto dividing the New World between the two nations. 5 The Congress brought to the table Germany, Belgium, France, Great Britain, Portugal and Turkey. It was meant to define once and for all these nations’ respective areas of economic and trade influence in Africa and relevant standards and exchange rates. The convention quickly devolved into a political excuse to carve up the “African cake” following the terms proposed by Leopold II, and resulted in a race to occupy and demarcate new territorial borders throughout the African hinterland. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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The principle of the “succession of states” (which requires that national frontiers follow those of the colonial period), so cherished by international law, was strictly implemented. To pick just a few examples: Thailand did not recover the territories that it had acquired from Cambodia before colonization, and similarly Cambodia was unable to lay claim over the now-Vietnamese lands of the Mekong delta, despite these being populated by Khmers. In the archipelagos, it should be noted that it was not happenstance that in 1999, while Indonesia was reeling from a period of internal turmoil, East Timor was able to take advantage of the momentary weakness to assert its “right” to independence (granted on 20 May 2002); meanwhile, dissenting provinces like Aceh or Papua were condemned to remain under Indonesian rule simply because they had belonged, prior to decolonization in 1949, to the Dutch East Indies. By the same measure, the Philippines have never allowed Mindanao, previously under Spanish and later American rule, to claim separate independence. Little does it seem to matter that it represents the sole area of the entire Philipino archipelago where Islam claims dominance, and that in the past it has always refused to bow to Manila’s control. In accordance with the “succession of states” principle, borders were transformed overnight from simple delimitations of the ruling guidelines and imperatives of colonial expansion into essential building blocks of national edification. This change crystalized realities that were formerly much more fluid. To summarize, one can say that between the eighth and twentieth centuries, the region experienced essentially three types of developments. Initially, the states changed. These particular developments often made themselves felt through major geographic shifts in the centres of power. It is difficult to define a common ground in the methods and forms of national construction. Political legitimacy was in fact often far more susceptible to the whims of transitory power dynamics and military might than to the precepts and canons of some unspecified legal framework. Thus, one can come to understand the transfer of the heart of the Khmer world from Chenla to Angkor and then to Phnom Penh, and that of the Sumatran Minangkabau from Srivijaya to Jambi, and eventually to Jakarta. Next, one notes that the nations themselves also changed. Beyond transient political structures and affiliations, the states changed because the people they represented changed. The Mon and Cham slowly vanished from the political landscape, ceasing little by little to be represented, despite being at the heart of a region where they could have claimed ethnolinguistic preeminence. The Javanese too lost authority over their nation, but in their case, this should be considered a success since they exchanged self-governance for a favourable new arrangement, which granted them authority on a different, much greater level. Lastly, the political principles underpinning society evolved considerably. The new concept of borders, descending concurrently from Chinese influence (in Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Vietnam) and Western imperialism, became dominant everywhere—ever more so as growing demographic pressure established settlement continua across the region instead of the former isolated islands of population. The territory, rather than its inhabitants, became the central element for national power and influence. Simultaneously, the concept of “people” developed into a continual clash with that of “social contract” in a struggle that would find expression throughout all these periods. Inevitably, though the contest between the right of blood and the principle of adhesion was an element of an older reality, it never truly lost its significance in South-East Asia. Revising pre-colonial history and its role in independence movements Almost forgotten by history, Angkor, a site of religious pilgrimage the construction of which was attributed to the divine architect Pisnukar, was gradually “rediscovered” by European researchers in the years following 1908.6 It was quickly transformed into a source where the national imagination of the Cambodian people could imbibe a past that glorified their Khmer heritage. It was also to assume a far more than symbolic weight, for it came to illustrate a national imperative of expansion and power—after all, did Angkor not control most of peninsular South-East Asia in the twelfth century? Had not the Khmer people been wrongfully deprived of territories that at a given moment in time, or to be more precise during the century chosen as reference, were rightfully theirs? The ancient kingdom became the focus of a sense of national grandeur and manifest destiny amongst the Khmer that their contemporary situation would have been hard-pressed to inspire and sustain. Thus one can understand the proliferation, starting in primary schoolbooks, of maps and texts highlighting this glorious past and showing without nuance the territories the Thai and particularly the Viet appropriated “to the detriment of Cambodian claims” at different points in history. However, to study the country where this historical reappropriation was undoubtedly essential at the dawn of independence, one must look not to the peninsula, but to Indonesia. The Indonesian archipelago could not count on an Angkor of its own to validate the dimension of its colonial and post-colonial domain and so was obliged to invent one.

6

The fieldnotes of naturalist Henri Mouhot published in 1863 by the magazine Le Tour du monde were the first to draw European attention to the millennial site—at the time located in Siamese territory. But it was only in 1908 that the first systematic inventory of the monuments was carried out by Etienne Lunet de Lajonquière, an officer in the French colonial infantry, on behalf of the École Française d’Extrême-Orient. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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From contemporary Cambodia to the Angkor of Khmer schoolbooks

Sources: David K. Wyatt, Thailand, A Short History, Silkworm Books, Chiang Mai, 1991, p. 26, and Kingdom of Cambodia - Nation, Religion, King, History schoolbook in Khmer, published in 1994 with UNICEF support. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Since the mid-seventeenth century the Dutch East India Company, the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC), committed itself to monopolizing all trade involving the archipelago. In this campaign it was confronted by a multitude of minor principalities, sultanates and peoples who possessed no centralized government or allegiance, which it was necessary to sway or force into submission. By the eve of the Second World War, within a framework that had become unmistakably colonial (since 1799)—though characterized by the principle of “indirect rule”—”traditional” local authorities in many cases could still invoke a certain level of autonomy. Consequently when, in the 1920s, the first nationalist movements professed the belief that the entire Dutch East Indies should approach potential independence as a single entity,7 it was absolutely necessary for them to establish grounds for their aspirations from beyond the scope of the reviled colonial experience. It is here that, similiarly to Cambodia, the providential contribution of European orientalists comes into play. In 1913, N.J. Krom, then first director of the Archaeological Service of the Dutch East Indies, resumed the work begun at the turn of the century by his colleague Brandes: an attempt to draw up a history of ancient Indonesia, a history in which the manifold islands of the nation were the crown jewels in what was believed to have been a great Hinduized empire. Basing this hypothesis on the Nagara-Kertagama, an allegory written by one Rakawi Prapanca in 1365, Krom concluded that the Javanese kingdom of Mojopahit had exerted its authority not only over the entire archipelago, but also over Malaysia, the Philippines and a significant part of peninsular South-East Asia. From the onset historians challenged this imperial vision of nation, regarding Mojopahit as merely a local kingdom (covering the eastern half of Java and the island of Madura), though one particularly open to the neighbouring and outlying areas.8 They unintentionally provided Sukarno, proclaimer of national independence and first Indonesian president, with the historical symbolism that he required not only to validate the very existence of greater Indonesia, but also to justify the fight against separatism (in Maluku in particular) and the country’s later expansionist ambitions (initially over the Philippines then, more earnestly, over British Malaysia).9 So that the references were not exclusively and blatantly centred on Java, Indonesian nationalists also called up a mythic vision of the Srivijaya coastal state to further fuel a common national pride.

7

The Youth’s Oath [Sumpah Pemuda] on 28 October 1928 is considered by most scholars as the true founding act of Indonesian nationalism, and it was on that occasion that the indigenous future elites decreed the unity of the Indonesian people [Rakyat Indonesia] within the framework of a single nation [Bangsa Indonesia]. 8 On the historic reality of Mojopahit, see Théodore Pigeaud 1963. 9 Cayrac-Blanchard, Dovert and Durand 2000: 352. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Indonesia, the invention of golden ages (Srivijaya)

Sources: Robert Cribb, Historical Atlas of Indonesia, University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu, 2000, G. Nye Steiger, H. Otley Beyer & Benitez, 1926, in J. Leclerc, La Circonscription, remarques sur l’idéologie national indonésien, 1975.

Indonesia, the invention of golden ages (Mojopahit)

Sources: Robert Cribb, Historical Atlas of Indonesia, University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu, 2000, G. Nye Steiger, H. Otley Beyer & Benitez, 1926, in J. Leclerc, La Circonscription, remarques sur l’idéologie national indonésien, 1975. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Returning to peninsular South-East Asia, we find that in Laos the Socialist Constitution of 1991 refers in its preamble to Lan Xang, the “kingdom of the million elephants”, which in the seventeenth century reached the apex of its power. Even a country like Thailand, where the absence of colonial experience might lead to dispensing with the need for similar efforts, also devoted itself to reconstituting a linear national history. Snubbing the evidence that for a very long time Thailand was simply the sum of smaller principalities, it chose to erect a common national history, a history according to which from Sukhothai (thirteenth to fifteenth centuries) to Bangkok passing though Ayutthaya (fourteenth to eighteenth centuries)—conveniently ignoring its Khmer roots10—power had been gradually centralized and legitimated on a regional scale which reflects the extent of the country as it stands today. The old kingdoms were not given borders that would make them more limited than contemporary ones. So it is unsurprising to find that school maps, such as those published by the Thai Watthana Phanit publishing house, opt to illustrate the periods when Thai hegemony would have been most significant. In this respect, the map representing the kingdom of Ayutthaya under the reign of Naresuan (1590–1605) is particularly interesting. Remarking that no mention is made to the fact that borders at the time did not have the significance they boast today, the kingdom of Ayutthaya is depicted in yellow, clearly setting it apart from its neighbours, the kingdoms of Pegu (Phakho in Thai, Mon, and Burmese, also known as Hanthawaddy or Hongsawadi) and Malayu (consisting of the sum of the local sultanates), which are both depicted in pink. Curiously the Chinese empire and Yeh Lam (the Dai Viet) are not portrayed as distinct entities and both appear in green.11 This mythical vision of Ayutthaya’s grandeur—a quintessential reference in the history of the nation—is underscored by the regular official re-publication of the Royal Chronicles, generally written many decades after the period they purport to cover. Within this ideological context, claims to local individuality or idiosyncracies are likely to be seen as treason in respect of national history. Above all, the view fuels a useful and easily rekindled historic nostalgia. Hence it is hardly coincidental that the first government of Plaek Phibunsongkhram (1938–1944) invoked a common “historical” destiny of the people of the Tai linguistic group, to justify its claim over certain territories under its neighbours’ control, namely China and India but also Vietnam, Cambodia (which numbers barely any Tai speakers),

10 11

Vickery 2004: 73. Thongchai Winichakul, 1998: fig. 17. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Laos, Malaya and Burma.12 On the eve of the Second World War, it was not without apprehension that foreign observers saw maps of the region go up on the walls of schools and military academies, on which these territories appeared in the same colour as Thailand itself.13 The Thai government then endeavoured to benefit from heightened international tensions to try to implement this territorial ideal. It is with this objective in mind that one should view Colonel Mankon Phromyothi’s visit to Hanoi in early September 1940. The Thai diplomat was dispatched to meet Admiral Decoux, governor-general of French Indochina, and to suggest that his country might be inclined to offer France assistance and support if France were only to see fit to relinquish control of the right bank of the Mekong.14 Only a few days after Decoux’s negative response, the same Colonel Mankon embarked for Tokyo, again with the goal of laying the groundwork for possible Thai territorial expansion. This time the proposal was for Thailand to take Japan’s side in the imminent conflict in exchange for Japanese support of the Thai expansionist agenda.15 Finally, in October 1940, Marshal Phibunsongkhram turned to Singapore, sending an envoy entrusted with negotiating the conditions of the possible involvement of the British and Americans in “recovering” the coveted territories.16 Once the precariousness of France’s overall situation was confirmed by the developments on the European front in October 1940, Phibunsongkhram’s regime felt emboldened enough again to stake its claims over the territories of Cambodia and Laos “in the event France could be brought to renounce its sovereignty over Indochina”.17 Through the avenues of national radio and the propaganda literature of Wichit Wathakan, Phibunsongkhram yet again vehemently stressed the “historical rights” of Thailand over these two colonies, once again invoking a mythical and hypothetical “racial identity” common to Thais and Cambodians.18

12

To this end, he was abetted by the theatrical propaganda pieces penned by Luang Wichit Wathakan and widely broadcast at the time. For more on this, see Barmé 1993: 121–131. 13 Crosby 1945: 113–114. 14 Decoux 1949: 130–134. 15 The Thai diplomat is alleged to have assured the Japanese that his government would be willing to cooperate in all respects, going so far as allowing, if necessity arose, the movement of Japanese troops through its territories. However, all the Japanese authorities’ attempts to secure these promises in writing proved vain (Flood 1967: 302–307, 323–347). 16 Stowe 1991: 155. 17 Gaudel 1947: 94; Fifield 1958: 234–235, Direk Jayanama 1966: 22. 18 Gaudel 1947: 94–95. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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After several skirmishes between Siamese and French troops,19 the negotiations between Bangkok and Tokyo bore fruit. On 9 May 1941, a Japanese “mediation”, that the French authorities in Indochina were not in a position to refuse, negotiated a settlement under which the French were to cede control of the Laotian lands on the left bank of the Mekong and a significant portion of Cambodia, including the rich province of Battambang.20 Following the signing of a treaty of alliance between Tokyo and Bangkok on 21 December,21 Thailand declared war on Great Britain and the United States (25 January 1942), which in turn allowed it, beyond “recovering its Indochinese territories”,22 to participate in the Japanese invasion of Burma and obtain the Shan states of Kengtung and Mongpan. Thailand was also offered Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Trengganu—the Malay States surrendered to Great Britain in 1909.23 All these territories would later have to be returned after the war, putting on hold the hopes for a restoration of the golden age of Ayutthaya as depicted in Thai schoolbooks. The glorification of “the struggle for national independence” The idea that it had not been colonization which had brought unity, but rather decolonization, is another aspect of national historical construction aimed at validating the implementation of the concept of a single national “people” over what were in fact the demands of colonial realities. Beyond being subjected to the artificial demarcations the Western states had imposed on South-East Asia, they also impressed upon the region a political model which had become universal. Though this model was inherently favorable to them when the issue was carving up the world amongst the powers-that-be, it proved easily reversed when its logic of firm borders and “peoples” was turned against the colonial powers, and was quickly used by Asian nationalists. It became a tool to grant them legitimacy in the fight for independence, though to them remained the responsibility of finding local legitimacy for this model.

19

These sporadic clashes are abundantly described in the writings of authors of the period and are effectively summarized in Stowe 1991: 168–169. 20 The document is reproduced in its entirety in Direk Jayanama 1966: .276–285. For the details of the above-mentioned mediation and respective analysis, see Flood 1967: 415–594. 21 The pact reproduced in Charnvit Kasetsiri 1974: 77–78 (Appendix IV). 22 Marshal Phibun’s intervention in the cabinet session, on 18 November 1941, as recounted by Flood 1967: 680–681, also Kasetsiri 1974: 54. 23 The treaty would be signed on 20 August (Fifield 1958: 236–237). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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The image of the 1600 A.D. Ayutthaya Kingdom as a golden age reference

Sources: Thaiwatthanaphanit Co; Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped, A History of the Geo-body of a Nation, Silkworm Books, Chiang Mai, 1995, figure 17. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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The Indonesia of Sukarno, for instance, finding it difficult to impose a sense of national unity, long entertained the ideal of the anti-colonial struggle as the banner for national pride. It is not a coincidence that the Afro-Asian Conference of April 1955 was held in Bandung, Indonesia. For a long time after independence, it remained good form, in particular due to the outstanding issue of Irian Barat (Western New Guinea), to maintain an illusion of national unity even in opposition to the remnants of a colonialism that had objectively became trivial.24 In comparison, Vietnam was far more frugal with regards to reappropriating ancient history. Indeed, the country built itself on a gradual expansion, and thus had no reason to rekindle nostalgia for a time when the centre and the south of the country were respectively in the hands of the Cham and Khmer (not to mention the upland tribespeople of the hinterlands). Its status as victor over its neighbours did not require further amplification, the more so since the Vietnamese authorities were no doubt aware of the susceptibilities that might be strained, given an excessive exaltation of this kind of patriotic memory.25 On the other hand, as testified by the significance given to the celebrations of the fiftieth anniversary of Dien Bien Phu, in 2004, the Vietnamese state regularly underlines not only the heroism of its eternal resistance to the imperial tendencies of its immense Chinese neighbour, but particularly its decades-long struggle against Western powers. The fight against imperialism is easily invoked on almost any subject, and the blood supposedly shed by both the Viet and national minorities is the consecration of a common destiny–one that only distant foreigners have attempted to bring down. 2. FROM NATIONAL TO REGIONAL CONCEPTS South-East Asia: a recent but fast developing concept A recent development is that the nation-states are no longer the sole subjects of historical revisionism. South-East Asia as a community in its own right is a relatively new concept, one which has barely been around for more than half a century. Nevertheless, the simple fact that it has become rooted in the collective consciousness often leads to the idea that it boasted a recognizable physical reality which it had always possessed. A cursory examination of the historical literature also proves quite convincing. A History of South-East Asia, by D. G. E. Hall, pub-

24

Feith 1962; Robert C., Jr. 1958; Defert 1996. If the Cham, today a shadow of their former selves, more or less absorbed by the Vietnamese, are no longer in a position to demand anything, the same cannot be said for the Cambodians to whom the issue of the plunder remains sensitive. 25

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lished in 1955 and re-published many times, opens with an encompassing description of the “proto-history” of the area (in this case a history of its Hinduization during the first centuries AD).26 Many are the later works, from Early South East Asia27 through Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th Centuries28 that suggest, intentionally or not, the validity of a global approach to studies of the region’s past. In fact, there are more than enough elements to endorse this encompassing vision of the region. Without delving as far back as the first Mongoloid migrations, dear to the Australian prehistorian Peter Bellwood29—but of which we unfortunately do not possess significant traces and facts—one can however look to the mysterious dissemination of the bronze drums said to be of the Dong-son period scattered across the region as evidence of some sort of common past. Forged between the fifth and second centuries BC, these drums have been uncovered across almost all South-East Asia, from northern Vietnam (from where they supposedly originated) to Seram, off the coast of New Guinea. Though we cannot truly speak of a coherent community at this point in time, there is undoubtedly evidence of early trade and commerce networks, which in turn integrate surprisingly well with our later image of the region. From this perspective, early South-East Asia is characterized less by a cultural or civilizing homogeneity—of the sort more easily recognized in India or China—but rather by its seminal role in the history of international commerce. Funan (first to sixth centuries), Srivijaya (seventh to thirteenth centuries), Malacca (fifteenth to sixteenth centuries)30 and Ayutthaya (fourteenth to eighteenth centuries)31 in their heyday undoubtedly represented major trading hubs on the main oceanic commercial routes. As crossroads for traders of all origins, these political entities would have embodied South-East Asia much more surely than the greater nation-states; since even though the latter were sometimes more powerful, they were more centralized and thus, by definition, less open to other peoples (notably the great agrarian kingdoms of Angkor, Mataram of central Java, and the kingdom of Pagan which succeeded the Pyu states in the Irrawaddy basin).

26

Hall 1981: 12–46. Smith and Watson 1979. 28 Marr and Milner 1986. 29 Most notably Bellwood 1979 and 1985. 30 It is said the city was founded by a fleeing prince of Srivijaya after the destruction of the Sumatran ports by the Javanese armies. What is known is that the expansion of the city occurred under the banner of Islam (undoubtedly after 1415), before it became a beachhead for the Portuguese expansion in the Far East after falling to the Portuguese in 1511. 31 Considered a posteriori as the capital of Siam since its founding in 1351, Ayutthaya was destroyed in the Burmese invasion of 1767 and would never rise again. Bangkok became the core around which the Siamese kingdom was rebuilt towards the end of the eighteenth century. 27

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It is through its trade networks that South-East Asia would have forged a cohesion enabling it to assert some sort of unity. It would thus be logical to consider the period which extends from 1450 to 1680 as the historical apogée of the region as we know it today. It was during this period that the South China Sea came to represent, on a regional scale, an element of integration that the historian Anthony Reid described as “more important” than even the Mediterranean as a bridging crossroads between southernmost Europe, the Middle East and North Africa.32 It is also during this period that the strongly-interconnected merchant principalities were to become “more dominant [...] than either before or since”.33 What one retains of these two centuries is the idea that they might indeed qualify, as a tongue-in-cheek reference to the Japanese project of the 1930s, as an “era of South-East Asian co-prosperity”, and that the period is naturally not lacking in symbolic significance in contemporary South-East Asia, especially when the situation calls for the (re)constitution of functional multilateral institutions and accords. The keynote speeches that, on 15 December 2000, set the tone for the inauguration of the Center for History and Tradition in Rangoon—part of the intergovernmental network SEAMEO, grouping regional ministers of education—were of considerable interest in this regard. General Khin Nyunt, First Secretary of the Burmese regime, underlined the fact that the new Center’s intrinsic vocation was to reinforce regional sentiment. The Indonesian Minister for Education declared, in a message read by a representative, that nationalism was a recent phenomenon in the region, a reaction to Western influence. In effect, he “recalled” the “fact” that before colonization the feelings of solidarity among the nations of South-East Asia had been decisive. In this international context, new generations of Asian leaders would have the duty of reforging the unity “shattered by a hostile West” and regional integration could represent the best contemporary method to reach that goal. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), originally founded during the Cold War to band together the United States’ Asian allies, seems to have today become the main vector of this regional dynamic. The political leadership of the ten member countries34 meets regularly at high-level summits and technical conferences which, on an increasingly regular basis, bring together their respective foreign ministers (since the founding), economy ministers (since 1976), ministers of finance (since 1996), not to mention the now-annual summits drawing the

32

Reid 1988 2 vols. Reid, 1998 I: 7. 34 There are the five founding members (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Singapore), Brunei (since 1984), the countries of Indochina (Vietnam and Laos since 1995, and Cambodia since 1999), and Burma (since 1997). 33

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various heads of government. It is clear the organization is no longer what was described for a long time as an “officers’ golf club”. Through the implementation and expansion of commissions and sub-commissions (currently more than thirty), it has developed naturally towards the role of a supervising entity for international business in the region. ASEAN’s most vaunted current goal is the establishment of a free trade zone. Prior to the economic crisis of 1997, this agreement, named AFTA (Asian Free Trade Association), was to some extent preceded by the emergence of multilateral cross-border trends, which reflected convergences of private economic interests. The Batam/Singapore/Johore triangle would thus be able to triumph over the hermetic markets of Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. The Penang triangle was to link the Indonesian island of Sumatra to the north of the Malay peninsula and the south of Thailand. The region of the Sulawesi Sea was to link the activities of the Celebes to the Philippine island of Mindanao. Another was also conjured up by the so-called rectangle making up the common border between Yunnan, Burma, Thailand, Laos and Vietnam, and finally there is the East ASEAN Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA) which was to gather Brunei, the southern Philippines, the Malay states of north Borneo, eastern Indonesia and eventually the north of Australia.35 These anticipated transnational convergences were to be grounded upon industrial and commercial networks animated by the Chinese community, representing between 3 per cent (in Laos) and 80 per cent (in Singapore) of the population. The Hokkien are a major presence in Singapore, but are also found in Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines, the Teochiu are in Thailand, in Singapore and Vietnam, and the Cantonese are equally well entrenched in Malaysia and Vietnam. A common South-East Asia or a collection of South-East Asian states? Though “a map is not the territory” remains a truism, the fact is that drawn borders tend to give a map a reality of its own. To remap South-East Asia into an area where the borders and states, though not vanishing, grow indistinct, amounts to trying to introduce into the collective consciousness a process which, under closer scrutiny, lacks consistency in many regards. The first remarkable element in what initially appears to be a straightforward process of regional integration is the operational limits of ASEAN itself. Established in 1967 by the Bangkok Declaration—whose very nomenclature highlights the fact that it is neither a charter nor a treaty—ASEAN was not founded on

35

On these, special reference should be made to: the special issue of Hérodote magazine dedicated to the subject of Indonesia (no. 88, first quarter 1998); the work of Besson and Lanteri 1994; the contributions of Charras and Franck 2000: 69–105; and Boisseau du Rocher 1998. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Inventing subregions in Asia Pacific

Sources: Nakayama H., «New Dynamism and Expanding Business Opportunities in Asia», in Nomura Asia Focus, 1991, n˚3 June; Fau N., Un centre dans la périphérie indonésienne : le pôle de Medan, Mémoire de DEA, UPX-Nanterre, 1996; Hérodote n˚88.

restrictive legal principles. Devised to embody a “common state of mind”, it functions exclusively by consensus. One of the organization’s founding principles is that of non-interference in the internal affairs of its member states, and it does not possess a “supranational” vocation. In practice, it functions more like a forum for facilitating dialogue than an institution for regional integration, and it is far more disposed towards ensuring stability than coping with development. This is one reason why it watched impassively the unfolding of the financial crisis of 1997. Despite the establishment of an ad hoc commission, it was still no better equipped to coordinate the fight against the immense Indonesian forest fires that plague SouthEast Asia, just as it remains impotent to fight the production and dissemination of synthetic drugs, an overwhelming social problem that some of its members face.

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From an economic standpoint, the free trade area is still far from being truly operational, even if the customs taxes and duties are regularly reviewed and lowered. However, the concept of a single large South-East Asian marketplace has not impressed many investors, since in a few years, South-East Asia’s share of direct foreign investment in developing countries fell from 26.5 per cent (1986–1990) to 11.2 per cent (1997–1999), while China’s share increased over the same period from 11 to 23 per cent. The reasons for this caution, not to say outright reluctance, in respect of regional integration are numerous and often quite ancient. If one looks back upon the realities of the region’s precolonial past, one inevitably notes that the cordial concord suggested by those who defend the historical harmony of the peninsular maritime states masks a far more troubled reality. In the past, certain great nations were deprived of countries of their own because of their neighbours’ ambitions. Such was the case of the Mon of Pegu, victims of the Burmese and of the Siamese, and that of the Cham, slowly assimilated into Vietnam. Others thrived despite centuries of clashes (as exemplified by the Siamese defiance of Burmese rule). Others still saw bonds of vassalage imposed by more powerful neighbours. This was the case of the inhabitants of the Malay sultanates and the Lao kingdoms which were subjected to Siamese rule, and of the Khmer of the post-Angkorian period who, for an extensive period, endured a dual submission to Bangkok and Vietnam. Beyond the politicians’ rhetoric, this history of conflict remains alive in the collective memory of the people. As we have seen, the concept of Indonesia itself was born of colonization and, through more or less shrewd strategic alliances, most of the states in the region have tried to expand their territories at the expense of neighbouring countries. For a while, Jakarta attempted to integrate British Malaysia during its decolonization process, and in 1975 it even invaded East Timor, today a potential new member of ASEAN. Thailand became involved in the Vietnam conflict, providing passage and support to American bombing. By occupying Cambodia between 1979 and 1989, Hanoi’s forces, actively intervening to bring to an end the regime of the Khmer Rouge, only managed to revive the vivid enmity the Cambodian people still maintain towards their neighbour, which it has yet to forgive for the occupation of “their” territories of the Mekong delta more than three centuries ago. One could easily multiply the examples in a region where many issues of contention remain unsettled regarding the location of borders (for example, between Vietnam and Cambodia, Thailand and Laos or Burma); not to mention the conflicts over maritime territorial limits, which oppose China, Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines and Brunei over the supposedly oil-rich Paracel or Spratly islands. To put it bluntly, the extensive bitterness born of painful memories and sustained by the open wounds of past antagonisms, do not predispose the region’s political leadership to delegate some of their sovereignty to any international Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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regional institution, even more so when the supposed regional unity stands up so poorly to a closer inspection of its heterogeneity. Geographers have long been sceptical of the idea that the various countries of the region concerned actually constitute a particular community.36 In fact, it has proven quite difficult to find common attributes amongst them. In the first instance, it should be noted that their religious identities differ radically, and, though we cannot accurately speak of theocracies, a number of countries in South-East Asia regard their religious convictions as both a founding cultural element and an active component of citizenship. Thus, not only are the populations of Indonesia, the Philippines and Thailand, respectively, Muslim, Christian and Buddhist (each in excess of 90 per cent of their total populations), but, in these three cases, their respective faiths are seen by the states as fundamental pillars of national identity. Additionally, the countries of the area also diverge considerably on matters of political orientation and models of government. The Philippines (since 1986), Thailand (since 1992) and Indonesia (since 1998) now boast democratic political systems. Burma is governed by a military junta. Singapore and Malaysia remain under the rule of semi-authoritarian regimes, while Laos and Vietnam remain under the sway of their respective Communist parties. Finally, from an economic standpoint, the different levels of development are spectacular in their variation. The GDP of Cambodia was, in 2002, almost 4 billion dollars per annum, compared to more than 126 billion for Thailand and close to 87 billion for tiny Singapore.37 The remaining symbol of union could be rice, the gathered but unbound stalks of which make up the logo of ASEAN. But even here the image is fragile at best, for though rice remains undoubtedly the basic foodstuff across the region, the same could easily be said for India, China, and even Madagascar. As for its actual production, often upheld as the symbol of the organized agrarian cultures that ASEAN claims to stand for, its importance varies considerably from country to country. Nearly 35 per cent of all Indonesian soil is devoted to rice production, but it covers only 10 per cent of the surface of the Philippines, 6 per cent of Malaysia, and is nonexistent in Brunei and Singapore. Worse still, as regards potential regional integration, the nations of SouthEast Asia possess few traditions when it comes to co-operation. As has been mentioned above, between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries, the local maritime states provided the outside world with the appearance of cohesion, evoking the image of a peaceful crossroads of flourishing intercontinental trade. But even if

36 37

On the evolution of the concept of South-East Asia, see Durand 2000: 184–193. ASEAN Secretariat http://www.aseansec.org/pdf/ASEAN_statistical2003.pdf, page 36. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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China, India, the Middle East or even the distant West were taken in by this semblance of cohesion, the various states constituting South-East Asia at the time were, towards the end of this period, largely content to ignore their neighbours. Opting instead to turn their sights towards far-flung partners, they ceased to perceive themselves enduringly as integral elements of a regional whole, especially as the colonial pressures contributed to dissuade them from any reversal of that trend. The model here is thus significantly different from the European, which—if one excludes the interludes associated with the period of the great discoveries—has, above all, focused on developing its domestic trade, using the long-term strategic economic relations between its various members as an element of regional consolidation. Even during the 1980s, at the height of South-East Asian economic growth, ASEAN’s internal trade never exceeded 23 per cent of the total of the foreign trade balance of the member states.38 Today, the Philippines export five times less towards its regional partners than towards its principal Western associate (the United States); Vietnam equally encourages its flourishing relationship with Japan over local alliances. Disregarding for the moment the undeniable bonds which link Vietnam and Laos and, to a lesser extent, Cambodia and Thailand, it is an understatement to say that the various countries’ interest towards their neighbouring states is negligible. The fact that most Indonesian citizens readily believe that Vietnam is still a country at war illustrates exceptionally well the opacity still clouding relations between the insular and peninsular worlds, that the absence of regular flights between Manila and Hanoi readily confirms. But even within the various sub-regions, the communications are hardly any better. Although culturally and linguistically related, Filipinos and Indonesians maintain hardly any dialogue or regular exchange beyond that related to the islands that make up their common borders. Rare are the events in Manila likely to interest the press in Jakarta. As for the Thai and Vietnamese media, by their indifference towards their South-East Asian partners, they sustain their respective population’s ignorance. It is hence not surprising to find that European or North Asian languages are taught extensively in the schools and universities of Bangkok, Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, whereas, with the notable exception of Mandarin Chinese, the languages of the neighbouring countries remain largely ignored. Confronted with this acute heterogeneity, the need for regional consolidation must be understood as rooted in the emergence elsewhere of large and powerful political and economic communities of which the European Union

38

Gazzo 2001: 52–54 . Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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constitutes the preeminent example. For more than half a century, national histories were opposed to each other because they were considered by every government in the region to be necessary for the formation of their own nation-states. It was thus necessary to emphasize national opposition not only to the colonial overlords, but also to the various enemies closer at hand who, by their hostile attitudes, or their very existence, had amputated a part of each nation’s territories—which each nation’s respective vision of its past vindicated as their own. The regional ideal, however, represents the opposite imperative. It demands decisive steps towards harmonization and concurrence, and the disappearance of nationalism. Whilst the process of reconstructing and revising history under this new paradigm has undoubtedly begun, it remains embryonic. For the South-East Asian region, history, conceived as a form of reconstructing the past, obviously still has a major role to play. Bibliography BARMÉ, Scot, Luang Wichit Wathakan and the Creation of a Thai Identity, Singapore, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1993. BELLWOOD, Peter, Man’s Conquest of the Pacific: the Prehistory of Southeast Asia and Oceania, New York, Oxford University Press, 1979. BELLWOOD, Peter, Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian Archipelago, Sydney, Academic Press, 1985. BESSON, Daniel and LANTERI, Marc, ANSEA, la Décennie prodigieuse, Paris, La Documentation française, 1994. BOISSEAU DU ROCHER, Sophie, L’ASEAN et la construction régionale en Asie du Sud-Est, Paris, L’Harmattan, 1998. CAYRAC-BLANCHARD, Françoise, DOVERT, Stéphane and DURAND, Frédéric (eds), Indonésie, un demi-siècle de construction nationale, Paris, L’Harmattan, Paris, 2000. CHARNVIT KASETSIRI, The First Phibun Government and its Involvement in World War II, Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 62 (2), July 1974, appendix IV, pp.77–78. CHARRAS, Muriel and FRANCK, Manuel, Quarante ans d’introversion en Indonésie: l’éclipse de toute une région–L’Asie du Sud-Est insulaire dans les recompositions spatiales asiatique, in Françoise CAYRACBLANCHARD et al. q.v., 2000. CROSBY, Josiah, Siam: The Crossroads, London, Hollis & Carter, 1945, pp.113–114. DECOUX, Jean, À La Barre de l’Indochine - Histoire de mon Gouvernement Général (1940–1945), Paris, Plon, 1949.

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DEFERT, Gabriel, L’Indonésie et la Nouvelle-Guinée occidentale. Maintien des frontières coloniales ou respect des identités communautaires, Paris, L’Harmattan, 1996. DOVERT, Stéphane (ed.), ‘La Thaïlande prête pour le monde’ ou de l’usage intensif des étrangers dans un processus de construction nationale, in S. Dovert (ed.) Thaïlande contemporaine, Bangkok/Paris, IRASEC/L’Harmattan, 2001. DOVERT, Stéphane (ed.), Réfléchir l’Asie du Sud-Est, essai d’épistémologie, Bangkok/Paris, IRASEC/Les Indes Savantes, 2004. DURAND, Frédéric, L’Asie du Sud-Est? Une aire à géographie variable, Limes, n˚5, November-December 2000, pp.184–193. FEITH, Herbert, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press, 1962. FIFIELD, Russel, The Diplomacy of Southeast Asia, 1945–1958, New York, Harper and Brothers, 1958. FLOOD, Edward Thadeus, Japan’s Relations with Thailand: 1928–41, Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Washington, 1967. GAUDEL, André, L’Indochine française face au Japon, Paris, Susse, 1947. GAZZO, Yves, L’ASEAN, Mandaluyong (Philippines), Asiatype, 2001. HALL, D. G. E., A History of South-East Asia, London, Macmillan, 1981 (1st ed: 1955). Hérodote magazine, Indonesia, n˚88, first quarter 1998. JAYANAMA DIREK, Siam and World War, Bangkok, Social Association of Thailand Press, Bangkok, n.d. (1st ed: 1966). LUNET de LAJONQUIE` RE, Etienne, Inventaire descriptif des monuments du Cambodge, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1908 (publication de l’EFEO). MARR, David G., MILNER, A.C. (eds), Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th centuries, Canberra/Singapore, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University/Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986. MASPERO, Georges, Le Royaume du Champa, reprinted Paris, École française d’Extrême-Orient, 1988 (first ed: 1910). MOUHOT, Henri, Voyage dans les royaumes de Siam de Cambodge, de Laos et autres parties centrales de l’Indo-Chine, Paris, Le Tour du Monde, 1863. PIGEAUD, Théodore, Java in the 14th Century, a Study in Cultural History–The Nagara Kertagama by Rakawi Prapanca of Majapahit, 1365 A.D, Koninklijk Instituut voor Tall-, Land- en Volkenkunde, translation series 4, The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1963 (3rd ed.). REID, Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450–1680, New Haven/ Chiang Mai, Yale University/Silkworm Books, 1988, 2 vols. REID, Anthony, Asian freedoms, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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ROBERT C., Jr., The Dynamics of the Western New Guinea Problem, Interim Report Series, Ithaca NY, Cornell University Press, 1958. SMITH, R. B. and WATSON, W. (eds), Early South East Asia – Essays in Archaeology, History and Historical Geography, Kuala Lumpur/New York, Oxford University Press, 1979. STOWE, Judith A., Siam Becomes Thailand. A Story of Intrigue, Honolulu, University of Hawai’i Press, 1991. SUNAIT CHUTINTARANOND and BAKER, Chris (eds), Recalling Local Pasts, Autonomous History in Southeast Asia, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2002. TERTRAIS, Hugues, Diachonie, synchronie: le lien de l’histoire au présent, in Stéphane Dovert (ed.), Réfléchir l’Asie du Sud-Est, essai d’épistémologie, Bangkok/Paris, IRASEC/Les Indes savantes, 2004. THONGCHAI WINICHAKUL, Siam Mapped, A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 1998 (1st ed: 1994). TIPS, Walter E.J., Gustave Rolin-Jacquemyns and the Making of Modern Siam– The Diaries and Letters of King Chulalongkorn’s General Adviser, Bangkok, White Lotus, Bangkok, 1996. TRUONG CHINH, Marxisme et Culture vietnamienne, Records of the 2nd national cultural conference held on July 1948, in Écrits, Hanoi, 1977, pp. 225–311. VICKERY, Michael, Cambodia and its Neighbors in the 15th Century, Singapore, Asia Research Institute, University of Singapore, Working paper series n˚27, June 2004.

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DISORDER, FEAR, DEATH AND THEIR TRANSCENDENCE Marco Roncarati

Abstract Disorder in individual and collective terms is a problem which affects more than a few people in Thailand, as elsewhere. While the phenomena experienced might cause fear of a decline in the quality of life in society and the wider global ecological environment, it is argued that this very fear can act as a stimulus to change. Drawing on various perceptions and thoughts of several proponents of spiritual practices, as well as literary sources, matters such as fear of social and environmental decay and individual death are considered for their didactic value—namely, to encourage an awakening to life’s realities and to work to resolve the egocentric root cause of all fears. Introduction In Buddhist and Hindu worldview perspectives the term “Kali Yuga” is used to describe an age of darkness, disorder and upheaval, occurring as the downside of a cyclical swing in (collective) human consciousness. In Thai it is known as kal™yuk, and although people generally may be unfamiliar with its deeper theoretical intricacies, they often feel it reflects current trends with an apparent deterioration in the human state, the world, or larger cosmic order. Undeniably modern developments have brought progress, with technological advances in agriculture, manufacturing, transportation, communication, medicine, etc.; nevertheless this seems unable to prevent greater egocentrism and attachment to sensory pleasures, reduced regard for ethical issues and increased environmental destruction. To begin with, the cyclical nature of existence and non-existence (and all other dualities) informing Buddhist understandings of karma (volitional action) and the law of cause and effect (Dhammaniya¯ma) are discussed. For unenlightened humans, like other sentient beings, life is considered part of a process of continual change in Samsara’s sea of suffering. On the other hand, the Buddha, on enlightenment, saw the cycles of birth, life, death and rebirth and freed himself from attachment to conditionality, thus experiencing Nirvana, a nondual “state” achieved by other sages who transcend identification with a self (atta¯). It is the ultimate fruit of spiritual practice; however, it evades being experienced by so many and thus Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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they think and talk about the Kali Yuga, as if facing and fearing death and needing some explanation for this existential crisis. Luang-phor Khun Tikukhawiro—one of Ajarn Chah’s (Pra Bodhinyana Thera, 1918–1992) best-known living disciples—discussing the Kali Yuga’s relevance as an instrument of teaching Dharma (what the Buddha taught), feels that essentially it is just a concept in the mind of any individual contemplating turmoil in the world of phenomena. He mentions that individuals experience their own Kali Yuga, because of “clinging” to what they consider “bad” in the world and this gives rise to suffering (dukkha)1. Clinging to the bad may sound absurd, yet Buddhism’s view of desire (tan.ha¯) incorporates desire for sense-pleasures (ka¯matan. ha¯), desire for existence and becoming (bhava-tan. ha¯), and desire for non-existence, death or (self-) annihilation (vibhava-tan.ha¯), where one loses motivation for existence, thinking that all things are essentially nothing or non-existent2 (Buddhadasa, cf. Swearer 1989:94 and Rahula 1998:29). Regarding materialistic, consumerist development, ka¯ma-tan.ha¯ and how to transcend it are the most obvious areas of study; regarding more existential matters, though, bhava-tan.ha¯ and vibhava-tan.ha¯ are relevant. Clinging to the bad could be more appropriately referred to as mental clinging to concepts of bad “involuntarily”, or “voluntarily” clinging to “an obsessive aversion to the object of that feeling and an obsessive desire to seek escape from it” (Payutto 1995a:52). Whichever way, there is clinging, and its “negative” side is what Luang-phor Khun feels makes people fear the Kali Yuga. He does not imply that we are not living in an era with tendencies towards more selfishness, violence and wars; however, he says that worrying will not change anything for the better. In practical terms, he says that without problems in life, solutions are not needed. Moreover, in the past humans would not have had to overcome hardship by seeking to improve things through studying, experimenting and inventing, whether motivated by tan.ha¯ or chanda (wisdom or pañña¯-based desire for well-being applicable to problem-solving). The problem, he feels, is that “material” progress has gone so far that in the West (and parts of Thailand) many people are born in comfort with little need to adopt problem-solving mentalities, and instead their minds become easily troubled by mundane matters. To effectively break free of Samsaric cycles, he teaches people to work on themselves and change their perception.

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Dukkha is commonly translated as “suffering”, but, without conveying such pessimism, it literally means “unsustainable” and “incapable of providing perfect happiness” (Chah 1992:35), implying that everything in life and the world is characterised by impermanence, emptiness or insubstantiality (Rahula 1998:17). 2 Misinterpreted, vibhava-tan.ha¯ can produce incorrect, nihilistic understandings of non-self or emptiness. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Regarding whether individuals can help others, Luang-phor Khun (echoing sentiments of many nuns and monks promoting self-reliance) cites the example of Ajarn Chah, his master from many years ago, as an effective teacher. He says that before Ajarn Chah “revitalised” Dharma in Northeast Thailand, Buddhism was generally in a poor state, predominantly concerned with rituals and lacking in pragmatic efforts to extinguish dukkha. Nevertheless, without needing to announce himself as a Dharma teacher, Ajarn Chah affected numerous people by acting as an example of someone imbued with Dharma. This inspired others to do likewise and a demonstration effect was established. Therefore Luang-phor Khun feels that the best way to affect others and do one’s best to resolve problems of a world apparently amidst a Kali Yuga is to change oneself to exemplify Dharma. This will help resolve one’s own (fear-of-death) Kali Yuga and lead others to do likewise. He says not doing so will prevent one being self-reliant spiritually, and if one tries to help others it is like attempting to save a drowning person without being able to swim, resulting in both people drowning. Another senior monk and disciple of Ajarn Chah, Phra-ajarn Pairot Wirojano, cites instances of increased serious social problems as evidence of a global Kali Yuga. He says that with greater violence, murder, rape and other activities characteristic of sat-de¯rachan (beasts), people seem to be behaving less like sat-prase¯u¯t (humans). Nevertheless, he adds that this is just part of a natural cycle. If individuals picture themselves old and close to death, he says, with their own body and world experiencing decay, there is no need to consider more than oneself to see that what is born must die. He notes that all people will die, Westerners, Thais, Chinese, it is all the same; but he stresses the need to work on one’s individual attainment to transcend egotistical fears of death, while helping others to do likewise. This attitude prevails among others who are concerned more with practice than cogitating over the state of the world, and a common warning is that people should not worry about such matters, since it will only depress them. Nevertheless, as few people are aware of looking within to solve individual and communal problems, discussion should also be directed at trends more concerned with “outside” happenings, especially how the “Kali Yuga” or other discourses on deteriorating collective human circumstances are used didactically. Imminent doom or evolutionary pressure? Thais, though using the Buddhist Era calendar (2000 AD = 2543 BE), were certainly not oblivious to global celebrations of the new millennium. In fact, media coverage and festivities across Thailand then and more recent events show that, in an era of globalisation, Thais are aware of many world-wide happenings and trends. In the years leading to the turn of the millennium, signs of what Thompson (1999) refers to as “Pre-Millennial Tension” were indeed apparent. There appeared stories in Thai newspapers, books and both academic and informal discourses related to Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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various potential impending Armageddon-like phenomena. Thailand, like many other nations, is arguably affected by “a world-wide growth in apocalypticism” whose roots lie in “secularization, globalization and what Anthony Giddens calls ‘the reflexive project of the self’” (ibid:13). Through the Internet, media and mass entertainment “doctrines, philosophies and conspiracy theories which promise an end to the current order are flourishing as never before” and can potentially affect people everywhere, for the “...market in spirituality is now as globalized as any other” (ibid). The year 2000 AD has passed, and although much of the fuss may be over, incidents like the 11 September disasters, the war in Iraq and the effects of environmental degradation keep arising. Moreover, concerns about the Kali Yuga and how religion and spirituality can save or be exploited by fanatics remain. In his article “Millennialism, Theravada Buddhism, and Thai Society”, Keyes (1977:283) considers millennialism to be associated with beliefs that an old (corrupt) “world order” will be destroyed, with the “damned” perishing in the holocaust, and the “elect” surviving to enjoy benefits of a “new order”. He argues that millennialism is not particular to the Christian religion and there is indeed a Buddhist basis for millennial belief. Furthermore, the fact that, numerically-speaking, in the Buddhist calendar there appears no millennial significance at this point in history, does not mean that Thais are unaffected by the aforementioned global phenomena (cf. Ratana 1997:21). Nor does it mean that millennialism, in wider contexts of belief in a future period of ideal peace and happiness, cannot operate independently of calendar dates. However, unlike Keyes’ work, which considers phu¯ -wise¯t (people with extraordinary powers) who can “effect immediate improvements in the conditions of existence of those who become [their] followers” (Keyes 1977:289), what is dealt with here is how—amidst the pressures of modern society —Dharma is taught and how it can be an impetus to spiritual development. Regarding Buddhist views of the evolution of the universe, Thittila (1986:24) states that rather than evolving out of nothingness, the universe “evolved out of the dispersed matter of a previous universe; and when this universe is dissolved, its dispersed matter, or its residual energy which is continuously renewing itself, will in turn give rise to another universe in the same way. The process is therefore cyclic and continuous.” On Earth (with the same cyclical and evolutionary forces), Buddhism’s historical texts generally agree that after Gautama Buddha, social order and ethics will continuously decline, but there is limited consensus on how long before the nadir is reached. Lamotte (1988:192–198) mentions that in canonical writings the years for the “disappearance of the Good Law”, discovered and expounded by the Buddha, vary from 500 to 12,000. Nevertheless, in the fifth century AD the reformer Buddhaghosa fixed the date at 5,000 years after Gautama Buddha, a figure adopted by the Pali (Theravada) chronicles and commentaries (ibid:196).

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This period is commonly referred to in Thailand3 as the time between Gautama Buddha and Maitreya, the future Buddha who will re-discover Dharma once it has been lost. Ajarn Pichet Boonthumme, a lay Buddhist teacher and healer, proposes that things indeed appear to be getting worse in the world, with the possibility of mass destruction; however, this is not necessarily a problem. He stresses that one need not wait over 2,000 years for phra s™-¡riaya-me¯trai (Maitreya), because he can come any time if one develops one’s mind in a self-reliant manner and attains awareness of lokuttara (the transcendent world). He discourages dependence on others because they cannot think or practice on one’s behalf, and only by one’s own efforts can one realise the emptiness or non-self of lokuttara common to all religions. For this, he says, it is not significant if one has (much) money or not, since these are things of the mundane world and can at most help make the body comfortable. Nevertheless, to make the mind/heart happy and at peace, one must do away with all defilements or kilesa (fundamentally, greed, hatred and delusion). Thus, for Ajarn Pichet the Kali Yuga is a personal thing which everyone must overcome. With this in mind, and with his ability to teach healing and aspects of Buddhist practice in one-to-one terms, he is more interested in helping people individually than in dealing with many people in a socially active manner. The monk Phra Pongthep Dhammagaruko adopts an approach involving a wider audience. He says that we are indeed in a Kali Yuga, and with current trends, or without a glap-jai (“change of heart”), things will certainly get worse. However, he suggests that this should not induce pessimism or negative thinking, and this is why all of the four Brahmavih¡ra (principles of virtuous existence) are relevant.4 He mentions that existing problems are due to past karma, and, seen collectively, we are all responsible. Mett¡, karu¥¡ and mudit¡ alone, he adds, may not be enough to prevent dukkha associated with a Kali Yuga, since upekkh¡ is essential for that. Consequently, he considers non-violence in thoughts, speech and actions as crucial, and feels that talking optimistically will help people. This does not necessarily contradict the view that in the phenomenal world there is and may continue to be disaster and upheaval, because it operates on a different level, that of samm¡ditthi (right view/understanding).5 Even if humanity is still short of the extreme of a Kali Yuga, in Phra Pongthep’s opinion we can attain upekkh¡ by not clinging to

3

As well as in other Theravada Buddhist countries (Keyes 1977:288 and Mendelson 1961: 574–576). 4 These principles—mett¡ (loving kindness), karu¥¡ (compassion), mudit¡ (sympathetic-altruistic joy) and upekkh¡ (equanimity, neutrality, poise)—drive socially-engaged Buddhism, which works for the benefit of the whole. 5 The first factor of the Noble Eightfold Path (ariya- a©©thangika-magga), which leads to dukkha’s cessation. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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concepts of disorder and deterioration. He says that this is possible, but only for a small number of people who can develop their minds to that state. In addition, he feels that optimism in speech is justified, if one realises that one can change oneself and help others to whatever degree. Phra Pongthep brings attention to some of his own writings, funded by UNICEF (Pongthep 2000). Basically, he says that, in simplified terms, a look at the four factors—natural resources, rich people, poor people and the magnitude of social crises—shows that recently natural resources have been depleted and the magnitude of social crises has increased. He adds that rich and poor people are both responsible, since they both contribute to the extraction of natural resources and are driven by ta¥h¡ to consume increasingly more. Furthermore, they all experience dukkha associated with seeking “worldly” pleasures, and are never truly satisfied or in the position to experience upekkh¡. He is of the opinion that the future holds two possibilities. First, natural resources (the world’s “invaluable initial investment”) become progressively fewer and the magnitude of crises increases. In this case the suffering of the poor increases (particularly from scarcity and disease) as does that of the rich, as their selfishness and “karmic load” accrues them greater dukkha, physical and psychological. Second, people use natural resources to the extent that satisfies their needs sustainably, by both rich and poor adopting samm¡di©©thi and working together. Phra Pongthep feels that highlighting dilemmas of negative possibilities, working on people’s fear to change attitudes, and optimistically pointing to positive possibilities of less individual and collective dukkha, will make people think and act in manners conducive to changes for the better. Therefore, he sees the whole issue of the Kali Yuga as a useful, living teaching with universal validity. Science, spirituality and consciousness transformed A slightly different approach to the Kali Yuga is employed by Dr Art-ong Jumsai Na Ayudhaya, a prominent Thai scientist and educator. He combines Hindu, Christian and Buddhist terms and cites from each tradition’s sacred texts to elucidate the significance of dispelling Maya (illusion of attachment to the relative/dualistic world) and transcending the conceptual mind to become one with God (the Absolute). He says that while humans are universally driven to attain happiness or end dukkha, most people are deluded into thinking that happiness can actually be found in Maya. Those, he mentions, who realize that dukkha itself teaches, can gradually learn from their mistakes. Through introspection that confronts mental confusion and other means, they seek more refined (non-egocentric) happiness until their happiness comes from universal love for all beings (lokuttara-sukha).

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Dr Art-ong does not talk of impending disaster, though he says that the world’s troubles are, like “growing pains”, signs of a transformation in consciousness. He mentions that what is happening now results from an accumulation of all collective past karma from human history, and affects all people. Although negative karma seems preponderant, he says that there are actually subtle changes among people around the world, with the effect that positive karma associated with universal love is gradually “cancelling out” negative karma. He likens the situation to an atomic bomb, where beyond a “critical mass” of uranium or plutonium, very powerful things happen. With karma the critical mass is reached when universal love “transmutes” the accumulated negative karma and brings about radical changes in the human world. Meditation, which “is not a means of evasion... [but] a serene encounter with reality” (Sulak 1992:86), is an effective way of bringing about such changes, for “When one person in a family practices meditation, the entire family will benefit. Because of the presence of one member who lives in mindfulness, filled with compassion, the entire family will be reminded to live in that spirit” (ibid:86). The subtle power created by phalang-jit (or psychic energy) is often alluded to during meditation retreats when meditators project mett¡-karu¥¡ to all beings. This is the essence of meditation practices used by, among others, Luangphor Jayasaro, abbot of Wat Pa Nanachat, in Ubon Rajathani province, which follows Ajarn Chah’s teachings. In such meditation sessions mett¡-karun¡ is sent out to all beings based on the realisation that for nuns, monks and other meditators this can be an effective way of changing the world for the better. In fact, healing energy of this nature was called upon on a national level in Thailand, when in early 1995, with large media coverage, everyone was asked to project mett¡-karu¥¡ to the king, who was seriously unwell. Monks across the country were involved in synchronized chanting/praying to send the king healing energy, while in many areas, such as Sanam Luang (the large field next to the royal palace in Bangkok), laity dressed in white participated in similar activities. Wilber (1991:247-248) discusses Tonglen, a meditation practice “so powerful and... transformative it was kept largely secret until just recently in Tibet”, which involves taking in the “suffering of beings everywhere” on the in-breath and “sending them back health and happiness and virtue” on the out-breath. This implies practising true compassion and in a sense is “the Buddhist equivalent of what Christ did: be willing to take on the sins of the world, and thus transform them (and you)” (ibid:248). Chödrön (1999:35), considering Tonglen, refers to the powerful energies of “anger, lust, envy, jealousy” as “wisdoms in disguise”. She says “Tonglen practice reverses the usual logic of avoiding suffering and seeking pleasure... [thus] we become liberated from very ancient patterns of selfishness... [employ] what seems like poison as medicine... [and] use our personal sufferings as the path to compassion for all beings.” (ibid:35) Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Returning to Dr Art-ong, frequently, both in public speeches and in more private dialogues, he refers to Jesus Christ as someone who devoted himself to changing the balance of karma in the world through sacrifices and his teachings. In the current era, he feels that Sai Baba is performing an analogous role, influencing people in Thailand and across the globe, especially in education. With similar feelings, Dr Teerakiet Jaroensettasin, an influential psychiatrist, often employs Sri Aurobindo’s teachings. Aurobindo (1993) suggests that the human species is experiencing a “supramental” evolution. This links people to “the highest divine consciousness and force operative in the universe... superior to mentality, it exists, acts and proceeds in the fundamental truth and unity of things and not like the mind in their appearances and phenomenal divisions” (ibid:396–397). The evolution involves “the progressive unfolding of Spirit out of the destiny of material consciousness”, raising consciousness to that which “is still unmanifest, from matter into life, from life into mind, from mind into the spirit” (ibid:382). Aurobindo (ibid:72–73) cautions that speculation on the manifestation of a new supramental principle and race of supramental beings on earth is rather perilous as it must be done with the mind; yet “...the mind has not the capacity to forecast the action of what is above itself—just as a merely animal or vital perception of things could not have forecast what would be the workings of Mind and a mentalized race of beings here.” Nevertheless, even without specific speculation, pressures exist, be they evolutionary or otherwise, and it is arguably the nature of the human mind to search for meanings, to speculate and to explain what happens in life. Satprem (1989:107), using teachings of his two masters, Aurobindo and Mother, comments that in “the world body... [t]here’s a feeling that everything is going awry, falling apart... It’s as if our entire mental system were completely rotten... and there’s no solution to anything.” This, he argues, is because, as with fish when they had to move from gill respiration to another mode of breathing, “[i]t’s suffocating to evolve to ‘another’... Everything is shattered... The entire Earth body is being torn apart” (ibid:108). Hence, he adds, “...if we believe we are moving toward new unities, new world wide fraternities, that shall save the poor and make a better society, we are sorely mistaken... We are not going to make better fish—we are in the process of making a new species” (ibid:108). Dr Teerakiet takes an optimistic view of changes humanity is going through and suggests that while Aurobindo’s “superman” does not imply a person with the finest and most flawless qualities with which we are familiar, the gap between “superman” and humans could be like that between humans and monkeys. Dr Teerakiet has faith that something significant is dawning and we can be instrumental in helping the labour of the new age. He adds that, while six million years ago a chimpanzee’s brain represented the apex of the evolutionary progression,

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three million years ago it was Lucy’s and today it is the human mind, what it will be six million years hence or what will have materialized elsewhere is anybody’s guess. A scientific approach to inquiry into causes-and-effects, seen integrally and without attachment to materialistic reductionism, 6 may reveal world-wide developments in new light. For instance, Satprem (1989:111–112) argues that if one “could step back and have a bird’s-eye view of history” one would see that science’s “real purpose” is not production of “gadgets” nor “superjets”; rather its real contribution “is to have woven such a dense and tight network among all parts of the globe, all the groups of humanity, to have created such a unity... that you can’t do the slightest thing in a remote corner of France without its having repercussions in Washington or Beijing.” Consequently, considering current chaotic world circumstances, within the unity, “[t]he solution is found or uncovered in the obstacle” (Satprem 1992:109). Furthermore, contrary to what “most scholars” think (not understanding “mystical religion”), science is not killing spirituality, but “stripping us of our infantile and adolescent [prerational] views of spirit... to make way for... the transpersonal stages of genuine mystical or contemplative development” (Wilber 1991:201). This is because “mysticism is transrational and thus lies in our collective future, not our collective past. Mysticism is evolutionary and progressive, not devolutionary and regressive, as Aurobindo and Teilhard de Chardin realized” (ibid:201). Bearing the aforementioned comments in mind, self-reliance may imply that individuals are to realize spiritual “truths” in their minds and overcome their own Kali Yuga, while recognizing their relation to larger collective orders. All phenomena contain their opposites Capra (1983) feels the current epoch is revealing a “turning point”, in which, by people adopting a “holistic”, “systems-based approach”, what appears to be mass destruction can be transformed into new opportunities for sustainable development with ecological awareness. Considering such a transformative process, dynamic equilibrium and relations between duality and nonduality are now discussed. A basic tenet of understanding the relative world of duality is that nothing is absolute (including that very statement), though everything comes from the nondual unity “behind” that which is manifested. Consequently, nothing exists without being seen and comprehended in relation to its opposite. Additionally, themes 6

Taking valid data accumulation, following Kuhn’s (1970) criteria, and subsequent verification or falsification of results by communal and consensual proof (Popper 1959), to constitute “scientific”, and employing the “inner eye” of intuition rather than outer eyes, that verify through “material” experimentation and proof (cf Wilber, 1996). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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of karma and rebirth (whether viewed vis-à-vis lifetimes or purely thoughts corresponding to arising psychological states) prevalent in Eastern philosophy consider phenomena existing cyclically. Thus, birth leads to death, which in turn leads to rebirth. Traditional Chinese philosophical yin-yang thinking considers cycles fundamental to every phenomenon in the universe, which “alternates through a cyclical movement of peaks and bases”, with the yin-yang alternation as “the motive force of its change and development” (Maciocia 1989:3). The continual flux between yin and yang means that—as the yin-yang diagram, by now recognized almost everywhere in the world, shows—in all phenomena the “seed” of its opposite exists. In many Asian systems of medicine this promotes understanding of causes of and cures for sickness, and, though it is usually applied to physical sickness, the same principles apply to any form of sickness where balance is disturbed, be it individual, collective, or related to the environment. Nevertheless, to overcome all sickness, one must know duality and transcend it. This implies realizing that “light can only be seen through the darkness” and problems are “lessons” in understanding life. In turn it can lead to solutions and “true health”, which “...can only be established by individual triumph over the constant temptations and dangers of daily life... [not] through a proxy war on cancer, war on poverty [etc.]... True health can be won by recognition of the principle of the Oneness of the universe, and man’s relation to it” (Oshawa 1965:203–204). Various approaches are adopted by monks and other spiritually aware people with regard to teaching about mindfulness of individual behaviour, especially in preventing health problems by not acting on ta¥h¡ yet learning how to live harmoniously with others. Nevertheless, they are generally informed by similar realizations of the transient nature of the physical body and the significance of transcending egocentric drives. Death and sickness are sometimes stressed to make people change themselves sooner rather than later. The well-known monk Luang-poo Puttaisara frequently uses language that encourages reflection on one’s shortcomings and altering them. For instance, in his “Treatise on Death” (Putta-isara 2000) he emphasizes that it is uncertain when we will die, but what is certain is that we all will die. A sentimental reaction may be that this morbid topic is best avoided. However, for Luang-poo Putta-isara, it is an objective truth, and simply that. Anything more is a “subjective”, ego-driven response. Given the problem, a solution is also proffered, which is developing awareness of death with every breath until the mind no longer clings to anything, including life or death (ibid:13). Moreover, one is encouraged to realize that death (as a cause of dukkha) is just a concept, which, with limited awareness, can lead to “moods” that distract from seeing things as they are. Thus, people are cautioned not to get drunk (i.e. lost) in sensations (especially defilements) nor fear death, since this leads to trouble in life rather than seeing death as something natural (ibid:14). One can indeed learn from fear of Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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death, “a constant reminder” of a central tenet of Buddhism “and mysticism in general” that all is transient and “...nothing remains... Only the whole endures eternally; all parts are doomed to death and decay. In meditative or mystical awareness, beyond the prison of individuality, one can taste the whole and escape the fate of a part; one is released from suffering and from the terror of mortality” (Wilber 1991:66). Working on people’s dark side for didactic purposes, the Thai Ministry of Public Health often uses shock images (e.g. bleeding gums and blackened lungs), considered effective in anti-smoking campaigns. Some years ago it stopped using posters implying that gifts of cigarettes to monks (and thus smoking) is a sin, in favour of posters which adopt scare tactics, graphically depicting the bodily harm cigarettes can cause. Similar approaches are used with malaria and AIDS. Psychological research shows that fear-based appeals are effective in changing attitudes, though after a certain point, what becomes high fear has limited effects (Robberson and Rogers 1988). Nevertheless, fear alone cannot help one progress far in developing consciousness and transcending dukkha, since, for this, fear must be conquered. The monk and meditation teacher Sumano Bhikkhu feels that fear and negative emotions can help one learn to overcome problems. His own fear has been one of his greatest teachers and has made him risk everything to develop spiritually. His experiences and those of several monks he knows show how spiritual progress is frequently (if not primarily) triggered and expedited by reaching a point of existential desperation, where one faces fear and willingly puts everything on the line. This implies risking the att¡ that identifies with its perceived “possessions”: corporeality, sensations and other aggregates of existence (khandha).7 It also implies acknowledging what Loy (1992:159) feels is a key point in Buddhism and also a theme familiar to existential philosophy, namely “anxiety is essential to the ego because it is the ego’s response to its own groundlessness, something more immediately threatening than fear of death in the future.” This groundlessness is a feature of Buddhism, which sees all phenomena as essentially empty or void. Sumano Bhikkhu describes his own disenchantment with life at a lower level of consciousness development and dukkha associated with it. He reached the point that he no longer saw meaning in living as a slave of ta¥h¡. Yet in that desperation he found a seed of faith (or spark of bodhi8) in a life devotedly

7

Buddhism sees all people consisting of the five khandha, namely r¢pa (material form/corporeality), vedan¡ (feelings/sensations), saññ¡ (perceptions), sa¥kh¡ra (mental formations/volitional activities) and viññ¡¥a (consciousness). 8 The Buddha Nature inherent in all sentient beings. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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working for the welfare of all beings, without concern for one’s individuality other than staying healthy enough to carry out one’s duty. Turning things around to their opposite reflects Sun Tzu’s advice in the classic on strategy, “The Art of War”: “When people fall into danger, they are then able to strive for victory” (cf. Cleary 1988:161). Sumano Bhikkhu says that in desperation a seed of hope may be found by those receptive enough to not be engulfed by negativity. Then slowly, by developing wisdom (paññ¡) and working on faith that glimpses the “deathless” condition in meditative practice that can be attained by commitment to non-attachment and transcendence of the att¡, progress is made. However, one must “do the difficult” and “stop the world”. This, Sumano Bhikkhu feels, implies sticking with practice and not giving up to slackness or distractions of the sensory world, while letting go of attachment to transient phenomena and effectively “stilling the mind” in the “eternal now”. It means not getting carried away by ta¥h¡ and witnessing the present moment that transcends space and time. For when the mind goes beyond relative bondage of time and space it breaks free from the chains of karma and Kali Yuga fears. According to another disciple of Ajarn Chah and Sumano Bhikkhu’s preceptor, Ajarn Sumedho (n.d.:3), it is a matter of being continuously aware and realizing that “Yesterday is a memory. Tomorrow is the unknown. Now is the knowing.” Fear in Thai society and an individual example Fear of one’s shadow or dark side should be confronted for spiritual progress. Classic psychology studies show that through “systematic desensitization” fears/ phobias can be removed. However, if objects of fears are avoided, fears are invariably perpetuated, or they are not given “a chance to undergo extinction” (Gross 1996:160). Concerning facing fear, Jung (1974:20) comments: “This confrontation is the first test of courage on the inner way, a test sufficient to frighten off most people, for the meeting with ourselves belongs to the more unpleasant things that can be avoided so long as we can project everything negative into the environment.” Kanchana (1982:34), analyzing fear in Thai society, concludes that children fear things (e.g. ghosts) that are rai he¯tphon (“without cause/reason”) and such fear continues to affect them as adults. She (ibid:41) argues that historically children have been taught to fear and defer to parents, which has caused fear of anyone in power (thus easy exploitation) and ultimately created imaginations in which fear has no limit. This may sound extreme, but to varying degrees it occurs in, among other places, psychiatric wards in hospitals in Thailand, as elsewhere. Whatever fear, arguably ta¥h¡, attachment and ignorant belief in an att¡ cause it. Regarding adverse feelings experienced by the att¡ (whether pain, fear or depression), the root cause is habitual clinging. This is relatively obvious with

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death and the aforementioned groundlessness, but also exists with physical pain and fear of losing self-esteem. Fear, like other emotions, can be observed and subsequently overcome by “the transpersonal Witness” (Wilber 1998:286) in meditation practice.9 However, when individuals are engulfed by fear or identify with it, there is no escape. Facing fear has traditionally been a practice of wandering forest monks who stay at charnel grounds contemplating fear of decay, the unknown and death, eventually to be freed from such fears. Thus the famous monk and meditation master Ajarn Man Bhuridatta (1871–1949) stated: “Dhamma [Dharma] is on the other side of death” (cf. Kamala 1997:96). This implies death of the att¡, and only beyond the threshold of fear of death is the Truth (Dharma) realized. Fear of the unknown particularly affects people struck by sickness, and is fed by ignorance (avijj¡), or not knowing what causes sickness and whether it will go away. Arguably, while avijj¡ frightens, knowledge (vijj¡) soothes, so information is “the best kind of therapy”, since knowing more existentially, the more secure one feels, even if it is “bad news” (Wilber 1991:39). When development of insight generates necessary paññ¡ to dispel ignorance about the cause of dukkha, and instill faith in methods of extinguishing dukkha, fear loses meaning. Relatively recently at a mountain meditation retreat centre, I encountered a significant case of fear involving a 43-year-old hospital nurse with a Master’s degree from a British university. I observed and talked to her over a one-week period, and heard opinions of others staying at the centre, run by two monks who heal with herbs and contemplative practices that develop consciousness. The nurse came, having taken time off work, with a friend (a 63-year-old woman also interested in spiritual development) to overcome her fear by intensive meditation and talking to the monks. She had never married because of considerable determination to progress spiritually, and she even alluded to having become a Sot¡panna

9

An essential aspect of non-dual meditation techniques is training to avoid attachment to concepts and feelings of “I”, “me” and “mine”. Payutto (1995b:50) argues that “the concept of self” confuses people who, “still trapped in habitual thinking”, try to consider “reality as an actual condition”, since “the two perspectives clash. The perception is of a doer and a receiver of results. While in reality there is only a feeling, the perception of ‘one who feels’.” The Burmese insight meditation master Sunlun Sayadaw (1878–1952) spoke of “killing the causative force in the effect” and ultimately “killing the cause in the cause” (Kornfield 1993:105). Thus, initially meditators neither reach toward sensations—which are divided into pleasant, unpleasant and neutral (most subtle)— nor after them, but rather are mindful in the immediacy of their “arising or vanishing which is the present time, the now” (ibid:105). Meditators, conscious of the arising of sensations (e.g. lust and hate) learn to not cling to them, realizing that any attachment causes dukkha, until finally, through mindfulness, such sensations (like all conditioned phenomena) do not arise, even when meditators come into contact with objects that could cause their arising. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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(Stream-Enterer).10 The nurse openly admitted that she had feared ghosts since childhood and had seen ghosts and even felt one touch her. Her mother and four siblings also feared ghosts (though less so) and she explained that she had been “taught” about ghosts as a child by family, school friends and watching movies. Ever since she could remember, her fear prevented her from sleeping alone; thus her friend stayed with her at night. The nurse reported no traumatic childhood experiences, saying that her parents were always very loving to her and her siblings. She had visited a psychiatrist about her condition and been given medication; but, though her sleep improved, her condition essentially remained unchanged. She feared all sorts of things (e.g. future happenings, making mistakes in front of others, insects and the dark). Anxiety, high self-esteem and high expectations (e.g. attaining Nirvana) all fuelled her fear. She recognized that she had strong feelings of att¡ and said that, though eighty per cent of the time she succeeded in her aims, failure induced depression. On her second night the monk mainly dealing with the nurse took her, her friend, the monk’s attendant (a male lay practitioner) and myself to meditate in a charnel ground with the remains of a corpse from a recent cremation, to make her confront her problem and contemplate it. The monk assured the nurse the whole time, even during meditation practice at the charnel ground, that she would be safe if she maintained mindfulness. Being in a group helped the nurse cope with circumstances—not so much the corpse, since at hospital she had seen mutilation, but the environment where ghosts were considered to reside. Nevertheless, on returning to the meditation retreat centre a middle-aged couple visiting the monk said things which caused complications. They both described having seen ghosts, and the monk now had three people to convince that no ghosts were around, or more relevantly, that they should not pay attention to them. The next day the nurse said she had been so afraid at night that she could not sleep. The monk’s attendant (who had formerly been thirteen years in the monkhood) told me that her main problem was of conceptual conflicts, and her ta¥h¡ to attain Nirvana while also living in the world with many duties led to mild neurosis (r£k-pras¡t). The monk informed me that her attitude and determination made her face two possibilities: actually attaining Nirvana or becoming mad. The conditions for attaining Nirvana were lacking and she needed to progress step-bystep, so he advised her through “counselling” and “guided meditation”. Each morn10

This refers to the first of four levels of mind in the supramundane plane; here the mundane world of existence has been transcended on the path to Nirvana. The Stream-Enterer is a person who, by no longer being bound by self-belief, doubt, and superstition, has attained for the first time the stream that flows to Nirvana (the stream being the “path” and Nirvana being the “fruit” of practice). Such an individual “at this stage is certain to attain Nirvana at some time in the future” (Buddhadasa 1989:114). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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ing, over the day’s only meal, the nurse, her friend, the monk’s attendant and I talked at length about dualistic obstacles of dichotomizing Nirvana and Samsara, and benefits of using contemplative knowledge. By the end of her stay, following hours meditating and actively participating in desensitizing her fear, the nurse felt that, though her old fear was still strong, it had diminished and seeds of hope had been sown. She had been exposed to the “path” (magga), but not yet attained the “fruit” (phala), freedom from dukkha. Her progress would depend on practice and further development of paññ¡. The above case involved relatively little intervention by the monk, with social and natural environments supportive of treatment. Moreover, the patient, though trained in biomedicine and often seeing things in dualistic and reductionist terms, is a practising Buddhist keen to develop spiritually. Therefore, the individual mind, influenced by a modern scientific worldview mixed with culturallyconditioned beliefs in spirits-ghosts, was receptive when exposed to Dharmic approaches to overcoming fear and dukkha. This form of pragmatic and contemplative Buddhism lies at the core of a living teaching, which to varying degrees informs the way spiritual practices can help trounce fears and generate ever-present mindfulness. Experiencing this (by developing meditative awareness and, through practice, integrating it into all aspects of life), concerns about the Kali Yuga lose meaning and dukkha is seen as just another transient phenomenon. In meditation very intense pain (such as at the knees) might be felt. There are different ways of dealing with this or any other pain or fears. One induces dukkha, caused by identifying with it; another is letting go, not clinging to it and experiencing present-moment mindfulness and greater insight into the “three (universal) characteristics of existence” (ti-lakkha¥a), namely, impermanence, dukkha and non-self. Concluding comments To change society for the better, or transform individuals’ relationships with external phenomena, many people argue that involvement is needed in specific participatory roles, as agents of change. This agency and participation, which are often highlighted nowadays (so that people’s “voices” may be heard), can be viewed in many ways. A trend that appears to be growing with the agenda of greater human rights is that issues of individual empowerment need to be addressed while inequality needs to be eradicated. Though possibly based on good intentions, in karmic terms seeking to change things by force, whether by physical or psychological means, will have repercussions, and arguably limited long-term effects, due to backlash they trigger. In Thailand recent drugs-related killings show that problems do not disappear by trying to wipe them out; likewise problems in the Middle East are

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not going away by force. Whether the Kali Yuga is here or not, the transcendence of all fears and anxieties can occur on the individual level by looking within to internal happenings of the mind. Hence when operating on the collective level a new perspective is acquired and living in the world is not so burdensome as what some critics make it out to be. References Aurobindo, Sri 1993. The Integral Yoga: Sri Aurobindo’s Teaching and Method of Practice. Pondicherry: Sri Aurobindo Ashram. Buddhadasa Bhikkhu 1989. Handbook for Mankind. Nonthaburi: The Dhamma Study and Practice Group. Capra, F. 1983. The Turning Point: Science, Society and the Rising Culture. London: Fontana Paperbacks. Chah, Ven. Ajahn 1992. Living Dhamma. Ubon Rajathani, Thailand: Bung Wai Forest Monastery. Chödrön, P. (with A.Walker) 1999. Tonglen: Good Medicine for This World. Shambala Sun January 1999: 32–61. Cleary, T. (translator) 1988. The Art of War: Sun Tzu. Boston/Shaftesbury: Shambala. Gross, R. 1996. Psychology: The Science of Mind and Behaviour. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Jung, C.G. 1974. The Undiscovered Self. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Kamala Tiyavanich 1997. Forest Recollections: Wandering Monks in TwentiethCentury Thailand. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Kanchana Kaewthep (2535) 1982. bot-wikhro ‘khw¡m-klua nai sangkhom thai’ (Analysis of ‘fear in Thai society’) woras¡n settas¡t k¡n-me¯¢ang (Journal of Political Economy) 2/2: 28–50. Keyes, C.F. 1977. Millennialism, Theravada Buddhism and Thai Society, Journal of Asian Studies, 36/2: 283–302. Kornfield, J. 1993. Living Buddhist Masters. Kandy, Sri Lanka: Buddhist Publication Society. Kuhn, T.S. 1970. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Lamotte, E. 1988. History of Indian Buddhism. Louvain/Paris: Peeters Press. Loy, D.R. 1992. Avoiding the Void: The Lack of Self in Psychotherapy and Buddhism. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 24: 2: 151–178. Maciocia, G. 1989. The Foundations of Chinese Medicine: A Comprehensive Text for Acupuncturists and Herbalists. New York: Churchill Livingstone. Mendelson, E.M. 1961. A Messianic Buddhist Association in Upper Burma. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, XXIV.

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Oshsawa, G. (with W. Dufty) 1965. You Are All Sanpaku. New York: University Books. Payutto. P.A. 1995a. Good, Evil and Beyond: Kamma in the Buddha’s Teaching. Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. .1995b. Toward Sustainable Science: A Buddhist Look at Trends in Scientific Development. Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. Popper, K. 1959. The Logic of Scientific Discovery. London: Hutchinson. Pongthep Dhammagaruko, Phra (ed.) (2543) 2000. k¡n-prachum sap¡-yawachon ph¡k-ne¯¢a (Conference of Northern Thai Youth Council). Chiang Mai: bee.es. k¡n phim (B.S. Printing). Putta-isara, Luang-poo (2543) 2000. khamp™ morana (Treatise on Death). rongpim tawan-£k (Eastern Printing House). Rahula, W. 1998. What the Buddha Taught. Oxford: Oneworld. Ratana Ratanayano, Phra-ajarn (2540) 1997. sam¡ti mun: sam¡ti phe¯¢a songseum sukaph¡p (Dynamic Meditation: Meditation to Improve Health). Nontaburi: tatdao saritsin Ltd. Robberson, N.R. and R.W. Rogers. 1988. Beyond Fear Appeals: Negative and Positive Persuasion Appeals to Health and Self-Esteem. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 18: 277–287. Satprem 1989. My Burning Heart: Interview by F. De Towarnicki. New York: Institute for Evolutionary Research. .1992. Evolution II. New York: Institute for Evolutionary Research. Sulak Sivaraksa 1992. Seeds of Peace: A Buddhist Vision for Renewing Society. Berkeley: Parallax Press. Sumedho, Ven. Ajahn. n.d. Now is the Knowing. Ubon Rajathani, Thailand: Wat Pah Nanachat. Swearer, D.K. (ed.) 1989. Me and Mine: Selected Essays of Bhikkhu Buddhadasa. Albany, New York: SUNY Press. Thittila, Ven. Sayadaw U. (Aggamahapandita) 1986. Essential Themes of Buddhist Lectures given by Ashin Thittila (Aggamahapandita). Bangkok: J. Ross. Thompson, D. 1999. Pre-Millennial Tension - Fact or Fiction? London: LSE Magazine, Winter 1999 (vol. 11, no. 2): 12–13. Wilber, K. 1991. Grace and Grit: Spirituality and Healing in the Life and Death of Treya Killam Wilber. Dublin: Newleaf. . 1996. Eye to Eye: The Quest for the New Paradigm. Boston: Shambala. . 1998. The Eye of Spirit: An Integral Vision for a World Gone Slightly Mad. Boston: Shambala.

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FROM THE ARCHIVES

ON SIAMESE PROVERBS AND IDIOMATIC EXPRESSIONS1 G.E. Gerini

The Italian Girolamo Emilio Gerini was born in 1860 and came to Siam in the 1880s to teach at Phra Chulachomklao Military Academy. He was given the Siamese title of Phra Sarasatrabala- khanda. He “was a keen amateur archaeologist, linguist, historian, and anthropologist, writing on most of these subjects, so that he soon became a friend of Prince Damrong.” (Warren, 2004). He attended the first meeting of the Siam Society in 1904, becoming its first vice-president, and the first issue of its Journal contained the lengthy and erudite article on Siamese proverbs and idioms reproduced here. He had already published in 1893 the definitive work Chulakantamgala: the tonsure ceremony as performed in Siam, dedicated to Crown Prince, later King Vachiravudh. Also in 1904 his chapter on ‘Siamese archaeology, a synoptic sketch’ appeared in the composite work edited by A. Cecil Carter, The Kingdom of Siam, published in New York and London on the occasion of the Louisiana Purchase Centenary. The second issue of the Journal of the Siam Society in 1905 contained his equally impressively researched article ‘Historical Retrospect of Junk Ceylon Island’, reprinted by the Society in 1986 in Old Phuket. He left Siam in 1906 and was given a farewell dinner by Society members, but his retirement was short. He died of malaria contracted in the jungles of South-East Asia in 1913, but not before publishing in 1909 a massive work with the Royal Asiatic Society and the Royal Geographical Society in London, Researches on Ptolemy’s Geography of Eastern Asia (Further India and the Indo-Malay Archipelago), and editing the catalogue of the Siamese Pavilion at the Turin International Exhibition in 1911.

1. A neglected subject Though the Siamese language is no less rich in proverbial lore than those of other foremost nations in the Far East, it is surprising to notice how little attention has hitherto been bestowed upon this subject [of proverbs and idioms] so redolent of interest to the philologist and ethnographer, and so instructive to the student of the manners, opinions, beliefs and character of this genial people.

1

Addenda and corrigenda to and misprints in the original have been incorporated in the text and the index and diacritics in proper names and quotes omitted. Punctuation has been slightly amended. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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No one before the late Bishop Pallegoix ever attempted to present anything like a list of common Siamese sayings. But even then, the proverbs that the prelate just referred to gives in his “Grammatica Linguæ Thai,” in his dictionary, and in his description of Siam, are so few in number as to fall short of a bare dozen, and furthermore they do not appear to have been invariably selected among the best. Such an exceedingly meagre list is what has formed for later writers the store to draw upon in their turn; hence, it is no wonder they have but seldom and sparingly put it under contribution.1 Indeed, it should be stated for truth’s sake that Siamese proverbs have formed the object of a special essay by Professor Lorgeou, while still Consul for France in this capital many a year ago;2 however, as I have had no access to his monograph I am unable to form an estimate as to the mode and extent of treatment the fascinating subject has received therein. With this single exception, I am not aware of any particular study on Siamese proverbs having so far appeared in European languages. Surely, it is high time that more ample lists not only of proverbs proper, but also of idiomatic phrases current among the people should be gathered and published, if for no other purpose at least to demonstrate that the Siamese are far from lacking that description of concise, pithy sayings that form so great a part of the folklore of other nations.

2. Importance of Siamese proverbs Indeed, it may in this respect be fairly claimed for the people of this country that their literature, and still more so their vernacular idiom, is remarkably flavoured with savoury bits of worldly wisdom and pointed phrases, many of which favourably compare in sparkling wit and trenchant epigrammatic terseness with those even of Western nations. The field is, in fact, a surprisingly wide and promising one for the collector, especially if it be made to include also such local saws as obtain 1

The Siamese adage as regards the liability of both elephants and men to slip or stumble is adopted as a motto by Captain (afterwards Colonel) James Low on the front page of his grammar (“A Grammar of the Thai or Siamese Language,” Calcutta, 1828.) This is the only proverb figuring in that work. Colonel Low requoted it later on in his essay “On Siamese Literature” that appeared in the Asiatic Researches, vol. XX (p. 373). In his “Grammatica Linguae Thai,” Pallegoix merely gives nine proverbs, eight of which are repeated, in translation only, in his “Description du Royaume Thai ou de Siam,” vol. 1. pp. 401-402. In his “Dictionarium Linguae Thai” he quotes some two or three more. More or less accurate traslations of nine maxims, mostly from Phrah Ruang’s work are supplied in the “Siam Repository” for 1872, pp. 108, 121 and 191. This sums up about all Western labour in this particular field, with the exception of the work alluded to in the next note. 2 E. Lorgeou, “Suphasit Siamois,” in the Bulletin de I’Athénée Oriental for 1881-82. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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in the different districts and out-of-the-way tracts of the country, and the proverbial lore of other branches of the original Thai stock, such as, for instance, their nearest kinsmen the Lau [Lao], whose folk sayings are so far entirely unknown, but which appear to me, judging from a few specimens obtained, fully to deserve investigation. The importance of having a collection such as is here referred to undertaken and carried on as thoroughly and speedily as possible cannot be overrated, and will by itself appeal in all its manifold bearings to every one interested in the study of the people of this country. For it is principally through an investigation of such neglected fragments of local wisdom and precious documents of worldly lore—rightly defined by Lord Bacon as the index of “the genius, wit and spirit of a nation”—that we can arrive at an adequate knowledge of the people’s character, gain an insight into their modes of thought and peculiar ways of life, and acquire a better understanding of certain of their manners and customs, of which proverbs often present so life-like a picture not to be found elsewhere. As art is the mirror of pathos and aesthetical refinement, I should be inclined to say that so are proverbs a mirror of the national character and ethical development. It is in them that we can see reflected at its best the people’s heart, as well as some peculiar processes of psychical and intellectual evolution which they often reproduce in their successive phases, forming so to speak, a serial documentary history of the inner nature of the people as well as of its outer explications. A most fascinating study, on the absorbing interest of which I need dwell no further.

3. Cautions to be observed in their collection Attention to several essential points is, however, needed in collecting proverbial sayings in this country, especially such as occur scattered in the national literature and the modern publications. As we are all aware, from the remotest period Indu [sic] civilization has largely influenced both the character and modes of thought of populations of the Thai race, chiefly after they entered the Me-Nam Valley, where some of the main centres of radiation of that civilizing influence had been early established. The modification alluded to was principally brought about through the agency of the religions that the Indu immigrants brought in with them, along with their elaborate systems of philosophy and concomitant refinements of ethics, polity, and so forth. The Sanskrit and Pali literatures, so rich in aphoristical and apophthegmatical lore, in precepts and rules of conduct, have naturally contributed largely in forming the bulk of choice Siamese sayings, especially such as appear in the “Niti” or ethological literature of the country. To give but an example, I find it Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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stated by a good native authority, that the Pali treatise known by the name “Lokaniti” i.e. “The World’s Guide” or “Mankind’s Guides,” has from time immemorial been the model after which Siamese writer’s of metrical compositions have fashioned their aphorismic productions.1 One must therefore exercise no little discrimination in gleaning proverbs and akin locutions from the local literature, for it is in the majority of instances quite likely that such sententious sayings have been drawn from either Sanskrit or Pali sources, such as, for instance, the two great Indu epics, the “Avadanas” or legends and sacred stories, the “Pancatantra” or the “Jataka,” the “Milindapanha,” and other popular works of the voluminous Buddhistic literature. Such a danger, however, fortunately but seldom exists for sayings that are picked up from the mouths of the people, especially up country. Most of these have been traditionally handed down from considerable antiquity, and are more likely to prove the genuine embodiment of primitive wisdom and humour.

4. The oldest Siamese collection of proverbs Among the collections of old proverbial lore extant in local literature and most widely diffused all over the country, the one best entitled to be regarded as genuinely Siamese, nay Thai, is that going by the name of “Suphasit Phrah ) i.e. the Ruang” or “Bannat Phrah Ruang” ( ÿ¿“ ‘µæ – à«ß or — —µ‘æ – à«ß “Maxims—or Precepts—of King Ruang,” on account of their authorship being ascribed to the potentate of that name who reigned at Sukhothai—the first capital of an united and independent Siam—during the latter half of the thirteenth century. It is to this justly famous ruler that the country owes its redemption from the secular Kambojan domination; its original constitution into a vast autonomous empire extending from the upper reaches of the Me-Nam to the sea of the Straits and from the Salwin to the Middle Me-Khong; the creation of the first Thai alphabet, and the birth of a national literature. The well known inscription erected at Sukhothai shortly after the close of his reign in or about 1300 A.D. is the earliest epigraphic monument in the Thai language and in the new writing devised for it, in which the recently freed people, conscious

1

See “Vajiranan Magazine”, 1st series, vol. II, fasc. VII. 6th month of R.S. 1247 (=April-May 1885 A.D.), p. 60. On this and following pages six of the seven chapters (or cantos) of the Pali original are printed, parallel with a metrical translation into Siamese by the late Phya Sri Sunthon Vohar (Noi). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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of its own power and confident in the future, proclaims its glorious achievements and expresses its new feelings and aspirations. The Memoirs of Lady Nobamas, one of the most brilliant ornaments of King Ruang’s court, though considerably retouched and interpolated later on, probably also received their first redaction during the same reign, and there can be but little doubt that “King Ruang’s Maxims” not only belong to the same period, but are the work of the monarch himself to whom they are traditionally ascribed and in whose mouth they are put. Despite their having more than once suffered modifications, they still bear, as will be seen directly, more than one hallmark of authenticity both in the archaic language in which they are framed and the spirit of manly independence that breathes through them, which is quite the characteristic of the age; while they are couched in that terse, laconic form prevailing in the inscriptions of the period, which has seldom been surpassed after that, except in sententious poetry of the highest order. These peculiarities become evident at first sight, so that no doubt can be entertained as to their genuineness as a home product, especially after a moment’s consideration has been given to the particular conditions of the time. The nation had then just been rising from its secular vassalage to a station of absolute independence and unexpected grandeur. By a wonderful stroke of good luck Siam had realized her own ideals, surpassed even, mayhap, her most ambitious hopes; for her former mistress, Kamboja, had been crushed into atoms and disabled almost for ever, and her other rivals were kept in proper check. Everything that savoured of her former subjection and reminded her of her but recent oppressor had been discarded—dress, language, writing, literature: all in fact that could be readily cast off which formed a connecting link with her unpleasant political past. Under such circumstances it is not likely that the teachings of her recent masters would be retained in the novel gospel proclaimed by the mouth of her liberator himself to his people. Hence it is that I am inclined to regard the “Maxims of King Ruang” as a genuine product of the period; as the ethical code of the re-born nation, embodying the outcome of the wisdom matured during the long centuries of servitude and tempered and made more poignant by the novel spirit of freedom that pervaded the age. Taken even from this single standpoint the collection of proverbial lore alluded to is of the highest value as unfolding to us a picture of the inner conscience of the Thai people at that most brilliant period of their national existence.

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5. Characteristics of Siamese proverbs It is on the moral treatise just referred to that I have mainly founded my present observations on Siamese proverbs. For the remaining part these remarks have been supplemented by reference to other time-honoured adages, saws, and idiomatic phrases collected mostly from the mouths of the people, which either from their antiquity, naive originality, or local colouring seem to me to be genuine local productions, and not exotic importations or spurious imitations of the foreign article. When a far more extensive collection of such shrewd bits of local lore shall have been brought together from every nook and corner of this country, it will be possible to pass a definite judgment on their intrinsic worth, both as historical and ethical documents of the inner nature of man and his surroundings. Whatever be the ultimate conclusion then arrived at, however, I hardly presume it can much differ from the provisional one I think myself justified in now coming to on the basis of the comparatively few specimens I have examined. And this conclusion is, that Siamese proverbs—whether in terseness, caustic wit, or pithiness; in shrewd wisdom, sound sense, or the principles they inculcate; in the remarkable knowledge of the human heart they display and the miniatures of certain phases of domestic and rural life they unfold—can favourably compare with those of other nations, no matter whether of the East or West. If at times inferior to those of classical Europe in acuteness and elegance, or to those of classical India in elaborate imagery, they almost invariably surpass those of the Malays in both conciseness and originality and often those of the Chiness in propriety and neatness of expression, while but rarely yielding to them in pointedness and masterly laconicity. To such merits is largely due the difficulty Europeans find in understanding and appreciating them to their full value, although, as will presently be shown, Siamese thought runs much in the same grooves as our own. The fact is that in order to adequately grasp the meaning and purport of a Siamese proverb, to unriddle the allusions to mythical or legendary lore occasionally foreshadowed therein, to seize the point of all the wit disguised under apparently plain but often double-edged sentences; and, in fine, to fully appreciate the delicate shades of local colouring, or the life-like scenes at times only outlined and at others vividly portrayed within so small a compass, it requires such thorough knowledge not only of the country and people, but also of their both written and unwritten lore as it is very rarely given to a European to attain. Proverbs are, in Siam, ranged under the generic designation of “Suphasit” (“Subhasit” from the Pali “Su-bhasito” and Sanskrit “Su-bhasita,” both meaning “Well-spoken word,” “Fine saying,” and the like). This category therefore includes also rules of conduct, advice for the management of life in its various

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stages, and instructions on politeness, all matters that have specifically nothing to do with proverbs proper. A distinction has accordingly been made, in agreement with European ideas, between this class of sayings and the rest of their Siamese namesakes in the bibliographical sketch of local “Suphasit” literature appended to this paper (see Appendix A). As in most countries, and rather more distinctly so, Siamese proverbs are in the majority of instances got up in rhythmical form with relative outfit of jingles, alliterations, etc., after the fashion of local metrical compositions. In such cases often, though not necessarily so, the sayings are in distichs or quatrains, the limbs of which may be decomposed into as many separate sentences each making complete sense. But in other instances, as in Malay proverbs, the verses or couplets are antithetic, and then they cannot be sundered and quoted independently without impairing the meaning and, what is still more important, destroying all the zest of the point springing from the contrast of the ideas expressed therein. All sets of proverbs occurring in Siamese literature are without exception arranged in metrical form; but those current in the mouth of the people are not unfrequently doggerel rhymes and even plain unsophisticated prose. Such are, in my opinion, the adages that have most chance of proving genuine indigenous products and that best preserve the original form of redaction. A glance at the examples subjoined will, better than any description, illustrate the points brought forward above.

6. Summary survey of Phrah Ruang’s maxims Taking first, in order of antiquity, the proverbs of Phrah Ruang, a few quotations will suffice to give an idea of the moral they inculcate and of the picture they present of their age. For further considerations I refer the reader to the translation in full of them appended at the end of this paper (see Appendix B). After the first few lines we come upon a precept suggestive of the novel spirit pervading that period :— § ‡ª ‰ ¬ Õ¬à“ § “…“Being a freeman don’t associate with slaves,” which has about it a dim ring of the “Civis Romanus sum” and at the same time reminds us of the proud utterance of the Roman matron while bathing in the presence of a slave. The saying is quite characteristic of the age when it is said the title of “Thai” (‰ ¬) or “Free” was first adopted by the race that has since ruled this country. Frequent wars were, however, still required in order to maintain the position gained against the machinations of wily, if not always powerful rivals; hence it comes that we fine a series of precepts urging the necessity of vigilance both in time of hostilities and in peace as a protection against treachery. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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In the presence of the enemy do not be remiss; When in war guard thyself; Have fire in readiness with the troops, and a companion with you when going about; etc.

πà“ »÷° Õ¬à“ πÕπ „®, ‡¡◊ËÕ ‡¢â“ »÷° √– «—ß •π ∑’Ë ∑—æ ®ß ¡’ ‰ø, ∑’Ë ‰ª ®ß ¡’ ‡æ◊ËÕπ, œ≈œ

Pride and honour are impressed in such maxims as: √—° §π °«à“ √—° ∑√—æ¬å Love thyself more than treasures;  Ÿâ ‡ ’¬  ‘π, Õ¬à“ ‡ ’¬ »—°¥‘Ï Sacrifice wealth rather than honour; which last, by the way, airs the Gaelic proverb: “Honour is nobler than gold.” Examples of other precepts have been, for the purpose of easier comparison, arranged under separate headings hereunder. Loyalty and devotion to one’s superiors: Õ“…“ ‡®â“ µπ ®π µ—« µ“¬ Stand by thy princes until death; Õ“…“ 𓬠®ß æÕ ·√ß Assist thy chiefs efficiently. Obedience and respect: Obey your superiors (or elders). Honour thy own family. Don’t contemn those who love thee. Do not despise the poor.

®ß π∫ πÕ∫ ºŸâ„À≠à µ√–°Ÿ≈ µπ ®ß §” π—∫ ∑’Ë √—° Õ¬à“ ¥Ÿ ∂Ÿ° §π ®π Õ¬à“ ¥Ÿ ∂Ÿ° Kindness to fellow men:

‚Õ∫ ÕâÕ¡ ‡Õ“ „® §π §π ‚À¥ „Àâ ‡Õπ ¥Ÿ ¢â“ ‡°à“ √⓬ Õ¥ ‡Õ“ Õ¬à“ ¢ÿ¥ §π ¥â«¬ ª“° Õ¬à“ ∂“° §π ¥â«¬ µ“ Õ¬à“ π‘π∑“ ∑à“π ºŸâÕ◊Ëπ

Win other people’s hearts. Be merciful to the dull-witted. Forgive the failings of old servants. Don’t undermine others with thy tongue. Nor hurt them with thy glances. (cf. Ben Jonson’s and Scott’s ‘Cutting throats by whispers.’) Don’t slander thy fellow men.

Honesty:

Õ¬à“ „ΩÉ ‡Õ“ ∑√—æ¬å ∑à“π ‰¥â  à«π Õ¬à“ ¡—° ¡“°

Don’t covet other people’s goods. Do not long for more than thy own share (in transactions). (Don’t make pretension to a lion’s share.)

Humility:

¡’  ‘π Õ¬à“ Õ«¥ ¡—Ëß Õ¬à“ „ΩÉ  Ÿß „Àâ æâπ »—°¥‘Ï Õ¬à“ µ◊Ëπ ¬° ¬Õ µπ ∑à“π  Õπ Õ¬à“  Õπ µÕ∫

If well off don’t boast of thy own wealth. Don’t elate higher than thy own station. Don’t stultify thyself with praise of thy own self. Refrain from teaching those who teach thee. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Piety and virtue: Build up good works unremittingly. Establish friendship indissoluble. Requite love with love. Return respect for respect Adopt only what is right and reject what is wrong. Think of thy own faults, and not of others’.

 √â“ß °ÿ»≈ Õ¬à“ √Ÿâ ‚√¬ ª≈Ÿ° ‰¡µ√’ Õ¬à“ √Ÿâ √â“ß ≈à“π √—° µπ ®ß √—° µÕ∫ ∑à“π πÕ∫ µπ ®ß πÕ∫ ·∑π ‡Õ“ ·µà ™Õ∫, ‡ ’¬ º‘¥ ‚∑… µπ º‘¥ √” æ÷ß Õ¬à“ §π÷ß ∂÷ß ‚∑… ∑à“π À«à“π æ◊™ ®—° ‡Õ“ º≈ ‡≈’È¬ß µπ ®—° °‘π ·√ß

Sow and you shall reap;1 foster your fellow men and you shall reap strength from them.

Steadfastness in purpose:

º‘ ®– ®—∫ Ê ®ß À¡—Èπ º‘ ®– §—Èπ Ê ®π µ“¬ º‘ ®– À¡“¬ Ê ®ß ·∑â

When grasping, grasp firmly; When squeezing, squeeze to death; When aiming, aim unswervingly. (cf. “Certum pete finem”: Aim at a definite end).

A set of maxims these, corresponding to our “Do nothing by halves;” or “Ne tentes aut perfice:” Attempt not or accomplish thoroughly. Prudence:

§‘¥ ·≈â« ®÷ß ‡®√®“ Õ¬à“ ‡¢â“·∫° ß“ ™â“ß πÈ” ‡™’ˬ« Õ¬à“ ¢«“ß ‡√◊Õ ‡ºà“ °√– …—µ√‘¬å, ‡æ≈‘ß, ߟ Õ¬à“ ¥Ÿ ∂Ÿ° «à“ πâÕ¬

Reflect before you speak. Don’t meddle in assisting the elephant in carrying his tusks. (i.e. Don’t court danger, or destruction). If the stream be swift, don’t place your boat athwart. Royal blood, fire, and snake, don’t undervalue.

Frugality:

¢Õß ·æß Õ¬à“ ¡—° °‘π

Eatables that are costly don’t covet.

1

Cf. “Ut sementem feceris, ita et metes”: As you have sown so shall you reap (Cicero). Also, “Chi non sea ina non raccoglie”: Who sows not reaps not (It. prov.); etc. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Concord and fellow-feeling: Don’t imitate the China cup which, once broken, cannot be welded up again ; But follow the example of “Samrit” bronze, which, even when shattered is not yet gone.1 ¬≈ ‡¬’Ë¬ß ‰°à, π° °√– ∑“, Imitate the hen and the (francolin) partridge, æ“ ≈Ÿ° À≈“π ¡“ °‘π which (when discovering food) lead on their young to share in their pasture.

Õ¬à“ ¬≈ ‡¬’Ë¬ß ∂⫬ ·µ° ¡‘ µ‘¥ ®ß ¬≈‡¬’¬Ë ß∑Õß  ”ƒ∑∏‘·µ°¡‘‡ ’¬

Polity and diplomatic cunning: À‘ß ÀâÕ¬ Õ¬à“ ·¢ß ‰ø If firefly, don’t vie with fire. æ∫  —µ√Ÿ ª“° ª√“ ‰ ¬ Talk affably with an enemy (i.e. so as not to arouse his wrath and to make him believe that our resentment is over). Õ¬à“ µ’ ª≈“ πà“ ‰∑√ Don’t strike at fish in front of the trap (i.e., so that they may not take fright and run away). Õ¬à“ µ’  ÿπ—°¢å Àâ“¡ ‡Àà“ Don’t beat a dog to make him stop barking (i.e., lest he wouldn’t bark when thieves come). Õ¬à“ µ’ ߟ „Àâ ·°à °“ Don’t knock down snakes for crows.2 Õ¬à“ √—° ≈¡ °«à“ πÈ” Don’t love wind more than water (i.e., the less useful more than the indispensable). Õ¬à“ √—° ‡¥◊Õπ °«à“ µ«—π Don’t love the moon more than the sun. (cf. the Italian : “Se il sol mi splende, non curola luna” :—If the sun shines on me, I care not for the moon). It will be seen, from the above few specimens, that we have here a valuable code of maxims and rules of conduct generally inspired with sound practical sense, although not soaring to the sublime heights of the ethical treatises of the West or, for that matter, even of Buddhistic literature in the East—such as,

1

This looks very suspiciously like an imitation from the maxim appearing in the “Pancatantra,” lib. II. I (p. 148 of Lancereau’s transl.) : “Similar to an earthen pitcher, the wicked is easy to shatter and difficult to reunite, whereas the virtuous, like unto a golden pitcher, is difficult to shatter and easy to reunite.” 2 In common use this is amplified into : ‰ªµ’ߟ„Àâ°“°‘ ,°“°‘ · â«°Á§ ‘Ë “You ,knockdownthe snakes for (the benefit, of) the crows, and the crows after having fed on them off they go to their nests.” The meaning is “Labour lost; a thankless task,” or : “The game is not worth the candle”; although it rings something like our “Drawing the chestnuts out of the fire for others.” The game is in fact, a dangerous one, for any snake that has not been thoroughly killed is believed to follow up his persecutor and take revenge upon him. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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for instance, the “Dhammapada”—where a man is taught to overcome evil by good and anger by love, to speak the truth, to pity or love his enemy as much as he would his own friend, and so forth. On the other hand it will be noticed that although some homely expressions do now and then occur, the phraseology is in most instances less vulgar than in Chinese proverbs. Compare, for example, the Siamese equivalents quoted above for “What you do, do well,” or “Attempt not or accomplish thoroughly,” with the crude mode of expressing the same idea: “If you kill a pig, kill him thoroughly.” A perusal of the translation in full subjoined will reveal yet other merits of the compilation which, for want of space, I have had to refrain from commenting upon in the course of this hasty survey.

7. Other Siamese proverbs Passing now from King Ruang’s well known sayings to other Siamese proverbs current in the mouth of the people or disseminated through original local literature, here are some specimens of those gleaned by me and which I have reason to believe are genuine local products :—

«‘Ëß Àπ—° ¡—° ≈â¡, °â¡ π—° ¡—° ´«π √Ÿâ À≈∫ °Á ‡ªìπ ªï°, ·¡âπ √Ÿâ À≈’° °Á ‡ªπ À“ß π° ‰√â, ‰¡â ‚À¥ ™“¬ ‡¢â“ ‡ª≈◊Õ° À≠‘ß ‡¢â“  “√

æ√‘° ‰∑¬ ‡¡Á¥ π‘¥ ‡¥’¬« ‡§’Ȭ« ¬—ß √âÕπ ¶à“ §«“¬ Õ¬à“ ‡ ’¬ ¥“¬ æ√‘°

By running too fast one is liable to stumble ; by stooping too low one may lose his balance. By mere shunting the wings may be caught in the trap; but by withdrawing altogether, only the tail will. A birdless tree?—a barren tree. Males are paddy, and females hulled rice. (Meaning that men can take root and settle by themselves in life, whereas women are not self-supporting). The smallest grain of pepper is nevertheless pungent to chew. (Meaning that noble blood always evidences its virtue and power) Having killed the buffalo (for food) don’t begrudge the spices or seasoning. (Meaning: don’t regret the outlay entailed in carrying an enterprise to completion)1

1

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Don’t rashly attack the (dish of) boiling-hot rice porridge (at the centre), but get at it gently (by a round about way).

‡¢â“ µâ¡ √âÕπ Õ¬à“ °√–‚®¡ §àÕ¬ ‚≈¡ ‡≈Á¡

This last is a most characteristic and well known proverb, which has given rise to the saying : °‘ ‡¢â“ µâ¡ ‰¡à ° –‚®¡ ° “ß “To negotiate the porridge without (burning one’s palate by) broaching its centre,” alluding to the notorious fact that tact and patience win where brutal rashness fails. Another very typical and pretty saying is: The joints (knots) on the same stem are nevertheless unequally spaced; So, even brothers are of different minds.

‰¡â ≈” Àπ÷Ëß ¬—ß µà“ß ª≈âÕß æ’Ë ·≈ πâÕß ¬—ß µà“ß „®

One of instant actualité, in view of the irrigation scheme now on the tapis, is: When working paddy fields don’t omit the canal for irrigation; When in town don’t neglect the dignitaries.

∑” π“ Õ¬à“ ‡ ’¬ ‡À¡◊Õß ‡¢â“ ‡¡◊Õß Õ¬à“ ‡ ’¬ ¢ÿπ π“ß

Among proverbs that have become historical there is the thoroughly Machiavellian adage: When cutting down rattans don’t leave the sprouts; When killing the father don’t spare the offspring.

µ—¥ À«“¬ Õ¬à“ ‰«â ÀπàÕ ¶à“ æàÕ Õ¬à“ ‰«â ≈Ÿ°

We find this old maxim quoted in the local Annals1 to the king who founded the present dynasty, in support of the political expediency of doing away with Phya Tak (his predecessor)’s sons lest they might give trouble later on. The stern though not altogether unsound advice was, however, not followed—times had changed—with the result that Phya Tak’s sons became one after the other conspirators or rebels and had in due course to be done away with just the same.2 I may now give an example of another class of sayings which, from their setting forth the peculiarities of certain towns or districts, I am inclined to dub “Topographic Proverbs.” Here is the specimen alluded to: For tigers Kui, for crocodiles Pran, For mosquitoes Sukhothai, and for fever Bang-taphan (are famed).

‡ ◊Õ °ÿ¬ ®√‡¢â ª√“π ¬ÿß  ÿ‚¢∑—¬, ‰¢â ∫“ß µ–æ“π

This leads us on to the cognate category of “Ethnological Proverbs,” dealing with the characteristics and foibles of other nations or tribes, and holding them up, as a rule, to ridicule. A couple of examples will suffice to illustrate our point. It is jocularly said of the Lau women : 1

æß…“«¥“ , Bradley ed., vol. II. p. 658.

2

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They don the “Sin” skirt (a kind of striped “Sarong”) and eat millipedes. And this is a humorous skit on Europeans occurring in a popular play:

πÿàß ºâ“  ‘Èπ °‘π °‘Èß °◊Õ (or °÷ß °◊Õ)

™“µ‘ Ω√—Ëß πÿàß °“ß ‡°ß ‚µß ‡µß µ“¡ µ—« ‰¡à °≈—« µ“¬. “Europeans don trousers flapping about their persons, and fear not death.” Too numerous, and not always decent enough to be quoted, are the saws current about Chinese, Malays, Mons, and other neighbouring races.

8. Coincidences with foreign proverbs I shall now come to another important feature of Siamese proverbs, which has been so far entirely overlooked, and to which I am accordingly anxious to direct attention. What I mean are the numerous and really astonishing coincidences noticeable in such sayings with those of Western nations. In this comparison, I naturally leave out such proverbs as would arouse well grounded suspicion of having been imported from India; and merely confine myself to such as, for the reasons pointed out above, we are justified in holding to have originated locally. The agreements are so striking, not only in sense but often in the mode of expression and the wording itself, as to cause the superficial observer to wonder whether there has not been, in such cases, actual borrowing from our own proverbial stock. It is curious to notice in this connection what La Loubère wrote after visiting Siam in 1687: “I could not get a Siamese Song well translated, so different is their way of thinking from ours.”1 The second part (here italicized) of this remark, endorsed as apodictic, one and a half centuries later, by that most imaginative of writers on Siamese songs, Neale,2 is a fair example of the mistaken judgments that even a careful observer is sometimes apt to form on this people and country. In the case in point the difficulty in translating Siamese songs well must be laid at the door of the concise and artificial language employed in native poetry—which so often proves a hard nut to foreign scholars—rather than to an altogether different mode of thinking. The few specimens subjoined, taken at random among a large number of Siamese proverbs evincing most striking resemblances with those of the West, will, in fact, conclusively prove that Siamese thought runs, on the whole, in grooves very similar and at times absolutely identical with our own. If the same cannot 1 2

“Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam,” English transl., London, 1693, t. I, p. 60. “Narrative of a Residence in Siam”, London, 1852, p. 229. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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so generically be asserted of the manner of expressing it, it is no less true that the instances in which the agreement in the wording is strictly literal are numerous enough as to prove intensely surprising in view of the wide divergence commonly held and known to exist to a considerable extent in genius and mechanism between the Siamese and Western languages. But even when differences occur in either sense or phraseology between a Siamese proverb and its European counterpart, it is yet extremely interesting as well as instructive to observe how practically the same idea has been worked out and expressed among these ethnically so far removed nations. Hence, why I said that it is in their folk sayings that we may best study the character and modes of thought of the Siamese people. While on this subject it may be worth while to point out that coincidences of a similar nature have been also noticed between Chinese proverbs and those of Europe and India; but with respect to the last named, it does not seem to me that sufficient distinction has been made between sayings introduced into China along with Indian literature and those of local growth. Agreements in sense do occasionally exist between some Chinese and Siamese proverbs; however these, more than to actual borrowing on the part of the latter people, seem to be due to those haphazard circumstances, or psychological phenomena it may be, owing to which the same idea springs up independently into two human brains quite stranger to one another. Again, resemblances do now and then occur between a Siamese and a Malay proverb, due mostly to the same cause. But in cases where actual borrowing appears indisputable, these can be but little doubt that it has taken place from Siamese into Malay, rather than vice versa.1 And this borrowing, as I hope to demonstrate on a future occasion, has not been merely confined to a few proverbs, but was carried on wholesale in other departments of literature. The phenomenon is easily explicable from the fact that the whole of the Malay Peninsula was under Siamese sway for the two hundred and fifty years comprised between the middle of the thirteenth and the end of the fifteenth century A. D., during which period many Siamese customs, institutions, etc. were introduced to the Malay people. The only neighbours to whom the Siamese may be indebted for certain portions of their proverbial lore would seem to be the Mon-Khmer, the former masters of the country; and on this score is should be very interesting to compare Siamese folk-sayings with Peguan and Kambojan ones. The materials for such a study are, however, still too scarce, and moreover the inquest on the Kambojan side is fraught with appalling difficulties, owing to the secular domination Siam has held over Kamboja, during which period the country last 1

See for an instance of Siamese proverbs borrowed by Malay, the Journal of the Straits Branch Royal Asiatic Society (JSBRAS), No 11 (June 1883), p. 55, No 125 ; and below, under section 10. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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named, having entirely lost her own ancient civilization, turned to adopt that of the Siamese which was, indeed, partly a reflex of her own, with the result that Siamese laws, literature, arts, and customs were bodily transplanted on Kambojan soil. We must accordingly at least for the present, regard the proverbs taken as a basis for our comparisons below, to be genuinely Siamese, until their title to such an origin has been disproved. When extensive collections of Lau sayings shall have been made, it will be possible to draw neater lines of distinction, since the paternity of many a proverb as Siamese will become firmly established once it has been shown to have long been known among their more unalloyed Thai kinsmen, the Lau. On similar lines, when a collection of both Mon and Khmer proverbs shall be available, it will be possible to determine the paternity of many a Khmer saying from its occurrence in Mon. With these remarks I now subjoin a few examples of Siamese proverbs more or less in agreement with Western ones. These are but a small part of those I have so far collected, and I have no doubt that by extending the search a good many more, presenting possibly even more striking resemblances might be met with. In order to enable the reader better to appreciate the shades of difference in both sense and wording whenever such exist, I have thought it expedient to range them under two heads, comprising in the first those that express similar thoughts in a different manner, and in the second those which correspond “verbatim,” or most closely so, to European proverbs. 9. Instances of coincidence with Western proverbs CLASS A—THE SAME IDEA DIFFERENTLY EXPRESSED Siamese Sayings

™â“ʉ¥âæ â“Õ߇ à¡ß“¡ Slowly and gently you will nicely obtain two jungleknives (instead of one only).

‘ª“°«à“,‰¡à‡ à“µ“‡À, ‘µ“‡À‰¡à‡ à“¡ Õ§ ” Ten mouths stating (one thing) are not as good evidence as one eye seeing it; nor are ten eyes seeing (one thing) equal to a single hand feeling it.

European Equivalents Slow and steady wins the race (Lloyd). Everything comes if a man will only wait (Disraeli). Seein’s believin’, but feelin’s the naked truth (Scotch prov.) Trust as little as you can to report, and examine all you can by your senses (Johnson).

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Siamese Sayings

‰¢à‰ª°– À‘ The egg colliding with a stone.

´ ÈÕ§«“¬°“ßÀÕß To buy a buffalo in a pool.

À‡ ’ Õª ,®‡ – ¢â¢÷È ; µâ‰¡â, ª– —ß·µ

European Equivalents The iron pot and the earthen pot. The earthen pot must keep clear of the brass kettle. To buy a cat in a bag. To buy a pig in a poke. Out of the frying pan into the fire.

Running away from a tiger but to fall in with a crocodile; to climb up a tree and find there a wasp’s nest.1

‡Õ“¡æ â“«Àâ“«‰ª¢“¬™“««, ‡Õ“·ªÑß « ‰ª¢“¬™“««—ß To take dry cocoanuts for sale to the gardener, or toilet powder to the palace ladies.

‘‡ „’È °¬ â¡ ¬’Ë Õ, ‘¬—߉°¡ Õ —° Ten cowries are within hand’s reach; but twenty are too far removed.

‡ ’Ȭߟ‡ ° Õ,Ÿ®‡ ° ¢â Õ‚ æ‘»¡å

Carrying coals to Newcastle. Bringing earthen vessels to Samos or bats to Athens. “In segetem spicas ferre” (Ovidius). A bird in the hand is worth two in the bush. Il vaut mieux un tiens que deux l’auras.

To rear a tiger cub, a young crocodile, or a venomous snake.

“Colubrum in sino fovere.” To cherish a serpent in one’s bosom.

‡ ’¬ âÕ¬ ‡, ’¬¬“° ‡; ’¬¡“° ‡, ’¬ßà“¬

Penny wise and pound foolish.

Little is spent with difficulty; but much, with ease.

Õ¬à““«‰ â„Àâ°“°‘ Don’t pull out the guts (i.e. intimate sorrows and troubles) for crows to feast upon.

À “¡¬Õ°,‡Õ“À “¡ àß If a thorn pricks you, use a thorn to draw it out.2

Il faut laver son linge sale en famille. One’s filthy linen should be washed at home. “Similia similibus curantur.” Like cures like.

1

The first part of this saying also occurs among Malays : “Freed from the mouth of the crocodile only to fall into the jaws of the tiger” ; “To fall into the jaws of the tiger after escaping from the mouth of the crocodile”.—See nos. 50 and 157 of Maxwell’s collection in the JSBRAS no. 1, p. 97 ; and no. 2, p. 155. 2 This may, as likely as not, be a reminiscense of the saying, quoted in the Pancatantra, lib. IV, II (p. 279 of Lancerau’s transl.). “Let the wise destroy a stinging enemy by means of a pungent enemy; a harassing thorn by means of a thorn, for his welfare.” See Appendix E, no. 18. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Siamese Sayings

‚§ ¡“‡ª¿Ÿ‡¢“, ‰¡à‡ à“ ‡À“‡ à“‡ Á

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European Equivalents Misfortunes never come singly.

Diseases come by mountains, and leave by driblets (lit. in bits of the size of a louse or of a clothes-vermin).

‡¢â“‡¡ Õßµ“À ‘Ë«,„ÀâÀ ‘Ë«µ“¡µ“ In a land of blinkards [sic], endeavour to wink like them.

È”„® À ‘ß ‡À¡ Õ È” ° ‘Èß „ —« The female heart is as unstable as as water rolling on a lotus leaf.1

‡Õ“‡ªì¥¡“¢—µà“߉°à,®–øí߇ª ‡ ’¬ß ‰¥â À Õ To set a duck to crow instead of a rooster ; how can the cry be listened to?

‡Õ‡“ ÈÕÀ ‰Ÿ ™à ª «(¬‡æ‘Ë¡‡) È™â Õ “ß To take flesh (fig. for goods, property) out of mice in order to add it on to elephants.

§ µ“‡Õ°,§«“¬‡£“°° –«—߮ߥ’ Beware of squint-eyed persons and of buffaloes with out-spread horns.

“Quum Romæ fueris, Romano vivite more.” Do in Rome as the Romans do. “Varium et mutabile semper fœmina.” (Virgil). Woman is inconstant. La donna è mobile, Qual piuma al vento. (Opera “Rigoletto”). To put round pegs into square holes. The wrong man in the wrong place. To rob Peter to pay Paul. (The meaning here conveyed is not exactly the same, but no better corresponding phrase does for the moment occur to me). Ceux qui sont marqués en B. (Borgne, Boiteux, Bossu, etc.) ne valent rien. Niun segnato da Dio fu mai buono (Ital. prov,). “Cave ab signatis.”

1

This comparison rests on the fact that a drop of water falling upon a lotus leaf invariably rolls off. The Malays have a similar saying “Rolling off, like water on calladium leaf” ; but the simile is used in speaking of one who will pay no attention to advice. (See Malay Proverb no. 140 in Maxwell’s collection, JSBRAS., no. 2, p. 152). See Appendix C, no. 30 The graceful simile in question is widely made use of in Buddhist literature whence it doubtless was introduced into Siamese and also, though under a somewhat modified form, into Malay. The sense in which it is employed in Buddhist texts is, absence of clinging, of attachment; as e. g., in Dhammapada, 401: “Vari pokkhapatte ‘va..........na limpati” ‘Like water on a lotus leaf........does not cling (or adhere).’ Cf. also st. 336 of same work, “to fall off ....like water-drops from a lotus leaf”; Suttanipata, 391 (“without clinging..........like a water-drop on a lotus”); 625; 812; etc. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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CLASS B—SAYINGS CORRESPONDING WORD FOR WORD, OR VERY NEARLY Siamese Sayings

European Equivalents

Ÿâ °‘ °Á ‡ª‡ È ¡‘ Õ, Ÿâ °‘°Á‡ ËÕ¡À“¬ With frugality even a little goes a long way ; but without it, all soon vanishes.1

¬ Ë·°â„ «Àâ ·°à‘ß To cast gems before monkeys.

With parsimony a little is sufficient (Seneca). Frugality is an estate.

To cast pearls before swine (Jesus).

2

ÿ«“ (orÀ¡“)¢ Õ¬à“¢ µÕ If a dog bites you, don’t bite him in return.

À¡“‡Àà“°Á‰¡à°—¥

If a donkey brays at you, don’t bray at him. If an ass kicks me, shall I strike him again? (Socrates). A dog that barks does not bite.

A dog when barking does not bite.

·¡‰ «¡à Õ¬Ÿà À‡ Ÿ ‘ß

When the cat’s away, the mice will play.

While the cat is away the mice make merry.

‚§À“¬®÷Ëß âÕ¡§Õ° After the kine are gone the enclosure will (naturally) be put up.

‡Õ“È”§â“ß ‰ª ‡æ‘Ë¡È”“§

To shut the stable door after the kine are gone. Carrying water to the sea.

Bringing additions of dew to the sea.

à‡ “ È„ Õ® Õ Face of doe and tiger-like heart.

3

Cara de angel, corazon de demonio. (Spanish prov.) Boca de mel, coraç¡o de fel (Portuguese prov.)

1

A closer literal translation is rendered impossible by the idiomatic character of the language employed here ; hence the one I have attempted is considerably paraphrastic. Seneca’s saying quoted opposite perhaps more exactly conveys the sense implied. 2 The Malay corresponding sayings are decidedly inferior to the Siamese. Here they are : “Like a monkey which has got a flower,” and, “To give things to monkeys.” (nos. 182 and 251 in the JSBRAS., No. 11, pp. 65 and 78). 3 This seems to me superior to the more verbose Chinese saying : “A smiling tiger; on his lips honey, in his heart a sword.” Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Siamese Sayings

‰ âµ—«‡Õ߇ª ÀÕ ‡Õß One’s own entrails prove worms to one’s self.

‚ ¿¡“° “¿À“¬ With over greediness wealth vanishes.

µ“ Õ¥®ÿßµ“ Õ¥· ⫵“ Õ¥ ‡ ’¬ß§®ÿß The blind leads the blind, and then the blind quarrels with his leader.

Õ¬à“ „Àâ ‡¥Á° ‡ à¡’¥ ‡ àæ â“ Don’t allow children to play with knives or cutters.

ß“¡·µà Ÿª,®Ÿ‰¡àÀÕ¡ Handsome features, but no fragrance to smell. (lit. to the olfactory kiss obtaining among the people of these countries).

à¡ È”“¬¥øÑ“„ à( or Ÿ°) À â“ µ—« ‡Õß

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European Equivalents On n’est jamais trahi que par les siens. He who grasps at too much holds fast nothing. Grasp all, lose all. If the blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch. (Hebrew prov.) “Ne puero gladium.” Entrust not a boy with a sword. La beauté sans vertu est une fleur sans parfum. Beauty without grace is a violet without smell. Chi sputa contro il vento si sputa in faccia (Italian prov.)

He who spits towards the sky gets it back in his own face.1

’Ë ‡â (“or™â“ß’Ë ‡ â“)Ÿâ æ“¥, — ª“ °™ åŸâ æ —Èß Even a four-footed animal [or, an elephant] will stumble ; so will the scholar.2

Even a horse, though he has four feet, will stumble (English prov.) “Errare humanum est.”

1

This saying occurs in almost identical form among Malays: “To spit in the air and get it back in one’s own face.” With them, however, it means: To speak evil of his own family or relations is an injury which recoils upon the speaker himself. See no. 61 in Maxwell’s collection. JSBRAS., no. 2, p. 136. 2 Although this saying has often been quoted (see, e.g., p. 1 of the present paper), the fact has ever been overlooked that it corresponds word for word (with the exception of the term “horse,” replaced by “elephant” in one variant of the Siamese version) with the English proverb transcribed opposite it above. Malays have a similar adage : “The strong elephant stumbles and the swift tiger has to spring,” meaning : “If the elephant and the tiger sometimes blunder, how much more should faults be excusable in man.” (See no. 300 of Maxwell’s collection, in JSBRAS., no. 3, p. 42.). However, this is merely a variant of another saying : “Although the elephant is so big and has four legs, still he stumbles sometimes,” which, as Maxwell readily acknowledged later on, is clearly borrowed from the Siamese (see JSBRAS., no. 11, p. 55, entry 125). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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10. Idiomatic expressions Although it is often difficult to draw the line between proverbs proper and what are mere metaphorical locutions or allegorical sentences, I have thought it useful to group apart here, under the above head, such short phrases as are either figurative modes of expressing thought, or instances of enigmatic parallelism. So far, lexicographical and grammatical works on the Siamese language are singularly meagre in this sort of sayings which form by themselves alone a considerably vast and interesting field for the student whether of the language or of the character of the people. I have, however, in the specimens presented below, not confined myself solely to time-honoured expressions but have deemed it expedient to include also a few modern ones which have but recently come into use, as well as some colloquialisms frequently met with in current literature. As may be well expected, this class of locutions keeps continually growing on with the development of the language which, compelled to keep pace with the progress made by the country and her people on the paths of civilization and refinement, gradually divests itself of its primitive simplicity, becoming every day more ornate, sprightly, and imaginative. An acquaintance with such expressions is, accordingly, necessary for a thorough understanding of contemporary literature, as well as of the colloquial obtaining among the educated class. Many of the sayings in question, however, find favour also with the common people. A sort of what may be termed slang has grown up of late and is widely employed in fashionable circles, especially at the capital. I have, however, sought to exclude as a rule, and so far as I was able to discriminate, locutions decidedly belonging to this class. The Siamese language ill lends itself to puns ; hence these “jeux d’esprit” forming the delectation of our “intellectuels” and also relished in this very Far East by the ‘Celestial’ literati and frequently met with in classical Indu literature, may be said to be practically unknown in this country.1 In this, as in other respects, Siamese still lags a long way behind the highly developed languages of both China and India ; although the growing tendencies towards refinement just referred to as characteristic of its present phase, afford pleasant prospects for its future possibilities.

1

The only Siamese pun I ever came across, so far as I can now remember, is the one about guava fruits and Europeans referred to below in Appendix C, no. 97. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Here subjoined, then, are a few specimens of the expressions alluded to, the list of which might be considerably increased by a search through current literature and the parlance of the day. The same caution should, however, be exercised as we have pointed out while on the subject of proverbs, in order to avoid including sayings borrowed from the literature of the nighbouring nations, especially India. In drawing up the following list I have endeavoured to group the sayings under the three different heads of (A) old idioms, (B) modern idioms, and (C) similes. A. OLD IDIOMS Literal Translation

Meaning Implied

‡ ’Ȭ À“¡ ‰øø“ß

A spine or thorn. A straw fire.

A rebel. A traitor. A spitfire. A flashy outburst of passion or activity. Brutum fulmen. All flash in the pan.

‰ø ÿ¡ Õ

A slow fire ; a smouldering fire.

Unceasing activity. Long nurtured resentment Sulkiness.

´à ‡ßÕ ËÕ

To conceal the end of the thread.

To hide one’s game.

To hold the tail (or rudder) ; or, To hold the tail or rudder, to steer the stern; to be (or to hold) the handle.

To assist and direct from behind the scenes. To uphold. Wire-pulling. To pull the wires.

Boneless tongue.

Not keeping one’s own word.

Tongue of a monitor lizard (which is forked).

A double-tongued person.

‡ ժɓ,·¡«‡´“

Tigers in the jungle, and cats in ambush.

Military scouts and piquets.

‡Õ µ— “¢÷È « ‡À Õ¡ ‰¡à ° —«—‡ ° à“ °÷ˇ߰…“

To exalt one’s self above the wind.

To raise one’s self into the seventh heaven.

Not to be afraid even to the extent of half a hair.

Not to be in the least afraid.

ÕÀ“ßor ÕÀ“ß, Õ â“‡ ¬ª§È”

‘ȉ¡à ¡’ °–¥Ÿ° ‘ȵ–°«¥

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Literal Translation

Meaning Implied

Õ¥ æ“

To build or lay a bridge for.

To bridge over a difficulty for somebody else. To procure an introduction to.

Õ¥ æ“ „Àâ

To build or lay a bridge for.

To pave a way to somebody else.

¢â“Õß ‡®â“

Servant of two masters.

A double-faced knave. A turncoat.

À—«ª –®

Compliable or cringing mind.

A sycophant. An intriguer. A mean flatterer. A spaniel.

Õæ Õ ‡ ’¬° – “

A fawner, a cringer.

A fawning fellow.

To dedicate a platter of To give a sop. To give a sop oblations to evil spirits to Cerberus. in order ot appease them.

À— ÿ¡«

To put or fasten upon the Take it with you and make of head [like, e.g., a plaster]. it a cap for your pate.1

‡Õ‰“ªÿ¡À—«‰«â

Go and wear it upon your head.

‡®â“° ¡

Worker (lit. ‘lord’) of Accursed, blasted, or dashed, “karma” (here=mischief). (d—d) thing.

“¬(or‡®â“)‡«

Perpetrator (lit. ‘lord’) of sin (or, wrath).

Õ¬·æ

To float away on a raft (as, e.g., impurities or unlucky things).

To cast away a useless thing. To get rid of a bore or of a vexing preoccupation.

1

In the new edition of Pallegoix’ Dictionary, revised by Bishop Vey. Bangkok, 1896, p. 961, the expression ÿ¡ À—« is ascribed the sense : “To have the eyes bigger than the belly”, corresponding to that set forth in the German proverb : “Die Augen sind weiter als der Bauch.” I am unable, however, to find evidence as regards such being the meaning that ÿ¡ À—« has among the Siamese. The only one sense I have noticed is that given above implying vexation and contempt, the locution being used when one has been repeatedly worried about giving away or returning something. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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™ÿ¡ Õ‡ªî

Literal Translation

Meaning Implied

To steep the hand into the water bowl (so as to wet it in order that the cooked rice may not stick to it), and then take up a handful of boiled rice bringing it to the mouth.

As easy as kissing my hand. Easy going. Taking matters in an easy way. Also: One to whom things look as capable of being performed with the greatest ease, without labour or exertion.

™ÿ¡ Õ ‡ªî, Õ¬™“‡¬¢â“‡¡ Õß

As above; and, with the end of the skirt untucked and trailing on the ground, go to town.

À “ÀŸÀ “µ“

Thick for the eyes and ears.

‡ª °“ À “µ“ À“ÀŸ âÕß °àÕ‡®Á

It is a dense matter for both eyes and ears. Crying before one feels the pain.

Crying before you are hurt.

°«“¥ „Àâ ‡° ’Ȭß

To sweep until smooth (or clean).

To make a clean sweep.

‰«â ‡¡Á¥ ‰«â ‰æ

To keep a ruse in store, to reserve the lips (i.e. to keep the mouth shut).

To keep a second string to one’s bow. Not to uncover all one’s batteries. To conceal part of one’s plans or mind.

The pole (for pushing the boat) does not reach down to the water.

The forces are unequal to the task.

To thrust one’s own carrying stick between those who carry the pig (suspended to a pole).

To meddle with other people’s business.

¬ À Õ à—Ë ¡ ‰ ßà÷ ßÈ”

À¡Ÿ‡¢“À“¡,‡Õ“ §“ ‰ª Õ¥

A serious matter. A bad fix or predicament. An eye-(and ear-) sore. A pretty kettle of fish.

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B. MODERN IDIOMS

‡§ÿâ ¢’ˬ

Õ¥Õ“ —¬ µ—¥Õ“ —¬ ‡Õ“ È” Ÿ âÕß ª–Õ¥ – “¬‡ª ‡° Õ µ°È” °· ° °ŒŸ° À ‘ß·¡àª–‡À° “ßøÑ“ “ß« §å

Literal Translation

Meaning Implied

To dig and spread out the earth (as a hen does).

To expose. To go to the bottom of one thing. To lay hold of a thing by the root. To go to the root of things.

To cut off all (the bonds of) attachment (to a person or thing).

To cut off. To part with. To give up. To give up in despair.

To have to rub the belly with water. Quicksilver.

To have nothing to eat. To dine with duke Humphrey. A restless individual. Il a le diable au corps. Vanishing like a soapbubble.

Dissolving like salt falling into the water. A screech owl.

A night thief or hat-snatcher in the streets.

A horned owl. The side shaft of a (bullock, or buffalo) cart. A celestial nymph.

A shameless woman. A Lais, or Lesbia.

The side shaft of a (bullock, or buffalo) cart. A celestial nymph.

Fille de joie.

À ‘· ß¡àà“§â ,“ Õ’ ¡orÀ ‘ß ·¡à§à â“Õ’¡ ,

A rambling hag selling wind. A glib-tongued and shameless woman. A shrew. A sharp-tongued and chicaning woman.

À— ‡ÀÁ «¥

Lit. “mushroom-head,” the head of a rose nail (which is very hard and can stand a lot of hammering at).

°“ß à¡

To spread the umbrella open. To monopolize for one’s self, preventing others from sharing in some advantage. Exclusivism.

A blockhead.

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Literal Translation

Meaning Implied

ßÿà

To dress (the lower part of the body).

To plume one’s self. Borrowed plumes. Also: Interested favouritism, or kicking-up-stairism on behalf of unworthy menials and subordinates.

‡À‡®‘ ‘ßß, ‡À ‘ß·¡«

To career madly away like (frightened) kittens.

Vain elation of mind. Wild conceit. Wild flights of imagination.

‡ª ¡ ‡ª ‡¡¶ ‡ª ‚§¡ Õ¬

It is mere wind.

Moonshine.

It is but clouds.

Empty show.

It is a balloon (lit. ‘a lamp floating in the air,’ meaning an air-balloon).

A bubble; a sham; a humbug.

æ– “ ºâ“ “¬

To present with a flowered chintz.

To cause one to receive a flogging with rattans. (an allusion to the motley appearance of the back of one who has experienced such a punishment).

„Àâ ¬“—µ ÿå

To give (one who is crackbrained) snuff-drug (in order to clear his head of craziness).

To helleborise (a madman). To dose with hellebore. (figur.)

ª“°§ Õß “

The mouth of Khlong San Beotia, Bedlam. creek (in Bangkok, where is the lunatic asylum).

‡ª ’ˬæ‘æ“¬å ‡ „’ À¬ ¡à

To change the musical performers (or musical band).

To change the whole show.

À· âÀâ “ß

Dried up face.

Thin and shrivelled-up face caused by disappointment and sorrow.

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Literal Translation

Meaning Implied

¥Ÿ ºÕ¡ ·Àâß, · âß “¡À“

Emaciated so as to be sought [as above] after by the vultures (which devour dead bodies).

æ‡È’¬

The surface getting spoiled.

To lose one’s self-control. To get angry.

æ „À Èà

Large surface (floor, or ground).

To burst into a great rage.

À— ‰¡â «

Wooden head.

Head as hard as wood, like that of rowdy vagrants used to affrays.

§À—« ‰¡â —°‡ßÀ—«‰¡â Ÿ°¡

As above

A rough. A riotous fellow.

Son of the wind.

A man of low extraction. “Filius terrae.”

Ÿ°ª – ¡

Son of (a happy) union.

A man of noble blood, or high birth.

° °¥

A phenicopter.

A confirmed gabbler, unable to hold his tongue and keep a secret.

°¢ÿ Õß

A maynah bird.

A parrot (fig.). One who repeats by rote, or as a parrot does.

‚§¢– – ÿ

Kho-kla-la-su A Cataian. (N.B. This is a logogram This jocular formula has a made up of the initial pendant in Europe in the syllables of : Khorat, “four P’s” (palmer, Khamen (the Khmer pardoner, a poticary, and country, i.e., Kamboja), and a pedlar) disputing Lakhon (i.e., Nakhon Sri as to which could tell Dhammaraj or Ligor), and the greatest lie—in Suphan ; these being the Heywood’s play “The localities whence, according Four P’s” (A.D. 1520) to popular opinion, come the most arrant liars).

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C. SIMILES Literal Translation

Meaning Implied

‡À¡ Õ° ‘Èß §° ¢÷È¿Ÿ ‡¢“ “«°— ‘È —ß°“ ßà“ ‡¬ À¡ Õ ÿ ŸÀ ’Ë

Like running a mortar up-hill.

A very hard job. A difficult task. A Sisyphian labour.

Like a Ceylonese tongue.

Gab. A glib-tongued fellow.

As easy as smoking a cigarette.

As easy as kissing my hand. ’Tis as easy as lying (Shakespeare).

‡À¡ Õ ‡ ’¬ ° – “ º’

Like making an oblation of a platter of food to the ghosts.

Like giving a sop to Cerberus.

¥ÿ® º’ ‰¡à ¡’“, ° – “ ‰¡à ¡’Õ ‡À¡ Õ‡‡À’È ’Ȭ߬, ‡ ’¬È” ·°ß

Like a ghost without substance or a leaf platter without frame.

An empty show. An unserviceable thing or individual. A bogus.

Like bringing up a water monitor wasting the curry.1

Wasted time and labour. “ A lavar la testa all’ asino si perde il ranno ed il sapone” (Ital. prov.)

Losing the personal brightness as if being possessed with a ghost.2

Wasting away and losing gaiety as if possessed with a vampire.

À â“ ‡À¡ Õ ‘ß °Õ¡¥ Õ—Ëß‘Ëß ‡À¡ Õ ‘®ã ßÕ

Monkey-like face.

Sullen mien.

‡À¡ Õ Õß·¥ß ·ß Ñ“‡ª“§’

Like the copper concealed (in a counterfeit silver coin) which, with exposure, becomes stained (with oxidation).

‘È—ß ’à“ß°“¬ ‡À¡ Õ擬 ‘ß

Sitting motionless, with folded arms, like a monkey. Showing up its spots.

1

The monitor lizard is considered a very unlucky animal; if it enters a house it is an ill-omen. The º’ æ “¬ is the ghost of a woman dying while pregnant or in childbirth. The explanation given of the term in Pallegoix’s dictionary is, as usual in such cases, incorrect. 2

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Literal Translation

Õ¥‡À¡ Õ À¡“ Starving like a dog. ‡À¡ ÕµâÀ—°, Like a broken tree, whose Ÿ° —°°Á¡—°‡´“ cherished fruits wither. ÷¡’ ߪ“°¡’ , ‡ ’¬ Though possessed with ‡ª à‡“À¡ Õ a mouth, it is useless, ‡µà“ ÀÕ¬ like that of a turtle or

Meaning Implied Starving like a church mouse.

Said of one talking nonsense, or unable to plead his own cause.

a shellfish (which lack the faculty of speech).

‡À¡ Õ‡Õ“æ‘¡ ‡ ‰ª· ° ‡° 1Õ ‡À¡ Õ‰¡â ´’° §— ‰¥ ¡â ´ÿß

Like bartering Barus (or, refined) camphor for common salt.

A foolish bargain.

Like raising (or pretending to raise) a log with a splinter.

A task beyond one’s own forces.

‡À¡ Õ§‰ â Õ í2

Like the dumb man dreaming Said of one unable to put down in sleep, (who is unable to in writing his thoughts or tell what he has seen in experiences. his dreams).

‡À¡ Õ§¡ ե⫠‰¥â·À«

Like a maimed man without hands getting a fingerring.

Said of one who does not know to make a good use of the valuables he possesses.

‡À¡ Õ°–µà“¬ À¬—ËßÈ” ¡À“ 3 ¡ÿ

Like the rabbits who attempted to find out the depth of the sea (which they could not do, their legs being too short for the purpose, and perished drowned in consequence).

Like the self-conceited frog who attempted to swell up to a size equal to that of the bull.

1

This very popular adage occurs cited in the annals of Ayuthia, vol. I., p. 150 (date, rectified, 1590). 2 This saw appears to have been taken from the 37th stanza of the Lokaniti, the second verse of which says: “Mugo’ va supinam passam, kathetum pi na ussahe,” ‘Just like a dumb man, who is unable to tell what he has seen in dream.’ 3 Both these apologues also occur in the Annals of Ayuthia vol. I., pp. 72-73 (data, rectified, 1564). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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‡À¡◊Õπ π° πâÕ¬ ∫‘π ·¢àß æ√–¬“ §√ÿ±1

175

Meaning Implied

Like the little bird who An Icarian attempt, bound to challenged “Garuda” end in failure. (the mythical king of the feathered tribes) to flight.

11. Instances of borrowed sayings, and literary allusions In order to give an idea of the difficulty of discriminating between genuine Siamese and foreign imported sayings, I shall now give a few instances of adages, similes, etc., borrowed from Indu literature or based on incidents related in the “Avadanas,” “Jatakas,” and other popular stories formerly current in India. The field of literary allusions—confined mostly to classical Indu works— now and then met with in Siamese literature and sometimes found in the colloquial in daily use among the people, is so far an entirely untrodden one, and should receive earnest attention at the hand of scholars. For it is an undeniable fact that passages occurring in local literary productions and even in the vernacular, do often prove absolutely unintelligible to the average foreign resident on account of the allusions they contain to incidents, stories, and traditions with which he is unfamiliar as they belong to the folklore of either India or Indo-China. The difficulty here referred to is exactly the same as would be experienced by a Siamese, unacquainted with our classical and historical literature, in understanding the productions of our modern writers, or even some of the articles of our newspapers. It would, accordingly, be highly useful, if some competent hand set about to collect such allusions into a handbook, as has been done in China and other places, thus producing a sort of “Siamese Reader Manual,” [sic] which would go a good deal towards clearing the way for Western readers who take an interest in the local language and literature. The opportunity for such a book may easily be judged from the few specimens here submitted. 1. §«“¡ ‡®µπ“ ‡À¡◊Õπ µ—° °·µπ ‡¢â“ ¥—∫ ‡æ≈‘ß—“Foolishness, like a locust entering the fire.”—This saying, corresponding to our “To court destruction,” is

1

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frequently met with in Indu literature, from the Ramayana (Sundara-kanda)1 down to the Pancatantra2 and later works. 2. ‡À¡◊Õπ °“ µ‘¥ ‡ «’¬π ‡¢â“ ‡§’¬π À—«—“Like the crow with a rice-pot support girt round his neck.”—This is an allusion to an apologue quoted in the commentary to the Dhammapada, where it is related that a crow, while flying past a house in conflagration, had the misfortune of thrusting its head through the ring shaped frame used as a rest for a rice-pot, which had been projected up in the air by the conflagration and was on fire, thus causing the death of the poor bird. Such a ring-shaped frame, called ‡ «’¬π, is made either of plaited rattans or grass blades, thus forming when dried a readily inflammable object. 3. ª≈“ À¡Õ µ“¬ ‡æ√“– ª“°—“The Mo fishes lost their lives on account of their mouth [i.e., greediness, gluttony].” This very common saying refers to a Jataka story3 of fishes being enticed by a heron (some versions say a crane) to be carried to a larger pool better stocked with food. Blinded by their gluttony they agreed to the transferment, but were, one after another, eaten instead by the crafty heron. 4. ÕâÕ¬ µâπ ®◊¥ ª≈“¬ À«“π—“The sugar cane, though insipid at the beginning, becomes sweet towards the end.” Here is an adage recurring in the Pancatantra4 and, doubtless, also in earlier Indu literature.5 5. ¥ÿ® ¥—ß æ«° §â“ß §“«, ‡¡◊ËÕ «à“ ‡¢â“ ΩŸß π° °Á · ¥ß µπ ‡ªπ π°, ‡¡◊ËÕ ‡¢â“ ΩŸß ÀπŸ °Á √âÕß ‡ ’¬ß ¥ÿ® ÀπŸ—“Like the bats which, when among birds declared themselves to be birds, and when among mice uttered sounds like mice.”— “Je suis oiseau, voyez mes ailes!

1

Chapt. 85 (vol. III., p. 123 of Gorresio’s transl.; Milan, 1870). Lib. I., 2, 9; lib. III., 5; lib. IV, 8, etc. (pp. 19, 75, 231, 299, etc. of Lancereau’s transl.). 3 “Baka Jataka,” the no. 38 of Fausböll’s ed. This well-known story also occurs in the Pancatantra, lib. I., 8. 4 Lib. II., 1. “As with the sugar cane, beginning from one end and proceeding [to chew] one internode after the other the juice gradually becomes sweeter to the taste, so is the friendship of the virtuous,” etc. 5 I have since found the same adage in the Lakaniti, stanza 159th : “Pabbe pabbe kamenacchu, viseasa rasa aggato : Tatha sumettiko sadhu; viparito ca dujjano.” As the sugar cane acquires a superior flavour at each successive internode as one proceeds from the tip towards the base, so does the friendship of the well-wisher: whereas that of the wicked is the reverse.” It will be seen that the saying tallies perfactly with the one quoted in the first story of lib. II of the Pancatantra (p. 149 of Lancereau’s transl.); so it may derive from an older source than either the latter work or the Lokaniti, which it would be interesting to indentify. 2

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Je suis souris; vivent les rats!”—(La Fontaine, lib. II, fab. 5). Here is a saying based on a well-known fable that like many others has travelled from India both to the West and East, spreading all over Indo-China.1 It comes from the Indu “Avadanas.” 12. Role and characteristics ascribed to animals It may be worth while, before leaving this subject of Siamese proverbs, to devote a few words to the very interesting point of the role and characteristics ascribed in the imagery of Siamese folk-sayings to the various beings of the brute creation, and to notice the differences as well as the few coincidences occurring in this respect with Western literature. Some of such dissimilarities arise, as a matter of course, from the considerably diverse fauna found in these tropical countries in respect to that common in our temperate climes ; nevertheless it will be seen that not infrequently the same animal is, among these populations, made to typify a foible or other idiosyncrasy quite different than with us. In either case these disparities in the valuation of the characteristics of the various animals prove extremely interesting as affording to us an insight into the peculiar aspects in which Eastern thought and experience differ from ours. Here subjoined are a few instances both of the dissimilitudes and coincidences above referred to, some being re-quoted from the list of idiomatic expressions already given. 1. The ox, ‚§

«—«, is–as with us—the type of stupidity or dullness ; but our

2. Ass, or jackass, ≈“, owing to its not being indigenous to the country, is replaced in folk-sayings by the buffalo, §«“¬, which latter thus represents ignorance and all the other unattractive qualities that we sum up in the term ‘asinity.’ 3. The parrot, as the type of repetition by rote or servile imitation, becomes in Siamese the π° ¢ÿπ ∑Õß or myna bird. 4. The snake, ߟ, as the incarnation of evil, ingratitude, etc. becomes, as a rule, a ߟ ‡Àà“, poisonous snake, or viper. 5. The tiger, ‡ ◊Õ, besides retaining, as with us, its character of ferocity, often replaces in folk-sayings our ‘demon,’ or devilish nature. 6. The swine, À¡Ÿ, remains likewise the embodiment of uncleanliness, grossness and brutality ; while 1

It is also known, under a somewhat different form, in Annam. See Landes’ “Contes et Légendes Annamites,” in Excursions et Reconnaissances, vol. XI, fasc. 25, pp. 243-44. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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7. The dog, À¡“, acquires a far more unattractive character than with us, it being considered destitute of almost any good quality or redeeming feature, except that of devotion to its master. 8. The wagtail and magpie, as the types of effrontery and purloining propensities, become the crow, °“, and 9. The jay, as the impersonation of a woman of loose character, is replaced by the female crow, Õ’°“, or °“°’, 10. The jackdaw, in its character of a gabbler and divulger of secrets, is substituted by the π° °¥, the phenicopter. 11. The crocodile, ®√– ‡¢â, represents duplicity, and shares with the tiger and the snake the accusation of ferocity and ingratitude. 12. The innocent lamb of our apologues is replaced in Siam, in the absence of the ovine genus, by the gentle deer, ‡π’ÈÕ, the type of meekness. 13. The monkey, ≈‘ß, far from being, as with us, a by-word for apishness and mimicry, personifies naughtiness, restlessness and stupidity, its face being taken as the very embodiment of ugliness and sullenness of expression. 14. Our eagle of soaring fame, unknown in the country except in its less notable variety of the sea eagle, is replaced in Siamese folklore by the peacock, π° ¬Ÿß, commonly credited with the hobby of flying aloft on a level with the clouds, and with high ideals of flirtation with no less a sublime object than the sun. 15. The timid hare, °√– µà“¬, on the other hand, is ascribed similar pinings for the moon, in the contemplation of which it delights on clear nights. 16. The type of beauty, found with us in the peacock, is for the Siamese the swan, Àß å, which is withal the ideal of grace and chasteness.1 17. The nightingale and the skylark, our impersonation of sweetness of song, far from finding in Siam their counterparts in the gorgeously feathered bulbul delighting her jungles, are replaced by either the paradise bird, π° °“√–‡«°, or the cuckoo, π° °– ‡À«à“. 1

The swan is also regarded as swifter in flight than even the peacock, as shown by the following passage from the Suttanipata, 220; “...the crested bird with the blue neck (the peacock) never attains the swiftness of the swan.” As regards the hobby of vieing with the sun ascribed by the Siamese to the peacock (see no. 14, above), it would seem that in Buddhistic literature it is instead (or likewise) attributed to the swan, judging from the following sentence in the Dhammapada, 175 : “The swans go on the path of the sun, they go through the ether by means of their miraculous power.” Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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18. The owl, symbol with us of philosophical lucubrations, and a bird of evil omen, has become, as we have seen, a byword for the performers of the less noble nocturnal exploits of hat-snatching and street thieving. 19. The king crab, ·¡ß ¥“, unknown to our climes, is in Siamese folk lore, regarded as the type of the uxorious husband, ever hanging by the skirts of his spouse. 20. The sparrow, indulgence.

π° °√– ®Õ°,

is the type of lasciviousness and sexual

21. The carpenter bee ·¡≈ß ¿Ÿà always on the look-out for fresh blossoms from which to gather the sweet pollen, has become a byword for a Don Juan, or seducer of the fair sex. 22. The homely gecko, ®‘Èß ®°, notorious for its frequent chirping, typifies slander and gossip. “Gecko mouth,” ª“° ®‘Èß ®°, means a bitter tongue. 23. The water monitor, ‡À’Ȭ, is regarded as a most abject, unlucky, and useless creature. 24. The turtle, ‡µà“, has no typical characteristic ascribed ; but “turtle-head,” À—« ‡µà“, is the designation applied to one subject to often change his mind, and whose word cannot be depended upon.1 25. The fox, À¡“ ®‘Èß ®Õ°, our embodiment of cunning, although existing in the jungles of Siam, is replaced in folk-sayings by the fishing tiger cat, ‡ ◊Õ ª≈“, commonly known as the ‘master of trickery,’ ‡®â“ ‡≈àÀå. 26. The rhinoceros ·√¥, scarcely appears in folk-sayings except in conjunction with the tiger, in the idiom √âÕß ·√¥, ‡ ’¬ß ‡ ◊Õ “To roar like a rhinoceros or a tiger,” which means to raise the voice more than necessary. 27. The little fly or midge, representing with us smallness, is replaced by either the ‡À“, louse, or ‡≈Áπ, clothes-moth, used to denote anything diminutive. 28. The mouse, ÀπŸ, is also, as with Malays, suggestive of tiny size, and thus corresponds, in metaphoric speech, to our ‘dwarf’ or ‘pygmy.’ So children are commonly designated ÀπŸ, æàÕ ÀπŸ, and ‡®â“ ÀπŸ which is rather a familiar term of

1

However the turtle is also taken as a type of dumbness. The expression “turtle (more correctly ‘tortoise’-) head” for a ‘weather cock’ or fickle person, doubtless originated from the habit of the tortoise of often retracting its limbs within the carapace and then protruding them out again. In the Lokaniti, stanza 76, the perverse person who endeavours to mask his own wickedness, is compared to a tortoise secreting its limbs: “Guyhe kumma ’va angani.” Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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endearment and conveys the same meaning as our “little ones.”1 From a passage of Shakespeare it appears that the same term was used in a like manner even for fully grown people: “Pinch wanton on your cheek, call you his mouse”; and Dr. Frankfurter notices in his “Elements of Siamese Grammar,” p. 72, that in German children are addressed as “Mäuschen,” i.e. ‘little mice,’ much in the same way as in Siamese. In Siam as in Malaya, however, the connotation ‘mouse’ is applied, besides to animated beings, also to plants and inanimate objects of a peculiarly diminutive variety.2 29. The elephant, ™â“ß, besides being the type of strength and wisdom, is suggestive, on account of its size, of something enormous. The term ™â“ß, when used in such an allegorical sense, is accordingly the antonym of ÀπŸ , and corresponds to ‘gigantic,’ ‘colossal,’ ‘elephantine’ or ‘mastodontic.’ Applied to a man it denotes a very tall and stout man. As in Malay it is applied also to plants and other objects in order ot connote their large sized varieties, much in the same manner as the term “gigantea” is used by botanists. But even in Western languages examples are not wanting of an analogous application of the term, as for instance, in ‘elephant’ and ‘double-elephant,’ two large sizes of paper. The few examples collected above of allegoric allusions to animals in Siamese folk-sayings will, I venture to hope, suffice to show how important it is, for the thorough understanding of both the colloquial and written language of the country, to know the role and character ascribed to such creatures in the opinion of the Siamese. The investigation might be usefully extended not only to other beings of the brute creation omitted in the above list, but also to the country flora and to inanimate objects the names or characteristics of which enter to form the basis of Siamese metaphoric expressions. Already highly interesting in itself such an inquiry would become the more intensely so, if conducted on comparative lines so as to bring face to face with Siamese idioms the congener ones of the neighbouring nations and show what figures of speech have been resorted to by them to express the same idea. Take for instance the word ‘interest’, of ‘fruit’ of money. Among Siamese it is not yet a ‘fruit’, but is conceived as being still at the blooming stage of a ‘flower,’ ¥Õ°. More fully it is expressed as ¥Õ° ‡∫’Ȭ ‘flower of cowries,’ while in Malay it

1

The term æàÕ À Ÿ is recorded as having been used by King Phrah Buddha-löt-la ¯ when addressing his son, the future King Maha Mongkut, while yet a boy. “¥’ À Õ ‰¡à¥’ æÕÀ Ÿ” ‘Is it good or not, my dear little mouse?’ (See ‡ ËÕß ÿ¿“ ‘µ ’Ë no. 15 in section 2, AppendixAbelow) 2 See the JSBRAS., no. 30, p. 34. for the analogous Malay applications of the terms ‘mouse’ (tikus) and ‘elephant’ (gajah) to plants, creepers, etc. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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is denoted much in the same style as ‘bunga wang,’ i.e. ‘flower of money’. In Mon it is more uninvitingly conceived as ‘oit s£n’ = ‘faeces of silver’ (i.e. money) ; while in Khmer it becomes ‘k¡r-prak,’ i.e. ‘the labour of silver,’ meaning the outcome of the work (investment, etc.) of money. But even among the various branches of the Thai race there are variations, for while the Lau of Northern and North-eastern Siam call interest, with but slight difference, ‘dok-ngön,’ ‘flower of silver’ (i.e. money), their kinsmen of Burma, the Greater Thai, or so-called “Shans”, owing doubtless to the influence exercised upon their modes of thought by the Mon, the former masters of the country, render the same expression as ‘khi-ngön’ (faeces of silver) which is merely a translation of the Mon one. As the Siamese and Lau terms differ from all those employed by their neighbours1—except the Malays who probably adopted the locution from them—we must conclude that the idiom ‘flower’ or ‘flower of cowries,’ ‘flower of silver,’ etc., is of genuine Thai origin and belongs to the primeval speech of their race. This is but one instance, out of many a hundred, to evidence how the study of even common Siamese figurative expressions may lead to important results, not only in so far as it affords us an insight—unobtainable otherwise—into the character and ways of thought of the people, but also from the no less interesting point of view of often enabling us to trace the limits of ethical and linguistic influence exerted upon such character and thought by the neighbouring nations as well as by the former occupants of the soil. The idioms in question are in a word, when comparatively treated, apt to form a criterion of race, since they often bear the hallmark of their nationality printed on their very face, which a little experience and familiarity with them will enable anyone to clearly recognize. 13. Conclusion With this sketch, necessarily imperfect, owing to the extremely brief time I was enabled to devote to its preparation as well as to the necessity of not trespassing the limits of space conceded to an ordinary paper, I venture to hope nevertheless to have succeeded in some measure to direct attention to the possibilities offered by a study of Siamese proverbs and idiomatic phrases, and to demonstrate how vast and interesting is this so far almost untrodden field. If these pages will stimulate inquiry and lead to our being put in possession at some not far distant date of a fairly extensive collection of genuinely Siamese adages and idioms current in the various parts of the country, I shall deem 1

Chinese, Annamese, Burmese, etc. also included, who all have different modes of expressing the term ‘interest.’ Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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the object of this paper to have been completely attained. Meanwhile, I consider myself fairly justified in concluding, from the fragmentary evidence adduced above, that “Sense, shortness, and salt,” the long acknowledged ingredients of a good proverb, are all but absent in Siamese folk-sayings, and in many an instance no less conspicuous than in the choice bits of proverbial lore of the highest civilized nations. Last but not least of the refreshing impressions derived from a study of them is the somewhat unexpected one of finding therein the very condemnation, in the most explicit and poignant terms, of certain foibles with which the Siamese have been from time to time more or less unjustly credited by Western writers. Such wholesome features not infrequently concur in making of the folk-sayings in question true handy epitomes of sound practical as well as ethical instruction capable, if conformed with, of as much regenerative influence upon the minds and hearts of the people, as volumes of philosophical speculations. Thus, they undoubtedly had their own considerable share in the education of the masses and very likely may, if turned to good account, play a still higher rôle in their future improvement. For it has been said by no less a keen-sighted thinker than Thomas Carlyle, that “there is often more true spiritual force in a proverb than in a philosophical system.” Well may, in conclusion, the Siamese go proud of their adages and imaginous pointed idioms which depict them in their true light of a talented, gentle, and humorous people, susceptible of yet fuller and higher developments ; characteristics, by the way, already well evident to those who have learned to know and understand them.

APPENDIX A Bibliography of Siamese Subhasit Literature As remarked above, the Siamese include under the name of Suphasit not only proverbs proper, but also every sort of moral teachings and rules of conduct and deportment. In attempting for the first time to give here subjoined a bibliography of Siamese Subhasit literature, I have accordingly thought it advisable to class the works relating thereto under two heads, viz., 1—Proverbs proper, including adages, maxims, precepts, etc., and 2—Ethical treatises, consisting of rules of conduct and deportment and manuals of politeness. Being a first attempt in its line, the present bibliographical sketch is necessarily incomplete, and it is therefore to Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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be hoped that those who take an interest in the subject will supply the names and descriptions of such works as may have escaped the attention of the compiler of this first list. 1. Collections of proverbs, maxims, etc. 1.  ÿ¿“  ‘µ æ√– √à«ß, or, ∫—≠≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß—“The Wise Sayings of King Ruang,” or “ The Precepts of King Ruang.” The authorship of this work is traditionally ascribed to the potentate of that name who reigned at Sukhothai between circa A. D. 1257-1300. It includes some 160 precepts. There exist several versions with but slight variants. See the introductory note to the translation in Appendix B below. 2. ‚≈° π‘µ— ‘ “Lokaniti,” or “Guidance to Mankind,” a metrical work in the Pali language introduced from India, which has formed the prototype for most Siamese compositions of a similar character subsequently produced. It is divided into seven “kandas” or chapters, six of which have been printed in a some what mutilated form in the “Vajiranan Magazine” (the journal of the homonymous society and library), vol. II of the small 8vo edition, C. S. 1247 (= A. D. 1885), fasc. 7, pp. 60-86. 3. ‚§≈ß ‚≈° 𑵑—“Lokaniti in verse,” a Siamese metrical translation of the above, printed collaterally with the Pali text in the same magazine. Auther of this translation seems to be the Phya Sri Sunthon Vohan (Sundara-vohara) Noi (1822-1891).

‘ “Lokaniti in verse,” another metrical translation of the same 4. ‚§≈ß ‚≈°π‘µ— work into Siamese, by Prince Kroma-somdech Dechadison (Tejatisara), a son of King Phutta-lot-la the second reigning sovereign of the present dynasty, who lived A. D. 1793-1859. This translation was printed in the “Vajiranan Magazine”, vol. II, fasc. 8, C. S. 1247 (A. D. 1885.), pp. 136-175.1 1

A new and properly revised as well as reintegrated edition of this valuable ethical work has been recently issued (1904) under the title of ÿ¿“ ‘µ‚ ° ‘µ‘ϧ”‚§ ßby the local Education Department (° ¡»÷°…“ ‘°“ )in the useful collection of Siamese classical authors(®‘ µ° –«’ ‘æ å)initiated of late for the use of students. The work comprises—as stated at the end—408 stanzas which, through the painstaking endeavours of the editors, could be traced out in full. All earlier editions merely exhibit the text in a corrupt and mutilated form. The treatise is not a real translation of the Pali Lokaniti, but a free imitation of it. For, while containing maxims drawn from that work, it also introduces matter borrowed from elsewhere. Again, as pointed out in the editorial preface, it is not the original work of Prince Dechadison, but merely an improvement by the latter upon an older poetical compilation which doubtless dated back to the days of Ayuthia and has now probably gone lost. Prince Dechadison’s rifacimento was completed on 29 January 1835. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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5. ‚≈°π‘µ  ÿ¿“ ‘µ ‰∑¬—“Lokanit, Subhasit Thai.” Another metrical translation of the Lokaniti into Siamese, by an anonymous author. First printed by the Rev. S. J. Smith, 1872, 1 vol. small 8vo, 56 pp. 6. Õ‘»√≠“≥, ‡ªπ §”  ÿ¿“ ‘µ  Õπ „®—“Isaranana’s Maxims,” a metrical composition consisting of proverbs and useful maxims, by the Reverend Isaranana, a Buddhist monk living under the fourth reign of the present dynasty (A. D. 1851-1868) and said to be of royal descent. Various editions in print are extant of this work. One dated 1899 comprises 14 pp. small 8vo.1 7. «™‘√≠“≥  ÿ¿“ ‘µ—“Vajiranan Subhasit” a collection of maxims, mottoes, etc., for the most part in verse, consisting of contributions from 293 members of both sexes of the Vajiranan Literary Society and Library. A composition by H. M. the present reigning sovereign heads the series. Printed by the same library in R. S. 108 = A. D. 1889 ; 1 vol. in 8vo, pp. VI-294. 8.  ÿ¿“ ‘µ Ò ¢âÕ—“A Century of Maxims,” by ∏.«. . (Dh. V. S.) composed A. D. 1891, and printed in R. S. 117 = A. D. 1898 ; 1 vol. 14 pp. small 8vo. 9.  ÿ¿“ ‘µ ‚§≈ß Õ¬à“ß ‡°à“—“Old Maxims in Verse,” by an anonymous author. There exist various editions in print. 10.  ÿ¿“ ‘µ ≈“« ‡©’¬ß—“Adages of the Lau Chieng people,” a series of proverbs and wise sayings of the Chieng Mai Lau, in verse with paraphrase, published in the Vajiranan Magazine for R. S. 118 = A. D. 1899, pp. 744-757. The portion printed includes 44 sayings ; the sequel has never since appeared. 11. ‚§≈ß  ÿ¿“ ‘µ æ√– √à«ß—“Versified Maxims of Phrah Ruang,” a paraphrase in verse of the wise sayings of King Ruang, each maxim being dealt with in a separate stanza of four lines. By ¢ÿ π ª√– ‡ √‘ ∞ Õ— ° …√ π‘ µ‘Ï (·æ)---Khun Prasot Aksoranit (Phe). Published in the Vajiranan Magazine for R. S. 114 = A. D. 1895, pp. 1795-1802, 1889-1900 ; and for R. S. 115 = A. D. 1896, pp. 1995 -1998, 2089-2094, 2190-2192, 2286, 2352-55, 2446-49. Only 130 maxims have thus been treated, out of some 170, and the publication of the remainder has never been made since. 12.  ÿ¿“ ‘µ Òı ¢âÕ—“One hundred and fifty precepts,” in metrical form, by the Buddhist monk Maha-Joti (æ√– ¡À“ ‚™µ‘) of the Rajapurna monastery («—¥ √“™∫ÿ√≥) more popularly known as Wat Lieb, in Bangkok city. Printed in the year R. S. 119 = A. D. 1900, 1 vol. in 16mo., 8 pp., of which the precepts proper 1

The Rev. Isarannya was a Mom Chau Prince À¡àÕ¡‡®â“Õ‘» (Wang Na)’s family.

“ descended from the Second King

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only occupy five, the rest being taken up by a moral exhortation appended as a conclusion by the author. Two new entries should be made of popular Lau books of maxims that have since come to my notice, viz : No. 13. ªŸÉ  Õπ À≈“π, Pu son lan, “A grandfather’s teachings to his grandchild,” in two palm-leaf books, ms.1 No. 14. À≈“π  Õπ ªŸÉ, Lan son Pu, “A grandchild’s teachings to his grandfather”, a counterpart to the preceding, in two palm-leaf books, ms.2 2. Moral teachings and rules of deportment 1. æ“≈’  Õπ πâÕß—“King Bali’s advice to his younger brother.” This metrical composition, based on an episode of the Ramayana, canto IV (Kiskindhyakanda), in which Bali, the king of the monkey tribes, falls wounded to death by an arrow of Rama, purports to be the admonitions given by the defeated potentate to his younger brother Sugriva to whom he handed over the care of the kingdom before passing away. An old redaction of this treatise appears to have been extant in Ayuthia since the seventeenth century A. D. judging by an acrostic on æ“≈’  Õπ πâÕß which I find in the Siamese grammar composed for King Narai by his chief astrologer (Phya Horadhipati) from Sukhothai. But whether such a work is still extant or not, I am unable to say. 2. æ“≈’  Õπ πâÕß—A similar composition by 𓬠π√‘π∑√å ∏‘‡∫»√ (Õ‘π) Nai Narindr Dhibet (In), a highly esteemed poet, who wrote under the first reign (A. D. 1782-1809). 3

1

See Appendix D, no. 8, note 1. Ditto. 3 He was a Àÿâ¡ ·æ or upper class page attached to the second king’s household. Nai Narindr Dhibet is merely the title borne by one of such officials; In was the name of the poet who held that position. He is probably one and the same person with the next. 2

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3. æ“≈’  Õπ πâÕß—A similar work by a monk named Yasara (æ√– ¡À“ ¬»√“), of which various editions have appeared in print. One of these, dated R. S. 119 = 1900, comprises 11 pages in 8vo. The title of this work might be rendered “The Courtier,” as it consists, in fact, of rules of conduct and admonitions on court etiquette, etc.1 4.  ÿ¿“ ‘µ  Õπ‡¥°—“Admonitions to children,” a metrical work by Prince Dechadison (A. D. 1793-1859). Various reprints of it exist, of which one was made in R. S. 119 = A. D. 1900, comprising 43 pages. It contains very sensible and useful advice. 5.  ÿ¿“ ‘µ‰∑¬, ‡ªπ §” Õπ À≠‘ß—“Instruction to Women,” by that Prince of modern Siamese poets Khun Sunthon (Phu), ¢ÿπ  ÿπ∑√ (¿Ÿà), who died towards 1860 A. D. It contains chiefly rules of deportment and sound practical advice from a Siamese point of view. One of its editions, issued in R. S. 120 = A. D. 1901, covers 46 pages, small 8vo. An earlier one, from the Rev. S. J. Smith’s Printing Office, is dated C. S. 1250 = A. D. 1888. A rather free translation of the first eight pages of this work appeared in the “Siamese Repository” for 1872, pp. 111-112 under the title of “Siamese Lessons to Woman,” being reprinted from the “Siam Weekly Advertiser” of 16 November, 1871. 6.  «— ¥‘ √—°…“—“The conservation of happiness,” by the same author, a very popular work consisting of rules for living happily, directions on the mode of life, counsels on deportment in various circumstances, etc. Many reprints exist, one by Smith, dated C. S. 1236 = A. D. 1874, covering 5 pages in 8vo. 7. °ƒ…≥“  Õπ πâÕß—“Queen Krisna’s advice to her sister,” by an anonymous writer, apparently from the time of Ayuthia. Queen Krisna, though plurally married to no less than five princes, could get on very well with the whole of

1

The author here referred to was not a monk, but an official attached to the second king’s palace, where there is a post the holder of which bears the title of æ – ¡À“ ¬» “, Phrah Mahayasara. This is evidenced by the fact that, at the close of the poem, he says of himself :

ç ”‡“‡“æ–¡À“¬»“, ‡ª ¢â“ “ ¡ÿ ‘°“«—ß «é ‘A composition of ours, Phrah Maha-yasara, Who is an official attached to the Pavara [i.e. Wang Na] Palace.’ Hence the great probability that, as suggessted above, it is here again a question of Nai Narindr Dhibet (In) himself, who may have been promoted later on to the post of Phrah Maha-yasara. I have not yet seen the version of the æ“ ’ Õ âÕßascribed to Nai Narindr Dhibet (In), and I am therefore unable to tell whether this (no. 2) is a distinct work from the other (no. 3). But the probability is, until no. 2 turns out to be a quite separate work, that nos. 2 and 3 are one and the same composition, due to the pen of the same writer who has borne at different periods two different titles. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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them; but her sister Chiraprabha although possessing only one husband found it impossible to agree with him. Disconsolate she unbosomed herself to her elder sister Krisna who, with the experienced advice she gave her, managed to re-establish peace and happiness in her home. This work, purporting to be Krisna’s teachings, may thus be called “The Palace Lady’s Manual,” and forms a counterpart to no. 3 above. The original version was engraved in a slightly revised form on marble slabs encased in the walls of one of the “salas” or kiosks of the Jetavana monastery in the city (popularly known as “Wat Pho”). It was since printed several times, e.g. once by Smith in C. S. 1236 = A. D. 1874, in small 8vo., 17 pp.1

1

The authorship of this earlier version of °ƒ… “ Õ âÕßis ascribed, almost by common consensus, to æ “ µ —ß, Phya Trang, i.e. one of the governors of Trang (W. coast Malay Peninsula) under the early part of the third reign (1824-1851), who passed to posterity owing to his being a very accomplished poet. He also wrote some poems ¥ÿ…¥’ §” ©— å at the beginning of the same reign, on the occasion of the consecration of certain drums made from ‰¡â —°(Melanorrhœa sp.), and he is possibly the same Phya Trang of whom some half dozen of ‡æ ß ¬“« or erotic poems are still preserved as fairly good specimens of that style of composition. His version of Krisna’s teachings was engraven, as we have pointed out, on marble slabs at Wat Pho. Quite recently it was ably edited and published under the supervisionofthelocalEducationDepartment;§”©— å°ƒ… “ Õ âÕß,æ –‡®â“‰Õ¬°“‡ Õ° ¡ ¡‡¥Á®æ –ª ¡“ ÿ™‘µ ™‘‚ ß ‘æ å—pp. II+27+3, small 8vo. but, strange to say its authorship is, in the preface, ascribed to Prince Paramanujit, the famous archbishop of that reign. This oversight is doubtless due to the fact that the prelate in question composed also in his turn, a few years later, another poem on the same subject. This I have not yet seen, but it is described to me by persons who have had occasion to read it, as being a quite distinct work from the preceding. That the Wat Pho and the newly published version of Krisna cannot come from the Right Rev. Phrah Paramanujit’s pen is made evident from the very outset of the poem where the author alludes to himself in the following strain: ˆ ·µàµŸºâŸ®– ‘æ å¬ÿ “ À“,·Ààß“™‚¬ß°“,¥” — ˜ „Àâ ß߃…¥‘Ï °ƒ…“ ÿ¿“ ‘µ«—¥‘Ï ‡, ß©— å ”æ Õ ¿‘ ,ª“¬ ¯ ·ª °·ª ß· ¥ßæ® ‡æ ߇™ ß —°… ¬“¬,™“«™ ‘ “¬ª –¥“… ˘ ‰ªÉ ¡‡ Õ à‡ ¡Õ ¡“ ¡ÿ¢ª –°“»Õ‚¬ ¬“§ “ª “™ å ß—ß¡« “6. From me, who will sing this lay in accordance with the royal command 7. Of unfolding Krisnas useful maxims in chanda metre; 8. The style and wording will considerably differ from those of other bards, for this is simply theeffusion of a plain man from the country, 9. And cannot therefore be compared to the masterpieces of savants in the capital.” Now, how can it be believed that the prince-priest Paramanujit, a most distinguished member of the royal family, born in Bangkok and who, for the masterly elegance and terseness of his poems, may justly be called the Siamese Horace, would refer to himself in such an odd manner posing in the garb of a man from the country, an unpolished provincial? It would be simply absurd. There can be no doubt, therefore, that the earlier version of Krisna (no. 7) is the work of Phya Trang; and it follows that in our list here we must insert another entry between Nos. 7 and 8, which we might provisionally call No. 7a, destined for the Right Rev. Phrah Paramanujit’s version. It should be added that both this and Phya Trang’s are in Chanda metre (i.e. metre measured by syllables) after the Indu classical model (Aksaracchandah), which enables them to be easily distinguished from such compositions as, e.g., no. 8, written in ° Õ ·ª¥, i.e. in ordinary octosyllabic verse. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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8. ‡∑«’ ªƒ…≥“—[sic for °ƒ…≥“]  Õπ ¢π‘…∞ ¿§‘π— ’ A modern version of the same work by an anonymous author. Published R. S. 119 = A. D. 1900, 35 pp. small 8vo. The metre runs more smoothly than in the older work. 9. §” ©—π∑å  Õπ À≠‘ß—“Instructions in verse to women,” by an anonymous writer, apparently from the time of Ayuthia. Printed in the “Vajiranan Magazine” for R. S. 119 = A. D. 1900, no. 72, pp. 817-834. 10. æ‘ ¿°  Õπ ∫ÿµ√—“Vibhok’s advice to his son.” Phiphek (摇¿° Vibhek) is the corrupt form that Vibhisana has assumed in Siamese versions of the famous Indu epic, the Ramayana. Vibhisana was younger brother to Ravana, the raksasa king and ruler of Lanka (in Ceylon). Owing to his having spoken too freely, and straight-forwardly told some crude truths to his brother and sovereign, he fell in disgrace with the latter and had to leave the kingdom, passing on to Rama’s side.1 On the point of bidding adieu to his wife and son he gave the youngster wise advice on the line of conduct he should follow for his welfare. This, in an expanded form, is what constitutes the present work, the author of which is Mahat-cha (¡À—¥ ™“) an official formerly attached to the second king’s («—ß πà“) palace. One of its editions in print appeared in R. S. 118 = A. D. 1899, which fills 13 pages in small 8vo. 11.  ÿ¿“ ‘µ §” ‚§≈ß (Õ¬à“ß„À¡à) —(New) “Maxims in verse,” a series of 198 stanzas of four lines each containing admonitions and rules of conduct in various circumstances, by an anonymous writer. Published in R. S. 108 = A. D. 1889, in small 8vo, 67 pages. 12. æàÕ À¡â“¬  Õπ≈Ÿ°—“A widower’s teachings to his children,” by a writer calling himself simply Phloi (æ≈Õ¬) Published in R. S. 117 = A. D. 1898, in a booklet in small 8vo, 48 pages. 13.  ÿ¿“ ‘µ ¢’È ¬“—“Warnings to Opium smokers,” by an anonymous author. It sets forth the evils of opium smoking and deprecates the practice in very forcible terms. Various reprints, of which one of the latest is dated R. S. 118 = A. D. 1899, and comprises small 8vo, 13 pages. 14. ©– —ß‚¶«“∑,  ÿ¿“ ‘µ  Õπ À° Õ¬à“ß—“Cha-sanghovad. Admonitions to six classes,” by an anonymous writer. The six classes of persons addressed are the young, the middle-aged, and the old-aged of both sexes. Printed in R. S.119 = A. D. 1899, small 8vo, 34 pages.

1

See “Ramayana,” “ Sundara-kanda,” chapt. 87-89 of Gorresio’s transl. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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15. ‡√◊ËÕß  ÿ¿“ ‘µ  ’Ë ∫∑—“Four moral dissertations,” by the late Chau Phya Mahindr, ‡®â“ æ√–¬“ ¡À‘π∑√ »—°¥‘Ï ∏”√ß (1821-1895). The book consists of four essays on moral instruction, as on union, concord, etc., told partly in prose and partly in verse. The author gave the book the sub-title of “Àπ—ß  ◊Õ ™“≠ æ√–»√’”. Printed at the R. Printing Office C. S. 1237 (= A. D. 1875) ; large 8vo, 105 pages. 16.  ÿ¿“  ‘µ »‘√‘ ¡ß§≈, §” °≈Õπ—“Auspicious stories, in verse” by T. W. S. (µ. «.  .) It consists of various tales with moral deductions. Printed in R. S. 118 = A. D. 1899, 16mo, 29 pages. 17. °ÿ¡“‚√«“∑ ‡ªπ  ÿ¿“  ‘µ  Õ𠇥°—“Kumarovada, instructions to the young,” by the Rev. On a Buddhist monk (æ√– §√Ÿ ÕàÕπ) The teachings are meant for boys residing as students in monasteries, and bear on manners, behaviour, etc. Printed in R. S. 119 = A. D. 1900, small 8vo, 64 pages. 18.  ÿ¿“ ‘µ  Õπ  —ª√ÿ…—“Instructions to the faithful,” by an anonymous writer. The book sets forth rules of conduct for devotees, novices in the holy orders, etc. Printed in R. S. 120 = A. D. 1901, small 8vo, 40 pages. 19.  ÿ¿“  ‘µ °Õ ¢âÕ—“A. B. C. Teachings,” by an anonymous writer. This work consists of various moral instructions on subjects suggested by terms beginning with the different letters of the Siamese alphabet. Printed in R. S. 120 = A. D. 1901, small 8vo, 48 pages. 20.  ÿ¿“  ‘µ ª–°‘√–≥“—“Book of Admonitions,” by the Rev. Kham (æ√– §”) of the Yana-nava monastery («—¥¬“π π«“), Bangkok. It consists of a series of sprightly skits on gambling, opium and kanja smoking, spirit drinking, cock-fighting, etc. Printed in R. S. 120 = A. D. 1901, small 8vo, 42 pages. 21. ·¡à À¡â“¬  Õπ ≈Ÿ°—“A widow’s teachings to her children,” by an anonymous writer. Printed in R. S. 120 = A. D. 1889, small 8vo, 16 pages. 22.  ÿ¿“  ‘µ ¢’È ‡¡“—“Exhortations to drunkards,” by an anonymous writer. It sets forth very forcibly the evils of excess in spirit drinking, and warmly appeals to people addicted to it to abandon the practice. Printed in R. S. 114 = A. D. 1895, in small 8vo, 34 pages. 23. ©—µ√  “¡ ™—Èπfi‡ªπ  ÿ¿“ ‘µ  Õπ „®fi“The three storied umbrella : maxims for the education of the heart,” by ¢ÿπ®∫æ≈√—°… (∑‘¡) since promoted to the title of À≈«ß æ—≤πæß… ¿—°¥’, who completed the work on 2 August 1894. The title of “three-storied chattra (state umbrella)” was adopted for it in view of the fact that the maxims contained therein are grouped under three degrees, viz., ordinary, medium, and superior. The book is, in substance, not one of proverbs but a didactic moral treatise. Printed in R. S. 108=A. D. 1889, evidently an error for R. S. 118=A.D. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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1899, small 8vo., 45 pages. The author is well known as the quondam librettist for the now disappeared Princes Theatre, for the stage of which he adapted many a play. Among others may be mentioned his adaptation of the Rajadhiraj referred to in a note in Appendix E. It will be seen that the works included in the above bibliographical sketch are mostly modern, nay quite recent. Although there can be no doubt that during the period when the Siamese capital stood at Ayuthia (A. D. 1350-1767) many more similar works must have existed, they seem to have got lost through the sack of that capital, or become too rare to be now readily accessible. It is sincerely to be hoped that those who may possess any such works or information about them will kindly forward short notices of their titles, authorship, and contents, for insertion into a supplement to the present bibliography.

APPENDIX B Text and Translation of King Ruang’s Maxims As already noticed on a preceding page, several recensions exist of the collection of maxims ascribed to King Ruang, which present not a few variants, although mostly of a slight enough character. One of the best known recensions is that made at the time of the foundation of the Jetavana, vulgo Wat Pho, monastery in Bangkok city, during the third reign of the present dynasty. This recension was engraved, like many other texts and treatises of science and folklore, on marble slabs and encased in the walls and pillars of one of the many salas or kiosks adorning the inner courtyards of that famed monastery.1 In the text and translation subjoined I have followed what purports to be a copy taken from the recension in question, which, for brevity’s sake, I shall conventionally distinguish as (P.). This I have, however, collated with several mss. of an older recension (O) which may as likely as not represent the text in its original or quasi-original form, and have noted the variants appending them in notes at the foot of each page. The printed versions are all more or less incorrect and teem with gross orthographical errors as well as with misprints, both features which seem to be inseparable from the publications in the Siamese language issued by most local privately-owned 1

Many of such kiosks have, since several years, fallen to ruin ; but the inscribed slabs were picked up from amongst the debris and put by awaiting an opportunity to transfer them to a more suitable place, as the texts they contain (on native medicine, astrology, folk-lore, etc.) are very valuable and form collectively a very curious library. Owing to the present “pele-mele” condition of the slabs, I could not, as I should have wished, collate the texts at hand with the one inscribed on them. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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establishments. I may add, for completeness’ sake from a bibliographical point of view, that a paraphrase in verse of 130 of King Ruang’s precepts has been published in the “Vajiranan Magazine” for R. S. 114-115 (= A. D. 1895-6), see Appendix A, no. 11. The author of this metrical composition has dealt with the sentences of the precepts taking them one by one, as if each sentence were a whole precept in itself, a course which to my belief is somewhat open to criticism. Far from following such a rule of thumb method, I have in the text and translation subjoined grouped together such sentences as seemed to me parts of the context of one and the same precept. Text (P.)

Translations

Introduction

Preamble

ª“ß  ¡‡¥Á® æ√– √à«ß ‡®â“ ‡ºâ“ ·ºàπ ¿æ  ÿ‚¢∑—¬ ¡π—  ‡Àπ „π Õπ“ §µ ®÷Ëß º“¬ æ®π ª√– ¿“… ‡ªπ Õπÿ  “ π °∂“  Õπ §≥“ π√™π ∑—Ë« ∏√“ ¥≈, æ÷ß ‡æ’¬√ ‡√’¬π Õ” √ÿß º– ¥ÿß Õ“µ¡å Õ¬à“ ‡§≈◊ËÕπ §≈“» §≈“ ∂âÕ¬1

1

Once upon a time when King Ruang was reigning over the realm of Sukhothai, having gained a clear insight into the future, gave vent to the following enlightened utterances intended for the instruction and guidance of mankind all over the earth. Let one and all endeavour to learn them for their own personal benefit and protection, and strive never to depart from their observance.

O. has a different preamble, as follows :

æ√– ºŸâ „ΩÉ  √√ ‡æÁ™√å ‡≈Áß ‡Àπ ‡ √Á® ∑ÿ° ª√–°“√ ®÷Ëß ¿“§ ≠“≥ °≈à“« ‰«â  Õπ ‰«â „π ‚≈°“ ∑” µ“¡ Õ¬à“ §≈“» §≈âÕ¬

The sovereign who aspired to omniscience (i.e. to the attainment of Buddhahood), having gained a thorough knowledge of all things, devoted a portion of his extensive lore for the instruction of mankind. Let his teaching be followed unswervingly. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 1. ‡¡◊ËÕ πâÕ¬ „Àâ ‡√’¬π «‘™“ 2. „Àâ À“  ‘π ¡“ ‡¡◊ËÕ „À≠à1 3. Õ¬à“ „ΩÉ ‡Õ“ ∑√—æ¬å ∑à“π2 4. Õ¬à“ √‘ √à“π ·°à §«“¡3 5. ª√– 惵‘Ï µ“¡ ∫Ÿ√æå √– ∫Õ∫4 §

The Precepts Study while still of tender age. Pursue wealth when mature. Thy neighbour’s property do not covet. Do not foment disputes. Conform to old precedent (i.e. to long established usage).

6. ‡Õ“ ·µà ™Õ∫, ‡ ’¬ º‘¥5

Adopt what is right and reject what is wrong.

7. Õ¬à“ °Õ∫ °‘® ‡ªπ æ“≈ 8. Õ¬à“ Õ«¥ À“≠ ·°à ‡æ◊ËÕπ 9. ‡¢â“ ‡∂◊ËÕπ Õ¬à“ ≈◊¡ æ√â“

Refrain from doing foolish things. Do not bully thy fellowmen. When going to the woods don’t forget the jungle knife.

10. πà“ »÷° Õ¬à“ πÕπ „®6

In the presence of the enemy do not be remiss.

11. ‰ª ‡√◊Õπ ∑à“π Õ¬à“ π—Ëß π“π 12. °“√ ‡√◊Õπ µπ ‡√àß §‘¥7

Do not tarry long at other people’s homes.

13. Õ¬à“ π—Ëß ™‘¥ ∑à“π ºŸâ „À≠à

Do not sit close to thy superiors (in age or in rank).

14. Õ¬à“ „ΩÉ  Ÿß „Àâ æâπ »—°¥‘Ï

Do not push thy ambitions higher than thy own station.

Of the management of thy own home think in earnest.

1

O. has : „Àâ À“  ‘π µàÕ ‡¡◊ËÕ „À≠à which is clearer.

Defer the pursuit of wealth to a maturer age.

2

O. : Õ¬à“ „Àâ ≈—° ∑√—æ¬å ∑à“π

Do not defraud thy fellowmen of their property.

3

O. : Õ¬à“ §√â“π ·°à §«“¡

Do not be slothful in (attending to) matters.

4

O. : «à“ ‰√ µ“¡ √– ∫Õ∫

What you say, say according to rule.

5

‡ ’¬ has here the old predicative sense of to abandon, to forsake, to relinquish.

6

O. : ¢â“ »÷° ¡“ Õ¬à“ πÕπ „®

When the enemy comes on do not be remiss.

7

O. : °“√ ‡√◊Õπ µπ „Àâ ‡√àß §‘¥

Same sense as above. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 15. ∑’Ë √—° Õ¬à“ ¥Ÿ ∂Ÿ°1 16. ª≈Ÿ° ‰¡µ√’ Õ¬à“ √Ÿâ √â“ß 17.  √â“ß °ÿ»≈ Õ¬à“ √Ÿâ ‚√¬ 18. Õ¬à“ ‚¥¬ §” §π æ≈Õ¥ §

The Precepts Do not contemn those whom thou lovest. Establish friendship indissoluble. Build up good works unremittingly. Do not credit the talk of mellifluous speakers.

19. ‡¢Áπ ‡√◊Õ, ∑Õ¥ ∑“ß ∂ππ

When hauling a boat on shore, lay bilge-ways for it.

20. ‡ªπ §π Õ¬à“ ∑” „À≠à2 21. ‡√“ §π ‰æ√à Õ¬à“ ‰ø øÿπ

Being a man, do not give thyself airs.

22. §∫ ¢ÿπ π“ß Õ¬à“ ‚À¥

While associating with magnates do not scrimp.

23. ‚∑… µπ º‘¥ √”æ÷ß3 24. Õ¬à“ §π÷ß ∂÷ß ‚∑… ∑à“π4 25. À«à“π æ◊™ ®—° ‡Õ“ º≈ 26. ‡≈’È¬ß §π, ®—° °‘π ·√ß

Ponder on thy own faults, and

27. Õ¬à“ ¢—¥ ·¢ß ºŸâ „À≠à (Õ¬à“ ¢—π ·¢àß) 28. Õ¬à“ „ΩÉ µπ „Àâ ‡°‘π»—°¥‘5Ï

Do not oppose thy superiors.

29. ‡¥‘π ∑“ß, Õ¬à“ ‡¥‘𠇪≈’ˬ«6

If going forth on travel do not set out alone.

30. πÈ” ‡™’ˬ« Õ¬à“ ¢«“ß ‡√◊Õ7

If the current be swift, do not place thy boat athwart.

With thy own dependents do not be hot and hasty.

Do not think on the faults of others. Sow and thou shalt reap. Foster thy fellowmen, and thou shalt benefit by their energies. Do not elate beyond measure (or, beyond thy own station).

1

O. : §π ∑’Ë √—° Õ¬à“ ¥Ÿ ∂Ÿ°

Do not contemn those who love thee.

2

O. : ‡ªπ §π Õ¬à“ ∑” „® „À≠à

Being a man do not elate.

3

O. : ‚∑… µπ º‘¥ §‘¥ √” æ÷ß

4

O. : Õ¬à“ §” π÷ß ‚∑… ∑à“π

5

O. : Õ¬à“ „Àâ ‰æ√à ™—ß µπ

Do not cause the populace to abhor thee.

6

O. : ‡¥‘π Àπ Õ¬à“ ‰ª ‡ª≈’ˬ«

Same sense as above.

7

O. :  “¬ πÈ” ‡™’ˬ« Õ¬à“ ¢«“ß ‡√◊Õ Cf. no. 13 in Appendix E.

In a swift current don’t place thy boat athwart.

}

Same sense as above.

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 31. ∑’Ë ´ÿâ¡ ‡ ◊Õ ®ß ª√–À¬—¥ ‡√àß √– ¡—¥ øóπ ‰ø1 32. §π ‡ªπ ‰∑¬ Õ¬à“ §∫ ∑“… §

The Precepts By the tiger’s den be on thy guard, and be solicitous about fuel and fire. Being a freeman (Thai) do not associate with slaves.

33. Õ¬à“ ª√– ¡“∑ ∑à“π ºŸâ ¥’ 34. ¡’  ‘π Õ¬à“ Õ«¥ ¡—Ëß2 35. ºŸâ ‡≤à“  —Ëß ®ß ®” §«“¡

Do not contemn respectable people.

36. ∑’Ë ¢«“° Àπ“¡ Õ¬à“ ‡≈’¬ ‡°◊Õ°

In thorny or spiky places do not go without shoes.3

37. ∑” √—È« ‡√◊Õ° ‰«â °—π µπ 38. §π √—° Õ¬à“ «“ß „®

Protect thyself with fences and hurdles.

39. ∑’Ë ¡’ ¿—¬ æ÷ß À≈’°4 ª≈’° µπ ‰ª ‚¥¬ ¥à«π5 40. ‰¥â  à«π Õ¬à“ ¡—° ¡“°

Where there is danger keep off, Hasten out of the way.

41. Õ¬à“ ¡’ ª“° °«à“ §π6 42. √—° µπ °«à“ √—° ∑√—æ¬å7 43. Õ¬à“ ‰¥â √—∫ ¢Õß ‡¢Á≠

Do not talk more than what is fitting.

If well off do not boast of thy own wealth. The admonitions of the aged keep in mind.

Do not blindly rely upon those whom thou lovest.

Do not long for more than thy own share [in profitable transactions].

Love thyself more than treasures. Do not accept suspicious (or troublesome) things.

1

O. : „Àâ √– ¡—¥ øóπ ‰ø

Be careful (about providing) fuel and fire.

2

O. : ¡’  ‘π Õ¬à“ Õâ“ß ¡—Ëß

Being wealthy, do not mention it.

3

O. : Cf. the Western proverb : “While thy shoe is on thy foot, tread upon the thorns.” It should be borne in mind that the shoe here meant is the native one which merely consists of a sole of raw leather kept attached to the foot by a strap or string passing over it.

4

O. : ∑’Ë ¿—¬ ‡√àß À≈∫ À≈’°

In danger hasten to clear out.

5

O. : ª≈’° ‰ª ´ÿà¡ Õ¬à“ ¥à«π

Where there are many wings (i.e. winged creatures) do not hasten.

6

O. : Õ¬à“ ¡’ ª“° °≈â“ «à“ §π

Do not use a sharp tongue in reproving thy fellow men.

7

O. : √—°µπ,  ß«πµπ, „Àâ √—° µπ °«à“ ∑√—æ¬å

Love thyself, guard thyself, and fondle thyself more than wealth.

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 44. ‡Àπ ß“¡ µ“ Õ¬à“ ªÕß1 45. ¢Õß Ω“° ∑à“π Õ¬à“ √—∫2

The Precepts

§

What pleaseth thy sight do not covet. Do not accept in deposit things (of unknown origin).

46. ∑’Ë ∑—æ ®ß ¡’ ‰ø

With the army let there be fire (and light) in readiness.

47. ∑’Ë ‰ª ®ß ¡’ ‡æ◊ËÕπ

When going about, have a companion with you,

48. ∑“ß ·∂« ‡∂◊ËÕ𠉧≈ §≈“3 49. §√Ÿ ∫“  Õπ Õ¬à“ ‚°√∏

Avoid unbeaten tracks in the jungle.

50. ‚∑… µπ º‘¥ æ÷ß √Ÿâ

Be conscious of thy own faults and their deserts.

51.  Ÿâ ‡ ’¬  ‘π, Õ¬à“ ‡ ’¬ »—°¥‘4Ï 52. ¿—°¥’, Õ¬à“ ¥à«π ‡§’¬¥5

Sacrifice wealth rather than honour.

53. Õ¬à“ ‡∫’¬¥ ‡ ’¬¥ ·°à ¡‘µ√6 54. ∑’Ë º‘¥, ™à«¬ ‡µ◊Õπ §Õ∫7 55. ∑’Ë ™Õ∫, ™à«¬ ¬° ¬Õ 56. Õ¬à“ ¢Õ ¢Õß √—° ¡‘µ√8

Do not vex thy friends.

Do not resent the admonitions of thy teachers.

Be devoted and not touchy (peevish, waspish)

When others err, gently admonish them. Give honour to whom honour is due. Do not ask for what thy friends cherish.

1

O. : ‡À𠇵Á¡ µ“ ·≈â«, Õ¬à“ ª“°—Don’t utter what thou clearly perceivest (is better left unsaid). Other texts have : º‘ ‡Àπ ß“¡ Õ¬à“ ªÕß—What looks pretty to thee do not covet.

2

O. : ¢Õß Ω“° §«√ ®÷Ëß √—∫fiAccept in deposit only what is becoming.

3

O. : Õ¬à“ øíòπ ‡øóÕπ √–Õ“fiLose neither head nor heart. As regards the above, cf. the Western proverb : “Keep the common road and you are safe.”

4

O. :  Ÿâ ‡ ’¬  ‘π,  ß«π »—°¥‘ÏfiForsake wealth, but guard honour.

5

O. : ¿—°¥’, Õ¬à“ °≈ ‡°’¬®fiDo not bear ill-will to those who are faithful to thee. N. B. ‡§’¬¥ above is a Lau word meaning ‘to get angry’ ; while ‡°’¬®, √—߇°’¬® is Khmer : “to take in ill part,” “to take offence.”

6

O. : Õ¬à“ §àÕ𠇧’¬¥ ·°à ¡‘µ√ fiDo not exceed in anger towards friends.

7

O. has ∂â“ instead of ∑’Ë at the beginning of the sentence, as does no. 55.

8

O. has ‡æ◊ËÕπ (comrades) instead of ¡‘µ√ (friends). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 57. ™Õ∫ ™‘¥, ¡—° ®“ß ®“°1 §

The Precepts (Long) intimacy wearies and (ultimately) leads to estrangement.

58. æ∫  —µ√Ÿ ª“° ª√“‰ ¬

When meeting an enemy talk affably with him.

59. §«“¡ „π Õ¬à“ ‰¢ ‡¢“2

Thy inner thoughts (or feelings) do not disclose to others.

60. Õ¬à“ ¡—« ‡¡“ ‡π◊ËÕß π‘®3

Do not get intoxicated (except with what is noble), (lit., Do not always be infatuated).

61. §‘¥ µ√Õß µ√÷° ∑ÿ° ‡¡◊ËÕ4 62. æ÷ß º—π ‡æ◊ËÕ µàÕ ≠“µ‘5 63. ®ß √Ÿâ ∑’Ë §≈“¥, ∑’Ë À“≠6

Always reflect thoroughly.

64. §π æ“≈ Õ¬à“ æ“≈ º‘¥ Õ¬à“ ºŸ° ¡‘µ√ ‰¡µ√’7 65. ‡¡◊ËÕ æ“∑’, æ÷ß µÕ∫8

With the bad do not do ill, and do not tie bonds of friendship.

66. ®ß π∫ πÕ∫ ºŸâ„À≠à9

Obey thy superiors.

Be generous towards thy own kinsmen. Know where to be prudent and where to be bold.

When spoken to, make a point of replying.

1

O. : Õ¬à“ ¬◊¡ ‡ß‘π ∑Õß ¢Õß À“ ¬“°fiDo not borrow valuables. As regards the above cf. the Western proverb : “Familiarity breeds contempt.”

2

O. : ¿“¬ „𠧑¥ ¥ÿ® πÕ°fiBehave in private (or inwardly) as thou doest in public (or outwardly). ÀÕ° ¥“∫ Õ¬à“ „°≈â µ—«—Spear and sword do not keep far removed from thy person.

3

O. inverts ¡—«

4

‡¡“ into ‡¡“ ¡—«. Cf. Semel in anno licet insanire. O. : §‘¥ §«“¡ µ“¡ ∑ÿ° ‡¡◊ËÕfiAlways think (and act) to the point. (or, Do ever consider matters conformably to circumstances).

5

O. : Õ¬à“ ‡∫◊ËÕ ‡∫◊ÈÕß ∑“ß ∏√√¡fiDo not turn away from the path of righteousness. Õ¬à“ ¡—° À¡—Ëπ ®– æŸ≈ 欓∏‘ Do not be in earnest for what is unwholesome (lit., for what is likely to cause thee infirmities).

6

O. has : „Àâ

7 8

√Ÿâ, etc. O. : Õ¬à“ ‡Õ“ ‡ªπ ¡‘µ√ ‰ª ¡“fiDo not make them thy own companions. O. : ‡®√®“ ®ß √Õ∫ §Õ∫, „Àâ µÕ∫ ∂âÕ¬ ·µà æÕ µπfiDiscourse of matters fully, and reply only as much as is befitting to thee.

9

O. : „Àâ §∫ §π ºŸâ „À≠àfiAssociate with thy superiors (or elders). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 67. ™â“ß ‰≈à ·≈àπ À≈’° À≈∫1 §

197

The Precepts When a (furious) elephant comes rushing along get out of his way.

68.  ÿ«“π ¢∫ Õ¬à“ ¢∫ µÕ∫2

If a dog bites thee, do not bite him in return.

69. Õ¬à“ °Õª ®‘µ√ ƒ…¬“3 70. ‡®√®“ µ“¡ §¥’4 71. Õ¬à“ ª≈ÿ° º’ °≈“ß §≈Õß5 72. Õ¬à“ ªÕß ‡√’¬π Õ“∂√√æå6 æ≈—π ©‘∫ À“¬ «“¬ ¡â«¬7

Do not be envious. Talk to the point. Don’t wake up ghosts along the highways. Do not be anxious to learn the Black Art, in order to hasten the destruction of others.

1

O. : ™â“ß ‰ à · à ´àÕ ´—When an elephant comes rushing along, hide and crouch. Some texts have : ™â“ß ‰ à · à ‡ ’Ë¬ß À —practically same sense as above. Cf. no. 11 in Appendix D. The Lokaniti contains a somewhat similar passage in stanza 88 which reads : “Singanam pannasa hatthena, satena vajinam vajje, Hatthidantim sahassena, desacagena dujjanam.” “Shun (dangerous) horned animals at fifty cubits’ distance, (rushing) horses at a hundred; Tuskers at a thousand; but forsake the place entirely before the wicked.” N. B.—Vaji, “a horse” (Skr. Vajin); and Hatthidanti, “a tusker elephant,” not in Childers. 2

O. : À¡“ ¢∫ Õ¬à“ ¢∫ µàÕ À¡“fiSame sense as above, but couched in more vulgar language.

3

O. : Õ¬à“ À÷ß…“ ·°à ∑à“πfiDo not bear malevolence to thy fellow-men.

4

O. : ‚Õ¡ Õà“π ‡√’¬π ·µà ¬ÿ°µåfiLearn only what is proper [or, fitting].

5

Cf. Don’t wake the lion who is asleep. Quieta non movere (Don’t stir things at rest). The above precept is based on the common superstition that if a ghost or demon haunting the roads or waterways is disturbed or accustomed to receive oblations, it will grow worse and more exacting towards future wayfarers whom he will vex with his exorbitant pretences. The best course from the outset is, therefore, to leave him quiet and take no notice of his existence. The same line of conduct is suggested as regards corpses found lying about the way. These should not be disturbed lest the ghost who has his abode in them may resent the interference with his domicile. 6

Õ“∂√√æå, a term—naturally—misunderstood in Pallegoix’ dictionary, means the Atharva Veda and, more specifically, incantations and magical practices : in a word, the art of sorcery. 7 O. has ¡Õ¥ ¡â«¬ instead of «“¬ ¡â«¬ ; same sense. An identical precept is contained in the Suttanipata, 927 : “Let him [the monk] not apply himself to practising the Athabbana [-veda].” Professor Fausböll translates “practising (the hymns of) the Athabbana-veda” (Sacred Books of the East, vol. X, part II, p. 176); but there can be no doubt that magic, sorcery, is directly implied. In the Pali Dhammasatta introduced of old from Pegu into Siam, Athabbanika forms the 25th head of dispute, and includes all practices connected with the Black Art. (See Laws of Siam, 5th ed., 1879, vol. I, p. 20) Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 73. Õ¬à“ ¬≈ ‡¬’Ë¬ß ∂⫬ ·µ° ¡‘ µ‘¥1 ®ß ¬≈ ‡¬’Ë¬ß  —¡ƒ∑∏‘Ï ·µ° ¡‘ ‡ ’¬

The Precepts

§

Do not imitate the China cup which, once broken, cannot be recomposed; But follow the example of Samrit bronze which, even when shattered, is still useful.

74. ≈Ÿ° ‡¡’¬ Õ¬à“ «“ß „®2

Do not (blindly) rely upon thy wife and children.

75.¿“¬ „π Õ¬à“ π” ÕÕ° ¿“¬ πÕ° Õ¬à“ π” ‡¢â“3 76. Õ“…“ ‡®â“ ®π µ—« µ“¬4 Õ“…“𓬠®ß æÕ·√ß5 77. ¢Õß ·æß Õ¬à“ ¡—° °‘π 78. Õ¬à“ ¬‘𠧔 §π ‚≈¿ 79. ‚Õ∫ ÕâÕ¡ ‡Õ“ „® §π6 80. Õ¬à“ ¬≈ ‡Àµÿ ·µà „°≈â7

Intimate matters do not spread out; and do not bring outward gossip indoors.

81. ∑à“π ‰∑â Õ¬à“ À¡“¬ ‚∑… 8

Towards thy rulers do not mean harm.

Stand by thy sovereign until death, and assist thy chiefs efficiently. Eatables that are costly do not covet. Do not listen to the talk of greedy people. Win other people’s hearts. Do not take a short-sighted view of events.

1

O. has the negative ∫à instead of ¡‘ in both these sentences.

2

O. has ≈Ÿ° ‡¡’¬ ¬—ß, etc.—i.e. “While thy wife and children are present,” etc.

3

O. has ‰ø, i.e. “fire,” figuratively “tribulations,” “torments.”

4

O. has : ®π ∂÷ß µ“¬ instead than ®π µ—« µ“¬; same sense.

5

O. has : Õ“…“ 𓬠„Àâ ‡µÁ¡ ·√ßfiCooperate with thy chiefs with all thy own forces.

6

O. : §àÕ¬ ‚Õ∫ ÕâÕ¡ ‡Õ“ „® ‡æ◊ËÕπfiEndeavour to win the hearts of thy comrades; and Õ¬à“ øíòπ ‡øóÕπ ·°à §πfiDo not lose thy self-control with others. 7 Several texts have ‰°≈ “far,” instead of „°≈â, “near”, or “short-sighted view.” 8 O. has : ∑â“« ‰∑â instead of ∑à“π ‰∑âfisame sense. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 82. §π ‚À¥ „Àâ ‡ÕÁπ ¥Ÿ 83. ¬Õ §√Ÿ ¬Õ µàÕ Àπâ“ ¬Õ¢â“ ‡¡◊ËÕ ·≈â« °‘® ¬Õ¡‘µ√ ‡¡◊ÕË ≈—∫À≈—ß 84. ≈Ÿ° ‡¡’¬ ¬—ß Õ¬à“  √‡ √‘≠ ‡¬’ˬ  ‡∑‘π ®–Õ¥  Ÿ

The Precepts

§

Be lenient to the dull-witted. Praise teachers while they are present; subordinates after their work is done; and friends when absent. Do not praise wife or children while present, for their blushing will put thee to shame.

85. Õ¬à“ ™—ß §√Ÿ ™—ß ¡‘µ√1 86. º‘¥ Õ¬à“ ‡Õ“, ‡Õ“ ·µà ™Õ∫

Do not hate either teachers or friends.

87. πÕ∫ µπ µàÕ ºâŸ‡∂â“ 88. ‡¢â“ ÕÕ° Õ¬à“ «“ß „®2 √–«—ß √–‰« πà“ À≈—ß

Incline thyself to the aged.

89. ‡¬’¬« ºâŸ ™—ß, ®—° §Õ¬ ‚∑…

Beware of him who abhors thee, as he will surely harm thee.

90. Õ¬à“ °√‘È« ‚°√∏ ‡π◊Õß π‘® 91. º‘« º‘¥ ª≈‘¥‰ª ≈â“ß3

Don’t be too often waspish.

1

Reject what is wrong, and adopt only what is right.

When entering or leaving a place don’t do it with perfect confidence, but guard thyself on both front and rear.

If in error cast it off and destroy it.

O. adds here the following sentences absent in the modern recensions :

π—°  ‘∑∏‘Ï ‡µ◊Õπ, Õ¬à“ ¥ÿ ¥à“

When the sage admonishes thee, do not be insolent to him.

‚À√“ ‡™’ˬ« «à“, §«√ ®”

What the able astrologer says should be kept in mind.

À¡Õ ¬“ ¬”, Õ¬à“ ¥Ÿ ∂Ÿ° ≈Ÿ° ‡¡’¬ ‡µ◊Õ𠧫√ §àÕ¬ §‘¥

Respect and not contemn physicians. The warnings of thy wife and children thou should’st consider.

2

O. has : Õ¬à“ πÕπ „® i.e. do not be remiss, do not blindly rely.

3

O. has : ∑’Ë º‘¥ ª≈‘¥ ‡ ’¬ ∫â“ß If at fault, purge thyself of it at least in part. Some texts have : º‘« º‘¥ ª≈‘¥ ‰ª æ≈â“ß Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 92. ¢â“ß µπ ‰«â Õ“«ÿ∏1 93. ‡§√◊ËÕß  √√æ ¬ÿ∑∏ Õ¬à“ «“ß ®‘µ√ 94. §‘¥ ∑ÿ°¢å „π  ß “√2

The Precepts

§

Keep weapons by thy side. Do not trust entirely to weapons. Be mindful of the misery of life (lit. of continued existence, through the cycle of transmigration).

95. Õ¬à“ ∑” °“√ √‘ ∑’Ë º‘¥3

Do not carry out what (thou perceivest) has been wrongly planned.

96. §‘¥ ¢«π ¢«“¬ ∑’Ë ™Õ∫4 97. ‚µâ µÕ∫, Õ¬à“ ‡ ’¬ §”5

Endeavour to search out what is right.

98. §π ¢” Õ¬à“ √à«¡ √—°6 99. æ√√§ æ«° æ÷ß ∑”πÿ°7

Do not fall in love with the artful.

In replying do not waste words (or talk nonsense).

Foster thy own kinsfolk.

1

O. : «“ß ÀÕ° ¥“∫ Õ¬à“ À“≠fiKeep spear and sword close at hand, instead of boasting (thou canst do without them);

®– ¡“π ‰æ√’ µÕ∫

So that, in the event of the enemy’s coming, thou mayest make a stand,

®– ‰¥â ¢Õ∫ ‡¡◊ËÕ ¿“¬ À≈—ß «—ß ‡«’¬ß Õ¬à“ ¬‘π  πÿ°

and retaliate upon him in due course. Do not yield to the charms of pleasant cities or palaces (otherwise thou willst neglect more weighty matters).

2

O. : √” æ÷ß ∑ÿ°¢å  ß “√fiPonder on the sorrows of continued existence. (That is, so as to be able to take the right path leading to the cessation of re-birth). 3

O. : Õ¬à“ À“≠ ∑” §«“¡ º‘¥fiDare not do what is wrong.

4

O. : º‘¥ ‰µà ∂“¡ À“ §«“¡ ™Õ∫fiIf in the wrong inquire about what is right.

5

O. : ‰¥â °Õ∫, Õ¬à“ ‡ ’¬ °”fiOn getting as much as can be grasped with both hands together, do not relinquish the simple handful. N. B. This is an excellent example of the curt style obtaining in Siamese proverbs, offering compressed and tersely put in a few monosylables what requires the double or even the treble number of words of a Western language to express. 6

O. : §π ¢” Õ¬à“ √—° „§√à—Do not affect the wily.

7

Both these sentences 99 and 100 are omitted in O. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 100. ª≈ÿ° ‡Õ“ ·√ß ∑—Ë« µπ 101. ¬≈ ‡¬’Ë¬ß ‰°à, π° °√– ∑“1 æ“ ≈Ÿ° À≈“π ¡“ °‘π

201

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Surround thyself with strength. Imitate the hen and the (francolin) partridge, which (when discovering food) lead on their young to pasture.

102. √–∫◊Õ √–∫‘≈ Õ¬à“ øíß §”2 103. °“√ ®– ∑” Õ¬à“ ¥à«π ‰¥â 104. Õ¬à“ „™â §π ∫—ß ∫∑3

Do not listen to idle rumours.

105. ∑¥ ·∑π §ÿ≥ ∑à“π ‡¡◊ËÕ ¬“° Ω“° ¢Õß √—° ®ß æÕ „®

Requite the benefits of others when they are in distress, and be affectionate to whatever they entrust to your care.4

106. ‡ΩÑ“ ∑â“« ‰∑â Õ¬à“ ∑√πß 107. ¿—° ¥’ ®ß Õ¬à“ ‡°’¬®5 108. ‡®â“ ‡§’¬¥ Õ¬à“ ‡§’¬¥ µÕ∫ 109. π∫ πÕ∫ „® „   ÿ∑∏‘Ï

In the royal presence do not be haughty.

110. Õ¬à“ ¢ÿ¥ §π ¥â«¬ ª“°

Do not undermine others with thy tongue.

1

2

Do not do things hurriedly. Don’t send people on an errand without full instructions (lit. with inexplicit orders).

Be devoted, and not slothful. To thy king do not return wrath for wrath. Obey sincerely (lit. with real purity of heart).

O. : puts these two sentences 102 and 103 as follows :

‡¬’Ë¬ß ‰°à °ÿ° À“ ≈Ÿ°fiImitate the hen clucking her chickens. ≈Ÿ° À≈“π ¡“ °‘π Õ¬àŸfiand descendants to come and feed. O. substitutes: §«“¡ ¡’ °√– ∑âŸ, Õ¬à“ ∑”fiDo not destroy the foundation (or, core) of what is firmly

established.

¢Õß ¢” Õ¬à“ √—∫ ‰«âfiSuspicious things don’t accept. 3

This sentence may be taken to mean also: Do not employ shallow-lettered persons.

4

This sentence, if taken separately, may also mean : “Entrust cherished things to those in whom you have full confidence;” but it seems connected with the preceding one, of which apparently it forms the sequence. 5

O. : ®ß ¿—° ¥’ Õ¬à“ °≈ ‡°’¬®—practically same sense. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 111. Õ¬à“ ∂“° §π ¥â«¬ µ“ §

The Precepts Do not offend (lit. ‘hew’) others with (cross) glances.

112. Õ¬à“ æ“ º‘¥ ¥â«¬ ÀŸ 113. Õ¬à“ ‡≈’¬π §√Ÿ ‡µ◊Õπ ¥à“1

Do not inculpate others on mere hearsay.

114. Õ¬à“ √‘ °≈à“« §” §¥2 115. §π ∑√¬» Õ¬à“ ‡™◊ËÕ 116. Õ¬à“ ·ºà ‡º◊ËÕ §«“¡ º‘¥3

Do not utter falsehoods.

117. Õ¬à“ ºŸ° ¡‘µ√ §π ®√ 118. ∑à“π  Õπ, Õ¬à“  Õπ µÕ∫

Do not befriend itinerant persons.

119. §«“¡ ™Õ∫ ®” „ à „®

What is righteous enshrine in thy mind.

Do not provoke, by mimicking him, thy teacher to inveigh against thee.

Don’t trust men without honour. Do not saddle thy faults upon others. (Or, do not throw the responsibility of thy own faults upon others also).

Do not presume to teach those who teach thee.

1

O. : Õ¬à“ ‡µ◊Õπ §√Ÿ ∑’Ë ¥à“fiDo not excite the teacher while he scolds thee.

2

O. adds here the following sentences :

§√Ÿ «à“ Õ¬à“ «à“ π—°fiIf the teacher rebukes thee, do not complain he is too severe. ∑’Ë À≈—° ·À≈¡, Õ¬à“ ¥à«πfiWith thy superiors in acuteness of intellect, do not act rashly. πÈ” ªÉ«π π—°, ¡—° ‡ªπ µ¡fiWater, too much stirred, will get turbid. ≈¡ æ—¥ π—°, À—° ·æâ ‰¡âfiWind blowing too strongly overcomes and breaks the tree. ®– „Àâ, „Àâ ®ß æÕ »—°¥‘ÏfiWhen giving (making donations) give according to thy own rank. ∂ââ“ ®– ∑—°, ®ß æÕ „®fiWhen addressing a request to a person, ask only what is unlikely to displease him.

¿“¬ „π ®ß §‘¥  ”√Õ°fiThy meaning (or, ideas) thou shouldst utter forth. ¿“¬ πÕ° ®ß §‘¥  √‡ √‘≠fiand leave it to others (or, the public) to praise thee (or, to appreciate them.) 3

‡¡‘π „®, §π æ÷ß ß¥fiListless unconcern thou shouldst check. O. : Õ¬à“ ‰¥â ‡æ√◊ËÕ §«“¡ º‘¥fiDo not spread (or, propagate) error, Õ¬à“ §‘¥ §«“¡ º—πºàÕπfior (meanly) attempt to evade (the consequences of) thy own. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 120. √–«—ß √– ‰« ∑’Ë ‰ª ¡“1 121. ‡¡µ µ“ µÕ∫ µàÕ ¡‘µ√2 122. §‘¥ ·≈â« ®÷Ëß ‡®√®“ 123. Õ¬à“ π‘π∑“ ∑à“π ºâ⟠Õ◊Ëπ3 124. Õ¬à“ µ◊Ëπ ¬° ¬Õ µπ4

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Wherever thou goest be on the alert. Requit friends with kindliness. Reflect before you speak. Do not slander thy fellow men, Do not elate thyself with praise of thy own self.

125. §π ®π Õ¬à“ ¥Ÿ ∂Ÿ° 126. ª≈Ÿ° ‰¡µ√’ ∑—Ë« ™π5 127. µ√– °Ÿ≈ µπ ®ß §” π—∫6 128. Õ¬à“ ®—∫ ≈‘Èπ ·°à §π

Don’t despise the poor.

129. ∑à“π √—°, µπ ®ß √—° µÕ∫ 130. ∑à“π πÕ∫, µπ ®ß πÕ∫ ·∑π 131. §«“¡ ·Àπ „Àâ ª√–À¬—¥

Requite love with love.

132. ‡ºà“ °√–…—µ√‘¬å, ‡æ≈‘ß ßŸ7 Õ¬à“ ¥Ÿ ∂Ÿ° «à“ πâÕ¬

Royal blood, fire, and snake, do not undervalue.

Make friends with all. Honour thy own family (lineage). Do not depend on what other people say; (also: Do not take other people’s statements as absolute, nor do not too lightly discredit them).

Return respect for respect. What is to be jealously guarded guard it well.

1

O. : ‡√àß √–‰« ∑’Ë „π ªÉ“fiBe earnestly cautious in the jungle.

2

O. : √âŸ

3

æ‘®“√≥“ æ‘π‘®fiKnow how to investigate and decide (or, settle) a point. O. : Õ¬à“ ©—π∑“ ∑à“π ºâŸ Õ◊ËπfiDo not be lustful towards thy fellowmen (or, do not lust after others; do

not conceive lust for others). 4

O. : Õ¬à“ ¬◊Ëπ‡π◊ÈÕ, ¬° µπfiDo not puff up nor exalt thy own self.

5

O. : ª≈Ÿ° ‰¡µ√’ ®ß ∂â«π ºâŸfisame sense as above.

6

O. : ‡√àß √Ÿâ ‡√àß §” π—∫fiBe quick at learning and quick at reverencing.

7

O. : ‡ºà“ °√–…—µ√, ‡À¡◊Õπ ‰ø, ߟfiRoyal race is like fire or snake. Cf. Lokaniti, stanza 134 : “Ranno......aggi ’va,” ‘(The courtier should understand that) a king is like fire.’ Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 133. À‘ß ÀâÕ¬ Õ¬à“ ·¢àß ‰ø 134. Õ¬à“ ªÕß ¿—¬ µàÕ ∑â“«

The Precepts

§

If firefly, don’t vie with fire. Do not hatch mischief towards thy sovereign.

135. Õ¬à“ ¡—° Àâ“«, æ≈—π ·µ°1

Do not be too impetuous; thou wilt soon break.

136. Õ¬à“ ‡¢â“ ·∫° ß“ ™â“ß

Do not assist the elephant in carrying his tusks.

137. Õ¬à“ ÕÕ° °â“ß ¢ÿπ π“ß2

Do not oppose those in power (lit. the noblemen, or dignitaries).

138. ª“ß ¡’ ™Õ∫, ∑à“π ™à«¬3 ª“ß ªÉ«¬ ∑à“π ™‘ß ™—ß4

When in power, all are ready to help us; but when we are in distress they treat us with scorn.

139. º‘ ®– ∫—ß, ∫—ß ®ß ≈—∫ 140. º‘ ®– ®—∫, ®—∫ ®ß À¡—Èπ 141. º‘ ®– §—Èπ, §—Èπ ®π µ“¬ 142. º‘ ®– À¡“¬, À¡“¬ ®ß ·∑â 143. º‘ ®– ·°â, ·°â ®π °√–®à“ß5

If conceal thou must, conceal completely.

1

If grasp thou must, grasp firmly. If squeeze thou must, squeeze to death. If aim thou must, aim unswervingly. If clear thyself thou must, do it until full light is made.

O. : Àâ“« π—°, ¡—° ®– ·À≈°fiToo much dash is likely to end in failure (or, lead to wreck).

The actual sense is, practically, “A too violent pull breaks the rope” or in Italian: “Ogni soverchio rompe il coperchio.” 2

O. : Õ¬à“ Õ«¥ Õâ“ß «à“ ¢ÿπ π“ßfiDo not boast of being a nobleman.

3

O. : ª“ß µπ ™Õ∫, ∑à“π ™à«¬fiWhen thou art in favour, they are ready to assist thee. Cf. “Felicilas multos habet amicos”.

4

O. : ª“ß µπ ªÉ«¬ ∑à“π ™—ßfiWhen downfallen all hate thee.

5

Here O. adds the two following sentences :

∂â“ ®– «“ß, «“ß ®ß ≈÷°fiIf laying anything, lay (or bury) it deep down, ‡°≈◊Õ° ∑à“π π÷° √âŸ, ®– ‡ ’¬ µπfilest others may discover it to thy own ruin. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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∫—≠ ≠—µ‘ æ√– √à«ß 144. Õ¬à“ √—° Àà“ß °«à“ ™‘¥1

The Precepts

§

Do not cherish what is aloof more than what is near thee.

145. §‘¥ ¢â“ß πà“, Õ¬à“ ¥Ÿ ‡∫“

Use forethought, and do not make light of the future.

146. Õ¬à“ ∂◊Õ ‡Õ“ µ◊Èπ °«à“ ≈÷°

Do not give importance to the surface more than to the deep-lying core.

147. ‡¡◊ËÕ ‡¢â“ »÷° √–«—ß µπ 148. ‡ªπ §π ‡√’¬π §«“¡ √⟠®ß ¬‘Ëß ºâŸÊ ¡’ »—°¥‘2Ï 149. Õ¬à“ ¡—° ßà“¬ ¡‘¥’ 150. Õ¬à“ µ’ ߟ „Àâ ·°à °“ 151. Õ¬à“ µ’ ª≈“ πà“ ‰∑√3

When going to war be on the alert.

152. „® Õ¬à“ ‡∫“, ®ß Àπ—° 153. Õ¬à“ µ’  ÿπ—°¢å Àâ“¡ ‡Àà“4

Don’t be light headed, but steady.

154. ¢â“ ‡°à“ √⓬, Õ¥ ‡Õ“

If an old servant wrongs thee, bear patience.

155. Õ¬à“ √—° ‡À“ °«à“ º¡5 156. Õ¬à“ √—° ≈¡ °«à“ πÈ”6 157. Õ¬à“ √—° ∂È” °«à“ ‡√◊Õπ7

Don’t love the louse more than the hair.

Being a plain man thou must learn, far more than those in high stations. Don’t play the sluggard; that is bad. Do not knock down snakes for crows. Do not strike at fish in front of the basket trap. (i.e. Do not dismay them while they are meekly coming in).

Do not beat the dog to make him stop barking.

Don’t love wind more than water. Don’t prefer the (picturesque) grotto to thy own dwelling.

1

Omitted in O. Some texts have: §‘¥ ¢â“ß Àπ—°, Õ¬à“ ¥Ÿ ‡∫“fiPay attention to the weighty, and not to the light side (of a question).

2

O. : „Àâ ¬‘Ëß ºâŸ ·À≈¡ À≈—°fifar more than those who are talented.

3

Omitted in O.

4

O. : Õ¬à“ µ’ À¡“ Õ—π ÀÕπ ‡Àà“fiDo not strike a dog which is barking.

5

O. : Õ¬à“ √—° ‡À“ ¥’ °«à“ º¡

6

O. : Õ¬à“ √—° ≈¡ ¥’ °«à“ πÈ”

7

O. : Õ¬à“ √—° ∂È” ¬‘Ëß °«à“ ‡√◊Õπ

}

same sense as above.

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158. Õ¬à“ √—° ‡¥◊Õπ ¥’ °«à“ µ«—π œ–

Don’t cherish the moon more than the sun.

Conclusion. : Each and all of these teachings those who are wise should listen to, heed them, ponder them, and put them in practice, for they are perfectly correct in principle and the shrewd devices they unfold are all based upon experience (lit., on a selection of facts or examples); so that they are excellent and in accordance with righteousness.

Ô ∫  ‘Ëß  √√æå ‚Õ«“∑ ºâŸ ‡ªπ ª√“™≠å æ÷ß  ¥—∫ µ√—∫ µ√‘ µ√Õß ª√– Ø‘∫—µ‘Ï ‚¥¬ Õ√√∂ Õ—π ∂àÕß ∂â«π ·∂≈ß ‡≈» ‡Àµÿ ‡≈◊Õ° ≈â«π ‡≈‘» Õâ“ß ∑“ß ∏√√¡1

APPENDIX C Initial list of Siamese proverbs, saws, etc. With a view to start a list Siamese proverbs and idiomatic phrases, I subjoin here the principal sayings quoted in the course of the preceding pages apart from those of King Ruang, adding moreover a few others that did not find a place therein, hoping that those who take interest in the subject will thereby be induced to contribute further additions to the present list thus soon making it sufficiently extensive. For the sake of easy reference I have deemed it expedient to distinguish each saying by a serial number which it will be advisable to continue in future lists.

1. «‘Ëß Àπ—° ¡—°≈â¡, ≈â¡π—°¡—°´«π

By running too fast one is liable to stumble; by stooping too low one may lose his balance.

2. √⟠≈∫ °Á ‡ªπ ªï°, ·¡âπ √⟠À≈’° °Á ‡ªπ À“ß

By mere shunting it may be wings (i.e. the wings may be caught in the trap); but by withdrawing altogether it will be only tail (i.e. the tail only will be caught).

1

A different conclusion is given in O. as follows :

Ô∏√√¡ ‡À≈à“ π’È „§√ ∑”µ“¡fiHe who follows these righteous principles ®– ∂÷ß §«“¡ »ÿ¢ ∑ÿ° ‡¡◊ËÕfiwill ever attain to happiness; ‡æ◊ËÕ ·µàß ‰«â „Àâ  √√æ  —µ«åfifor they have been composed in order to enable all living creatures „Àâ ∂÷ß »ÿ¢  «— ¥‘Ï ·≈fito gain happiness and prosperity. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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3. π° ‰√â, ‰¡â ‚À¥ 4. ™“¬ ‡¢â“ ‡ª≈◊Õ°, À≠‘ß ‡¢â“  “√

A birdless tree?—a barren tree.

5. æ√‘° ‰∑¬ ‡¡Á¥ π‘¥ ‡¥’¬« ‡§’Ȭ« ¬—ß √âÕπ

The tiniest grain of pepper is nevertheless pungent to chew (i.e. noble blood always makes its virtue manifest).

6. ¶à“ §«“¬ Õ¬à“ ‡ ’¬ ¥“¬ æ√‘°

Having killed the buffalo (for food) don’t grudge the seasoning (i.e. don’t begrudge the outlay necessary for carrying an enterprise to completion).

7. √—° À¬Õ°, Õ¬à“ °≈—« À¬‘°1

If fond of practical jokes, don’t be afraid of being pinched.

8. °‘π ‡¢â“ µâ¡, Õ¬à“ °√–‚®¡ °≈“ß

When about to negotiate a dish of (boiling hot) porridge, do not rashly attack it at the centre (but get gently at it from the outer rim).

9. ‰¡â ≈” Àπ÷Ëß ¬—ß µà“ß ª≈âÕß æ’Ë ·≈ πâÕß ¬—ß µà“ß „®

Joints (knots) though on the same stem are nevertheless unequally spaced; so even brothers are of different minds.

Males are paddy and females hulled rice (i.e. men can take root and settle in life by themselves, whereas women are not self-supporting). Cf. no. 39 in Appendix E.

10. ∑” π“, Õ¬à“ ‡ ’¬ ‡À¡◊Õß

When working paddy fields do not omit the canal for irrigation.

11. ‡¢â“ ‡¡◊Õß, Õ¬à“ ‡ ’¬ ¢ÿππ“ß 2

When in town do not neglect the dignitaries.

12. µ—¥ À«“¬, Õ¬à“ ‰«â ÀπàÕ ¶à“ æàÕ, Õ¬à“ ‰«â ≈Ÿ°3

When cutting down rattans don’t leave the sprouts; when killing the father don’t spare the offspring.

1

This forms a couplet with the preceding, along with which it is frequently quoted.

2

This forms a couplet with the preceding.

3

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13. ‡ ◊Õ °ÿ¬, ®√‡¢â ª√“π ¬ÿß  ÿ‚¢∑—¬, ‰¢â ∫“ß µæ“π

For tigers Kui, for crocodiles Pran, for mosquitoes Sukhothai, and for (jungle) fever Bang-taphan.

14. À≠‘ß≈“«πàßÿ ºâ“ ‘π, °‘π°‘ßÈ °◊Õ1

Lau women don the Sin skirt (a sarong with horizontal stripes) and eat millipedes.

15. ™“µ‘Ω√—ßË πàßÿ °“߇°ß‚µß‡µß µ“¡ µ—«, ‰¡à°≈—«µ“¬2 16. ™â“Ê ‰¥â æ√â“  Õß ‡≈à¡ ß“¡

Europeans don trousers flapping about their persons, and fear not death.

17.  ‘∫ ª“° «à“, ‰¡à ‡∑à“ µ“ ‡Àπ;  ‘∫ µ“ ‡Àπ, ‰¡à ‡∑à“ ¡◊Õ §≈”

Ten tongues (lit., mouths) asserting are not worth one eye seeing; nor are ten eyes seeing equal to a single hand feeling (one thing).—“Trust as little as you can to report, and examine all you can by your senses” (Johnson).

18. ‰¢à ‰ª °√– ∑∫ À‘π

The egg coming into collision with a stone. “The iron pot and the earthen pot.” “The earthen pot must keep clear of the brass kettle.”

19. ´◊ÈÕ §«“¬ °≈“ß ÀπÕß

To buy a buffalo in a puddle.—“To buy a cat in a bag.” “To buy a pig in a poke.”

20. ´◊ÈÕ ∑Õß °≈“ß ∂ππ3

To buy gold in the street (i.e. where it cannot be tested)—same sense as the preceding.

21. Àπ’ ‡ ◊Õ, ª– ®√‡¢â ¢÷Èπ µâπ ‰¡â, ª– √—ß ·µπ

Running away from a tiger but to fall in with a crocodile; climbing up a tree but to find there a wasp’s nest.

With patience thou wilt easily obtain two jungle knives.—“Slow and steady wins the race” (Lloyd).

“Out of the frying pan into the fire.” Cf. no. 26 in Appendix E.

1 2 3

A skit occurring in the popular ¢ÿπ

™â“ß ¢ÿπ ·ºπ play. A skit occurring in popular performances of the æ√– Õ¿—¬ ¡≥’ play. This forms a couplet with the preceding. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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22. ‡Õ“ ¡æ√â“« Àâ“« ‰ª ¢“¬ ™“«  «π ‡Õ“ ·ªÑß π«π ‰ª ¢“¬ ™“« «—ß

To take cocoanuts for sale to the gardener, or toilet powder to the palace ladies—“Carrying coals to Newcastle.” “Bringing earthen vessels to Samos, or bats to Athens.” “In segetem spicas ferre” (Ovidius).

23.  ‘∫‡∫’¬È „°≈â ¡◊Õ, ¬’ Ë ∫‘ ‰°≈¡◊Õπ—°

Ten cowries are within hand’s reach; but twenty are too far removed. “A bird in the hand is worth two in the bush” Il vaut mieux un tiens que deux l’auras.

24. ‡≈’¬È ß≈Ÿ°‡ ◊Õ, ≈Ÿ°®√‡¢â, Õ‚ √æ‘»¡å

To bring up a tiger cub, a young crocodile, or a venomous snake. “Colubrum in sino fovere.” To cherish a serpent in one’s bosom.

25. ‡ ’¬ πâÕ¬, ‡ ’¬ ¬“°; ‡ ’¬ ¡“°, ‡ ’¬ ßà“¬

Little is spent with difficulty; but much, with ease.—“Penny wise and pound foolish.” A little goes a long way...etc.

26. Õ¬à“  “« ‰ â „Àâ °“ °‘π

Don’t pull out the entrails (i.e. intimate troubles) for crows to feast upon. “Il faut laver son linge sale en famille.” One’s filthy linen should be washed at home.

27. Àπ“¡ ¬Õ°, ‡Õ“ Àπ“¡ ∫àß

If a thorn pricks thee, use a thorn to draw it out.—“Similia similibus curanfur.” Like cures like. “Un clou chasse l’autre.” Cf. no. 18 in Appendix E.

28. ‚√§ ¡“ ‡ªπ ¿Ÿ ‡¢“; ‰ª ‡∑à“ ‡À“, ‡∑à“ ‡≈Áπ

Diseases come in mountains and leave in dribblets (lit., in bits of the size of a louse or of a clothes - vermin).— “Misfortunes never come singly.”1

1

A more striking parallel to this is to be found in the Italian proverb : “Ill luck comes by pounds and goes away by ounces.” Cf. also the English one: “Misfortunes come on wings and depart on foot”; and the Shakespearian: “When sorrows come, they come not single spies, but in battalions,” (Hamlet, IV, 5). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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29. ‡¢â“ ‡¡◊Õß µ“ À≈‘Ë«, „Àâ À≈‘Ë« µ“¡ µ“

While in a land of blinkards, endeavour to wink like them.—“Quum Romae fueris, Romano vivite more.” Do in Rome, as the Romans do. “When you go to Rome, do as Rome does.” (St. Ambrose of Milan).

30. πÈ” „® À≠‘ß, ‡À¡◊Õπ πÈ” °≈‘Èß ∫π „∫ ∫—«

The female heart is as unstable as water rolling on a lotus leaf. “Varium et mutabile semper Foemina.” (Virgil) Woman is inconstant. “La donna è mobile Qual piuma al vento.” (Opera “Rigoletto”)

31. ‡Õ“ ‡ªì¥ ¡“ ¢—π µà“ß ‰°àà, ®– øíß ‡ªπ ‡ ’¬ß ‰¥â À√◊Õ?

To set a duck to crow instead of a rooster; how can the quack be listened to? “To put round pegs into square holes.” “The wrong man in the wrong place.”

32. ‡Õ“ ‡π◊ÈÕ ÀπŸ ‰ª ™à«¬ (or ‡æ‘Ë¡) ‡π◊ÈÕ ™â“ß

To take the flesh out of mice in order to fatten the elephant (i.e. despoil the poor in order to fatten the mighty). “To rob Peter to pay Paul.”

33. §π µ“ ‡Õ°, §«“¬ ‡£“ ‡°°, √–«—ß ®ß ¥’

Beware of squint-eyed persons and of buffaloes with outspread horns. “Ceux qui sont marqués en B (viz. Borgne, Boiteux, Bossu, etc.) ne valent rien.” “Niun segnato da Dio fu mai buono” (Ital. prov.) “Cave ab signatis”.

34. √⟠°‘π°Á ‡ªπ ‡π◊ÈÕ; ¡‘√⟠°‘π°Á ‡ ◊ËÕ¡ À“¬1

With frugality even a little goes a long way; but without it, all soon vanishes. “Frugality is an estate.”

35. ¬◊Ëπ ·°ââ« „Àâ ·°à ≈‘ß

To cast gems before monkeys. “To cast pearls before swine.” (Jesus).

1

The second part of this saying is sometimes varied into : ¡‘ √⟠°‘π °Á ‡ ◊ÈÕ À“¬fiwithout parsimony thou wilt lose also thy coat. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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36.  ÿ«“π ¢∫ Õ¬à“ ¢∫ µÕ∫fior in a more vulgar form :

À¡“ ¢∫, Õ¬à“ ¢∫ µàÕ À¡“1

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If a dog bites thee, don’t bite him in return. If a donkey brays at you, don’t bray at him.” “If an ass kicks me, shall I strike him again?” (Socrates).

37. À¡“ ‡Àà“ °Á ‰¡à °—¥

A dog that barks does not bite. “Barking dogs seldom bite.”

38. ·¡« ‰¡à Õ¬àŸ, ÀπŸ ‡√‘ß

When the cat is absent, the mice make merry. “When the cat’s away, the mice will play.”

39. ‚§ À“¬, ®÷Ëß ≈âÕ¡ §Õ°

After the kine are gone the enclosure is put up. “To shut up the stable-door after the kine are gone.”

40. ‡Õ“ πÈ” §â“ß ‰ª ‡æ‘Ë¡ πÈ”  “§√

Bringing dew to super-add to the sea.— “Carrying water to the sea.”

41. πà“ ‡π◊ÈÕ, „® ‡ ◊Õ

Face of doe and tiger-like heart. “Cara de angel, corazon de demonio (Spanish prov.) “Boca de mel, coraçao de fel” (Protuguese prov.)

42. ‰ â µ—« ‡Õß, ‡ªπ ÀπÕπ ‡Õß

One’s own entrails are worms to one’s self. “On n’est jamais trahi que par les siens.”

43. ‚≈¿ ¡“°, ≈“¿ À“¬

With over-greediness one’s fortune vanishes. “He who grasps at too much holds fast nothing.” “Grasp all, loose all.”

44. ‚≈¿ π—°, ¡—° µ—« µ“¬2

Excessive cupidity leads to selfdestruction.

1

See no. 68 of King Ruang’s maxims above.

2

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45. µ“ ∫Õ¥ ®Ÿß µ“ ∫Õ¥, ·≈â« µ“ ∫Õ¥ ‡∂’¬ß §π ®Ÿß (or, ºâŸ ®Ÿß)

The blind leads the blind, and then the blind quarrels with his leader. “If the blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch.” (Hebrew prov.)

46. Õ¬à“ „Àâ ‡¥Á° ‡≈àπ ¡’¥, ‡≈àπ æ√â“

Don’t allow children to play with knives or cutters. “Ne puero gladium.” “Entrust not a boy with a sword.”

47. ß“¡ ·µà √Ÿª, ®Ÿ∫ ‰¡à ÀÕ¡

Handsome features, but no fragrance to smell (the substitute for the Western ‘kiss’). “La beauté sans vertu est une fleur sans parfum”. “Beauty without grace is a violet without smell.”

48. ≈Ÿ° ‰¡â ßÕ¡, ¢â“ß „π Ω“¥1

Like an overripe fruit (that still is) sour within.

49. ∂àà¡ πÈ”≈“¬ √¥ øÑ“, „ à (or ∂Ÿ°) Àπâ“ µ—« ‡Õß

He who spits towards the sky gets it back into his own face. “Chi sputa contro il vento si sputa in faccia.” (Ital. prov.)

50.  ’Ë ‡∑â“ (or ™â“ß  ’Ë ‡∑â“) √⟠æ≈“¥ π—° ª√“™≠å √⟠æ≈—Èß

Even a four-footed animal (or, an elephant) will stumble, so will the scholar. “Even a horse, though he has four feet, will stumble.” (English prov.) “Errare humanum est.”

51. ∂àÕ À¬—Ëß ‰¡à ∂÷ß πÈ”

The pole (for pushing the boat) does not reach down to the water. (The means are unequal to the task)

52. À¡Ÿ ‡¢“ À“¡, ‡Õ“ §“𠉪  Õ¥

To thrust one’s own carrying pole between those who carry the pig (suspended to a pole). To meddle in other people’s business.

53. ‡Õ“ πÈ” ≈Ÿ∫ ∑âÕß

To rub the belly with water (i.e. to have nothing to eat). “To dine with duke Humphrey.

1

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54. æ√– ∑“π ºâ“ ≈“¬

To present with a flowered chintz (i.e. to cause one to receive a flogging with rattans, thus getting a mottled or striped back.)

55. „Àâ ¬“ π—µ∂åÿ

To give snuff-drug (to one who is crackbrained) “To helleborise” (fig.)

56. ‚§ ¢– ≈–  ÿ

A Cataian. One of “The four P’s” brotherhood (see section 10 B above)

57. ‡À¡◊Õπ °≈‘Èß §√° ¢÷Èπ ¿Ÿ ‡¢“

Like running a mortar up hill. (A very hard job).

58. √“« °—∫ ≈‘Èπ ≈—ß°“

Like a Ceylonese tongue. (A glib-tongued fellow).

59. ßàà“¬ ‡À¡◊Õπ  Ÿ∫ ∫ÿÀ√’Ë

As easy as smoking a cigarette. “As easy as kissing my hand.” “’Tis as easy as lying” (Shakespeare).

60. ‡À¡◊Õπ ‡ ’¬ °√– ∫“≈ º’

Like making oblation of a platter of food to the ghosts. “Like giving a sop to Cerberus.”

61. ¥ÿ® º’ ‰¡à ¡’  “√, °√– ∫“≈ ‰¡à ¡’ ¢Õ∫ 62. ‡À¡◊Õπ ‡≈’È¬ß ‡À’Ȭ, ‡ ’¬ πÈ” ·°ß

Like a ghost without substance or a leaf platter without rim. “A bogus.”

63. ‡À¡◊Õπ∑Õß·¥ß·Ωß ΩÑ“ ‡ªπ √“§’

Like the copper (in a debased coin) which, with exposure, becomes stained (by oxidation). “Showing up its spots.”

64. Õ¥ ‡À¡◊Õπ À¡“ Õ¥ ‡À¡◊Õπ ‡ ◊Õ

Starving like a dog. Starving like a tiger. “Starving like a church mouse.”

65. ‡À¡◊ÕπµâπÀ—°, ≈Ÿ° √—° °Á ¡—° ‡´“

Like a broken tree, whose cherished fruits wither.

Like bringing up a water monitor; it is wasted curry. (Wasted time and labour). “A lavar la testa all’ asino si perde il ranno ed il sapone” (Ital. prov.)

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66. ‡À¡◊Õπ ‡Õ“ æ‘¡‡ π‰ª ·≈°‡°≈◊Õ1

Like bartering Barus camphor with salt. (To make a foolish bargain).

67. ‡Õ“ ·°â« ‰ª ·≈° ªí¥2

To barter gems with beads (same sense as the preceding).

68. ‡À¡◊Õπ ‰¡â ´’° §—¥ ‰¡â ´ÿß

Like attempting to raise a log with a splinter. (A task beyond one’s forces).

69. ‡À¡◊Õπ §π ‰∫â πÕπ Ωíπ

Like a dumb person dreaming in sleep. (unable to tell his own experiences).

70. ‡À¡◊Õπ §π ¡◊Õ ¥â«π ‰¥â ·À«π

Like a maimed man without hands getting a finger-ring. (incapable or unable to make a good use of one’s own valuables).

71. ‡À¡◊Õπ°√–µà“¬À¬—ßË πÈ”¡À“  ¡ÿ∑

Like the rabbits who attempted to find out the depth of the sea by wading through it (and perished). (Selfconceit, presumptuousness). Cf. no. 6 in Appendix E.

72. ‡À¡◊Õππ° πâÕ¬ ∫‘π ·¢àß æ√–¬“ §√ÿ±

Like the little bird who challanged Garuda (the mythical king of the feathered tribe) at flight. (An Icarian attempt).3

73. ®Ÿ∫ ≈Ÿ°, ∂Ÿ° ·¡à

To impress, by mishap, on the mother a kiss intended for the baby (in her arms, or lap).4

74. Õ¬à“ ·§– ‰¡â ∑—∫ µ—«

Don’t dig up a tree making it fall upon thee. (Don’t overthrow what will crush thee by its fall).

75. ®◊¥, ®÷Ëß √⟠®—° §ÿ≥ ‡°≈◊Õ; ÀπŸ °—¥ ‡ ◊ÈÕ, ®÷Ëß √⟠®—° §ÿ≥ ·¡«

It is when finding food insipid that you recognize the value of salt; it is when finding your coat gnawed by mice that you become alive to the worth of the cat.

1

This adage is cited in the annals of Ayuthia, vol. I, p. 150. See no. 8 in Appendix E.

2

See no. 7 in Appendix E.

3

Both these apologues are cited in the annals of Ayuthia, vol. I, pp. 72-73.

4

The saw also means : “Kissing the baby touches (i.e. favourably affects) the mother.” In this connection it is said of one practising the osculatory process upon the baby of grass-widow, or otherwise flattering her in order to enter into her good graces. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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76.  «√√§å Õ¬àŸ „πÕ°, π√° Õ¬àŸ „π„®

To gain heaven or hell lies within our breast and heart (i.e. It depends on our thought and actions to go to either place). “In thy breast are the stars of thy fate” (Schiller).

77. ‰¡à ‡Àπ πÈ”, µ—¥ °√– ∫Õ°; ‰¡à ‡Àπ °–√Õ°, ‚°àß πà“ ‰¡â

To cut a bamboo joint (to use as a bucket), without seeing any water; to bend the crossbow before seeing the squirrel. (To act prematurely).

78. ‡¢Á¡ °âπ πâÕ¬, √âÕ¬ ‡¢â“ ™â“

A needle with a small eye should be threaded slowly. (The little or lowly ones should be taught gently and patiently).

79. §π ¢’È ¢≈“¥ µâÕß ‡¥‘π  —Èπ §π ‰¡à §√â“π µâÕß ‡¥‘𠬓«

A coward cannot travel very far (because he is afraid of ghosts, etc.); but a man who is not indolent can push on a long way.

80. ¡–°Õ°  “¡ µ–°√â“

A triple basket of hog plums (= an arrant liar) N.B. This is an elliptical form of the saw :— Even if three baskets of hog plums were flung at him, he would yet remain unhit (i.e. he would yet manage to get off scot free with his artful misrepresentations).

¡–°Õ°  “¡µ–°√â“ ª“‰¡à ∂Ÿ°

81. ‡À¡◊Õπ °∫ Õ¬àŸ „π  √– ∫—«

Like frogs in a lotus pond (i.e. they don’t feel the fragrance of the lotus blossoms, nor do they appreciate the charm of the place). Asinus in unguento.

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82. ‡À¡◊Õπ∑—ææ’ (or ∑–√–æ’,  –√–æ’)

Like a ladle (which holds food but does not work for it and is always greasy). (Applied to a loafer, parasite, or useless and untidy person).1

1

This is a less contemptuous form of the expressions µ«—°, Õ⓬ µ«—°, Àπâ“ µ«—°, viz. “skimmer”, and “face of a skimmer”, which are severe insults. The ∑—æ æ’ is a fine-looking and ornamented ladle, usually mother-o’-pearl inlaid; whereas µ«—° is a wooden or brass skimmer and not a “cocoanut spoon” as Pallegoix’s dictionary, has it. The cocoanut ladle is called °√–∫«¬, and not µ«—°, It is interesting to notice that the term µ«—°, (tawak or, as he spells it, touac) is already put on record, in the sense of an insult, by La Loubère in 1687. (See his “Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam”; London, 1693, p. 166). From µ«—°, has taken rise the act of „Àâ µ«—° i.e. “to make the gesture of the skimmer” which consists in bending one arm upward, with the palm of the hand turned outwards and the fingers folded, so as to represent the skimmer. The saw comes either directly from the Dhammapada, or indirectly by way of the Lokaniti. In the Dhammapada, stanza 64, it is said : “Yavajivam pi ce balo—panditam payirupasati, Na so dhammam vijanati—dabbi suparasam yatha.” ‘A fool, even though he be associated with a wise man all his life-long, Will perceive the truth as little as a ladle perceives the taste of curry.’ Here Professor Max Muller translated : “as little as a spoon perceives the taste of soup” (“Sacred Books of the East,” vol. X, part I, p. 20), which conveys a considerably different idea to the European reader. For Dabbi, Katacchu, and akin vocables which Childers (Dict.), and Rhys Davids (“Sacred Books of the East,” vol. XX. pp. 100, 290) took to mean spoons, are not so in the European sense, i.e. of conveying liquids and food to the mouth; but ladles or stirrers, used either to dish or serve out food, or to stir food in the cooking pots and pans. I believe that with the exception of little spoons made of precious materials for the administration of medicines, no spoons were ever used of old in India and neighbouring countries for taking food to the mouth. This would be contrary to Indu ideas of etiquette; and to this day they are forbidden for that purpose to the Buddhist priesthood—at any rate in Siam. It will be seen, moreover, that by translating the concluding passage of the stanza quoted above, in the same manner as Max Muller, it loses much of its force. Whereas, if we substitute ‘stirrer’ or ‘ladle’ in the place of ‘spoon,’ and ‘sauce’ or ‘curry’, for ‘soup’, in agreement with local culinary usages, the passage acquires a farmore impressive significance, this being to the effect that the ladle or stirrer, although remaining long in contact with the curry (which is spiced) does not feel its flavour. Evidently, this was the meaning the author of that passage intended to convey. Stanza 24 of the Lokaniti repeats verbatim the same passage, with the only exception of a trifling variation in the tense of the verb at the end of the first verse which it gives in the form “payirupasi.” The same it does in the next stanza (25) which is, with the same slight variant but a word for word repetition of stanza 65 in the Dhammapada. The passage in question discloses to us the exact figurative sense of the term Dabbi, ‘ladle,’ ‘stirrer,’ or ‘skimmer’ as well as of its even ruder variety, the Siamese Tawak. And that sense is : one unable to appreciate of perceive what is good, and for whom improvement from his base mental and moral condition is past all hope; in a word, a rank fool, or comfirmed jackass. Hence it is that the term Tawak, especially, is held among Siamese so offensive as to be proscribed in polite conversation, as well as in literary composition. It is, indeed, when used invectively, far more opprobrious than our ass, fool, or dolt. As regards the “gesture of the skimmer,” it has its antithesis in the “gesture of the long handled fan, æ—™π’ (phacchani, from Palivijani)” which is done in the same manner, but with the palm of the hand turned inwards, and conveys a respectuous signification, in a similar manner as beckoning with the hand as a salute or farewell bidding, is with us. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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83. Õ¬“° °‘π ª≈“ Õ¬àŸ ∫√‡æÁ™√ 84. Õ¬“° µ“¡ ‡ ¥Á® „Àâ ‰¥â ¥’, ‰ª Õ¬àŸ ≈æ∫ÿ√’

If fond of eating fish go to Boraphet.1

85. µààÕ Àπâ“«à“æ≈—∫, ≈—∫À≈—ß«à“µ–‚°

In thy presence he says phlab (the fruit of Diospyros kaki, imported from China, which is sweet to the taste); but behind thy back he says tako, (the fruit of Diospyros dodecandra, which has a bitter taste). “Face-flatterer and back-biter.” (Tennyson).

86. πÈ” º÷Èß ∑“ √‘¡  ’ ª“°; ≈—∫À≈—ß°‘𬓰, ‡À¡◊Õπ ∫√‡æÁ™√

His lips are smeared with honey; but what he says after thy back is turned is hard to gulp, like Boraphet berries (the fruit of Cocculus verrucosus which, from its very bitter properties, is used in medicine). Mel in ore, verba lactis, Fel in corde, fraus in factis.

87. °«à“ ∂—Ë« ®–  ÿ°, ß“ ‰À¡â 3

By the time the peas (beans, or groundnuts) are roasted, the tilseed will be burnt. (i.e. ere all is in readiness the opportunity will have passed). “Too late for the fair.”

88. ∑‘Èß ∑’Ë °«â“ß, ‰ª À“ ∑’Ë ·§∫

To quit a commodious place for a strait one.

If liking to find the king easily (or, to enjoy pleasure in the king’s train) go to Lophburi.2

1

I.e. ∫÷ß ∫√‡æÁ™, a famed marsh lying north-east of Pak-nam Pho, a few miles away from the left bank of the ·§« „À≠à river with which it is connected by a creek. In the middle of it rises the hillock called ‡¢“ ƒÂ…’, and its waters teem with fish of many kinds, while birds attracted by the rich spoil flock about in large quantities. During the fishing season it is frequented by numbers of fishermen, when it is well worth a visit. 2

This saw must have originated from the time when King Narai made Lopburi his country residence, whence he started on frequent boating and hunting excursions. 3

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89. ‡Àπ °√– ¥Ÿ° ¥’ °«à“ ‡π◊ÈÕ

Preferring the bones to the flesh (i.e. flatterers to true friends.) “Catch not at the shadow and lose the substance.” Cf. no. 9 in Appendix E.

90. ‡π◊ÈÕ ‰¡à ‰¥â °‘π, Àπ—ß ‰¡à ‰¥â √Õß π—Ëß, ‡Õ“ °√– ¥Ÿ° ·¢«π §Õ; or ‡π◊ÈÕ °Á ‰¡à ‰¥â °‘π, Àπ—ß °Á ‰¡à ‰¥â √Õßπ—Ëß; ‡Õ“ ·µà °√–¥Ÿ°·¢«π §Õ µπ

The flesh I did not eat, the skin I did not spread (on the floor) to sit upon; yet shall I have to carry the bones suspended to my neck? (This means : to do a work which yields no profit and leaves only a burden of troubles as reward).

91. ®– «à“ ª¥ °Á °√‘Ëß, ®– «à“ ®√‘ß °Á °≈“¬

Daring not to declare it a lie, while being aware it is all but truth. (or, In doubt about its falsity, while not sure about its truth).

92. ´◊ÈÕ ºâ“, µâÕß ¥Ÿ ‡π◊ÈÕ

When buying a fabric thou must examine the stuff (it is made of).

93. ‰¡â ≈â¡, ®÷Ëß §àÕ¬ ¢â“¡ 94. °‘π πÈ” ·¡à πÈ” ‡®â“ æ√– ¬“ ·≈â«

Wait until a tree has fallen to skip it.

95. ∂◊Õ À«“¬, Àâ“¡ µ—« ‡Õß

Holding the rattan rod (the symbol of power) in his hand but to impose on his own self. This means also: to make use of threats or hands to impose respect, instead of the rattan rod—or authority—one holds.

96. ‡≈◊Õ° ∑’Ë √—°, ¡—° ∑’Ë ™—ß

Preferring those for whom we feel attachment and discarding others equally, or better, qualified.

Having drunk the water of the Chau Phya (i.e. of the Bangkok river). (means : having fallen into agreement or sympathy with Siamese ways and ideas).

Favouritism; nepotism; interested partiality.

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1.—literally : A farang (guava fruit) from the Bang-sau-thong gardens (in Khlong Mon, many of which are owned by descendants of Europeans, whose ancestors were Portuguese).1

97. Ω√—Ëß ∫“ß ‡ “ ∏ß

2.—figuratively speaking : A farang (or more or less Europeanized Siamese) from Bang-sau-thong (i.e. native of the country).

98. Õ¬à“ √âÕß ·√¥, ‡ ’¬ß ‡ ◊Õ

Do not roar like a rhinoceros or a tiger (i.e. do not raise the voice more than is necessary; or, scream not for trifles).

99. ¡’ π° ®÷Ëß ¡’ ·√â« ¡’  √– ·°ââ« ®÷Ëß ¡’ ∫—«

It is because of there being birds that there are nooses and snares. It is because of there being crystalline ponds that there are lotus blossoms.

100. ‡≈’Ȭߙâ“ß, °‘πÀ≠â“ (more vulgarly, ¢’È) ™â“ß

The elephant groom must live upon the elephant’s grub (or, leavings). (i.e. servants must live of what their masters live upon).

101. ™â“ß  “√, ·≈ ߟ ‡Àà“, ∑—Èß ¢â“ ‡°à“ ·≈ ‡¡’¬ √—° Õ¬à“ ‰¥â ‰«â „® π—° 102. ®“√’¥ ‡ ◊Õ °Á æ÷Ëß ªÉ“, ≈Ÿ° °” æ√â“ æ÷Ëß µ“ ¬“¬, ºâŸ ´◊ÈÕ æ÷Ëß ºâŸ ¢“¬, §π ‡¢Á≠ „® æ÷Ëß ¢ÿπ π“ß

Tuskers, poisonous snakes, Old servants, beloved wife, Do not trust too much.

103. ª“° À«“π, °â𠇪√’Ȭ«

Sweet at the mouth and sour at bottom. (cf. no. 48 above).

It is the practice of the tiger to seek protection in the jungle; of orphan children in their grandparents; of the buyer in the seller; and of distressed people in the magnates.

1

Called the farang fruit because introduced into the country by Europeans from its original home, which was America, early in the seventeenth century. In 1687 La Loubère noticed the guayava [guava] in Siam, but he says that it was then known to the Siamese as “Louk Kiac,” by which he evidently means ≈Ÿ° ®“°, i.e. the fruit of the atap palm. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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104. ¥Ÿ ‡¬’Ë¬ß ¬Ÿß ¬—ß ¡’ ·«« ∑’Ë «ß À“ß,

Look at the peacock: he still has bright eyes left in his tail feathers (as tokens of his noble origin).1

105. ®‘Èß ®° ‡√’¬°®√‡¢â ∫°¬° ¢÷Èπ∑â“; ·¡« µ—« ‡≈Á° ‡¢“°Á«à“‡ªπ Õ“ ‡ ◊Õ

The house-lizard (ching-chok, or gecko), is taunted with being a land crocodile; so is a kitten said to be the tiger’s little uncle. (i.e. there is a taint of fierce and treacherous blood in them, which may tell at any time).2

106. À≠‘ß ¢¡‘Èπ, ™“¬ ªŸπ; ª√–¡Ÿ≈ ªπ ‰Àπ ®– æâπ ™–‡≈ ·¥ß µ” ·Àπàß ‡π◊ÕÈ 3

Women are like turmeric and men like lime; when brought into contact with each other, how is it possible to prevent the pink coloration of the mixture? (i.e. their combination, alluding to the lime employed in betel chewing, which is coloured pink by means of turmeric). “When the man’s fire and the wife’s tow, In comes the devil and blaws it in a lowe” (flame).

107. Õ¬àŸ „µâ øÑ“ À√◊Õ, ®–‰ª °≈—« Ωπ?

Being under the sky, why shouldst thou be afraid of rain? (Being a citizen, why shouldst thou shirk from thy civil duties?)

108. 查 °—∫ æàÕ§â“, Õ“¬ÿ ¬◊π À¡◊Ëπ ªï; 查 °—∫ À≈«ß ™’, µ“¬ «—π ≈– æ—π Àπ

Listen to the merchant, and (he will flatteringly tell you) you have yet ten thousand years to live; Talk with the priest, and you will (find you have sinned enough wherewith to) die a thousand times a day.

1

This is from the  ÿ¿“  ‘µ  Õπ À≠‘ß, (see no. 5, Appendix A above).

2

This is from the Õ‘»√ ≠“≥ (see no. 6, Appendix A above).

3

This is also from the Õ‘»√≠“≥. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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109. À¡“ ‡Àà“ „∫ µÕß ·Àâß

A dog barking at dried plantain leaves (when falling to the ground with noise). “A dog that bays the moon” “I’d rather be a dog and bay the moon.” (Shakespeare, Jul. Caes. iv, 3).

110. Ωπ µ° ‰¡à ∑—Ë« øÑ“, ‡¬Áπ ·À≈àß À≈â“, „π ¿Ÿ ‡¢“; ‰¡à ‡¬Áπ „π Õ° ‡√“1

Rain falls, but not from every part of the sky; a coolness is diffused on the land and about the hills; but our bosoms get no refreshment.

111. ¡“° ¢’È §«“¬; À≈“¬ ¢’È ™â“ß2

Plenty of buffalo dung; heaps of elephant excrement! (Plenty of things, or men, but goodfor-nothing.) “Non multa, sed multum.” (Not many things, but much). “Pondere, non numero.”

112. ¡’ ‡¡’¬ º‘¥, §‘¥ ®π µ—« µ“¬; ª≈Ÿ° ‡√◊Õπº‘¥, §‘¥®π‡√◊Õπ∑≈“¬

If thou hast erred in the choice of a wife, thou wilt regret it thy life long; if thou hast made a mistake in the selection of a site for thy dwelling, thou wilt think of it until the house falls.

113. ‰ª µ’ ߟ „Àâ °“ °‘π; °“ °‘π ·≈â« ®– §◊π ∂‘Ëπ3

Knock down snakes to feed crows, and the crows after having had their fill will go back to their own nests.

114. µ’ ߟ „Àâ À≈—ß À—° (3)

To strike a snake and only break his spine. (The snake being yet alive will follow his persecutor and revenge himself, upon him = to breed a feud to no purpose).

1

From a popular barcarole (‡æ≈ß ‡Àà ‡√◊Õ). The expression Ωπ µ° ‰¡à ∑—Ë« °—π is also employed independently to mean that favours do not rain down equally from on high; rewards are not dispensed equitably, etc. 2

This is in allusion to the fact that buffaloes and elephants void large quantities of dung. Thence the (Khmer-derived) expression Õ—® °√– ∫◊Õ (for ach krabei) corrupted into Õ—®µ– ªóÕ meaning, lit., buffalo dung”; but actually, “much but worthless.” 3

See section 6. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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115. µ—¥ ™àÕß πâÕ¬ ·µà æÕ µ—«, ‡Õ“ µ—« √Õ¥ ·µà ºâ⟠‡¥’¬«

To make a breach just sufficient for one’s self, and save only one’s own skin. (To look after one’s own safety, leaving the others in the lurch).

116. §Õ¬ „Àâ æ√– »√’ Õ“√‘¬å ¡“ µ√— 

Wait until Arya Maitreya (the next Buddha) shall attain Buddhahood (and come to enlighten the world). “Ad Graecas kalendas”—Suetonius. (At the Greek calends; i.e., never). “At latter Lammas.”

117. §Õ¬ „Àâ πÈ” ∫“ß°Õ° ·Àâß

Just wait until the Bangkok river dries up. “Wait until the week which has two Thursdays” (Ital. saying).

118. ‡¡◊ËÕ ßŸ ¡’ ‡£“, ‡µà“ ¡’ Àπ«¥, µ–°«¥ ¡’ ÀßÕπ

When the snake shall have horns, the tortoise whiskers, and the monitor lizard a crest (caruncle). “...... sooner earth Might go round heaven, and the strait girth of Time Inswathe the fulness of Eternity.” (Tennyson)

119. ‡Õ“ ·°àπ ®—π∑√å ‰ª ·≈° ‡ª√’¬ß1

To barter heart of sandalwood for ghee (To seek filthy lucre by ludicrous expositions of the sacred texts. Said of monks who, in order to please their audience and obtain bountiful alms, recite some stories, e.g. the Mahajat, etc., in a play-acting style, accompanying the recital with all sorts of antics).

120. ‡À¡◊Õπ ߟ ‡Àπ π¡ ‰°à, ‰°à ‡ÀÁπ ‡∑ⓠߟ

Like a snake perceiving the udders of a hen, or a hen seeing the feet of a snake (limbs which, of course, do not exist in the animals just named). Said of a very keen-sighted or eminently sagacious person, who can soon discover the way to get out of a difficulty. Acute in penetration, and full of resource.

1

The term ‡ª√’¬ß omitted in foreign dictionaries of the Siamese language, means ghee and, by extension, any fatty or oily substance. It is the Khmer word preng=fat, oil. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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121. ∑” ‡ªπ §¡ „π Ωí°1

To conceal the keen blade in the scabbard. “Hiding his light under a bushel.” “An iron hand in a velvet glove” (Charles V).

122. µ√–°Ÿ≈  àÕ ™“µ‘, ¡“√–¬“µ√å  àÕµ—«2

Descent (or, the family) reveals the caste (lit., birth), but demeanour proclaims the man. “Manners make the man.” “Vultus est index animi.” The countenance is the index of the mind.

123. Ω√—Ëß ¢’È π°

A guano farang; or, bird-fertilized European germ (in allusion to germs transplanted by birds to foreign countries through their excrement). This is a disparaging term applied to Eurasians, corresponding to our “Half-caste,” “Chee-chee,” and “Lip lap.”

124. ª“° «à“, ¡◊Õ ∂÷ß3

No sooner has the mouth spoken than the hand reaches out (i.e. hits, or strikes the blow).

125. ‚¢° À—«, ·≈â« ≈Ÿ∫ À≈—ß

Stroking your back after having filliped your head. (A kiss after a kick).

126. æ√–  ÿ√‘¬– ‰¡à §Õ¬; or, µ«—π ‰¡à √Õ ∑à“

The Sun does not wait. The Solar orb does not tarry. “The sun-steeds of time, as if goaded by invisible spirits, bear onward the light car...” (Goethe)— “Tempus, fugit.” “Fugit irreparabile tempus” (Virgil).

1

The expression already occurs in K. L. Hawat’s “Memoirs,” p. 81.

2

This is one of the half-dozen or so sayings quoted in Pallegoix’s dictionary, where it is mistranslated: “Nobility is known by the birth and probity by morals.” 3

‰¥â ∑’ ·≈â«, ª“° «à“ ¡◊Õ ∂÷ßfiWhenever getting an opportunity, action immediately followed after the word (lit. “no sooner had the mouth spoken than the hand reached, or struck.”)—K. L. Hawat’s Memoirs, p. 47 ª“° «à“ °Á ¡◊Õ ∂÷ß also occurs in π“ß Õâπ, fasc. I. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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127. ‡°Á∫ πÈ” ≈“¬, Õ“¬ ª“°, ¢Õß ºâŸ Õ◊Ëπ

To gather up other people’s spittle or breath. (To pick up other people’s utterances or effusions).

128. ‡Õ“ µ—« ¢÷Èπ ‡Àπ◊Õ ≈¡1

To exalt one’s self above the wind. “To raise one’s self into the seventh sky.”

129. ‰¡à°≈—«  —° ‡∑à“ °÷Ëß ‡°…“2 130. ®—∫ ª≈“, „Àâ °ÿ¡ À—«

Not afraid even as much as half a hair.

131. ∑” º‘¥, §‘¥ ¡‘ ™Õ∫ ‡¢â“ ≈Õ∫ µ“¬ ‡Õß3

He who wrongly acts and wrongly plans, Gets caught and perishes in his own net (lit., bow-net). “Caught in his own trap.”

132. ‡À¡◊Õπ §π ‡ªπ π°  Õß »’√å…–4

Like a bird with two heads. “Double faced”; duplicity.

133. ‡¢“ ‰¡à ‰¥â °‘π ‡À≈Á° °‘π ‰À≈ ∑’Ë ‰Àπ ¡“; ‡ªπ ™“¬ ‡À¡◊Õπ °—π

Where has he ever eaten iron?—he is a man just like ourselves. (i.e. He is not of iron, but of flesh, and therefore vulnerable to weapons).

134. √—°Ê „Àâ  π‘∑ §‘¥Ê „Àâ µ“¬

If he loves thee, heartily requite his affection; but if he betrays thee, bring about his destruction.

135. ‡ªπ ª√–¥ÿ® Àπ÷Ëß æâÕ¡ ∑“ ¡Ÿ≈‚§

He is like a big basket (such as used to store paddy in) besmeared (on the outside) with cow-dung. (=big and useless). 5 “Grosse tête et peu de sens.”

1

Op. cit., p. 78.

2

Ibid., p. 77.

When catching fish, seize them by the head. “Seize the bull by the horns”.

3

This adage is already quoted in the æß…“«¥“√ ‡Àπ◊Õ or “Chronicle of Northern Siam,” as being an old one in about the middle of the fourteenth century. 4

This and the next are culled from historical memoirs of the seventeenth century.

5

æâÕ¡ is a big-bellied basket made of plaited bamboo laths and besmeared on the outside with cow-dung in order to protect it from the invasion of insects, and also to prevent the paddy stored in it from falling out through the interstices. The µ≈àÕ¡ is a still bigger circular enclosure used for similar purposes. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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136. ‚µ ‡∑à“ æâÕ¡

As big (and stout as a huge paddy basket (= big but worthless. As big-bellied as as a cask).1

137. ª≈“ √â“ ÀàÕ °≈’∫ ∫—«

Pickled rotten fish ( a Lau relish) wrapped up in the petals of a lotus flower. (= a vile thing in a fine wrapper).2

138.  ‘∫  ‘π §â“ ‰¡à ‡∑à“ π“ ¡Ÿπ

Ten (kinds of) wares (or, sorts of merchandise for sale), are not worth one fertile paddy-field.

139. ∑” π“ ∫π À≈—ß §π

To cultivate paddy-fields on the peoples’ backs (= to live at other people’s expense, or by the fruit of their labour. To be exactious or extortionate).

140. Õ¥ ‰¥â, ‡ªπ æ√–, ™π–‡ªπ¡“√

By restraint one may become a saint (or a Buddha); but by overcoming righteousness (i.e. right by might) he turns into a devil (= restraint leads to sanctity, but victory (or success) to devilry). “Success tempts many to their ruin”—Phœdrus. “Fortuna nimium quem fovet, stultum facit” (Fortune makes a fool of him whom she favours too much).—Publius Syr. “Fortune makes him a fool whom she makes her darling.”—Bacon.

1

See previous note.

2

Cf. the Lau proverb no. 3, Appendix D, below. ª≈“ √â“ is the malodorous concoction made from half-putrefied pickled fish of which the Lau people are so fond. It forms the staple condiment for their food. Petals of the lotus flower are used as wrappers for cigarettes made in the country, and for other articles intended for the fashionable classes and the elite. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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141. ¡“√¥“ ‡ªπ °√– ◊Õ, ‡¡◊ËÕ ®–µ“¬ °Á µâÕß ∂à¡ πÈ” ≈“¬ „Àâ ∫ÿµ√Ê π—Èπ °Á √—∫ ¡√Æ° °√–  ◊Õ ‰ª ‡À¡◊Õπ ¡“√¥“

If the mother be a witch, when on the point of death she must spit (in the mouth) of her child, so that it may thereby receive in heirship the power of witchcraft possessed by her. 1

142. ‰∑¬ ‡≈Á°, ‡®ä° ¥”, ¡Õ≠ ¢“«, ≈“« „À≠à, (Õ¬à“ §∫)

(Beware of) dwarfish Thai, dusky Chinamen, fair complexioned Mon, and tall Lau.

143. ∑” ‡»√…∞’ æ“‚≈ 144. À¡Õ ™â“ß °Á µ“¬ ¥â«¬ ™â“ß, À¡Õ ®√‡¢â °Á µ“¬ ¥â«¬ ®√‡¢â, À¡Õ ߟ °Á µ“¬ ¥â«¬ ߟ 145.  —Ëß  Õπ „Àâ ®√‡¢â «à“¬ πÈ”  Õπ  —Ëß „Àâ ‡ªî∫ ‡¢â“ ¡◊Õ ¢«“

To play the (rôle of the) wicked Nawab.2 The mahout dies (killed) by elephants; the crocodile tamer by crocodiles; and the snake-charmer by serpent bites. To teach the crocodile to swim, (or) teach to eat with the right hand 3 = “To teach one’s grandmother to suck eggs.”

146. ∫π °—∫ º’, µ’ °—∫ ‡®â“

To pray the gods—and devils. “To light a taper to God and another to the Devil.”

147. ¬° ¡◊Õ ‡ªπ Ωí° ∂—Ë«

To uplift both hands podwise (i.e. with the palms joined in salutation; = to salute, to make obeisance, pay respect).

1

Spoken by King Phrah Buddha Lot-la (r.1809-1824) according to the Àπ—ß ◊Õ ™“≠ æ√–»√’ or  ÿ¿“  ‘µ  ’Ë ¢âÕ by Chau Phya Mahindr, p. 103. (See Appendix A, 2, no. 15). It is commonly believed in this country that such is the way by which witches transmit their occult powers to their descendants; and it is held that unless they do so at their life’s end, they would be doomed to die a slow, excruciating death. 2

This alludes to the villain of the “Siri Vijava Jataka (»√’ «‘‰™¬ ™“Æ°) a well-known spurious Buddhist birth-story of Lau origin. The villain, an exceedingly wealthy but roguish individual, is surnamed Setthi Phalo (Setthi Balo), i.e. “the perverse chetty (or nabob)” on account of the knavish tricks he plays upon his fellow-men. One of these is, for instance, to accuse one of wilful intent to rob after having invited him to his house. Hence the above saw: “to act like the Setthi Phalo” for “ to behave perversely.” This already occurs quoted in Khun Luang Hawat’s Memoirs, p. 48, under a date corresponding to A. D. 168) circa. 3

Lit., “to take handfuls of cooked rice with,” etc. Only the right hand is used for such a purpose, the left being deemed unclean. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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148. Õ«¥ ¢’Ë ™â“ß, Õâ“ß ¬‘ß ªóπ

To boast of prowess in elephant riding, or of excellence in marksmanship (= to brag of superior attainments; to be a fanfaron).

149. ‡Õ“ À—« ‡ªπ ¡—ß °ÿ, ‡Õ“ ∑⓬ ‡ªπ ¡—ß°√

To mistake the prow for the stern, and the poop for the dragon head (= to jumble wilfully or not; to confound one thing with another).1

150. ‡À¡◊Õπ §π ‡∫◊ÈÕ, §π „∫â π—Ëß ‡ªπ ‡∫◊ÈÕ Õ¬àŸ

Like a Bua savage or a dumb man (= Speechless, unable to utter a word). Sitting silent like a Bua savage.2

151. ª“° «à“ ª√“ ‰»¬, À—« „® ‡™◊Õ¥ •Õ

The lips (lit. mouth) talk most affably; but the heart is bent on cutting your throat. Cf. No. 41 above.

ª“° «à“ ‰¡à, ·µà ®‘µ√ §‘¥ ‡™◊Õ¥ •Õ

The lips (mouth) say : Oh! no; but in his heart he plots to cut your throat.

(a variant of the above in the poem À≈«‘‰™¬, §“«’ fasc. I.) 3 1

This adage dates back to the days of junk trade with China when royal Siamese trading junks

( ”‡¿“) bore the figure of a Chinese dragon painted on the head, and that of a phœnix depicted on the stern. 2

Allusion to a legendary savage tribe the members of which have the lower limbs rigid, not articulated; that is are devoid of knees so as to be unable to bend the legs. They are said to be black in complexion, extremely shy, and unable to speak; also, to live on trees, somewhere in Northern Siam, and in the Malay Peninsula at the headwaters of the Kelantan River. Some Siamese think they are a species of animals; others believe they are human beings. The legend has, doubtless, originated from some exaggerated account of negrito or Negritoid tribes, such as the Semang (who are, however, more usually termed ‡ß“– Ngoh, i.e. “woolly-haired”) in the Malay Peninsula; the Chong or Kha Ut (™Õß, ¢à“ ÕŸ¥) on the east coast of the Gulf; and the Phi-pa (º’ ªÉ“) in the north of Siam. The latter are said to be tree dwellers; the Pörr or Eastern Chong though not exactly living on trees, are wont to erect their huts on tree stumps; and some of the savage tribes in the Malay Peninsula are said to have arboreal habitations. It would be very interesting to investigate the origin of the Bua myth, and to identify the tribe that has given rise to it. The absurd fiction as regards the absence of knee joints in Büa savages, may be compared to the old western legend about elephants which were held to have no knees. Cf., e. g. Eugenius Philalethes’ “Brief Natural History,” 89; as well as the following Shakespearian passage : “The elephant hath joints, but none for courtesy; his legs are for necessity, not for flexure” (Troilus and Cressida, III, sc. 3—1602). 3

A new versification of the old ≈Ÿ°‡ ◊Õ ‚§ story, by King Phrah Buddha Lot La; composed about the beginning of the nineteenth century. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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152. æÿàß ÀÕ° ‡¢â“ √°

To fling the javelin into the bush (= to strike at random, unconcerned as to whether the mark will be hit or not, metaphoric for carelessness, utter negligence in dealing with a matter).1

153. °‘π ‡¢â“ §Ë” ‡¢“ ‡§¬ °‘π ‡¢â“ §Ë” ‰«â ¡“° ·≈â«

To partake of food in the evening (= to behave dishonestly in secret, when others cannot see. Hence, “to take a bribe in secret”). 2

154. æ√– ¡ÿ∑√å µ’ øÕß; or, æ√–¡À“  ¡ÿ∑√å µ’ øÕß

Neptune strikes out its foam (= the sea is agitated and foamy; a heavy sea, all white and foamy).

155. ‡Àπ ™â“ß ¢’ÈÊ µ“¡; or; ‡Àπ ™â“ß ¢’ÈÊ µ“¡ ™â“ß; or; ‡Àπ ™â“ß ¢’È, ¢’È ¥â«¬ ™â“ß. µŸ¥ À—° ‰¥â (less polite form).

Seeing an elephant dung, to imitate it (= to ape the doings of those in high station, or in wealthier or more powerful situations.) Seeing an elephant dung and doing like it, one may harm himself (free transl.) ‘Inops, potentem dum vult imitari perit” (Phœdrus).

156. ‡Àπ ‡¢“ ¢’Ë §“π À“¡, ∑”  “¡ ¡◊Õ √—¥ °âπ; „Àâ §π À¬“¡ ‰¡à §‘¥ ‡®’¬¡ µπ ‰¡à§¥‘ ‡®’¬¡µπ „Àâ§πÀ¬“¡

Seeing one riding on a litter, to grasp one’s rump with three hands (from envy),

157. ‰¡à ∂÷ß ∑’Ë µ“¬ °Á ‰¡à µ“¬; ·¡â ®– ‡¢â“ ∑’Ë Õ—∫ ®π °Á ‰¡à ®π

If the end of one’s life span has not yet come, he shall not die; even if he goes into the thickest of danger he shall not come to grief. (A fatalistic saw).

1

Instead of endeavouring to moderate one’s self;—thus arousing the public’s contempt (= to elate above one’s own rank; to be over-ambitious).

I find this saw in a Siamese official report dating from A.D. 1801.

2

From the same report of 1801. To take food after midday is forbidden to devotees who have taken the religious vows, such as Buddhist monks, novices, etc.; thence the origin of the saw. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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158. „Àâ µ° π√° ¥‘È𠵓¬ ‰ª ‡∂‘¥; ∂÷ß ‡ªπ ‰√ °Á ‡ªπ ‰ª

Let me be precipitated into hell or be overtaken by the convulsions of death; happen what will (I do not care). A common saw. “Ut quocunque paratus”.

159. À≠‘ß ß“¡ À“ ßà“¬; ™“¬ Ωï¡◊Õ ¥’ À“ ¬“°

A pretty girl can be easily found; but braves are rare. 1 Cf. no. 19 in Appendix E.

160. ‡À¡◊Õπ ‡√◊Õ ≈à¡ ≈ß „π ÀπÕß (∑Õß ®– À“¬  Ÿ≠ ‰ª ¢â“ß„Àπ)

Like a boat foundering in a pond : the valuables in it are not lost (as they can always be recovered.) 2

161. §π ∫«™ πà“ ‰ø

A monk frocked before the funeral pyre (= a tyro, a greenhorn). 3

162. ®—∫ ߟ ¢â“ß À“ß

To catch hold of a snake by the tail (instead of by the neck or head so that it may not turn round and bite, thereby compelling the inexperienced holder to set it free). To lay hold not fast, or by the wrong end. The reverse of no. 130 above.

1

This might be dubbed a doubly-historical saw. It is first recorded as having been uttered by the great King Narai (r. 1656-1688) in connection with an escapade of one of his nine old trusty pages, Phuen by name, and now Chamun Rajamat and second in command of the royal bodyguard, when it was discovered he had been guilty of an amourette with one of the palace ladies. Thanks to the bravery he had previously displayed on the field, the adventurous knight was generously pardoned and became later on governor of the Khorat province. About the beginning of the nineteenth century, a similar incident happened in the Wang-Na (“Second King”) ’s household. Thong In, the old page implicated in the intrigue, then holding the title of Phya Kralahom Rajasena, was in his turn pardoned on an analogous plea, and only the guilty lady was punished by being expelled from the king’s household. 2

Adage recorded as quoted by King Phrah Nang Klau in 1838.

3

From the custom, in the event of the death of a parent or elder relative, for a lad to enter the holy orders as a novice (samanera or nen) on the very day of cremation, so as to procure “merit” to the deceased. Such a step is termed ∫«™ πà“ ‰ø : “to forsake the (sensual) world in front of the pyre.” Often the seclusion lasts a short time only—three to seven days—during which period the neophyte cannot possibly acquire any particular canonical knowledge. Hence it is said of such a man: ‡ªπ §π ∫«™ πà“ ‰ø “He has been ordained at cremation”; and the expression is figuratively applied to shallow-lettered people and is commonly used to denote a tyro, a greenhorn. It already occurs in π“ß Õÿ ‰∑¬, circa 1700. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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163. «—« Õ‘Ë¡ ∫à °‘π À≠â“ 1

Satiated kine stop grazing (= even a poor man, so long as he has enough to live upon, will not care to work for wages, or to perform toilsome labour).

164. ™â“ß ·≈àπ Õ¬à“ ¬ÿ¥ (©ÿ¥) À“ß

Don’t pull the tail (in the endeavour to stop) an elephant who is rushing forth (= a puny man cannot pretend to overcome a powerful one: it is tantamount to attempt staying a rushing elephant by pulling at its tail).

165. ·¡à °“ ‡≈’È¬ß ≈Ÿ° π° °√–‡À«à“ ·¡à °√–‡À«à“ ‡≈’È¬ß ≈Ÿ° °“

(Like) a hen-crow rearing the young of the cuckoo, or a hen-cuckoo rearing young crows. (= Bringing up a child who, when adult, leaves his adoptive parents or guardians and away he goes according to his liking, just like young crows reared by hen cuckoos or young cuckoos reared by hencrows). 2

166. √Ÿª ∑Õß √âÕ¬ ™—Ëß; or, ·¡à ∑Õß √âÕ¬ ™—Ëß; æàÕ ∑Õß √âÕ¬ ™—Ëß;

My hundred catties’ weight lump of gold! (= girl or boy worth a hundred catties’ weight of gold. Terms of endearment applied by parents to children, and by husband to wife and vice versa, corresponding to our “Dearest”, “My darling,” etc., only put in a more

1

This saw and the next four are culled from the versified story of π“ß A. D. 1700. 2

Õÿ‰∑¬ composed about

Eggs of the crow and the cuckoo are much alike, almost identical; hence very often the hencuckoo deposits hers into crows’ nests where they are hatched by the hen-crow, and vice versa. This fact is frequently alluded to in Indu literature, among others in the early Buddhist “Jatakas” (birth-stories). It also became proverbial among the Romans, whence the saw : Astutior coccyge, “More crafty than the cuckoo.” Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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tangible and practical form, almost capable of making one believe, as it were, that they are the outcome of the train of thought prevailing in the present utilitarian age).1

167. µ—¥ ™àÕß πâÕ¬ ·µà æÕ µ—«; and µ—¥ ™àÕß ·µà æÕ ‰ª

To cut out an opening just large enough for one’s self to make his escape (leaving comrades in the lurch). 2

168. º—« °‘π ‡¡’¬ ‡¡’¬ °‘π º—«

A husband eating off his wives; and : A wife eating off her husbands (said of a husband that buries several wives and of a wife burying several husbands). 3

169. º—« ‰¡à Õ¬àŸ, Õ¬à“ ‰ª  àŸ ∫â“π ‡√◊Õπ ∑à“π

Don’t enter a married lady’s house while her husband is absent (for trouble is sure to ensue to the intruder).

170. ª≈Ÿ° ‡√‘◊Õπ §√àÕ¡ µÕ; also: ª≈Ÿ° ‡√‘◊Õπ §√àÕ¡ µÕ; ª≈Ÿ° ÀÕ ≈—∫ µ“

To build a house over stumps. above to build a house stumps. To erect a mansion with the eyes shut. (= To court a lady already engaged, wedded to others, or who, though living separately from her husband has not yet been formally divorced. Such an act is sure to bring misfortune on the intruder). 4

1

The saw originated also from the fact that children of noble blood are supposed to have complexions of a golden-yellow hue. Such a feature is part of the oriental ideal of beauty. 2

Cf. no. 115 above.

3

Among other instances, a governor of Nakhon Nayok during the third reign (1824-1851) was nicknamed ‡®â“â §ÿ≥ °‘π ‡¡’¬, or æ√–¬“ π§√ 𓬰 °‘π ‡¡’¬, the “Lord wife-eater;” and “ The wife-eating governor fo Nakhon Nayok,” because no less than eight of his minor wives who had had children died before his turn came. 4

To build a house over a place uncleared from stumps is considered highly offensive to the genii loci or tutelary deities of the soil (‡®â“ ∏√≥’ ¿Ÿ¡‘‡∑«¥“ ∑’Ë Õ¬àŸ „π ·ºà𠥑π) Hence it is considered very unlucky and the practice is deprecated. It is only wild tribes with simple notions that do so. Cf. for instance above, note to no. 150. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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171. ·¢° ‡¡◊Õß ‰∑√ ‰∑¬ ‡¡◊Õß ≈§√ ®’π ∫â“π ¥Õπ §π ‰™¬¬“

}

À¡“ ·À≈¡ ‚æ∏‘Ï 1

Malays of Kedah Siamese of Ligor Chinese of Ban-Don Natives of Chaiya

are (like) the dogs of the Bo-tree headland.

}

(= Artfully meek when in distress, and unruly when satiated). “Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked.”— Bible.

172. π° πâÕ¬ ∑” √—ß ·µà æÕ µ—«

The little bird builds his nest just sufficiently large to contain him (= one must live according to his means). “Cut your coat according to your cloth.”

173. «—« ‰¡à °‘π À≠â“, Õ¬à“ ¢à¡ ‡¢“

When an ox refuses to graze, don’t compel it to do so (lest it may kick or otherwise harm you). = Don’t force another to do a thing against his will, for harm may thereby come to you.

1

This jocular saw which, as we are going to see, originated in the Chaiya district, is a wide sweeping one, taking in a good portion of the Malay Penisula. The ·À≈¡ ‚æ∏‘Ï or Bo-tree headland, is a sandy spit or tidal islet in front of Chaiya town, by the left bank of the river where trading boats occasionally moor and people go hunting or fishing. There are no dwellings, but only a sala or rest-house. Upon it, however, live a goodly number of half-starving dogs, the descendants of animals abandoned there. Although somewhat ferocious as a rule, as soon as a boat comes and moors by the bank, they affect very meek moods, so as to curry sympathy from the new arrivals, and thus obtain fair allowances of food. But after they have got their fill they at once resume their haughty airs, and howl and bite freely at their benefactors. If the people in the boats by oversight leave any food unguarded, they have the cheek to snatch it away under their very noses. Far from such is, however, their behaviour when hungry. Hence, local wags of old came to the conclusion that although behaving unbecomingly, those animals do it wilely and craftily and only when opportunity tempts them; so that after all there is, one might say, shrewdness and method in their bad manners. Hence they concocted the above parallel which, though very bitter and caustic, originated—it should be added— in different times, and probably at first applied only to Chaiya, a rather unruly district at some periods. The wider application to other districts as well, was probably the work of someone desirous of lightening the burden of the asperasion cast on his fellow-countrymen, by causing the people of other districts to bear a share of it. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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174. ®– ¥Ÿ À≠‘ß µâÕß ¥Ÿ ·¡à; ®– ¥Ÿ „Àâ ·πà µâÕß ¥Ÿ ∂÷ß ¬“¬

To know a girl thou should’st examine her mother; To know her more intimately thou should’st push the inquiry back to her maternal grandmother.

175. ¢â“ß πÕ° ÿ°„ , ¢â“ß„π ‡ªπ ‚æ√ß

Splendid without but empty within. (Like the apples of Sodom: lovely externally, but within full of ashes.) “Like to the apples on the Dead Sea shore, All ashes to the taste”—Byron.

176. ºŸ° •Õ ¢Õß ‡¢“ ‡ª≈à“Ê 1

To fasten a weight to his neck to no purpose (= to burden unnecessarily with a thankless task). 2

177. ‡®â“ ™’«‘µ√

Master of life (and death). The king (as being the arbiter of life and death of his own subjects).

178. √—° «—«, „Àâ ºŸ°; √—° ≈Ÿ°, „Àâ µ’

If thou lovest line, tie them; if thou lovest children, beat them (when at fault). “He that spares the rod spoils the child.” Qui aime bien, châtie bien.

179. „Àâ ®√‡¢â °—¥, ¥’ °«à“ „Àâ ª≈“ ´‘« µÕ¥ 3

Better to be bitten by a crocodile than nibbled at by a petty siu fish (= better to be scolded by a superior than to be tutored by a dependant or and inferior in station).

180. «à“¬ πÈ” ‡¢â“ À“ ®√‡¢â

To swim towards the crocodile (= when there is no other way of escape, better to take refuge with the mighty, however perverse and cruel they be, than to suffer total ruin).

1

This and the next are culled from papers of H. M. the late King Mongkut.

2

An allusion to no. 90 above.

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About the smallest kind of river fish. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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181. πÈ” ≈÷° À¬—Ë߉¥â, πÈ” „® À¬—Ëß ¬“°; or: πÈ” ≈÷° À¬—Ë߉¥â, À¬—Ëß πÈ”„®‰¡à∂÷ß 182. ‚§ À≈—ß·º≈, ·≈ ‡Àπ °“

Of water one can sound the depth, but the human heart is unfathomable.

183.  ‘∫ √⟠‰¡à ‡∑à“ ™”π“≠

Ten (volumes of) theory are not worth one of practice. “An ounce of practice is worth a pound of preaching.” “One thorn of experience is worth a whole wilderness of warning.” (Lowell.)

184. ‰¡à ‰ºà ß“¡ ¡—° °–√Õ° ‡®“–

It is the finest bamboos that are as a rule pierced by squirrels (= it is the prettiest girls that are most exposed to the wiles of the male sex).

(Like) an ox with a sore back, at the sight of a crow. (Is afraid that the crow may come to peck and tear the sore in order to search for maggots). = One who has done wrong is always inclined to suspect, even in the most inconsequent words spoken by others, veiled allusions to his misdeed, and thus lives in perpetual fear of being exposed.

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185. µäÿ°·° √âÕß π—°, ™—° „Àâ ߟ ‡¢’¬« ¡“ °‘π µ—∫ 1

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By making too much noise the Tukke [gecko] unconsciously warns the green snake to come forth and gnaw its liver. (= By talking too much about his riches or boasting too much of his prowess, one will end by getting robbed or solemnly licked). “It is the frog’s own croak that betrays him.

1

The popular belief about the house Tukke (Gecko verticillatus)’s liver keeping on growing in size until the green snake comes to the rescue and gnaws at it, is a very old one. La Loubère was one of the first European travellers to notice it, when he came to Siam in 1687. He says: “What they report of a sort of lizard named Toc-quay, proceeds from an ignorance and credulity very singular. They imagine that this animal feeling his liver grow too big makes the cry which has imposed on him the name of Toc-quay, to call another insect (sic) to its succor; and that this other insect entering into his body at his mouth, eats the overplus of the liver, and after this repast retires out of the Tocquay’s body, by the same way that he entered therein.” (“Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam”; London, 1693, t. I, p. 16). Owing to such a popular belief, the name Tukke is employed to scare naughty children. The mere uttering of it in their presence makes the little ones to take fright, if not even to break into tears, and behave more becomingly for the time being. The peculiar belief as regards a green snake gnawing at the Tukke’s liver seems to be confined to populations of the Thai race. In so far as I could ascertain, it does not exist among the neighbouring Mons, Khmers, or Annamese. In atonement for what misdeeds the homely gecko is supposed to have to undergo such a Promethean-like torture, I was at a loss to learn, though inclined to suspect that some legend is at the bottom of the mystery. The evidence of the old Western world as regards the gecko’s habits and character lies quite in a contrary direction. For, according to Aristotle, this animal, then termed Askalabotes, was wont to enter the nose of asses in order to prevent them from grubbing. Nor was this all: after shedding its skin, it used to make a meal of the slough. Like the toad it was reputed venomous until comparatively recent times—its lesser species, the Hemidactylus or ching-chok, ®‘Èß ®°, is still under such an accusation among the Annamese—and the accounts of early missionaries to Siam, Tachard among others, speak of it with deep awe, while Turpin tells us that “ses griffes sont si pénétrantes qu’il les grave sur le verre.” As regards the unquestionable fact that the green snake enters the gecko’s mouth at certain periods, it is not without parallel in natural history. Of its not distant relative, the crocodile, Paul Lucas tells us (in his “Voyage fait en 1714”) that the humming bird and the lapwing enter fearlessly its mouth, and the creature never injures them because they pick its teeth. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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186. ∑â“«  “¡ µ“, æ≠“ ß¡, π“𠉪 ®–‰¥â ™¡ ≈Ÿ° √—° 1

Old king Three-eyed, the doting fool, will in due course behold a beloved descendance (said of besotted old men having children or descendants who cannot possibly be legitimate).

187. Õ¬à“ ‰«â „® ∑“ß, Õ¬à“ «“ß „® §π; ®– ®π „® ‡Õß

Don’t rely too much on thy own knowledge of the road, nor put blind trust in other people’s (faithfulness to thee); or else thou mayst find thyself in trying straits.

188. ‡ÕÕ πÕ, ÀàÕ À¡° 2

All right, the patties are welcome (= agreed; the matter is settled. The girl’s hand is granted).

189. À¡“¬ ‰¡â °≈“ß ªÉ“

To form designs upon the tree in the forest. (Disappointment is likely to follow, as someone else may, in the meantime, cut down the tree for his own use). “Never fry a fish till it’s caught.”

190. ™â“ß ≈â¡ ∑—Èß µ—«, ‡Õ“ „∫ ∫—« ªî¥

To screen an elephant’s carcass with a lotus leaf (=adducing frivolous arguments in justification for an enormous fault).

1

Allusion to a well-known character in a popular story and play. The doting old king was exceedingly fond of a daughter of his of whom he admired and extolled the virtues. But it came to happen that the girl fell into the snares of a paramour and regaled her royal father with a grandchild of whom the besotted monarch welcomed the advent with joy. 2

Said to be a corruption of the Lau phrase ‡ÕÕ, ÕÕ, ÀàÕ À¡° The ÀàÕ À¡° are Lau patties made of minced meat, pork, fish, etc. seasoned with pepper and ginger, with the addition of a pinch of the inevitable pla ra (see above, note to no. 137), well mixed together and wrapped up first in leaves of the Alpinia galangas and then in banana leaves in which they are cooked on a smouldering fire of under ashes. Hence their name. They are used as ceremonial offerings to the parents of the girl whose hand is asked in marriage. Their acceptance signifies that the suitor’s demand is granted. From such a custom the above phrase has come to be employed in a generic manner, especially among the Siamese, to signify agreement, just as we say : “all right,” “agreed,” or “settled.” Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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191. ∑Õ¥ ·À ∫π ª≈“¬ ‰¡â

To cast the fishing-net on the stakes (= to waste time and labour in a wrong direction. To miss the mark, or do something not to the point).

192. ‡∑ πÈ” æ√‘°, ‰ª ©«¬ ·°ß

To pour off the chilli sauce in order to go in for the curry (= to give up a little job or petty situation one holds, for the sake of a more profitable one).

193. ®—∫ ª≈“  Õß ¡◊Õ

To grasp at fish with either hand at one time (= wanting to grasp too much at a time). “Grasp all, lose all.” “He who grasps at too much holds fast nothing.” “Duos qui sequitur lepores neutrum capit” (He who follows two hares is sure to catch neither).

194. ≈Ÿ∫ Àπâ“ ª– ®¡Ÿ°;

Stroke the face, and thou wilt fall in with the nose;

≈Ÿ∫ ‡¢à“ ª– πà“ ·¢âß

Stroke the knee, and thou wilt fall in with the leg (= to be confronted by obstacles in every direction. Unable to deal with matters with a strong hand, for fear of offending someone or other. Having his hands tied by considerations of an opportunistic or sectarian nature).

195. À¬‘° ‡≈Á∫, ‡®Á∫ ‡π◊ÈÕ

Squeeze (or press hard upon) thy own finger-nails, and thou shalt feel pain (= don’t wrong thy own kinsfolk, or else afflicitions will befall thee).

196. µ“ ∫Õ¥  Õ¥ µ“ ‡ÀÁπ

The blind pretending to have seen for himself (= there is nothing worse than the blind, who having heard a report, repeats it with conviction as if he had actually seen for himself taking place the facts alleged).

197. µ—≥À“ µ“ ∫Õ¥

(Human) passion (attachment) is blind.

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198. √⟠¡“°, ¬“° π“π; √⟠πâÕ¬, æ≈Õ¬ √” §“≠

The talented does delicate, slow work; whereas the ignorant has to drudge on in anguish.

199. ¥’ À“¡ ®—Ë«; ™—Ë« À“¡ ‡ “

The astute (workman) only carries the gables (or trusses); while the simpleton carries the posts. 1

200. ‰¡â πÕ° °Õ, ≈” „À≠à

The tree growing outside the clump attains a larger size (= a lad not under the control of parents or guardians is bound to elate and fool at pleasure).

201. §∫ §π ¥’ ¡’ »√’ °—∫ µ—«; §∫ §π ™—Ë« °Á ª√“‰™¬ 2

Association with good companions brings prosperity; But intercourse with the perverse leads to ruin.

202. ¡‘µ√ ®‘µ√, ‡¢“ °Á ¡‘µ√ „® ∫â“ß

Be kind (or, friendly) to others, and they will in their turn be kind to thee (or: Show a friendly disposition towards others, and they will do the same towards you). Si vis amari, ama. (Seneca). “The only way to have a friend is to be one” (Emerson).

203. ‡À¡◊Õπ ‡¢’¬π ‡ ◊‘Õ „Àâ «—« °≈—«

It is like painting the figure of a tiger wherewith to scare the kine (= vain intimidation. Useless threats). Cf. no. 16 in Appendix E.

204. °Á ‰¡à ‰¥â ‡À“– ‡À‘π, ‡¥‘π ∫π πÈ”, ¥” ¥‘π ¡“‰¥â

He does not possess the supernatural powers of travelling through the air, walking on the surface of waters, or journeying underground. (= He is no more than we are : a mere man made of about the same stuff as ourselves). Cf. no. 133 above.

1

The gable or truss of the old fashioned Siamese palm-leaf thatched house is far lighter and easier to carry than one post (made from hard and pretty heavy wood). 2

This and the next three are culled from the Bangkok Annals, 3rd reign (1824-1851) by Chau Phya Dibakarawongse (1812-1870). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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205. Õ¬à“ ‡≈’È¬ß ÀπÕπ ∫àÕπ ‰ â 1

Don’t rear worms that gnaw thy own entrails (= do not keep dishonest people about thee that are likely to bring about thy own ruin).

206. ·¡à ß“¡ ∫“¥ µ“

A female beauty wounding (i.e. dazzling) the eyes (of the male sex) = An irresistibly beautiful woman. A most charming, fascinating beauty enslaving all male hearts. A queen of beauty. A Venus, or Phryne.

207. µàÕ  âŸ ®π ‡¬Á∫ µ“

Striking at him until his eyes were sewn up. (i.e. until the other got a black eye, or had his optics blinded). N. B.—‡¬Á∫ µ“= to shut one’s opponent’s optics by a blow. To inflict a black-eye.

208. æ≈—Èß ª“°, ‡ ’¬  ’π; æ≈—Èß µ’π, µ° µâπ ‰¡â

A slip of the tongue may cause the loss of one’s fortune; A slip of the foot may cause one to fall from the tree. Cf. no. 40 in Appendix E.

1

This is more likely than not the correct original and translation of the proverb quoted by John Bowring in his “Kingdom and People of Siam” (London, 1857, vol. I, p. 285) to the following effect :—“Nourish no worms that eat timber: i. e. Be cautious in the selection of your friends.” Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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APPENDIX D Initial list of Lau proverbs, saws, etc. Being wholly unequipped for this task which, I may incidentally remark, exorbitates the range contemplated for the present paper, I shall limit myself merely to quote here such saws as I can recall having met with in the course of my readings of Lau MSS, chiefly historical. This I am induced to do with the twofold object in view of not only offering fairly old specimens of Lau sayings of undoubted genuineness and, in some instances, of an ascertained date, but also of having a start made towards the compilation of a bulky enough list of similar fragments of Laotian lore, to the carrying on of which task it is to be hoped all those possessing better facilities for inquiry and opportunities for collection may readily contribute. I trust that the few specimens here subjoined may furnish a fairly good idea as to the importance of having this initial list increased as soon as possible, and convince the reader that it cannot but prove highly interesting and well repay the trouble spent in its compilation. So, may further research be stimulated thereby, for the field lies so far untilled and offers full scope to more than one maniple of willing labourers.

1. ‡®â“ øíòß, ¢â“ øíòß; ·§¡ ¡â“ ¬—¥ °âπ ¡â“ 1 (Chieng-Mai Chron.—date : 1340-50).

The master is in a hurry, so is his groom; and thus the latter thrusts the bit into the pony’s backside (= “What is done in a hurry is never done well.” Festinatio tarda est (Haste is tardy.) “The more haste the worse speed.” etc.).

1

This is in allusion to a laughable incident that occurred in connection with a practical joke played by King Kham Fu of Chieng Sen upon a pal of his, a certain Wua Hong. The former had sent two underlings of his to the latter’s house for the purpose. The trick was rather sharply resented by Wua Hong who, having discovered it just after the two royal mandatories had prudently vanished, resolved to start off at once in pursuit of the culprits in order to punish them to the full extent of their deserts. Accordingly he ordered his groom to saddle a pony with all possible despatch. But the groom, being a bosom friend of the two fugitives, sought a means of gaining time in order to help his mates; and thus, feigning confusion, he put the bridle on the pony’s croup. On being scolded by his master for his carelessness, he excused himself by saying, “Master is in a hurry, so is the servant; hence why he has bridled the horse by the tail, and caused this delay.” (‡®â“ øíòß, ¢â“ °Á øíòß, ¢â“ ‰¥â ‡Õ“ ·§¡ ¡â“ ¬—¥ °âπ ¡â“, ®÷Ëß ™â“ ‰ª ‡æ◊ËÕ Õ—π ¥“¬) The crafty groom proceeded, of course, to mend matters, but by the time he had done so and his master started, the culprits had gained too much headway, so that they could not be overtaken. Through this smart guile the groom won a place in history and the reply he Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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When the burden of the fight fell on (Chieng Tung Chron.-date: 1262). Khong, his colleague looked at Khong; and when it shifted on to Lang, his colleague (i.e. Khong) remained inactive looking at Lang. (So the battle was lost). 1 (= Absence of active co-operation spoils the game).

2. µ° §ß, ¥Ÿ §ß; µ° ≈—ß, ¥Ÿ ≈—ß

3. ª≈“ √â“ æ—π ÀàÕ ¥â«¬ „∫ §“ „∫ °Á ‡À¡Á𠧓« ª≈“, §≈– §≈âÿß 2

The (malodorous) Pla-Ra condiment, if wrapped up in lalang grasss, The grass blades acquire a nasty putrid smell. (= Contact with the wicked spoils the good ones).

made became—as the chronicler remarks—proverbial throughout the Lau country. It is interesting to notice, in connection with the above anecdote, that a similar expression occurs in French : Brider le cheval par la queue, lit. “To bridle the horse by the tail”, for “To begin at the wrong end,” which may have originated through some analogous incident. So true it is that “there is nothing new under the sun”. 1

Allusion to two Chieng Tung chiefs : Khun Khong and Khun Lang who, whilst the one fought, the other looked on, or at any rate, remained inactive. Here is the passage in question :—¢ÿπ §ß √∫

ΩÉ“¬ ‡™’¬ß §≈à“, ¢ÿπ ≈—ß ¥âÕ¡ ¥Ÿ; ¢ÿπ ≈—ß √∫ ≈–«– ‡¢â“ ∑“ß ÀπÕß §”, ¢ÿπ §ß ¥âÕ¡ ¥Ÿ; ‡≈¬ ‡ªπ ∫ÿ√“≥ ‰«â «à“ ùµ° §ß, ¥Ÿ §ß; µ° ≈—Ëß, ¥Ÿ ≈—Ëß ‡æ◊ËÕ ¥—ß π—Èπ ·≈ “Khun Lang fought in the direction of Chieng Khla, and Khun Lang looked on; Khun Lang rushed to attack the Lawas towards Nong Kham (‘Golden Pond’), and Khun Khong looked on unconcerned; whence originated the adage : “When Khong’s turn came, the other looked at Khong; and when Lang’s turn came, the other looked at Lang.” 2

This is, in reality, but the Siamese form of a saw popular throughout the Lau country, of which I have been unable to learn the precise wording. As quoted here it occurs in the second stanza of the  ÿ¿“ ‘µ ‚≈°π‘µ‘Ï §” ‚§≈ß (see appendix A, 1, no. 4). It does not, however, occur in the original (Pali) text of the Lokaniti, of which the Siamese treatise just quoted is merely a very free and amplified version. On the other hand, it is presumably alluded to in the passage of the “Mangalat-thadipani” (fasc. I, leaf ka) which says : “Putimaccha sadisa hi bala. Putimacchabandhapatta sadiso tam sevako, Vinnunam chaddaniyatam ca jigucchaniyatanca patto.” “Verily, the perverse are like putrid fish. He who associates with the perverse, is like the leaf in which putrid fish has been wrapped up; he is both loathed and rejected by the wise.” On the whole it is very probable that all such sayings are derived, directly or not, from a passage in the Dhammapadatthakatha (commentary to the Dhammapada) where it is said (in the Tissathera vatthu, or tale of Tissa-thera) : “Kodham sakata dhuram viya, putimacchadini viya ca kusadi hi, punappunam vedetva upanayhanti.”—Anger incessantly harboured, fastened to one’s self like a yoke to the cart (shaft), is like putrid fish wrapped up in Kusa grass” (the À≠â“ §“ of the Siamese, regarded as very clean, and used in all Brahmanical ceremonies). Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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4. ªóπ ‡≈à¡ ‡¥’¬« ¬‘ß ´â“ß ∫à µ“¬

A single cross bow (or, gun) does not kill an elephant. “Kein Raum fällt auf den ersten Schlag.” (No tree falls at the first blow)— German prov.

5. ºâŸ ¡—° ‡∑’ˬ«, ∫à ‡∑’ˬ« ¡—° «Õπ;

The confirmed rambler, if unable to go a-rambling feels uneasy ; The confirmed lounger not having his usual rest is liable to fall sick ; The indigent, if not boasting of being a person of means, may pine himself to death.

ºâŸ ¡—° πÕπ, ∫à πÕπ ¡—° ‰¢â; ºâŸ ¬“° ‰Œâ, ∫à Õß§å ¡—° µ“¬

6. §π ∫ÿ≠ πâÕ¬ °≈à“« ∂âÕ¬ ∑à“π ∫à ¬‘π;

The unfortunate (however well and wisely he may talk) finds no listeners ;

µ° ª“Ê °Á ∫à °‘π, ‡À¬◊ËÕ ∫à ™Õ∫ „® ª“

Even if he tries angling (he would find that) the fish will not bite and will disdain his bait. Pauper ubique jacet. (Everywhere the poor man is despised)—Ovidius. “The wretched have no friends”— Dryden.

Evidently, the Putimaccha or “putrid fish” alluded to in the passage just quoted, was rendered by the early literati of this country as ª≈“ √â“, the well known Lau relish already explained (see Appendix C, 137, note. 2). As regards the famous Buddhist ethical treatise Mangalattha-dipani, so far practically unknown to Western scholars, I may remark here that is was composed in Pali at Chieng Mai by the learned monk Sirimangala. Thera (whose original laic name was √ÿ Ru; or Uru, Õÿ√ÿ according to other accounts), in C. E. 886, year of the Monkey (=A. D. 1524). It is a most scholarly commentary on the well-known Mahamangala sutta, every stanza of which is illustrated by numerous parables, tales, etc. gleaned from the whole field of Buddhist literature. A Siamese translation of this celebrated work—which in this country is regarded quite as classical and ranked by the side of Buddhaghosa’s Visuddhimagga—was made by command of King Phrah Nang-Klau while yet a prince, in C. E. 1183=1821; and the somewhat modified title was appended to it of Mangaladipani, ¡ß§≈ ∑‘ªπ’. About one half of it was printed and issued in three octavo volumes by Prince K. M. Phrom’s printing establishment in 1876-77. I am not aware whether the remaining portion has been published later on. But the original Pali text has been recently very ably edited and printed locally. Insofar as I am aware, the first volume only of the Pali text—under the title of ¡ß§≈ ∑’ªπ’, “Mangaladipani,”—has appeared. It was issued by the Maha Makuta Rajavidyalaya Press in R. S. 119=A. D. 1900. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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7. √à¡ ‚µ ‡´“ Õ¬à“ ‡∑’ˬ« ¢’È „ à ; ‡™◊ÈÕ π—Ëß µË”, Õ¬à“ ‰¥â π—Ëß  Ÿß1

Don’t soil the tree-shade that has been hospitable to thee ; It of humble birth (lit. if born in the class that sits low), don’t take a high seat. (= Don’t requite a benefit by a slight. Don’t put side on and affect a station higher than thy own).

8. ¡’ ‡ß‘π „Àâ ‡¢“ °âŸ °Á ∫à π—∫; ¡’§«“¡ √âŸ Õ¬àŸ „π „∫ ≈“π °Á ∫à π—∫2

The wealthy who lend their money away are not esteement (because money lent is difficult to recover in case of want) ; Neither are those whose knowledge has merely been gathered from (palmleaf) books. “Lend only what you can afford to lose.” Cave ab homine unius libri (Beware of a man of one book). “A man of maxims only is like a Cyclops with one eye, and that eye in the back of his head.”—Coleridge.

1

This saw, and nos. 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 are culled from a popular Lau ethical treatise called ªÉŸ  Õπ À≈“π, “A grandfather’s teachings to his grandchildren”. A translation of this into English is desirable, and it cannot fail to prove extremely interesting, as the work in question forms the most reputed manual of apophthegmatical lore for the Eastern Lau country, it being not only widely read, but learnt by heart throughout the land, from Luang Phrabang in the north to Ubon in the south. 2

This saying I now find, comes bodily from the 13th stanza of the Lokaniti, which runs : “Potthakesu ca yam sippam,—parahatthe ca yan dhanam; Yathakicce samuppanne,—na tam sippam, na tam dhanam” “Learning which merely lies unabsorbed in books (lit. palm-leaf mss.); treasure which has passed to other hands (on loan); Is neither learning nor treasure (to us) in time of need” (i.e. is the same as non existent or valueless to us when need of it arises). The Pali context makes the meaning of its derived Lau counterpart clearer; and therefore the translation we have given of the latter here must be somewhat modified as follows: “Money belonging to us, if lent to others, is no more considered (of any worth to us); Neither is learning merely contained in our own (palm-leaf) books (and lying unabsorbed by us).” It will be seen from this example how the Lokaniti is likely to have been put, among the Lau people also, largely under contribution. It has since come to my knowledge that the popular Lau treatise referred to, has a counterpart in another booklet titled À≈“π  Õπ ªÉŸ, “A grandchild’s teachings to his grandfather,” which must be even more curious, and worth in any case of being made known, in part at least of its contents, to foreign readers. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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9. Õ¬à“ §∫ §π ®√, Õ¬à“ πÕπ À¡Õπ À¡‘Ëπ 1

Don’t associate with vagrants, or recline (thy head) on the pillow’s edge (as it might slip down and thou become injured thereby). 2

10. ‰ø ≈“¡ ≈ÿ° Õ¬à“ ‡Õ“ ¢’È ΩÕ¬ ‰ª ÕàÕ¬ 11. ´â“ß ‡æ◊ËÕπ ¬àÕ¬ „Àâ À≈’° ·µà ‰°≈

Don’t add fuel to a spreading fire. “Don’t pour oil on the fire.”

12. ¢Õß —µ√Ÿ „Àâ ¥Ÿ ª“π ·°â«

Be vigilant on enemies as thou would’st be on jewels.

13. ªÉŸ  —Ëß ·≈â«, À≈“π À≈à“ ®◊ËÕ ®”

What grandfather has taught the little grandchildren should treasure up in their heart.

14. ‰¥â ‡¡’¬ ºâŸ ¥’, ª“π ‰¥â ·°â« §Ÿ≥ ≈à“ß;

The possession of a good wife is equivalent to that of a gem raising up the level of the house’s ground floor.

Elephant in rut should be given a wide berth.

‰¥â ‡¡’¬ ºâŸ ´à“ß, ª“π ‰¥â ·°â« §Ÿ≥ ‡Œ◊Õπ;

To be blessed with a talented wife is tantamount to the acquisition of a gem adding lustre and wealth to the household.

‰¥â ‡¡’¬ ºâŸ ∫‘¥, ºâŸ ‡∫◊Õπ, ª“π °ÿ¡ À¡Ÿ „ à §Õ°;

To have a slothful wife is (as troublesome a task) as having to catch a hog and to put it in the sty.

1

Put into Western parlance this would read : “Don’t lie near the edge of the mattress as thou might tumble down while asleep.” This caution is in this country naturally limited to the pillow, as bedding is by the common people laid as a rule on the floor, so that there is no risk of tumbling down bodily. 2

See note 2 above Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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To possess a termagant is (as painful a trial) as having to drag a tree (with its branches on) top forward. “A good wife and health are a man’s best wealth.” “Tria sunt damna domus: imber, mala fœmina, fumus.”

15. „Àâ ‡æ◊ËÕπ ‡Àπ À≈—ß, ¬“¡ ‡¡◊ËÕ ¡—π ªî¥ ‡ ◊ÈÕ 1

1

Let your fellowman allow you to get a view of his back before he puts his coat on. (As he may have a striped back, the result of some previous severe flogging, and an index to his having committed something wrong; in which case you are warned to be on your guard about him. 2 Or else, he may have some weapon concealed behind).

From the collection of  ÿ¿“ ‘µ ≈“« ‡©’¬ß, in verse, from Chiang Mai (see Appendix A, 1, no. 10).

2

In past days of rattan memory the back was, in this and neighbouring countries, a man’s judiciary certificated of repute. Singlets and coats were sedulously donned by those who could not boast of a clean one; just as, after footwear came into wide use, socks and shoes were eagerly resorted to by certain individuals of the lowest class in order to mask a yet more ominous certificate, viz. the marks of the iron-chain on their ankles. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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APPENDIX E Preliminary notes on Mon proverbs Although the extensive and so far untouched field of Mon proverbs lies quite without the province of the present paper, I have deemed it both useful and interesting to offer hereunder a list of such aphoristical sayings as occur in the Annals of Pegu, so far only known to the public, especially of this country, through the Siamese translation published of them under the rather very incorrect title of “Rajadhiraj.”1 It will be seen from the sequel that the introduction of this new and apparently heterogeneous subject matter is not without its justification, for it is far more closely connected with what precedes than one would expect. The original of the historical work just referred to has become exceedingly rare in Pegu itself, owing to the almost total decline of the Mon language and concomitant lore there in favour of the official one, Burmese; and can only be met with on this side in scattered fragments among a mere few of the descendants of former Mon refugees that settled in Siam during the latter half of the eighteenth century and the first quarter of the succeeding one. Through the kindness of several of such privileged persons, a sufficient number of the disjecta membra could be brought together so as to practically reconstitute a good three-fourths of the whole work. A search could thus be made for the original context of the choice sayings in view, which—I am glad to say—resulted in their being for the most part found and easily identified. Where gaps occurred, the missing saws could in some instances be supplied from the memory of those who had had at some time or other access to protions not now at hand of the original work, or who had learnt by heart the sayings in question from their predecessors; for most of such bits of wisdom are quite

1

‡√◊ËÕß æ√– ‡®â“ √“™“∏‘√“™, published at Dr. Bradley’s printing office, Bangkok, in C. E. 1242= A. D. 1880; 562 pp. roy. svo. Only 20 of the 24 books of which the Siamese translation consisted have seen the light therein; the publisher having been unable to procure the last four. The translation was done by a staff of Mon and Siamese literati under the superintendence of H. E. the Foreign Minister Hon, ‡®â“ æ√–¬“ æ√– §≈—ß (Àπ), one of the foremost Siamese poets and prose writers of the second half of the eighteenth century; and was terminated in 1785. As pointed out in the preface, an earlier thought but little accurate translation of the work had been made some time before that for the Second King, with his elder brother King Phra Buddha Yot-fa expressed dissatisfaction, hence he commanded the new translation to be undertaken. Owing to the master hand of the chief editor the latter work was a true literary success, so that it ranks, in point of style and elegance of diction, as one of the very best prose productions existing in the Siamese language. I should add that the original work is similarly termed by the Mons “Saiha thireache” (=Siha adhiraja, or Sihadhiraja) after the title of reign (Siharaja) assumed by P‘henia Nua at his accession. But this popular designation of the annals in question is, no less than the Siamese one, a misnomer. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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popular throughout the Mon folk among whom they have been circulating and handed down by oral tradition for centuries. I need not add, since it will clearly appear from the sequel, that the inquiry proved eminently fruitful of results, so as to fully repay the time and labour spent upon it. The chief reasons that had prompted me to undertake it were the following : 1. To test by such specimens the general accuracy of the translation, and find out whether the original had been faithfully adhered to, or else only slackly rendered; and if so, to what an extent; 2. To discover whether any embellishments in the shape of bons mots, etc., had been introduced by the accomplished editors with a view to improve upon the original and make the production more readable and attractive ; 3. Finally,—and this was by far the most important reason—to decide as to the paternity of such sayings quoted in the text, that are current, practically verbatim, both in Mon and Siamese, by ascertaining their exact old tenor in the former language and the dates at which they are referred to in the work in question; so as to obtain fairly reliable terms of comparison and a pretty accurate gauge wherewith to determine the question of priority in favour of the one or the other side. As regards the first point it was found out, in so far as could be judged from the specimens compared in the Peguan text and its Siamese translation, that this latter follows the original closely enough, except in rare instances when the wording is but slightly modified, to which we shall revert in due course. It follows therefore that if the work proves eminently readable, almost like a masterly planned and cleverly written novel, it is not merely due to the ability of the Siamese editors, but for a good part to the excellence and unabating interest of the original which constitutes already by itself a fascinating literary production.1 In this respect it may be ranked on a par with the Chinese San-kwo Chih (vulgo Sam-kok,  “¡°ä°), although not being like this merely a historical novel, but history itself—adorned, it is true, with a certain amount of rhetorical finery as best suits the oriental taste; but devoid to a remarkable extent of the fanciful trimmings that form so prominent a feature of historical productions in these countries. The Western model to which it approaches most is, perhaps, Livy’s “History of Rome”.

1

This feature, conjointly with the many tragic episodes and dramatic situations it contains, especially in connection with the chief figure in the work, that of the Peguan King Phenia Nua, or Rajadhiraj, which suggested the title for the Siamese version, led to the adaptation of the story for the Siamese stage. A versified version was prepared for this purpose by the direction of the late Chau Phya Mahindr (see Appendix A, 2, no. 15 supra) for his theatre (“Princes Theatre”). It exists in print, having been issued by the Rev. S. J. Smith’s press some 20 or 25 years ago. The play, or rather polylogy, for it consists of a series of dramas, is still performed in local theatres to this day. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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With respect to the second point, the outcome is that the embellishments, variants, etc. introduced by the Siamese translators are but trifling, and merely amount to some metaphoric locution or pointed phrase enchased in now and then; which, far from vitiating the meaning or the style of the original, not unoften lends the context more relief and zest, thus testifying on the whole to the good taste and tact of the editors. Finally, in regard to the third and last point, this proved the most interesting and fruitful of surprises. For, several sayings, that have now become so thoroughly naturalized in Siamese as to look for all the world like a genuine home product, have proved through the present inquiry to be unmistakeably Mon by origin, from their occurrence in the text at respectably early dates when inverse borrowing could hardly be expected to have taken place. On the other hand, there are distinct enough traces of either Siamese or Lau influence in some of the more modern sayings examined. Furthermore a good portion of the specimens collected are traceable, as could be quite anticipated, to Indu classical literature, especially the Buddhist department of it. All such features will appear the more evident to the reader from a perusal of the comparative list of sayings appended below, and of the remarks subjoined thereto. Accordingly, it is here only necessary to add a few words in explanation of the method adopted in the preparation of the list. Lack of Mon type made it impossible to present each saying in its original vesture; while dearth of a suffcient variety of Roman type and diacritical marks wherewith to render the very complicated Mon sounds in their various shades precluding on the other hand from giving the said sayings in such a romanized form as might allow of their being readily understood, it was thought better to omit the transliteration altogether as practically useless, except in a few cases which will be specified directly. Accordingly, I decided to submit : (a) the Siamese translation of each saying, accompanied by the reference to the no. of page in the local edition of the Rajadhiraj where the passage occurs, and by the date A. D. at which it is mentioned in the context; (b) an English translation of each particular specimen with brief remarks as to its meaning, the probable source whence the saying was derived whenever borrowing appears to have occurred; and critical observations on the Siamese translation of it as well as comparative notes on parallel or similar sayings in Siamese, when such are known to exist ; (c) the Mon text as approximately transliterated as typographical facilities would allow, in those special instances only when divergencies were detected between the original work and its Siamese translation. The differences are in such cases pointed out, and an entirely distinct English translation of the Mon text is supplied wherever necessary. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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(d) Finally, a few popular Mon saws are added at the end, which, though not occurring in the Peguan Annals, have been deemed entitled to citation either on account of certain resemblances they bear to Siamese ones, or of other peculiarities they exhibit. With these premises and reservations I make bold to submit this initial list of Mon proverbs, saws, etc. which is unquestionably the first of its kind ever placed before the public. Owing to Burmese domination having almost obliterated all outward traces of Mon past grandeur, literature, and language in Pegu, these subjects have failed to attract the attention they so fully deserve, and their study has accordingly thus far been neglected by scholars; while from ignorance of the pre-eminent rôle that the Mon nation played in bygone ages in the Indo-Chinese Peninsula and of the highly developed civilization it had attained, practically no effort was ever made whether in private or official spheres in British Burma to tap that most interesting field—not to say even of preserving the debris still extant of that civilization, the relics of its extensive literature, of the life of the now flickering Mon language, rapidly verging towards total extinction. The very useful Rev. J. M. Haswell’s “Grammatical Notes and Vocabulary of the Peguan Language” (Rangoon, 1874), more recently republished in enlarged and revised form by the Rev. E. O. Stevens (Rangoon, 1901), and the latter’s “Vocabulary, English and Peguan” (Rangoon, 1896) founded on the above, represent so far the only available outillage for the study of the Mon language. All the three works deserve unstinted praise and their authors the sincerest gratitude for their industry and painstaking labours—true labours of love—but as theirs are mere pioneer productions, not a single Mon proverb, saw, or motto is to be found therein. However, several missions have of late been established among the Mons both on what was formerly Peguan territory, and in Siam. So there is reason to hope that the following rather magere list may soon be considerably added to through the exertions of other gleaners. In any case, it will quite serve its purpose if it will contribute in making the Mon people and a by no means insignificant department of their literature better known, besides attracting attention to the possibilities that lie in store for the student of the Mon language and the searcher after the valuable relics that are still left of its extensive literature which it would be tantamount almost to a crime not to save from the utter destruction impending upon them.

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INITIAL LIST OF MON PROVERBS, SAWS, ETC.

1. µ—¥ À«“¬ Õ¬à“ ‰«â Àπ“¡ ÀπàÕ ; ¶à“ æàÕ Õ¬à“ ‰«â ≈Ÿ° (p. 40—A. D. 1294-1313) 1

When cutting down rattans don’t leave the thorns and sprouts; when killing the father don’t spare the offspring.

(p. 130—A. D. 1386 circa) 2

I do not certainly consider crows to be better than swans (= to be fully aware on which side real worth lies).

3. ‡ª√’¬∫ ª√–¥ÿ® Àπ÷Ëß §π ‡¢’¬π √Ÿª «“¥ ¥â«¬ ¡◊Õ, ≈∫ ¥â«¬ ∫“∑“

Like one drawing a picture with his hands and effacing it with his feet.

2. ®– ‡Àπ °“ ¥’ °«à“ Àß»å π—Èπ °Á À“ ¡‘ ‰¥â

(p. 174—A. D. 1387) 3

4. ‡ª√’¬∫ ª√–¥ÿ® º≈ ¡π“« Õ—π °≈‘Èß Õ¬àŸ ∫π À≈—ß ¡â“

(= destroying one’s own work, or one’s own pets). Like a lime rolling on a horse’s back. (= instability; dangerous position).

(p. 217-218—A. D. 1388) 4 1

The Mon original corresponds word by word, except that Àπ“¡ ÀπàÕ, thorns and sprouts, is inverted into ÀπàÕ Àπ“¡, kaloit thele, as required by the genius of the language. The saying is, it will be seen, practically indentical with the one quoted above (section 7; and Appendix C, no. 12) from the Siamese Annals under the impression, then, that it was genuinely Siamese. As it turns out now, however, there can be no doubt about its having originated in Pegu, for the annals of that country now under examination, ascribe the saw to king Pharô or Wererô of Martaban (who died A. D. 1313) and assert that this personage uttered it when having his two nephews (the sons of Tarabya) executed for an attempt upon his life. The annals add furthermore that the saying became proverbial from that time. Now, as we learn from the Siamese Annals (vol. II, p. 658) that it was quoted practically verbatim in 1782 by the very personage (the Second King) who was in possession of the earlier Siamese translation of the Annals of Pegu (see Appendix D, no. 15 note 2), as a time-honoured adage, there can be no question that he cited it from such a work, and that the saying is accordingly of Mon origin. It is of some interest to point out that a similar adage also occurs in the West, to the effect: Stultus, qui, patre occiso, liberos relinquat : “He who kills the father and leaves the children is a fool;” which once more exemplifies the analogy in drift existing between Eastern and Western thought. 2

This and the next two sayings are literal translations of the original. The Hamsa bird is, in reality, a wild duck or goose; but is usually taken by the Siamese to be a sort of swan. For the character popularly ascribed to it, see above, section 12, no. 16. The above saw about crows and swans is a reminiscence from Indu literature. 3

Spoken by Phenia Nua to his aunt the queen of Pegu who, having brought him up while yet a child, plotted afterwards his destruction, in concert with her paramour Marahu. 4

This saw is imitated from Buddhist literature. It occurs, for instance, in the commentary to the Dhammapada where, however, kumbhanda (a kind of pumpkin) is mentioned instead of a lime. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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5. ¥ÿ® ¥—ß °√–µà“¬ ™¡ æ√–®—π∑√å, ‰¥â ‡Àπ ·µà √—»¡’  Õ¥  √àÕß; ®– ®—∫ µâÕß °‹Á ¡‘ ∂÷ß (p. 218—A. D. 1388) 1

6. ‡ª√’¬∫ §π §àÕ¡ ™ß¶“  —Èπ, ®– ¢â“¡ ·¡à πÈ” ∑’Ë ≈÷° °«â“ß π—Èπ ¡‘ ‰¥â (as above) 2

7. ‡Õ“ ¥«ß ·°â« ¡≥’ ‰ª ·≈° °—∫ ≈Ÿ° ªí¥

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Like hares which, when contemplating the moon, can see the radiance of its disc, but are unable to reach up to it and seize it (= unable, or powerless, to effect one’s designs). Like a pygmy who, with his short legs, is unable to cross a deep stream (same sense as the preceding). To barter gems with beads (= to make a foolish bargain).

(p. 224—A. D. 1388) 3

8. ‡Õ“ æ‘¡ ‡ π ‰ª ·≈° °—∫ ‡°≈◊Õ (as above) 3

To barter precious camphor with salt (same sense as preceding).

4

To barter flesh for bones (same sense as above).

10. ¶à“ ™â“ß, °Á À«—ß „® ®– ‡Õ“ ß“; ‡®√®“, °Á À«—ß ®– ‡Õ“ ∂âÕ¬ §” ‡ªπ ∑’Ë  ”§—≠ À¡“¬

The elephant is killed for the sake of its tusks; so pourparlers are held in order to obtain some definite pledge.

9. ‡Õ“ ‡π◊ÈÕ ‰ª ·≈° °—∫ °√–¥Ÿ° (as above)

(p. 252—A. D. 1397)

11. ‡ª√’¬∫ ª√–¥ÿ® ß“ ™â“ß, ´÷Ëß ßÕ° ÕÕ° ·≈â« ¡‘ ‰¥â À¥ §◊π (p. 268—A. D. 1398)

12. ª√–¥ÿ® ¥—ß ∫ÿ√ÿ… ‡Õ“ ‡æπ‘π ‡À≈Á°, ¡“ µ’ ¢π¥ À“ß ·Ààß æ√–¬“ π“§√“™ (p. 275—A. D. 1406) 5

Like elephant tusks which, once they have grown forth, do not retract (= so should one’s word, once given, be kept). Like one striking the coiled body of a Naga king (serpent chief) with a sledge hammer (= like a viper being trodden upon. to burst into a fit of rabid anger).

1

On such a hobby ascribed to hares, cf. section 12, no. 15 above. The suggestion comes, of course, from Indu literature. 2

Cf. the rabbit apologue. see Appendix C, p. 77, no. 71.

3

Both this and the next saying thus turn out now to be the prototypes of the two Siamese ones quoted above in Appendix C, under the nos. 67 and 66 respectively. In the original no. 8 here is couched in a far more concise form : “Phummeson slai bo = camphor bartered for salt.” 4

Cf. Appendix C, no. 89.

5

This simile could not be traced as yet owing to a gap in the original text; but it does matter but little, as it is borrowed from Indu literature. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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13. ‡ª√’¬∫ ‡À¡◊Õπ À—° ‰ø À—« ≈¡, πÈ” ‡™’ˬ« ≈Õß ¢«“ß ‡√◊Õ (p. 278—A. D. 1406) 1

14. Õÿª√–¡“ ¥—ß ‡√◊Õ „À≠à °«à“ ∑–‡≈ ®√‡¢â „À≠à °«à“ ÀπÕß; ®– °≈—∫ °“¬ «à“¬ ‡«’¬π ‰ª °Á ¢—¥ ¢«“ß (p. 295—A. D. 1407)

15. ‡¢â“ ∑’Ë §—∫ ·§â𠇪√’¬∫ ª√–¥ÿ® À¡“° √ÿ° ®π ·µâ¡

It is just like attempting to put out a fire from the windward side, or to steer the boat athwart in a swift stream. Like a ship larger than the sea, or a crocodile bigger than the pool, that finds itself impeded in its movements (= too big for his job, unwieldy on account of its too great bulk). Finding himself in straits, like the king (of chess) about to be put in check.

(p. 278—A. D. 1407) 2

16. ‡À¡◊Õπ Àπ÷Ëß ‡¢’¬π √Ÿª ‡ ◊Õ „Àâ ß—« °≈—«

It’s like painting the figure of a tiger wherewith to scare the kine.

(p. 299—A. D. 1407) 3

17. Õÿª√–¡“ ‡À¡◊Õπ Àπ÷Ëß π° °—∫ ·√â«; ∂“ ª√–¡“∑ æ≈“¥ æ≈—Èß ≈ß ‡¡◊ËÕ „¥ °Á ®– ∂÷ß ·°à §«“¡

As a bird with the noose : if he be careless as to slip into it, he shall inexorably perish forthwith.

1

The original has palot p’mot = ¥—∫ ‰ø (to extinguish the fire), insteand of À—° ‰ø = to break or stay the fire. As regards the second part of the simile, it is practically identical with no. 30 of King Ruang’s maxims (see Appendix B), and not unlikely it has been borrowed therefrom. It must be remembered, in fact, that Wererô or Pharô, the founder of the dynasty that had its capital first at Martaban and afterwards at Pegu city, had been for many years the host of King Ruang at Sukhothai of whom he wedded the daughter, as stated in the first part of the annals of Pegu under examination. It is not therefore at all improbable that during the friendly intercourse that took place under his reign and those of several of his descendants between Martaban and Sukhothai, Phra Ruang’s maxins became well known to the Mons, and some of them found ready adoption among that people. 2

Not yet traced. The Siamese translation continues the parallel for several lines, introducing a description of the process of checkmating. But the local lettered Mons I have consulted have no recollection as to ever having met this long simile in the course of their reading, and assert that their language possesses no terms for chess or chess-playing, the game being quite unknown in Mon tradition. As regards the first part of the statement, it is possibly correct, as would further appear from Haswell’s and Stevens’ vocabularies containing no such terms; but with respect to the remaining part of the assertion it seems impossible to admit that the Peguan people could ramain unacquainted with such a world-wide known game that spread among all neighbouring nations. The case is nevertheless curious, and deserves a thorough investigation. 3

Indentical with Appendix C, no. 203. It is difficult to decide here as to whether the saying originated in Pegu or in Siam. In Mon it runs : “Top nong khyu rub kla ko klea phait.”. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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©‘∫À“¬ ‡¡◊ËÕ π—Èπ (p. 309—A. D. 1408) 1

18. Àπ“¡ ¬Õ°, °Á µâÕß ‡Õ“ Àπ“¡ Õ—π ·À≈¡ ¡“ ∫àß

If a thorn sticks into the flesh, a sharp thorn must be used to draw it out.

(p. 310—A. D. 1408) 2

19. ·¡âπ ®– À“  —µ√’ ∑’Ë ¡’ ≈—°…≥– √Ÿª Õ—π ß“¡ „Àâ ¬‘Ëß °«à“ π“ß Õÿµ–≈– π’È, °Á ®– ‰¥â ¥—ß §«“¡ ª√“√å∂π“; ·µà ®– À“ ¢â“ ∑À“√ Ωï ¡◊Õ ‡¢Á¡ ·¢ß ¥ÿ®  ¡‘ß π§√ Õ‘π∑√å π’È À“ ¬“° π—°; „® ‡√“ √—° ¢â“ ∑À“√ ¡“° °«à“  —µ√’

Women, even of far greater beauty than lady Uttala can be found at pleasure, but heroes like Smoin Nagor-Indr are rare. In our heart we are far more fond of soldiers than of women.

(as above) 3

1

The original reads : Kala kechem wot a theneak toi: “when the bird having forgotten (all about) the snare.” The Siamese ·√â« is in reality a noose secured by one end at the extremity of a bent stick, and by the other to a trigger-like arrangement which springs under the sightest pressure, so that the stick, when straightening back, pulls the noose tight round the bird’s feet or neck. The Peguan theneak is constructed on the same principle. 2

Practically indentical with the adage quoted in section 9, and Appendix C (no. 27), which we have shown to be of Indu origin. 3

Spoken by King Rajadhiraj upon hearing that his famous hero Smoin Nagor-Indr, governor of Taik-kula, had become smitten with love for lady Uttala, one of the royal concubines, and that when the signal for the attack on the enemy was given he remained inactive with his troops, overcome as it seemed, by his passion. The gallant king did not hesitate one moment; and having declared his mind with the words above quoted, sent lady Uttala in gift to the hero. But the latter politely declined to receive the beautiful present, saying that his passion had been a mere feint in order to test the kings inner feelings; and having expressed his admiration for the noble character of his sovereign and his increased devotion for him, he instantly set out to fight, attacking the enemy with more than his usual vigour. The very sensible words spoken on that occasion by King Rajadhiraj became proverbial among the people, who condensed them into the saw, “Phrea kye klai lua, krauh menung kwot toa klai lua saum wat,” ‘A pretty woman can readily be found, but braves are rare’, corresponding to Appendix C, no. 159 above. It will thus be seen that the latter is unquestionably of Mon origin. As regards the Siamese Second King at the beginning of the nineteenth century having repeated it (see note * at foot of p. 94 above) does no more come as a surprise, in view of his thorough acquaintance with the annals of Pegu we have already had occasion to notice. As regards King Narai having uttered the same adage at a still earlier period is, however, both a surprising and interesting fact, for it argues that even in his time Peguan history was well known in Siam.

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20. ‡Õ“ æ‘¡ ‡ π ¡“ ·≈° °—∫ ‡°≈◊Õ; ‡Õ“ ‡π◊ÈÕ ¡“ ·≈° Àπ—ß

To barter precious camphor for salt; or the flesh for the hide.

(p. 326—A. D. 1410) 1

21. ‡ªπ ‡«√ ºŸ° æ—π∏å ‰ª, ¥—ß ‡ß“ µ‘¥ µ“¡ °“¬ ∑ÿ° Õ‘√‘¬“∫∂ (p. 342—A. D. 1410) 2

22. Õÿª√–¡“ ¥—ß «à“¬ πÈ” ‡¢â“ À“ ®√‡¢â

Beset by resentment as by a shadow following the body in every one of its postures. To swim for refuge to a crocodile.

(p. 346—A. D. 1410) 3

23. Õÿª√–¡“ ¥—ß «“π√ π—Ëß Õ¬àŸ ∫π µÕ ‰¡â Õ—π ‰ø ‰À¡â ‡¡◊ËÕ «—  —πµ–√–¥Ÿ (p. 393—A. D. 1412)

24. °“√  ß§√“¡ ‡ª√’¬∫ ¥—ß øÕß Õ—≥±–™–; ®– À¡“¬ ·πà «à“ ºâŸ ‡¡’¬, ·æââ ·≈ ™–π– π—Èπ, ¡‘ ‰¥â (as above) 4

25. ‡¢“ «à“ ™“µ‘ ¡Õ≠ ·≈â«, „π ∑âÕß ¡’ ‡§’¬« §π ≈– ‡®Á¥ ‡≈à¡ (p. 405—A. D. 1420) 5

1

Like a monkey perched on a burning post during the rainy season (= grim, from finding one’s self in a very awkward situation, with almost no chance of escape). With war it’s like with an egg : impossible to foretell whether the latter is (to hatch forth a) male or (a) female, or whether the former is (to end in) victory or defeat. Incerti sunt exitus belli. (The results of war are uncertain.).—Cicero. It is said that the Moas all harbour each seven sickles in their belly (i.e. they are of a very perfidions nature).

As regards the first part of this saw, see no 8 above.

2

Imitated from Buddhist literature. “... nam sukhamanveti chaya va anupayini,” “happiness follows him like a shadow that never forsakes him”, occurs in Dhammapada, 2. 3

Identical with Appendix C, no 180. Here, again, it is difficult to decide as to the origin. The Mon text runs : “Topp‘ma nong neh meboin daik lub klai kyam” which corresponds verbatim. 4

Not yet traced in the original.

5

This is, in reality, a Burmese skit on Mon treachery, quoted by the Burma king at the above date. Several perfidious tricks played by the Mons on the Burmese are duly recorded in the annals under examination. So Mon faith became proverbial among the neighbouring nations as Punica fides among those of the old Western world. Cf. also the Virgilian Timeco Danaos, et dona ferentes, and other well known adages. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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26. Õÿª√–¡“ ‡À¡◊Õπ Àπ’ »÷° ¡“ æ∫ ‡ ◊Õ, ¢÷Èπ µâπ ‰¡â ª– Õ‚ √æ‘»¡å (p. 407—A. D. 1420) 1

27. ‡À¡◊Õπ Àπ÷Ëß ≈Ÿ° ‰°à Õ¬àŸ „π ‡ß◊ÈÕ¡ ¡◊Õ ‡√“; ∂â“ ®– ∫’∫ ‡¢â“ ‡¡◊ËÕ „¥ °Á ®– µ“¬ ‡¡◊ËÕ π—Èπ (p. 410—A. D. 1420)

255

Running away from the enemy but to fall in with a tiger; climbing up a tree but to find there an adder. Hac urgel lupus, hac canis. (On one side a wolf besets you, on the other a dog).—Horace. Incedit in Scyllam qui vult vitare Charybdim. (He falls into Scylla in struggling to escape Charybdis). He is like a chickling in the hollow of our hand; which will perish whenever we (choose to) strangle it (= to be in one’s power, without chance of escape).

(p. 416—A. D. 1421) 2

Like a game cock having just developed his maiden spurs and already defeated all his adversaries; whenever he hears a cock-crow is bound to reply and forthwith rush out to the fray, no matter how restrained he be (= like a war horse on hearing the sound of the charge, etc.)

29. Õ⓬ ‰æ√à ™“µ‘ À≠â“ ·æ√°, ªí≠≠“  ∂ÿ≈

Vile serf, of dub-grass breed and dull intellect ! (an insult.)

28. ¥ÿ® ‰°à ºâŸ, Õ—π Õ“® æ÷ß ≈Õ° ‡¥◊Õ¬ Àπ“¡ ∑Õß ·≈â«, ‡§¬ ¡’ ‰™¬ ™”π– ·°à ‰°à ∑—Èߪ«ß; ∂÷ß ®– ¡’ ºâŸ ¢—¥ ¢«“ß °Á ¥’, ∂â“ ‰¥â ¬‘π ‡ ’¬ß ‰°à ¢—π ·≈â« ‡¡◊ËÕ „¥ °Á ¡‘ Õ“® π‘Ëß Õ¬àŸ ‰¥â; §ß ®– ÕÕ° ¡“ ™π °—π ‡¡◊ËÕ π—Èπ

(p. 420—A. D. 1421) 3

30. ‚°√∏ ¬‘Ëß π—° Õÿª√–¡“¥—ß æ√–¬“ π“§√“™ Õ—π ¡’ æ‘»¡å, ¡’ ºâŸ ‡Õ“ ‰¡â §âÕπ ¡“µ’≈ß∑’Ë ¢π¥ °Á ¬àÕ¡ ‚°√∏

He flew into a violent passion, like a venomous serpent chief being struck with a hammer on its coiled body.

(p. 423—A. D. 1421) 4

1

Cf. Appendix C, no. 21.

2

The orginal has merely : “Nong chaing k’mak paroh kharuh,” ‘like a cock developing its spurs’.

3

In order to grasp the full offensive meaning of the term “dubgrass breed”, it should be pointed out that dub-grass, on account of its softness is used for planting and covering lawns, where it is trodden upon by the feet of all passers-by. Hence, to be of dub-grass breed signifies to be trampled on, to be a vile slave. In Mon the invective runs: “A lowe, thakau khyua khachib, ponna ob thop !” 4

Practically indentical with no. 12 above. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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31. ‚°√∏ ¬‘Ëß π—°, √“« °—∫ ≈Ÿ° »√ ‡¢â“ ‰ª ‡ ’¬∫ æ√– ‚ µ

He (the king) became wroth just as if an arrow had pierced into his ear.

(p. 430—A. D. 1421)

32. ¥ÿ® π° °“‡√’¬π, Õ—π º≈—¥ ¢π ‰™¬ ‡ ’¬ ·≈â«, ¬—ß ¡’ °”≈—ß Õ¬àŸ ·µà ª“° ·≈ ‡∑â“, °—∫ ¢π π—Èπ ·µà æÕ ÀàÕ °“¬ ‡∑à“π—Èπ (p. 432—A. D. 1421)

33. ¥ÿ® Àπ÷Ëß ¡·≈ß À«’Ë À“ √⟠®—° · ß ‡æ≈‘ß ‰¡à, ∫‘π ‚©∫ ©“∫ ‡¢â“ ‰ª À“; ∑—π æ√‘∫µ“ ®– ‡ªπ ®ÿ≥ «‘®ÿ≥≥å ‰ª ‡Õß

Like a crane (Grus antigone) which has dropped its main feathers, to whom only the beak and talons remain as the only protection, together with just sufficient down to cover its body (= reduced to impotence, deprived of one’s assistants or means of offecnce). Like a little fly unacquainted with the flame which rashly flies into it, and in less than a wink is reduced into impalpable powder.

(p. 439—A. D. 1421) 1

34. Õÿª√–¡“ ¥—ß ¡‡¢◊Õ ¢◊Ëπ æÕ §«√ °—∫ ª≈“ √â“; ®– µ‘ ‡µ’¬π «à“ º≈ ¡‡¢◊Õ ¢◊Ëπ π—° °Á ¡‘ ‰¥â, ‡æ√“– ª≈“ √â“ ‡§Á¡; ®– µ‘ «à“ ª≈“ √â“ ‡§Á¡ π—° °Á ¡‘ ‰¥â, ‡æ√“– º≈ ¡‡¢◊Õ ¢◊Ëπ (pp. 443-444—A. D. 1421) 2

1

Like a brinjal sour just enough to match the (saltness of the) pla-ra; so that it is impossible to taunt the brinjal with being too astringent in taste because the pla-ra is salt in its turn; or to taunt the pla-ra with tasting too salty, because the brinjal is sour (= difficult to decide on which side to put the blame, from the fault being too equally distributed on either side. Both sides are to blame).

Cf. The saying about the locust, section 11, no. 1.

2

Here, I believe, are traces of either Lau or Siamese influence, although it be true that pla-ra is also known among the Mons, the Burmese, and the Khmers. The Lau term it ª“ ·¥° (ª≈“ ·¥°), PaDuk; the Mon “pharok” (but, more specifically, pharokka, “fish pharok”); the Khmers “prohok” (prahuk); the Malays “blachan”; and the Burmese “nga-pi” (but, more specifically, toung tha ngapi, “fish-paste;” or dhameng). In the Mon, Khmer and Malay designations, the initial syllable pha, pra, and bla, possibly represents the Lau and Siamese word pa or pla = “fish”. The Burmese one, nga-pi “salted fish,” has no doubt suggested the Siamese term °–ªî kapi, which is, however, applied to a similar kind of paste made from sea squills or very small sea shrimps called ‡§¬ Khoi, in Siamese. This is the Burmese tien-tsa, the Mon pharok khmeang, and possibly the Khmer pha-ak. It is, of course, unknown to the Lau, who are too far removed from the sea to procure the prime material necessary for its preparation. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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35. ‡ª√’¬∫ ¥—ß §π °≈â“ ª“° °—∫ §π °≈â“ ¡◊Õ; ®– ‚∑… «à“ ¡◊Õ Àπ—° °Á ¡‘ ‰¥â, ‡æ√“– ª“° °≈â“; ®– µ‘ «à“ ª“° °≈â“ °Á ¡‘ ‰¥â ‡æ√“– ¡◊Õ Àπ—° (as above)

36. ‡À¡◊Õπ À“∫  Õß ∫à“, Õ“…“  Õß ‡®â“; À“ §«√ ‰¡à (p. 451—A. D. 1423) 1

257

It’s like between one bold with his tongue and another only too ready to use his hands; so that it is impossible to blame the hands with being heavy, because the tongue was bitter, or to blame the tongue with being bitter, because the hands were heavy (i.e. dealt heavy blows). Same sense as the preceding. Like carrying a load (suspended from a pingo pole) in two at a time, or serving two masters: it is unbecoming.

In Yule’s “Hobson-Jobson” (2nd ed.; London, 1903, p. 51, q.v. Balachong) is an interesting article on blachan which is, however, somewhat incomplete and partly incorrect. Crawfurd is quoted therein a propos of his suggestion that the condiment in question is probably the Roman garum. This I beg to doubt, as the garon or garum of the Greeks and Latins, although made, like nga-pi and blachan from fish of the Clupea family, was merely the fluid or watery sauce extracted therefrom, and not a paste. It must therefore have been practically identical with the nuak-mam, “Salt-fish water,” so relished by the Annamese and not disdained even by some old European residents in French Indo-China, just like some of the White Baboos in Malaya and sundry “European lovers of decomposed cheese” delight in blachan. Marsden, it is curious to notice, likened the condiment to caviare; but, I am inclined to believe it is only in point of exquisiteness that it can be called “caviare to the general.” The late King Norodom of Kamboja used to style it, it appears, “the Khmer Roquefort cheese” (cf. Excursions et Reconnaissances, t. XI, p. 13). Considerable confusion is wrought, not only in “Hobson-Jobson,” but also in other works treating of Far Eastern matters, anent both nga-pi and blachan. As we have just pointed out, a distinction must be made between the one variety concocted from small fish and the other obtained from shrimps. This latter even is of two kinds, one red and one brown, according to the colour of the shrimps employed, which is communicated to the paste itself. The first Western traveller to notice the Dhameng variety of nga-pi (i.e. the paste made from fish, or Lau pla-ra) was the Venetian jeweller Gasparo Balbi, in the course or his journey to Pegu (1583). He was so struck by its characteristics, that he wrote “he would rather smell a dead dog, to say nothing of eating if” (“Viaggio dell’ Indie Orientali”, Venetia, 1590; f. 125 verso). Later on Capt. Hamilton noticed the variety made from shrimps, i. e. the Siamese kapi at Bankasoy (read Bang Pla-soi) on the eastern corner of the head of the Gulf of Siam. He wrote (under the date A. D. 1727): “Bankasoy is famous, chiefly for making ballichang [blachan], a sauce made of dried shrimps, cod-pepper, salt and a sea-weed or grass, all well mixed, and beaten up to the consistency of thick mustard. Its taste and smell are both ungrateful to the nose and palate; but many hundred tons are expended in Siam and the adjacent countries.” (Pinkerton’s Collection of Voyages, vol. VIII; London, 1811, p. 476). He did not fail, while in Pegu in 1709, to notice also the same variety of the condiment there, and to jot down its native name under the form prock (op. cit., p. 422). this word, left unexplained in “Hobson-Jobson,” stands, it will now be seen, for pharok; and the shrimp paste he had occasion to notice is what is specifically termed pharok khmeang by the Mons. Hamilton’s spelling is more correct than the form prox used by Sonnerat half a century later. 1

The original reads : “Kha chia nai ba,” ‘To take refuge and eat (i.e. live) with two masters.’ Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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37. ≈—°…≥ ™â“ß ¥’, µàÕ ‡¡◊ËÕ ¢’Ë ®÷Ëß ®– √⟠«à“ ¥’; ¡â“ ¥’, ‰¥â ‡Õ“ ¡◊Õ µâÕß À≈—ß ¥Ÿ °àÕπ, ®÷Ëß ®– √⟠«à“ ¥’; ∑·°≈â«∑À“√ ∑’Ë ¥’, ∂â“ Õ“…“ ÕÕ°  ß §√“¡ ∑” »÷°, ®÷Ëß ®– √⟠«à“ ¥’; ∑Õß πæ§ÿ≥ ‡≈à“, ¢’¥ ≈ß πà“  ‘≈“ °àÕπ ®÷Ëß √⟠«à“ ¥’;  —µ√’ √Ÿª ß“¡, ∂â“ æ√âÕ¡ ¥â«¬ ≈—°…≥ °‘√‘¬“ ¡“√¬“µ√ µâÕß Õ¬à“ß, ®÷Ëߧ«√ π—∫ «à“ ß“¡; ∂â“ ®– „Àâ √⟠√» Õ√àÕ¬ ‰¥â  —¡ º—» ∂Ÿ° µâÕß °àÕπ, ®÷Ëß π—∫ ∂◊Õ «à“ ¡’ ‚Õ™“ Õ√àÕ¬; ∂â“„® ¥’ µâÕß ∑¥ ≈Õß „Àâ  ‘È𠇙‘ß ªí≠≠“ °àÕπ, ®÷Ëß π—∫ «à“ ¥’

1. In order to judge of the excellence of an elephant, one must ride it; 2. a good horse is known after having felt its back with one’s hand; 3. a brave soldier is known in action; 4. pure gold is known by rubbing it on the touch-stone; 5. a women is proclained : (a) nice only when she combines beauty with graceful manners; (b) exquisite after having been in contact with her; (c) kind-hearted only after having thoroughtly tested her character.

(p. 453—A. D. 1423) 1

38. Õÿª√–¡“ ¥—ß Àß»å µ° ≈ß „π ΩŸß °“, √“™ ’Àå ‡¢â“ ªπ °—∫ À¡àŸ ‡ ◊Õ (p. 466—A. D. 1423) 2

Like a swan (Hamsa) finding himself in a flock of crows or a stately lion entering a herd of tigers.

1

The whole passage is, more or less, an imitation of verse 97th of the Lokaniti; but peculiarly so in the sentence numbered 3. above, which corresponds verbatim to the Pali : “pasamseyya.......rana paratagatam suram,” ‘praiseworthy is the brave (only) after having returned (from battle)’. A still earlier imitation from the Lokaniti occurs in a Burmese inscription at Pagan dated C. E. 700 = A. D. 1408 (which is presumably a mistake for C. E. 778 = A. D. 1416). It is but a variation of the 61st verse of that famous Pali treatise, beginning with : “Na visam visamicchahu” (Cf. “Inscriptions of Pagan, Pinya and Ava”; Rangoon, 1899, p. 34). I am not aware of any attempt having as yet been made towards determining the date of the Lokaniti. In these pages I have had occasion to notice more than once strict analogies between certain passages of the Lokaniti and others to be found in the Dhammapadattha-katha, or commentary to the Dhammapada. As it is wellknown the authorship of the commentary is commonly ascribed to the celebrated divine Buddhaghosa, its date being thus put in the first quarter of the fifth century A. D. As I do hardly believe that the Lokaniti can have been composed before that, we would obtain approximately A. D. 425 and 1400 as the two termini between which we may, for the present, confine its date. It is to be hoped that further researches into Buddhist literature may permit of considerably reducing the limits of the period suggested above, and also of establishing the authorship of that ethical treatise, so popular from many centuries in Burma, Pegu, and Siam. 2

This simile appears to have been immediately derived from the first verse of the 24th stanza of the Lokaniti, which reads : “Hamso majjhe na kakanam, siho gunnam na sobhate.” “A swan in the midst of crows, a lion among cattle, do not look beautiful.” Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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39. ∫ÿ√ÿ… ‡ª√’¬∫ ª√–¥ÿ® æ◊™ ∏—≠≠“ À“√; ∂â“ ‚ª√¬ ª≈Ÿ° ‡æ“– À«à“π ·≈â« °Á ¡’ ·µà ®– ßÕ° ß“¡  Ÿß „À≠à ¢÷È𠉪; ≈Ÿ° π’È, ∂÷ß ‡ªπ √“™∫ÿµ√’,..... °Á ‡ª√’¬∫ ‡À¡◊Õπ µ—≥±ÿ≈“; ®– ‚ª√¬ À«à“π ‡æ“– ª≈Ÿ°, ¡‘ Õ“® ‡®√‘≠ ¢÷È𠉥â (p. 467—A. D. 1423) 1

40. æ≈—Èß ª“°, °Á ¬àÕ¡ ‡ ’¬ °“√; æ≈—Èß ¡’¥, æ≈—Èß ¢«“π, ¡—° ®– ∫“¥ ‡®Á∫ (p. 473—A. D. 1424) 2

41. ∂÷ß ¡’ ®—°…ÿ, °Á ‡À¡◊Õπ Àπ÷Ëß À“ ‰¡à, ‡æ√“– ª√“»®“° §«“¡ æ‘®“√ ≥“ µ√÷° µ√Õß

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A man may be compared to paddy which when sown or planted cannot but germinate and prosper ; but you, my child, although being a royal daughter,......... may be likened to husked rice which, though it be sown or planted can no more germinate and prosper. A slip of the tongue (lit. mouth) may spoil the whole game (or business); a slip of the knife or axe is likely to cause severe injury. Though having eyes they are of no use to him (lit. he is like being devoid of them); for he lacks brains.

(p. 515—A. D. 1480 circa) 3

42. æ√– Õ“∑‘µ¬å ‰¡à §«√ ®– ‚°√∏ À‘ßË ÀâÕ¬

The sun should not feel wroth at a firefly.

(p. 517—A. D. 1480 circa)

43.  —µ«å ‡¡◊ËÕ ·√° ‡°‘¥, §√—Èπ ≠“µ‘ ‡Õ“ ≈ß Õ“∫ πÈ” ™”√– °“¬ ‡ √Á® ·≈â«, ‡∑欓¥“ ¡“‡¢’¬π Àπâ“ º“° À¡“¬ (p. 553bis—A. D. 1490 circa) 4

When new-born children have been bathed and purified by their relatives, the celestials descend to impress characteristic marks on their foreheads.

1

Not yet traced in the original. The saw has a Siamese ring about it : Cf. no. 4, Appendix C. In the text it is stated to have been uttered by the queen of Burma while trying to persuade her daughter to marry. 2

The original differs considerably here, it being as follows : “Pain thalaung pauk wat; chang thalaung, pauk that,” ‘A slip of the tongue is exceedingly hard to recall; if the foot slips its withdrawal (from the crack, pit, etc.) causes pain.’ The first part means, of course, that an ill advised word, once uttered, is difficult to reclaim. As regards the entire saying, cf. no. 208, p. Appendix C. 3

This is a reminiscence from Buddhist literature.

4

Although spoken by Dhammaceti, the learned king then reigning in Pegu, this saying refers to a superstition which is apparently of Chinese origin;—at any rate I have not so far heard of it in Siam and neighbouring countries, nor met it in Buddhist literature. The Chinese appear to believe that when one is born, the deities impress on his forehead and palms of the hands, certain characteristic Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Like having gone up to heaven in life (p. 187—A. D. 1380) (= to be the recipient of an unexpected boon.). Cf. the Ital. “Toccare il cielo coldito,” To reach up to the sky with one’s finger. Thus far with the list of aphoristical and metaphoric sayings culled from the annals of Pegu. It should be pointed out, however, that these gleanings do by no means exhaust the flosculi sententiarum of that work, for there are yet many plums to be plucked out by the diligent reader; while many passages drawn wholesale or imitated from Buddhistic literature have been designedly skipped over as irrelevant, when making the above collection. It now remains only to add by way of example, some specimens of popular sayings gathered from the mouths of local Mon residents. For such I could not help giving the original context in Roman characters hoping it may somehow assist in tracing them among other Mon speaking commnities.

44. Õÿª√–¡“ ¥—ß ‰¥â ‰ª  «√√§å ∑—Èß ‡ªπ 1

45. Toa ba, hmea ka poi. 2

To (attempt to) seize three fishes with the two hands (= grasp all, lose all). “Qui trop embrasse, mal étreint.”

46. Khadait kang khyua niah

When a crow seizes a blade of grass (fancying) nobody sees him, he is nevertheless seen by two at least (= although an evil deed is perpetrated when no one is present, it is nevertheless seen by deities above).

mua rau nat, niah ba nat chut.

marks and lines, by which the inner nature and destiny of the new-born may be judged. Thence, the opportunity of chiromancy, etc., enabling one to decipher those special signs and lineaments. The idea is not, of course, a new one in the West; nor are there lacking even in Buddhist and local literature references to the characteristic marks of great men, and treatises on palmistry, etc.; but the notion as regards the marks on the forehead, etc. seems to have been introduced from China. 1

This saying is also current among the Siamese.

2

Cf. no. 193, Appendix C, which also exists under the same form among the Mons : “Rob ka toa ba,” ‘to grasp at fish with both hands at a time’; but whether borrowed from the Siamese or not, I am unable to say. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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47. Awai chob sang pheta keang diek.

48. Kun niah ho rok, pauk kasok ko patoin.

1

49. Smoin Kbob, Smoin Kbob ! pharu nai mib, khmai phyah pret. 2

50. Niah mua chia pong, pong klom ne ot; bot ho chab pain.

261

Getting one’s tail wet when about to reach the shore (= to have to swim for the shore when having almost reached it aboard a vessel) Naufragium in portu facere (To make shipwreck in port).— Quintilian. Not having requited the benefits received, its feathers were plucked off with the aid of ashes. (said of ungrateful people). Lord Swan, Lord Swan! your song (high up in the air) is sweet, but your eggs are acrid (said of one bringing gifts which afterwards prove derisive or troublesome). With one hundred baskets of rice (stored in his house), the stock became exhausted although not a single grain of it ever reached his mouth (Said of one who, though having plenty of everything, does not enjoy his wealth, leaving others to squander it).

1

From a popular story in which an adjutant bird, having proved ungrateful to its master, was turned out from the latter’s house, and on reaching the market street, the people there pulled out its feathers, having first rubbed their hands in ashes, in order to obtain a better grip on the slippery plumage. The denouement of this story much resembles that of two Jatakas (Kapota jataka, Nos. 42 and 375 of Fausboll’s edition), where a greedy crow has its feathers pulled out in punishment. 2

Allusion to another popular story, where a certain individual, wishing to obtain by fraud a favour from his blind mother-in-law, brought her a present of what he pretended were swan’s eggs. In reality, they were simply pealed limes which, the blind old woman, judging merely from touch, took to be what they were represented to be. However, when she began to eat them, on finding them acid, she became aware of the trick played upon her, and uttered the above exclamation. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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51. Moit ko chia ka Krang, pam cheang kanot kroit.

1

52. Moit ko chia kok kea; pam chea keata woit.

53. Tauppma nong mnih kdop thoh ka, pheta thoh sung.

54. Tauppma nong niah toin kyam ko khlea kahlang; ha kob ko.

Wishing to partake of Cyprinus fish, he climbs with his funnel-shaped trap to look for it on the top of a silk-cotton tree. Wishing to feast on sparrows, he went to net them in the nether regions (same sense as the preceding). He is like a man with the head of a fish and a serpent tail (= face-flatterer and back-biter). With him it is like playing the zither to an ox : a vain labour (= it is of no use talking to him as he can’t or won’t understand).

1

The Cyprinus is an excellent river fish. A Siamese king’s extreme fondness for it passed into history (see annals of Ayuthia, p. 450). One variety, the Cyprinus Rohita, is rose finned and rose tailed. Images of it are useally hung above infant cradles and used as toys for children. As regards the saying. cf. no. 191, Appendix C. The Chinese have a similar one : “To climb a tree to catch a fish” which seems, however, to mean ‘talking much and doing nothing.’ Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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CLOSING REMARKS Before taking leave of these pages I desire to emphasize once more the importance, while collecting proverbs in these countries, to conform in so far as possible to the directions given in section 3 above. As we have seen in the course of the lists themselves we have supplied, even the greatest caution often does not prove sufficient to prevent including some foreign-derived proverb among the genuine rational ones. But such occurrences becoming restricted to a mere few cases through the exercise of a fair measure of discrimination, can never constitute a serious drawback. From the few examples given of collateral proverbs current among the Lau and Mon, the high importance will have become apparent of being able to trace such sayings back to some well-ascertained date in the history of literature of the nations concerned, so as to obtain reliable terms of comparison wherewith to determine the paternity of the sayings themselves. It follows that, in collecting proverbs in these countries, special attention should be devoted to those occurring in historical works, or in literary compositions of a pretty well known date; and such a date, or that under which they are recorded in the former case, should be appended to each saying by way of a chronological landmark likely to assist in tracing its origin. There is one more point as to which an even greater caution should be exercised, and that is, to make sure about the meaning, figurative or otherwise, of each particular saying before attempting to translate it into a European language. A little experience acquired in connection with the subject has taught me that a good, even thorough, knowledge of the language, is no sufficient qualification for the correct translation of a proverb—not to say of an idiomatic phrase. Not seldom it happens that one thinks he can see the purport quite clearly and rushes into translation but to find out, later on, that though he had translated correctly in so far as the letter is concerned, he was completely mistaken as regards the spirit. The moral is, therefore, when you are in doubt, or when the saying is capable of more than one interpretation, enquire from the local literati as to which is the correct one, or what is the metaphoric sense they put upon it. I should have liked to give some specimens of Khmer proverbs as well; but apart from the fact that this paper has already attained a far larger size than originally contemplated, I notice that a study1 has been quite recently published on the subject by Mr. L. Finot, the late Director of the École Française d’Extrême Orient

1

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at Hanoi, which, though I have not yet seen, I cannot but anticipate—judging by the name of its author—to be a very valuable one, and most likely to assist in comparative researches. So, I must needs remain content with having contributed my humble mite to the literature on the subject in the shape of this little paper, in bringing which to a close I may, despite its defects, say in some sense with Horace to possibly captious critics : “Si quid novisti rectius istis, Candidus imperti; si non, his utere mecum.”

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James C. M. Khoo Art and Archaeology of Fu Nan–Pre-Khmer Kingdom of Lower Mekong Valley. Bangkok Orchid Press, 2003, pp. 163, ills. The ancient kingdom, or polity, known as Fu Nan is thought to have extended across part of present-day Vietnam and Cambodia and perhaps into parts of Thailand and Malaysia. It came to the attention of Western scholars through the research into Chinese historical records surviving from the early centuries of the Christian Era by the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot (1903). It was later given material form through the fieldwork of another distinguished French scholar, the archaeologist Louis Malleret (1959–62), who worked on behalf of l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO) in the western part of the Mekong Delta under difficult conditions during the Pacific War. Thereafter, war and civil turmoil made conditions for further field research impossible until the late 1970s, when Vietnamese archaeologists led by Le Xuan Diem Dao Linh Con and Vo Si Khai from the Centre of Archaeology, of the Institute of Social Sciences (CAISS), Ho Chi Minh City, started an active programme of research in the whole of the delta region. A little later, renewed interest in Vietnam by the EFEO led to a revival of archaeological research around Oc Eo in the transBassac regions of the Mekong Delta, led

by Pierre-Yves Manguin (EFEO) and Vo Si Khai (CAISS), the second of whom contributes to this book. With the return of relative stability in Cambodia in the 1990s a joint Cambodian–American archaeological team instigated a multi-disciplinary field programme (LOMAP) in southeastern Cambodia, in and around Angkor Borei, long thought to be a, or perhaps the, capital of Fu Nan in the early centuries of the Christian (or Common) Era. Miriam Stark contributes a preliminary summary of the results of this programme. This is a timely and useful book: timely because few results of this renewed archaeological research are available other than in Vietnamese language or in scholarly journals and specialised conference papers which are difficult to find by the average reader interested in the background to what we might call the foundation culture of all the historic kingdoms of Southeast Asia. This wellillustrated book provides a reasonably comprehensive and up-to-date account of the pre-war research on Fu Nan and on some of these later programmes, and it is only to be regretted that Pierre-Yves Manguin was unable to provide an account of the important, and still unfinished, EFEO research at and around Oc Eo. In Chapter 1, John Miksic provides an introduction to the history of research on Fu Nan, emphasizing the role of the

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kingdom, and especially the locations around Oc Eo, in the development of long-distance trade between the Mediterranean, India, Southeast Asia and on to China. This is, in general, a well-informed and balanced account of often controversial and ambiguous data drawn from ancient Chinese historical records and field archaeology in many countries, and he points to some of the problems in explaining how such a large and apparently rich kingdom could have flourished over several hundred years in a difficult environment, rich, it seems only in water and rice. Clearly the role of Oc Eo as an entrepôt in external trade was significant, but not sufficient to my mind to support the size of populations and monumental religious structures which have been revealed by archaeologists. For the prehistoric background to Southeast Asian historical cultures, Miksic relies heavily on Higham’s (1989) book, now to some extent replaced by his newer (Higham 2002) account. But when Miksic emphasizes the unique nature of Oc Eo as an early historical trading kingdom, he writes a little too soon to recognize the significance of the work now being undertaken by Manguin and his Indonesian colleagues at Batu Jaya on the north coast of Java, not so far from modern Jakarta, where a complex of over forty early Buddhist stupas scattered across an extensive area of present-day rice fields suggests the presence there of a major settlement. Some early dates and the presence of Indo-Roman rouletted ware sherds place the settlement in the early

centuries of the Christian Era (or Common Era). Miksic dates the beginning of Southeast Asian trade with the West to around the 2nd century CE (page 2), but in this he is surely too conservative for, as Stark points out in Chapter 3 (p.99), there is evidence from Angkor Borei, as well as from several other sites from Thailand to Vietnam, to document trade with India to several hundred years earlier. The 2nd–3rd century of the CE marked a second and intensified stage of the trade, and adoption to some extent of Indic styles and ideology (Bellina 1998), cited here on p. 99 but missing from the bibliography. Chapter 2 by Vo Si Khai presents a detailed but, to this reviewer, rather confusing summary of the mainly Vietnamese research in the Mekong Delta since unification of the country in 1975. There are no references to sources, although I assume that it is largely derived from the 1995 book Oc Eo Culture– Recent Discoveries (Le Xuan Diem et al. 1995), with some details from the joint EFEO/CISS research, although the last is not specifically acknowledged. The author starts with a summary of the discovery of the Fu Nan kingdom by Western scholars, followed by a historically uncritical summary of Chinese sources on Fu Nan, both of which are covered well enough in the brief, but more nuanced account, by Miksic in the first chapter. In sections on pages 46–68, and especially on page 63, Vo Si Khai sets out the concept of an ‘Oc Eo Culture’

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based on the material culture found during surveys and excavations and which he distinguishes from the historian’s concept of the Fu Nan kingdom as known from the Chinese sources. He then describes identified sites in a number of distinct ecological situations: marshy lowlands, slightly elevated areas, and sandy coastal regions. He also distinguishes between three types of site: settlements, religious centres, and burial sites. The confusion in the account comes mainly from the difficulty on relating the 90 groups of sites mentioned, of which 20 are said to have been excavated (page 52), with the 50 sites located on the map on p.39. On this, I could not find a number of the sites mentioned in the text, such as the ‘Long Thanh-Nhon Trach Relics’ and the ‘Vinh Cuu-Thong Nhai sites’ in Dong Nai Province (page 49), where only two sites in Dong Nai Province, numbers 43 Cay Gao and 44 Dong Bo are located. The 50 sites located on the map are numbered, but these numbers are not used in the text descriptions and more than one name for a site location seems to be used. This may represent differing uses in Vietnam, but it makes it very difficult for others to make use of the rich and rather new data presented. A firmer hand by the editor could have resolved these problems, as well as the often awkward English phraseology. The chapter includes 34 photographs, as well as a number of plans and maps, and these make a significant contribution to its value—especially those of materials and structures found in situ,

such as the stone lintel at Go Binh Ta (page 46) and the discovery of stone Vishnu images at Dong Thap (pages 53–4). Others, however, are illustrations of material in museums, lacking contexts other than the province of their discovery, and are not well-integrated into the text. Finally, Vo Si Khai attempts a chronology for the Oc Eo culture (pages 64–7) based on some 49 radiocarbon dates, correlates this with dates derived from Chinese historical texts, and finds that they fit together reasonably well. Source laboratories for the C14 dates are given, but too little information is provided on exactly the nature of the samples dated. Samples of wood from carved images, structural timbers, for example, are likely to suffer from an ‘old wood’ factor and date from some unknown time before the felling of the tree and its use in a structure. And dates for some stone architectural sites such as Nen Chua (page 64) are listed with no explanation of how this was done and how the, presumably organic, samples dated relate to the structures. An Appendix on page 85 presents a list of these dates recalibrated, presumably against a dendrochronological curve—which one and by whom is not stated—and with age ranges given to a 68.2% probability rather than the 95% probability, which is usual for calibrated dates. These give a more reasonable estimate of the age of the dated samples, but are listed only by the laboratory reference number and not by site, and so it is not easy to check these against

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the site descriptions given in the main text—and of course does nothing to overcome the problems by raised the inadequate specification of sample context and nature of the material dated. Many of the critical comments made on this chapter—and many more could be offered—stem from the uncritical and rather unperceptive editing of this chapter, which does not do justice to the richness of the data presented. In Chapter III Miriam Stark, a professional archaeologist based at the University of Hawai’i, presents a concise and well documented account of the LOMAP project at and around Angkor Borei in southeastern Cambodia. However, she goes over much of the same ground as other authors in discussing the historiography of Fu Nan and the work of earlier generations of mainly French scholars on the temples and images of the lower Mekong area. From page 93 onwards she describes what is known about the site of Angkor Borei, thought by many to be a, or perhaps the political capital of Fu Nan, if there ever was a single such location, and summarises the work there from three excavation seasons from 1996 to 1999 by the Lower Mekong Archaeological Project (LOMAP) - a cooperative CambodianAmerican field and training programme. One of the most significant outcomes of this research, which is still continuing, is to show that the occupational history of Angkor Borei extends at least as far back as the fourth century BCE some 600–700 years before the Chinese

historical accounts mention Fu Nan— and this fits in quite well with the results from other recent excavation programmes in Cambodia, Thailand and Vietnam which are showing that trade and some cultural links between Southeast and South Asia had developed at least by the mid-1st millennium BCE. In the final sections of the chapter, Stark summarises the occupational history of Angkor Borei and offers brief but useful observations about the regional environment and what can be deduced about the social organization, language(s), economic and ideological organization of the ancient populations of the Mekong Delta. As a short preliminary report on LOMAP—one of several by the same author, most of which are listed in the book’s bibliography—this is a model of clarity and concision. Chapter IV by Heidi Tan, ‘Remarks on the pottery of Oc Eo’, is a modest but still useful description of material found in An Giang and neighbouring provinces over the past two decades or so. It seems mainly to be based on Le et al. (1995) and the author does not seem to have had direct access to collections in Vietnamese museums nor to those from the most recent LOMAP and EFEO/CAISS fieldwork led by Stark and Manguin. Little of the material she illustrates comes from specific and dated contexts. This limits the longterm value of the chapter. However, she does present a clear and useful description of the main pottery forms, fabrics and finishes, and in figure IV–7 (page 112) illustrates an exquisitely

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moulded image of two musicians, one playing something like the Burmese harp, or a lute—perhaps this was the ‘Fu Nan music’ played at the Wu capital at Nanjing in the 3rd century (Miksic, page 9 here). Chapter V is by Kwa Chong Guan, not an archaeologist but an experienced historian now working for the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies at Nanyang University. Kwa outlines the background to the recognition of the category of Pre-Angkorian art through the discovery of the Vishnu statuary at Phnom Da and other locations in southeastern Cambodia. He summarises the debates surrounding its relationship, if any, with the later and much betterknown works from the Angkor region. This is a thoughtful and elegant essay, well-written and documented, and is in this reviewer’s opinion by far the best thing in the book. Paul Dupont’s ‘method’, his dating and thesis regarding this material (Dupont 1955), is sensitively analysed, but in the end rejected, together with the historicallyderived concept of a simple linear evolution of a single dominant polity in ancient Cambodia: the sequence usually summarized as Fu Nan - Zhenla Sambor Prei Kuk - Angkor. Recent discoveries of mitred Vishnus in many different styles distributed from southern Thailand, the Sumatran island of Bangka and throughout the Mekong Delta, some of which may well be earlier than the ‘classic’ pieces of sculpture from around Angkor Borei, all go to support the ideas promoted by Claude

Jacques and Michael Vickery of numerous small competing polities in the Mekong Delta region, linked by networks of trade and ritual practice, but none conforming to the classic notion of a paramount state as understood by the Chinese visitors of the 3rd century CE, and with no single art style. The final chapter, VI, is by the volume’s editor and the late Ha Du Canh, a well-known collector and enthusiast for the early art from present-day Vietnam. After going over some of the same historical ground as the earlier writers, they take a closer look at some of the numerous, mainly small, mitred Vishnu images from the greater Mekong Delta area and illustrate a few of them, as well as six well-preserved if eroded standing Buddhas from the waterlogged soils of the delta. Some pieces, such as a fine sandstone linga and yoni, a stone seated and a standing Ganesh (pages 136–8), all in Vietnamese provincial museums, are surely genuine ancient sculptures for which specific find contexts may be recorded. However, the six Vishnus, a Maitrea and an Avalokitesvara head which are illustrated and briefly described are attributed to private collections, probably those of one or other of the authors. They point to the rather crude execution of some of these, the Southeast Asian and lively nature of the facial expressions, and suggest that these images may have come from small domestic shrines rather than from major temples of ruling elites. This is plausible, but one might also wonder whether, considering the lack of provenance of these

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pieces and the extensive trade in ancient antiquities and modern replicas in and from Vietnam and Cambodia in recent years, that some of these and others of the numerous mitred Vishnus which have flooded into the illicit art market in recent years may not be as old as they are represented to be. Certainly no substantial account of the art history of the region should be based on such dubious material. In a Summary and Conclusion (page 145) the editor asserts that “The main significance of this book ... rests on Vo Si Khai’s [chapter] The Kingdom of Fu Nan Archaeology’ but this is, to the present reviewer, the weakest section of the book for the very reasons outlined above, useful though it is as a summary of some 20 years’ work by Vietnamese archaeologists. To summarise, what should we make of this book, finely produced and well illustrated on a topic of great current interest to Southeast Asian archaeologists and historians? It certainly is timely; it will be useful both to specialists and to those with broad cultural interests in the region and will undoubtedly go onto the shelves of a lot of libraries and researchers. But it does suffer from highly uneven, sometimes downright poor editing. This is especially apparent in Chapter II by Vo Si Khai, which should have been taken in hand by the volume’s editor and extensively reshaped, both the structure of the chapter and the use of English. Referencing throughout the volume is erratic, non-existent in Chapter II, and

without making any systematic checks I noticed that the following text references were missing from the final list: Bellina 1998 and Trinh Thi Hoa 1996 (both on page 95); Fox and Ledgerwood 1999; Ng 1979 (both on page 100); the reference to Maxime Prodromidès (page 132, note 23) is not dated nor listed. I suspect that others could be found by a more diligent search, which a competent copy editor would have picked up and corrected. The illustrations are generally good in quality, if not always closely related to the discussion, and I wondered about Figure I.4 (page 3) of five small (but with no scale) silver coins with a cockerel image found at Ba The, Oc Eo area. Although not explicitly asserted, the implication is, from their placement in this chapter and book, that they are Fu Nan coins; but an identical one found at a late Cham site near Da Nang in central Vietnam has been identified by Joe Crib of the British Museum as being post- Angkor Cambodian, perhaps 15th century. There is no mention of such coins being in the comprehensive survey of early Southeast Asian coinage in Wicks (1992).

References Bellina, B. 1998. La formation des réseaux d’échanges reliant l’Asie du Sud et l’Asie du Sud-Est à travers le matériel archéologique (VIe siècle av. J.- C. B VIe siècle ap. J.-C.). Le cas de la Thaïlande et al Péninsule Malaise. Journal of the Siam Society 86 (1–2): 89–105.

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Dupont, P. 1958. La Statuaire préangkorienne. Artibus Asiae XV (Supplementum). Higham, C. F. W. 1989. The Archaeology of Mainland Southeast Asia: from 10,000 BC to the Fall of Angkor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Higham, C. F. W. 2002. Early Cultures of Mainland Southeast Asia. Bangkok and London: River Books. Le Xuang Diem, Dao Linh Con and Vo Si Khai (eds) 1995. Oc Eo Culture— Recent Discoveries. Hanoi: Khoa Hoc-Xa hoi Publishing House (in Vietnamese). Malleret, L. 1959-62. L’Archéologie du Delta du Mékong, Parts 1–4. Paris: Publications de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient. Pelliot, P. 1903. Le Founan. Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 2: 248–333. Wicks, R. S, 1992. Money, Markets and Trade in Early Southeast Asia. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University, Southeast Asia Program. Ian Glover

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Hiram Woodward, Jr., The Art and Architecture of Thailand: From Prehistoric Times through the Thirteenth Century. Leiden, Brill, 2003, pp.xx+374, 96 ills, Euro 106. The Art and Architecture of Thailand is a volume in the series Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section Three: SouthEast Asia, which describes itself with justified immodesty as “a careful selection of scholarly reference works of lasting value.” The intended readers are specialists in the field of Southeast Asian studies, which allows the book to be written in a highly specialized and technical fashion. Woodward started the work, which was originally based on his Ph.D. dissertation (Yale University, 1975), in 1979, but he put it aside and then came back to it many times until its completion in 2003. During this time Woodward published many articles on Thai and Cambodian art, as well as the excellent book The Sacred Sculpture of Thailand: The Alexander B. Griswold Collection, The Walters Art Gallery Baltimore (Baltimore, Walter Art Gallery, 1997). The Art and Architecture of Thailand is an ambitious work. Woodward strives to analyze and connect the misty pictures of many different areas and ancient kingdoms in the region that became presentday Thailand and Cambodia. Its content actually concerns the “pre-Thai’ periods, starting from prehistoric times and concluding before the Thais founded their first kingdoms in the central and northern regions in the fourteenth century.

Thus the title as it appears on the cover of the book, The Art and Architecture of Thailand, may not clearly indicate its content unless the reader notices the book’s subtitle on an inside page: From Prehistoric Times through the Thirteenth Century. Woodward uses stylistic and iconographic analysis and archeological remains (e.g., architecture, sculptures, and votive tablets) as the tools to connect and recreate the missing written histories and religious practices of these areas. As a result, significant links from various sites in India and Sri Lanka to Cambodia and Thailand are carefully and symmetrically identified and classified. The book is substantial, and includes a variety of visual documents such as photographs, line drawings, plans, and maps. It is divided into four chapters: The Geographic, Prehistoric, and Ethnographic Setting; The First Millennium A.D.; The Cambodian Expansion; and Creating a New Order. The first chapter covers the prehistoric periods, with a short introduction presenting the geographic and ethnic setting. Pottery shards are included among the examples in this chapter, which have yielded significant information for the understanding of early settlements and their decorative symbols. These are not commonly included in art history books, but rather are treated as archeological materials. The period covered by the long second chapter stretches from the end of the first millennium B.C., when the Southeast Asian region had just been tied into

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international trading networks and also adopted Indian religions (Buddhism and Hinduism), to around the tenth century. Woodward examines early remains from several sites in central Thailand, such as Chansen and U-Thong, and from Oc-eo and several early dynasties (e.g., Funan, P’an-p’an, and Lankasuka) in presentday Cambodia and Thailand. Thorough studies of Dvaravati (e.g., Chula Pathon Chedi, Kubua, and Si Thep) and PreAngkorian sites (e.g., Prakhon Chai, Ban Fai, and Ban Tanot), their religious practices, and art historical analyses are covered in extensive detail. Recent discoveries in these regions are described, thus making this volume a valuable source for the most up-to-date analyses of these sites. Khmer art in Cambodia and the northeastern plateau of Thailand, starting from the founding of Angkor in the tenth century to the end of the twelfth century, is covered in the third chapter. The emphasis is on the change of religions from Hinduism to Mahayana Buddhism. Woodward also points out that between 900 and 1300, enduring iconic and architectural forms were established. He credits Khmer art for three major elements from this period with lasting popularity: the image of the Buddha touching the earth, the crowned Buddha image, and the prang type of architectural tower. Important Khmer temples (e.g., Phnom Ruang, Muan Tam, and Phimai) and the late Dvaravati sites in the central and northeastern regions (e.g., Lopburi, Nakhon Sawan, and Fa Daed) shared iconographic and stylistic

appearances with Angkorian art. Woodward pays particular attention to the significant site of Phimai, which clearly shows the influence of Tantric Buddhism as well as connecting architecturally to the central plains via Si Thep. Chapter Four covers the reign of King Jayavarman VII of Cambodia, which began in 1181, up to around the end of 1300. The focus is on Mahayana Buddhist iconography of the triad (the seated Buddha sheltered by Naga hoods and flanked by Lokesvara and Prajnaparamita) and the so-called “Ariya Buddhist sect.” Woodward claims that there was a type of Hinayana Buddhism that may have predated the reign of Jayavarman VII and was dominant in Siam in the thirteenth century. He states on p.168 that “In the absence of written documentation, it must be characterized entirely in terms of iconographical features, for which the contemporary names, in either Pali or the vernacular, are unknown: Buddha images in the earth-touching pose; images with pointed crowns; groups of three Buddhas; Buddhas holding a hand in front of the chest; and, in architecture, friezes of masks, and guardian masks at corners.” He chose the term Ariya (“Noble”), which appeared in the Kalayani inscriptions of Pegu dated to the fifteenth century. He states that “Ariya ideology can be understood in various ways: as a reaction against Jayavarman VII’s imperial pretensions; as a continuation of trends that can be detected in the decades before the monarch’s ascension...; as a ‘Mon’ resurgence; and as an attempt to

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create an order that would sound the death knell for such traditional Angkorian practices as the composition of royal Sanskrit inscriptions and the building of monumental stone templetombs.” Woodward writes that evidence of Ariya sects can be seen on votive tablets from regions ranging from Haripunjaya to Lopburi. Although it is conceivable that iconographic elements could indicate specific characteristics of a Buddhist lineage, the term Ariya Buddhism or Ariya sect is rather a problematic one. In the Kalyani inscription, Ariya refers to a monastic lineage claiming descent from Sona and Uttara, the two monks who were sent to “The Land of Gold,” during the reign of King Asoka. The terms ariya sangha and ariya bhikkhu were used much earlier than the Kalayani inscription. An example can be found in an Ikshvaku inscription, written in Prakrit, dated to the second or third century CE that was recovered from Thotlakonda, which mentions that the Ariya sangha donated a khambha (pillar) and chatra (parasol) (Studies in Indian Epigraphy, Vol. XXVIII, 2002). Thus it could be misleading to use the term Ariya for these groups of iconographic imagery. The Art and Architecture of Thailand stands as a very good reference book. It provides up-to-date references to works in English, French, and Thai. The book reflects years of careful research and shows a creative use of science and metal analysis in support of stylistic analysis. Because of its highly technical nature, The Art and Architecture of

Thailand is beneficial mostly for art historians and specialists in the fields of Thai and Cambodian studies. As a scholar of Thai art history, I appreciate the tremendous work that the author dedicated to the better understanding of the stylistic and iconographic development of Thai art. However, it would be difficult for a novice to use this book. In addition, the book would be more complete if it were to include materials such as the introduction of Theravada Buddhism from Sri Lanka in the early Thai periods. This information would help set the stage for what would later become a significant transformation of Buddhist art during the fourteenth century to the end of the eighteenth century. I recommend using The Art and Architecture of Thailand together with the author’s earlier book, The Sacred Sculpture of Thailand. The latter is less technical, and covers material from the sixth to the eighteenth century. Pattaratorn Chirapravati

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Carol Stratton, The Buddhist Sculpture of North Thailand. Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2003, pp.423, ills. This is an ambitious work that seeks to survey, analyse, and present the entire range of the development of religious sculpture in the region that is now Northern Thailand. Other scholars have focused on either specific works of art or a limited period of time, but this book is the first attempt to systematically combine existing research, examine conflicting theories, and to fill in existing gaps. The book is the product of the collaboration of Carol Stratton and Mariam McNair Scott from 1976 until Mariam’s untimely death in 1987. Carol Stratton resumed work on the project in 1995. Careful thought has gone into the book’s production. Relevant photographs are placed next to the appropriate text throughout the book; there is no need to turn pages while reading. The book has been written to be accessible to those who have no prior background in either Buddhism or Thai art history. At the same time, Stratton has striven to make it a relevant resource for Asian art historians. The book is divided into four major sections: 1. historical, religious, and cultural background; 2. the analysis of Northern Thai Buddha images—iconography, style, techniques and dating; 3. the types of Northern Thai Buddha images; and 4. associated Buddhist sculptures such as footprints and mythical creatures. In the preface Stratton states that parts one and two were writ-

ten specifically for the general reader and that parts three and four contain the research portions of the book and are written with the scholar in mind. The Royal Institute of Thailand’s method for transliteration into Western languages was chosen to make the text accessible to the broadest number of readers. Sanskrit language forms of words are used except in a few instances where the Pali form or Thai pronunciation is in common usage. The glossary is extensive, with the English, transliterated Thai, Thai, Sanskrit, and Pali versions of the terms given where appropriate. At the end of the book there is a clear and concise time chart giving dates and names of the rulers, the major religious and historical events, dated images and images whose dates are attributed, and the stage by stage evolution of the Northern Thai Buddha image according to the author. The text illustrations are documented in an extensive 22-page table, and a second table lists the objects illustrated by location, a very useful and welcome addition. The only major fault with the book’s organization is that it inexplicably contains no index. The first chapter provides a basic introduction to Theravada Buddhism and its role in the culture of Northern Thailand, and the second presents the royal history of Northern Thailand as derived from a mixture of first and second hand sources. The third chapter introduces the second section and covers the basic analytical tools used by the authors. Iconographic elements such as poses and hand

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gestures, pedestals and plinths are clearly and concisely defined and illustrated on the same page by line drawings. The authors also introduce and define six “important” stylistic groupings of Northern Thai Buddha images. The chapter ends with a conclusion that summarizes each major point presented in the chapter. Chapter Four is titled “Technical Analysis,” but would be better termed “aids to the identification of the various schools of sculpture and dating,” and is subdivided into subheadings beginning with sizes, materials and techniques. These sub-sections seem to be added as an afterthought; the same care in research and a sense of completion that is characteristic of most of the other sections of the book are not present. The chapter continues with an explanation of the different calendars and other dating systems used in Northern Thailand. A brief synopsis of inscribed dates on metal statues and stone stele follows; again it seems that this should also be developed more. A short discussion of the lack of inscribed Northern Thai images before 1465 is presented, as well as published sources documenting inscribed Buddha images. A section follows on the different types of scientific tests that can be used in the study of Thai sculpture. The most important historical sources are then introduced, along with the potential of dating un-inscribed images by comparison with contemporaneous schools of art. A thesis is then presented outlining the development of the Northern Thai Buddha image in

terms of the interplay of cross-cultural stylistic influences. The chapter concludes with an outline of the research methodology used and a summary of part two. Part Three begins by introducing the four major periods in Northern Thai art, with the author carefully presenting evidence and developing a view of the evolution of the Northern Thai Buddha image. Each period and style is presented with supporting photographs that complement the text. This is the real core of the book; the author’s and Miriam McNair Scott’s years of documentation and research have been thoughtfully combined with a desire not only to state their thesis, but also to communicate it in a clear and easily understandable way. Many of the important images that they illustrate are either unpublished or not easily accessible. Historical and art historical sources are illustrated and woven together using these images to give the reader a rough overview of current scholarship and theories concerning each period and stylistic type, briefly discussing the pros and cons of each theory. Each chapter concludes with a brief summary of the art historical evidence and conclusions for each type. Part Four presents a brief overview of other Buddhist sculpture in various media ranging from the footprints of the Buddha, votive tablets, sculptures illustrating Jataka stories, religious figures, devotees, and celestial beings, to animals, both real and imaginary, and Buddhist paraphernalia. While this section gives an introduction to the various

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forms and briefly outlines the religious stories or legends behind each, it is not as thorough a study as the previous chapters there are omissions, and it does not attempt to place the images in either historical or regional perspective. Despite the author’s efforts, there are a few editing errors, such as improperly placed footnotes (chapter 6, footnote 23). There are also instances where text should be supported by a footnote and is not, such as the statement “similes from Sanskrit poetry were cited in thirtyfive manuals for Indian sculptural workshops...” (p. 47). The source for the Sanskrit poetry and its relevance to the study of Northern Thai Buddhist sculpture should be given. These are minor, but pervasive, problems. While the discussion of the images of the kingdom of Haripunchai and later Northern Thai images produced during and after the reign of Tilok (r. 1441– 1487) is plausible, the arguments for the authors’ theses concerning the development of Buddha images after Haripunchai and prior to the inscribed Phra Singh image of 1465 are much more problematic. The authors acknowledge this in their discussion of several key images, notably the reliefs of eight walking Buddhas on the chedi at Wat Phra That Haripunchai and the development of the Phra Singh images. A range of published opinions is first introduced and then they independently evaluate the works stylistically. Their openness and honesty in presenting how they arrived at their opinions, as well as the pros and cons inherent in them, is refreshing. In

the case of the reliefs of the walking Buddhas on the chedi of Wat Phra That Haripunchai, their own observations seem to indicate a date later than the 1320s or 1330s that they tentatively decide upon. Concluding that these reliefs are very closely related to the Jataka plaques at Wat Sri Chum (variously dated 1330s—fifteenth century) and the stucco deities at Wat Chedi Chet Yot (1476), they note “This raises the dizzying specter of a relatively contemporaneous date for the three (middle to last half of the fifteenth century)” and “this possibility is certainly worth further investigation...”. By presenting in the text, albeit in the next chapter, the information that Hans Penth originally dated these reliefs to 1360–80 and was convinced to shift his dating earlier by Piriya Krairiksh and that Piriya subsequently has re-evaluated his research and now suggests a later date, the reader is able to judge how much the study of Northern Thai, and by extension Sukhothai sculpture during the fourteenth and first half of the fifteenth century, is still in the formative stages, and that further critical study is needed to understand more clearly this complex period. It is as if the authors had made a decision that they are not completely comfortable with, and though sticking by and defending it, are encouraging others to re-evaluate the evidence. Despite some problem areas, there is a lot of good scholarship in the book and Stratton and Scott have made easily accessible a set of resources that others can evaluate and explore, and contribute

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their own ideas and research. The authors have striven to provide to the best of their ability a very detailed overview of the development of Northern Thai Buddhist sculpture, with the goal of providing enough documentary evidence, both photographic and textual, both to facilitate and stimulate further scholarship in this neglected area of Thai studies. They have succeeded in doing this and it warrants serious reading, even if one disagrees with some of their conclusions. John Listopad

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Michael Smithies, translator and editor, Three Military Accounts of the 1688 ‘Revolution’ in Siam. Bangkok, Orchid Press, 2002, pp.192, ill.20, US$19. Michael Smithies, translator and editor, Witnesses to a Revolution: Siam 1688. Bangkok, Siam Society, 2004, pp.vi + 214, 14 ills, Bt. 500 (members), Bt. 600 (non-members) The subject of these two collections of papers, compiled and edited by Michael Smithies, is very familiar to historians of Thailand. The diplomatic exchanges between the courts of King Narai and King Louis XIV in the 1680s are documented in numerous books published more than 300 years ago by the French ambassadors themselves, members of their entourages and missionaries. These accounts have appeared in recent decades in new editions, and some have been translated into English. The volume of material relating to this brief interlude in Thai history is so large that this subject warrants a place of its own in the 400-year bibliography of Ayutthaya as a capital city. After all these publications, could we expect anything new? Michael Smithies surprises us in these two volumes by providing 15 short texts, which he has translated from French to English. The books by the French ambassadors and their entourages describe the higherlevel politics of the time. By contrast, most of the texts in the present volumes were written by the lesser players in Franco-Thai relations. Three of the texts are by French missionaries, one is by a

French merchant and one is by a Thai minister of foreign affairs—an extremely rare contemporary example of a Thai viewpoint. The rest are by French officers, including one by General Desfarges, who commanded the French troops stationed in Siam during 1687–8 and who died on his homeward voyage. Most of these texts will probably be known only at second hand by historians of Thailand, since copies are so difficult to obtain, and some appear here for the first time in print. Copies of the still-unpublished French originals have been donated to the archives of the Siam Society, to make them available to anyone who wishes to consult them. The editor’s introductions to FrancoThai diplomatic relations in the 1680s are short and succinct. The individual writers take up the story in terms of the political events in early 1688, after the second and last French ambassador had departed, leaving behind the French garrison. What was its purpose? Judging from these short texts, the officers themselves did not have a clear idea of their role, other than providing support to King Narai. The military authors have not left us campaign journals. They do not tell us about the departure of the French troops from France, the voyage to Siam or the initial installation of the French garrison. The military force was relatively small: 636 officers and soldiers sailed from France, nearly a quarter died on the voyage and only 492 reached Paknam in October 1687. The officers provide mostly views from inside the French garrison, which

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was stationed in the two forts facing each other across the river at Thonburi and Bangkok. Another contingent was at Mergui, the most important Thai port on the Andaman Sea, and these texts include the only first-hand account of the Mergui contingent. Some French forces were deployed on two Thai frigates that patrolled the Gulf and apparently also the waters along the west coast of the Malay peninsula: we have no accounts by witnesses on board, but at least details of the ship movements are documented. Some French officers and men received temporary postings in Ayutthaya and Lopburi; their voices, too, are silent, but glimpses of their roles emerge from the texts by fellow officers. This material describes at first hand what the writers heard and witnessed during the troubled period of King Narai’s illness and death, and the accession of one of his ministers, Phet Racha, as king. In chronological terms, the texts can be divided into two basic parts. During March-May 1688 the question of the succession became an issue and was finally resolved by the minister’s seizure of power. The next month, the French garrison at Mergui withdrew and went to India, but at Bangkok no large ship was available to carry the entire French garrison. From June to November 1688, the French remained entrenched in their Bangkok fort, resigned to withdraw from the country even before King Narai died in the second week of July, a virtual prisoner in his own palace. These short works provide insiders’

impressions of the armed confrontation between the French and Phet Racha. According to one author, Phet Racha’s main concern in June 1688 was to get the French soldiers to leave with as little conflict as possible and to provide them with an opening to do so. These accounts document the delays that intervened, Desfarges’ violation of the withdrawal agreement and the resulting imprisonment of most of the French missionaries and the hapless soldiers who were stranded in Ayutthaya when three ships carrying the main garrison sailed for India in early November 1688. The missionaries were not fully released until two and a half years later, and some of the soldiers were in prison even longer. If the withdrawal had proceeded smoothly without complications, European opinions about Siam in ensuing years would have been far less negative. Each document has to be judged partly from the motivations of the writer, since the French were divided among themselves by jealousies, rivalries and the objectives of serving in Thai territory. Anyone reading the account by Desfarges, for example, should be forewarned (as the editor carefully does) of the tactical and diplomatic blunders the commander made and should understand that his account of events is artfully crafted to justify his actions in the eyes of his superiors in France. The editor provides a thoughtful introduction to each document and writer, explains the attitudes of one Frenchman towards another and helps us to understand why major players in the political drama may

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be depicted by two different authors in contradictory ways. In essays by military officers about fellow officers and other Frenchmen, one can expect a continuous stream of unfamiliar references. The editor provides a wealth of editorial notes to identify the names of people, places and events mentioned by the writers. Helpful maps, fortress designs and portraits of individuals are also included. Are we in the presence of chroniclers of French adventurers and their squabbles among themselves, with the Thai countryside merely as a backdrop? Or do these accounts contribute to our understanding of Thai actions and politics? Certainly the writers’ depictions of Phet Racha and his political tactics during the first half of 1688, which brought him to the throne, deserve careful attention by scholars concerned with Thai politics. The division of the Thai élite into opposing factions is nowhere else documented in this type of detail. Some descriptions will be helpful to military historians, such as the Thai river defences during the confrontation and the construction work on the French-designed fort at Bangkok. These volumes are welcome additions to the impressive contributions already made by Michael Smithies to our knowledge of this period of Thai history, and I hope that there is more to come. Kennon Breazeale

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Henry Ginsburg, Thai Art and Culture: Historic Manuscripts from Western Collections. London, British Library, 2000; Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press, 2000; Silkworm Books, Chiang Mai, 2000, pp.138, ills. Among the different fields of Thai art, Thai manuscripts have been little studied by either Thai or Western scholars. Henry Ginsburg is among the handful of Western specialists on these materials. Thai Art and Culture is the author’s second book on Thai manuscripts, following Thai Manuscript Painting (London, British Library, 1989). The present volume is written in a catalogue format, and its emphases are on the analysis of stylistic development, the identification of themes, and the attribution of dates. As the title suggests, the manuscripts presented in this book come from Western collections such as the British Library, the Royal Asiatic Society in London, the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin, the New York Public Library, and some private collections. The manuscripts from Great Britain were exhibited in Thailand in 1996 to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the reign of King Bhumiphol. The present volume is broadly divided into two sections: one deals with maps, letters, and drawings and the other focuses on illustrated Thai manuscripts. Illustrated manuscripts were brought to the West by early travellers, traders, diplomats, scholars, and soldiers. They tended to survive better in Europe than

in Thailand, where the combined effects of tropical heat, humidity, insects, and neglect often damaged or destroyed them. Many of the manuscripts in Western collections contain inscriptions yielding the dates and names of commissioners. Hence, they provide important information concerning dates and related styles that can be used to formulate stylistic development. Included in the introduction is a short summary of the development of Thai manuscripts from the seventeenth century until their decline by the end of the nineteenth century following the introduction of modern book technology. The first section of the book contains numerous fascinating historical documents and correspondence between Siam and the West. The documents are arranged roughly chronologically, thus guiding us through 400 years of Thai history (from the late sixteenth through the nineteenth century). They include a map of Southeast Asia dated to 1575, a translation from Thai into English of a 1622 speech by King Songtham of Ayutthaya, the first book in Thailand printed in Thai dated to 1837, and the first photographs taken at Angkor Wat by John Thomson in 1867. The items were written in many different scripts (Thai, Khmer, Roman, and Arabic) and languages (Thai, Pali, French, English, Dutch, and Persian). The author provides important historical background information for each document. In the second part of the book, the illustrated manuscripts are grouped by subject: Buddhist themes (the life of the

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Buddha, Buddhist sutras, and the monk Phra Malai), cosmology, and fortunetelling. It is important to note that the illustrations and the text in a Thai manuscript typically have no direct correspondence. The text was chanted during Buddhist ceremonies such as funerals and weddings, while the illustrations depicted themes such as the life of the Buddha and his previous lives. These served as reminders of his teachings and as exemplary models for practitioners. The donors or artists were thus free to choose the Buddhist themes they preferred. Dr Ginsburg notes that the increasing number of manuscripts with illustrations of the Buddhist monk Phra Malai marked the transition from the eighteenth century to the early nineteenth century. In terms of stylistic analysis, the different colour schemes of the background and the portrayal of forms can be used for the attribution of dates (e.g., pale backgrounds for the late eighteenth century and deeply coloured backgrounds for the late eighteenth century onwards). In addition, the dimensions of the manuscripts can help with date attribution (e.g., 13 cm high for the late-Ayutthaya period and 14 cm high for Bangkok period). Western-style landscapes began to appear between 1850 and 1860. Thai Art and Culture: Historic Manuscripts from Western Collections is a very well-written catalogue and will serve as an excellent reference text. Since some important religious and historical information about the illustrated manuscripts is not included in this

volume, it should be read in conjunction with Ginsburg’s earlier work. The two volumes complement each other: one focuses more on the religious content of the manuscripts and the other on the development of styles. A minor quibble is that the technical Buddhist terms need more explanation than the abbreviated version given in the glossary (e.g., Abhidhamma, Mahabuddhaguna). Pattaratorn Chirapravati

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Volker Grabowsky and Andrew Turton, The Gold and Silver Road of Trade and Friendship: The McLeod and Richardson Diplomatic Missions to the Tai States in 1837. Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2003, pp.xxvii+624. It is seldom the case that a reviewer can summarize his reactions to a particular book without immediately introducing some measure of qualification. This, most assuredly, is not the case with this outstanding contribution to the history of European exploration of Southeast Asia in the first half of the nineteenth century. But the book is much more than that, for the authors/editors also provide a range of scholarly commentary in relation to the Thai/Tai and Burmese worlds of the period which will be of great interest to specialists. Not the least interesting aspect of this book is the manner in which it came to be written, involving as it did the best kind of scholarly cooperation. It is pleasing that the details of this cooperation are spelt out for the reader, with due recognition given to the part played by scholars in addition to Grabowski and Turton. The book takes its main title from what the authors call a ‘diplomatic cliché of long standing’ in the regions of what are today parts of Burma, Laos and Thailand, through which McLeod and Richardson travelled. Both the explorers heard the phrase used as they pursued their travels, and there is clear evidence of its currency dating back to the previous century. What is striking, of course, is the fact that although there

were long-established patterns of political and economic intercourse in the regions explored by McLeod and Richardson, these two ‘soldier diplomats’ were the first to traverse regions that until the 1830s had lain outside the ken of the Western world. As modernday readers of the journals written by the two explorers, we are introduced in detail to the politics of the Tai states, their ethnographic composition, the manner in which the Buddhist religion was practised and their flora and fauna. As is the case with other explorers from this era, McLeod and Richardson amaze us with the range of their interests and their multi-skilled capacities. At the heart of this book are the journals kept by Captain William Couperus McLeod (1805–80) and Dr David Richardson (1796–1846) when, as servants of the Honourable East India Company, they were despatched, separately, into the northern Tai states in 1836/7. Although the two men’s journals have been in existence in published form, as British Parliamentary Papers, there has been little general knowledge of their contents. The few references to the two soldier diplomats have been found in secondary sources, such as Sir Hugh Clifford’s Further India, and in passing references to an abstracted version of McLeod’s journal published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1837, where the author’s initials are incorrectly given as T.E. rather than the correct W.C. It is difficult not to be other than impressed with the energy and resolu-

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tion shown by both McLeod and Richardson. In each expedition the two soldier diplomats travelled as the sole European member of the exploring party. Their accompanying escorts and servants undoubtedly smoothed their progress but, as the authors aptly suggest, any real challenge from the regions through which they passed could not have been readily repulsed. Moreover, all important decisions were McLeod’s and Richardson’s responsibilities. They overcame obstacles, both real and psychological, in a manner which leaves the impression of men secure in their conviction of their place in the world while, concurrently, having the capacity to describe and interpret social and political structures very different from their own. Indeed, of all the interesting aspects that are treated in the two journals the descriptions of the complex tributary relationships of the states through which Richardson and McLeod travelled are, for this reader, the most interesting feature. Consider, for example, McLeod’s comments on the realtionship between the ruler in Bangkok and the northern ‘Yuan’ principalities, which included Chiang Mai and Nan: The court at Bangkok does not, it appears, place much faith in the attachment and fidelity of these distant provinces, for the oath of allegiance is administered to the chiefs, great and small, as often as they go to Bangkok, which they are obliged to do periodically. It rather courts them as much as possible

and, indeed, the tribute levied is very light. (p.175) I can only fault the authors on one point of substance, where reference is made to the French Mekong expedition of 1866–68. Quoting from my River Road to China, the authors query (p.157) my assertion that the French explorers were pursuing commercial interests in addition to more strictly defined concerns about the geographic course of the Mekong. In fact, concern for the commercial possibilities of the Mekong was a central feature of the French expedition’s raison d’être, as a result of Francis Garnier’s promotion of the need for the Mekong to be explored and as outlined in the instructions given to the expedition by the Governor of Cochinchina, Admiral de la Grandière, on 25 May 1866. The hopes, first shattered when the expedition encountered the Khone Falls, that the Mekong could serve as a trade route to China became doubly disappointing as the French explorers found little along the river’s course that could be exploited for commercial purposes. The footnotes and bibliographic references are of the highest standard. On the other hand, the method adopted for citations in the index is confusing. Take, as an example, the citation for ‘Chiang Mai’, which first appears in the text on page 6. Although discussion of Chiang Mai on that page may be sensibly described as ‘general’, it is necessary to scan the index listing to the sub-heading ‘first visits to’ to find a

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reference to the settlement. Neither this comment nor my reference to the issue of the French Mekong expedition’s commercial concerns should be regarded as detracting from the overall high merit of this very important book. With illustrations and maps adding to its value, it deserves a wide readership for all concerned with the history of mainland Southeast Asia, its exploration and the complex world that was so notably changed by the arrival of the European powers. Milton Osborne

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Michael Jacq-Hergoualc’h, Le Siam. Paris, Les Belles Lettres des Civilisations, 2004, pp. 254. This compact book, by the recentlyappointed professor of South and SouthEast Asian archaeology and art history at the Sorbonne, sets out to cover the complete background to the country, and deliberately concentrates on the reign of King Narai (1656–1688), in part, perhaps, because Western sources are most prolific at that period. Another obvious reason for choosing this period, considered by many Thais as a golden age, is that the author’s research has often centred around this reign. This is not to say that Jacq-Hergoualc’h ignores what came before and after, far from it, but the focus is there. On reading the volume, one feels that on many occasions Jacq-Hergoualc’h was constrained by the format into which the work was required to fit, being one of a collection comprising, among others, works on classical China, classical India, and the Khmers (thus providing a further reason for concentrating on the past rather than the present). The sections are laid out clearly: the physical land, history, political and social organization, economic life, the calendar, religion, literature, arts, leisure, and private life, with the usual scholarly apparatus of bibliography and indices, and biographies of more important characters. Within each chapter there are specific subdivisions, so that the whole is very precisely defined. For example, the

chapter on political and social organization covers separately royalty, social classes, the administration of the kingdom, law and justice, finances, and the army. But the use of bold type for emphasis, something, one suspects, forced on the author by the framework into which the book had to fit, can be irritating, if only because it is unnecessary, as with, for example, “Le balancement des saisons joint à la grande stabilité thermique fut à l’origine de l’enorme extension initiale des forêts au Siam. A l’époque ancienne, elles couvraint tout le pays.” [roughly translated: The equability of the seasons coupled with considerable stability in temperatures was the cause of the huge extent at first of the forests in Siam. In early times they covered the entire country.] Jacq-Hergoualc’h packs an enormous amount of information into his different sections which is often difficult to locate in such standard texts as La Loubère, Gervaise or Choisy. He also gives a useful summary of the history of the peninsular Malay city-states, drawing on his 2002 publication with Brill, which most readers of the present volume could probably not afford. He rightly emphasizes the nature of war, to increase populations rather than kill or acquire territory (which led Choisy to say that the Siamese fight like angels), and the dependence of Ayutthaya on trade for its wealth. He takes a traditional view of the Ramkamhaeng inscription and on occasions makes his points emphatically, as when he dismisses out of hand a supposed artistic and cultural

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influence of Srivichaya, “which never existed”. The sakdina system, the corvée obligations, and the order of diminishing royal rank are all clearly explained, and the details of different forms of trial by ordeal gone over in agonizing detail. He covers too the different eras, cycles and calendars and how time was measured, something few commentators bother with. His coverage of Buddhism and its manifestations is generous, and he does not omit popular religion and the recourse to spirits. There is almost nothing on the Muslims, though, nor on the tribes on the periphery. The section on literature, drawing frequently on Schweisguth, is very clear. That on the arts, covering architecture, sculpture, painting, and decorative arts, profusely illustrated with line drawings, has the author in his element, and the section on leisure covers everything from kiteflying and elephant and tiger fights to different theatrical forms (however, the nang talung and likay do not get a mention, perhaps because these were not around in Ayutthaya in the golden age). Private life is just as thoroughly covered, considering divorce and inheritance, along with sexuality and other topics. In all this wealth of compressed information this reviewer only spotted one slip: attributing to Prasat Thong in 1657 (when his son Narai was on the throne) the prohibition of interracial marriages for Thai women. This little book then is a concise factual guide to old Siamese society. Some may regret that its history from

the fall of Ayutthaya in 1767 to the present is covered in only one and half pages, but the emphasis is stated right at the beginning. It is most useful summary directed to a French audience of Siam in its classic period. Michael Smithies

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Doryane Kermel-Torrès. Atlas of Thailand: Spatial Structures and Development. Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2004, pp. 209. Includes photographs, maps & bibliography. Paperback. Bt 1,500. As I sit here thinking about how to start this book review, I am reminded of how small the world has become. The previous occupier of my university office should have been the reviewer for this book, as he authored one of the very few other atlases of Thailand. The current Atlas of Thailand under review is one of only a few that explores the country so richly through a variety of maps, photos and text. One of the few similar atlases that has been produced is the 1975 volume by Larry Sternstein, of which I have a copy sitting on my bookshelf. I have a copy of Larry’s book because I inherited his office when Larry suddenly passed away. Given Larry lifelong interest in the history and maps of Thailand, he would have appreciated the current book and I am sure he would have accepted it as a worthwhile successor to his 1975 book: Thailand: The Environment of Modernisation. The current book, the full title of which is: Atlas of Thailand: Spatial Structures and Development, has been produced by a team of 14 French and two Thai geographers working under the guidance of Doryane Kermel-Torrès from the French Institute of Research for Development and the French National Centre of Scientific Research. The book is A4 size and its 209 pages are divided

into nine chapters describing Thailand in its global and regional context, and its historical and current development. It also emphasises several different aspects, including population, industry, agriculture and the development of Bangkok. Each chapter’s topic is introduced by a short text illustrated with photos. Chapters are then broken down into sub-themes that uniformly consist of one page of maps (right side) and one page of explanatory text (left side). A variety of mapping and statistical presentation techniques is used to provide a very colourful and usable atlas. The editor has also included a short methodology appendix and an extensive bibliography. It is probable worthwhile here to provide a brief description of the nine chapters. If, however, the reader is more interested in the reviewer’s assessment of the book, skip the next two paragraphs. All nine chapters have welldefined themes and are placed in a logical sequence. The first chapter situates Thailand in the region and shows its relationship with the rest of the world. While not comprehensive, it does provide a good overview, with references to specific topics such as foreign and Thai travellers. Chapter Two provides a traditional examination of the country’s population and covers the issues of population growth, distribution and migration, as well as changing distribution patterns by ethnic and religious variables. Chapter Three covers the state and the construction of its territory. This chapter covers a mixture of topics, from

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the expected—changing boundaries and administration—to the less expected— deforestation, schools and health facilities. This chapter is perhaps the least thematically cohesive. Chapters Four to Six cover three sectors of the economy: agriculture, industry and tertiary, respectively. The chapters do so in great detail and with a variety of mapping techniques. In all, they provide a comprehensive if somewhat standard coverage of the Thai economy. Such maps and descriptions will have numerous uses as reference material for a range of readers. It is the last three chapters that are perhaps the most interesting. Chapter Seven covers Bangkok. No atlas can be complete without mentioning the primacy of Bangkok and analysing its characteristics, which this chapter does, but somewhat too briefly for my liking. I would have liked to have seen some of the material Larry Sternstein presented in his book 30 years ago incorporated into the current chapter. Chapter Eight discusses the peripheral regions of the North-East and South. These peripheral regions have long been focus points for those interested in Thailand and, of course, the recent recurrence of the unrest in the southern peripheral region of Thailand is very topical. While this is only covered in passing, the chapter does provide good background to understanding the region. Finally, Chapter Nine covers the important issue of social imbalances and spatial organization. Thailand’s prosperity often covers up the significant imbalances that exist, and

thus, it is a good chapter to include and finish on. Having visited and worked in Thailand for a period of more than two decades, I find this book an excellent reference for teaching and as a starting point for research. On several occasions in the past I could have done with maps and explanations from this atlas to enhance and illustrate my teaching. For research purposes, while the atlas provides a beginning, most of us will need to find further and more specialised resources, given the often-specialised nature of research topics. But certainly the atlas would provide an invaluable starting point. Overall, the atlas provides a good reference resource and is readily accessible to a range of non-specialised readers. The self-contained sub-themes, with one page of maps and one page of explanation, particularly lends itself to easy access. The book does have some limitations. As has been noted by the editor, the book does not cover the period after 1997. For a 2004 reference book it might have been wise to include at least one sub-theme (2 pages) on the 1997 crisis faced by the region and started in Thailand. Also, the bibliography, while comprehensive, would have been more user-friendly if it had been done alphabetically rather than by chapter. It is also a pity that Larry Sternstein’s name has been misspelled in the Introduction (page 9, paragraph 1). However, it does not seem that this minor, if somewhat obvious, mistake is symptomatic of the atlas as a whole.

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The biggest disappointment for me is that this atlas does not take advantage of the significant progress made in the art of cartography. The style and cartography techniques remind me of many similar atlases produced in previous decades. In contrast, The New Zealand Historical Atlas, Malcolm McKinnon (ed.) 1997, published by David Bateman, Auckland, provides a wonderful illustration of what is possible in cartography. But, to be fair, The New Zealand Historical Atlas is also much more expensive, and thus less accessible. Still, it is interesting to compare, if not completely fair. Despite the comments in the last paragraph, I would highly recommend the atlas for public, school and academic libraries. The atlas will also be of interest to academics and students of Thai and Southeast Asian studies. If you are in Thailand, particularly in Bangkok with its many bookstores, and have more than a passing interest in the country, it is well worth purchasing the book. At its current price it is a very good buy. Peter van Dierman

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David K. Wyatt, Reading Thai Murals, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2004, pp. 80., ills. David K. Wyatt, until recently John Stambaugh Professor of History at Cornell University, has written extensively about Thailand, and is renowned as a historian of this country. Departing from his more formal historical researches, Professor Wyatt reveals his love for things Thai in his recently published Reading Thai Murals. This beautifully illustrated little book had its beginnings in Professor Wyatt’s interest in and visits to several temples in the north and northeast of Thailand. There, like any other visitor, he recorded his enjoyment and pleasure at the wit and skill of the muralists in a handsome collection of photographic slides. Most of the murals depicted in this book were photographed during a yearlong stay in northern Thailand in 1987–88, and their vivid clarity reveals that Professor Wyatt’s photographs from that time have become testaments to a sadly vanishing beauty, as such murals have been subject to decay and damage over succeeding years. Other illustrations come from a variety of sources. The book is divided into twelve brief sections: Murals as Teaching; A Patron Decides; Finding An Artist; An Artist’s Preparations; Puzzles and Conundrums; Murals as Religious Lessons; Double Entendre; Soldiers at War; Those on the Walls; Reading Social Dimensions; Intra-and-Inter-Cores, and Reading Thai Murals.

The purpose of murals in Thai temples is to portray religious stories most often, the life of the Buddha, and the Tosachat Jatakas, or tales of the Ten Final Rebirths or Former Lives of the being who becomes the Buddha in his last life. Forming the background to these are the Traiphum treatises, or the Three Worlds of Buddhist Cosmology, the earliest Thai version of which is attributed to the mid-fourteenth century. The cosmology outlined in these treatises provides the framework and conventions for murals in general. Collectively, murals depict the many virtues to which all should aspire, be they monks or lay people. In effect, they are the visual scriptures of Thai Buddhism, serving to make moral lessons accessible to a society which, until the beginning of the twentieth century, was been largely illiterate. Thus, key elements in these stories, to enable immediate recognition by the devotee, are repeated in a variety of styles on temple walls all over the country. For this reason, the artist rarely departs from this basic framework; style may vary from era to era, but the key scenes are not arbitrary. The only areas where artists have taken the opportunity of “personal comment”, to a greater or lesser extent, are the scenes at the peripheries of the main religious themes, or where they appear as background within the larger context of a religious story (see here figs 11 a, b). Essentially, these have no scriptural purpose, but depict daily life at the lower levels of Mount Meru, in “our world”, the world of men.

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It is this world, for the most part, that Professor Wyatt has chosen to illustrate in this book. In an informal and conversational style, he leads the reader on an armchair journey and shares his pleasure at the vignettes and conundrums on the walls of some of the prettiest temples in the country. In describing murals from Wat Phumin in Nan, and Wat Nong Bua in the same province, the author is able to introduce the reader, unusually, not only to patron but painter, Thit Buaphan, and thus to “humanize” the story. There is documentation of both, unlike the multitude of murals in other regions of Thailand. For the most part, as murals and temples themselves represented acts of merit, the names of painters and their assistants have not been recorded. Tradition has it that Wat Nong Bua was built in 1862, and that a painter, Thit Buaphan, from east central Laos (then part of the principality of Nan) began his work there some five years later. He was to take 21 years to complete it. The illustrations in the book are evidence of his excellent draughtsmanship and aesthetically pleasing execution of even the most “trivial” scenes. Nan’s strikingly handsome Wat Phumin, renovated in the mid-nineteenth century, is a cross-shaped structure with projecting doors at the cardinal directions. This unusual temple drew many foreign visitors from the mid-century on, including the British Consul from Chiang Mai. One such visitor in 1887 commented on the beautiful building without mentioning any murals. Given that the entire interior today is covered by murals (albeit in a damaged state),

Professor Wyatt points out that obviously they date from after that time, and may be attributed to the reign of Suliyapong, who became ruler in 1893. 1893 was a calamitous year for Siam and its tributary states, of which Nan was one. French gunboat diplomacy had forced a treaty on the central rule, wresting territory, including Nan’s further northern regions of Laos, and enlarging France’s growing power in Indo-China. In this context, Professor Wyatt links a written document and the murals at Wat Phumin. The new ruler, Suliyapong, commissioned the writing of a chronicle which portrays the principality as an orphan, abandoned by its larger and therefore “parent” states, including central rule from Bangkok. This chronicle, while not openly naming them, could be read as a criticism of their negligence. Furthermore, according to Professor Wyatt, that “betrayal’ and theme of orphanhood may have been voiced in the choice of a noncanonical Jataka, Khaddhana, painted almost certainly by Thit Buaphan, and incorporating references to orphanhood, thus subtly criticizing central rule from Bangkok “in a way that could not be voiced aloud”. While in actuality the overall layout of Wat Phumin murals adheres to the traditional conventions of the Three Worlds, most of the illustrations in this book feature the human world, at the “lower” levels, and portray scenes of contemporary life in the north in the late nineteenth century. There is ploughing, cooking and weaving to be done; men and women eye each other, puffing

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cheroots, gossiping and flirting; there is even a transvestite pointedly involved near women doing “women’s work”. Village boys play traditional ball games; young novices practise their handwriting on slates, laughing at each other, depicted realistically even to the extent of missing teeth; lovers fondle and smirk, their lips puckered. Such depictions of emotions and facial expressions are unique to northern painting (figs 11a, 13, 29, 34, 53). Other figures, much larger in scale, guard doorways or float high above as befits those nobly born: the former may even represent a self-portrait of the artist, Thit Buaphan, whispering to his smiling lady love; the latter seems likely to be the ruler of Nan, looking very pleased with himself, wearing a sprig of flowers in his ear. Less fortunate “outsiders”, such as hilltribe people and a Karen couple from Burma, lurk outside village walls (figs 12, 47, 48, 59). Adding interest for the local congregation of the time (and for subsequent foreign visitors today), are scenes of soldiers marching in serried array. Many of these are foreigners (mercenaries?), kitted out in full uniform, helmets and a variety of lethal weapons, while the local conscripts, though armed, are barefoot, with only their “tattoo trousers” to protect them. Notably, at Wat Phumin, other outsiders include groups of bearded foreign men and women, in nineteenth century frock-coats and dresses. These appear only partially completed as they are not fully coloured in. Even more surprising are groups of

what appear to be London bobbies, some bearded but all helmetted, seated in a sailing boat, while nearby, other foreigners crowd a paddle steamer (figs. 30–40). Professor Wyatt muses on these as perhaps being the result of the painter copying from foreign black and white illustrated magazines, imported some decades before by an old monk on his return from England to Wat Phumin, and mentioned by the British Consul in 1887. Interestingly, the foreigners in Wat Phumin are mainly Europeans of the nineteenth century depicted reasonably realistically, perhaps for the reason above. However, other illustrations in this book from wat in Bangkok and Thonburi, feature crowds of Europeans, Persians and Chinese, all of them in lavish eighteenth century clothing, and all of them ugly. These clearly follow the early Bangkok period tradition of painting foreigners of the late Ayutthaya period as part of the Demon Army in the Buddha’s Victory over Mara (fig. 61). Throughout Thai murals, whether as minor or peripheral parts of religious scenes, unexpected but true-to-life aspects are included. The section puzzlingly named “Intra-and InterCores” features activities between same sex or heterosexual couples (including the odd foreigner), either privately or in crowd scenes, and even some monkey business between monkeys! All participants seem to be having a good time (figs 16,17, 32, 67–75). However, the author does venture from this “real world” into the other planes of existence, as his eye was ob-

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viously caught by scenes of hells in the lower regions of “our” world. These visions of torture and misery traditionally form part of the Nimi Jataka, the tale of a righteous ruler who visits Indra’s abode of bliss, the heavens, as well as the hells. At Wat Phumin, the appearance of Nimi, his charioteer and chariot, provides a rare example of classic metropolitan style set within the provincial northern style. The hell scenes are reminders of torments awaiting liars, cheats, and adulterers, not to mention women who eat before feeding their husbands, as Professor Wyatt points out from one of the many inscriptions in northern writing that accompany scenes (figs 24–28). Further exploring the scriptural aspects of mural painting, Professor Wyatt illustrates the life story of the Buddha, as well as Jataka tales, from a variety of sources, mainly copies of murals in books available to him. This enables the reader to follow some of the main aspects of the stories and view differing artistic styles, from the classic to the naïve provincial. Providing an effective and startling contrast with the former is a scene from Lamphun province, the temptation of the Buddha by the demon Mara’s daughters. While in earlier times women were portrayed bare breasted, in this 1988 version, they are more “modestly” clad in bikinis (fig.18). Other stylistic variations are evident in the illustrations of the Vessantara Jataka depicting the virtues of generosity and charity. Unlike traditional murals, the scene from a Chiang Mai temple is in Western perspective, with figures

fully humanized, as in a realistic photograph. This Westernized style became fashionable in the early twentieth century, pointing to the increasing numbers of foreigners in Siam, and the country’s growing interest in the “outside” world (figs 17–23). Overall, the beautiful illustrations and relaxed and informal text make this book a pleasing peek into some of the traditions of Thai murals. Professor Wyatt reminds us that in the study and understanding of Thai history, in addition to written documents there are also voices from the past to be found in the lively and even puzzling murals that portray life at that time. “Reading” these “documents” is a fulfilling experience, allowing us a rewarding glimpse of societies other than ours. For those wishing to consult further texts on the two main temples mentioned here, there is, in the Mural Paintings of Thailand Series, a volume Wat Phumin and Wat Nong Bua, in English and Thai, published by Muang Boran, Bangkok, 1986, which gives an overall view of the layout of the main temple murals mentioned here. A few editing problems could be corrected in the future. For example, occasionally what is described in the text is not visible in the illustration (figs 44,58); the text on page 22 mentioning the cover of the book actually describes a completely different scene, and fig. 24 is back to front. Rita Ringis

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Kamala Tiyavanich, The Buddha in The Jungle. Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2003, pp.406, Bt.495. This work from Kamala Tiyavanich follows her excellent Forest Recollection published in 1997 (Chiang Mai). In her first work, the author offered a study of the history and the life of forest monks, giving a spirited defence of the various local forms of Buddhism and an affirmation of their importance. Kamala Tiyavanich took the opportunity to defend different people’s religious practices, to note the dangers of not giving proper value to meditation or the monks’ role as spiritual teachers, and also to remind us of the fundamental importance of the role of women. The forest, as the environment in which the monks lived and worked, played an essential role as the place where these traditions developed, grew stronger and were conserved. In this second book, the forest once again occupies a foremost role. The Buddha in the Jungle is an ideal continuation from Forest Recollection and offers an even more vivid description of the lives of the monks of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The narratives of the lives of these exceptional men clarifies unequivocally the importance of the monastic forest tradition. The lives of these monks, their meditation and mystical practices (thudong), and their relations with other monks and with ordinary people, seem in perfect harmony with the duties of a member of a monastic Buddhist

community. They also, in a certain way, accord with the formal teachings of the scriptures: if, for one monk, a certain emphasis was placed on a particular role or activity, this would correspond with his particular talents. Unfortunately, much of this tradition has risked being lost with the ensuing standardisation and nationalisation of Buddhism. The Buddha in the Jungle is not an “academic” work, in as much as its content is not always based on official sources, but often comes from folk tradition. Yet this should not deter or discourage scholars of Thailand or Buddhism. The evidence and testimony springing from popular tradition help give clear insight into a culture; in this way one might go as far as to say that the accounts we find in this book bring life and warmth to studies in the more scholarly tradition. Each of the 44 chapters ends with a brief bibliography and the thorough bibliography at the end of the text is extremely useful for those who would like to look further into the topics explored. There is also a helpful glossary of the more complex Buddhist terms. As the meanings of some of these are different from the usual ones, the glossary is a very important part of the text. The book is also beautifully illustrated, including maps taken from publications of the period and photographs of the most important monks as well as of local villagers. The book explores a wide variety of topics. The third chapter, for example, talks of the peaceful co-existence

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between various religious traditions; in particular between Muslims and Buddhists within the same monastery, the monastery which truly represented the centre of village society. The great teacher Somdet To, for instance, readily shared Buddhist teachings with people of the Islamic faith, all the while listening to their perspectives. Somdet To features as the protagonist of other chapters, which narrate some of the events of his life and some of his particular characteristics: one example is his ability to recite the part of the Princess Mats™, during dramatisations of Vessantaraj¡taka. His portrayal of the suffering and spiritual strength of this woman who lost both her children, is reported to have been highly moving. The story of Prince Vessantara teaches the central importance of the concept of generosity (d¡na) on the Buddhist spiritual path. A less extreme and more down-to-earth type of generosity is that found in traditional village life, like the tradition of offering cooked food to neighbours. This sharing of property is not just part of popular culture but is also underlined in the canonical Buddhist texts as part of the formal practice of the “Four bases of Assistence” (sangahavatthu). Some chapters admirably describe the particularities of village life. These relate, for example, the problems caused by ravens in the rice fields, as well as typical work such as the construction of canoes, the domestication of elephants or the knowledge of medicinal herbs.

Yet the real leitmotif of the work can be traced to certain key concepts, first and foremost, the relationship of the monks with their natural surroundings. Many monks were remembered for their great love and respect for the plants and animals around them. Even while these men had regularly to face extremely dangerous situations in the forest, they managed to survive living out an attitude of profound love (mett¡) towards the animals, even in their encounters with those more dangerous ones, always seeking a harmonious rapport with nature. Certain concepts present in Buddhist teachings make direct reference to the relationship between humans and other living beings. Among these, we may recall: non-violence (ahi†s¡), love or loving kindness (mett¡), compassion (karu¥¡), gratitude (kataññ¢), the offering of sanctuary (abhayad¡na), or constant mindful awareness or heedfulness (appam¡da). In The Buddha in the Jungle, the relationship with nature is based firmly on the practice of mett¡, loving kindness, which seems to be the foundation on which the whole way of interacting with animals was built. The use of mantra is also mentioned, (the mantra araham, for example), its function primarily being as defence against various dangers. The co-existence of the monks with the animals of the forest is notable particularly for the complete absence of any kind of violence. One of the reasons for this is no doubt the fact that the taking of any form of life goes against the first

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Buddhist precept, but perhaps this attitude was particularly cherished among the Thai population. Rather than placing importance on the detachment of oneself from the exterior world, the emphasis is placed rather on the similarities of different beings and all that unites the micro and the macro. This provides a firm base for the avoidance of any opposing of ourselves and the exterior world, and certainly the separation between res extensa and res cogitans which so characterises the Western world. This relationship between interior and exterior worlds is close and strict and this is shown clearly in the monks’ interaction with the plant and animal worlds. This attitude is also in keeping with the more scholarly Buddhist traditions, even if it is not always so evident. The question of the vision of plants and animals in early Buddhism has been examined in some detail in various studies, most notably in the work of Lambert Schmithausen, The Problem of the Sentience of Plants in Earliest Buddhism (Tokyo 1991). It is interesting to note here the traditional list of the meanings of the term bh¢ta in the canonical P¡li texts (for example, in Papañcas¢dan™ (PTS I, 31) ad Majjhima Nik¡ya 1.7 (PTS I, 2), and Paramatthajotik¡ II (PTS I, 278) ad Suttanip¡ta 222). In this list we find both the constituents of the exterior world (animal, vegetable and mineral) and the factors which compose the human psychological and moral dimension. In fact, bh¢ta is used to generically

indicate trees, plants and such, but at the same time also the five aggregates (pañcakkhandha), non-human beings (amanussa), the material elements ([mah¡]bh¢ta), all living beings (satta) and, ultimately, the reality of any element understood as being in existence (vijjam¡na). The traditional meaning of bh¢ta does not only have grammatical value, but also demonstrates fairly clearly how the various forms of life (human, animal and vegetable) were considered in some way interconnected. Closely associated to the relationship of the monks to nature, we find another principal element of the entire book: the meeting of Western points of view (of missionaries, explorers and such) and those of the Thai population, in considering and describing the world in which they found themselves. In many cases, the standpoint of Western accounts regarding Siamese culture and spirituality were totally illinformed. While there were some exceptions and some commentators of intellectual and moral standing, for the most part Western travellers of the past century failed to understand the heart of this people. To give an extreme example of the lack of understanding, in Chapter 28, we find the opinion of the wife of an American Presbyterian, a missionary who lived in Lampang in the early 1900s. She pronounced her judgement on the monks who practiced meditation, asserting unequivocally the idea that they were wasting their time, demonstrating a passive form of existence and a fundamental “laziness”.

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These judgements reveal not only the limited capacity for understanding of some of the Westerners present in the Siam of a century ago, but also their scant knowledge and awareness of their own culture. The missionary’s wife, for example, seems to have been completely ignorant of the contemplative traditions of Western religions, in which certain meditative practices have so much in common with the world of Buddhist spirituality. The differences, often very clear ones, between Westerners and Thais, give the reader the possibility of coming to know Thailand, its culture, its people and its religious traditions on a deeper level. The real aim of The Buddha in the Jungle appears to offer – thanks in no small part to its juxtaposition of diverse points of view – the description of a country in which the attitude of humans towards their environment is essentially different from that held by so many Westerners. This is one of the lessons that the Thailand of a century ago could offer to the West, and also perhaps, to the Thailand of the twenty-first century. Claudio Cicuzza

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Virginia McKeen Di Crocco. Footprints of the Buddhas of this Era in Thailand and the Indian Subcontinent, Sri Lanka, Myanmar. Bangkok, The Siam Society, 2004, pp.x + 259, ills, Bt.800 (members), Bt.990 (non-members). Footprints of the Buddhas of This Era in Thailand is an important, informative, learned, and engaging publication. Virginia Di Crocco has recognized what few others have—that because of the existence of texts listing the 108 symbols, the study of footprints has the potential of unlocking many of the secrets of the history of Buddhism in Thailand. Di Crocco has obviously spent years of immersion in her subject. She discusses no fewer than 110 footprints, far more than most of us imagined existed, and many evidently of her own discovery. What a pleasure it would be to stand beside her as she studied an unknown footprint, admiring the ease with which she recognized all 108 symbols, immediately discerned how their order and configuration related to those in other footprints, and identified footprints in which the quirks and details of the depictions of the individual symbols found their closest resemblance. Unfortunately, Footprints is also a deeply flawed book, handicapped by the author’s ambition. Not only is she determined to go out on a limb in order to propose the narrowest possible dating for each footprint, she has also endeavored to write a revisionist art history, presenting dates that differ by centuries from those that appear in most books on

the art of Thailand. A publication that would have been welcomed with open arms had it attempted somewhat less is now a work that has to be read with caution. Footprints of the Buddhas begins with an account of the footprint commissioned by the Siam Society in 1992 in honor of H. M. Queen Sirikit. Early footprints in India and Sri Lanka are the subject of Chapter II, which also attends to the question of what Buddha footprints might imply about the nature of the Buddha. Chapter III takes up natural footprints in Thailand (the one in Saraburi being the most important), a subject once addressed in a classic article in this journal (1935) by the poet Prince Bidyalankarana. Chapter IV introduces the textual evidence for the lists of 108 auspicious marks (a subject presented succinctly in a masterful article in the JSS by Peter Skilling in 1992) and introduces the footprints of Bodh Gaya and Pagan, Burma. The bulk of the remainder of the book (Chapters V–X) is a historical account of footprints in Thailand from the thirteenth century through the twentieth. Two final chapters provide additional information about the 1992 footprint. It has not yet been established where the first lists of 108 marks were composed or where the first depictions of footprints with 108 marks were created, these two developments surely being roughly contemporary. Quite probably, Pagan, the site of the oldest known footprints with 108 marks, dating from the late eleventh century, was also the site

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of the invention.1 At Pagan, it was customary to paint pairs of prints on the ceiling of the vestibules of temples, the toes pointing toward the sanctuary. Therefore, the visitor is made to feel as if a giant Buddha were standing above him. The concept may be related to the vision of the Buddha (one that was borrowed from Sanskrit-language texts) that appears in King Kyanzittha’s late-eleventh-century Shwezigon Pagoda inscription, according to which Shakyamuni Buddha emitted six-colored light rays from his mouth that penetrated earth and reached the highest heavens. Emitting light rays and leaving footprints both lie within the capacities of the historical Buddha. The classic list of marks is the one in the Jin¡la¥k¡ra-©ik¡, said to have been written by a Sri Lankan monk in the twelfth century. This list, which corresponds to the symbols seen on the Burmese footprints, ends in the uppermost reaches of the Buddhist cosmos, with the Brahma heavens. It does not begin, however, with either the lowermost part of the cosmos or its outermost part (the surrounding mountains and oceans), but with marks that have vaguely royal associations, a certain number of them with names found on earlier, brief lists of marks on the Buddha’s soles. This

suggests that the marks were viewed as extensions of older canonically sanctioned lists of the thirty-two characteristics of the superman and the eightyfour lesser signs. These were present on the Buddha’s body at birth and were an indication that he was to become either a Buddha or a World Emperor. Indeed, a traditional Pali chant in Thailand (the Ma¬galacakrav¡®a section of the Seven Tamn¡n) includes the words: tavatti†sa mah¡purisalakkha¥¡nubh¡vane as™ty¡nubyañ jan¡nubh¡vane a©©huttrasata ma¬gal¡nubh¡vane chabba¥¥ara†siy¡nubh¡vane2 By the power of the thirty-two characteristics of the Great Person By the power of the eighty-four lesser signs By the power of the 108 auspicious marks [on the Buddha’s feet] By the power of the six-colored light rays. . . . Perhaps the number of the ma¬gala, an auspicious 108, was chosen before there was a clear idea of what was to be included. The initial marks on the final list were ones appropriate for a World Emperor, and the more cosmological ones were placed at the end, as a kind of

1

For the footprints of Pagan, Claudine Bautze-Picron, “Some Observations on the Cosmological Buddhapadas at Pagan,” to appear in Kakali Roy (ed.), Adhir Chakroborty Festschrift, Calcutta. I thank Dr. Bautze-Picron for making available a copy of her article. See also, Emmanuel Guillon, “Les Buddhapada de Birmanie et de Thaïlande (Essai de mise en perspective),” Péninsule 11/12 (1985/1986), pp. 125–141. 2 Suat mon plae (Bangkok: Suksa Thammada Press, 1926), pp. 126–127. I am grateful for the assistance of Peter Skilling, with the translation of this and the following text. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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extension of the Buddha’s powers, much as the light rays from his mouth reach to the ends of the universe. The list of 108 could also be recited, and François Bizot recorded versions in Seam Reap less than fifty years ago. In Thailand, a metrical Pali text was inscribed on a sheet of silver in the fourteenth or fifteenth century.3 It starts with these words: sati ca sirivaccho ca nandiy¡ ca suva©hiko va©©hamsako ca bhaddham¡no p¡de dissanti satthuno The spear (satti) and the goddess of prosperity (sirivaccho) and the rosette (nandiy¡) and the neck ornament (suvatthiko), The ear ornament (va©©hamsako) and the food receptacle (bhaddham¡no) are seen on the foot of the Teacher. The successful metrics of the succeeding stanzas depend on the judicious use of the word ca (and) and the addition of tath¡ (thus). The English equivalents given here are not the literal meanings of the terms, some of which were inherited from earlier lists, but identifications of the conventional symbols seen on the footprints. The bulk of evidence suggests that the Jin¡la¬k¡ra-©™k¡ list and the concept of making stone footprints were introduced to Sukhothai from Martaban, Burma, in the middle of the fourteenth century. The 3

Sukhothai inscription of Wat Traphang Chang Phuak (JSS January 1971) contains a list of 108 marks, which Di Crocco lists and briefly discusses. She also makes the very plausible proposal that a footprint in the Sukhothai museum (pl. 39), largely effaced, originally bore the marks as enumerated in the inscription. A second important document is Inscription III of 1357 (JSS January 1973), according to which King Mahadharmaraja I (Li Thai) established four footprints in the Sukhothai region. Two of these can be identified as the very similar footprints at Wat Traphang Thong Lang, Sukhothai (pl. 80) and on Frog Hill, Nakhon Sawan (pl. 82, still in situ). On these footprints, as on those in Pagan, the 108 symbols are arranged on a grid. Symbol no.1 appears in a corner beside the toes, and the entire linear sequence can be tracked in a narrowing spiral, either clockwise or counterclockwise (depending on whether the print is of the left or the right foot). The path can be imagined as an upward ascent. The symbols at the end of the list—for the Brahma heavens—cluster around the circle on the sole, which becomes, as a result, a kind of symbol for the cosmic mountain, Meru. This type of footprint can be considered Type I. In Type II, relatively small in number, all the symbols are placed within the large circle (cakka); the classic instance is the double footprint created on April 1426 and now preserved at Wat Bowonniwet in Bangkok. The

Ch¡rük nai Prathet ¯ Thai, vol. 5 (Bangkok: National Library, 1986), pp. 120–130. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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footprints in the third group superficially resemble those of the first, because of the geometric grid, but in fact they are conceptually quite different. The toes must be imagined as the top of the footprint, and the symbols are arranged as if we were looking at a diagram of the universe, its summit at the top, and its furthest extremities at the bottom. At the top, immediately below the toes, in two rows of eight, are the sixteen Brahma heavens (symbols 93–108 in a linear listing). On the third row are placed the six sensuous heavens, turned into a row of eight because Tavatimsa Heaven, the heaven at the summit of Mt. Meru, is shown three times, once with Indra, once with Brahma, and once with Gautama Buddha. All the remaining symbols are placed below, appearing row by row, beginning with symbol number one. Sometimes Tavatimsa Heaven is further emphasized by the depiction of a row of encircling mountains on the central axis (as on the back walls of Thai image halls). Di Crocco argues that this type of footprint responds to the interests of popular piety and to the goal of rebirth in Tavatimsa Heaven, as opposed to the more monastic path of the Type I footprints. A classic example (pl. 99 in the book) is a line drawing identified as the design sent by King Borommakot to Sri Lanka in 1758. In addition, there are certain footprints in which traits from the three groups are combined. Many of the historical elements in the foregoing account represent the reviewer’s opinion, not Di Crocco’s. Let us see how she presents the early devel-

opments of footprints in Thailand, following the waning of Khmer power. Pl. 43, a crude stone carving found in Sakhon Nakhon province, is dated to ca. 1200 because four letters (composing a mantra) that appear inside the quadrapartite cakka were said by the epigraphist Term Meetem to be in “Pallava” script datable to ca. 1200, because the placement of symbols is like that found in Pagan (not apparent from the illustration), and because one of the symbols shown, a vase, has a Southern Song shape. Here—as in other instances in the book—the evidence is insufficient to support the conclusions, and we are anxious to be told that the epigraphical evidence is due to be published. Pl. 44 shows a footprint of the four past Buddhas (with overlapping outlines), with no symbols, in Chiang Rai; here the proposed date, based on what chronicles state about the activities of King Mengrai, is “ca. 1275/76.” A second footprint in Chiang Rai (pl. 45) is said also to date from “ca. 1275/76.” Pl. 46, a plain footprint carved upon a sandstone knoll in Lopburi province, is dated to the third quarter of the thirteenth century, on the basis of the style of nearby carvings of eight images of the seated Buddha (which have been published elsewhere and on the basis of the profiles of the radiances surmounting the Buddhas’ heads would more cautiously be dated somewhat later). Next come three footprints in which a Pagan-type grid and all 108 symbols appear. Pl. 47 (Lopburi Museum, “4 th quarter of the 13 th century”) and pl. 51 (Chantarakasem

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Museum, Ayutthaya, “ca. 1351”) bear a stylistic and conceptual relationship, one to the other, and pl. 51 may eventually be datable (but not to this period) on the basis of the foliate designs that appear in a corner (not discussed by the author). Pl. 49, finally, is a curious footprint at Wat Khao Di Salak, Suphanburi, pl. 49, dated by Di Crocco to “ca. 2nd quarter of the 14th century.” On this footprint the 108 symbols appear in roundels (a unique instance), arranged in a system that combines characteristics of Type I and Type III footprints, with two rows of Brahma Heavens next to the toes. Little is visible in the illustration in Footprints, but good plates did appear in Muang Boran Journal (July-September 1991), following discovery of the footprint. At that time, the dating was considered so problematical that four experts were asked for their opinions, which ranged from the eleventh to the eighteenth century. To the discussion there, it might be added that the depiction of the Brahmas of the Brahma Heavens as flying figures rather than seated meditating ones is the product of a misunderstanding that could be attributable to the frequent appearance of the god Brahma airborne in eighteenth-nineteenth-century manuscripts. This account makes it clear that little rests on firm ground when trying to understand the situation up to the middle of the fourteenth century. Some clarity, it might be expected, should surely emerge in the second half of the fourteenth century, with the evidence from Sukhothai inscriptions. Di Crocco ac-

cepts the evidence of Inscription III (1357) that King Mahadharmaraja I (Li Thai) established four footprints in the Sukhothai region. The identification of two of these as the footprints at Wat Traphang Thong Lang, Sukhothai (pl. 80) and still in situ on Frog Hill, Nakhon Sawan (pl. 82) is rejected, however. Instead, Di Crocco asks us to believe that King Narai (reigned 1656–1688) either destroyed or successfully hid away King Mahadharmaraja’s footprints and replaced them with ones of his own making (these being pls. 80 and 82). In addition, she attributes the construction of Wat Si Chum, with all of its engraved stones, including an imperfectly preserved footprint (pl. 75a), to Narai. Other footprints given to the same reign include the bronze footprint from Kamphaengphet, now in the National Museum, Bangkok (pls. 85 and 86), because the Brahma “palaces are of mondop design” (p. 122). In fact, because of the presence of disciples around the rim, among other reasons, this footprint is unlikely to long postdate the double footprint of 1426 (pl. 60). The two footprints of 1357, in which there is Sri Lankan stylistic influence, display the symbols in the Burmese configuration. They might reasonably be understood as evidence for the important religious ties between Sukhothai and Martaban, Burma, in the fourteenth century. Another scholar might make a more compelling case than Di Crocco’s that some other 108-mark footprint is older than these (or, indeed, that these two footprints are not the 1357 originals), but

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only time will tell. Meanwhile, there are two other footprints that deserve discussion because they provide evidence for the existence of learned Buddhists belonging to other traditions. One footprint, illustrated by Di Crocco, is housed at Wat Chomphuwek, Nonthaburi (pl. 61). This footprint does not contain the 108 marks. Instead, the cakka has been explicity transformed into a dhammacakka, a wheel of the law. (Despite what Di Crocco writes, traditionally the circle on the foot was just a circle, not a dhammacakka.) There are lengthy Pali inscriptions, in which the Four Noble Truths are said to have three aspects, just as in the inscriptions on the Dvaravati wheels of the law. 4 The “Buddhist creed” (ye dhamm¡. . .) and a twelvesyllable mantra also appear. When the inscription was first published, 5 the Khmer-style script was dated to ca. 1250; the second time around (1986), as cited by Di Crocco, the transcription appeared without change but the suggested date was ca. 1350–1450. Since the Khmer script used for writing Pali was fixed by convention, it may not be easy to narrow the time-span. Whether the footprint predates the introduction of the 108-marks footprints or was produced as a kind of response to them, it has to be seen as a document of the old-

school Buddhists, heirs to the teachings of Dvaravati monks. Perhaps it contains textual clues that might provide additional evidence of the doctrines espoused in the thirteenth century. The second footprint, which Di Crocco apparently elected to omit, is kept in Wat Khirisuwannaram, Khirimat district, Sukhothai.6 The dating, as in the case with the other footprint, is largely dependent upon the epigraphy of Khmer-style letters (Cha-aem Kaeokhlai’s conclusion was ca. 1150–1250). Whereas the Wat Chomphuwek footprint contained only a single mantra, this one bears more. The saying na mo bud dh¡ ya (praise to the Buddha) appears, as well as the same initial consonants (n m b d), which are then interpreted as referring to the four elements. This footprint also contains the 108 marks (only a few of which are visible in the 1994 publication), but they are rather crudely incised and seem to be arranged in a slipshod way. Because two continents are shown in the form of masks (which are supposed to indicate the facial shapes of the inhabitants), as in the footprint at Wat Sadet, Kamphaengphet (pl. 68), the footprint may date from the fifteenth century. It could then be considered a precious document, suggesting that it was an older school of Buddhism that preserved the mantras (with both Pali

4

Robert L. Brown, The Dv¡ravat™ Wheels of the Law and the Indianization of South East Asia (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996), p. 117. 5 Prachum sil¡ ch¡rük, vol. 4 (Bangkok: Office of the Prime Minister, 1970), pp. 6–10 (no. 85). 6 ¯ phra phutthab¡t,” Sinlapakon 37, no. 3 (May-June 1994), Cha-em Kaeokhlai, “Ch¡rük rÕi pp. 45–58. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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and Sanskrit spellings)—mantras that have survived to the present day. Despite the large number of footprints assigned to the reign of King Narai that are surely older, Di Crocco’s datings, in general, become more reliable and plausible as her chapters progress. She has a second flirtation with revisionist art history, asking us to believe that the objects deposited in the crypt at Wat Ratchaburana in Ayutthaya in the first half of the fifteenth century were really deposited by King Borommokot (reigned 1733–1758). Somehow this monarch managed to assemble a group of images that excluded all the image types art historians place in the period extending from the later fifteenth century through the eighteenth. Fortunately, her theory has less of an impact on her dating of individual footprints than do her opinions about the activities of King Narai. Di Crocco appears to have a misunderstanding of one significant doctrinal matter. In all schools of Buddhism, the three realms are the sensuous realm (including hells, earth, and the six deva heavens), the realm of pure form (consisting of the sixteen Brahma heavens), and the formless realm. The formless realm, which has four main stages, is invisible. That is why it is not generally depicted on the Buddha footprints. Nevertheless, since it can be imagined as existing inside the head of a Brahma being (and is visited by humans in a trance), there is justification for indicating its existence. It is extremely unlikely that the absence of signs for the form-

less realm indicates an ignorance of Buddhist cosmology, or that inclusion had anything to do with the spread of a vernacular (as opposed to a Pali-language) cosmology, the so-called Trai Phum Phra Ruang. We may wish for a different kind of book. I can imagine one with three sections. The first would consist of a rigorous typological catalogue, in which each footprint was assigned to a group according to the identity of the symbols and their configuration. The second would take two or three individual symbols, illustrating their appearance on as many footprints as possible, and trace the evolution of their depiction. The third would be an overall historical account. Virginia McKeen Di Crocco has, instead, produced the book she thought was needed. Her choices may be regretted. What cannot be regretted is the determination and energy that brought a book to fruition that alters the landscape of the history of Buddhism and of Buddhist art in Thailand. Hiram W. Woodward

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James David Fahn, A Land on Fire: The Environmental Consequences of the Southeast Asia Boom. Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2003, pp.368, Bt. 595. James Fahn spent about nine years in Thailand during the 1990s working for The Nation, first as science and technology editor and then as the environment editor. These were memorable years— his aggressive investigative reporting invigorated The Nation and made it the leading news outlet in Thailand, if not the region, on environmental issues. A Land on Fire is a story-like chronicle of Fahn’s experiences at the environment desk, as reporter and editor. It is fast-moving, informative, and exciting reading. Thailand was on fire during this time, both literally and figuratively. In the dry season haze from smoke fills the air, from fires started by farmers to burn off weeds and crop residues and to drive out wildlife. The fire of development has also ignited Thailand in the frenzied, selfish pursuit of wealth and short-term profits by businessmen and politicians. The environmental consequences have been immense. Not much escaped Fahn’s notice and analysis. He not only describes what happened, but analyzes the basic causes of environmental problems in a vivid, non-academic style, and attempts to put them into recent historical context and global perspective. Issues such as biodiversity conservation and use, trade agreements, and large development projects are discussed within the per-

spectives of both “North” and “South”, and the schism often appearing between different shades of “greens”, such as the “environmental democracy movement”, which is more social and peopleoriented, and the “preservationists”, who are more concerned about the irreversible loss of species and ecosystems. He points out the differing concepts of conservation held by lower class farmers and fishermen, the more urban middle class people, and the conservation movements in the U.S and Europe. Generally, Fahn is fair to all sides in these arguments and manages to present their views without oversimplifying or taking sides. Environmental issues are interwoven with social and political events, such as the 1991 coup in the last chapter (“Three Bloody Days in May”). Fahn is acutely aware of how much environmental problems have been consequences of Thailand’s too-rapid economic development, which has outstripped its political development and the ability of Thai agencies to plan and manage the environment. Neighboring countries have had the same sorts of problems, but are at different stages of the development cycle. Fahn also points out how political crises and uprisings have often stemmed from environmental problems. The distinction between environmental and political crises is often difficult to make. Politicians need to realize how important environmental problems are to rural peasants and fishermen who live at the edge. The needs of the poor are now having increasing effects on national politics.

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Nine chapters deal with the environmental problems in various sectors, and the last, mentioned above, deals with the political revolution of the last decade. The chapters deal with urban problems, land encroachment and tourism issues, large dams (especially the controversial Pak Mun), logging scandals, farmers in forests, coastal problems such as shrimp farming, the gas pipeline from Burma, toxic chemicals such as mercury in the Gulf of Thailand, and global (i.e., North vs. South) issues. These are the issues in which Fahn was reporting at the forefront. Some exciting experiences are related which sometimes turn the narrative into a Hardy Boys’ style detective adventure. The attempts to get at the bottom of cross-border logging scandals in Mae Hong Son, or determine the fate of displaced Karen refugees near the Three Pagoda Pass, bring tense moments. There are too many issues in this book for me to cover in a brief review and I have little experience with some of them, but I will comment on a few that caught my attention. Chapter 2, “Tourism: Money-changers in the Temple,” is mostly about how unrestricted development of tourist resorts, etc. has encroached on public land—usually that belonging to the Royal Forest Department (RFD; the park and wildlife conservation divisions of the old RFD are now under the new Department of Parks, Wildlife and Plant Conservation). The most notorious cases include the congested development of hotels and bungalows on the Phi Phi Islands and other beaches in Krabi and

Phuket. Almost all tourist infrastructure developments seem to have problems with their title deeds, and if there was any problem about the ownership documents, the environment desk at The Nation did not give you the benefit of any doubt. The reader should also be aware, however, that the RFD has had a habit of establishing protected areas without prior on-the-ground surveys, and its maps are often vague and impossible to apply to the real terrain. The situation is improving with better survey technology, but most boundaries seem to have been left deliberately imprecise to allow on-site “negotiations” or challenges. I have some additional sympathy for developers because they know that the RFD is not capable of developing tourist facilities up to international standards. Park officials generally do not even know what international tourists like to do. Clearly, there is a need for better central planning with all interests in mind, but there is no agency with the full expertise and clout to do it. The result is a constant hassle between private and public agencies, and poor farmers with no power who are often displaced. A section on “Golf wars and green deserts” discusses the devastation and misery wreaked on the land in the form of golf courses. Confrontations involving the establishment of these greed-inspired, festering sores of the landscape have sometimes turned bloody in Southeast Asia. The golf disease afflicts Thailand and is still spreading. A golf course “is actually a monoculture made up of delicate, non-indigenous grass species

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kept alive through the extensive use of irrigation, fertilizers, and pesticides.” Such vegetation is not well suited to the tropical environment, and to a native, it represents a green desert. Golf courses cause many types of damage to the environment and to society: uprooting of local communities, forced emigration of poor farmers, theft and depletion of valuable water supplies, encroachment on forest areas, water pollution, loss of freshwater fish resources, corruption, speculation and economic instability, and prostitution. Have you ever wondered why golf caddies in Thailand are all attractive young ladies? In addition to promoting the sex trade, golf courses are favored meeting places for arranging deals by corrupt businessmen and politicians. Golf in Asia is not a sport. It is a form of real estate speculation and a money-making game for both developers and members who wish to make investments and seek social status. Is there any wonder why NGOs and crusaders in many countries now dedicate their lives to the fight against this scourge? The famous incident concerning the filming of The Beach on Phi Phi Island is related at the end of this scandalpacked chapter. The fight over permission to change the beach and its vegetation for the filming of the movie caused outrage and all protagonists ended up losing. The main star, Leonardo DiCaprio, tarnished his reputation, the director-general of RFD made a poor and unpopular decision, the protestors lost their cause, and the movie bombed at the box office.

The debates over logging scandals and large dams are so familiar to Thai residents that they hardly bear repeating. They are still with us, however, and will be fought again and again. Thailand’s foreign policy toward Burma is controlled by logging interests. I suppose that should not surprise us— after all, U.S. foreign policy toward every country in the world is captive to commercial interests. The Pak Mun Dam controversy is particularly noteworthy because it spawned a popular environment-based movement, the “Assembly of the Poor.” This grassroots movement, exerts its power mainly through protests. It has not become a political movement, and mainstream parties would shun its leftist leaders. But if it is still considered too leftist to help the poor keep their homes and livelihoods, then Thailand’s political system still has a long way to go before it can be considered to be a real democracy. It is a good sign, however, that open protests are (usually) allowed to be conducted peacefully. We still live in an age when village leaders who protest too much against environmental destruction or industrial pollution are assassinated each year. For my part, I will never forgive the government for allowing the blasting of the rapids in the Mun River below the dam, which caused irreparable damage to the river and to Kaeng Tana National Park. This in my mind represented a clear failure of the environmental impact analysis (EIA) and decision-making processes. In fact, ecologically and

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economically, the whole dam is a sorry disaster. Chapter 5 on Forests and Farmers covers the complex issues concerning encroachment of landless people in the forest estate, and the problems of protected areas set aside for conservation (the “Man-and-Forest” debate). Fahn points out the differences between the grassroots activists and community development advocates, and the more professional ecologists, conservation planners and forestry officials. Social scientists tend to be community development advocates, the more radical of which oppose the setting aside of protected areas for conservation entirely. Unfortunately, communication between the social scientists and ecologists is so poor that they appear not to read each others’ literature, and do not cite each others’ work. Fahn does not present the views of the ecologists very well and, as we might expect, hears mostly the voices of the grassroots activists. It astonishes me as an ecologist to hear social scientists claim that local people can live in the forest and use it sustainably when the preponderance of evidence and past experience indicates that they cannot do this over the long term, unless they are primitive huntergatherers at very low density. As Fahn points out, however, this depends largely on what is meant by “forest.” A grove of trees producing useful products such as mushrooms, firewood, bamboo shoots, etc. may qualify as a “community forest.” Such man-modified “forests” should be promoted outside the

undisturbed protected areas, not inside. This is the major issue that has divided ecologists and social scientists. Ambiguity about what “forest” means clouds some parts of Fahn’s discussion. He cites the estimate that 5 to 10 million people live in forest land in Thailand, but “forest land” here refers to the officially designated “reserved forests” occupied before 1989 by logging concessions. Most of this area was destroyed by loggers or degraded by ethnic Thais who came to occupy the lowlands of Thailand. Very little of this area now has any intact forest; those parts that do have now been converted to protected parks or wildlife sanctuaries. The people that have occupied this area are not “forest people”; the Thais are predominantly rice cultivators and fishermen who live outside the forest and usually clear it to plant cash crops. Most use non-timber forest resources to a limited extent, but they have been engaged in destroying the forest most of the time. Of course, this destruction has been spurred on by two major extrinsic factors: the government’s promotion of the export of upland cash crops, particularly cassava and maize, and the lack of a secure land tenure system which might have encouraged settlers to conserve their local resources better. These people might learn how to sustain community forests, but they have never lived within and depended on natural forests. On the other hand, the half-million or so people said to occupy upland watershed areas or protected areas are mostly tribal peoples who have migrated south

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into Thailand through the mountains. Most of these qualify as “forest people” although the areas they occupy are too small to allow their traditional swidden agriculture to be practiced within the forest on a sustainable basis any more. The book does not point out that ecologists and international conservation groups are in wide disagreement with forestry and park agencies on how to manage protected areas. Most conservationists now believe that local residents and provincial officials should be much more involved in managing conservation areas for the benefit of local communities in non-exploitative ways. Park officials, however, generally see their job as only policing and guarding the areas and promoting some tourism (which too often does not benefit local villagers). I do not think that the situation is resolvable without fundamental changes in protected area legislation and policies. The chapter on “Toxics: Mercury Rising” is noteworthy more for what it says about the young reporter than about mercury in the Gulf of Thailand. Jim Fahn was determined to get to the bottom of the apparently rising levels of mercury and set out to nail those responsible for it or for covering it up. His aggressive investigations turned off some of his sources, who I can imagine found the reporter obnoxious and too eager to get a sensational story. Others will decide whether getting at the truth justified the gleaning of documents off the desks of officials or copying them without their knowledge while they were out of the office. Some of the mercury

was leaking from oil rig drillings of large companies, and both Unocal and Total were aware of the problem and trying to do something about it. Unocal would have been a fine trophy on the shelf of a young reporter—a ticket to fame and further jobs! Fahn did not really land the big trophy, but his leading articles did make the big guys squirm and squeal a bit in their plush offices. What is the real value of all this investigative reporting and story-writing? Is it just informative and entertaining, or does it have a constructive purpose? Fahn believes that a free press serves as a vital watchdog over government and society and helps to prevent many abuses, especially in a society like Thailand’s, with its corruption and weak enforcement. I completely agree (even though I more often read the Bangkok Post, which has also had excellent environment reporting). I have long believed that the best environmental conservation organization is a free and active press. Officials are usually not so interested in solving environmental problems until they read about them in the newspapers. The papers also influence public opinion. Of course, the press works at high speed and does not always get the facts right, and sometimes it passes judgment on people who do not really deserve it. Nevertheless, let us hope that The Nation and other papers will continue to maintain the high standards brought to the desk by Jim Fahn, and keep the stories coming. Warren Y. Brockelman

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Nicholas Tapp, Jean Michaud, Christian Culas and Gary Yia Lee, eds, Hmong/ Miao in Asia. Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2004, pp.xx + 500. Hmong studies are a flourishing academic industry in the United States and, to a smaller extent, in France, with hundreds of Ph.D., M.A. theses and books and articles examining every imaginable aspect of life of Hmong immigrants in the West. The Miao of China, of whom the Hmong are a branch, have also been subjected to intensive research in recent decades, predominantly by Han scholars. However, though the Hmong of South-East Asia have been among the first to be systematically studied by Western anthropologists, particularly during the period of the Second Vietnam War, they attracted relatively little scholarly attention in recent decades. The present volume, a collection of articles based on a conference held in Aix-enProvence in 1998, is hence a welcome addition to the literature and a work which will stimulate further research. Though, like most collections based on a conference, the articles differ widely in quality of scholarship and cover a variety of sometimes highly specialized topics, the book features several important and innovative contributions of interest to students, professionals and general readers concerned with mainland South-East Asian minorities.

1

The book is divided into two main parts. The first part, devoted to issues of Hmong history, language and identity, opens with a comprehensive bibliographical essay by Nicholas Tapp on the state of Hmong studies, and Christian Postert on Hmong/Miao research by German and Austrian anthropologists. Discussing the subjective nature of writing (Hmong) history, Tapp makes the significant point that “in face of some postmodernist trends” there exists “a boundary between [historical] interpretation and fabrication” (p. 22) thus denying the validity of the fashionable radical relativism which grants the status of a “version” to any fancy narrative purporting to be Hmong history; this is an issue of wider significance, of which this reviewer is acutely aware from his own research.1 In an effort at “real” as opposed to fancy history, Christian Culas and Jean Michaud attempt in their joint contribution to reconstruct carefully the causes and character of the series of Hmong migrations from southwest China into upper Indochina, from their early beginnings to the present day (p. 61). It emerges from their article that those migrations may have been at least as much, if not more, strongly influenced by political turmoil in the region, as by the Hmong’s quest for new swiddens, which is commonly taken as the main cause of their “semi-nomadism”. In another contribution, Culas draws an important distinction between two

e.g. E. Cohen, The Chinese Vegetarian Festival in Phuket. Bangkok, White Lotus, 2001. Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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manifestations of Hmong religion, messianism and shamanism, showing that each of these phenomena is predicated on different, and apparently mutually ill-integrated, Hmong cosmologies. Kao-Ly Yang, a Hmong researcher, tackles the intricate problem of double terms for Hmong clan surnames; she offers several alternative explanations (“hypotheses”) of their nature, but abstains to commit herself to any of these. Cheung Siu-Woo (Simon) examines the efforts of three early Miao intellectuals to forge a distinct Miao identity during the Republican period in China, in order to be granted a recognized status by the state, similar to that enjoyed by the wuzu gonghe (“five races”), namely, the Han, Manchus, Mongols, Muslims and Tibetans. Of particular importance is the author’s discussion of an unpublished work by the Hmao Christian ethnologist Yang Hanxian, which he has rediscovered. In this work Yang sought to redefine “Miao identity in the indigenous terms of native oral history and cultural practices” which would constitute a “ ‘counter-representation’ to the hegemonic and nationalistic narrative of ethnic identities” (p.239) promulgated by the authorities of the Chinese state. The concluding article of the first part of the book, Louisa Schein’s study of Hmong/Miao transnationalism, is, in the opinion of this reviewer, the most original contribution to this collection. Schein describes the efforts of the Laotian Hmong in the United States diaspora to

construct a shared identity with the Miao of China, despite the considerable disparities in the ethnic markers between the two groups. Especially interesting is her discussion of the various mechanisms, such as videos of Miao lifeways, the importation of Miao costumes to the United States, and the provision of language classes and cultural performances by local Miaos for diasporic Hmong visitors, which facilitate the formation of the new Hmong “transnational identity,” even as they serve as a welcome source of income for the impoverished Chinese Miao, derived from their newly prosperous diasporic co-ethnics. The second part of the book is devoted to “current issues” facing the Hmong of Southeast Asia. Especially welcome are the studies of Hmong in the two “postcommunist” states, Vietnam and Laos, on whom reliable information is relatively scarce in comparison to that on the third country, Thailand. Claes Corlin shows in a culturally sensitive article the discrepancies between the Hmong relationship to land and that of the Vietnamese state authorities, and points out the inadequacies of the current land laws and of the national land policy for dealing with the needs for land of the Hmong. The latter often become “victims of progress” of planned national development projects, while themselves “having little voice in the national discourse” (p. 302). Vuong Duy Quang, a Vietnamese Hmong anthropologist, follows up Corlin’s argument by highlighting the severe survival difficulties experienced by the Hmong in North

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Vietnam, and by advocating a possible alternative approach to the land problems faced by the Hmong, which would be based on Hmong traditions of land development and forest preservation. Gar Yia Lee, a Laotian Hmong residing in Australia, documents the meager educational and economic “transnational adaptation” of the Hmong to the new regime in Laos; though their participation in governmental institutions is increasing, this is in fact mostly just a token, rather than substantial participation. In fact, the Hmong resist the government’s efforts at political integration. They remain predominantly swiddening subsistence farmers in the highlands, despite the authorities’ policy to resettle them in lowland villages. Jan Oversen corroborates Lee’s argument, claiming that the commitment of the Laotian government to ethnic equality is merely nominal, while in practice Lao ethnic and political superiority prevails. The Hmong are still treated with suspicion, due to the participation of one of their major factions on the royalist and American side during the revolutionary struggle and the continued low-level Hmong insurgency in the Lao PDR. Insensitive to the Hmong’s social organization and culture, the authorities’ attempts to resettle them in the lowlands has mostly had problematic consequences. In the author’s estimate, the future of the Hmong of Laos appears to be bleak. In contrast to the broad themes tackled by the authors on the Hmong in the “post-communist” countries, those deal-

ing with Thailand treat much narrower topics. Most innovative is Patricia V. Symonds’ article treating the “cultural pathways” through which information on HIV/AIDS flows, and the ethnoepidemiology (i.e. the cultural understanding of contagion) of the illness in Hmong society. The veteran researcher of South-East Asian ethnic groups, Peter Kunstadter, offers a comprehensive empirical study of the factors influencing changes in Hmong marriage patterns in Thailand, while Robert Cooper examines Hmong conceptions of “rape” on the basis of a study in the Chiang Kham refugee camp for Hmong from Laos. The book’s epilogue consists of a comprehensive review of the challenges faced by the Laotian Hmong in recent history, from the French colonial period to their resettlement in the United States, by the doyen of ethnic Hmong researchers, Yang Dao. Recognizing the importance of global cooperation among the widely dispersed Hmong/Miao, Yang Dao proposes the establishment of a non-governmental organization which would facilitate communication between Hmong communities throughout the world, a proposal which is certainly worth serious consideration. This volume reflects the wide-ranging and diverse interests of contemporary researchers of history, society and culture of the Asian Hmong. However, the studies relate predominantly to single local or national situations; comparative studies, which in view of the highly diverse conditions of life faced by the

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dispersed Hmong communities ought to be an attractive topic, are notable missing, as are more transnational studies, such as Schein’s exercise in “itinerant ethnography.” The quality of the articles varies greatly: while many present welldefined problems, elaborate data and clear conclusions, others, like R.A. Lewis’ examination of the diaries of the missionary Samuel Pollard, are still very much “work in progress.” The uneven character of the articles is further accentuated by wide discrepancies in clarity and presentation; some convoluted passages are hardly comprehensible and some lengthy articles could be made more appealing by cutting repetitions. The technical editing of the volume unfortunately appears sloppy, with quite a few grammatical errors and typos, and at least one cut-off reference (first line, p. 57). Not all authors appear in the “Notes on Contributors” and one, Claes Corlin, is said to teach at Gutenberg (instead of Gothenburg) University. Correction of these annoyances would improve the quality of this valuable volume in a future edition. Erik Cohen

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Richard Totman, The Third Sex: Kathoey —Thailand’s Ladyboys. London, Souvenir Press, 2003; Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2003, pp.213. This book on Thailand’s male-tofemale transgender or kathoey culture is a series of anecdotal reflections based on interviews with kathoey informants and summaries of academic publications and newspaper articles. The book emerged from the author’s fascination with the cultural prominence of kathoey in Thailand and the text is structured around case studies of kathoey who live and work in the tourist centres of Bangkok, Hua Hin, Pattaya, Hat Yai and Koh Samui. There is a dearth of solid research on kathoey and I very much hoped that this book would help fill the gap in the literature. However, I am afraid that Richard Totman’s book has little to commend it and perpetuates misperceptions as much as it enlightens us about the place of kathoey in modern Thailand. Before beginning my critique, let me state up front that the author has put me off by copying large sections from one of my articles, “Male Homosexuality and Transgenderism in the Thai Buddhist Tradition” (Jackson 1998). Apart from a few editorial asides, pages 51 to 60 of Totman’s book (London edition; all page references given here are to this edition) are copied verbatim from this article. Totman mentions and cites my article in his bibliography, but he presents pages from my study as if they report his own research. Pages

174 and 175 even reproduce my footnotes and citations of Thai sources word-for-word, as if it was Totman who read and analyzed the original Thailanguage texts. There is something of a fashion for Western authors writing on kathoey to plagiarize my research. The American philosopher Alfonso Lingis has admitted as much in reply to my review (Jackson 1999) of his aptly titled book Abuses, in which he used an uncited section of one of my books (Jackson 1995) to support the egregiously ethnocentric claim that every Thai man is a potential drag queen. I would be less angered about being plagiarized if visitors to Thailand like Totman and Lingis used my work to say something interesting and refrained from representing touristic observations gleaned from “in-depth ethnographic” visits to the Alcazar or Tiffany Revues at Pattaya as the “true situation” of the country’s kathoey. The eclectic mix of anecdotal and academic sources in this book is reflected in the idiosyncratic analysis, which often blends and fails to distinguish Thai stereotypes of kathoey from dated, mostly discredited Western sexological studies of hermaphroditism and transgenderism. Totman appears to be unaware of the rapidly growing academic literature on transgender and transsexual cultures in the West and Southeast Asia, for he fails to locate his study in terms of the issues and debates that concern professionals working in these fields. The book is replete with pseudo-sci-

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entific anecdotes presented as fact. I could only smile when I read that, “[i]t does not take a statistical survey to reveal that on average kathoey are taller than other Thai males and females” (p. 36), and Totman went on to proclaim, “[e]veryone I spoke to in Thailand acknowledges this fact but no one seems able to offer an explanation.” (p. 36). Leaving aside the off-hand dismissal of any attempt at a systematic approach to studying kathoey, it occurred to me when I learned of this mystery of the tall kathoey that Totman might have got an answer if he had asked whether his informants were wearing platformsoled high-heeled shoes. It does not take a statistical survey to reveal that these items are wardrobe essentials for every self-respecting kathoey show girl. However, on a less flippant note, the “unusual” height of kathoey compared to Thai woman is undoubtedly because they are biological males and, on average, males are taller than females in all societies, including Thailand. The captions attached to reproductions of some nineteenth century Siamese photographs left me wondering whether Totman is able to distinguish kathoey from Thai women. He appears not to know of pre-modern Siam’s traditions of same-sex theatre, in which women played both male and female dramatic roles in the theatre of the inner court, while men played all the roles in the lakhorn nork theatrical genre. Mattani Rutnin (1996) has written an excellent historical study of Siam’s same-sex theatrical traditions. Totman

includes a photograph (following p. 86) of highly made-up Siamese performers from the nineteenth century and adds the caption, “Kathoey dancers in late 19th century Siars [sic]”. No evidence is provided to back up the claim that the unknown performers in the photograph were kathoey. Another photograph of a group of traditionally dressed women— to my eyes possibly a scene of noblewomen attended by a group of female servants—is labelled, “ ‘Actresses’ relaxing off-stage ....” Totman not only misinterprets a mixed group of noblewomen and servants as actors, but by placing the word ‘Actresses’ inside inverted commas suggests that the people in the photograph were not actually women but kathoeys. In a recent study I have traced the long history of Western visitors’ confusion when confronted by pre-modern Siamese fashions and hairstyles that did not distinguish the masculine from the feminine as strongly as in the West (Jackson 2003). Totman’s book continues the tradition of British tourists’ memoirs of their Siamese sojourns, which in the nineteenth century typically included accounts of how “muscular” and “manlike” Siamese women looked beside their “effete” and “lazy” menfolk. In my study I suggest that the gender confusions of so many Western visitors to Siam, including Totman, suggest a topic of genuine academic interest. However, we need to turn the academic gaze back upon the West and ask why it is that ever since the early European contacts in the sixteenth century so many Westerners

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have had difficulty distinguishing Thai men from Thai women. Totman’s journalistic account of Thailand’s modern kathoey culture overlooks a fascinating transition that has taken place in Western visitors’ narratives of Siam over the past century. While contemporary travel guides often make much of Thailand’s kathoey culture, no Western account published before the early 1900s unambigously refers to the existence of kathoey in the Siamese cultural area of Central Thailand. This suggests either that kathoey culture did not exist before 1900 or, if it did, that it was invisible to Western visitors. Instead of accounts of a prominently visible subculture of transgender kathoey, pre-twentieth century visitors wrote about the universal “androgyny” of the entire Siamese population, whose fashion, hair style, and comportment failed, in European eyes, to clearly differentiate men from women. In my readings of a wide range of both Thai and English-language sources, I have discovered that kathoey only began to reported in significant numbers after World War II. Explaining this transition is one of the most important questions still to be answered by historians of Thai gender. The history of gender and fashion in Thailand may be much more closely related to the history of kathoey than anyone, including myself, previously suspected. Has there been a major revolution in Thai gender culture since the beginning of the twentieth century, of which the emergence of the modern kathoey in

the post-war period is perhaps one indicator? Or is the appearance of a Thai “gender revolution” a superficial effect produced by the increasing visual differentiation of the sexes following the widespread adoption of Western fashions? As possible evidence for this second interpretation we should recall that it was only as a result of Phibun Songkhram’s wartime cultural mandates that Western-styled gender-differentiated fashions were first forced upon the entire Siamese population. It was also only under Phibun that Thai given names were assigned a fixed masculine or feminine gendering, after a national committee appointed by “The Leader” was tasked with drawing up a list of all names and ascribing an often arbitrary gender to each. It is only after this period of fascist-inspired cultural “reform” that kathoey began to be reported in the local press. Was this because a man could only be seen to be dressing like a woman if men and women first dressed differently? If men’s and women’s fashions are much the same, then is cross-dressing simply not possible? Unfortunately, Totman’s book does not help us with any of these questions and instead tends to add to the confusion that has marked Western accounts of Siamese gender for centuries. The quite beautiful tiara-adorned kathoey on the cover of this book may help it sell well in airport bookstores, but its contents do not advance our understanding of transgenderism in Thailand. Peter A. Jackson

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References: Jackson, Peter A. 1995. Dear Uncle Go: Male Homosexuality in Thailand, Bangkok: Floating Lotus Books. . 1998. “Male Homosexuality and Transgenderism in the Thai Buddhist Tradition”, in Winston Leyland (ed.), Queer Dharma: Voices of Gay Buddhists, pp. 28–45, San Francisco: Gay Sunshine Press. . 1999. “Spurning Alphonso Lingis’s Thai ‘Lust’: The Perils of a Philosopher at Large”, Intersections: Gender, History & Culture in the Asian Context, Issue 2, May 1999. (Internet journal - URL http:// wwwsshe.murdoch.edu.au/intersections/).. . 2003. “Performative Genders, Perverse Desires: A Bio-History of Thailand’s Same-sex and Transgender Cultures”, Intersections: Gender, History & Culture in the Asian Context, Issue 9, 2003. (Internet journal - URL http:// wwwsshe.murdoch.edu.au/intersections/), ISSN 1440-9151. Lingis, Alphonso. 1994. Abuses, Berkeley: University of California Press. Mattani Rutnin. 1996. Dance, Drama, and Theatre in Thailand: The Process of Development and Modernization, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books.

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Bruce D. Missingham, The Assembly of the Poor in Thailand. Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2003, pp.viii + 237. This volume is a welcome addition to the study of Thai anthropology and politics. The Assembly of the Poor, a coalition of rural villagers and urban slum dwellers, is studied to explore the social processes through which collective action and protest are constructed. Specifically examined is the extent to which the Assembly of the Poor was able to effect social change and expand the presence and role of grassroots democracy in Thailand. The book explores and comprehensively analyzes the direct and indirect relationships between NGO activists with slum residents and rural villagers composing the Assembly. Noteworthy is the book’s readability to both those within and outside academia and those unfamiliar with the struggles faced by people living in Third World countries. The book sheds light on how the Assembly came to deal with their country’s development, which, among other things, includes unavoidable demands for advancement and growth at all strata of society. These demands ultimately result in the under-privileged or lower classes becoming victims of the desire to develop or improve economic and social standards. The first chapter provides an introduction and general synopsis of the subject matter, citing various concepts and theories relating to the anthropological study of the research matter in an ethnographic perspective. Missingham

makes great effort to emphasize and utilize the individual men and women involved or participating in the movement, from its local origins to its national and global presence. In this introductory chapter, Missingham clearly states that he is not an “objective” or unbiased observer (p. 11), but rather a sympathetic empathizer who is expressing his support for the struggle of personal and civil liberties that provide a basis for the Assembly of the Poor, emphasizing his personal contacts and relationships with members of the movement. Chapter 2 describes the background of the Assembly of the Poor in an historical and political context. This is done to provide a basis for understanding the ethnographic data collected and analyzed in the study. A key point mentioned in this chapter is how the villagers composing the Assembly organized themselves once they realized the connection between resource conflicts and environmental squalor, and the relationship these topics have with (Thai) governmental development policies. This led to understanding the underlying political processes involved in policy creation, organization and eventual permanency as law (p.32). Chapter 3 is an overview of the membership, organization and structure of the Assembly of the Poor. The Assembly’s activities are examined to overcome the unavoidable conflicts between local or personal issues and a national movement involved in the construction of a unified policy platform and political identity. Missingham stresses that the Assembly

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of the Poor was created in order for villagers’ organizations throughout Thailand to join in a public forum to discuss and exchange infor-mation and resources (p.43). The Assembly’s initial activities, goals, strategies and overall organization are highlighted. Its ability to surmount a restrictive and sectioning force (the Thai government) by combining a large number of economically, ethnically and socially diverse local conflicts into a nation-wide movement is examined. The chapter demonstrates how the Assembly was able to canvass, lobby and negotiate on behalf of its members at local, national and global levels. Chapter 4 begins the detailed ethnographic study of the Assembly, presenting excellent villagers’ accounts as well as personal analysis and observation regarding other early democracy and grassroots political movements in Thailand. This chapter analyzes the relationship between development, environmental change and grassroots collective action through a case study of the creation of the Mun River Villagers’ Committee and its fight against the construction of the Pak Mun Dam project in rural northeast Thailand. The chapter emphasizes the ineffectiveness of conventional methods of protest (in Thailand) due to the harsh nature and secretive attitude the Thai government holds concerning most domestic affairs and issues (p.80). The chapter explains that one of the reasons for forming the Assembly was the members’ desire for the preservation of the Isan, or “country”,

culture associated with rural northeast Thailand. The shared Isan identity of the Assembly’s members was utilized as a basis for grounding their initial protests (p.86). Chapter 5 covers the origins, activities and groups or individual members of the various NGOs that played a major role in promoting and supporting the Assembly from its early roots to the attention of those in the domestic and global realm. This chapter analyzes the motivations and meanings or symbolism that NGO activists utilized in their efforts to promote or support the Assembly (p.108). In addition, the chapter presents a detailed account of the Assembly’s daily activities and affairs as well as the coalition’s relationship with other grassroots political and social movements in Thailand, giving special attention to the initial leaders and organizers of the coalition. The following chapter discusses an ethnographic account of the Assembly’s historic 99-day protest in the streets outside Government House and Sanam Luang in Bangkok in 1997. Missingham specifically notes how the Assembly “mobilizes people and resources, the internal organization and constitution of a protest ‘community’ [and] the significance of space and place” (pp.125–6). He repeatedly emphasizes the impact of the 1997 protest in the context of “collective political action” (p.169) by the poor and underprivileged in Thailand, literally by bringing the village to the city, naming the protest the “Village of the Poor” (pp.139–42). The demonstra-

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tion represented one of the most prolonged and properly organized demonstrations ever held in Thailand. The rally created national and global awareness of the Assembly of the Poor and its claims of injustice by the Thai government. In addition, the Bangkok protest offered a new framework for the expression of official criticism or public grievance in the country, as well as providing overall justification for the Assembly and its demands. Chapter 7 analyzes the “social spaces and social networks” (p.173) that the Assembly established in order to create a democratic, albeit grassroots, civil society built upon various networks of collective action and power. This chapter describes the diverse notions incorporated by the numerous groups, networks and organizations that constitute the Assembly of the Poor. The impact of the Asian financial crisis in mid-1997 and the adverse effects on the Thai government and society that followed are explained in chapter 8. The crisis greatly affected and changed the Assembly, causing it to alter its strategies and goals (p.201–4). Additionally, this chapter brings the Assembly’s story up to date (2001) with the newly elected Thaksin Shinawatra government and the coalition’s return to local rather than national organizational structures. The concluding section, chapter 9, discusses the various results of the Assembly’s activities and affairs that were analyzed in previous chapters, and presents two key conclusions made by Missingham: (1) The active social

networks constituting the Assembly of the Poor represented new and powerful methods of communal social organization and group activism in Thailand that changed the character of politics concerning the poor or underprivileged; and (2) The Assembly paved the way for new types of individuality and resistance awareness in Thailand (p. 215). Overall, Bruce D. Missingham has written a very comprehensive and wellresearched ethnological account of the Assembly of the Poor in Thailand. He begins by describing the early events and motivations that sparked interest and intent in rural villagers to organize themselves properly and eventually form a collective organization to promote their shared voices to the Thai government, Thai society and the world. Missingham has used diverse and extensive resources, ranging from documented accounts, activities and official government reports to personal interviews and observation. If possible, further analysis or explanation of the effects of other dam sites and land projects in Thailand mentioned, as well as further identification and inclusion of the vast urban slum communities that are members of the Assembly, would add to the book’s overall content. Yale M. Needel

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William Warren, The Siam Society: A Century Bangkok, Siam Society, 2004, ills, pp. 182.

nobody here will be able to overcome the apathy of any four people to get the idea into practice.

The well-known author of superior illustrated volumes dealing with aspects of Thai culture, who came to this country in the same year as this reviewer, 1960, and who stayed, lecturing in Chulalongkorn University, was faced with an almost impossible task when commissioned to write a history of the Siam Society. In the first instance, its history is not exceptional, like that of most scholarly societies, but above all because two histories of the Society already existed, the most recent published in 1989. He has risen to the challenge well, choosing to concentrate on personalities who contributed to the work of the Society over the hundred years since its inception at a meeting held in the Oriental Hotel on 26 February 1904. Unlike the other histories, too, he delves further back in time, and begins his volume by citing W.H. Mundie, the editor of the Bangkok Times, who in 1892 threw down the gauntlet to his readers:

Well, many people gathered together at that first inaugural meeting, and a hundred years later the Society is still going strong.

It is proposed for the purpose of historical research and to have at hand some reliable data with regard to the ancient history, folklore and literature of Siam, a scientific society should be organized and discussion invited. Such an institution would be most valuable anyone would admit, and yet we are willing to lay unlimited odds that

Warren gives due credit to the importance of royal patronage, and the support from its first royal patron, then Crown Prince Vajiravudh, later King Rama VI. This generous patronage has continued unabated to this day, as the large array of photographs in this volume shows. The author rightly deals extensively with the early work of Prince Damrong and of course Prince Dhani and Prince Wan and their connections with the Society’s aims. The last two had the rare distinction of serving two periods each as president (respectively totalling 22 and 10 years), while Prince Damrong, though never serving as president, was the first Vice-Patron and a contributor to the Journal, and generously placed his library at the disposition of members. Then there was a host of foreign worthies who are now largely forgotten, though some remain in memory through their writings, like the eminent scholar Frankfurter, a founding member, secretary and president from 1906 to 1918. Illustrious persons like Gerini, Francis Giles, Homan Van der Heide, Carrington, Coedès, Seidenfaden and many others all contributed a great deal to the well-being of the Society in its

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early days. It is sad to learn that wars led to some being interned. Indeed, the First and, more particularly, the Second World War (following so closely on the overthrow of the absolute monarchy in 1932 and the international financial crisis of the 1930s) had a devastating effect on the Society, and Warren carefully skirts round some of the more tendentious moments between 1940 and 1944 when the Society was obliged to become the Thailand Research Society and its Journal changed its name as well. As his chapter headings show, though, Warren does not always avoid thorny issues, and the last five sections are appropriately titled Controversy, Trying Times, Confronting Change, Facing the Future and In Search of an Identity. The affair of the Jim Thompson bequest is discussed in full. The controversial elections to the Council of 1969, 1988, and 2004 (this last in any case occurring too late for these pages) are, however, tactfully overlooked. The contrast, though, between the early itinerant days of the Society and its acquisition, thanks to the generosity of A.E. Nana, of its present site and the addition of the splendid new buildings more recently is marked. The search for an identity theme is also telling, for things have changed considerably since 1904, universities have grown like mushrooms, and research centres abound. Each Council, to this reviewer’s knowledge, since 1969 has aimed to bring in younger blood and involve Thai members more. But the Society still has, for some, the aura of a

rather exclusive club with a strong foreign input, and its integration into mainstream academe is not always self-evident. There are a couple of factual errors noted. One Council member was said to be on the board in the 1970s when in fact it was the 1980s. This reviewer did not start the Siam Society Newsletter, but only edited eight issues of it from 19868; the honour for its inception should go, if memory is right, to Dr Kaset Pitakpaivan. The bodhi tree cutting brought by the Sri Lankan Embassy for the royal rededication of Wat Sra Bua Keo in Nong Song Hong came from Anuradhapura, not Amarapura in Burma. There is the usual dozen or so typos, but most people will not notice them, except perhaps for having one of the Mbri wearing an “old mother-eaten cardigan”. The author has not been well served by the pink cover to the volume with its faint red lettering, nor by the profusion of parentheses. This reviewer would have liked to have seen a bibliography and an index, but that is precisely the kind of book Warren probably wanted to avoid. One snippet remains intriguing: the fact that several marriages resulted from Siam Society organized study trips here and there. Now, that is a new aspect given to high-minded travel, and predates Singapore’s love-boat jaunts. Such minor deficiencies as there might be (and volumes of this nature have to be rather bland) are more than compensated by the profusion of photo-

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graphs and illustrations, many in colour, that give flavour and feeling to the text, which flows smoothly and rounds out the different periods covered. Altogether a difficult job well done. Michael Smithies

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Mary P. Callahan, Making Enemies: War and State Building in Burma. Singapore, National University of Singapore, 2004, pp.268. Just one day after Mary Callahan received permission from the Burmese military regime to conduct research in Burma on the history of its armed forces, she was caught in the midst of a student demonstration at Rangoon University. She heard the sound of voices chanting “de-mo-ca-ra-cy” as she sat in the university library, and librarians were told to confine her to the manuscript room where the windows were opaque and she would not be able to witness the protest. A few hours later, as she was escorted out of the library, she saw the soldiers. They were armed, agitated and surprised to see a foreigner on campus. A colonel stepped forward and screamed at her to leave immediately. Outside, the main street was filled with troop and weapons trucks and blocked off with barbed-wire barricades. Such a massive armed response to a mere fifty unarmed students calling for democracy seems almost ridiculous. But through her book, Making Enemies: War and State Building in Burma, Callahan is able to make sense of it. Callahan’s central thesis is that the Burmese army must be viewed with knowledge of the particular chaotic circumstances during which it was created and came of age. The military regime in Burma is not comprised of politicians or even politically savvy military men. Rather, it is made up of

and formed by battle-hardened war fighters. Writes Callahan: “Unless seen in the light of its war-fighting focus, the Burmese tatmadaw [army] looks like an incomparably efficient team of powerhungry, illiterate, shameless, vicious lunatics.” Callahan, who is Assistant Professor in the Jackson School of International Studies at the University of Washington, skilfully and comprehensively traces the history of Burma’s armed forces from the early colonial period in 1826 through the Second World War and up until 1962 when the tatmadaw seized control of the state and Burma became a military dictatorship. As a by-product of this history and analysis, the book attempts to explain how the army has maintained such a complete stranglehold on power in Burma for the past four decades – a tenure which makes it one of the most tenacious military regimes in the world. Callahan dismisses the over-simplified, though common, theses that the national Burmese psyche somehow lends itself to authoritarian rule or that it was the Machiavellian charisma of the late dictator Ne Win which imposed such cohesiveness and purpose on the tatmadaw and, in Making Enemies, she provides an infinitely more convincing argument. In order to trace the complex and at times confusing history of Burma’s armed forces, Callahan uses a number of varied sources. In covering the British period and that of the Second World War, she relies predominately on materials from the India Office and Public Records

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Office in London. She was also granted a visa which enabled her to conduct research in the tatmadaw archives in Rangoon and, as a result, Making Enemies offers much information that is unique and illuminating. The central theme of Making Enemies is an exploration of how the Burmese armed forces came into being as both a military and state-building power against a background of tumultuous unrest. The book begins with an overview of the British period from 1826 to 1941. Here, Callahan explores the ways in which the British set the mould for what was to come by creating, what in academic-speak is termed, a “coerciveintensive” state. The bulk of the book, however, focuses on the critical years between 1941 and 1962. Callahan argues that the Japanese invasion of Burma during the Second World War and the subsequent panicked British withdrawal led to two key events: firstly, the sudden and complete collapse of the colonial administration and infrastructure, and, secondly, the Japanese-backed formation of the Burma Independence Army (BIA). While the first event precipitated much of the chaos and internecine fighting which prevailed in the following decades, the second constituted the embryonic form of the tatmadaw as it exists today. Callahan writes in detail of the chaotic expansion and following Japaneseenforced reduction of the BIA and charts the army’s rebirth – through extensive

negotiations and power struggles – under the British post-war reoccupation of Burma. At independence in January 1948 Britain handed back to Burma a country economically devastated but, more importantly, a nation in which both the state apparatus and the national army were riddled with factionalism; in effect, a time-bomb waiting to explode. A year after the British left, the state disintegrated completely as the loose alliances between various political and military organizations created during the war fell apart and internecine fighting erupted throughout the country. Rather than providing a battleby-battle blow of how the tatmadaw eventually brought relative calm to most of central Burma, Callahan delivers a broad analysis of the complex negotiations and power struggles through which the tatmadaw emerged as the sole power in Burma. The tatmadaw responded to the crises in Burma on an ad-hoc day-by-day basis but, when the Chinese Kuomintang were chased by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army over the borders of Yunnan and into northern Burma in 1949, the Burmese army had to rally itself to respond to the possibility of foreign invasion. Used to fighting disparate guerilla wars and roving bands of militia, it now needed to be able to fend off an outside invasion which threatened the sovereignty of the state. It is at this point in her book that Callahan’s research in the tatmadaw archives comes to the fore as she explains how and why a ragtag, poorlyoutfitted army which consisted of little

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more than 2,000 men in the early 1940s managed to transform itself into a cohesive fighting force that would become one of the largest standing armies in Asia. Callahan gleans some fascinating details from the army archives, such as those about the overseas “shopping trips” and military missions made by the tatmadaw as it learned how to restructure and arm itself appropriately. (The Yugoslav and Israeli armies were considered role models for their similar histories of bringing together guerilla wartime skills and the capability of mobilizing a standing army against foreign aggressors.) The resulting autonomy of the tatmadaw in Burma was not, argues Callahan, a plot to take over the country, but a “byproduct of the decades-long struggles over how power would be constituted, by whom, in whose name, and across what territory”. Callahan concludes her research in 1962, the year the tatmadaw took control of the state – a move in which its members saw themselves as completing the heroic revolution that had begun with their Japanese-sponsored anti-colonial struggles against the British. In Making Enemies, Callahan provides a valuable resource for understanding the origins of this famously secretive regime and a comprehensive chronology of how an army that rose to power battling the state eventually became the state. Emma Larkin

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Gerry Abbott, Back to Mandalay: An Inside View of Burma. Bangkok, Orchid Press, 2004, pp.193. Back to Mandalay is Abbott’s memoir of his two-year assignment as an English language teacher at Mandalay University in the late 1980s. As a diary of his time in Mandalay, the book is similar to the currently popular personal memoirs of other British writers who write of their “year in Provence” or “summer in Tuscany”. There is the familiar search for a suitable house, and the daily struggle with eccentric toilet facilities, and unfamiliar locals (both the friendly and the unwelcoming). In Abbott’s case, the details of his sojourn abroad are somewhat more exotic: local transport woes come in the form of a horse-and-cart and there are scorpions in the bathroom. But what sets this book apart from the usual descriptions of setting-up a life in an unfamiliar place is the backdrop of Burmese politics. By pure chance, Abbott landed in Burma at a critical time in Burmese history and his memoir chronicles the last two years of the Burmese dictator Ne Win’s absolute rule as well as the lead-up to the popular uprising of 1988 in which thousands of unarmed protestors were shot and killed by government soldiers. Abbott lovingly recounts the Burmese pagodas he visits along with the country’s colourful festivals and seasons, but it is the politics of the time which make his account unique. The daily frustrations of working as a foreigner within a xenophobic autho-

ritarian state, for instance, provide fascinating, and sometimes funny, anecdotes. Though Burma was mostly closed off from the rest of the world, foreign tourists were allowed in for a limited seven-day period. Burmese people were discouraged from fraternizing with these foreigners and Abbott witnesses various poignant examples of this such as the “apartheid” system which prohibited foreigners and Burmese from drinking in the same bars. When a Burmese associate accompanied Abbott to the Myamandala Hotel in Mandalay, he was not allowed to drink beer alongside Abbott in the tourist bar and Abbott was not allowed to sit with him in the separate bar reserved for Burmese drinkers. The Burmese regime’s reluctance to communicate with the rest of the world also had a severe effect on the country’s educational system. The university at which Abbott taught had no formal syllabus and the students’ grasp of the English language was eccentric, to say the least. In one exam paper Abbott marked he came across answers to a set of true/false questions which left him baffled. The student had written: 1. Flase 2. Ture 3. Flalse 4. Flure 5. Ture Indeed, one of the themes of Abbott’s memoir is the blurred line between truth and falsity in Burmese political life. Ne Win refused to acknowledge that the country’s economy

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was in shambles. Whenever he travelled around the country, roads were repaved, buildings repainted and decorative floral archways hung above his path. Abbott compares this phenomenon to the fable of The Emperor’s New Clothes: “For a couple of decades people had watched things fall apart. Where they had been able to, they had mended; and where they hadn’t, they had pretended. It was a way of life by now, and without a little boy to shout ‘The emperor is naked!’ things could go on like this till kingdom come.” Before Abbott’s contract came to an end, however, he was able to witness the entire country stand up and effectively shout that the emperor was naked during the mass protests of August 1988. While Abbot is no political scientist and Back to Mandalay does not claim to provide a comprehensive overview of the events of 1988, the book does offer a ground-level view of events as witnessed by one foreigner living among the increasingly politicized Burmese. Abbott watched resentment against the government grow when the 75-kyat, 35kyat and 25-kyat notes of the Burmese currency were declared redundant and people’s savings disappeared overnight. The notes were later replaced by new denominations linked to Ne Win’s lucky numbers (90 and 45). Abbott, who has a good handle on local humour, writes that people jokingly predicted the 10-kyat note would soon be replaced by 7 1/2kyat and 3 3/4-kyat notes. The regime started to close the universities as rumbles of dissent spread

around the country and Abbott saw the number of students in his class dwindle. By the time severe unrest had broken out in August of 1988, he had only 16 students, and cows and pigs were wandering placidly around the emptied campus. The country’s train and bus services were shut down and Mandalay became isolated; the only source of outside news coming from daily BBC broadcasts. Unsure what to do, Abbott retired to his house, taking temporary solace in his collection of butterfly photographs—his love of nature surfaces throughout the book in his enthusiastic descriptions of local flora and fauna. Abbott’s ennui does not last long and he eventually finds himself embroiled in the politics seething around him. As the military began violently suppressing protestors across the country, rumours rustled through Mandalay of a horrifying massacre in the nearby town of Sagaing. Though official reports stated that 31 people had been killed, Abbott heard that some 300 had died and that many more were critically injured and dying in poorly-equipped local hospitals. Driven into action, he convinced the British Embassy in Rangoon to send two trunks of medical supplies which he was able to smuggle to Sagaing via an abbot and local doctor. As daily protests grew in size and fervour, Abbott soon found himself marching alongside the burgeoning masses that were jubilantly filling the streets of Mandalay.

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But the events of 1988 spiralled out of control. The regime released prisoners to create chaos and there were ominous troop and ammunition deployments within the major cities, precipitating the final crackdown that was to come. The British Embassy pressured Abbott to evacuate and he ended up making a hasty retreat. Pyan-la-meh, he assured his distraught Burmese friends, as he raced to the airport for one of the few flights leaving Mandalay: I will return. Abbott clearly did return to Burma as he promised, if not in person than in mind, as his biography at the end of the book illustrates; he went on to write more specific studies of Burmese culture such as The Traveller’s History of Burma and The Folk-tales of Burma. Over 15 years have passed since Abbott’s teaching stint in Burma and this edition of Back to Mandalay has, as a result, a somewhat dated feeling to it (it is a reprint of Abbott’s original book which was first published in 1990). The dictator Ne Win is dead and Burma has opened its doors to foreign investment and tourism. But an authoritarian regime still holds sway in Burma and Abbott’s book illustrates not only how much has changed but also, and perhaps more importantly, how much has stayed the same. Emma Larkin

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Goh Beng-lan, Modern Dreams: An Inquiry into Power, Cultural Production, and the Cityscape in Contemporary Urban Penang, Malaysia. Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Southeast Asia Program Publications, 2002, pp.225. This is a meticulously researched and well written book based essentially on a doctoral dissertation submitted to Monash University. The case study of a “fourteen-year long battle against eviction by a community of Portuguese Eurasians living in Kampung Serani, in the city of Georgetown, Penang” (69) is framed by its location, geographically, historically and politically, within the context of urban transformation and changing cityscapes in a rapidly modernizing Malaysia. Throughout the book, the author displays a fluent command of the discursive vocabulary required to pursue her dual objectives: analysing the contradictory forces at work in the unfolding of modernity in contemporary Malaysia at the macro-level, and reconstructing the diversity of cultural discourses and social practices that entered into the conflict over Kampung Serani to represent the subjective agency of the main actors at the micro-level. There are in all nine chapters. A brief introductory chapter informs the reader immediately of the main concerns of the book, while revealing some “self-reflections” by the author on the process of knowledge production as a sojourning Malaysian, researching and writing about her home town. The concluding

chapter resumes succinctly the main arguments of the substantive chapters, relating them again to the main theoretical and methodological concerns laid out in the introduction. In Chapter 2 theories about modernization are considered within a broader South-East Asian context before the author lays down her own theoretical perspective, which is to frame Malaysian modernity through the dynamics of cultural discourse and social practice. This becomes the framework for an eloquent explication of Malaysia’s experience of modernization since 1969, which is placed “within the context of the interaction between the particularities of its history, the cultural politics of nationalism, and process of economic modernization and globalization”. Readers not familiar with Malaysia, South-East Asia or modernization theories will find both chapters very useful but they would probably welcome the inclusion of an index as well as a bibliography to help in recalling or tracking down names, terms and references. From Chapter 3 the reader is advised to jump forward to Chapter 7, which provides essential background information on the state of Penang—its early history, administrative structure, political economy and general development— before zooming in to a survey of the issues emerging from contemporary urban transformation, with the growth of a new cityscape in Georgetown in general and the suburb of Pulau Tikus (within which Kampung Serani is located) in particular. This outline of

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“recent political, economic, cultural, and spatial dynamics” in the state of Penang offers a better transition to Chapter 4, which narrows the focus further to the specifics of the “geography of the kampung and the players involved in the conflict”, in addition to providing a chronology of the main events in the fourteen year conflict over Kampung Serani. Chapters 5, 6 and 8 concentrate in turn on three main players in this conflict. Chapter 5 presents “the ethnographic narratives of the nine families who still lived in Kampung Serani” when Goh began her fieldwork, reconstructing their perspectives, uncertainties and emotions as they battled in vain against being evicted by the developers and the Catholic Church, a landowner from whom the residents mistakenly expected more sympathy. Chapter 6 investigates the preoccupations of the Penang Eurasian Association, which assumed the role of mediator in the conflict and in the end arguably gained more than the residents by entering into a conflict in which they seemingly had no vested interests. Last, but by no means least, Chapter 8 explores “the economic, political and cultural imperatives” of property developers in contemporary urban Penang and the ramifications of these imperatives on the Kampung Serani conflict. For each of the substantive chapters, Goh has diligently gathered an impressive range of empirical data, whether in the form of ethnographic details about individuals and families (as in Chapter 5) or company profiles and regulations governing urban development (as in

Chapter 8). She has also succeeded in reconstructing the “complex articulations” of the major players on issues of ethnic identity, social orientation and economic interests, and in analysing the dialectical dynamics of cultural politics that emerged in the wake of rapid modernization and urbanization. There is, however, a noticeable gap in Goh’s otherwise detailed reconstruction of the story of Kampung Serani. Apart from a brief half-page discussion on p. 168, the Catholic Church is not given the same attention, nor does it come under the same scrutiny, as the other major parties in the conflict. This is a pity as the Church, like many other religious and/or social bodies who are either landowners or holding prime urban land in trust for their respective organizations, is an important landowner in many of Malaysia’s major cities. Goh points out, for example, that residents on Muslim endowment or wakaf land have found themselves threatened by the possibility of being evicted in the name of urban development (167). A closer investigation of the Church’s position in relation to similar organizations, all of which are and should be expected not to act in pursuit of maximum material gains from their land, would have added an interesting dimension to the “cultural politics” of contestations over limited urban space. Goh has written a highly readable book that locates a detailed micro-study within the broader issues of cultural politics, urban formations and the construction of identities in the many dimensions

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required by living in a modern society. The story of Kampung Serani does illustrate that “modernity is analogous with the processes of domination and violence” and does demonstrate that “the experience of modernity in Malaysia begins with the everyday processes of urban eviction and the accompanying upheavals of social, political, and economic behaviour, which unfolds within a complex intertwining of local, national and global dynamics” (201). But, while these processes can provide “a space for the articulation of human agency and the reworking of cultural/ identity politics” (202), some parties are clearly more empowered, while others are more limited by their location within power relationships. In her concluding chapter, Goh reiterates her theoretical framework as one that seeks to “recognize the agency of local agents” and suggests that the “contrasting imaginaries of local actors” did combine to shape the politics and spatial consequences of the Kampung Serani conflict (199). But though she has shown that the residents were not “passive recipients of external initiatives” and did struggle against both the developers and the Catholic Church, she herself acknowledges that the Kampung Serani residents’ battle was “in vain”. The consequences of the Kampung Serani conflict were ultimately shaped not by the residents but by those with more power, limiting the viability of the losers’ “imaginaries”. Not all players have the same opportunities to translate their “imaginaries” into the production

of “a meaningful life in accordance with their own particular values and goals” (202). Tan Liok Ee

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Elsbeth Locher-Scholten, Sumatran Sultanate and Colonial State: Jambi and the Rise of Dutch Imperialism, 1830–1907. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program Publications, 2003, pp. 332. This is a well-researched and detailed study into how the Dutch gradually extended their control over Jambi in east Sumatra. The work is set against a discussion of the major theories on imperialism. The author uses the case of Jambi to revisit some of the debates such as motives in Western overseas expansion in the late nineteenth century, whether 1870 and 1880 marked a turning point or that the colonial process was a long and continuous one, and ascertaining the real sources of colonial initiatives. Within this discussion, the book addresses the question of Dutch imperialism as a special case, because of what some scholars contended was its late start, an expansion within its own frontiers in the Netherlands East Indies, and its ethical pretensions. Jambi on the east coast of Sumatra, with a population of about 60,000 in the mid-nineteenth century, was probably one of the smallest sultanates in the Archipelago. In the period of this study, Jambi was no longer the prosperous sultanate it once was. There was a time when the sultanate controlled pepperproducing districts and had commercial and cultural links with Johor, Makasar and Banten. Falling pepper prices and rivalry with neighouring Palembang led to its decline. In addition, the sultanate

suffered from internal unrest and from outside threats. A troubling problem facing Jambi rulers was the division of the sultanate into upland and lowland regions. Barbara Andaya has shown that such a geographical and economic division forms a recurring pattern in many states of the Malay Archipelago. In Jambi the population was concentrated in the richer upland, which produced pepper and other export goods. It was largely settled by Minangkabau people who increasingly resisted downstream attempt at control, and this eventually led to a series of rebellions. In 1833, Sultan Facharuddin of Jambi, facing upland problems as well as challenges to his power, entered into a contract with the Dutch. The Dutch saw the Jambi contract as congruent with the aim of expanding their influence in Sumatra. The author argues that the contract, however, came to be read differently by Jambi and the Dutch. Facharuddin saw the contract as a treaty of peace and friendship, and in exchange for Dutch support gave away few concessions. The Dutch, on the other hand, contended that the sultan had placed himself and his territory under the permanent authority of the colonial administration and that this therefore granted them sovereignty over Jambi. The divergent interpretations framed much of Jambi-Dutch relations later on. To remove any further ambiguity, a new contract was imposed on Jambi in 1858. Taha Safiuddin, who succeeded in 1855 as the new ruler in Jambi, had ear-

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lier tried to assert Jambi’s independence. He wrote in 1857 to Turkey for support and he refused to accept some of the provisions in the proposed contract. A Dutch military force was thereupon sent to Jambi. Taha was replaced as sultan by the Dutch, and for some forty years or more he and other members of the Jambi leadership refused to acknowledge Dutch sovereignty. Nonetheless, the deposed sultan avoided an overtly hostile stance that could provoke Dutch retaliation but simply evaded all direct dealings with the Dutch. Against the powerful Dutch this stance of avoidance is considered by the author as a weapon of the weak. Within Jambi, Taha continued to be more influential than the so-called contractrulers approved by the Dutch. In the period between the signing of the 1858 contract and the final Dutch military action against Jambi in 1901, the Dutch presence was mostly limited to Muara Kompeh. The author argues that the Dutch lacked the resources and the desire during this period to exercise fully the sovereignty they claimed. Still, the 1858 contract was of significance. This contract was one in a series made with indigenous rulers intended as a policy of preemption whereby the Dutch staked claims to territories in Indonesia in the early nineteenth century. Jambi, despite its weak economy and the financial burden it was likely to pose, was considered strategic to overall Dutch policy in Sumatra. During this period, the Dutch followed what this book describes as a

policy of abstention. There was no compelling reason such as piracy or reluctant rulers for a showdown in Jambi. Sovereignty over Jambi had already been claimed. The Hague remained reluctant to incur heavy expenses in an expanded administration. The war in Aceh during this period also restrained Dutch willingness to pursue a more active and direct role in Jambi. In what the author describes as ritual dances, relations between the Dutch and Jambi were conducted in which both sides used symbols to represent what each saw as the real or hoped-for power relationships. But ultimately, as the author argues, Dutch expansion into Jambi and elsewhere in Indonesia was driven by the demands of the Industrial Revolution and the development of the modern Western state. Towards the end of the nineteenth century economic motives became important in Dutch policy towards Jambi. The Dutch, in searching for a route to transport Ombilin coal to a harbour and also in realizing the oil potential in Jambi, offered the sultan a new contract. In exchange for ceding oil-mining rights, the Dutch offered the contract-sultan an increased annuity. The author, however, contends that economic motives alone could not explain the Dutch imperialist drive. The author suggests that economic factors had first to be politicized or believed to jeopardize the national interest before they sparked off territorial expansion. While the oil factor was important, new thinking in The Hague and Batavia

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explains the Dutch decision in 1901 to intervene directly in Jambi. Snouck Hurgronje, with his experience with the war in Aceh, became adviser on the Jambi issue. After a visit to the sultanate he advocated military subjugation, the introduction of direct Dutch rule, a rapprochement with local headmen, the prosecution of religious leaders, and improvement of economic conditions in Jambi. By this time, the government in The Hague accepted the argument that extension of Dutch rule would bring welfare and good government to areas suffering under what the Dutch considered oppressive rulers. The author sees the extension of Dutch rule in Jambi as part of colonial state formation in Indonesia through establishing and reinforcing “true sovereignty over, and the actual administration of, a clearly defined territory by a foreign power.” The author, however, sees this process as taking place over a longer and more continuous period, rather than just attributing the years 1870 to 1880 as a crucial turning point. Events in Jambi suggest that before 1880, statesmen in Europe did not have a clear vision of an empire and that the extension of colonial influence was largely decided and acted upon by Dutch officials at nearby Palembang and at Batavia. Paying attention to the periphery is necessary to balance what has so far been an Eurocentric perspective of imperialism. In 1903 Jambi was formally annexed and in 1906 it was made a Residency. Taha was killed in the course of the hostilities and leading supporters disap-

peared from the political scene through exile or natural death. Thus, the Jambi sultanate, unable to cope with the new Western industrial and political demands, came to an end. Jambi has received relatively little academic attention, and so this book, first published in Dutch by the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Landeen Volkenkunde in 1994, is an invaluable addition to an understanding of the sultanate. The author has offered many useful insights into how those in Jambi viewed the world that was changing around them. She also refers to the ideal and the real power relations of the sultanate, even though there is a paucity of indigenous sources. From this study, Islam seems to be less significant as a political factor in Jambi than elsewhere, such as in Aceh, but this could be because of the nature of sources available to the author. Nonetheless, what is particularly impressive is the cogent and comprehensive analysis of the Jambi situation within the broad context of Dutch expansion in the region. Readers interested in this period of Indonesia’s history will certainly benefit from this book. Lee Kam Hing

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NOTES ABOUT CONTRIBUTORS ARTICLES, NOTES, AND REVIEWS

Kennon BREAZEALE is a project coordinator at the East-West Center and honorary chairman of publications for the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, University of Hawaii. His most recent publications are Breaking New Ground in Lao History: Essays on the Seventh to Twentieth Centuries (2002) and From Japan to Arabia: Ayutthaya’s Maritime Relations with Asia (1999). Warren Y. BROCKELMAN is professor of Biology at Mahidol University and a long-time member of the Siam Society. He is noted for his research on wild gibbon populations and on forest ecology. He is Hon. Editor of the Natural History Bulletin and an active member of the Siam Society Council. Claudio CICUZZA Born Rome 1964, PhD in Indological Studies, University of Rome, ‘La Sapienza’, 2000. He taught Pali and Indian religions and philosophies at the University of Rome before coming to Bangkok to teach Italian in the Department of Western Languages, Chulalongkorn University, and further his research into Pali texts. His publications include La Laghutantratika de

Vajrapani (Rome 2001) and translations and commentaries from Pali in La Rivelazioine del Buddha (Milan, 2001). Erik COHEN is the George S. Wise Professor of Sociology (emeritus) at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Since 1977 he has conducted research in Thailand. His recent publications include Thai Tourism: Hill Tribes, Islands and Openended Prostitution (Bangkok, 1996), The Commercialized Crafts of Thailand (Hawaii, 2000), The Chinese Vegetarian Festival in Phuket (Bangkok, 2001) and Contemporary Tourism: Diversity and Change (forthcoming). He is also editing a series of books on studies in Asian tourism. Peter van DIERMAN is a Senior Lecturer in the School of Resources, Environment and Society, Australian National University. An economic geographer, he specializes in the economic development of Southeast Asia. He has carried out research and worked in Indonesia, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Sri Lanka, India, China, Singapore, Philippines and Pakistan. He also regularly acts as consultant for the Asian Development Bank and the World Bank.

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Stéphane DOVERT Since February 2005, cultural counsellor at the French Embassy in Rangoon, and previously director of the Institut de Recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est Contemporaine, an institution based in Bangkok. He obtained his PhD from the Political Science Institute in Paris in 1995 and was Cultural and Scientific Attaché at the French Consulate-General in Ho Chi Minh City. He is the author of several books in French, including Contemporary Thailand (2000), New Trends of Radical Islam in Southeast Asia (2003), and Contemporary Viet Nam (2004). Volker GRABOWSKY is Professor of Southeast Asian History at the Westfälische Wilhems-Universität, Münster, Germany. He specialises in northern Thai and Laos studies. From 1996 to 1999 he taught at the National University of Laos, Vientiane. He is head of the current project on ‘Traditional Thai polities and state formation in pre-colonial Southeast Asia’. Ian GLOVER studied prehistoric archaeology at Sydney University and the ANU, and worked in East Timor in the mid-1960s for his doctoral research. Since then he has undertaken field archaeology in South Sulawesi, western Thailand and central Vietnam, on a range of sites from late Pleistocene to the early historic period. From 1970 he taught at the Institute of Archaeology, University College, London, and is currently Emeritus

Reader in Southeast Asian Archaeology there. Peter A. JACKSON is a senior fellow in history, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, Canberra. He specializes in the cultural history of Buddhism, gender, sexuality, and globalization in Thailand. He is currently researching the history of Thai perceptions of the West since the reign of King Mongkut. Emma LARKIN is the author of Secret Histories: Finding George Orwell in a Burmese Teashop (London, John Murray, 2004). She was born and raised in Asia and has a master’s degree in Asian history from the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, where she also studied the Burmese language. She is currently based in Bangkok. LEE Kam Hing is the author of The Sultanate of Aceh: Relations with the British 1760–1824. Until his retirement he was professor of history at the University of Malaya. He is now research editor in Star Publications, but continues to pursue research in history. John LISTOPAD A former curator of Southeast Asian art at the Los Angeles Country Museum, he is now the Parick J.J. Maveety Curator of Asian Art at the Cantor Center for the Visual Arts and lecturer at Stanford Uni-

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versity. He received his PhD from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, in 1995; his dissertation was on Persian, European, Mon and Thai artistic influences at the court of King Narai. Yale M. NEEDEL is a lecturer in the Department of Languages and Social Science at King Mongkut’s Institute of Technology, Ladkrabang in Bangkok. He has conducted research in India, Israel, Singapore and Thailand. He is currently conducting research on magical and supernatural Buddhist-related beliefs in Thailand, and, specifically, an in-depth study of Thai amulets, charms and votive tablets, as well as traditional Thai tattoos. Milton OSBORNE is the author of nine books on the history and politics of Southeast Asia, with a particular interest in Cambodia and Vietnam. He has written extensively about the Mekong River, its exploration and the role it has played in the history of the region. His River Road to China: The Search for the Source of the Mekong was first published in 1975 and reprinted in 1996 and 1997. His more recent book dealing with the river, The Mekong; Turbulent Past, Uncertain Future, was published in 2000. After a career in both government and academia, he is now a full-time writer and consultant based in Sydney. His most recent publication is River at Risk: The Mekong and the Water Politics of China and Southeast Asia.

PAMAREE Surakiat was born in Bangkok in 1977 and is currently at Ph.D. student at Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok. She studied Burmese in Burma from August 2002 to July 2003 with a grant from the Toyota Foundation. She has published in Thammasat University Journal and in Thammasat University Archives Bulletin, and presented a paper on the subject of her present article at the 18th IAHA Conference in Taipei in December 2004. M. L. PATTARATORN Chirapravati is a professor of Asian art at California State University, Sacramento. She is the author of Votive tablets in Thailand: origin, styles, and uses (Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1997). Her most recent research has been on Wat Ratchaburana and Wat Si Chum. She was co-curator of the international Thai art exhibition “The Kingdom of Siam: Art from Central Thailand (1350– 1800)”. Rita RINGIS is an arts graduate of Sydney University. From 1977 to 1991 she lived in Bangkok. As an active member of the National Museum Volunteers and the Siam Society, she gave numerous lectures on Thai art and led study excursions in the country. Her publications include Thai Temples and Temple Murals, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1990, Elephants of Thailand in Myth, Art and Reality, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1996.

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Marco RONCARATI Born in London, 1967, BSc LSE, MA and PhD SOAS, he lived eight years in Thailand teaching at Thammasart, Assumption and Rangsit universities. He is currently based in London, practicing complementary medicine. His publications emphasize socio-economic issues, with an emphasis on health care; in 2002 he published in Thai and English a book on contemporary issues in Thai society, Home is in the Heart. Michael SMITHIES Honorary Member, The Siam Society; Hon. Editor, Journal of the Siam Society (1969–71) and Siam Society Newsletter (1986–8); editor of numerous Siam Society and other publications. His recent books include a translation of Le Blanc, History of Siam in 1688 (2003) and a collection of several unpublished texts, Witnesses to a Revolution: Siam 1688 (2004).

TAN Liok Ee taught philosophy and history at the School of Humanities, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang, until her retirement. She is now taking a break from academic work to concentrate on a project of the Penang Educational Consultative Council, which is dedicated to helping children in Penang with learning difficulties. Hiram W. WOODWARD retired from his position as the Mr and Mrs Thomas Quincy Scott Curator at the Walters Art Museum in 2004. He is the author of The Sacred Sculpture of Thailand: the Alexander B. Griswold Collection, the Walters Art Gallery (1967) and of The Art and Architecture of Thailand from Prehistoric Times through the Thirteenth Century (2003).

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FIVE PUBLICATIONS TO MARK THE SOCIETY’S CENTENARY

The Society of Siam Selected articles for the Siam Society’s centenary Edited by Chris Baker Bangkok, The Siam Society, 2004 pp. 409 These articles from the last 50 years of the Journal of the Siam Society show why Thailand is such a fun place to live and to study. The pregnancy of the rice goddess. Cremating an abbot with a tug-or-war. Sexy scenes on wat walls. How to court a northern girl. Karen riddles. Spirit doctors who remove calamity. The varieties of hell. The beauty of rice. Spirit cults. The structure of the monkhood. The Marquis de Sade and Bangkok traffic. The guardians of the city. The cult of the King’s Spirit. The door to the underworld. How to sing in Isan. Shadow puppets. Love poetry. Political novels. Historical movies. All this in 409 pages. Alec Gordon Anan Ganjanapan Andrew Turton Benjamin A. Batson Charles F. Keyes Euayporn Kerdchouay Frank E. Reynolds Gehan Wijeyewardene Grant A. Olson Hjorleifur Jonsson Jane Bunnag Jarernchai Chonpairot Jeremy H. Kemp

John P. Ferguson K.I. Matics Kraisri Nimmanhaeminda Manas Chitakasem Michael Smithies Napat Sirisambhand Phya Anuman Rajadhon Puey Ungphakorn Richard A. O’Connor Shalardehai Ramitanondh Sunait Chutintharanon Suriya Ratanakul Terry B. Miller

Prices: Overseas Members US$30, Non-Members US$35 Shipping and handling charge per copy US$10 In Thailand Members Bt.800, Non-Members Bt.990 Shipping and handling charge per copy Bt.50 Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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The Siam Society: A Century by William Warren Bangkok, The Siam Society, 2004 pp.v + 181, illustrations One hundred years ago, on February 26, 1904 a group of Thais and Western residents of Bangkok gathered at the Oriental Hotel. Their purpose was to establish an organization that would meet to exchange and disseminate reliable information about the kingdom’s history, archaeology, anthropology, languages, natural history, and other subjects. The Siam Society was the result of the meeting. Over the century since, despite wars and other difficult periods, it has adhered steadfastly to its original aims. It has published an annual Journal as well as a Natural History Bulletin which together cover a wide range of learned studies. In addition it has held regular meetings, offered countless lectures by experts in their field of study, arranged field trips for members to places of interest in Thailand and abroad, and sponsored numerous projects to advance causes as varied as the restoration of temple murals and the importance of environmental conservation. The centenary book, written by the well-known local author William Warren, not only tells the story of an institution respected worldwide for its learning but also elaborates on some of the remarkable men and women who have been responsible for its achievements. Prices: Overseas Soft bound copy Members US$42, Leather bound numbered copy (limited to 100 copies) Members US$87, Combined set, Members US$112, soft and leather bound Add shipping and handling charge per copy US$10 In Thailand Soft bound copy Members Bt.1,500, Leather bound numbered copy (limited to 100 copies) Members Bt.3,200, Combined set, Members Bt.4,200, soft and leather bound Add shipping and handling charge per copy Bt.50

Non-Members US$52 Non-Members US$97 Non-Members US$122

Non-Members Bt.1,800 Non-Members Bt.3,500 Non-Members Bt.4,500

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Footprints of the Buddhas of this Era in Thailand by Virginia McKeen Di Crocco Bangkok, The Siam Society, 2004 pp. 261, illustrations This book traces the evolution of Buddha Footprints from early origins in India to the creation of the Siam Society’s gold version in honor of Queen Sirikit’s Fifth Cycle in 1992. Early Footprints were natural impressions in rock. Later the Footprint became an important medium for illustrating Buddhist cosmology. Virginia Di Crocco’s carefully researched text explains how the iconography changed in Buddha Footprints in Thailand and adjacent areas according to developments in beliefs about the world. The book covers the practice of making Buddha Footprints, and seeks to make a significant contribution to the religious and artistic history of Southeast Asia. Contents I The Gold Footprint of the Four Buddhas, crated in honor of H.M. Queen Sirikit’s 60th birthday II Early Buddha Footprints in the Indian sub-continent and Sri Lanka III Footprints deemed those of the Buddha Gotama IV Buddha Footprints created in Southeast Asia prior to the 13th century, and the evolution and meaning of Buddha Footprints with 108 auspicious symbols V Theravada Buddhism in Thailand and the creation of Buddha Footprints c. early 13th to mid14th century VI Buddha Footprints created in Thailand c. mid-14th century to 1531 VII Buddha Footprints created in Thailand in the 17th and 18th century prior to 1767 and the fall of the kingdom of Ayudhya VIII Buddha Footprints created by or for the former King of Ayuthya, Uthumporn, in the AmarapuraSagaing area. IX Buddha Footprints created during the reigns of King Taksin of Thonburi and Kings Rama I, II, II of the Chakri dynasty X Buddha Footprints created during the reigns of Kings Rama IV to Rama IX the Great of the Chakri dynasty XI The Gold Right Footprint of the Four Buddhas of this Bhaddakappa created by the Siam Society in honor of the 60th birthday of H.M. Queen Sirikit XII The casting of the Gold Footprint of the Four Buddhas Prices: Overseas Members US$30, Non-Members US$35 Shipping and handling charge per copy US$10 In Thailand Members Bt.800, Non-Members Bt.990 Shipping and handling charge per copy Bt.50 Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005

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Witnesses to a Revolution: Siam 1688 Edited and translated by Michael Smithies Twelve key texts describing the events and consequences of the Phetracha coup d’état, and the withdrawal of French forces from the country Foreword by Dr Dhiravat na Pombejra Bangkok, The Siam Society, 2004 pp. 214, illustrations Intrigue, mystery, murder, double-dealing, corruption, and deception are all found in the accounts of the twelve persons (three of whom are anonymous and hitherto unpublished) who describe here their roles in the dramatic events of 1688 in Siam surrounding the coup d’état of Phetracha and the death of King Narai. The succession was complicated by the role of Constantine Phaulkon, a Greek adventurer who acted, without the title, as minister of foreign affairs and trade, and who cultivated the French presence in the country to support his own position. The French had stationed troops in Bangkok, “the key to the Kingdom” and Mergui, on the Bay of Bengal, and became hopelessly embroiled in events beyond their comprehension, leading to their retreat in November that year. Each text places the author (where known) in context, and is given helpful footnotes to assist the reader. Anon., Relation of the... revolution in the Kingdom of Siam (previously unpublished) Saint-Vandrille, The Revolution in Siam (hitherto unpublished) Beauchamp, Account of the Revolutions at the Court of Siam (published 1861) Anon., Account of what occurred at Louvo... and Bangkok... in 1688 (unpublished) Anon., Succinct account... of Siam... in 1688 (Dutch original, unpublished) Martineau, Report to Paris, 12 July 1689 (published in French, 1920) De Lionne, Justifications, January 1692 (published in French 1920) Véret, Letter about the Siamese revolution of 1688 (published in French 1935) Ferreux, Letter about Mme Constance, to de La Vigne (published in French 1920) Rival, governor of Bangary, deposition of 1691 (unpublished) Laneau, Extracts from letters written in detention in Siam (published in French 1920) Kosa Pan, Letter of 1693 to the French Foreign Missions, Paris (JSS 1936) Prices: Overseas Members US$20, Non-Members US$25 Shipping and handling charge per copy US$10 In Thailand Members Bt.500, Non-Members Bt.600 Shipping and handling charge per copy Bt.50

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The Journal of the Siam Society Volume 92, 2004 Centenary issue Articles O. FRANKFURTER King Mongkut (first published in JSS vol. 1, 1904, pp. 191–207) Introduced by Tej Bunnag CHARLES HIGHAM The opposed human figure at Khok Phanom Di YONEO ISHII Exploring a new approach to early Thai history PIYADA CHONLAWORN Relations between Ayutthaya and Ryukyu MICHAEL SMITHIES Four unpublished letters from Desfarges, Beauchamp, and Vollant, survivors of the siege of Bangkok in 1688 SUMET JUMSAI Prince Prisdang and the proposal for the first Siamese constitution, 1885 YEVGENY D. OSTROVENKO Russian-Thai relations: historical and cultural aspects LEEDOM LEFFERTS Village as stage: Imaginative space and time in rural Northeast Thai lives Note PATRICIA M. YOUNG The lacquer pavilion in the First Reign context

Reviews by Helen James, Dawn F. Rooney, Virginia Di Crocco, Reinhard Hohler, Liam C. Kelley, George Dutton, Justin McDaniel, David Smyth, Montira Rato, and Tarmo Rajasaari.

JSS Subscription Rate (per year/volume): Free to Siam Society Members (on request) Non-members Individuals US$32; Institutions US$80. To order, or for further information, please contact Publications Coordinator.

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NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS

The Journal of Siam Society welcomes original articles and reviews of a scholarly nature in conformity with the principles and objectives of the Siam Society, investigating the arts and sciences of Thailand and neighbouring countries. Articles Articles should be primarily in English, and must be accompanied by a ten-line abstract in English and a fiveline biographical note about the author (s). The word length of the contribution must be given in a covering letter, supplying full postal and e-mail addresses, and the author (s) must confirm that the article has not been published elsewhere in any form, nor is currently under consideration for publication elsewhere. Articles submitted to JSS are subject to review by external referees. Typescripts should not normally exceed 7,000 words, and must be typed on one side of the paper only with double line spacing, preferably using 12 point Times New Roman font. Two copies of the typescript should be submitted together with the text on a computer disk or by e-mail. The use of up-to-date word-processing programs that are readily convertible into other formats is appreciated. Contributors using special fonts, such as for various Asian languages,

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should consult the editor in advance. References and bibliographical entries should follow modern academic practices appropriate to the field in which the article is written. Bibliographical entries must be complete and include the full name of the author(s), title, and publication data including the place of publication, publisher, and date of publication (with the original date of publication if the item used is a reprint). References to articles written in Thai should include the title in Romanized Thai followed by a translation into English in parentheses. Romanization in general follows the system of the Royal Institute. If in doubt concerning form or how to reference non-standard sources, please consult the Chicago Manual of Style (most recent edition), or Hart’s rules for compositors and readers at OUP (most recent edition). If in doubt over spelling, use, as with the United Nations, the Concise Oxford Dictionary (most recent edition), taking the first entry where variants are allowed. Style Each paper should follow a consistent form of dating, capitalization (to be kept to a minimum) and other aspects. The style adapted should be appropriate for scholarly journals with an audience of specialists in a diversity of

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fields and nationalities; this said, jargon is to be avoided and articles should be readily comprehensible by non-specialists. Measurements should be metric, not imperial. Non-native speakers of English are strongly advised to have their contributions checked by a native speaker before submission. Both British and American English variants are admitted, but an article must be internally consistent in the use of whichever is selected. Figures Figures, site plans, maps, etc., should be drawn on strong paper, white card, or good quality tracing film, and suitably lettered for printing. They should measure approximately twice the intended final size which should be indicated where possible. If these have been scanned or are computer-generated then the appropriate disks should be sent indicating format, together with hard copy. Do not ‘embed’ any scanned graphics in the text on the disk. A published full-page illustration may not exceed 210mm x 140mm. Photographs should be printed on glossy paper and mounted on thin card. Figures, maps, and plates should be titled and numbered; originals should be numbered lightly on the back in pencil only. A list of captions to figures and plates must be provided on separate sheets. Authors must obtain approval, before submission, for reproduction of illustrations or other material not their own.

Redrawing or lettering of maps or figures cannot be undertaken by the Siam Society or the editor, who may omit or return sub-standard work for representation. Proofs and offprints Page proofs will be sent to authors if time allows. Authors are reminded that these are intended for checking, not rewriting: substantial changes to the text at this stage will result in the contribution being rejected. Failure to return proofs by the required date may lead to substitution of the editor’s corrected proofs. One copy of the Journal and thirty offprints will be supplied free to authors on publication of the issue in which their contribution is included. Reviews Unsolicited book reviews are not normally accepted. Offers to write reviews should be directed to the Editor, Journal of the Siam Society. Reviews should normally be 1,0002,000 words in length, written in English and supplied as a print-out and on disk as for articles. Full bibliographic details about the book under review must be supplied, including number of pages and price, if known. Disclaimer and resolution of conflict The opinions expressed in the JSS are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the

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Siam Society. The editor’s decision is final. Correspondence Typescripts, books for review, and all correspondence should be sent to The Editor, The Journal of The Siam Society, 131 Sukhumvit Soi 21 (Asoke), Bangkok 10110, Thailand. Tel. (662) 260 2830-32, 661 6470-75 Fax. (662) 258 3491 E-mail: [email protected]

Subscription, membership enquiries and orders for publications should be addressed to Membership Services, at the address given here. Information about exchange copies of Siam Society periodicals may be obtained from the Honorary Librarian, at the address here.

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